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Chapter III
The Formation and Development of
Arirang in Modern Times
Lee Yong-shik
The Formation and Development of Arirang in Modern Times
Preface1
Arirang, “the song of the Korean people,” is a representative folksong that expresses Korean
sentiments. The Korean people emigrating overseas remember Arirang as the “memory of the home
country,” and both North and South Koreans sing Arirang as a kind of joint national anthem under the
Unification Flag at international sports events. Ultimately, Arirang is the cultural icon that is the most
“Korean.”
Most Koreans regard Arirang as a very old song. There have been various attempts to find its
origin, including the nationalistic perspectives to search the myths involving egg-related stories or the
foundation of the country, and some attempts to search ancient legends such as the “Arang seolhwa:
Arang tale” in the case of Miryang2 Arirang from the Joseon period (1545-1567), as well as the
“Jungnim chilhyeon: The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove” [竹林七賢, third century, China] from
the time of the foundation of Joseon (1392), in the case of Jeongseon3 Arirang.
However, Arirang is never thought to be an ancient folksong from many centuries ago. It was
only in the modern times of the Japanese ruling era that Arirang grew to be the “song of the Korean
people,” on the strength of the success of the film Arirang, produced by Na Un-gyu in 1926. The local
“Arirang sori” (Arirang songs)4 with numerous versions are songs of the “modern times” of the 20th
century. Most of the songs are not folksongs formed as longstanding cultural artifacts of local
communities. Rather, they were produced by individuals in the short period of the Japanese ruling era,
which resulted in their modernity.
Arirang of the Seoul-Gyeonggi region, “Gangwondo Arirang” of Gangwon Province (or
Jeongseon Arirang), “Jindo Arirang” of Jeolla Province, and “Miryang Arirang” (or Gangwondo Arari)
are considered the most representative among the existing Arirang songs. As the oldest type of Arirang
songs among them, Gangwondo (or “Jeongseon” Arirang), transmitted as a farming song in Gangwon
Province, is the song from which other Arirang songs derived (Lee Bo-hyeong, 1897, p. 114). The other
three pieces were produced in the last century. These Arirang songs were formed in distinct historical
stages of the Japanese ruling era. They were not “composed,” but rather popular songs that were traded
orally, reflecting the social and cultural conditions of the colonial period. In this paper, I intend to
examine how Arirang songs developed during the colonial period to become “the song of the Korean
people.”
71
72 KOREAN FOLK SONG, ARIRANG
The Birth of Modern Arirang
1) Seoul Arirang in the late 19th century
The Arirang that originated as a local folksong in Gangwon Province is presumed to have appeared
in Seoul in the late 19th century. According to the Maecheonyarok [梅泉野錄], the “Collected Works of
Hwang Hyeon5” (1855-1910), construction work to repair the palace of the Crown Prince got underway
after Emperor Gojong moved to the Changdeok Palace in February 1894. In order to encourage the
work, he called entertainers to sing “Sinseongyeomgok” [新聲艶曲, the new song of the people], also
called “Arirang taryeong” (or Ballad (打令) of Arirang), every night under bright lights. The emperor
had Min Yeong-ju organize a group of entertainers to be in charge of Arirang and reward them with
gold and silver according to the job done (Hwang Hyeon, 2006). Hwang Hyeon rendered the Korean
word, “Arirang taryeong” with the Chinese characters “阿里女朗打令” and declared them “Sin
seongyeomgok.” In the Maecheonyarok, Hwang Hyeon wrote that Arirang were popular folksongs
sung by professional entertainers in Seoul in the late 19th century, so popular that the singers were
rewarded for performances (Kang Deung-hag, 2011, p. 74). Some believe that the Arirang that were
sung as popular folksongs at that time were produced by professional singers in Seoul who had been
influenced by Gangwon Province's “Arari” (see Lee Bo-hyeong, 1997, p. 110).
Arirang is also included in the Sinchan Joseon Hoehwa (Shinsen chosen kaiwa 新撰朝鮮會話
Newly compiled conversations on Joseon), published by Tokyo Bakmungwan [Tokyo Hakubunkan [東
京: 博文館] , in Japan, in August 1894, a book of conversations written in Korean by Hong Seokhyeon, who used to be the principal of Hanseong High School. Because of its inclusion, we can assume
that Arirang was popular enough to be introduced as Joseon's representative song to the Japanese who
were learning Korean (Kang Deung-hag, 2011, p. 74).
Arirang was also picked up by H. B. Hulbert, an American missionary who lived in Joseon in the
late 19th century, who first made it known to the general public with an article in the “Korean
Repository,” published in 1896. Hulbert transcribed Arirang (see Score 1) in his piece titled “Korean
Vocal Music.” Included in the collection of the songs published in the early 20th century, this song
formed the matrix for the theme song of the film Arirang produced by Na Un-gyu (1902-1937) in 1926.
<Score 1> Arirang Transcribed by Hulbert
ararung ararung arario
ararung eolssa baedduiwora
mungyeongsaejae bakdalnamu hongduggae bangmangiro da naganda
The lyrics in Hulbert's transcription are not different from those transmitted today. The melody of
this song is in typical gyeong-tori mode (sol-la-do-re-mi), and is the Arirang widely sung in Seoul. That
is to say, Arirang was a popular folksong that the common people sang often enough that a foreigner
could hear it. Hulbert wrote:
You can hear it everywhere and at all times ... To my personal knowledge this piece has had a run of
three thousand five hundred and twenty odd nights and is said to have captured the public fancy about
the year 1883 ... I would not have anyone suppose that the above figures accurately represent the
number of verses for they are numberless. In fact, this tune is made to do duty for countless
improvisations in which the Korean is an adept. The chorus however is invariable. (quoted in Kim
Yeon-gap, 1988, p. 69)
As indicated, Arirang was a very popular song that was heard everywhere at all times in Seoul, in the
late 19th century. Hulbert's statement that the song was “said to have captured the public fancy about the
73
year 1883” suggests the song originally sung by the laborers of Gangwon Province during the
reconstruction of the Gyeongbok Palace had changed into the musical grammar of Seoul and became
popular when they sang the “Arari” of Gangwon Province in Seoul. For a long time, the opinion that
Arirang was sung during the reconstruction of Gyeongbok Palace by Daewongun has been asserted.
Kim Ji-yeon (1930, pp. 41-42), for example, has argued that many people were forced into labor from
all over the country for the reconstruction of Gyeongbok Palace, and that those laborers sang the
Arirang songs of their hometowns, reflecting their feelings, during the various parties prepared for
comforting them. The “Arari” that the laborers at the time sang became the Seoul Arirang when sung in
the musical grammar of Seoul (Lee Bo-hyeong, 1971, p. 110). This leads us to understand that Arirang
was sung in Seoul in the late 19th century with diverse leads and an invariable refrain.
Arirang with such melodies and lyrics were also recorded in 1896 by a foreigner named Alice
Fletcher (1838-1923), an American musicologist who recorded on wax cylinders (see Figure 1) the
songs by Ahn Jeong-sik, Yang Son, and Lee Hee-cheol, who were all studying in the U.S., on July 24,
1896. This sound source was discovered in the Library of Congress of the U.S. by Robert P. Provine, an
American scholar of Korean Musicology, and first introduced to Korea by the Korean Musicological
Society in 1998. Later, Jeong Chang-gwan, an album collector, contacted the Library of Congress in
person and reprinted them on a CD titled “Korean First Recording, July 24, 1896” (Hwaeum, 2007).
Seven Koreans enter Howard University. They are all Korean students from noble families, and cannot
speak English at all. Six of them are tall and the other is short. They all have black hair and have small
eyes, which is a characteristic of the Mongoloid ... There was a social party on their arrival. The Korean
students seemed strict and serious in observing. They tentatively sang a few songs including Korean
folksongs and Swanee River when the female students surrounded them and asked for singing.
According to Provine, it is likely that the singers of the Arirang recorded in 1896 are the Korean
students mentioned in the article. Later, he held a seminar on the first recording of Korean folksongs at
The Academy of Korean Studies in 2008. Taking this opportunity, professor Provine and professor Lee
Wan-beom found that two of the three Koreans were the same people in the photograph included in the
article “Seven Koreans in Howard University,” dated October 1, 1896. Jeong Chang-gwan (2009)
introduces these people:
A man of the best family among the three, Ahn Jeong-sik, went to Japan with about 200 other students
to enter Gyeongeung euisuk (today's Keio University) at the age of 26. The following year he went to
America from the dormitory of the university in February, 1896. He lived in Sanglim, Gwangju-bu,
Gyeonggi Province and was head of the household. Along with Im Byeong-gu, Lee Beom-su, Kim
Heon-sik, Yeo Byeong-heon, Lee Ha-yeong, he embarked on the Empress of Indio, a regular ocean
liner owned by the Canadian Pacific Railway, which departed from Yokohama on Feb. 28th and arrived
in Vancouver on Apr. 11th. They carried a letter from the Korean minister of Tokyo to Seo Gwangbeom, the Korean minister of the USA. As they did not know how to speak in English, and had only
500 yen when leaving Japan, they did not have enough money to continue their travels and had to stay
in Vancouver after arrival in port. Minister Seo Gwang-beom paid for their transportation and
accommodations so that they could come to Washington D.C. On their arrival in April, Korean minister
Seo Gwang-beom enrolled them in Howard University, providing housing as well and some generous
women to take care of their meals. Their English was very poor by the time they began studying in
May, but it improved enough for them to take the regular courses in the fall semester. Except for these
six students from Keio University, there was another Korean named Lee Hee-cheol, who is considered
to have been one of the seven Korean students listed in the annual report of Howard University in 1896.
Lee Hee-cheol, the oldest son of Ye Yong-man from Seobu chadong, Gyeongseong Province, entered
Gyeongeung uisuk [Keio University] in 1895 at the age of 25.
<Figure 1> CDs of the first sound source of the Korean people, recorded in 1896, produced in 2007 (left), and in 2009 (right):
As revealed above, those who sang Arirang in 1896 for recording in America, far away from home,
were the children of people from Seoul of high-ranking positions. Considering that Arirang was
recorded by these intellectuals, who were rich enough to study abroad in Japan and the U.S., we can see
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how popular Arirang was in Seoul in the late 19th century.
The lyrics of Arirang on this album are as follows:
(refrain)
arirang arirang arariyo arirang araseong arariya
sando deuldo muldo jonne mueol ssagatgo yeogiwanna
(What have you brought here, In the beautiful mountains and water)
noda gase noda gase yonari gipdorok nodagase
(Let's enjoy ourselves)
2) The Film Arirang and the Theme Song “Arirang”
Na Un-gyu’s film Arirang played a significant role in elevating Arirang to its status as the song of
the Korean people. Arirang is a silent movie produced in 1926 by the Korean film pioneer Na Un-gyu,
who took on writing, directing, and acting in the main role (see Figures 2 and 3). In the movie, a
university student who participated in The March First Independence Movement gets tortured by the
Japanese. Upon returning to his hometown, he goes mad and is arrested for killing a vicious tyrannizing
landowner and Japanese police informant. The song Arirang resonates during the last scene in which he
is tied up and walks on the slope of Arirang hill, deeply impressing the Korean people, who had been
suffering under Japanese tyranny. Owing to the great success of the film, Arirang became the favorite
song of all the Korean people.
myeongsasimni haedanghwayeo gananeul jjotchaseo yeogiwanna
(Rugosa roses on the beaches, have you come here to end poverty)
hangangsue oooooo iri jeoriro wanglaehan
(****** is coming and going on the Han river)
nogeumbangcho seonghwasie oooo oooo
(In the green shades and the fragrant plants)
ipalbangnyeon sonyeondeureun oo oooo
(The youth go flower-viewing)
oooo sane olla ggotgugyeonghane
(Let's enjoy ourselves, until the moon sinks)
nodagase nodagase yodari jidorok nodagase
(Let's enjoy ourselves)
In terms of lyrics, Arirang from that time, as shown above, differed little from the Arirang songs of
today, such as “Jindo Arirang.” From the way it was written, we can see that Arirang was widely sung
for amusement. From a musical perspective, the Arirang on this album is the “Gujo Arirang” of Seoul.
There are several Arirang songs in Seoul from around this time. In the late 19th century, the
Daewongun (1820-1898), King Gojong's father (literally “prince of the great court,” a title customarily
granted to the father of the reigning monarch when that father himself did not reign) mobilized the
laborers from Gangwon Province for reconstruction of the Gyeongbok Palace. The laborers used to sing
Gangwon Province's “Gin Arari,” which was changed into “Gin Arirang” when the laborers from Seoul
sang it in the musical grammar of Seoul. Having a quicker tempo, this was changed into “Gujo
Arirang” of Seoul. In contrast, the Arirang known today is a newly arranged “Gujo Arirang” in a
“modern” style for Na Un-gyu's film that was made in 1926, which is often called “Bonjo Arirang,” or
“original” Arirang.
<Figure 2> The actors, actresses, and staff of the film Arirang. The man sitting and holding a
boy in the middle is Na Un-gyu, who died young. Photographs from “The Hankyoreh.”
<Figure 3> Na Un-gyu playing the main role in the film “Punguna: Fortunate Destiny”
77
On the rise of the Arirang fad following the film’s release, An Jong-hwa testified, saying:
Although it was a film, slapping a Japanese police officer in the face and knocking him on the ground
was not possible as a normal commoner. As a madman, the protagonist could brandish the scythe to O
Gi-ho, a tool of a landowner and a modified caricature of the Japanese. In addition, the film was
“Gangwondo Arari.” Even though Na Un-gyu said he heard “Gangwondo Arari,” the theme song of
the film Arirang is considered to have been arranged from “Gujo Arirang” in terms of musical
characteristics. Included in Korea Today, Yesterday, and Tomorrow, published by the Korean War
veterans in Washington, D.C., USA, Nov. 1953, the Arirang <Score 2> is almost the same as the
Arirang that we sing today.
accompanied by the sad song “Arirang,” expressing the indigenous sentiment of Korea, gnawing at the
people’s hearts. People felt the pent-up frustration of the main character and, through his portrayal,
regained the will to resist and express the national consciousness embedded in this film. The people
fully empathize with it. In the last scene, in which Yeong-jin recovers from his mental illness and sings
the theme song Arirang in handcuffs while passing Arirang hill, all the audience feels the painful grief
of the people who lost the country and they shed hot tears with Yeong-jin. (quoted in Kim Yeon-gap,
1989, pp. 320-321)
It is said that colonized Joseon lost its national sovereignty. The film Arirang and its protagonists’
resistance against the Japanese expressed the grief of the Korean people, and the theme song Arirang
became the catalyst for stimulating the people, which led to the great success of the movie. Na Un-gyu
said that he was inspired by the Arirang that he used to hear as a young boy in his hometown
Hoeryeong in Hamgyeong Province. However, the Arirang song that was the most popular in Seoul
around that time was the Arirang of Gangwon Province. Na made the Arirang theme song for the film
by arranging this song. He said in an interview in Samcheolli [Three thousand li], vol. 81 (1937, p. 1),
titled “Everything about the Film Arirang”:
<Score 2> Arirang included in Korean Today, Yesterday, and Tomorrow (1953) (from Kim Yeon-gap, 1989, p. 247)
My hometown is Hoeryeong, located at the border of the country. When I was an elementary student, I
3) Composition of “Jindo Arirang”
heard the laborers singing “arirang, arirang,” a sad song, while they were constructing a railroad
It is widely known that “Jindo Arirang” was composed by Park Jong-gi (1880-1947) (see Figure
4), a master daegeum [large transverse flute] player from Jindo [an island off the southwestern coast of
Korea]. In regard to Park Jon-gi and “Jindo Arirang,” Park Byeong-hun & Kim Yeon-gap write in
Jindo Arirang (1997, p. 9):
proceeding from the south. I felt an overwhelming urge within and stopped to listen whenever I heard
the song. Then I tried memorizing the beautiful but sad melody myself ... I looked for this song when I
came back to Seoul. There was no way to find the song-I could only hear Gangwondo Arirang
occasionally. (quoted in Kim Yeon-gap, 1989, pp. 326-327)
It is said that the wide spread of Jindo Arirang was largely credited to the master musician Park Jong-
It is strange that Na Un-gyu could not hear Seoul Arirang, “Gujo Arirang,” in other words, which
was popular enough for a foreigner (Hulbert) to have heard. In any case, Na Un-gyu arranged the folk
song Arari in a modern style, which became the so-called “Bonjo [original] Arirang.” However, it has
been suggested that the Arirang theme song was made by an unknown “musician from Danseongsa(theater)” (Kim Yeol-gyu, 1987, p. 76). Although the melody of “Bonjo Arirang” is slightly different
from “Gujo Arirang” <Score 1>, which was popular in Seoul, it is much closer “Gujo Arirang” than
gi. When the Japanese Government-General of Korea built the Joseon Shrine on Namsan [“South
Mountain” in Seoul] (Oct, 1925) in order to annihilate the Korean people, they called the master
folksong singers and musicians from all over the country together for parties, where Park Jong-gi
played today’s Jindo Arirang with daegeum accompaniment and won high praise by “Jaedeung,” the
governor-general. Afterwards Jindo Arirang was widely spread by the Seoul Broadcasting System of
that time. Later, it was spread all over the country by the master folk singers from Jindo.
79
<Score 4> Park Jong-gi, known as the originator of “Jindo Arirang” (Lee Jin-won, 2007)
The Okeh album in <Table 1> was released in 1936, the Victor album in 1938, and the Regal album, in
1940. Considering that Kim So-hi sang “Jindo Arirang” on the Okeh album, which was released first,
“Jindo Arirang” can be traced to this time, assuming Park Jong-gi, together with Kim So-hi, made the
song on the ship to Japan.
“Jindo Arirang” was not composed by Park Jong-gi from scratch, but is a variation of an existing
folksong by Park Jong-gi. According to Lee Bo-hyeong (1997, p. 113), it became popular to sing “Gujo
Arirang” according to the musical grammar of each region of the country over which the song spread.
The Arirang that was rendered into the Yukjabaegi tori mode of the southern provinces (Namdo minyo),
with its cheerful rhythmic pattern semachi or gutgeori, was “Namdo Arirang,” on the basis of which
Park Jon-gi made “Jindo Arirang,” which was then recorded on Okeh disc 1728 in Japan. Lee Bohyeong has noted that “Miryang Arirang” on the phonograph album sung by Kim Gap-ja is actually
“Namdo Arirang” in the yukjabaegi tori mode and semachi rhythm pattern (see <Score 3>).
Meanwhile, according to Lee Bo-hyeong, Park Jong-gi composed “Jindo Arirang” on the way to
Japan to make a record:On the way to Japan to make a phonograph record, Kim So-hi, a master
folksong singer who was accompanying [Park Jong-gi], arranged Namdo Arirang together with Park
for the first Jindo Arirang. This was first recorded on “Okeh Records” in 1728 in Japan.
The “Jindo Arirang” introduced on the phonograph record made in Japan in the 1930s is as in
<Table 1> (Lee Jin-won, 2007, p. 139).
Okeh K 1728B (K414)
Victor KJ-1138-B
(KRE259)
Regal C2011 (1 22841)
Namdo Minyo [folk song of the southern provinces] Chorus: Jindo Arirang
Kim So-hi, main singer
Oh Tae-seok, An Bi-chwi, assistant singers
Orchestra Accompaniment, Okeh-Seonyang(Shenyang) Orchestra
Namdo Minyo Chorus: Jindo Arirang
Shin Suk, An Bi-chwi,
Hyeongeum [geomungo: zither] Shin Qwae-dong,
Daegeum [large flute], Park Jong-gi
Haegeum-Janggo [two string fiddle and hour glass drum]
Honam Minyo [folk song of the Honam district]: Jindo Arirang
Kim So-hi, Shin Suk
Accompaniment, Regal Go Orchestra
Gayageum, Jeong Nam-hi
Daegeum, Park Jong-gi
<Table 1> “Jindo Arirang” on the phonograph record made in the 1930s
<Score 3> “Miryang Arirang” by Kim Gap-ja
The “Miryang Arirang” sung by Kim Gap-ja is actually not “Miryang Arirang.” Rather, it is a
song derived from Gyeonggi Province’s “Jajin Arirang” in which the melody is changed to yukjabaegi
tori mode and the rhythms into the Jeolla Province folk patterns found in “Mulle(spinning wheel)
taryeong” and “Sanaji taryeong” (Lee Bo-hyeong, 1997, pp. 112-113). This is the matrix of “Jindo
Arirang.”
Meanwhile, Kim Hye-jeong (2004, pp. 282-283) argues that the “Namdo Arirang” that spread
widely in Jeolla Province, which is similar to “Miryang Arirang” and “Jajin Arari” of Gyeonggi
Province, developed into “Jindo Arirang” by the influence of a local folksong “Sanaji taryeong.” Kim
also argues that “Jindo Arirang,” that had a lot of the musical grammar of the Gyeonggi region in early
stage was fully converted into the musical grammar of the southern provinces after the nation’s
liberation, at which time it became a representative folk song of Jeolla Province.
On the basis of “Miryang Arirang,” and Gyeonggi province’s “Jajin Arari,” “Jindo Arirang” was
formed by borrowing the melody of the Jeolla folk song “Sanaji taryeong.” Concerning the process of
composition, Park Byeong-hun ,the president of the Jindo Arirang Preservation Society stated:
81
According to the testimony in 1982 by Park Seok-ju, aged 82, from Jindo Town (eup), Jindo Arirang
did not have a fixed rhythm pattern until the early 1900s, but was sung variously in the rhythm patterns
jinyangjo, jajeun-mori, jung-mori, jungjung-mori and had various lyrics and the refrains. While Chae
Sang-jun, Park Jin-gwon, Park Jong-gi, Heo Ja-seon, Park Gyeong-jun, and Park Seok-ju were
working to foster the younger generations on the establishment of an entertainers’ guild, they arranged
the rhythms and the mode of Arirang taryeong, which was popular in Jindo, and named it “Jindo
Arirang.” Though there was an opinion that they should name it “Honam Arirang” or “Namdo
Arirang,” Park Jong-gi persisted with “Jindo Arirang” as it was the song sung in Jindo. (Park Byeonghun and Kim Yeon-gap, 1997, pp. 10-11)
To summarize, as a result of the Arirang wave washing over the country, “Namdo Arirang” was
created on the basis of “Miryang Arirang” and Gyeonggi Province’s “Jajin Arirang” borrowing the
tune of the Jeolla Province folk song “Sanaji taryeong.” This is the song that became what we know
today as “Jindo Arirang.” Though woven together with the strands of popular folksongs from different
regions, “Jindo Arirang” became part of the local folksong repertoire in Jeolla Province and is known
today as a representative folksong of Jeolla Province.
<Figure 5> The Memorial Stone of Miryang Arirang (located in Miryang City)
The “memorial stone of Miryang Arirang” reads:
4) The Composition of “Miryang Arirang”
Most scholars agree that “Miryang Arirang” is a “modern folksong,” but disagree on its
provenance. Kim Gi-hyeon (1991, p. 24), for example, argues that it is a “New Folksong” [新民謠, sin
minyo] created by the people from Miryang by adding the refrain of an Arirang song that was popular at
the time and the melody of “Yangsando.” Around the turn of the 20th century, Gyeonggi japga [京畿
雜歌 “miscellaneous songs” of the Gyeonggi region] were widely spread by Sadang pae [寺黨牌
groups of professional itinerant entertainers]. Meanwhile, Lee Bo-hyeong (1997, p. 99) presumes that
Miryang Arirang was derived from “Arong taryeong” (also called “Haeju Arirang”) and turned into a
folksong in the early period of Japanese rule. Kwon Oh-sung (1991, p. 844) claims that Miryang
Arirang “was composed by an unknown person from Miryang and began to spread 50 or 60 years ago.”
Many musicologists regard Park Nam-po (1894-1933), the father of the famous composer Park Si-chun
(1913-1996), to be the composer. In fact, many people from Miryang believe that Park Nam-po played
a significant role in the formation of “Miryang Arirang.”
Miryang Arirang is a joyful song that has been transmitted only in the Yeoungnam region.
Although the composer and the year of the composition are not known, the sad story of a woman
around Arang-gak was spread and passed down by wood-boys singing the refrain "aridang-dakgung
ssridang-dakgung" keeping time with wooden supports against a Korean A-frame back pack. This
song was arranged by Park Nam-po (1894-1933) and transmitted to today. Meanwhile, it was sung
according to the tune of a military song sung by the army for national independence in Manchuria in
the old days.
Despite the absence of the title “Miryang Arirang,” a song presumed to be the origin of this song
is included in a book published in 1912. Seven Arirang songs, “Ararung taryeong,” “Areurang-ga,”
“Ariri taryeong,” “Areureung taryeong,” “Arang-ga,” “Airong taryeong,” and “Arirang taryeong,”
are included in the Yiyoyieongeuptongsokjeokdongmuljosa (俚謠俚言及通俗的讀物等調査) (“On the
‘Investigations into Folk Songs, Proverbs and Popular Reading Materials’ carried out by the Japanese
government General in 1912”)7. It is very likely that “Arangga” is related to “Miryang Arirang.” The
refrain of the song is as follows (Kim Yeon-gap, 1986, p. 511):
83
arirang arirang arirangiyo
arangarang arangiya
The beginning part of the “Arangga” refrain is the same as the beginning part of the refrain of
general Arirang songs. However, the latter part of “Arangga” is different, the latter part is mostly
“arirang bae dduiwora” (set the boat afloat) or “arirang noda gase” (let’s go play).
People from Miryang believe the Tale of Arang to be the origin of the “Miryang Arirang.” Arang
was a woman who gave up her life for chastity as an unmarried woman during King Myeongjong’s
reign (1545-1567) in the Joseon period. It is said that Lee Sang-sa, the newly appointed local governor
of Miryang, appeased the vengeful spirit of Arang by later building Arang-gak [閣: Tower] and singing
“arang arang,” which became “Miryang Arirang.” In fact, there are many tales similar to the Tale of
Arang in which the main character is deified. In some cases, these provide motifs for pansori and
novels such as the “Tale of Chunhyang.”8 Considering that people in Miryang call the main character
of this the Tale of Arang “Arang,” which is the same name as in the Song of “Arang” reported in 1912,
though the Chinese characters, it is likely that the song originated from the tale.
Located under the Yeoungnam pavilion at present, Arang tower (Arang-gak) is a tourist attraction
near Miryang’s South River (Namcheon). “Miryang Arangje” (currently titled “Miryang Arirang
Munhwaje” or the Miryang Arirang cultural asset), a local festival in Miryang today dates from the
memorial service to Arang. At the entrance of Arang tower stands a large tree, which is also a famous
place for prayers by followers of shamanism in the region (see Figure 6).9
<Figure 6> Arang-gak (located in Miryang)
Originating in the Tale of Arang, the song “arang arang” seems to be a ritual song of the people
(very likely to have been in the form of an incantation). Due to the fact that this type of song used to be
sung in rituals at Arang tower, although this type of the refrain is not found among the folksongs of
Miryang that have been collected so far, the possibility of “arang arang” having been an incantation in
a shamanist ritual deserves consideration. Of course, there is no way to prove this, since the traditional
followers of shamanism in Miryang (who, in the statistical yearbook of 1971, were estimated by the
government to number 210) are difficult to find today. That the sound “arang arang,” which is
forgotten in Miryang today, was included in the survey report of 1912, suggests that this song once
existed as a ritual song among the people.10
Of course, this does establish definitively that today’s Miryang Arirang derived from the Tale of
Arang of King Myeongjong’s reign, but it does mean that there was possibly a song in the form of a
shamanistic ritual sung “arang arang.”11 Cheongbae muga [請拜巫歌], the songs used by a shaman to
call a deity to a ritual [gut] today usually begin with a lyric mentioning the ancestor shaman spirit. For
example, a Hwanghae Province shaman sings “Manse [萬歲] baji,” sacred “ushering” song], a kind of
bow-inviting female shaman song that begins with “Ahwang imgeume manseya” “Long live Queen
Ahwang [娥皇]! or “era manse,” the abbreviated phrase, which calls on Queen Ahwang, the ancestor
shaman spirit who as the ruler of a certain province had at one time saved a female shaman fleeing
persecution from a king (possibly China’s legendary Yu-see Korean Shamanistic Rituals by Jung
Young Lee, at p. 9). This calling of King Ahwang that appears at the beginning of Cheongbae shaman
songs used to appear in shaman songs from other regions, but today has disappeared in most regions
except for Hwanghae Province (Lee Yong-shik, 2005, p. 232). It is possible that the beginning part of
the cheongbae shaman song was “arang arang” in Miryang, because “Arang” had been deified in
Miryang.
The title of the Tale of Arang12 is etymologically associated with a name of queens or goddesses
across Korea. Queen Ahwang (usually called Princess Bari or Bari gongju), considered the ancestor
shaman deity, Queen Aryeong (also called Ariyeong, Aiyeong, or Ayeong), the wife of King Park
Heokgeose, who was the progenitor of Silla, or Queen Ahyo (also called Queen Ani), the wife of the
third king of Silla, Talhae Isageum, and daughter of the second king of Silla, Namhae Chachaung, are
all female characters that were deified. These names of “Ahwang,” “Aryeong” and “Ahyo” have an
etymological connection with “Arang.” Moreover, the fact that they are the main characters of myths or
tales transmitted in Gyeongsang Province reinforces the etymological connection with “Arang.” Thus, it
is inferred that the name of the main character of the tale “Arang” is not simply a name but a name that
is associated with these goddesses.13
As explained, Arang is a deified character in Miryang, where shamanic rituals are conducted in or
about Arang Tower to enshrine Arang. Thus, there is a strong possibility that the shaman song
85
beginning with “arang arang” was used in such rituals. However, the shaman song beginning with
“arang arang” must have been forgotten after the shamanic songs beginning with “Ahwang imgeum”
disappeared in other regions (Lee Yong-shik, 2005, p. 232). Consequently, the mythical themes of the
Arang tale likely played a crucial role in the emergence of the prototype of “Miryang Arirang.”14 As
Claude Levi-Strauss (2000, p. 87) claims, history can be recast by myths or tales in folk culture that are
not written down on paper, and the gap between myths and history can be overcome when investigated
as an extension of myth.15 The mythical thinking in the Tale of Arang provides a clue to recast the
history of the folk culture of Miryang; the meaning of the myth may be revealed once the point of
contact with the formation of the prototype of “Miryang Arirang” is located.
Explained as such, it is highly likely that the ritual song “arang arang” known by commoners,
combined with the farming song Arirang sori (Lee Bo-hyeong, 1997, p. 114), was the folksong
“Arangga” that was sung in Miryang before 1912. That is, Arirang sori (Arirang songs) originally sung
mainly in the mountainous area of Gangwon Province must have been sung by the wood boys in the
mountainous area of Miryang while advancing to south along the Baekdu-daegan [白頭大幹, lit.
“Baekdu trunk”-the chain of mountains of the Korean peninsula running from Mt. Baekdu to Mt. Jiri]
(Kim Yeon-gap, 1989, p. 24).16 Chances are that this song of the wood boys is the song with the refrain
“ari-deong-deokgung sseuri-deong-deokgung” engraved on “The Memorial Stone of Miryang Arirang”
(shown in <Figure 5>). Considering that such a refrain is included in the local folksong “Miryang
Arirang” transmitted today, this can be understood. This refrain, in contrast to most of the Arirang
refrains, “arirang bae dduiwora” or “arirang noda gase,” of the 1910s (Kim Yeon-gap, 1986, p. 511),
has “indigenous” characteristics. Later, this refrain must have been combined with the beginning part of
the typical refrain from the Arirang sori as “arirang arirang arariyo” and fixed as the “Arangga” and
included in “On the ‘Investigations into Folk Songs, Proverbs and Popular Reading Materials’ carried
out by the Japanese government General in 1912.”
It is impossible to know for certain what were the musical characteristics of “Arangga,” but it is
presumed to have been in a form and prototype different from today’s “Miryang Arirang.” Park Nampo is considered to have played a role in transforming the prototype of “Miryang Arirang,” derived
from a ritual song sung by followers of shamanism, into today’s “Miryang Arirang.” Such a
presumption is based on the fact that the “Miryang Arirang” that began to spread to the public
beginning in the 1930s had almost the same melody as that of today’s “Miryang Arirang.” However, it
is unlikely that Park Nam-po “composed” this song by himself. It is rather likely that one of the
entertainers who used to make frequent visits to him at his house or Gwonbeon, who(The entertainer)
was well known as a man-about-town and landowner, was involved.
In fact, it would not have been difficult for a musician with musical creativity to create a new
song by varying the refrain of Arirang, which had become a fad after “a musician of Danseongsa” (Kim
Yeol-gyu, 1987, p. 76) composed the theme song of the film Arirang by varying the melody of an
existing song and Park Jong-gi composed “Jindo Arirang” by varying the refrain of Arirang. As a
theme song, Arirang was produced by simply changing the proceeding tones of “sol sol sol - sol sol sol
- do re mi do-sol” from the existing Arirang into “sol sol sol - do do do - mi re do sol”; “Miryang
Arirang” was produced by changing the tones into “la mi la do la - la mi la do la - mi mi re do - re mi
do” (see <Score 4>),17 giving it the menari mode flavor of Gyeongsang Province.18 Such variation is
possible for any musician who is as musical as Park Jong-gi, who created “Jindo Arirang.”19
<Score 4> The Refrains of Arirang Notated by Hulbert, the Film
Theme Song Arirang, Jindo Arirang, and Miryang Arirang20
It is likely that an unknown musician who used to visit Park Nam-po frequently made “Miryang
Arirang” by changing the refrain of Arirang that was popular at that time into the Gyeongsang Province
style, and Park Nam-po changed its lyric into the lyric of today’s Miryang Arirang and had female
entertainers sing it, which resulted in its becoming wide-spread among performers as a “Song of
Miryang.” Thus, there are some expressions in “Miryang Arirang,” such as “naljom boso” (please look
87
at me) or “jeongdeunnimi osyeotneunde” (my lover came over), that are hardly found in other Arirang
songs but are often found in the demimonde quarters. Moreover, the fact that “Miryang Arirang” is not
so much popular in Miryang” (Miryang Munhwawon, 1987, p. 294) supports the notion that this song
began to spread intensively among the demimonde rather than among the ordinary people.21 The
attribution of the song to “the composition of an influential man,” as a traditional virtue of the Korean,22
resulted in Park Nam-po being praised as the composer of “Miryang Arirang”.
It is my opinion that “Miryang Arirang” originated from a ritual song by followers of shamanism
and turned into a local folksong by the wood boys in the mountainous area while developing into
“Arangga” (or the prototype of “Miryang Arirang”) under the influence of Arirang sori, which had
been rapidly spreading across Korea since the end of the 19th century. The development of the “Miryang
Arirang” prototype has something to do with the prototype of Gangwon Province Arirang sori (Kim
Yeon-gap, 1989, p. 24), which played the role of a “singa” [神歌, shaman “spirit” song] and a
“farming song of the mountainous area.” Later, the local folksong “Miryang Arirang” of that prototype
was transformed into Arirang sori, that is, “Miryang Arirang,” which represents Miryang, having been
recast by an unknown musician frequently visiting Park Nam-po at his house in Miryang.
The Nationalization of Arirang
During its rapid spread in the 1930s, Arirang sori underwent a “traditionalizing.” Reflecting the
social situation of that time, Arirang sori became the “song of the Korean people” and a symbol of the
advancement of mass media, such as the recording industry, which was rapidly propagating and
broadcasting. The folksong singers who used to be gisaeng [妓生] played a decisive role in this process
as well. While being popularized, the illusion that Arirang sori were “old songs” was perpetrated in an
attempt to solidify Arirang’s status as the “song of the Korean people.”
From the end of 19th century, when the nation began to lose national sovereignty, beginning with
the patriotic song “Hwangje Tansin Gyeongchuk ga” [the celebration song of the Emperor’s birthday:
皇帝單身慶祝歌] in 1896, many patriotic songs [愛國歌, Aegukga] were composed. They played a
major role in the Korean musical world of The Great Korean Empire [大韓帝國, Daehanjeguk 18971910]. Influenced by Western music, especially the melodies of Western hymns and with lyrics that
reflected the patriotism of the time, patriotic songs born of the struggle against despair over the
country’s ruin became a musical symbol of “modernity” of the Great Korean Empire.
Beginning in Britain in the 18th century, the national anthem, a product of modern times, arose
alongside the national crest and national flag as one of three symbols for a nation to use to declare its
identity and sovereignty (Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm, et al., 2004, p. 36). By the time the patriotic song
movement in the form of national anthems, along with national flags, was booming in the late 19th
century, the Great Korean Empire had begun to transform into a “modern country.” Numerous patriotic
songs emerged to represent Korea’s “modern musical culture” due to the introduction of the Western
music, and to express the resistance against “Japanese imperialism” at the same time. However, Korean
patriotic songs were to be thoroughly downtrodden by Japan since the Japanese annexation of Korea in
1910. Since it was the presentment of “modernization from above” promoted by the royal families and
intellectuals, particularly Protestant intellectuals, patriotic songs were destined to be quashed by the
institutional strategies of the Japanese before they had taken root among the people. Therefore, the
people’s desire for protest songs that could replace patriotic songs in colonized Joseon formed the social
basis for Arirang’s rapid propagation. Of course, Arirang had already been a “folksong” that had
become very popular by the end of the 19th century. With Arirang replacing “the national anthem,”
many versions of local Arirang sori were quickly created, just as many versions of patriotic songs had
been produced in the early 1900s. Many powerful people and musicians modernized many local
Arirang sori, as in the case of Park Jong-gi who made “Jindo Arirang” and the case of Park Nam-po
who made “Miryang Arirang.” Reflecting the characteristics of the Korean folksongs, Arirang not only
functioned as the de facto national anthem but also underwent localizing to form “local folksongs”
distinguished by the distinct “tori” modes of each region. Therefore, regions where there was no
Arirang sori to represent the community were considered to be far behind in modernization, or to be
losing regional distinction and be dissolving into the nation-state. The Arirang sori at the time came to
represent the “imagined community” (Benedict Richard O’Gorman Anderson, 2002)23 of a colonized
nation-state in the language of the colonized. It was Na Un-gyu who would play the decisive role in
elevating Arirang sori to its current status as “the song of the Korean people,” or “the Korean national
anthem.” Na Un-gyu adopted “Arirang,” which was widely spread among people at the time he
produced the film Arirang in 1926, for the theme song of his movie. He had already penetrated the
political influence of “Arirang” as a song that could embrace the deep resentment of a colonized people
and produced the film Arirang as a tool of struggle for independence by adopting “Arirang” for the
subject. Upon the great success of the film Arirang, the song “Arirang” became the song of the people,
pulling the heartstrings of the Korean populace in the Japanese colonization of Joseon, and replacing
the national anthem. It became so popular that “there [was] no single man who couldn’t sing a verse.”
Under this circumstance, “arirang gogae” (Arirang Hill) came to symbolize the historical slope the
despair of the people must climb while the “lover” of the “nareul beorigo gasineun nim” (my lover who
throws me away and leaves me behind) became sublimated to the mother country. In the strict sense,
however, Na Un-gyu penetrated the possibility of Arirang to demonstrate the people’s determination for
liberation as well as to replace the national anthem, and “attached wings” to this song to be nationalized.
On top of this, the embellishment of Arirang sori as “old songs” was added. Those who sought a
new approach to folk songs (minyo), the songs of the Korean people during the Japanese ruling era,
89
advocated a “return to Arirang sori.” Though grounded in no actual historical basis, Arirang sori in this
way began to be considered an old form. Thus, declared the national anthem of an imagined nationstate, Arirang sori became imbued with history. In most cases, invented tradition, “in a manner that
implies a connection with the past that is not necessarily present, is deliberately created and
promulgated” (Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm, 2004, p. 12). Arirang would grow to embody the
sentiments of the nation largely through this process of “inventing tradition.”
That “Miryang Arirang” has a lyric relevant to the Tale of Arang or the tourist attraction of
Miryang can be seen as an outcome of “inventing tradition.” In other words, while Arirang sori was
coming to represent the nation and Miryang Arirang was coming to be a cultural icon representing the
regional culture of Miryang, the intellectuals from the region overlay a lyric relevant to the regional
Tale of Arang. That the lyric relevant to the Tale of Arang is hardly found in the field but “only found in
books” (Kim Gi-hyeon, 1991, p. 17) supports this theory. That is, the Tale of Arang, in combination
with a song, provided the “psychological background, which increased the Arirang effect” (p. 7).
However, this does not mean that “Arirang was the text of a tale” (p. 15). Nor does it mean that the text
of Arirang was made from a tale that did not exist. The Tale of Arang had already existed in Miryang.
In the prototype of “Miryang Arirang,” the tale was not arranged into the lyric. As it was not a song
made by an intellectual, nor was it necessarily in need of a tale to substantiate its providence. Upon
reconsideration, it seems clear that under the demands of “traditionalization” by intellectuals “Miryang
Arirang” was overlain with the refined lyric derived from the Tale of Arang during the Arirang sori
wave. Consequently, in a cyclic process, the song, which no longer had lyrics relevant to the tale but
that may have been derived from a shamanic song, later gained lyrics relevant to the tale. In this way,
although the myth used in inventing the “Miryang Arirang” tradition is historic, the meaning of the
tradition lies in its connection with social-political-cultural conditions (Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm,
2004, p. 296). That is, the composer attempted to localize/invent a tradition for Arirang in Miryang by
wrapping a tale indigenous to the region in the new song “Miryang Arirang,” which then became a
regional icon symbolizing modernity.
Popularization of Arirang
Arirang sori became the best-known “popular songs” transmitted through mass media beginning
in the early 1930s, when the broadcasting and recording industry began to gain influence in the
Japanese colonization of Joseon. In this period, Arirang sori began to gain new life as “popular songs”
beyond its roots in “folksong.” Arirang songs that had been sung by commoners now became popular
songs sung by professional singers who used to be gisaeng, and were broadcast by mass media. During
this transition, Arirang sori discarded their regional flavors and were transformed into stylish “modern
songs” by professional singers. “Miryang Arirang” in particular, with its cheerful semachi rhythm
pattern and vibrant melody, became the most popular of the Arirang sori songs (see <Table 2>).
Title
932
Gujo Arirang
3
Arirang
Miryang Arirang
933
934
935
936
937
938
939
940
941
942
Total
5
4
6
4
0
5
7
0
3
6
Yeongnam Arirang
Yeongdong Arirang
Gin Arirang
1
Gyeong(Seoul) Arirang
3
2
Sin Arirang
Gangwon Province Arirang
2
Jajin Arirang
Namdo (Southern provinces) Arirang
Hamgyeong Province Arirang
Jindo Arirang
4
<Table 2> Number of Broadcasts of Arirang sori from 1932-1943, Gyeongseong Broadcasting System
Performers of Arirang songs during the era of Japanese rule were “singers” and “entertainers”
who used to be gisaeng (female entertainers), and Arirang sori thus came to indicate “popular songs”
by popular singers. Arirang sori were sometimes accompanied by traditional musical instruments
played by the best musicians of the time and sometimes accompanied by the JODK Orchestra or DK
Johwa Orchstra, orchestrated with Western instruments, or by the “Giseong joyang ensemble”, a band
that fused traditional and Western music. Arirang sori thus displayed characteristics of both folksongs
and “instrumental music” simultaneously. In addition, the fact that these songs were also played by
mouth organ band and played for the traditional dance of the Oasis Gugakdan [traditional performing
arts troupe] for recording, demonstrates that the songs were no longer local folksongs, but instrumental
pieces that were widely spread throughout the country.
With its rise in position as “popular song,” Arirang sori also played a social role in identifying
Koreans as a people. Koreans of the colonial era became the main agents advocating for Arirang sori’s
91
national icon status. They became obsessed with a culture of resistance to Japan through Arirang sori.
This was the social function that Arirang sori played in the Japanese colonization of Joseon.
In time, the Japanese Government-General began to confiscate Arirang recordings and declared a
ban on Arirang as an “ideology problem,” asserting a breach of public order. But it was impossible to
succeed in banning the songs as they had already become so widespread among the people. By this
time, “the bar hostesses were singing Arirang and “Doraji taryeong” loudly, and the “Yangsando”
melody could be heard emanating from records in the shops,” even on Jeju Island (Kim Neung-in,
1939; quoted in Choi Cheol・Seol Seong-gyeong, 1984, p. 192). Arirang sori not only was popular
among people but also raged in “terrestrial broadcasting” in spite of Japanese attempts at suppression.
Though it turned into songs for “terrestrial broadcasting” from “underground broadcasting” by
commoners Arirang sori was able to maintain its fundamental identity as protest songs of the Korean
people. “Miryang Arirang,” for example, was widely sung with under the titles of “Dongnipgun
Arirang” [獨立軍, Arirang for the army for national independence] or “Gwangbokgun Arirang” [光復
軍, for the Korean Liberation Army] (see <Score 5>). Among the numerous Arirang sori, Dongnip gun
Arirang attached different lyrics to the melody of “Miryang Arirang.” “Miryang Arirang” was chosen
for a military song because of its cheerful and vigorous melody, which conveyed sentiments that
matched the sentiments of a military song.24 Therefore, “Miryang Arirang” had its status elevated from
a “popular song” to a protest song of social consciousness and became beloved as a military song in the
army for national independence.
<Score 5> Gwangbokgun Arirang (Dongnipgunga Bojonhoe [Preservation
society of the songs of the army for national independence], 1982, p. 102)
In this way, Arirang sori became the soundtrack of liberated Korea; that is, its invented and
“imagined community” (Benedict Anderson, 2002), which did not actually exist under Japanese rule
but was to exist in the future. Arirang sori promoted and symbolized social integration and conveyed a
sense of belonging. Moreover, the fact that Arirang sori songs were composed in every region, not only
one, seems to have resulted from the desire of imagined communities from region to region to create
their own local songs,. Koreans of colonization Joseon both expressed despair over the country’s ruin
and maintained their belief in the liberal Joseon through Arirang sori.
Conclusion: Invented Tradition
Many “traditions” are invented (Eric Hobsbawm et al., 2004). They appear or claim to be old but
are often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented. Invented traditions often try to establish a
fictitious belief that they are old in an attempt to maintain their status as tradition.
As the sound symbolizing the “imagined community” of a “liberated nation-state” to the Korean
people under Japanese imperialism, Arirang sori arose as a product of modern culture. Though Arirang
sori songs existed before the late 19th century, representative Arirang songs, including “Arirang,”
“Jindo Arirang,” and “Miryang Arirang” were produced during the Japanese ruling era. When Korea
obtained the status of “nation,” Arirang sori came to be considered to be the “song of the people” of a
modern Korean nation-state, replacing the patriotic “Aegukga” songs of the Japanese ruling era. rule.
With the rapid advancement of the recording industry and the influence of mass media in beginning in
the 1930s, Arirang sori rapidly propagated among the Korea populace as “popular songs,” symbolizing
urban city culture sung by the professional singers rather than regional “folksongs” sung by “the folk.”
Sitting in the position of the “song of the people,” the “national anthem,” and the representative
“military song of the Army for National Independence,” Arirang sori implied a connection with the past
deliberately (Eric Hobsbawm et al., 2004, p. 21), like other invented traditions.
After National Liberation, Arirang sori, as national anthem, gave way to “Aegukga” [愛國歌,
love the nation], composed by An Ik-tae, which was designated the national anthem of the republic of
Korea (1930s) In addition, its position as popular songs disappeared due to the emergence of pop songs,
with the influx of American-style popular songs during the administration of the U.S. Military
Government in Korea (1945-1948). Arirang sori thus gradually grew estranged from the public
(though not commoners) as the folksongs were considered “pre-modern and substandard.” Under such
circumstances, “Miryang Arirang” representing Gyeongsang Province lost its footing, especially in
contrast to “Jindo Arirang,” which pansori singers sustained by including it in their repertoires. As there
were not many professional singers such as the pansori singers of the southern provinces in
93
Gyeongsang Province, “Miryang Arirang” gradually came to be considered a “song of the
commoners,” leaving behind the splendor of the fame it had gained during the era of Japanese rule. As
professional singers avoided the modal sound of Gyeongsang Province, “Miryang Arirang” gradually
became a local Arirang of the commoners from Gyeongsang Province, losing its position as a “central
popular folksong.”
1
This manuscript complements my article, “Invented Tradition: Modernization, Nationalization, and
Popularization of Arirang during the Japanese Ruling Era,” Dankook University Institute of Oriental Studies,
Understanding of Modern Folklore of Korea, vol. 1, Seoul: Minsogwon, 2008, pp. 259-275.
2
Miryang, or Milyang [密陽市] is a city in South Gyeongsan Province in the southeast part of South Korea.
3
Jeongseon [旌善郡] is a county in Gangwon province in the northeast part of South Korea.
4
5
6
“Arirang sori” is the term for the numerous Arirang songs (Lee Bo-hyeong, 1997, p. 85).
Hwang Hyeon : the poet and scholar in late Joseon(1855~1910).
The opinion that “Sanajitaryeong” is the matrix of “Jindo Arirang” had already been raised by Ji Chun-sang・
Na Gyeong-su (1988, p. 67).
7
This book is mentioned in the writing by Kim Yeon-gap (1986). I was unable to procure and check this
material in person (see http://www.reportworld.co.kr/paper/view.html?no=50740657&aid=dbpia&pr_rv=
rv_relate_view and http://www.dbpia.co.kr/view/ar_view.asp?arid=73935; search
http://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=이요(俚謠)・이언급(俚言及)+통속적(通俗的)+
독물등(讀物等)+조사(調査)&ie=UTF- 8&oe=UTF-8).
8
It is common for a myth or a tale to become the motif of a novel in the West, where novels based on myths
have been being produced since the 17th century (see Claude Levi-Strauss, 2000, p. 93).
9
Thus, there is a sign reading, “Do not light candles” in front of the tree. Actually, the people living near Arang
tower report that there are still, occasionally, some people who light candles and do “superstitious acts.”
10
This has a thread of connection to Kim Yeon-gap’s opinion (1989, p. 23) that Arirang originated from
“Meari (echo),” which played a role in “Singa” (神歌 “spirit song”) as “the voice of a mountain”; that is, “a song
(incantation) dedicated to the mountain spirit.”
11
Before it was settled, it was not necessarily titled “Arirang Arirang,” but generally referred to as “Arari,”
“Eoreori,” “Areung,” etc.) (Kim Yeon-gap, 1989, p. 30). The refrain “arang arang” should be considered in this
context. In this respect, I do not agree with Kim Yeon-gap’s opinion (1989, p. 25) that the refrain of “Miryang
Arirang” has nothing to do with the main lyric at all in its meaning.
12
The real name of this lady is said to be Yun Dong-ok, but because her father, the region’s governor, had the
surname “Lee,” which was different than hers, the story does not hold up. However, the name of the main
character of the tale does not matter. It matters that this lady is called “Arang.”
13
It is necessary to reconsider such opinions, including Kim Ji-Yeon’s (1930), attempting to find the origin of
Arirang in the name of the main character of a myth or a tale through investigating the meaning of the word
Arirang in relation to the myths, not through solely an etymological perspective.
14
Claude Levi-Strauss (2000, p. 92) claims that the basic meaning of the myth is not conveyed by the
sequence of events but by bundles of events, as we would read an orchestral score.
15
Nobody believes the myth of Dangun, that a bear became a human. Rather, the story recapitulates the
95
unification of the primary tribe, whose totem was a bear, and the descendants of heavenly gods including
References
Dangun. This is the meeting point of myth and history.
16
Kim Yeon-gap (1989, p. 24) insists that Arirang spread along the chain of mountains and changed into
“Eosayong,” “Menari,” and “Sanyuhwa” in some parts of Chungcheong and Gyeongsang provinces.
17
It has been asserted that “Miryang Arirang” is “a new folk song (sinminyo) from Miryang, influenced by
Gyeonggi Arirang” (Hanguk Jeongsinmunhwa yeonguwon, 1985, p. 257).
18
The opinion of Kim Gi-hyeon (1991, p. 24) that the melody of “Miryang Arirang” is close to Gyeonggi-tori
and derived from “Yangsando,” one of the Gyeonggi japga, is not persuasive.
19
In this regard, we cannot exclude the possibility that Park Nam-po, “extraordinarily talented in entertainment”
(Park Si-chun, 1978, pp. 3-4), who was running the Gwonbeon, made it by himself.
20
Slight changes of the rhythm and transpositions have been made in “Jindo Arirang” and “Miryang Ariang”
to make them compatible with the Hulbert Arirang standard of three-four time, for the convenience of comparison.
21
In this respect, it is right what Kim Yeon-gap (1989, p. 229) insisted: “I cannot help but interpret that ‘Miryang
Arirang’ mainly used for amusement, was newly formed music, which was recast from the existing Arirang that
was popular throughout the country, with a refrain suited for musical instruments such as janggo (hour-glass
drum), in the Japanese Colonial Period ended the Joseon Period.
22
Examples include the creation of “Yeomillak” by King Sejong, and the composition of “Samaeul Norae” by
former president Park Jeong-hi.
23
It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members,
meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion. Thus, a people is
“an imagined political community . . . imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign” (Benedict Richard
O’Gorman Anderson, 2002, p. 25).
24
Although the people from Miryang say that “the tune of ‘Miryang Arirang’ was sung as a military song due to
the fact that there were many patriotic young men from the Youngnam region in leadership, this is not wellfounded.
The leaders of the army for national independence were from all over the country and it is not reasonable to
consider a song from the region of Miryang as a song representing Dongnipgun. Rather it must have been chosen
as a military song because its vigorous melody and rhythm matched the basic elements of a military song. This
can be understood by considering that there is another song with cheerful melody, Dongnipgun Nilliriya,’ which
the Army for National Independence enjoyed singing next to the “Dongnipgun Arirang” (i.e. Miryang Arirang)
(Dongnipgunga Bojonhoe, 1982, p. 104).
25
Unlike most military songs, which were sung to the tunes of Japanese songs or military songs (Lee Gang-suk, et
al., 2000, pp. 55-60), “Miryang Arirang’s” value is in that it was sung according to the melodies of folk songs
with changed lyrics.
Kang Deung-hag. 2011.
Aspects of Existing Arirang Songs and Understanding Seoul: Minsogwon.
Kwon Oh-sung. 1991.
Miryang Arirang, Encyclopedia of Korean Culture, Seongnam: Hanguk
jeonsinmunhwa yeonguwon, p. 844.
Kim Gi-hyeon. 1991.
The Formation and Structure of Miryang Arirang, Literature and Language, vol.12,
Seoul: Munhakgwa Eoneoyeonguhoe, pp. 1-26.
Kim Neung-in. 1939.
Jejudo melody, vol.8.
Choi Cheol・Seol Seong-gyeong. 1984.
Study of Minyo, Seoul: Jeongeumsa, pp. 190-196, requoted.
Kim Yeon-gap, 1986.
The Korean Breaths, and Arirang, the Footsteps, Seoul: Hyeondaemunyesa,
Kim Yeon-gap. 1989.
Arirang, its Mat, Meot and so on, Seoul: Jipmundang.
Kim Yeol-gyu. 1987.
Arirang...Yeoksayeo Gyeoreyeo Soriyeo, Seoul: Joseonilbosa.
Kim Ji-yeon. 1930.
Joseon Minyo Yeongu: Joseon Minyo Arirang, Joseon, vol. 151-153.
Kim Hye-jeong. 2004.
The Musical Background for Forming of Jindo Arirang, Korean Music Study, vol. 35,
Seoul: Korean Musicological Societypp. 269-283.
Na Un-gyu. 1982.
Everything about the Film Arirang, Samcheolli, vol. 81, 1937.
Dongnipgunga bojonhoe. 1982.
Echo of Independence, Seoul: Dongnipgunga bojonhoe.
Miryang munhwawon. 1987.
Miryangji, Miryang: Miryang munhwawon,
Park Si-chun. 2005.
My Resume, Hankook ilbo, 3.1-4.19.
97
Bang Sun-joo. 1989.
Independence Movement by the Koreans in America, Chuncheon: Asia Research
Center of Hallym University.
Benedict Richard O’Gorman Anderson. 2002.
Imagined Communities: Reflections of the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, translated by
Yun Hyeong-suk, Seoul: Nanam.
Eric J. Hobsbawm et el. 2004.
Invented Traditions, translated by Park Ji-hyang・ Jang Mun-seok, Seoul: Humanist.
Lee Gang-suk et el. 2000 .
Western Music by the Koreans in 100 Years, Seoul: Hyeanamsa.
Lee Gwang-gyu. 1972.
General Introduction, Comprehensive Survey Reports of Korean Folklore:
Gyeongsangnamdo,
Seoul: Minister of Culture and Public Information, Cultural Properties Administration.
Lee Bo-hyeong, 1997.
Musical Approach to The Origin of Arirang sori and Its Transition, Hangukminyohak, vol.5,
Seoul: The Society for Korean Folksongs.
Lee Yong-shik. 2005.
Ethnomusicology on Hwanghaedo-gut, Seoul: Jibmundang.
Lee Yong-shik. 2008.
Invented Tradition: Modernization ・Nationalization ・Popularization of Arirang
During the Japanese Ruling Era, Dankook University Institute of Oriental Studies, 2008.
Understanding of Modern Folklore of Korea, Seoul: Minsogwon, pp. 259-275.
Lee Jin-won. 2007
Critical Biography of Park Jong-gi, the Progenitor of Daegeum Sanjo, Seoul: Minsogwon.
Jeong Dong-hwa. 1997.
Investigation of the Etymological Origin of Arirang, Korean Language and
Literature, vol. 76, Seoul: Gugeogungmunhakhoe, pp. 163-168.
Jeong Chang-gwan. 1896
Korean First Recording, July 24th, (CD) Music Commentary, 2009, www.gugakcd.kr
for reference.
Choi Cheol・Seol Seong-gyeong. 1984.
Study of Minyo, Seoul: Jeongeumsa.
Claude Levi-Strauss. 2000.
Myth and Meaning, translated by Im Ok-hi, Seoul: Iggeulio.
Hanguk Jeongsin Munhwa Yeonguwon(AKS). 1985.
Korean Folk Music: Gyeongsangnamdo Minyo, Seongnam: Hanguk jeongsinmunhwa
yeonguwon (The Academy of Korean Studies).
Hwang Hyeon・Heo Gyeong-jin. 2006.
Macheonyarok, Seoul: Seohaemunjip.
Homer B. Hulbert . 1896.
Korean Vocal Music, Korean Repository, February.
99

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