The Hermetic Λόγος: Reading the Corpus Hermeticum

The Hermetic Λόγος: Reading the Corpus Hermeticum as a Reflection
of Graeco-Egyptian Mentality
Dissertation zur Erlangung der Würde eines Doktors der Ägyptologie
Vorgelegt der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel
Von Gurgel Pereira, Ronaldo Guilherme
Von Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasilien
Basel
2010
Genehmigt von der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel, auf
Antrag von
Prof. Dr. Susanne Bickel Zignani (Referentin)
Prof. Dr. Antonio Loprieno (Korreferent)
Basel, den 26. Oktober 2010.
Die Dekanin
Prof. Dr. Claudia Opitz-Belakhal
To my wife Daniela.
1
Acknowledgements
Egyptology is not a subject traditionally taught at university in Brazil. Only few choose to study
ancient Egypt and even fewer are actual Egyptologists. In most cases the enthusiasts for the land
of the Nile are Historians, Anthropologists, journalists and alike. I have to admit that I was no
better off when I arrived in Basle; I held a bachelor and a master‘s degree in History and had
done research that focused on the Greeks‘ perception of and relations with Egypt in the
Classical/Hellenistic period.
The project of writing my dissertation began to take shape in 2005. I had only recently
received my M.A. and commenced correspondence with Prof. Dr. Antonio Loprieno from the
University of Basle. He later kindly introduced me to my advisor, Prof. Dr. Susanne Bickel,
who reviewed my project and interviewed me in August 2006. I would like to express my
gratitude to Prof. Bickel for the guidance and advice she offered me at meetings and debates. I
regard it as one of my greatest achievements of the past four years to have been able to win her
favour for my project.
I also wish to thank all my lecturers, in particular the people who taught me some ancient
Egyptian languages. I received help with Demotic from Dr. Andreas Stauder and Dr. Jullie
Porchet-Stauder. Prof. PD Dr. Hanna Jenni introduced me to Classic Middle Egyptian, Prof. Dr.
Matthias Müller taught me Coptic.
Thanks are also due to Dr. Undine Stabrey for her encouragement and support. From Berlin I
thank Dr. Sybille Schmidt, Dr. Barbara Janisch and my colleagues of the colloquium.
I am also grateful to my colleagues, who patiently supported me and helped me prepare for
seminars and presentations. Learning Egyptian languages and having Egyptological debates was
a unique experience I will not forget. By the same token I will always remember the struggles I
went through while I tried to come to terms with the German language (I look back with a mix
of joy and shame to the days I spent trying to figure out when exactly the obscure ‗Egyptian
queen‘ ―Nebeneffekt‖ lived).
2
I owe a special debt to the canton of Basel Stadt that supported me with a full scholarship.
This dissertation would have never existed had it not been for the Stipendienkommission für
Nachwuchskäfte aus Entwicklungsländern.
I would like to take this opportunity to express the admiration and respect I have come to feel
for Switzerland and its people during the four years of my stay. I grew up in a country where
human life is considered to be of little worth. Dignity and justice are treated as mere
commodities. Having this background and viewing Switzerland with my Brazilian eyes makes
me realise how hard it would be to explain the respect people here have for another to my
compatriots. Thus I would like to thank the Swiss for the ‗culture shock‘ they offered me which
broadened my horizon. Basle and Switzerland have certainly taught me much more than just
Egyptology. I will always carry these experiences with me.
A special thank you goes to my German teacher Hellena Brinner, her mother Ekaterina,
priest Dimitrios Korakas and the Hellenic-Swiss community of the Greek Orthodox Church at
Münchenstein. I thank them for their hospitality and friendship.
Last but certainly not least, I would like to thank my friends Sabine and Sandro de Gruttola,
who kindly welcomed me in Switzerland and helped me at the beginning of my stay. My
gratitude also goes to my father Airton Pereira, who financially supported me. Furthermore, I
would like to thank my wife, Daniela Gurgel, for her unrelenting support and encouragement
whenever I needed it.
I would like to thank God for helping me with my dissertation. He guided my hands and
heart until the very end of this chapter of my life.
O God, thy arm was here;
And not to us, but to thy arm alone,
Ascribe we all!
(William Shakespeare, Henry V, act 4, scene viii)
3
If you desire to read writings, come to me and I will have you taken to the
place where that book is that Thoth wrote with his own hand, when he
came down following the other gods.
―Setne Khamwas and Neferkaptah‖ (Setne I) – Pap. Cairo 30646 = M. Lichtheim, Ancient
Egyptian Literature III. (Los Angeles: 2006), p.128.
4
Abstract:
This study analyses Hermetic literature and focuses on the seventeen treatises of the socalled Corpus Hermeticum. It takes as its starting point the assumption that what are
nowadays known as the Philosophical Hermetica emerged as a product of a GraecoEgyptian process of self-perception. As will be demonstrated, Hermetic literature helps
our understanding of how reformulations of symbolic universes led to a specific
Graeco-Egyptian mentality. The Hermetica will be treated as the result of cross-cultural
exchange between Greek and Egyptian symbolic universes. Hermetic literature will
therefore be analysed according to its historical context, i.e. as part of a Greek-Egyptian
dialogue.
5
Table of Contents
Dedication
Acknowledgements
Epigraph
Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..5
Table of Contents………..…………………………….…………………………...….....6
List of Tables...........................................................................................................9
List of Abreviations................................................................................................10
Introduction............................................................................................................13
1. The Hermetica and their Cultural Environment in Graeco-Roman Egypt..................21
1. 1 Background of Cultural Interactions between Greeks and Egyptians................28
1.1.1 Greeks and Egyptians prior to the Hellenistic age...................................30
1.1.1.1 Late Period Egypt and Archaic/Classical Hellade.......................32
1.1.1.2 The Persian Invasions of Egypt and Classical Hellade...............38
1.1.1.3 Herodotus attitude towards of the Persians...............................40
1.1.2 The Ptolemies: Egyptian Religion as a Political Instrument......................42
1.2 Cultural Identity and Hellenistic Society in Graeco-Roman Egypt ...................54
1.2.1 The Roman Conquest and the Reconstruction of Identities......................65
1.3 Hellenistic Mentality and Religious Thought in Graeco-Roman Egypt.............73
1.4 Hermetism and Hellenism............................................................................81
6
2. Thoth-Hermes Trismegistos and the Hermetica.....................................................87
2.1 Technical Hermetica and Philosophical Hermetica...........................................90
2.1.1 Hermetic Mythology in the Corpus Hermeticum....................................105
2.2 (Neo-) Platonism vs. Gnostic systems..........................................................114
2.2.1 The universe and the material world as evil..........................................115
2.2.2 The creation of new obscure concepts...................................................116
2.2.3 A magical gnosis as a ‗short-cut‘ to salvation........................................117
2.3 The Corpus Hermeticum and its Cosmogony................................................... 118
2.3.1 The Hermetic Trinity and their emanations..............................................119
2.4 Hermetic Logos, Nous and Gnosis.................................................................141
2.5 Hermetic receptivity to Egyptian concepts........................................................166
3. The Hermetica in Discursive Practices..................................................................176
3.1 Groups of Reception and Interpretation.........................................................177
3.1.1
Hermetic Mysticism and Gnostics........................................................178
3.1.1.1 On Gnostic/Hermetic communities...............................................179
3.1.1.2 Christian Mysticism and Hermetism.............................................182
3.1.1.2.1
3.1.2
St. Paul as Hermes...............................................................185
Philosophical Hermetica and Christian Thought...................................190
3.1.2.1 Tertullian of Carthage as a Hermetist..............................................194
7
3.1.2.2 Cyrill of Alexandria as a Hermetist..............................................197
3.1.2.3 Christians and their separation of Hermetica..................................201
3.1.3
Technical Hermetica and Pagan Thought............................................205
3.1.3.1 Iamblichus of Chalcis as a Hermetist...............................................207
3.1.3.2 Sabians and their fusion of Hermetica............................................215
3.2 The Hermetica as a Social Discourse................................................................217
3.3 Textual Circularity and Social Interpretations of the Hermetic Logos..............222
Conclusion...........................................................................................................226
Bibliography........................................................................................................232
APPENDIX 1: Chronological equivalences: Greek and Egyptian periods...................252
APENDIX 2: On the Interpretatio Graeca: Thoth and Hermes..................................253
Lebenslauf..........................................................................................................254
8
List of tables
Table 1: Canopus Decree (Cairo CG 22186)............................................................49
Table 2: Synodal decrees........................................................................................50
Table 3: Dioskourides and interculturality in Egypt....................................................57
Table 4: The insignia of Asclepios and Hermes........................................................110
Table 5: Agathos Daimon-Dyonisos-Hermes...........................................................112
Table 6: God‘s emanations to Matter......................................................................121
Table 7: God‘s emanations to Cosmos....................................................................125
Table 8: God‘s emanations to Man........................................................................132
Table 9: The Hermetic ―triade‖ and its emanations..................................................134
Table 10a: God, Cosmos and Man......................................................................135-6
Table 10b: (synthesis) - God, Cosmos and Man.......................................................137
Table 11: Man with Nous vs. Man without Nous.....................................................165
Table 12: Egyptian and Hermetic terminology........................................................171-3
Table 13: The Christian Trinity..............................................................................183
Table 14: The Hermetic ‗Trinity‘...........................................................................185
Table 15: The visions of God by Paul and Hermes...............................................187
9
List of Abbreviations
AA - Analecta Aegyptiaca (Kopenhagen).
ad. Ascl. – Ad Asclepius. English version: B. P. Copenhaver (transl.), Hermetica.
(Cambridge: 2002); Latin Version: A. D. Nock, A. –J. Festugière (ed. and transl.)
Corpus Hermeticum: Tome II - Traités XVIII- XVIII, (Paris: 1945).
AH - Agyptologica Helvetica (Basel).
BAmSocP - The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists (Duhran – NC).
BdE – Institut Français d’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale : Bibliothèque
d’Étude (Le Caire).
BGU – Ägyptische Urkunden aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin – Griechische
Urkunden (Berlin).
BIFAO - Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (Le Caire).
CdE – Chronique d’Égypte (Bruxelles).
CH. – Corpus Hermeticum. English version: B. P. Copenhaver (transl.), Hermetica.
(Cambridge: 2002); Greek Version: A.D. Nock, A. –J. Festugière (ed. and transl.)
Corpus Hermeticum: Tomes I, II - Traités I-XVIII, (Paris: 1945).
Contra Julianum - Freench and Greek versions: P. Burgière, P. Évieux (transl.) Cyrille
d’Alexandrie Contre Julien - vol.1. (Paris: 1985).
De Anima – English version : P. Holmes (transl.) Tertulian - A treatise on the Soul. - A
Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church.
(Edinburgh, Whitefish - MT: 1870, 2004).
10
De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum – Greek and Freench versions : J. E. des Places (transl.),
Jamblique – Les Mystères d’Égypte. (Paris: 1989).
Diod. – Diodorus of Sicily. English and Greek versions: C. H. Oldfather, (transl.)
Diodorus of Sicily. – Loeb Classical Library– vol.1. (London: 1968).
Enneads - English and Greek versions: A. H. Armstrong (transl.) Plotinus – Loeb
Classical Library – vol.2. (London: 1990).
Hdts. – Herodotus. English and Greek versions: A. D. Godley. (transl.)
Herodotus -
The Persian Wars – Loeb Classical Library – vol.1. (London: 2004).
JARCE – Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt (Cairo).
JEA - Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London).
JEOL - Jaarbericht ex Oriente Lux (Leiden).
JNES – Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago).
LÄ – W. Helck, E. Otto, (ed.). Lexikon der Ägyptologie. (Wiesbaden: 1977).
NHH. – Nag Hammadi Hermetica: Codex VI-6 (The Discourse on the Eight and Ninth)
,VI-7 (The Prayer of Thanksgiving), VI-8 (Asclepius: Coptic version from chapters
21 to 28). Translated from Coptic by J. Brashler, P. A. Dirkse and D. M. Parrot. In:
J. M. Robert (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library in English. (New York: 1990).
Coptic version (fragmentary): J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II.
(Stuttgart, Bad Cannstatt: 1997).
OBO - Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis (Fribourg).
11
OLA - Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta (Leuven).
PGM - Papyri Graecae Magicae
- English version: H. D. Betz (ed.) The Greek
Magical Papyri in Translation. (Chicago, London: 2004). Greek version:
Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae 2 vols. (Stuttgart: 1973-4).
RdE - Revue d’ égyptologie (Paris).
SAK - Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur (Heidelberg).
TUAT - Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments (Mainz).
ZPE – Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphie (Köln).
12
K.
Introduction
Around 1460 A.D, a Greek manuscript from a Macedonian monastery arrived at
Florence. It was a compendium of seventeen texts, some of them in fragments only,
concerning theology, philosophy, astrology, alchemy and magic. Cosimo de Medici was
so fascinated by the writings that he immediately asked his expert translator of Plato,
Marsilio Ficino, to examine the texts and render them into Latin right away. The Latin
translation of these texts was called the Corpus Hermeticum. It had been named after
their main protagonist, ―Hermes Trismegistos‖, who was thought to be the author of an
ancient philosophical and magical doctrine. The Corpus Hermeticum, especially its first
treatise, ―The Poimandres,‖ was circulating across Western Europe in many copies
before it was published in 1471. Due to Ficino‘s Latin translation and comments,
Europeans started to engage with the Hermetic doctrine producing their own
interpretations and originating Western esoteric movements. Among these were the
alchemist movements of the 15th century as well as Rosicrucianism during the 16th and
17th centuries. Freemasonry followed in the 18th and 19th centuries ensued by
Theosophy and the New Age movements during the 20th and 21st centuries.
According to Ficino, Plato had been influenced by Hermes via Pythagoras.
Moreover, many held Hermes to be a contemporary of Moses1 and thought that the
Corpus Hermeticum might have served as a vehicle to spread Christian values. Indeed,
Ficino believed these books to be of Divine origin. At the same time, however, another
theory, the so-called ―prisca theologia‖, considered the Corpus Hermeticum to offer
proof for a common pagan origin of later religions, namely Judaism, Christianity and
1
See: J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian. (London: 1997).
13
Islamism. However, Casaubon nullified this interpretation when he demonstrated in
1614 that the Hermetica were in fact a Graeco-Roman composition and probably a
―Christian forgery‖2. His theory that the texts were a Christian counterfeit was upheld
until 1904 when Reitzenstein showed that they were in fact very complex in their nature
and likely to have experienced some degrees of Egyptian cultural influence.3 The debate
promoted by Reitzenstein determined the course of the last century‘s approach to
Hermetism, i.e. with regard to the cultural identity of the Hermetic discourse, which
until recently was continued to be an object of dispute between Hellenists and
Egyptologists.
The present study considers Hermetic literature to be the result of a major
intercultural mixture. It links Hermetic literature to the formation of a Graeco-Egyptian
mentality. This is why Hermetism will be viewed as part of a cross-cultural exchange
and dialogue taking place between Greek and Egyptian referential symbolic universes.
In a first step the historical roots of Hermetism will be analysed. Hence the historical
context of the cultural interactions between Greeks and Egyptians will be examined.
Ever since the Greek Archaic age/ Egyptian Late period4, Greek and Egyptian
civilisations underwent different degrees of diplomatic, commercial and cultural
interactions. Despite Egypt‘s political presence in the Greek world – or Hellade – Greek
prototypical representations of Egypt always portrayed its inhabitants as wise priests or
magicians. Its civilisation was assumed to live in an admirable ancient land where most
of the known wisdom had originated. Indeed, Egyptian religiousness was one of the
2
See: G. Quispell, ―Preface.‖ In: C. Salaman et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus
Hermeticum and The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London: 1999), p. 9.
3
R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres - Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen Literatur.
(Leipzig: 1904).
4
Archaic Greek age: from 750 to 480 B.C; Egyptian Late Period: from 712 to 332 B.C. See our Appendix
1 for a table of equivalences between the Greek and Egyptian chronologies approached in this study.
14
most common points of the Greeks‘ description of Egypt in this idealisation process.
Furthermore, many wise Greeks had reputedly travelled to Egypt asking for education,
and the general Greek consensus claimed a mythical Egyptian origin for most of their
philosophical schools and mystery cults. Greek attempts made at grasping and
describing Egyptian religion were also supported by a syncretistic tendency which
aligned pantheons according to each god‘s virtues. This process, which the Greeks
called Interpretatio Graeca – although it was common practice in all societies in
Antiquity – allowed the identification between Egyptian and Olympic gods. Thus it
equated the Egyptian god of wisdom, Thoth5, with the Greek divine messenger,
Hermes.
The Greeks, who started to settle in Egypt under the Saite Pharaoh Amasis (570 526 B.C.), associated Thoth with their own psychopompos and magician, Hermes.
Hermes presided over medicine and the realm of the dead. He was renowned for his
inventiveness and trickery and worked as a messenger between men and gods. ThothHermes, on the other hand, owed his popularity among ordinary people to his role as a
guide of souls. In addition to this, he was also the divine scribe present on the day of the
soul‘s judgment. After the conquest of Egypt by Alexander the Great and the ensuing
establishment of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, the Egyptian Hermes gained such popularity
that he developed an independent identity and mythology. Consequently, the god was
described as a wise philosopher and magician from a remote Egyptian past, who, in
accordance with his own philosophical teachings, later assumed the cosmic aspects of
5
The god Thoth is attested in the Egyptian pantheon since the Old Kingdom (ca. 2670 - 2205 B.C). He
presided over the temple cults, in particular the sacred rituals, invented writing and was the lord of all
human branches of wisdom. He was also the patron of magic and occultism and was identified with the
moon due to its regenerative capacity. His occult powers, which focused on healing and protection, were
considerable; even his speech had creative powers. See Appendix 2 for a list of equivalences of virtues
for the Interpretatio Graeca between Toth and Hermes.
15
the native Egyptian god Thoth. During the times of the Roman administration, the
Egyptian ‗Hermes‘ was also called ―Trismegistos‖ - literally ―three times the greatest‖ –
which had probably evolved from the translation of an Egyptian epithet for Thoth. The
apotheosis of Hermes Trismegistos, on the other hand, was directly connected to
doctrine. Thus Hermes Trismegistos ascertained that all human beings had a divine
nature: If an individual managed to develop the right relationship with the spiritual
dimension of his logos (here translated as ―reason‖), he could ascend a moral and
spiritual path, which climaxed in the direct connection with God through an initiatory
individual experience called Gnosis.
For centuries Greek mentality developed a close association between the word logos
and political life. Social life and all dimensions of quotidian relations of a Classic polis
were deeply connected to the political experience. Oratories and rhetoric were pursued
as arts since eloquence and erudition were key elements to political success. It was the
social-political interaction that was responsible for the shaping and development the
methodology behind the Greek logos. This specific type of logos referred to the way
human relations were perceived.6 However, during the Hellenistic age, especially after
the Roman conquest of the Hellade, this political sense of logos underwent a
transformation and assumed a more mystical character. Influenced by the contact with
oriental religions and traditions from newly-acquired eastern Hellenistic kingdoms,
Hellenistic philosophical schools began to discuss metaphysics. Instead of promoting
the welfare of a community, philosophers henceforth focused on the nature of the soul,
individual happiness, etc. The Roman conquest in turn supported the proliferation of
6
See: J. –P. Vernant, Les origines de la pensée grecque. (Paris: 1962).
16
these Hellenistic thoughts throughout the Mediterranean basin. It was this intellectual
and cultural phenomenon that produced Hermetic literature in Egypt.
Modern historiography distinguishes two classes of Hermetic writings. The first
category are the so-called Technical Hermetica, which consist of magical papyri and
similar texts concerning occultism. These stem from the time of the Ptolemies. The
second category contains the so-called Theological or Philosophical Hermetica. They
are made up of the seventeen treatises of the Corpus Hermeticum, the Latin treatise ad
Asclepius, the Armenian Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios, and the
Hermetic texts written in Coptic, which were found at Nag Hammadi during the 1940s.
The Philosophical Hermetica generally date from the 1st centuries A.D. However, a new
source called The Book of Thoth, that was originally written in Hieratic and Demotic
and is believed to have been restricted to Egyptian temples, has pushed the dating of the
Philosophical Hermetica back to the 1st century B.C.
It is possible to see Hermetism as a type of Gnosticism. However, as there are many
variants of Gnostic sects, systems, and beliefs, this study will classify the Hermetica as
a separate class of literature. Following the argumentation of the Egyptian Neo-Platonist
Plotinus, Gnosticism and Hermetism will be treated as two distinct phenomena. Overall,
Technical and Philosophical Hermetica were equally received and reproduced by people
of various backgrounds, including Gnostics, pagan philosophers and early Christian
intellectuals. Indeed, as will be shown, Christians, Gnostics (including Christian and
pagan Gnostics known to the Arabs as ‗sabians‘) and pagan philosophers formed part of
a large group that took an interest in Hermetic literature. Naturally, the Hermetica
exchanged influences with these groups in different ways and with different intensity.
Individual approaches to Hermetic literature will be analysed and compared. This will
17
help us understand how multiple interpretations of the same phenomenon gave rise to
culturally different readings.
The present study employs the term Corpus Hermeticum as an expression to
designate exclusively those mentioned seventeen treatises, that were originally written
in Greek and subsequently translated into Latin in the Renaissance. In addition to this,
all Hermetic texts - regardless of belonging to the so-called Philosophical or Technical
Hermetica - shall be equally defined as ―Hermetic literature‖.
The Greek language enabled the Corpus Hermeticum to become part of culturally
adapted Egyptian knowledge. Egyptian concepts of moral and spiritual virtues, i.e.
Maat, were transformed into a Greek Hermetic Logos (discourse). The use of
philosophy as vehicle to transmit Egyptian ethics introduced Egyptian thought to
metaphysics. Greek abstract concepts such as Logos, Nous and Gnosis entered a
dialogue with Egyptian concepts. This caused an alteration of the original Egyptian
cosmogony which consequently formed part of a new Hermetic worldview.
Hermetic mythology claimed to be a translation of traditional Egyptian teachings.
What is more, despite the apparent presence of Judaism, Zoroastrism and other cultural
elements, all non-Greek parts in the Hermetic doctrine were generically classified as
―Egyptian‖. This happened because Thoth-Hermes was considered to be the allegorical
author of every natural and supernatural science. Furthermore, the so-called
Philosophical Hermetica and the god Hermes Trismegistos legitimated these new
‗Egyptian‘ moral and ethical discourses which were connected to magic. The fact that
the Hermetica were even translated into Coptic suggests that even non-Hellenised
Egyptians were familiar with the Hermetica‘s symbolic Egyptian ancestry. Broadly
18
speaking we may say that the Hermetica and Hermetic doctrine were reproduced in
linear continuity of Egyptian spirituality.
The present study only analyses the so-called Philosophical Hermetica. Its primary
focus are the seventeen Hermetic treatises of the Corpus Hermeticum. In addition to
these examples, several other Hermetic texts as well as Greek and Egyptian samples
will be examined. The main premise will be that the Philosophical Hermetica were the
result of a Graeco-Egyptian process of self-perception. Hermetic literature will prove a
useful instrument in our understanding of how the reformulations of symbolic universes
developed a new Graeco-Egyptian mentality.
The first chapter discusses the possibility of a specific cultural identity of the Corpus
Hermeticum. It approaches the historical context of social and cultural interactions
between Greeks and Egyptians before and after Alexander‘s conquest. In a next step,
potential political and cultural identities will be analysed. In addition to this,
intercultural influences on the production of Graeco-Egyptian literature will be
examined.
In a next chapter, the differences between Gnosticism and Hermetism according to
the Graeco-Roman perception will be surveyed. The classification of the Hermetica as
lacking a particular ideology allows for a comparative analysis of the Hermetic
cosmogony with its alleged Egyptian origins. Here the Hermetica will be analysed as a
channel for the Greeks‘ reception of Egyptian abstract concepts. The second chapter
suggests that translating abstract Egyptian concepts into Greek might have risked
unintentional misinterpretations and/or multiple possible understandings.
19
The last chapter focuses on the dynamic process of ―textual circularity‖ of the
Hermetica throughout the Roman Empire. The audience of Hermetic discourse will be
portrayed as coming from various ideological and antagonistic social layers. The
objective of the analysis is to establish how discursive practices were able to assimilate
a text that in turn could become part of a new social discourse. Moreover, it will be
examined how each social group promoted partial and distinct interpretations of the
same phenomenon.
The chapters have a similar structure offering partial conclusions in their last
sections. Eventually, each chapter‘s last part will help support the final conclusion of
the present paper.
20
1. The Hermetica and their Cultural Environment in Graeco-Roman
Egypt
―Hellenistic‖ is a term created during the Modern age. It is based on the false
presupposition that a ‗pure culture‘ could exist impermeable to external influences. In
the original definition, Hellenistic referred a Greek culture ‗disturbed‘ by Oriental
elements. Chronologically it was situated between Alexander‘s death and the fall of
Carthage and Corinth, which marked the rise of Rome as a Mediterranean power. This
interpretation reduced the Hellenistic age to a ‗decadent‘ and ‗intermediary‘ status. It
appeared ‗decadent‘ when compared to the so-called ‗Classical Greek culture‘ of
Pericles, Herodotus and Plato; and ‗intermediary‘ since it was depicted as the period
before the Roman rule over the Mediterranean world. However, we must bear in mind
that the Hellenistic civilisation that was growing in the eastern Mediterranean was not
aware of their ‗Hellenisticity‘. This is modern thinking. Hellenistic culture and people
believed that they experienced the linear continuity of their Greek ancestors‘ culture and
traditions. Differently put, Hellenistic Greeks identified their world/ culture/ society and
civilisation as the Greek world/culture/society/civilisation.
The present paper uses the term ‗Hellenistic‘ to refer a pro-Greek mentality, culture,
self-perception, etc. The expression ‗Graeco-Roman Egypt,‘ on the other hand will be
treated as covering the time from the ascension to power by the Macedonian conqueror
Alexander the Great to the death of the Roman emperor Theodosius.7 In other words,
seen from a chronological perspective, the present study distinguishes two periods of
‗Graeco-Roman Egypt‘: the first covers the time of the Greek-Macedonian rule over
7
See Appendix 1.
21
Egypt, the second starts with the arrival of the Romans. Generally speaking we may say
that the Greeks treated Egypt as they did all other cultures in the eastern Mediterranean
basin, i.e. they kept up the image of the Greek culture as the non-barbarian culture.
Hermetic literature is a Graeco-Egyptian intellectual product, which flourished
during the Graeco-Roman period. Its teachings, which are a combination of philosophy
and mystic/magical principles, offered a new cosmogony and a characteristic way of
understanding life, death, divinity, God, etc. In other words, Hermetic literature created
a new world-conception and proposed a different way of interaction with the world.
After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Hermetic literature vanished from the
Occident without a trace. However, in the Eastern Roman Empire – as well in the
Islamic world – the Hermetica were preserved and even expanded. The production of
Hermetic literature in Greek, Coptic, Syriac, Aramaic, Arab and Armenian illustrates
that the Hermetica remained an intellectual subject and were continuously studied.8 The
western civilisation only ‗re-discovered‘ the Hermetic tradition in the Renaissance. In
1460 A.D, the monk Leonardo of Pistoia brought to Florence a Greek manuscript with
Hermetic treatises concerning philosophy, astrology and alchemy. The city‘s ruler,
8
In the Byzantine Empire, a rich Hermetic literature was still preserved. Arab Hermetica also developed
throughout the late antiquity and middle ages. In the Syrian city of Harran (present Turkey) prior to the
Arab-Islamic conquest, Neo-Platonism had been syncretised with Hermetism. Hermetism persisted as a
living tradition as late as the tenth century, when one of Haran‘s exponent philosopher, Thabit ibn Qurra
(836-901) established a pagan Hermetic school in Bagdad. See: A. E. Affifi, ―The Influence of Hermetic
Literature on Moslem Thought.‖ In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 13/4,
(Cambridge: 1951), p.844. For Haran‘s syncretism see: T. M. Green, The City of the Moon God:
Religious Traditions of Harran. (Leiden:1992), p.168; S. Brock, ―A Syriac Collection of Prophecies of
the Pagan Philosophers‖. In: Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica, 14 (1983), pp. 203-46. Concerning the
Byzantine world, see: H. J. W. Drijvers , ―Bardaisan of Edessa and the Hermetica: The Aramaic
Philosopher and the Philosophy of his Time‖. In: JEOL, 21, 1970, pp.190-210. About the Armenian
Hermetica, see: M-G Durand, ―Un traité Hermétique conserve en Arménien.‖ In: Revue de l’histoire des
religions, 190 (1976), pp.55-72 and J. –P. Mahé, ―The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios‖
in: C. Salaman et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus Hermeticum and The Definitions of
Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London: 1999), pp. 99-124.
22
Cosimo de Medici ordered the scholar Marcilio Ficino9 to translate it to Latin.
According to Quispel, initial euphoria arose because scholars thought the literature
would be older than the Old Testament. However,
[i]n 1614 the Swiss Calvinist from Geneva, Casaubon, proved that the Corpus Hermeticum
was not as old as it pretended to be but should be dated after the beginning of the Christian
era. After this Hermetic writings lost their general fascination but lived on in secret
societies such as the Freemasons and the Rosicrucians. 10
The modern dating of the texts refutes the possibility that they are an ancient fount of
divine wisdom that predates Plato. Nevertheless, it is possible that the Hermetica
represent an authentic Egyptian religious tradition that came under the influence of
Greek philosophy and was later written down in a highly Hellenised style. Iamblichus
of Chalcis/Apamea11 suggested as much in his Abammonis ad Porphyrium
Responsum.12
Further research regarding the texts‘ origin was carried out by Richard Reitzenstein.
He published his Poimandres in 1904 challenging Isaac Casaubon‘s claim that the
Hermetica were mere
Christian forgeries13. William C. Grese summarizes
9
Cf. M. Ficino, Opera Marsilii Ficini florentini insignis philosophi platonici medici atque theology
clarissima opera omnia et quae hactenus extitere. (Basel: 1576, 1959).
10
G. Quispell, ―Preface.‖ In: C. Salaman et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus Hermeticum
and The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London: 1999), p. 9. For a complete analysis
concerning the European reception of the Hermetic literature from the Renascence to the eighth century,
see: J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian. (London: 1997).
11
Iamblichus was born in Chalcis but created a Neo-Platonic School at Apamea, in the vicinity of
Antioch. He studied Neo-Platonism with Porphyry of Tyre, who was pupil of Plotinus.
12
Presumably been written by Abammon, a high-ranking Egyptian priest, in reply to questions
concerning theurgy that had been addressed to him by his former master, Porphyry of Tyre. See: K.
Brown, ―Hermes Trismegistus and Apollonius of Tyana in the Writings of Bahá‘u‘lláh.‖ In: J. McLean
(ed.) Revisioning the Sacred: New Perspectives on a Bahá’í Theology – vol 8 (Los Angeles: 1997), pp.
153-187.
13
R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres - Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen Literatur.
(Leipzig: 1904).
23
Reitzenstein‘s position as follows: ―Reitzenstein portrayed the Hermetica as a
Hellenistic development of ancient Egyptian religion.‖14
Academic attention once again turned to the Hermetica when the Nag-Hammadi
Library of Coptic Gnostic and Hermetic texts15 was discovered during the 1940s and
consequently published in the 1970s. Garth Fowden states that Hermetic scholarship
entered in a new phase, one that emphasized an even closer connection between the
Hermetica and traditional Egyptian thought.16 It was maintained that the fact that
Hermetic texts had been translated from Greek into Coptic clearly demonstrated that
even non-Greek speakers had been involved in their reception, circulation and
interpretation. This in turn motivated academics to probe into a definition of the
Hermetica‘s cultural identity. Most modern discussions led by Hellenists and
Egyptologists tend to label the texts in accordance with the cultural influences found
therein. Naturally, the strong presence of both, Greek philosophy as well as Egyptian
thought, led to debates centring on either an assumed Greek or Egyptian origin. The
former drew heavily on the fact that – until recently – the oldest example of Hermetic
writing came from a papyrus dating back to the 2nd century A.D.17 This appeared to
support the view that this type of literature had developed in Greek at the beginning of
the Christian era.
14
W. C. Grese, ―Magic in Hellenistic Hermeticism.‖ In: I. Merkel, A. G. Debus (eds.), Hermeticism and
the Renaissance, I. (London, Toronto: 1988), p. 45.
15
The so-called Nag Hammadi Library, which mystic and religious contains such as non-canonical
gospels and Gnostic texts, but also Hermetic texts. After the discovery of the Nag-Hammadi codices, the
debate concerning the formation and cultural origins of Hermetic thought admitted the possibility of
Jewish influence. See: J.M. Robinson (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library. (New York: 1990).
16
G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes, (Princeton: 1993), p. xv. J. -P. Mahé sees a connection between the
philosophical Hermetica and the earlier Egyptian Wisdom literature in Hermès en Haute-Egypte (Quebec:
1978-1982). See also E. Iversen, Egyptian and Hermetic Doctrine (Copenhagen: 1984).
17
Cf. ―Papyrus Vindobonensis Graeca 29456‖.
24
Most traditional modern interpretations of the Hermetica acknowledged the theories
of Festugière18, who defined the texts as Greek with some Egyptian aesthetic elements.
Moreover, to them the strong similarities between the Corpus Hermeticum and neoPythagoreanism as well as Neo-Platonism19 pointed to a shared socio-cultural
background, maybe even direct intellectual exchange. In line with this widespread
position, Nock commented that the Hermetica contained very few Egyptian elements
apart from the texts‘ protagonists. According to him, the Hermetica mirrored popular
Greek philosophy in a very eclectic form, i.e. as a mixture of Platonism, Aristotelianism
and the then widespread Stoicism. Furthermore, Nock argued for some traces of
Judaism Iranian religious literature.20
The notion was soon established that the Hermetica‘s original authors probably
stemmed from Alexandria‘s Hellenistic milieu. Judging from their degree of erudition
in both Egyptian traditions and Greek philosophy, they were thought to have been
members of the priest class. This view remained canonical until the second half of the
20th century and affected the entire host of modern studies. Among these was
Momigliano21, who analyzed the cultural encounter between Greeks and their
neighbouring civilizations. He argued that the entire Hermetic phenomenon could be
reduced to a branch of Hellenistic literature aiming to look Egyptian in order to obtain
more prestige. Hermetic literature itself, however, seemed of little value to him; he
18
A.-J. Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste. (Paris: 1944-54). See I, 85 for his attempt to
disqualify the Egyptian influences. According to Festugière, the clear presence of Greek intellectual
influences was enough to classify the Corpus Hermeticum as Greek literature with some degree of
Egyptian background.
19
It is important to note that the prefix ―neo-‖ before the Hellenistic philosophies started during the
Rennaissence. We should bear in mind, however, that Neo-Pythagoreans and Neo-Platonics preferred
classifying themselves as Pythagoreans and Platonists respectively.
20
A. D. Nock, A. -J Festugière, (op. cit), p.486.
21
A. Momigliano, Alien Wisdom : the limits of Hellenization. (Cambridge: 1975).
25
pejoratively labelled it an ―esoteric curiosity‖ made by Greeks for the ―foolish‖ layer of
the Hellenistic population that had no political aspirations. He concluded that:
… many of the politically-minded Greeks chose Rome; many of the religiously-minded
went to an imaginary Persia and an imaginary Egypt. With the decline of the political
fortunes of Hellenism the self-doubting questions increased and encouraged the weakminded and the unscrupulous to offer easy ways out in text which could not be genuine. 22
Momigliano classified the Hermetica as ―not genuine‖ since its Greek sections
purported to have evolved from more ancient Egyptian thought. He reasoned that the
texts were in reality an attempt undertaken by Greek authors to cover up their ignorance
of Egyptian ―true knowledge‖. Consequently, ―Pseudo-Hermes‖ had been an original
‗mediator‘ who mixed neo-Pythagorean with Neo-Platonic philosophy and had sold this
as very attractive and exotic Egyptian mysticism.
Still other specialists analysed elements of the corpora‘s composition and classified
them as Greek due to the large presence of Greek philosophy. 23 The appearance of
Egyptian lore, on the other hand, caused others to judge the texts to be Egyptian.24
Moreover, some scholars have offered an alternative interpretation that allows for a
multicultural origin.25 This current emphasises the texts‘ elements that do not fit the
Egyptian-Greek axis; e.g. the occurrence of Hellenised peoples such as Mesopotamians
and Hebrews. Comparing the philosophical Hermetica with non-Greek Instruction texts,
Fowden states:
22
Ibidem, p. 149, is guided by premises of the traditional Marxist History current, which opposed
religious praxis and political commitment as a dichotomist paradigm.
23
A. -J. Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste. (Paris: 1944-54). Festugière defends the
Hermetica as part of Greek philosophical tradition.
24
See: J. -P. Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte. I-II (Quebec: 1978-82). Mahé understands the Hermetica
as an early Ptolemaic attempt to codify Egyptian religion.
25
See: G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: a historical approach to the late pagan mind. (Princeton:
1993). Fowden also offers a bibliographical review concerning this traditional debate about Greek and/or
Egyptian origins to Hermetica.
26
The (relatively) unhellenized Egyptian expressed himself in the language and thoughtpatterns of the indigenous tradition, but what he wrote, … might well draw on and be
drawn on by what was being written at the same time in Hebrew, Aramaic and Greek. 26
Put differently, Fowden‘s interpretation includes the possibility of multiple authorship
developing over several generations and drawing from various origins and cultural
influences.
However, the conception of Hermetism as an original and exclusive Greek-centred
phenomenon is no longer upheld among scholars. The scales were tipped with the
discovery of The Book of Thoth27, a multi-layered discourse in the form of a dialogue
between the god Thoth – whom the Greeks identified with Hermes in the Interpretatio
Graeca28 - and his disciple Mr-rḫ (―lover of wisdom‖).29 The Book itself is composed of
fragments, dating from the 1st century B.C. and the 2nd century A.D that stem from
various sites in Egypt. The different examples were written in Demotic and Hieratic.30
Their study proved, firstly, that Hermetic literature was written in Greek at the same
time as similar texts were developed in Egyptian temples; and, secondly, that this
cultural phenomenon preceded Christianity (rather than being its contemporary).
The present study is therefore based on the premise that the circumstances
responsible for the development of Hermetic literature were not confined to the
restricted axis of ‗Hellenised population to Hellenised population‘. Furthermore, it
26
Ibidem, p. 73.
R. Jasnow, K-Th. Zauzich, The ancient Book of Thoth. (Wiesbaden: 2005).
28
This identification between Thoth and Hermes is stated by Aristoxenus of Tarentum and Hecateus of
Abdera. Cf: Stobaeus I Proem. 6, p.20 Wachsmuth = Aristoxenus fr.23 Wehrli; Diodorus I.16.
29
The latter‘s name could indeed be translated as ―philosopher ”.
30
There is a considerable number of fragments from Tebtynis, Dime and Elephantine (P. Louvre AF
13035 in Demotic, and P. Louvre E 10614 - the only copy in Hieratic), and Edfu (P. Berlin P 15531, the
best preserved manuscript).
27
27
posits that a close examination of the relations between Greeks and Egyptians in
Ptolemaic Egypt was not only relevant to the understanding of the formation of the
Greek-Egyptian mentality, but also of crucial importance in the process of composing
Hermetic literature. The following chapter thus aims at establishing the historical and
cultural background of the relations between Greeks and Egyptians. Accordingly, a
brief overlook of the times before the Lagide period will be offered. A discussion of the
transformations occurring in Egypt as a consequence of the Roman conquest will
conclude this section.
1.1Background Information on Cultural Interactions between Greeks
and Egyptians
Every civilisation influences and is influenced by its neighbours. This is true with
regard to a spatial as well as a temporal dimension; i.e. a civilisation is influenced by
the traditions of its ancestors and forefathers. In the case of Egyptians and Greeks, their
first encounter predates the Macedonian conquest by centuries. The rule of Alexander
the Great and his successors, i.e. Egypt‘s conquest by the Macedonians, easily accounts
for the development of a Hellenistic civilisation in Egypt. However, since the Egyptians
had already been in contact with Greeks prior to Alexander‘s arrival, it is likely that
knowledge of Greek philosophy – and any Greek cultural influence for that matter –
entered Egyptian writings at a much earlier point than usually assumed.
This paper takes as its premise that the Hellenistic civilisation in Egypt was the result
of complex relations between two symbolic universes, which had for many centuries
coexisted within the same physical space. We need to bear in mind, of course that it is
28
not cultures that ‗meet‘ each other but people. As a result of such an encounter, a
culture‘s perception of itself and the elements setting it apart from another culture
become
blurred
and
undergo
constant,
gradual
and
always
unpredictable
transformations. It goes without saying that these changes are shaped by the way
individuals understand, classify and interact with the world surrounding them, i.e. at a
political, religious, cultural and social level. The outcome of such a transformation of
cultures is a new symbolic universe – in our case a Hellenistic universe – that contains a
new world view replacing both traditional Egyptian and Hellenic discourses. Hence the
birth of the Hermetic milieu in Egypt concurred with a newly founded perception of
reality.
A discussion of the Graeco-Egyptian worldview necessarily includes concepts of
cultural identity. In order to understand such a complex socio-cultural phenomenon as
Hellenism in the Graeco-Egyptian society, a historical contextualization is a sine qua
non. This will highlight the conditions that made the assimilation of key concepts
possible. Thus the next section offers some background information on the relations
between Egyptians and Greeks. Rather than just presenting a simplified summary of
facts, the following contextualisation includes additional topics that are relevant to the
further development of the argument presented in this paper. As will be seen, this
framework demands a diachronical perspective at times. The following section will be
split into two subsections, one dealing with pre-Hellenistic Egyptian-Greek relations
and the other with interactions postdating the Macedonian conquest.
29
1. 1. 1 Greeks and Egyptians prior to the Hellenistic age
Contact between Greeks and Egyptians dates back to the Middle Kingdom. By the time
of the beginning of the New Kingdom, i.e. the 18th Dynasty (ca. 1550-1350 B.C.),
intercultural exchange between Greeks and Egyptians had become intense. The mutual
influence left traces in art, as can be clearly seen in the Minoan motifs found in frescoes
from Avaris, the former capital of the Hyksos located in the eastern Delta.31 Thus we
read in the topographic list from the funerary temple of pharaoh Amenophis III names
like ―People from Kaftu‖ or ―Keftiu‖ (i.e. Crete), as well as references to Amnisos,
Knossos, Phaistos and many other Greek places.32 Assmann also mentions the foreign
diplomatic documentation from the Amarna period (ca. 1365 - 1349 B.C.) which
contains the name ―Akkijawa‖. This might be the Hittite equivalent to the Egyptian
’Aqawas (Achaeans), who, in the Ramesside period, were listed among ―The Peoples of
the Sea‖ due to their piracy and plunders in the eastern Mediterranean.33
The Dorian invasions coincided with several climatic changes and provoked the
collapse of the civilisations in the eastern Mediterranean world between 1200 - 1100
B.C.. At roughly the same time, the Mycenaean34 as well as the Hittite35 civilisations
perished and cities between Troy and Gaza were destroyed and/or abandoned. In Egypt,
the New Kingdom ended together with the centralised pharaonic state at the end of the
31
J. Assmann, Weisheit und Mysterium (München: 2000), p.13.
Ibidem, p.14.
33
Ibidem. For the main reference about it, see: W. L. Moran, The Amarna Letters. (Baltimore: 1992).
34
See appendix 1 for chronology. It started the so-called ―Greek Dark Ages‖ - from the end of the
Mycenaean civilization, until the formation of the first Greek cities during the IX century B.C. For a most
recent documentation, see: J. Galard, (ed.) L’ acrobate au taureau – Les découvertes de Tell el-Dab`a et
l’ archéologie de la Méditerranée orientale. (Paris, 1999).
35
Peoples from south Russia, who included the Phrygians, destroyed the Hittite Empire.
32
30
2nd millennium B.C (i.e. the Third Intermediate or Libyan Period)36. By and large, these
changes brought about the collapse of an entire network of commercial and diplomatic
relations existing between Egypt and its Mediterranean neighbours. This is the reason
why Egyptians already depicted the Keftiu as an Asiatic people in the 13th century B.C
while the Greeks would be later known simply as Ḑꜣ.w-nb.w37 (this also applies to the
Hellenistic period). Ḑꜣ.w-nb.w was a mythological expression for the people from the
northern limits of the world.
There is a tendency among modern scholars of ancient Greece to overestimate the
importance of the Linear B script with regard to the Greeks‘ self-perception and their
relations with their past. As Finley explains:
The Greeks themselves had no knowledge of the existence of a Linear B script … and
what they could not help but see of the ruins – as Mycenae itself – they regularly
misunderstood. … . In brief, the later Greeks had no memory whatever of a Mycenaean
civilization qualitatively different from their own and divided from it by the Dark Age
break. They thought of the rulers of Mycenae and Pylos as their own immediate ancestors
and forerunners, speaking socially and spiritually, not just biologically, … .38
Indeed, when seen from a Greek perspective even the relations between Greeks and
Egyptians can be traced back to the Mycenaean times. However, such contact would
only begin to flourish again after this ―Dark Age‖ and, as will become clearer later,
36
This refers to the time in Ancient Egypt which started after the death of Pharaoh Ramesses XI in 1070
B.C. The land also would be ruled by several local kings – in northern Egypt and by the priests of Amon
in southern Egypt, allied with Libyan (twenty-first – twenty-forth) dynasties. In fact, Egypt would be
reunited again under the rule of an Egyptian Pharaoh just in the Late Period, after the foundation of the
twenty-sixth (Saite) by Psamtek I in 664 B.C., following the expulsion of the Nubian rulers of the twentyfifth dynasty and the end of the vassal-ties with the Neo-Assyrian Empire – at the time in process of
disintegration .
37
Haw-Nebw - which literally means ―The dwellers of the swampy abyss‖. Cf. also the Greek term
―Hyperboreans‖.
38
M.I. Finley, The Ancient Greeks. (New York: 1991), pp. 23-24.
31
these relations gradually became more intense until the Hellenistic age. Depending on
which chronology one follows, these changes began in the late archaic period in the
Helade or during the Late Period in Egypt (i.e. at the start of the Saite 26th Dynasty).
1.1.1.1 Late Period Egypt and Archaic/ Classical Hellade
Today Homer‘s writings are the most important source to study when trying to establish
a continuous relationship between Greeks and Egypt that originated near the beginning
of the archaic period in the Hellade (750 - 480 B.C.). The Greeks of the 6th and late 5th
century B.C however, used ‗Homeric‘ as a general term for the entire heroic tradition
recorded in hexameter.
Moreover, the Homeric poems served as sole source of
collective historic memory to the Greeks of that time.39 In the Odyssey we find
references to the high esteem Egypt enjoyed in the ancient world in places ranging as
far as Asia, Africa and Europe. In a commentary on the Odyssey, Bresciani observes
how Ulysses‘ innumerable attempts to land his ship resemble the actions of the ―Peoples
of the Sea,‖ albeit in the 8th century B.C40 We will now turn to the Greeks‘ Archaic
Period, that begun in Greece during the time of the Egyptian 26th Dynasty (Saite, 664 –
525 B.C.), which deserves a special consideration here.
The 26th Dynasty saw great transformations of Egypt‘s administrative and judiciary
systems whereby cultural traditions of older dynasties were revived. The so-called Saite
39
This situation would change only after the second Persian invasion, in 480 B.C., whose reaction created
a feeling that – if not ―pan-Hellenic‖ – the Homeric poetry w as the biggest reference to the Hellenic
identity so far.
40
Cf. E. Bresciani, ―Lo Straniero‖. In: S. Donadoni (ed), L’Uomo Egiziano. (Roma: 1990), p.262. he
says: ―Le coste e i porti egiziani non erano ignoti ai Greci d‘Ómero: si ricordino, narrati nell‘Odissea, i
tentativi di sbarco di Ulisse, un pirata simile ai ‗Popoli del Mare‘, ma nell‘VIII secolo‖. For a best
understanding over chronological equivalences between the Greek world and Egypt, see Appendix 1.
32
Renaissance adhered to bygone artistic models and aimed at rescuing ancient texts of
the past41. It is important to note that the Saite Dynasty even exercised influence over
later Egyptian dynasties. Psamtek I, for instance, became a model of inspiration due to
his ability to restore national unity, or, as Perdu puts it:
… il le doit surtout à cette réputation qui tend à faire de lui le modèle même de roi
restituant au pays sa souveraineté après une domination étrangère. À cet égard, il est
significatif qu‘après avoir chassé les Perses et réunifié le pays sous l‘autorité de Saïs,
l‘Armytée de la XXVIIIe dynastie se présente comme un nouveau Psammétique, attitude
qui préfigure la volonté des derniers souverains indigènes de la XXXe Dynastie de se
comporter en véritables émules des Saïtes dans leur tentative de sursaut national.42
Indeed, not only during the reign of Amirtaios (28th Dynasty) after the first Persian
domination, but also under Nectanebo I (30th Dynasty), native pharaohs viewed the
Saite 26th Dynasty as an ideal model of government. Thus seeking inspiration
Nectanebo I similarly turned to the past, which can be seen, for example, by his choice
of a throne name that is identical to the one Senusret I (Sesostris I) used to carry43.
Overall, Egyptians developed really close ties with their past during the Late Period
resulting in the generation of a new ‗cultural memory‘44, which might even be labelled
‗conservative‘.
41
With regard to the Saite Rennaissances, Herman De Meulenaere complements it by saying: ―Ce
sentiment de nostalgie des époques anciennes a engendré, aussi bien dans la langue et dans l‘écriture, un
fervent désir de remettre en usage des conventions et des procédés utilisés autrefois et tombés en
désuétude.‖ Cf: H. de Meulenaere ―Thèbes et la Renaissance Saïte‖. In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient, 28,
2003, p. 61. For a deeper analysis on this subject, see: Der Manuelian, Living in the Past - Studies in
Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-sixth Dynasty, (London, 1994).
42
O. Perdu, ―Psammétique Ier‖. In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient, 28, 2003, p. 10.
43
The second pharaoh of the 12th dynasty - conqueror of Nubia and the western oasis - he ruled Egypt
between ca. 1956 – 1911 B.C.
44
J. Assmann, Weisheit und Mysterium (München: 2000), p. 15. Cf. also: A. Loprieno, La pensée et
l’écriture: pour une analyse sémiotique de la culture égyptienne. (Paris: 2001). The author debates the
process carried on by a further generation into re-constructing its relationship with its own past, through
reinterpreting its own memories. On the same subject, see also: J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian (London:
1998), especially pp.1-22.
33
Contact between Egyptians and Greeks started under the first Saite king, Psamtek
(Psammetichus) I (664 – 525 B.C.), who began trading with the Hellade. Increasingly
closer relations between the two countries followed this. The most important reason for
this development was a huge Greek and Carian migratory flux moving from western
Anatolia to Egypt. Commerce between Greeks and Egyptians was so thriving that the
former received permission to colonise a trade port in the vicinity of Sais which came to
be known as Naucratis.45 From 650 B.C. onwards, the Greeks came to live at Naucratis
as well as at other military colonies in the Delta.46 Although Herodotus writes at a later
period, he is able to inform his readers of the gifts the Egyptians gave to the Greeks (II,
182). Among these was the foundation of Naucratis (II, 178)47 – by which the Egyptians
intended to boost commerce and diplomatic relations – as well as the donation of lands,
which served as a means of holding the mercenaries in Egypt (II, 152 - 154).
A further factor that contributed to the establishment of Greek-Egyptian ties was a
strong Greek ‗cordiality‘ with Egypt. Höbl explains that the demise of the New
Assyrian Empire:
… caused Egypt to turn its gaze more and more often to the Mediterranean and the
Greeks. King Amasis (570 - 526) was perceived as a particularly good friend of the Greeks:
he bestowed the legal status of a polis upon the Greek settlement in Naucratis (in the Delta).
At that time, Cyprus belonged to the Egyptian Empire and an agreement of friendship
existed with Cirene.48
45
G. Höbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire. (London: 2001), p.10.
Cf. Herodotus‘ stratopeda (II, 154).
47
Then, the author concluded that pharaoh ―Amasis became a lover of the Greeks.‖ (II, 178). ―Φηιέιιελ
δὲ γενόμενος ὁ Ἄμμασις ἄλλα τε ἐς ἗λλήνων μετεξετέρους ἀπεδέξατο.”
48
Op.cit, p. 3.
46
34
It is important to remember that the recruitment of foreign mercenaries was a common
practice under the Saites. As the Greek contingent clearly outnumbered those of other
‗nationalities,‘ the Egyptian title ―Commander of Greeks‖ (mr ḑꜣw-nbw) became a
synonym for ―Commander of foreigners‖ (mr ḫꜣstyw) during the 26th Dynasty.49
Furthermore, Assmann maintains that the Egyptian recruitment of mercenaries among
Greeks was also promoted by Greek rulers themselves.50 In the case of Pharaoh Amasis
and Polycrates, the Samoan tyrant, we might even venture to speak of friendship (Diod.
I, 95.3). Fraser sums up the general Egyptian consensus towards Hellenic mercenaries
as follows:
Egypt from Elephantine to the Delta was familiar to Greeks of the most varied callings, but
especially the profession of arms in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. They have left their
names and ethnics inscribed on a score of temples from the archaic period onwards, from
Middle Egypt to Nubia and out to the Eastern Desert, … .51
The Saite Dynasty was also of crucial importance as it set the background to the
writings of Herodotus (5th century B.C.) as well as those of Diodorus Siculus (1st B.C.)
It was these authors whose descriptions of Egypt, read by Greeks and Romans alike,
helped crystallise a stereotyped image of the land of the Nile. The authors and their
audience both influenced this image by their choice of how information was transmitted
and interpreted. Naturally, their ability to judge, understand and criticise a foreign
culture also affected their view. However, we should be careful not to dismiss these
works as failing to portray a truthful picture of Egypt‘s civilisation – this had never been
49
S. Pernigotti, I Greci nell’Egito della XXVI Dinastia (Imola: 1999), p. 77.
Op.cit. p. 15.
51
P. M. Fraser, ―The world of Theophrastus‖. In: S. Hornblower (ed). Greek Historiography. (Oxford:
1996), p. 180.
50
35
their authors‘ aim in the first place. We need to bear in mind that the criteria of a
historically accurate narrative back then differed from our theoretical and
methodological approaches nowadays.52
To sum up, Egypt became the epitome of a golden age civilisation due to Greek and
Egyptian ‗recollections‘ of the 26th Dynasty. Writing in the 5th century B.C, Herodotus
adopted in his rhetoric the concept of θ῵μα53 which included general curiosities,
wonders, miracles and all kind of prodigies according to which the peoples surveyed
could be classified. Inevitably, this reinforced the vision of Egypt as a remarkable and
admirable place, of which Herodotus tells his audience:
… and I visited Thebes too and Heliopolis for this very purpose, … I visited Thebes too
and Heliopolis …, because I desired to know if the people of those places would tell me
the same tale as the priest at Memphis ; for the people of Heliopolis are said to be the most
learned of the Egyptians …. But as regarding human affairs, this was the account in which
they all agreed : the Egyptians, they said were the first men who reckoned by years and
made the year to consist of twelve divisions of the seasons …. Further, the Egyptians
(they said) first used the appellations of twelve gods 54 (which the Greeks afterwards
borrowed from them) 55; and it was they who first assigned to the several gods their altars
52
Polybius is an excellent example of author who deeply concerned with the accuracy of his comments
and at the same time dealt without ceremonies with mythical references and mostly with the role-played
by Fortune into one‘s life. For a more specific debate about historical truth and the plurality of truths
among the ancient Historians, see: P. Veyne, Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs mythes? (Paris: 1983).
53
About this ζ῵μα (lit. astonishment), Herodotus announced in his first lines that he proposed: ―κήηε
ἔργα μεγάλα τε καὶ θωμαστά, τὰ μὲν Ἕλλησι τὰ δὲ βαρβάροισι ἁποδεχθέντα.” (I, 1); which means:
an exposition/description of what should be worth to be seen as the great deeds of Greeks and Barbarians.
54
The author observes that the term ―Twelve Gods‖ is obscure. He adds, ―This only appears to be clear,
that eight (or nine) gods form the first order of the Egyptian hierarchy, and there are twelve of second
ranks‖. Cf. A.D. Godley (transl.) Herodotus Books I-II (London: 2004), pp. 278-279, note 01. See also the
following footnote.
55
C. Jacob gives an interesting complement to the matter of the ―Twelve Gods‖ : ―À l‘exception d‘Héra
et Poséidon, qui ne viennent pas d‘Égypte : II, 50. Hérodote a sans doute compris que les prêtres parlaient
des douze dieux grecs, alors qu`ils pensaient plus probablement à l‘ennéade d‘Heliopolis.‖ Cf. C. Jacob,
―Introduction (et notes)‖. In : C. Jacob, P-E Legrand (transl.). Hérodote – L’Égypte : Histoires, livre II
(Paris : 1997), p. 8, note 12.
36
and images and temples, and first carved figures on stone56. They showed me most of this
by plain proof. (Hdts. II, 3-4).
An important part of Egypt‘s depiction by Herodotus was its alleged natural connection
to religious wisdom. Thus he wrote of the Egyptians that ―they are beyond measure
religious, more than any other nation‖ (II- 37). In addition to this, he also called upon
Egyptian priests to testify to and legitimise the truthfulness of his information: ―This is
the story which I heard from the priests of Hephaestus‘ temple at Memphis‖ (Hdts. II,
2).57
Herodotus‘ rhetoric strategy58 was so successful that his model was still reproduced
four centuries later by Diodorus. Diodorus‘s work thus reinforced the traditional and
idealised Greek perception of Egypt as an ancient land and cradle of knowledge (i.e. the
country of wise priests). As his predecessor, Diodorus emphasised the role of the
priests‘ as guardians of this knowledge which induced many foreigners to visit Egypt:
But now that we have examined these matters, we must enumerate what Greeks, who have
won fame for their wisdom and learning, visited Egypt in ancient times, in order to become
acquainted with its customs and learning …. For the priests of Egypt recount from the
records of their sacred books that they were visited in early times by Orpheus, Musaeus,
Melampus, and Daedalus, also by the poet Homer and Lycurgus of Sparta, and Plato, and
that there also came Pythagoras of Samos and the mathematician Eudoxus, as well as
Democritus of Abdera and Oenopides of Chios. … . (Diod. I, 96, 1-2).
The above survey shows how Greek historians created the image of Egypt as a land
full of knowledge which in turn was linked to its priests. Once we accept that the
56
C. Jacob: ―Les composantes matérielles essentielles du culte grec sont ainsi mises en place. Hérodote
distingue les statues de cultes (agalmata) et les reliefs taillés dans la pierre. ‖ (ibidem, note 13).
57
Cf. also his comment: ―… the priests told me that Min was the first king of Egypt‖ (Hdts. II-99).
58
For a most complete research on Herodotus‘ method, see: F. Hartog, Le mirroir d’Hérodote : essai sur
la représentation de l’autre. (Paris: 1980).
37
Greeks viewed Egypt through the eyes of their countrymen – in particular Herodotus‘,
who claimed to have written his accounts based on oral reports, and his contemporaries‘
– it becomes apparent that subsequent generations contented themselves with merely
copying what their predecessors had already outlined. By and large, this created a
continuous process of quotations and reproductions of former stereotypes that were
understood to be valid premises for studying Egypt.
1.1.1.2
The Persian Invasions of Egypt and the Classical Hellade
By defeating the last Saite pharaoh, i.e. Psamtek III and his army – which was mostly
composed of Greek mercenaries – the Persian Great King Cambyses succeeded in
conquering Egypt in 525 B.C. As a consequence of this, Egypt lost its political
autonomy and became a Persian satrapy (fratarak). Other Persian policies followed a
more moderate agenda; Dareios I, for example, went to great lengths to achieve
legitimacy as an Egyptian ruler. He therefore built temples, made offerings to the gods
and codified laws. Diodorus informs us that:
The sixth man to concern himself with the laws of the Egyptians, it is said, was Darius the
father of Xerxes; for he was incensed at the lawlessness which his predecessor, Cambyses,
had shown in his treatment of the sanctuaries of Egypt, and aspired to live a life of virtue
and of piety towards the gods. (Diod. I, 95, 3-6).
The profanation of Egyptian religious symbols carried out by Cambyses became a longterm instrument of propaganda against the Persians. Briant comments that the story told
by Herodotus about Cambyses‘ profanation of the Apis bull soon became the epitome of
38
Persian impiety. Furthermore, this incident was repeatedly re-used to impress the image
of Persians as destroyers of Egyptian religiousness59.
This animosity against the Persian rule climaxed in two failed native rebellions. The
first took place soon after Xerxes‘ defeat of the Persians in Marathon around 484 B.C;
the second, which received massive support from the ―Athenians and their allies‖ (i.e.
the Delos League), was lead by two native princes, Amirtaios and Innarus. According to
Thucydides, they acted on an instigation by Innarus (I, 104). However, after some years
of war (460 – 455 B.C), Artaxerxes restored the Persian rule. Herodotus‘ also
incorporated the occurrences on the battlefield where Egyptians, backed by the Delos
League, clashed with Persians into his account (III, 12). The Athenian expedition,
which had begun around 460/459 B.C ended in the Nile Delta through the hands of the
Persians in 454 B.C.60 Thucydides (I, 104 - 109) best describes the Athenians‘ disaster
during the campaign in Egypt. Westlake, on the other hand, comments on the passage
by Thucydides that he:
… merely states that the Athenians and their allies sailed up the Nile and were in control
of the river when they captured most of Memphis and began the investment of the White
Castle. … It is true that he chooses to confine his narrative to the barest summary when
dealing with the middle years of the Pentecontaetia and that the campaign in Egypt is not
altogether relevant to the principal theme of his excursus, which is the growth of the
59
P. Briant, ―L‘Égypte des Grands Rois‖. In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient, 9 (1998), p. 3.
Despite Thucydides estimate the Athenian losses in about two hundred and fifty ships in Egypt, modern
scholars considers this number as overestimated. Indeed, there is a lot of conflict around Thucydides‘
numbers. J.M. Libourel explains the main argumentation of supporting this opinion against Thucydides‘
numbers. He says: ―(…) a disaster of such magnitude would have had far greater repercussions in the
Aegean world, have felt that this figure was too high and have suggested that the actual number of
Athenian and allied ships engaged in the Egypt campaign numbered only about fifty or even forty - the
figure given by Ctesias (63-4)‖. Cf.: J. M. Libourel ―The Athenian Disaster in Egypt‖. In: The American
Journal of Philology, vol. 92 (1971), p. 605.
60
39
Athenian power. … It is remarkable that Thucydides nowhere states the total of the losses
sustained in Egypt by the Athenians and their allies. 61
The next Persian to rule over Egypt was Artaxerxes II, the successor of Dareios II. He
had to face a civil war against his brother, Cyrus, and briefly ruled over Egypt (405 –
404 B.C.)62. At roughly the same time, an Egyptian prince called Amirtaios, who came
from Sais in the Delta, proclaimed his independence. He acted as pharaoh for some
years in addition to the Persian domination. However, his power already extended as far
as Elephantine around 398 B.C Egypt experienced a short period of political
independence until order was restored in Persia. The Persians‘ constant attempts to
reconquest Egypt brought at least another Persian rule around 343 - 341 B.C.
1.1.1.3
Herodotus attitude towards of the Persians
According to Cassin63, classical Greece considered somebody to be a barbarian if he/she
did not follow Greek laws, which were based on customs and traditions. This is the
reason why Herodotus, for instance, ironically portrayed the Persians as men without
culture since they adopted foreign customs with easiness (I, 135). Thus they began to
wear Mede clothing and Egyptian breastplates and practiced Greek love. Generally
speaking, barbarians were defined by their ability to adapt; they took originally foreign
traditions, prescriptions and laws and made them their own.64 It was the cultural
61
H. D. Westlake, ―Thucydides and the Athenian Disaster in Egypt‖. In: Classical Philology, vol. 45
(1950), p. 209.
62
A most detailed study about the Persian rule in Egypt as well as the Persian history itself can be
obtained in: P. Briant, Histoire de l’Empire Perse. De Cyrus à Alexandre, (Paris, 1996).
63
B. Cassin, ―‘Barbarizar‘ e ‗cidadanizar‘ ou Não se escapa de Antifonte‖. In: B. Cassin et alii Gregos,
Bárbaros, Estrangeiros. (Rio de Janeiro: 1993), p. 108.
64
Later, from the Hellenistic age onwards, this conception of barbarians changed; a moral dimension was
added to its older definition.
40
differences Herodotus observed that motivated him to investigate the ―customs of
barbarians‖. Inevitably, he carried his survey out against the background of a Greeks vs.
―barbarians‖ dichotomy. The Persians were therefore ‗constructed‘ as the complete
antithesis of Greek-Athenian virtues and Egyptian religious virtues.
The fact that Herodotus frequently presented Persians performing not only bad but
also good deeds might appear to contradict his above stated behaviour. This approach,
however, also gave his analysis some ‗apparent‘ bias. It was ‗apparent‘ since some
elements of his narrative were clearly pre-selected and the author thus responsible for
mediated information that influenced public reception. It should also be noted that
Herodotus employed this mode of depiction with all cultural groups/civilisations he
described, Greeks and Barbarians alike65.
Since Herodotus‘ accounts gained popularity throughout the Greek world, they were
constantly imitated, even in Graeco-Roman times66. It became common practice to
reiterate a stereotypical image of Persians who – at least in the eyes of the Greeks –
embodied the complete opposite of Egyptian virtues. This negative view was still
considered to be attractive and politically useful when Alexander the Great declared war
against the Persians whom he allegedly fought in revenge for two events; namely their
invasion of Greece, that took place 150 years before his time, and the Persian
profanation of Greek temples and sanctuaries.67 It is interesting to observe that the anti-
65
In Herodotus‘ work, ―Barbarian‖ is a term to identify the peoples who were unable to understand the
Greek language and therefore to follow the Greek traditions and laws (nomoi).
66
From the end of the Classical Age through the times of the Imperial Rome, the concept of ―barbarian‖
would be radically transformed into a moral issue. For that reason a revision of Herodotus‘ logoi carried
out by Plutarch would accuse Herodotus as ―philobarbaros‖ (Plutarch : Moralia 856E). This debate
concerning the concept of barbarian among the ancient authors is best explored in chapter 1.1.3.
67
Such negative stereotype of Persian rule would be reproduced even by the Hebrews in the Old
Testament‘s Book of Daniel (8:21; 10:20-21; 11:1-3), where Alexander and his army are interpreted as a
divine intervention to put an end into the Persians profanations against Israel. Herodotus himself uses in
41
Persian propaganda persisted throughout the Hellenistic age; the Macedonian kings of
Egypt simply transferred the negative Persian stereotypes to the Hellenistic Seleucid
Empire. The Hellenistic kingdom therefore clearly became the symbolic ―heir‖ of the
Persians.
1.1.2 The Ptolemies: Egyptian religion used as a Political Instrument
At the time of the rule of Dareios III (―Codoman‖), an Egyptian revolt ended with the
ascension of a new native pharaoh, Khababash68, who was recognised as legitimate ruler
throughout most parts of Egypt. When Alexander the Great entered Egypt with his army
in 332 B.C the Egyptians had recently been defeated in their latest attempt under
pharaoh Khababash to break the Persian rule. Egypt was once more controlled by the
Persians soon before the arrival of its Macedonian conqueror Alexander the Great, who
found the land administrated by a Persian satrap. After a last and brief period of
Egyptian contestation, the Persians, after restoring their rule, disbanded the Egyptian
army and established a Persian garrison. Consequently, when the Macedonians took up
the administration of Egypt, there were no longer a native army or military elite. Huss69
surmises that the Persian king Dareios III absorbed the remainder of the Egyptian army
after the revolt led by Khababash. The author also observes that the Macedonians made
his History an entire dialogue among Persians against Democracy, which is classified as a good only ―for
Persian‘s enemies‖ (III, 80-83).
68
Khababash led a revolt against the Persians in ca. 337 B.C. He is briefly mentioned in the Satrap Stele
(Cairo CG 22182), dated to times of Ptolemaios son of Lagos – or Lagide – when he was still but a satrap
ruling in the name of Alexander IV, the official successor of Alexander the Great. This stele was
dedicated in commemoration of the restoration of the rights of a temple at Buto, after Ptolemaios Lagide
victory over Demetrius Poliorcetes at Gaza in 312 B.C. This stele mentions (lines 32-44) an inspection
around the Delta region prepared by this pharaoh so that any effort of another invasion by the Persian
fleet could be blocked off. Cf. W. K. Simpson, (ed.), The literature of ancient Egypt. (London: 1972).
69
W. Huss, Der Makedonische König und die ägyptischen Priester. (Stuttgart: 1994), p. 11.
42
large use of the bureaucratic and administrative Egyptian elite (the ―land‘s
administrators‖ or śšmj.w tꜣ). Apart from this, no military authority was bestowed on
Egyptians. As Rostovtzeff explains,70 the Macedonians are likely to have kept the native
administration since they needed an efficient administrative body. This was crucial in
their struggle against the newborn Hellenistic kingdoms of Syria and Macedonia.
The political relations between Macedonian and Egyptian elites had many strands.71
On the one hand, the Macedonian army was initially welcomed as liberator from the
Persian domination; on the other hand, the Macedonians needed some sort of
justification for their rule over the Egyptians nonetheless. The well-established Egyptian
priests required more well-founded arguments than the mere ‗right of conquest‘. This
meant negotiation. The great social prestige the priests enjoyed as well as the influence
they could exercise over society made them key factors in the process of recognition
and legitimacy of the Macedonian dynasties72. After all, what the Macedonians tried to
simulate was a natural and valid continuation of the ancient pharaonic lineage.
Throughout its Hellenistic rule, Egyptian priests functioned as major mediators
establishing native acceptance of the Macedonian authority. The following generation
of Macedonian kings, i.e. the basilei, pursued the strategy adopted by Alexander, which
most foreign rulers of Egypt made use of as well. He took on the title of pharaoh and
consequently assumed all prerogatives and duties such a position demanded within the
70
M. Rostovtzeff, A large Estate in Egypt in the Third Century BC. (Rome: 1967), p. 3.
Cf.: W. Huss, op. cit., offers a very consistent debate about the different ways and dimensions of the
possible negotiation, cooperation and opposition between the Ptolemaic kings and the Egyptian priestly
elites.
72
In Egypt, there were two distinct Macedonian dynasties: the Argeade, who where the blood-lined
successors of Alexander the Great, and the Lagide, who where the blood line successors of Ptolemy son
of Lagos – or Lagide. Ptolomy (later Ptolemy I), was a former general of Alexander, then Satrap on
behalf of the Argeade and at last the first Macedonian king of Egypt after the integrity of Alexander‘
Empire collapsed due to his generals‘ disputes. See Appendix 1 for further details about chronologic
information.
71
43
Egyptian symbolic universe. In other words, in his role as pharaoh, the basileus had to
meet the demands of an Egyptian king. Inevitably, this introduced a peculiar realpolitik
at the Hellenistic court in Egypt, where native traditions and royal Egyptian ideology
were considered to be important elements of the ―affairs of the king‖ (basilica).
At the beginning of the Hellenistic administration of Egypt, Ptolemy I seized the
opportunity to build on Egypt‘s religiousness as means of reaching its population. A
good example of this scheme is the introduction of the Sarapis cult; i.e. the birth of a
new Greek-Egyptian syncretistic deity created with the help of Egyptian and Greek
sages. According to Kessler, the introduction of Sarapis enabled the Greek masses to
take part in the Egyptian festivals at the Sarapeion of Alexandria. 73 The god‘s cult soon
became popular among the Hellenised population of Egypt and spread throughout the
eastern Mediterranean basin and towards all the places owned by the Lagides.74
Religiousness thus worked as a driving force that brought cohesion to the new social
structure of Hellenistic Egypt. It formed part of each Lagide ruler‘s agenda to build,
expand, and restore Egyptian temples. The widespread popularity of the Egyptian gods,
cults and religious practices among the Hellenised population also meant the
maintenance of the social prestige enjoyed by the native priests.
Once Egypt‘s aristocracy was reduced to priests, ‗spirituality‘ became an important
political tool for the elites on both sides, i.e. Egyptians and Greeks/Macedonians.
According to Sahlins,75 ―politics‖ serves as the essential mediator between man and
society, nature and cosmos. By means of the political instrumentalisation of
73
The author understands it as a Hellenistic attempt to connect the Egyptian and Macedonian calendars
and their cultural habits. See: D. Kessler, ―Das hellenistische Sarapeum in Alexandria und Ägypten in
ägyptologischer Sicht―. In: M. Görg, G. Höbl (eds.), Ägypten und der östliche Mittelmeerraum im I.
Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Wiesbaden: 2000), pp. 163-230.
74
Furthemore, Sarapis was later worshipped throughout the entire Roman Empire as an aspect of Zeus.
75
M. Sahlins, Islands of History. (Chicago: 1985).
44
religiousness, Hellenistic Egypt developed a new symbolic campus76, which in turn
created channels through which power could be negotiated. This was possible because
both elites recognised the new political channels as a valid means of communication
between the respective representatives of Hellenistic and Egyptian bodies or ―symbolic
jurisdictions‖. Since both sides needed each other to achieve symbolic and political
legitimacy as well as to gain support among both their rivals and allies, it was necessary
to establish a symbolic space in which both groups could interact as representatives of
their respective symbolic universes.
What occurred in such a space can be seen in the so-called ―Synodal decrees‖77,
where priests and kings acted interconnectedly due to their their shared interest, namely
the welfare of (priests and) Egypt.78 All decrees start by reporting the individual
benefactions made by the particular king to Egypt and its temples. By royal order,
priests all over Egypt had to regularly meet for political deliberations in a synod.79 The
decrees were produced at the end of their session. They gave an account of all aspects
concerning the king‘s domestic and foreign policies and dealt with several issues
regarding Egypt‘s social organisation.
76
Cf.: P. Bourdieu, Le Sens Pratique. (Paris: 1980). The author defines as ―campus‖ a cultural concept
for a symbolic and delimitated field or sphere in a society, in which antagonism between different
instances of power could both agree as valid for the legitimacy of the negotiations. A campus could be
understood most simply as some sort of ―jurisdiction of habitus‖. In this case in Hellenistic Egypt, the
social importance of the priestly social group implied in a reconnaissance of their specific line of action
on Egyptian society as the best way to achieve a channel for political negotiations.
77
The idea of regular synods existed already since the Ramesside times. However, with the Ptolemaic
rule, this practice was adopted with some innovations. For instance, the text of the decrees then followed
some Hellenistic canons such as the invocation of Fortune, and the oath formula. There is a comparative
study concerning the Ptolemaic synodal decrees and their antecessors in: D. Vallbelle, J. Leclant (ed.) Le
Décret de Memphis. (Paris : 1999).
78
Although the priests worked together with the king, the temples also enjoyed some economic
autononmy.
79
Ptolemy V Epiphanes determined the end of the obligatorily of those regular synods. See: D. J
Crawford, J. Quaeguebeur, W. Clarysse, Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis. (Leuven: 1980).
45
To the modern reader, the decrees serve as valuable minutes of the discussions
between the king and the priests. The list of topics varies and may include, among
others, the creation of a new phyle of priests or a reform of the Egyptian calendar – as
can be found in the Decree of Canopus. The Raphia Decree, on the other hand, offers
details of a military campaign to Syria including the return of lost sacred statues to the
Egyptian temples and fiscal privileges granted them (as reduced taxes, for instance.).
The Memphis/Rosetta Decree makes reference to the organisation of a new fleet and
army, an amnesty given to rebels, and the concession of fiscal privileges to the temples.
All decisions taken were made public in every Egyptian temple by means of a stone
stela that was inscribed in three languages: Greek, Demotic and hieroglyphs80.
Seen from a broader perspective, the synods and their issued decrees formed part of a
larger context of political relations between two spheres of power in activity in Egypt.
The decrees worked as official and organised reaction of the Hellenistic government to
home affairs – albeit clad in Ptolemaic religious practices. The priests returned the
king‘s favour in form of material and symbolic support. This brief sketch helps to
understand the role the priests played in the legitimacy of the Hellenistic ruler cult in
Egypt. It is important, however, to note that this cult did not form a linear continuation
of dynastic Egypt practices.
In the traditional Egyptian royal cult, pharaoh, due to his divine status (nṯr), received
a cult both during his life and after his death. He acquired and maintained his divinity
with the help of specific kingship rituals. These began with his coronation, which was
also the most important ritual. In this ceremony, the king was transformed into a god by
80
See: W. Huss, Der Makedonische König und die ägyptischen Priester. (Stuttgart: 1994), for a detailed
analysis on the social and political context of the decree‘s production. See also G. Höbl, A History of the
Ptolemaic Empire (London: 2001).
46
means of the god‘s union with the royal soul (kꜢ). As a god, pharaoh was identified with
the sun god Re as well as with the manifestations of the gods Horus and Osiris.81 The
actual cult became popular at the beginning of the rule of Amenhotep III (ca. 1390-1352
B.C), i.e. during the New Kingdom. It followed the pattern of the daily temple rituals of
other gods very closely and kings even erected (colossal) statues of themselves where
offerings were deposited.82 As this clearly shows, pharaoh was understood to be the
mortal bearer of divine functions; at the core, he was essentially a mediator between the
natural and the supernatural world.
The dynastic royal model stands in stark contrast to the Hellenistic basileus in Egypt,
who totally depended on his own charisma and political skills for his transformation
into a living god. The deification of the basileus based on his superior character (arete)
stands in closer connection to the Greek custom of hero-worshipping than any Egyptian
practices. However, the heroes‘ cult was in fact a cult centring on dead people and was
maintained to preserve role models for future generations. Overall, the royal Hellenistic
cult may therefore be labelled innovative.83
This idiosyncratic cult first emerged under Ptolemy I. It started out as another Greek
hero cult in honour to Alexander, whose body had been transported from Babylon to
Macedonia for his burial and subsequent placement in a shrine in Alexandria. Ptolemy,
however, did not only give homage to the deceased; he seized the cult as an opportunity
81
Since the Middle Kingdom, the pharao was also identified with the god Amun-Re.
There are depictions of the king making offerings to his deified self. These statues represented the royal
ka of the living king, and when he or she worships their own statue, they are actually worshipping the
concept of deified kingship as represented in the royal ka, which the king embodies. See: S. Morenz,
Ägyptische Religion (Stuttgart: 1960).
83
See : Cl. Préaux, Le Monde Hellénistique 1. (Paris: 1997), pp. 238-71; J.P.V.D. Balsdon, ―The Divinity
of Alexander‖, Historia 1 (Stuttgart: 1950), pp. 363-388. L.J. Sanders ―Dionysius I of Syracuse and the
Origins of Ruler Cult in the Greek World‖, Historia 40, (Stuttgart: 1991), pp. 275-87; F. W. Walbank,
―Könige als Götter, Überlegungen zum Herrscherkult von Alexander bis Augustus‖, Chiron 17
(München: 1987), pp. 365-82.
82
47
to promote himself as a legitimate successor to Alexander. Nonetheless, Ptolemy never
claimed divine worship for himself. It was his son, Ptolemy II Philadelphos, who
arranged the formal deification of his parents around 280 B.C, which proclaimed them
as ―Savior Gods‖ (Theoi Soteres). Some years later, Ptolemy II Philadelphos and his
wife, Arsinoe II, were also deified. In contrast to Ptolemy I, they were endowed with
their new title of the ―Sibling Gods‖ (Theoi Adelphoi) while still living. They were
worshiped in the above-mentioned shrine of Alexander.
The development of the ruler cult as a Hellenistic ‗state religion‘ had the support and
collaboration of Egyptian priests. The decrees they wrote usually84 employed the
Egyptian artistic canon thereby depicting the royal Macedonian family as a traditional
pharaonic family. The following is a typical example of a Hellenistic Egyptian synodal
decree:
84 Altough the Decree of Raphia proclaimed that the pharaoh should be represented on horseback with
Macedonian armoury and Spear, the style remained Egyptian. See: W. Clarysse, ―Ptoléméees et
Temples.‖ In: D. Vallbelle, J. Leclant (ed.) Le Décret de Memphis. (Paris : 1999), pp. 41-65 ; image of
the stele in p.47.
48
Table 1: Canopus Decree (Cairo CG 22186)
A) The top of the stela from Kom el-Hisn, in the
Delta. (Greek Momenphis; Egyptian JmꜢw).
Capital of the third nome of Lower Egypt 85.
B) A Facsimile with a drawing of the same stele by
Gunther Roeder (the segmentation of the texts was
omitted by the author of this paper)86.
A. 1) Top of the stela with part of the text written
in hieroglyphs.
This stela shows Ptolemy III Evergetes I and his wife,
queen Berenike II, portrayed as gods at a gathering with
their ancestors and Egyptian gods.87
A. 2) Middle section: The hieroglyphic text was
chiselled atop its demotic version underneath
which the Greek text can be found.
A. 3) At the bottom of the stela follows the Greek
version of the document.
85
A. B. Kamal, Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes : 22001- 22208 Stèles Ptolémaiques et
Romaines Tome II. (Le Caire: 1904), Plate LIX (top = A.1); LX (middle = A.2) ; LXI (botton = A.3).
86
G. Roeder, Kulte und Orakel im alten Ägypten, Band II. (Zürich: 1960), p. 151. G. Höbl (op.cit.)
reproduces the same draw with comments at p.107
87
Below the winged sun from the left side: Berenike I following Ptolemy I Soter (the first royal pair);
Arsinoe II following Ptolemy II Philadelphos ( the second royal pair); then the goddess Seshat, the god
Thoth and the third royal pair: Berenike II and Ptolemy III Evergetes I. Ptolemy III is in front of the
goddess of the third Egyptian nome, followed by the goddesses Hathor, Sekhmet, Sekhat-Hor, and the
gods Amun-Re, Horus and a last god, unrecognizable due to damages to the stele.
49
Portraying the Ptolemies as Egyptian pharaohs, the visual discourse suggests the ideal
of continuity between the former pharaohs and the current dynasty. In addition to this,
the decrees proclaimed the legitimacy of the cult to the royal family.88 They made the
good deeds of the king public, reinforced the loyalty of the priests and recorded
contracts concerning both the king and the priests. In fact the newly fashioned
Hellenistic ruler cult received full support from Egyptian priests through the decisions
taken during the synodal decrees:
Table 2: Synodal Decrees89
Ruler
Ptolemy
Modern Name
III Canopus Decree
Evergetes I
Ptolemy
IV Raphia Decree
Philopator
Ptolemy
Epiphanes
Synod Location, Reason for Synod
Royal
Date
Decreed
Images
Canopus,
royal jubilee and deification deified
princess
238 B.C.
of a princess
Berenice
Memphis,
victory at Raphia
king and queen
Coronation of the king
King
suppression of rebellion
king and queen
Enthroning of Apis bull
king and queen
217 B.C.
V Memphis
(also
Decree Memphis,
known
as
196 B.C.
The Rosetta Stone;
Rosettana)
Ptolemy
V Philensis II
Epiphanes
Ptolemy
Epiphanes
Alexandria,
186 B.C.
V Philensis I
Memphis,
185 B.C.
88
For the relations between the priestly synodal decrees and the ideology of the Hellenistic ruler cult,
see: D. Thompson, Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience, Aspects of the Ruler Cult. (Oxford:
1973); P.E. Stanwick, P. E. Stanwick, Portraits of the Ptolemies – Greek Kings as Egyptian Pharaohs.
(Austin: 2002), See also J.J Pollit, Art in Hellenistic Age. (Cambridge: 1986).
89
Table based on P. E. Stanwick, (op.cit.), p. 7.
50
The decrees prescribed the inclusion of royal statues fashioned in Egyptian style inside
Egyptian temples. However, the decrees also promoted social modifications, such as the
creation of new priestly ranks, a calendar reform90 and several fiscal benefits and
privileges granted to the temples in the decrees made under Ptolemy V Epiphanes. On
the whole, the Egyptian priests helped consolidate a new cultural element in Egypt by
accepting and organising the royal cult. On top of that, the decrees also featured
passages on tax balances, fiscal privileges and several other political aspects relevant to
the Greek/Macedonian government and the Egyptian priests. Politics played an
important role in this process of social transformation altogether as both elites needed to
establish platform on which their concerns could be debated. The decrees in turn
functioned as intermediary medium to securing their respective ambitions. Generally
speaking, they served as a balanced foundation for the discussions of power relations
between political institutions, i.e. the throne and the temples.
As was already mentioned, the decrees were produced in three languages, namely
two Egyptian scripts, hieroglyphs and demotic, as well as in Greek. The Greek name for
the decrees, ψήφισμα, suggests some degree of symbolic submission on the part of the
Egyptian priestly class.91 On the other hand, the original Egyptian term for these
decrees, wḏ, i.e. ―(to) order or (to) command,‖ implied a priori that giving the orders
was a pharaonic and divine prerogative.92 According to one example given by
90
Cf. The Canopus Decree.
Psiphisma is essencially an oath taken by those part who compromise themselves into fulfill the
promises firmed by the Hellenistic decree. Indeed, there was already an interesting debate concerning
whenever the synodal decrees from the Ptolemaic age should be classified as Egyptian or Hellenistic
documentation. See : W. Clarysse, ―Ptoléméees et Temples.‖ In: D. Vallbelle, J. Leclant (ed.) Le Décret
de Memphis. (Paris : 1999), pp. 41-65.
92 Cf. wḏ-nsw: “royal decree”. Moreover, this term had also a magical meaning, connected to the divine
capacity of creation through the will. See: S. Bickel, “La Cosmogonie égyptienne avant le Nouvel
Empire.” In : Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 134. (Fribourg: 1994), p.101, and: S. Morenz, Ägyptische
Religion (Stuttgart: 1960), p.172.
91
51
Valbelle,93 the royal decrees written under the Saites showed a tendency to reproduce
Old Kingdom protocols. Gunn‘s analysis of the royal protocol on a Saite stela of
pharaoh Apries highlights the use of the phrase ―Le roi lui-même (dit): ‗Sa majesté a
ordonné …‘‖.94 Overall we may say that Egyptian priests during the Hellenistic age
made use of a traditional political means of communicating with the pharaoh. A new
addition, however, was that it was no longer the pharaoh who issued the decrees and
took responsibility for their contents but the priests; they now took over the authorship
and responsibility for the production of the decrees. In this sense, we may say that
Hellenistic pharaohs enjoyed less symbolic power than his dynastic counterparts.
The mentioned examples underline the priests‘ attempts at making the decrees
appear to have been issued voluntarily or as a reward in recognition of the royal efforts
to please the Egyptian temples and the country‘s people. Incorporating elements of
Hellenistic protocols in these texts, the decrees achieved the status of acceptable by the
Hellenistic Power. Thus the latter was satisfied with the alleged Egyptian symbolic
submission implicit in a ψήφισμα, while the Egyptians were equally pleased with the
usurpation of the traditional symbolic pharaonic prerogative of ordering the production
of a decree.
There was no such thing as an Egyptian clergy in the Lagide Empire. As Huss
observes, the Ptolemaic kings established a free spiritual space throughout the hieratikoi
and hieroì nómoi respectively. This can also be perceived in the fact that priests were
93
D. Valbelle, ―Décrets égyptiens antérieurs aux Lagides‖. In : D. Vallbelle, J. Leclant (ed.) Le Décret de
Memphis. (Paris : 1999), pp. 67 – 90. This article establishes a comparative analysis between the Egyptian
priestly decrees from the Pharaonic and Hellenistic ages. It deals with several examples from different
Dynasties.
94
B. Gunn, ―The Stele of Apries at Mîtrahina‖. In: Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 27,
1927, pp. 211 – 237. APUD : D. Valbelle op.cit., p.73.
52
self-governed.95 Moreover, Egypt was dotted with several temples for various deities,
and inside temple walls different political points of view were common. The native
priestly elite in Hellenistic Egypt was a complex and heterogeneous group with very
particular objectives and strategies.
Since the Macedonian kings adhered to Egyptian rituals and symbolic prerogatives,
the local priests were willing to recognise them as pharaohs. Following their native
sacred rituals and symbolic prerogatives, Egyptian priests recognised the Macedonian
kings as pharaohs. The priests also took part in the promotion of regular synods, at
which the exchange of honours, prestige and privileges bestowed on both parties and
mutually recognised were written on stelae and consequently positioned throughout
Egypt. Nonetheless, it was the same Egyptian priests who also supported the many and
long regional rebellions that rose during the Ptolemaic rule – including some led by
native self-proclaimed rebel pharaohs.96 The Ptolemies, for their part, sought to control
Egyptian temples by unifying them as one body. The organisation of regular synods
proved a helpful tool in this undertaking. Eventually, a ψήφισμα-wḏ became a key
factor in the establishment of regular dialogue between Egypt‘s ruler and its priests.
95
W. Huss, op.cit, p. 51.
See: Polybius V, 107, 1-3; XIV, 12, 3-4; for the Egyptian military (the native veterans from the Battle
of Raphia, against Antiochus III from Syria) revolt against Ptolemaios IV. This revolt happened from 207
B.C. to 186 B.C. across the southern (namely the region of Thebes, or ―Thebaid‖) Egypt and was crashed
only by Ptolemaios V. For many years Egypt had a rebel pharaoh ruling the rebelled lands in South: the
first, since 206 B.C., was Hor-em-Akhet , and later, since 199 B.C., Ankh-Wennefer. There is another
rebellion described in the Rosetta Stone, lines 19 -20 (Greek text) between 198 B.C. and 197 B.C.– at the
Delta, by this time - crushed again by Ptolemaios V. Even Alexandria faced a revolt, against the brothers
Ptolomaios VI Philometor and Ptolemaios VII Evergete II (at the time in dispute for the succession),
leaded by the Greco-Egyptian Dionysus Petoserapis (see Diodorus XXI 15 a., for the rebellion at
Alexandria). After his defeat at Alexandria, Petoserapis fled to the country and started a new revolt
against the Lagides (see Diodorus XXX 17 b., for the second revolt leaded by Petoserapis). Finally, a
second revolt at the Thebaid started in-between 91 - 88 B.C., again with full priestly support, against
Ptolemaios X Alexander I. It was partially controlled by his successor Ptolemaios IX Soter II (by the time
in his second reign). At this time, the rebel province would be ‗pacified‘ only in 30 B.C., by Cornelius
Gallus, after the Roman conquest of Egypt. See : A-E Veïsse, Les "révoltes égyptiennes" : recherches sur
les troubles intérieurs en Égypte du règne de Ptolémée III à la conquête romaine. (Leuven: 2004).
96
53
Although some of the elites were willing to negotiate their support of the Hellenistic
authority, the relationship between the Macedonian king and the Egyptian priests
remained a complex issue overall.
1.2 Cultural Identity and Hellenistic Society in Graeco-Roman Egypt
Although many Hellenised settlements were founded in Egypt following the great influx
of Hellenic and Hellenised immigrants, Hellenistic Egypt only featured three ‗true‘
Greek poleis.97 The first of these was Naucratis in the Delta, which had been created
centuries before the arrival of the Macedonians. This was followed by Alexander‘s
founding of Alexandria on the Mediterranean coast. Finally, Ptolemy I established
Ptolemais98 (or Ptolemais Hermiou99) in Upper Egypt. The Greek settlers – most of
whom stemmed from the army – were sent to the countryside, so-called chora, where
the majority of them received land in exchange for military services. Of this cleruchy100
Höbel writes that:
This system of allotting land to military settlers probably spread over all the grainproducing lands of the Ptolemaic empire, […]. Scattered over the entire country, the
97
The Greek ‗colonisation policy‘ in Egypt differed from the one they used in other places, where they
founded one Greek-fashioned city after another. Their aim in Egypt, on the other hand was not to recreate
a Greek world within the new cities.
98
For further explanations about the exception status of Ptolemais, and for a general analysis about the
foundation of new Greek cities and settlements in Hellenistic age, see: Cl. Préaux, Le Monde
Hellénistique 2. (Paris: 2002), pp. 401- 460. For Egypt‘s case, see: K. Mueller, Settlements of the
Ptolemies. (Leuven: 2006).
99
For the epithet ἑρμείου , see Ptolemy, Geography (4.5.66). R.S. Bagnall comment about Ptolemais as
being ―the metropolis of the Thinite nome‖. Cf.: R.S. Bagnal, ―Cults and Names of Ptolemais in Upper
Egypt‖. In: OLA 85 (1998), pp. 1093 – 1101; p.1093. Strabo describes this city (17.1.42,813) as the
largest city of Upper Egypt and not smaller than Memphis (Egypt‘s second city): ―μεγίστη τ῵ν ἐν
Θηβαίδι καὶ οὐκ ἐλάττων Μέμφεως‖ .
100
The Greek idea of cleruchy originated during the Classical period, however there was also an Egyptian
similar precedent dated back to the New Kingdom - vide Appendix 01 for chronological correspondences
- See: R.S. Bagnall, ―The Origins of Ptolemaic Cleruchs‖, in: BAmSocP 21, 1984, pp.7-20. For further
analysis of land status in Hellenistic Egypt, and specially in the Fayum, see: D.J. Crawford,
Kerkeosiris : an Egyptian village in the Ptolemaic Period. (Cambridge: 1971).
54
kleruchs introduced Greek ideas and technology into the agricultural environment in
which they were living.101
Broadly speaking we may say that Hellenisation was a consequence of the attempt to
construct a homogeneia, i.e. a community that was tied not only by blood, but also by
common behaviour, values, customs, traditions, laws, etc. In other words, the aim was a
community joined by a common consensus of customs and laws, or, differently put, a
community united by a common nomos.102 What is more, the Hellenistic homogeneia
comes closest to our modern concept of a nation. This ties in well with Hall‘s argument
that a nation is not only a political entity, but also a unit that produces meaning, i.e.
system of cultural representations.103 Hall conceives nation as a symbolic community
that is marked by its power to generate a sense of identity and, consequently, solidarity
and loyalty.
Another element which is crucial to the understanding of Hellenistic Egypt is nomos,
which played an important role in the growth of the concept of ‗Hellenic‘ in a new
reality of cultural interactivity, i.e. in the process of creating what we now call
‗Hellenistic‘. The concept of nomos is apparent in numerous ways ranging from culture
in general, laws, traditions and human artefacts (e.g. the polis, gymnasium, etc.) to the
way people distributed of gifts. Nomos originally meant the common law found in a
society that exclusively followed ancient customs and established social norms.104
Nomos even included specific moral values, such as the notion of decency and comfort
101
G. Höbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire. (London: 2001), p.61.
Nomos is a cultural convention that aims at promoting symbolic agreement and therefore the idea of
social cohesion. By this terms, ―to be honest‖ always was an individual choice, however the Greek
definition of ―honesty‖ was given by the group‘s nomos.
103
S. Hall, ―Who needs ‗identity‘‖. In: S. Hall, P. Du Gay. Questions of Identity. (London: 1996), pp.117.
104
E. Benveniste, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes. (Paris: 1969), p. 85.
102
55
found in social relationships. It therefore stood in contrast to any form of ‗arbitrary‘ or
‗chaotic‘ decisions.105 In addition to these aspects, Benveniste notes that the term nomos
was also used to refer to a pasture shared by virtue of customary law.106
As we have seen, nomos gained its legitimacy through a consensus based on social
relationships and habits. It grew out of a group‘s interest to perpetuate the
commonwealth of its individuals and eventually developed into an efficient system that
promoted social cohesion. It provided and helped create a sense of social and cultural
identity among its members, who recognised its validity and obeyed the order of the
symbolic universe it entailed. Ultimately, nomos was a common denominator of values
and judgements uniting different individuals, who adopted the nomoi as unquestionable
truth, reality and norm. Apart from social cohesion, nomos also fostered the continuity
of an ancestral past, be it historical or symbolical, and encouraged individuals to heed
their cultural traditions. It was as a consensus creator par excellence and the ultimate
mechanism for identifying and differentiating people who recognised Greek laws, i.e.
Greeks/us, and individuals that did not obey them, i.e. barbarians/the others. By the
same token, any disturbance of what was considered normal by a Greek community was
felt to be an infringement of a taboo and consequently ‗barbarian‘ – in other words,
outside Greek homogeneia.
Everyday life in Hellenistic Egypt soon gave rise to intercultural marriages
producing a succession of generations that were able to switch between two cultural
identities.107 It is safe to posit a closer co-existence of Greeks and Egyptians than has
105
―Arbitrary‖ in order to escape from any kind of social normative code. The term implies the absence of
any sort of law, criterion, order, etc.
106
G. Höbl, op. cit., p. 85.
107
Recent studies how Hellenistic elites actually helped to intermediate the relations between Greek and
Egyptian symbolic universes. Dioskourides is a case of biculturalism: Greek officer in an Egyptian
sarcophagus covered with hieroglyphs and even using the Egyptian custom of matrilineal filiations. See:
56
previously been assumed. Furthermore, integration it is likely to have occurred among
every social class, not only elites.
The Egyptian bicultural elite actively fostered cultural mediation between the
different symbolic universes. This can be deduced from art produced at the time. A nice
example thereof is the sarcophagus of Dioskourides, who worked as a high-ranking
official under Ptolemy IV (Philometor). 108
Table 3: Dioskourides and interculturality in Egypt
His autobiography mentions his Egyptian mother, one ―Lady Imhotep,‖ and lists his
titles, which are given as Egyptian translations of his Greek offices. 109 In addition to
Ph. Collombert, ―Religion égyptienne et culture grecque: l'exemple de Dioskourídes‖. In : CdE 75
(Brussels : 2000) pp. 47 – 63. For other emblematic cases, see also: L. Coulon, ―Quand Amon parle à
Platon (La statue Caire JE 38033) ‖. In : RdE52, (Paris: 2001), pp. 85-125 ; and I. Germeur, ―Les
syngènes Aristonikos et la ville de Tp-bener‖, RdE 51, (Paris : 2000), pp. 69-78.
108
See: Ph. Collombert, op.cit. (Brussels: 2000), pp. 58 – 9 respectivelly. This sarcophagus is registred
by the Musée du Louvre as AE 008633.
109
For instance, the Greek title ἀρχισωματοφύλαξ was phonetically translated into m Ꜣrkysmṯpyrks,
while διοικητής was translated by the equivalent Egyptian title snty. See: Ph. Collombert, ―Religion
égyptienne et culture grecque: l'exemple de Dioskourídes‖. In : CdE 75 (Brussels : 2000) pp. 47 – 63.
57
this, Dioskourides adhered to traditional Egyptian funerary customs despite having led a
public life as part of the Greek elite.
Religiosity as such seems to have served Egyptians as key identity marker. The
Egyptian Negative Confession, i.e. spell 125 of the Book of the Dead, can be read as a
definition of Egyptian identity and nicely sums up what was thought to be proper social
behaviour:
[…] I know thee; […] I know the names of the 42 Gods who exist with thee in this broad
hall of the two Truths, […]. I have brought thee truth; I have done away with sin for thee.
I have not sinned against anyone. I have not mistreated people. I have not done evil instead
of righteousness. I know not what is not (proper); […] I have not increased nor diminished
the measure, I have not diminished the palm; I have not encroached upon fields. I have not
added to the balance weights; […] I have not driven small cattle from their herbage. […] I
have not built a dam against flowing water. […] I have not (failed to observe) the days of
haunches of meat. […]. I am pure. […].
[…] I have not sinned.
[…] I have not robbed.
[…]
[…] I have not stolen the God‘s property.
[…] I have not profiteered.
[…]
[…] I have not quarrelled except in behalf of my property.
[…] I have not been deaf to words of truth.
[…]
110
In addition to this, Egyptian religiousness also functioned as an effective mechanism of
social organisation. It spiritually permeated every dimension of everyday life and was
deeply connected with what Egyptians perceived as ‗culture‘. Egyptians essentially
understood being Egyptian as a matter of following what they called ―Maat,‖ i.e. truth
or righteousness. Maat belonged to the key concepts of Egyptian mentality and was
110
See: Th. G. Allen (transl.) The Book of the Dead. (Chicago: 1974) pp. 97-8.
58
present in all dimensions of its people‘s natural and spiritual life.111 Furthemore,
supernatural phenomena could be explained with reference to Maat. Ultimately, the
native people living in Egypt did not only consider each other to be ‗Egyptians‘ due to
their public adherence to the principle of Maat, but also with regard to their private
behaviour. To respect Maat was always also a private matter.
Greek-Hellenistic perception of culture, on the other hand, was essentially political
and had jurisdiction over the public dimension of everyday life. In Egypt, this public
domain was supplemented by Egyptian piety, which was present in various ways in
Hellenistic quotidian life. Cultural hybridism, biculturalism and syncretism were all
relevant and complementary elements of the formation of the new symbolic universe in
Hellenistic Egypt. Thus, even those who had no extraordinary blood-ties with Egyptians
adopted Egyptian religious practices as part of their culture. Simply put, it was
considered ‗Greek‘ to pursue Egyptian religiosity. This was possible because, as was
the case with Egyptian funerary practices, Egyptian customs did not interfere with the
principle that being Greek was the antonym of being a ‗barbarian‘. The Greek‘s feeling
of supremacy rested upon the assumption of cultural superiority, which had been largely
debated since the Classical Greek period.112 The innovation of the Hellenistic discourse
was the use of ‗culture‘ as a political tool. Since the justification and legitimacy of an
imperial attitude based on cultural superiority became increasingly problematic,
111
For the social dimension of Maat see:J. Assmann, Maat – Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im altem
Ägypten. (München: 1990).
112
Debates concerning the differences between Greeks and non-Greeks where an important issue since
the Late Classical period in Greece and remained a relevant subject even during the Roman domination.
For most relevant observations about it, see: Plato‘s Republic 436a; 469c; 471c. It is interesting to
compare with Aristotle‘s Politics 1.2; 7.7. The idea of superiority over non-Greeks concerning the
customs, traditions, laws, was summarized in the Greek concept of right social conduct contained by the
idea of nomos.
59
Hellenistic civilisation employed the concept of Hellenisation as means towards
achieving an effective and systematic domination.
The nomos also played a crucial role in the way Greeks dealt with Egyptian religion.
At a certain moment in history, the Hellenised inhabitants of Hellenistic Egypt reached
a consensus on what being Greek involved in an Egyptian reality. Thus it was agreed
that a Greek in Egypt was still Greek even if he worshipped Isis and called her son
―Isidoros,‖ i.e. ―the gift of Isis‖. These were interpreted as Greek behaviour and
accepted since they were in line with the new nomos developed in Egypt: a GraecoEgyptian nomos. In other words, a series of innovations taking place within the existing
symbolic universe gave birth to a Hellenistic-Egyptian symbolic universe. On the other
hand, some Greek things were adopted by the Egyptians, as for instance their language.
In addition to this, Hellenised non-Greeks immigrants settled Egypt together with
Greeks, and Greeks chose spouses among both the Hellenised and Egyptian native
population. Their co-existence thus naturally gave birth to biculturalism. Moreover, the
growing bicultural population laid the ground for practicing Egyptian religion in
Egyptian manner and defined how Egyptian jobs were to be done in Greek fashion. Due
to this mediation, Egyptian practices were more easily tolerated and became acceptable
as Greek practices.
The question we need to ask ourselves now is: How could the original idea of nomos
be ‗updated‘ to fit in with this new reality? This is a relevant question since practising
Egyptian religion and doing Egyptian jobs in a Greek manner were not mere
consequences of cultural hybridism, syncretism, biculturalism, etc. Being Greek in
Egypt allowed such apparently contradictory behaviour. What we have to find out,
however, is how it came into existence. As we shall see, the mixture of symbolic
60
universes happened as a consequence of everyday interactions. Since these are dynamic
and unplanned par excellence, day-to-day practice – or what is called ―Altagspraxis‖ in
German – is a category of social relations which is not immune to misunderstandings,
adaptations innovations and reformulations.
To the Graeco-Egyptian population adopting Egyptian practices posed no problems
for their Greek discourse of identity, i.e. the way they saw themselves. Outsiders, on the
other hand, judged differently, as can be seen, for example in the Roman Republic‘s
disdain of the Macedonian‘s Hellenism in Egypt.
Hellenistic Egypt, however, viewed ‗being‘ Greek as publicly acting in line with
what was expected by the group‘s nomos, i.e. the readiness to seek consensus for the
sake of maintaining social ‗normality‘. It goes without saying that what the Greeks
defined as ‗normal‘ was undergoing a process of reconfiguration in Egypt. What was
regarded to be ‗nomic‘ in Egypt did not feature a geographical dimension, as had been
the case during Classical age. Nomos had been redefined as something which could be
perceived in social public activities. This is the reason why a witness of one‘s behaviour
served as the ultimate monitoring instrument in the maintenance of the nomos. Since
private acts received less attention, i.e. were less witnessed by other people, they fell out
of the jurisdiction of the nomos.
The concept of identity upheld by Hellenistic elites in Egypt fits well into what Hall
defines as ―master identity‖. A ―master identity‖ describes the core aspects of
somebody‘s cultural identity that cannot be consciously altered or abandoned. No
matter how many Egyptian customs the Greeks incorporated into their lives in Egypt, in
61
their own eyes they always remained true to themselves, i.e. they remained Greeks.113
They were also not willing to change their cultural identity since, at least in their own
eyes, the Greek culture was far superior to any other civilisation. This ties in well with
Hall‘s statement that a ―master identity‖ may involve the ―desire to dominate the nature
of the other‖.114 What the Greeks attempted to do was to find a way to remain Greek
while adapting to their new Egyptian environment. They did this consciously as well as
at an unconscious level; consciously, because they promoted a certain discourse;
unconsciously because they naturally underwent a process of re-evaluating what they
regarded as Greek and what as Egyptian.
We can now link this to the concept of nomos. It was nomos that helped the Greeks
decide if they were still being Greeks or not. Nomos formed the cultural bond between
them; it served as a means of defining their ―master identity‖ and was actively
promoted. In fact, in the eyes of the Greeks, nomos and ―master identity‖ were
synonyms. In the case of Egypt, the ―master identity‖ was the search of a universal ideal
of Greek culture, which enabled everyone to become Hellenised (albeit not unanimously
and uniformally).
The Greek nomos in Egypt differs greatly from other nomoi found in Hellenistic
societies. It clearly belongs to Hellenistic Egypt and was developed right there, not in
Rome and not by another Hellenistic civilisation. Overall, it is not possible to subsume
the different cultural identities found in the various Hellenistic societies by one ―master
identity,‖ because such a ―master identity‖ always gained its power within a specific
political reality. Social interactions between natives and foreigners/immigrants naturally
113
It goes without saying that this may differ from what outsiders thought of their behaviour. We should
not forget, however, that self-perception and perception by outsiders are always likely to differ.
114
S. Hall, ―The Question of Cultural Identity‖. In: S. Hall, D. Held, T. McGrew (eds.) Modernity and its
Futures. (Oxford: 1992), pp. 273-326.
62
led to the mutual incorporation of initially alien cultural elements. The nature and the
outlook of this incorporation differed from Hellenistic society to Hellenistic society.
Differently put, there was a Macedonian nomos, an Egyptian nomos, a Syrian nomos,
etc. What nevertheless linked these different societies to each other was the desire to
remain Greek while living in a new cultural environment.
This process of adopting foreign elements resulted in the diminishment of the
original symbolic barrier between ‗us‘ and ‗them‘. As Hall explains, this was driven by
―erosion of identity‖ as well as the emergence of new identities.115 Burke, on the other
hand, holds that cultural adaptation can be seen as an attempt to establish doublecontextualisation and re-contextualisation whereby an item is removed from its original
location and modified in such a way that it fits a new environment.
116
If we apply this
to Hellenistic Egypt, we may define ―master identity‖ as the attempt to maintain Greek
‗normality‘. However, this does not necessarily imply an impermeable Greek identity
but is likely to allow exceptions and readjustments in day-to-day practice. Sahlins117 has
demonstrated how unpredictable innovations resulting from daily interactions are. Thus,
the interactions between foreign cultural practices and native ways of doing things
eventually produced unexpected results, i.e. ‗inventions‘ that were not directly absorbed
by the discourse of nomoi. On the whole, we can say that the ‗cultural encounter‘
115
118
S. Hall, op.cit., 1992.
P. Burke, Hibridismo Cultural. (São Leopoldo: 2003), p. 91.
117
M. Sahlins, Islands of History. (Chicago: 1985). See also the excellent debate about crucial theoretical
problems for Human Sciences such the comparative rationality: M. Sahlins, How “Natives” Think: About
Captain Cook, for Example. (Chicago: 1995). This was his response to the academic attacks from G.
Obeyesekere, The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific, (Princeton 1992).
118
It is important to remember that a culture is an abstraction; therefore, two cultures cannot ―do‖
anything. An intercultural encounter happens when people meet each other and then their respective
cultures serve as symbolic filters so that they might be able to classify the other throughout their own
available symbolic systems.
116
63
between ‗Greeks‘119 and Egyptians triggered a process of mutual negotiation of two
distinct ways of perceiving the world. While Egyptian law and customs were connected
to their ancestral heritage, religiousness and the subjection to a pharaoh as well as to the
social and symbolic prestige of the priestly class – in fact, this whole complex was
considered to mirror cosmic order – the Greeks viewed their nomoi as the barriers of
symbolic universes.
Sahlins termed the possibility of altering symbolic meanings though day-to-day
practice ―empiric risk‖.120 According to him it involved a ―risk‖ since the production of
new meanings could go unnoticed. One of the most emblematic Hellenistic additions to
Egyptian traditions was the establishment of social acceptance of marriages between
brothers and sisters. Taking a critical view towards this Hellenistic practice, Assmann
claims that the marriage between brothers and sisters was, as many other examples, a
case of mistaken interpretation of Egypt‘s past and consequently produced a entirely
mistaken conception of Egyptian culture.121 Roberts similarly remarks that: ―[N]o
concession by Hellenism to oriental manners is more striking than this; it is noteworthy
that in the Gnomon of the Ideos Logos it was found necessary specifically to forbid such
marriages to Romans.‖122
119
The single quotation marks are necessary since not all foreign participants of the prevailing condition
in Egypt were ethnically of Hellenic origin. The nobility itself was Macedonian, and many Persians, Jews,
Thracians, etc., participated in the migratory flux into Hellenistic Egypt. Yet still they were considered
non-barbarian anymore once they were recognized as ―Hellenized‖, and despite it must be understood as
a prime condition to citizenship, to be Hellenized is not necessarily the same thing as to achieve the
juridical status of ―citizen‖.
120
Cf. M. Sahlins, Islands of History. (Chicago: 1985).
121
J. Assmann, Weisheit und Mysterium (München: 2000). p. 20. Assmann stress that in an failed attempt
to produce some degree of archaism, the Hellenistic Egypt became victim of ―Egyptomania‖.
122
C.H. Roberts, ―The Greek Papyri‖. In: J.R. Harris, (ed). The Legacy of Egypt. (Oxford: 1971), p. 386.
The collection of civil regulations created by Augustus, the Gnomon of the Ideos Logos, aimed to control
the social behaviour of Egypt‘s Hellenised citizens. Cf. E. Seckel, W. Schulbart, Der Gnomon des Idios
Logos, BGU V, I, 1210 (Berlin:1919); W.G. Uxkull-Gylleband, Der Gnomon des Idios Logos, BGU V,
II (Berlin 1934). The passage mentioned says: ―23. It is not allowed to Romans get married to their
sisters, neither their Aunts; (...)‖ cf. BGU V, I, 1210, 70.
64
1.2.1 The Roman Conquest and the Reconstruction of Identities
Diplomatic relations between Hellenistic Egypt and Rome date back to the times of
Ptolemaios II Philadelphus (ca. 273 B.C.). Lewis calls their first exchange ―an
assurance of friendship.‖123 Indeed, while Rome spread its rule over the Mediterranean
world, Egypt always remained an ‗ally‘124 – even when the Romans began to come into
conflict with other Hellenistic kingdoms beginning in the 2nd century B.C In exchange
for the protection by the Romans, Egypt offered huge supplies of grain.125 It was
through this alliance that Egypt managed to escape the Syrian conquest at least two
times; the Roman threat kept the Seleucid army out of Egypt at the time of the young
king Ptolemaios V (Epiphanes), and a generation later, during the early days of the
young Ptolemaios VI (Philometor).126 Rome‘s interventions also included moments of
Egyptian domestic turbulences, such as the frequent succession disputes among parties
of the Lagide Dynasty. At that time Egypt came under permanent control by Rome.127
During the rule of Cleopatra VII, Egypt became involved in two Roman civil wars – the
first was won by Julius Caesar, who made an alliance with Cleopatra and became her
consort, and the second, one generation later, was left victoriously by Octavian
Augustus, who conquered Egypt in 30 B.C He thereby put an end to the Roman
Republic as well as the Lagide Dynasty. Lewis explains:
123
N. Lewis, Life in Egypt under Roman rule (Oxford: 1985), p.10.
Ibidem: Lewis observes that ―Protection evolved almost imperceptibly into protectorate. Long before
Cleopatra ascend the throne of her ancestors, Egypt, though nominally still independent, had become in
reality a client-state of all-powerful Rome‖.
125
The Roman commercial and political interest in Egypt was in constant growing. As Lewis remarks:
―the commercial opportunities afforded by Alexandria had led numbers of Roman merchants and shippers
to settle there. Inspection tours and visits to Egypt by Roman officials became more frequent.‖ Ibidem, p.
12.
126
About the first Roman intervention, against Antiochus III, see: Justin, Roman History, Book 34, sect.
2. Polybius describes ( XXIX, 27) the second Roman ultimatum, this time against Antiochus IV.
127
In 59 B.C., Rome annexed the Egyptian province of Cyprus in retaliatory action against a supposedly
Egyptian support to the pirates defeated by Pompey. Egypt faced his economic collapse.
124
65
In 30 BC Egypt was left with a Roman conqueror and no dynastic claimant to the throne of
the Ptolemies. Octavian made what must have seemed the obvious decision: to install a
Roman governor and administrative staff, together with a Roman army of occupation to
assure public tranquillity.128
Under Augustus, it was in fact a praefectus Aegypti who worked as the emperor‘s
representative. Among other duties, he had to make sure that no Roman of aristocratic
class and political prestige could enter Egypt without formal authorisation.
Life in Egypt broadly remained the same after the Roman conquest. The Egyptians
took the view that the Roman emperors were merely a new dynasty of foreign pharaohs,
as had been the case with the Macedonians and Persians. Lewis points out that:
Temples continued to be built and decorated in the native Egyptian style all through the
three centuries of the Principate. On their walls the Roman emperors appear in the
traditional settings, attitudes, and trappings of Egyptian royalty – the pharaonic garb and
crown, the hieroglyphic cartouche enclosing the ruler‘s name, […] the standard titles and
honorifics of the pharaohs, such as ‗son of Ra‘, ‗beloved of Ptah and Isis‘, and so on. 129
Apart from a few adjustments, the Romans maintained the Ptolemaic administrative
structure of Egypt. Thus the administrative districts remained in the same shape as they
had been during the Lagide rule. However, the strategos was now a mere a civil official
who did not wield any military power. The only armed force allowed in Egypt were the
Roman legions, who were permanently present in fortified camps and distributed in
strategically important areas of the country. Nevertheless, despite the new Roman
administration and legislation, there was no clear-cut cultural separation between
Hellenistic Egypt, i.e. from Alexander the Great until Cleopatra VII, and Graeco-Roman
128
129
Op.cit. (1985), p.14.
Ibidem, p.15.
66
Egypt, i.e. from Octavian Augustus Caesar until Theodosius.130 That is because with
regard to its culture, Egypt followed the tendency of the whole east Mediterranean
which remained positively Greek in its self-perception. Thus the entire eastern
Mediterranean basin continued being ‗Hellenised‘ during the Roman rule. Among other
things that meant that lingua Franca remained Greek, to be more precise, the so-called
koine (lit. ―common‖). Furthermore, the Greek Gymnasiums were built and Greek
education unquestionably remained the social model pursued by Hellenised elites.
However, during the Republican period, Romans had a generally negative opinion
about Egypt‘s Hellenistic elite despising them as ‗degenerated‘ – i.e. a people who had
become barbarians.131 They consequently established a new juridical classification that
made a clear distinction between Greeks, Romans and Egyptians. This will be further
explained in the following.
a) Roman citizens:
In contrast to the terms ‗Greek‘ and ‗Egyptian,‘ ‗Roman‘ originally marked a legal
status, namely citizenship, which entitled its bearer to specific rights – such as voting
and special tax status – as well as obligations (e.g. military service). Under Augustus
most of the Roman citizens in Egypt were part of the country‘s two legions. Noncitizens, on the other hand, were able to join the army as auxiliary units. After a period
of twenty-six years of duty, they received the title of Roman citizens. By time the
number of Romans increased. This was due to the growing number of veterans as well
130
Ibidem: ―In local administration some Ptolemaic titles were retained, but where that was done the
responsibilities of the office, (…) were usually altered. For the rest, new offices and new titles were
created as needed, and new regulations are in evidence governing important aspects of economy, society,
and religion.‖, p.17.
131
See: Polybius V, 34 ; Strabo XVII, I, II ; Justin XXIX and Titus Livy XXXVIII, 37 – who blames the
weather.
67
as new members who came from the Alexandrian aristocracy. Overall, Roman citizens
profited from a privileged economic, social and political status.
b) Greek citizens: When Egypt became a Roman province, the empire adapted Egypt‘s
legal system and kept the class structure as it had been in place under the Ptolemies. To
be defined as a Greek by Romans meant that one belonged to the ―citizens‖ (astoi)
living at Naucratis, Alexandria and Ptolemais Hermiou enjoyed local autonomy and
various other privileges. When in 130 A.D emperor Hadrian built the fourth Greek city
in Egypt, Antinoopolis, it was granted the same privileges its three predecessors had
been given. Thus it featured the traditional organs of a Greek polis as well as some of
the advantages of a Roman municipality. The Jews, who were also residents in these
cities, had some privileges as well. However, they had lost many of their prerogatives as
consequence of the Jewish revolts during the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D which occurred
under the rules of Trajan and Hadrian respectively.
c) Egyptians: All other inhabitants of Egypt who were not Roman citizens or a citizen
of one of the above-mentioned poleis, or a Jew for that matter, automatically fell into
this category. These people no longer possessed hereditary privileges issued to
descendants of military colonists by the Ptolemaic government. Broadly speaking,
‗Egyptians‘ formed a very heterogeneous political category including native Egyptian
peasants and Hellenised descendents of Greek settlers. The only possible means of
differentiation was their degree of Hellenisation.
68
d) Urban Greeks: Among the Egyptians, a sub-class variously termed Metropolites or
―urban Greeks‖ formed a privileged group which was made up of residents from major
towns. How the boundaries of this category were drawn and the extent to which they
were enforced is difficult to ascertain; nevertheless, the categories suggest that the
Roman administration recognised some measure of difference, which it was naturally
expected to be able to police.
Transgression of class boundaries was penalised according to the so-called Gnomon of
the Idios Logos. In it we read:
38. Those born of an urban Greek mother and an Egyptian remain Egyptians but inherit
from both parents.
39. If a Roman man or woman is joined in a marriage with an urban Greek or an
Egyptian, their children follow the inferior status.
43. If Egyptians after a father‘s death record their father as a Roman, a fourth is
confiscated.
44. If an Egyptian registers a son as an ephebe (of a polis), a sixth is confiscated.
49. Freedmen of Alexandrians may not marry Egyptian women.
53. Egyptians who, when married to discharged soldiers, style themselves Romans are
subject to the provision on violation of status.
54. Soldiers who style themselves Romans without having received a legal discharge are
fined a fourth of their property.132
Since the Graeco-Egyptian nomos differed from the one the Romans used, the Romans
despised Hellenistic Egypt as a ―barbarised‖ or ―decayed‖ civilisation. Roman disdain
for the ways of Ptolemaic Egypt – particularly its royal cult – had emerged long before
Octavian Augustus.133 With the beginning of his rule, however, the Romans‘ attitude
132
BGU V, I, 1210. Commented by N. Lewis, Life in Egypt under Roman rule (Oxford: 1985), p.33.
The political differences between the Roman Republic and Ptolemaic Egypt are actually far more
complex, and date back to the time before Augustus. What is to be said here is that the Roman civilization
133
69
further exacerbated and developed into political and ideological hostility.134 Their claim
that ―the Greeks in Egypt became barbarians or degenerate themselves‖ has to be taken
with a grain of salt though. After all, is it not a ‗barbarian civilisation‘ that is making
this accusation? The Romans themselves certainly fell into this category as they did not
speak Greek and had no blood-ties with Greeks. In fact, Cicero himself admitted that
the Romans had their own definition of ‗barbarian,‘ which differed from the one the
Greeks used.
[Scipio] – Now tell me: was Romulus a king of barbarians? [Laelius] – If as the Greeks say,
all men are either Greeks or barbarians, I am afraid he was; but if that name ought to be
applied on the basis of men‘s manners rather than their language, I do not consider the
Greeks less barbarous than the Romans. 135
So what was really happening when Rome, or pro-Roman writers,136 disqualified
Hellenism in Egypt? On the whole, it was a matter of definition – and the Romans won
the argument due to one crucial detail: their legions. Even after the Roman conquest and
the subsequent re-classification of most Greeks as barbarians like the Egyptians, many
subcategories between ―citizen‖ and ―barbarian‖ developed in the countryside due to the
prominence of the Graeco-Egyptian nomos as the only mediator between Greeks and
world around them. Overall, Roman Egypt featured a very heterogeneous society that
developed a different way to consider itself more ―Hellenic‖ than ―Barbaric‖ from the one developed in
Egypt. Romans had a different way to think the idea of ―degree of civilization / Greekness‖ than in Egypt,
it is thus understandable that the pro-Roman intellectuals produced a picture of Egypt as a place where
decayed and barbarized Greeks and Macedonians dwelt.
134
N. Lewis, ―Brief Communications: The demise of the Demotic document: when and why‖. In: The
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology . JEA 79 (London: 1993), p. 281.
135
See: Cicero XVI: De Republica, De Legibus, translated by C. W. Keyes – Loeb. (Cambridge: 1970).
In Cicero‘s de Republica I, XXXVII, 58. ―(Scipio) cedo, num' Scipio 'barbarorum Romulus rex fuit?' .
(Laelius): si ut Graeci dicunt omnis aut Graios esse aut barbaros, vereor ne barbarorum rex fuerit; sin id
nomen moribus dandum est, non linguis, non Graecos minus barbaros quam Romanos puto.”
136
Plutarch‘s ironies about the Egyptian religiosity and gods can be seen in ―De Iside et Osiride‖. The
social reality of the reader will be extremely relevant to establish the possible line of dialogue between
author and receptor. During Herodotus‘ Classical age, for instance, culture and politics had a different
connection one to the other than in Plutarch‘s Graeco-Roman world. Plutarch‘s criticism may also
symbolizes the mentality‘s changing concerning how culture itself was thought during the Graeco-Roman
period.
70
included native Egyptian peasants and the Hellenised descendents of Greek settlers. The
individual degree of Hellenisation formed the only means of distinction.
Ultimately, Roman administrative politics aimed at restraining social mobility. For a
better understanding of this policy, the following offers excerpts of norms taken from a
code of administrative and social regulations established in Egypt. The Gnomon of the
Idios Logos also had regulations which directly affected Egyptian priests. With their
establishment began a stricter foreign control over the priests‘ activities. Thus we are
told that:
71. For the priests it is not allowed to have another occupation than the cult of the gods,
neither to go forth in woollen clothing and neither to have long hair, even not when
they are away from the divine procession.137
76. A priest who wore woollen clothing and had long hair (was fined) 1000 drachmas.138
Dieleman‘s analysis combines these rules with the fact that a shaven head and the
wearing of white linen clothing originally marked people as pure in ancient Egypt. He
posits a very pragmatic origin stating that behind the orders stood
[t]he idea that bodily hair attracts lice and that clothes made of living beings would pollute
the wearer. […]. However in the mind of the Roman administrators, the possibility to mark
out native priests as a distinctive group within society might have taken precedence.139
It is important to remember that with the arrival of the Romans in Egypt native priests
began to live as a closed community disconnected from the people around them.
137
BGU V, I, 1210, 181 – 187.
BGU V, I, 1210, 188.
139
J. Dieleman. Priests, Tongues, and Rites. (Leiden/Boston: 2005), p. 209; n.60. The author makes also a
more complete analysis concerning the Gnomon of Idios Logos and its impact on the Egyptian priestly
class.
138
71
Following the orders of Augustus, the Roman policy of subordination also foresaw the
embedding of all Egyptian priests and temples under the command of a Roman official
in Alexandria.140 Furthermore, Augustus abolished temple-owned estates, which used to
make up the main income of Egyptian temples back in pharaonic and Ptolemaic times.
Inevitably the priests lost part of their social prestige, economic autonomy and general
cosmic importance during the Roman period. They were no longer a relevant power
within Egyptian society. The Roman administration turned the Egyptian priests into an
extension of the Roman bureaucracy transforming them into a formal clergy
subordinated to a ―high-priest,‖ i.e. a Roman administrator appointed by the Roman
praefectus from Alexandria.
In 212 A.D, the Roman emperor Caracalla issued an edict granting Roman
citizenship to all inhabitants of the Roman Empire.141 However, in the case of Egypt,
―the class relationships, the restrictions, show no essential modifications‖142. In other
words, the Graeco-Egyptian society maintained its complex strategies of negotiating
differences during the Roman administration. This ties in well with Derrida‘s
observation that the reproduction of the dichotomy ―Us‖ vs. ―Them‖ is a way of
perpetuating pre-existing power relations. It is crucial to notice, however, rather than
being fixed, this relation is produced by a dynamic and unpredictable process he called
―différance‖143. Indeed, classifying themselves as the positive opposite of their foreign
counterpart lay at the root of Greek and Egyptian conception of identity.
140
See: W. Otto. Priester und Tempel im Hellenistischen Ägypten (Leipzig: 1905 /Berlin: 1908/ Rome:
1975).
141
The so-called ―Antonine Constitution‖ (P.Giss. 40). Lewis, op.cit. (1985), p. 34 explains; ―only the
‗capitulated‘, whose identification remains matter of scholarly dispute, were excluded‖.
142
N. Lewis, op.cit. (1985), p. 35.
143
J. Derrida, On Grammatology, (Baltimore, London: 1976).
72
1.3 Hellenistic Mentality and Religious Thought in Graeco-Roman
Egypt
The Hellenistic age ended the Classical independent city-state model. From then
onwards all Greeks were subjects or had to pay tribute to a Hellenistic basileus. Even
the few cities who managed to maintain some autonomy had to endeavour to establish a
good footing with their new and stronger neighbours. Moreover, Hellenistic kingdoms
usually pursued an aggressive policy of getting involved in their neighbours‘ political
life. After all, it has to be said that the original definition of the term politics included all
activities concerning the welfare of one‘s polis. Thus during the Classical period, all
public events like sports, theatre, funerals, banquets and religious activities had a
political dimension in Greek societies; they were not only instances of social integration
and solidarity but also opportunities to celebrate and demonstrate citizenship. Pollit,
who analysed this specific aspect of Hellenistic mentality, even perceived it a ―[n]ew
temperament of the Hellenistic age‖144. He writes:
Five attitudes, or states of mind, are particularly characteristic of the Hellenistic age: an
obsession with fortune, a theatrical mentality, a scholarly mentality, individualism, and a
cosmopolitan outlook.
[…] They are all interdependent and together constitute something
like a Hellenistic Zeitgeist.145
The loss of their political autonomy led to a series of transformations of Greek
institutions and its people‘s mentality. Classic philosophy, which debated a range of
topics related to physics and politics seeking to find the best administration for the
Greeks‘ community and life in general, began to lose its raison d‘être. Once it was
144
J.J. Pollit, Art in Hellenistic Age (Cambridge: 1999), p.1. The author connects these attitudes to the
development of new values, a new literature, new art and philosophy.
145
Ibidem.
73
disconnected from its main objective, i.e. political excellence, Hellenistic Greek
philosophy turned its attention to metaphysics. Moreover, it became deeply influenced
by eastern mysticism and religious thought. Thus new schools developed that
endeavoured to understand life and the cosmos. Among these were the Neo-Platonists,
Neo-Pythagoreans, Cynics, Stoics and Epicureans.
In addition to these changes, the traditional civic religion of the poleis lost its
original meaning. One of the main objectives of Classical civic religion used to be the
reinforcement of the links between citizens and their polis. These were strengthened
through public religious events. Whereas priests in a polis used to hold a temporary
office that could (theoretically) be given to anyone applying for it, the loss of the polis‘
political autonomy almost completely decreased the citizens‘ political importance and
rendered civic religion nearly meaningless. This in turn helped to give more credibility
to eastern cults, in which followers were able to gain the favour of a deity through the
initiation into the god‘s mysteries. Oriental gods such as Cybele, Mithras, Sarapis and
Isis achieved great popularity throughout the Hellenistic world. Furthermore, astrology,
charms and the array of occult art was considered to be valid and acceptable as long as
it promised protection from fate or offered social upward mobility. What is more, the
magi, i.e. the priests of Zoroaster, were so respected that their name became
synonymous with supernatural prodigies.146 Most important to the present discussion,
however, is the fact that the teachings of Zoroaster and Hermes Trismegistos achieved
great popularity. In addition to this, the old stereotype describing Egypt and its
population as coming from the ―land of ancient wisdom‖ continued to be accepted and
reproduced. The following Hellenistic Isis hymn found in Kyme and composed by one
146
See: H.G. Liddell and R. Scott Greek-English Lexicon. (Oxford:1996), p.1071. ἡ καγεία = theology of
the Magians, (Pl. Alc.i. 122a), magic , Thphr. HP 9.15 (pl.), Act.Ap.8.11 (pl.), P.Mag Berol.I.127, etc.
74
Demetrios Thraseas, son of Artemidoros, well illustrates this.147 It evolves around Isis‘
claim that she has brought humanity civilisation.148 She says:
(3) I am Isis, the Mistress of every land. I was taught by Hermes [Thoth], and by his help
I found out both the sacred [Hieroglyphs] and the popular [demotic] writings [... .]149
(28) I turned the Law [τὸ δίκαιον] stronger as gold and silver.
(31) I assigned the languages of Greeks and barbarians.
(40) Nobody achieves prestige/fame/ honours [δοξάζεται], without my acknowledgment.
(55) I conquer Fate [τον ἑιμαρμένον].
(56) Fate harkens to me. 150
Isis is portrayed in this hymn as being able to protect humankind from all its
contemporary dreads which can be summarised as fear of a chaotic world. Her promises
of individual salvation, which formed part of the characteristic concept of Egyptian
religiousness,151 helped to transform the Graeco-Roman Isis into an archetypical
universal mother goddess. All in all, no other Egyptian deity managed to achieve greater
147
Cf. J. Bergman, Ich bin Isis. (Upsala: 1968). The author describes this hymn as an ―Isisaretalogie von
Kyme - Memphis‖, p.301. However this perception is contradicted by, R. Merkelbach, Isis regina – Zeus
Sarapis. (Stuttgart, Leipzig: 1995). The author estates that the power of Isis is not entirely presented in
this hymn, and that disqualifies the typical demonstration of arête-power-miracula so characteristic of any
―Aretalogy‖. (See: p. 113, n.4).
148
R. Merkelbach, Isis regina – Zeus Sarapis. (Stuttgart, Leipzig: 1995), p.113, n.1 informs about copies
of this hymn also found at Thessalonica, Ios and Andros. It is probably a text from III century B.C, but
Diodorus I, 27, also quote this hymn in middle I B.C.
149
Hermes‘ virtue as psychopompos promoted his assimilation to Anubis, raising the so-called
―Hermanubis‖, from Isis cult. His priests use to be portrayed as wearing the Anubis‘ head and carrying
the Caduceus. Apuleius, in Metamorphoses XI, 11 says: ―There was no delay when the gods then came
forward, deigning to tread with human feet. First came that dread messenger of both celestial and infernal
beings, Anubis, of lofty stature and with a face now black, now golden, holding high his dog‘s neck; in
his left hand he bore a herald‘s staff and his right hand he shook a green palm-branch.(...)‖ in: J.G.
Griffiths Apuleius of Madauros – The Isis Book-Metamorphoses Book XI. (Leiden: 1975). See also: H.
Bonnet, ―Hermanubis.‖ In: H.Bonnet. Reallexikon der Ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte. (Berlin: 1952),
p.289. For further information concerning the relations between Hermes Trsimegistos and Isis See: G.
Fowden. The Egyptian Hermes (Princeton:1993).
150
See: R. Merkelbach, op.cit., §212: pp.115-118.
151
See: OLA 107, especially B.U. Schipper. ―‗Apokalyptik‘, ‗Messianismus‘, ‗Prophetie‘ – eine
Begriffsbestimmung―. In: A. Blasius, B.U. Schipper, (eds.). Apokalyptik und Ägypten OLA 107
(Leuven, Paris, Sterling: 2002), pp. 21-40.
75
popularity than Isis. With her epithet of ―Isis of the Thousand Names‖ she assumed the
attributes of most Egyptian152 and Oriental popular goddesses. According to Assmann,
the organisation of the ―Mysteries‖ of Isis imitated the mysteries at Elusis and were a
Hellenistic innovation.153 In fact, Isis became so strongly Hellenised during the
Hellenistic age that instead of having been assimilated to Demeter and Aphrodite, she
was de facto directly worshipped as an Egyptian goddess. Generally speaking, however,
Egyptian gods always enjoyed great popularity between the Egyptian and non-Egyptian
population when they lived under Greek or Roman rule. After the Roman conquest of
the Hellenistic kingdoms and the eastern Mediterranean, oriental cults spread all over
the empire – and Isis in particular, whose temples can be found from Petra to York.154
As has been demonstrated in the last section, the idea of a cultural ‗apartheid‘
between Hellenised and non-Hellenised inhabitants does not apply to Egypt. Egyptian
priests, who made up the last surviving native social elite, interacted with the Hellenistic
power in several ways. The case of Manetho, a priest from Heliopolis who lived in the
3rd century B.C illustrates how early the priests were able not only to express
themselves in Greek, but also to correct Greek misunderstandings of the Egyptian
civilisation.155 Indeed, he openly contradicted Herodotus in Fr. 43, §73 as well as in Fr.
88: ―Manetho has written in Greek the history of his homeland, translating, as he
152
For a most detailed study about the diffusion of Isis cult over the Hellenistic world, and as well the
transformations of her aspects throughout the ages See: F. le Corsu, Isis – Mythe et Mystères (Paris:1977);
For a list of Isis‘ epithets, see: C.Leitz (ed)., Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen.
(OLA 129, Band VIII: Register), (Leuven: 2002), pp.1-47.
153
J. Assmann, Weisheit und Mysterium (München: 2000), p. 39.
154
For a detailed study on the diffusion of Isis cult in Roman Empire, see: E.A. Arslan (ed.), Iside – il
mito, il mister, la magia. (Milano: 1997).
155
See: W.G. Waddell (transl.)., Manetho. Loeb (Cambridge: 1973). Despite the loss of the original
work, the importance of Manetho to the Hellenistic scholars can be attested by the quotations of his text
by Plutarch, Theophilus, Aelian, Porphyrius, Diogenes Laertius, and among others, the Christian
chronographers Josephus and Eusebius.
76
himself says, from the priestly writings, and he refutes Herodotus, who through
ignorance made many mistakes about Egypt.‖156
On the other hand, Egyptians were also influenced by Hellenistic thought, even
during the Roman administration. An example of this is the work of the
hierogrammateus and Isis priest Chaeremon (first century A.D), whose work explained
the hieroglyphs and was deeply influenced by Stoicism.157
Graeco-Roman Egypt was first and foremost a political reality. This could be
perceived in the empire‘s roads and trading networks. Furthermore, the Roman
administration considerably reduced the prestige and socioeconomic autonomy of the
Egyptian priests. Most important, however, is the fact that Egyptian intellectuals not
only had access to Hellenistic thought but also took an active part in shaping it.
Nevertheless, both, native Egyptian as well as Hellenistic literature, continued to depict
Egyptian priests as great sorcerers who were capable of producing all kinds of
supernatural effects. Thus the demotic cycle of Setne‘s tales (Setne I) contains a book of
magic written by the god Thoth himself and a contest of skills between magicians.
Lichtheim similarly comments on the writings of Setne II, who is likely to have lived
during the Roman administration: ―[T]he presence of Greek motifs in Setne II is one of
many testimonies to the intermingling of Egyptian and Greek cultures in Graeco-Roman
Egypt.‖158 In both tales Setne is portrayed as a prince from a remote past. A different
156
Cf. Josephus contra Apionem 1.73. See: G. P. Verbrugghe, J. M. Wickersham, Berossos and Manetho
– Native Traditions in ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. (Michgan: 1999), p. 129.
157
See: P.W. Van der Horst (transl.), Chaeremon: Egyptian priest and Stoic philosopher.
(Leiden:1984).Van der Horst explains the relations between Chaeremon‘s work and the Stoicism, and
says: ―And in Fragm. 12 (...) he explains hieroglyphs as the symbols by which the ancient scribes
concealed their (...) ―physical theory about the gods‖. In Stoic philosophy, theology was part of physics!‖
p.X. Like Manetho‘s, the work of Chaeremon is lost except by the quotations of his contemporaries and
posterior writers. (Josephus, Michael Psellus, Origen, Porphiry, Iamblichus, Jerome, …)
158
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature III – The Late period. (Berkeley: 2006), p.126. See also: J.
F. Quack, Einführung in die altägyptische Literaturgeschichte III – Die gräko-ägyptische Literatur.
77
description of an Egyptian priest can be found in Heliodorus‘ Hellenistic novel
Aethiopika, which focuses on the Memphite Isis priest Calasiris, who was supposedly
living at the time of Heliodorus. The novel tells of Calasiris‘s ability to fight evil spirits
and to communicate with people through their dreams.159
Literary portrayal and idealisation of Egyptian priests as magicians does not mirror
actual misconception of reality.160 Instead the reproduction of these stereotypes proved a
useful tool to keep up the popularity of Egyptian cults and regain some of the prestige
the priests had lost. As Dieleman writes: ―[M]agic is perceived as a category that
bestows prestige on the person who is acknowledgeable about it.‖161
Furthermore, we need to bear in mind that Egyptian priests represented a social
model of behaviour. Frankfurter explains:
Priestly charisma is typically a charisma of ―office‖, meaning that leadership authority from
the social position or rank one occupies rather than from one‘s unique presence or ideology.
Priests‘ abilities to influence people, to convey ideology, thus tend to be constrained by
their dramatic cultic roles.162
In other words, the priests‘ prestige stemmed not only from their alleged possession of
supernatural capacities. Neither did it merely originate from their role as mediators
between gods and man. The primary task of priests in ancient Egypt was to ensure the
thriving of maat (
). This was achieved through the priests‘ compliance with
particular rules, which in turn made them virtuous. Dieleman comments that: ―[T]hese
(Münster: 2005), and F. Hoffmann, J. F. Quack, Anthologie der demotischen Literatur. (Munster: 2007),
pp.118-152.
159
See: M.P.F. Pinheiro, ―Fonctions du surnaturel dans les Éthiopiques d‘Héliodore‖. Bulletin de
l‘Association Guilhaume Budé, 4, 1992, pp.358-81.
160
This tendency assumes a greater intensity particularly during the early Christian centuries. The
Egyptian priest-magician is commonly connected to an extraordinary knowledge of natural elements
(mineral and vegetal magical properties), he is depicted as being the lost link with a remote golden-age
past. See: Y. Koenig, Magie et magiciens dans l’Égypte ancienne. (Paris: 1994).
161
J. Dieleman, Priests, Tongues, and Rites. (Leiden, Boston : 2005), p.238.
162
D. Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt : Assimilation and Resistance. (Princeton: 1998), p. 204.
78
priestly virtues are a combination of formal requirements163 and additional moral
achievements like voluntary presence in the temple and providing teaching for
posterity‖. 164
We should bear in mind that this ―posterity‖ included the literate elite consisting of
priests and nobility.165 In other words, the above-mentioned teachings were meant for
people inside the temples and those who had access to them. The demotic (and hieratic)
texts from the Book of Thoth fall into this category. It is possible to describe their
contents as texts with ethic-normative elements that directly linked the Egyptian notion
of good sociocultural behaviour to the cosmic order. The normative discourse contained
in the Book essentially aimed at promoting Egyptian moral values as the ultimate goal
of every priest.
The literary category the Book of Thoth belongs to, which is also known as
Instruction/Teaching/or Wisdom literature‖, formed part of a literary genre that had
been around ever since dynastic Egypt.166 The new aspect the Book of Thoth featured
and which in turn linked it to Greek Hermetica167 and Egyptian Instructions was its
syncretism of style and content. The texts‘ form as a dialogue between teacher and
student, on the other hand, was common to Egyptian Wisdom texts and Greek
philosophical works.
163
Ibidem: ―Purify, Rectitude in performing priestly duties, denial of theft from offerings, righteousness
(social solidarity) and proper speech. Accordingly, these five points can be considered the main
constituents of priestly self-presentation in the Late and Geco-Roman period. Each of the five topics was
already common in earlier periods, albeit less pronounced, but the underlying morality of Late Period
biographies stresses human responsibility and accountability as never before.‖ That indicates as well how
individualism flourished in Egypt‘s mentality centuries before in the Hellenistic civilization.
164
J. Dieleman, (op.cit.) p.218.
165
Or only the priestly elite if one considers the Egyptian society in the Hellenistic age.
166
Some examples are The Maxims of Ptahhoptep (Middle kingdom), The Teaching for Merikare (New
Kingdom (?)), The Teachings of Anchsheshonky (Late Period), among others.
167
Thoth is even called ―Trismegistos‖ (wr, wr, wr). See: R. Jasnow and K..-Th. Zauzich, The Book of
Thoth – vol. I. (Wiesbaden: 2005), p.65.
79
That brings me on to potential Greek and Egyptian influence on the composition of
the Hermetica. In brief, they form part of an ongoing debate which is unlikely to end
any time soon. To state just one opinion at this point: Fowden remarks that ―general
Egyptian ideas are prominent in this text.‖168 We should be cautious about tracking
Greek and Egyptian elements in the Hermetica. As we have seen, cultural and
intellectual exchange between Greeks and Egyptians is much older than the one taking
place during the Hellenistic period. Any attempts to trace specific cultural influence will
thus inevitably prove biased and ultimately futile.
Although the Book of Thoth will not be treated as an Egyptian Hermetic treatise as
such, it will be considered to be the outcome of intercultural contact similar to the one
occurring in the Hellenistic intellectual milieu, which produced Hermetic literature. By
the same token it should be understood that the Egyptian temple did not enjoy
intellectual immunity. For one thing Egyptian scholarly169 texts were translated into
Greek and circulated throughout the Roman Empire. Moreover, the Greek Hermetic
texts themselves claimed to be translations works written in the Egyptian language.170 In
addition to this, the Coptic Hermetica from Nag-Hammadi show that Egyptians who did
not know any Greek, i.e. people who are likely to have lived outside the class of priests,
were also involved in assimilating and circulating these particular texts.171 This
basically means that the Egyptians living during the Graeco-Roman period viewed and
reproduced the Hermetica‘s discourse as part of their ancient traditions. The Hellenistic
168
G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p.29.
For some examples, like ―The Book of the Temple‖. See: J. Quack ―Ein ägyptisches Handbuch des
Tempels und seine griechische Übersetzung.‖ In: ZPE 119 (1997),pp. 297-300. And ―The Myth of the
Sun‘s-Eye‖, see: S. West, ―The Greek Version of the Legend of Tefnut‖. JEA 55 (1969), pp.161-83.
170
CH. XVI, 1-2. This passage claims rather an Egyptian origin to the Hermetic thought than a literal
claim of having been copied from any Egyptian text. This passage will be further analyzed on the next
chapter.
171
The Hermetic texts are part of Codex VI. See: J. M. Robinson (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library. (San
Francisco: 1977).
169
80
and Egyptian audience in general believed in the Hermetica‘s Egyptian pedigree. The
same holds true for later Byzantine and Islamic readers.
1.4 Hermetism and Hellenism
Although Hellenistic Greeks and Egyptians had been living together for centuries and
thus shared a common past, their relationship was completely redefined from the Late /
Archaic-Classical Period172 onwards. As became clear in the centuries to come, the
Greek idealisation of Egypt as the land of an ‗amazing civilisation‘ did not keep the
Greeks from perceiving its political reality as well. Thus Greeks traded and battled with
pharaonic Egypt. Most of the Greek merchants and mercenaries settled in Naucratis or
in one of the cleruchies in the Delta. In addition to these developments, a Greek
mercenary army fought the Persians to defend Egypt‘s independence and, after the
Persian conquest, another Greek expeditionary force – which was led by ―Athenians and
their allies,‖ i.e. the Delos League – supported a long campaign to free Egypt from
Persians.
Even the Macedonian conquest did not put an end to the Greeks‘ veneration of
Egypt‘s ‗golden age‘. Greeks, Macedonians and several other Hellenised cultural groups
continued to interact with Egyptians on a daily basis. Egyptian religiousness was
popular among all social classes and people from different cultural backgrounds.
Syncretistic gods such as Sarapis and the Hellenised version of Isis achieved great
popularity across the eastern Mediterranean basin. At the same time, Egyptian priests
were deeply involved in the political affairs of their country. Egyptian temples thus
172
Cf. appendix I.
81
became a crucial and active political force in the Ptolemaic power balance. Ultimately,
the overall popularity of Egyptian religion, the Egyptian priests‘ high social prestige and
their political influence all helped to make Egyptian piety, rituals and other religious
practices part of the ‗Greek way of life‘ in Egypt.
The ensuing reduction of the distance between Egyptians and Greeks/Hellenised
people did not harm the idealised depiction of Egypt as the home of an amazing
civilisation. Egypt continued to be regarded as the cradle of ancient wisdom and
knowledge even after the Roman conquest. In fact, the idealisation of Egypt steadily
grew during the Hellenistic age along with its integration into the Hellenistic world, first
as a Greek new kingdom, then as Roman province. Notwithstanding, the idealised
literary image of priests who possessed supernatural powers did not hinder anyone from
recognising their class as a political and social reality. While the Greek-Macedonian
elite ruled Egypt with the priests‘ support, the Roman administration destroyed their
economic autonomy and political relevance as soon as possible.
It should not be forgotten that to accept the idea of a ‗degenerated‘ GraecoMacedonian elite is more conform to Roman propaganda than actual conditions found
in Hellenistic society in Egypt. After all, Egyptian self-perception in Graeco-Egyptian
culture and Greek self-perception were not mutually exclusive. This is the reason why a
Greek could pursue a Greek profession and worship an Egyptian god without feeling
that he is doing something contradictory or paradox.
After the Roman conquest, the Roman commercial network was extended until it
covered the cosmopolitan eastern Mediterranean area. Due to the Roman roads, the
overall integration of Roman culture in the Mediterranean and, most importantly, the
Pax Romana, Egypt‘s religion disseminated in the empire. The Egyptian priests
82
remained the epitome of religious piety and archetypical magicians. We have to bear in
mind, however, that the Egyptian connection between moral/spiritual virtues and
magical power was associated with the logics of the entire Hermetic thought as well as
with the Hellenistic concept of theurgy. As has been demonstrated, Hellenistic
mentality, the popular oriental cults, deities, doctrines and philosophies spread
throughout the empire‘s provinces and beyond.
Another point of interest of this chapter was to present Hellenisation in Egypt as a
dynamic process rather than a mere power relation between monolithical institutions –
i.e. Hellenised elite versus Egyptian temples. Even though early 20th century scholars
purported the general notion of Egyptian priests as living isolated in their temples and
reproducing ‗pure Egyptian culture,‘ this image is now outdated. Hellenistic Egypt was
a place where new social relationships caused two communities to revisit elements of
their original symbolic universe. The results of this process were newly defined
identities and cultural ideologies that were compatible with the new circumstances of
their lives. It therefore goes without saying that if one seeks to study Hellenistic Egypt
only through the analysis of official discourses, the outcome will always be partial and
incomplete. As the Hellenistic settlers entered a dynamic process of interaction,
integration and intermarriage, it became increasingly difficult for the Hellenistic
government to maintain the now artificial distinction between Hellenised and nonHellenized groups. Although Egyptian funerary-magic-religious practices continued to
be the most easily recognisable emblems of Egyptian influence over the Greek
population shaping Hellenistic mentality and culture in Egypt, texts like the so-called
Book of Thoth demonstrate how the priests‘ beliefs were integrated into Ptolemaic
83
political and social life. We can therefore presume that Egyptian priests were promoting
‗philosophical blending‘ in the temples as well.
With regard to Hermetic literature, its importance does not rely on its alleged
‗Egyptianity‘ or ‗Hellenicity‘. As has been shown, Egypt had already entertained
diplomatic and trading contacts with its neighbours several centuries previous to
Alexander‘s arrival. In other words, the Greeks were just another people with which
Egypt interacted. Since Egypt‘s intellectuals were thus already living in a cosmopolitan
society, they had access to all kinds of foreign ideologies, doctrines, languages and
cultures with whom they would further mix later during the Hellenistic age. Again, this
makes the task of identifying ‗Hellenistic‘ or ‗Egyptian‘ elements in the Hermetica very
subjective. Moreover, it is based on the assumption that the only explanation for the
multicultural elements found in an Egyptian discourse form the result of some sort of
‗triumph‘ on the part of Hellenisation. However, ‗Hellenisation‘ was rather a new
political reality than a demonstration of cultural submission. Greeks and Hellenised
people adopted ‗Egyptian religion‘ at the same time as Egyptians and non-Greeks
adopted the Greeks‘ way of life, art, philosophy, etc. It is thus not feasible to posit a
distinction between ‗Egyptian religion‘ and ‗Greek philosophy‘ as both discourses were
widely accepted as part of their respective symbolic universes. Furthermore, Hellenistic
civilisation was also characterised by its plasticity; every culture was borrowing from
each other and assimilated foreign elements. The existence of non-Egyptian aspects
therefore does not necessarily mirror non-Egyptian intervention. It rather demonstrates
how cultural integration was reflected in the new mentality found in Hellenistic Egypt.
It should also be remembered that the cultural identity of the Hermetica was never an
issue for their ancient audience; in their eyes the Hermetica were translations of ancient
84
Egyptian texts. Moreover, most Greek philosophers willingly admitted – or claimed –
an Egyptian origin for their schools and masters. Hence, they easily spotted
philosophical concepts and premises in their literature. In addition to this, the existence
of Coptic Hermetic texts proves that at least some Egyptians who were not literate in
Greek also accepted an Egyptian origin of the Hermetica.
To sum up, we can say that Hermetism was a cultural phenomenon originating in
Hellenistic Egypt. It was the product of a culture that was in a constant process of
symbolic (re-)negotiation. In the same way that Hermetic texts should be understood as
part of this civilisation, this civilization‘s self-perception should be understood as part
of the process of the Hermetica‘s creation. Hermetic literature was not only written in
Greek, but also it reproduced in Latin, Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, Aramaic and Arabian.
Both the textual translations and their new additions made possible to incorporate new
cultural elements into its corpora. Furthermore, the fact that Hermetic literature had
multiple authors for many generations demonstrates the absence of any formal aim at
canonisation. This again supports the view that Hermetism was the result of a wider
process of cultural interaction and formed part of a mentality transformation.
As has also been demonstrated, the process of intellectual exchange between Greeks
and Egyptians already took place in the Greek Archaic age / Egyptian Late Period.
Examples of this can be found in the Interpretatio Graeca, Pythagorean philosophy and
in several cultural elements present in Greek culture whose alleged Egyptian roots
according to Herodotus were generally accepted. The Hellenistic age maintained this
interpretation. Hermetism should therefore be regarded as being part of a characteristic
intellectual tendency to mix philosophy with oriental spirituality and mysticism. The
present paper will therefore work with the axis ‗Hermetic thought - Hellenistic
85
civilisation‘. Its premises include the assumption that Hermetic thought is a particular
case of intellectual syncretism of Greek philosophy, Egyptian and oriental thought.
Furthermore, it tentatively suggests that the birth of the so-called philosophical
Hermetica occurred between the 1st century B.C and the 3rd century A.D.
The following chapters will offer a definition of Hermetic literature, survey the
selected documents and the chosen approach and, finally, explore the discussed sources.
86
2. Thoth-Hermes Trismegistos and the Hermetica
This chapter will explore the definition of Hermetic literature as well as discuss the
selected documents, present the approach chosen and, eventually, examine the
materials. The case of Hermes-Thoth, who was the patron of the so-called Corpus
Hermeticum, and his relation to Hermetic literature, will thereby serve as main focus.
The image of Egypt as a land of wisdom and lost knowledge was preserved during
the Hellenistic period. Diodorus commented the Interpretatio Graeca in his work on
Egyptian traditions by stating that:
It was by Hermes, for instance, according to them [i.e. the Egyptians], that the common
language of mankind was first further articulated, and that many objects which were still
nameless received an appellation, that the alphabet was invented, and that ordinances
regarding the honours and offerings due to the gods were duly established. [... .] The
Greeks also were taught by him how to expound [hermeneia] their thoughts, and it was for
this reason that he was given the name Hermes. In a word, Osiris, taking him for his
priestly scribe, communicated with him on every matter and used his counsel above that of
all others. (Diod. I, 16)
173
The Graeco-Romans believed that Thoth-Hermes was worshiped in Egypt as a god of
not only basic but also specialised and extraordinary education. With the beginning of
the Late / Archaic-Classical Period174, Thoth‘s popularity increased due to his mastery
of magic. Any magic formula attributed to Thoth was believed to produce a particular
173
The general relations between Hermes and Thoth are exposed in a table with bibliography on the
Appendix 2. The table is rather a ―quick list‖, all specific attributes, and virtues of both gods will be
explored individually in this work whenever it might be necessary. For a complete analysis of Thoth‘s
epithets, see: C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen –Band VIII:
Register– in: OLA 129. (Leuven:2003), pp.715-730 and for further studies about Thoth, see: P. Boylan,
Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt. (Oxford:1922). For the process of this Hellenistic Hermes‘ ascension from
the dynastic Thoth, see: B. Couroyer, ―Le ‗Dieu des sages‘ en Egypte.‖ In: R.Bi. 94 (1987), pp. 574-603.
174
See the table of Greek and Egyptian chronologic equivalences in Appendix 1.
87
result. Cicero claimed that this happened because of the power the pronunciation of the
god‘s name emanated.175 Broadly speaking, Thoth underwent a transformation from an
Egyptian into a universal god during the Hellenistic period. At the end of this process
stood his Hellenised counterpart: Hermes Trismegistos, whose epithet means ―three
times the greatest‖. Although the expression ―three times the greatest‖ is often
associated with the Greeks, it was already in use in Egypt before Alexander‘s arrival
and is thus of Egyptian origin.
Hornung postulates an Egyptian background of ‗Thoth‘s‘ new epithet. He refers to a
stela which dates back to the 20th year of the reign of pharaoh Apries (26th Dynasty, ca.
570 B.C., i.e. the so-called Saite Period). On it Thoth is described as ―the two times
great‖ and lord of Hermopolis-Baqliya.176 It is interesting to note that there is a Greek
equivalent to this expression which can be found in the Ptolemaic sacerdotal decrees of
Raphia (217 B.C.). There we read ―μέγιστος καὶ μέγιστος,‖ i.e. ―greatest and greatest‖
(
―great, great‖ in Egyptian).177 The Rosettana, i.e. the Memphis decree written in
197 B.C similarly features ―μέγας καὶ μέγας,‖ i.e. ―great and great‖ (
―the
great, the great‖ in Egyptian).178 Furthermore, an oracle from Hermes Trismegistos that
was discovered at Saqqara and dates around 168-164 B.C bears the epithets ―μέγιστος
175
Cf. De natura deorum III 56.
E. Hornung, L’Égypte Ésoterique. (Monaco: 2007), p. 19. The author refers to Wladimir Golenischeff,
Die Metternichstelle in der Originalgrösse (Leipzig: 1877, Wiesbaden: 1982). Figure in pl.3. See also:
C.E. Sander-Hausen ―Die Texte der Metternichstele‖ – Analecta Aegyptiaca, VII. (Kopenhagen: 1956).
This type of stele of protection and healing was originally from the nineteenth dynasty, but it gained
popularity during the Saite period and kept reproduced until the end of the Ptolemaic period. The rituals
are further analysed by Helke Stern-el-Hotabi ―Die Metternichstele.‖ In: C. Butterweck et alii, Texte aus
der Umwelt desAlten Testaments –Band II.3: Rituale und Beschwörungen II. (Gütesloh: 1988), pp. 358380.
177
See: R.S. Simpson ―Appendix B: The Raphia Decree‖. In: R.S. Simpson, Demotic Grammar in the
Ptolemaic Sacerdotal Decrees. (Oxford: 1996), pp. 242-57. This specific passage is in pp.242 (Demotic
version) and 243 (English version).
178
Ibidem, pp.258-71. This specific passage is in pp.262 (Demotic version) and 263 (English version).
176
88
καὶ μέγιστος μέγας‖ and ―μεγσίτου καὶ μεγσίτου θεοῦ μεγάλου‖.179 As Hornung
explains, the lack of a superlative form in the Egyptian language was later circumvented
by adding the adverb wr, i.e. ―very,‖ to the expression
(twice great).180 During the
3rd century B.C the term commonly used was ―three times (very) great,‖ and the
expression ―eight times great‖ can be found in Setne‘s tale, which was composed in the
2nd century B.C.181
Thus ―Trismegistos,‖ which first appeared as early as the 3rd century A.D182 is
commonly interpreted as an attempt to translate an older Egyptian epithet. In other
words, the Egyptian expression
wr is traditionally accepted as the Egyptian role
model out of which the Greeks developed Tρηζκέγηζηος (―Thrice the Greatest‖).
However, the Book of Thoth (1st century B.C. – 2nd century A.D) attests to the fact that
Thoth had already been venerated as wr wr wr (lit. ―Great, great, great‖) in Egypt
before the Roman conquest.183
Throughout the process of assimilation of Thoth and Hermes, the Hellenistic
Hermes-Thoth combined all functions and virtues of his component deities.184 However,
the Egyptian Hermes surpassed the powers of his predecessors and ultimately became
the epitome of an entire branch of philosophical and sacred syncretism that resulted in
179
T.C. Skeat, E.G Turner, ―An Oracle of Hermes Trismegistos at Saqqâra.‖ In: JEA 53 (London: 1967),
pp.199-208.
180
See: Hornung, op.cit, p.19.
181
(Setne II; 5,1): ―He went to the temple of Khmun, [made his] libations before Thoth. The eight-times
great, the lord of Khmun, the great god.‖See: M. Lichtheim. Ancient Egyptian Litterature- the late Period.
(Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: 2006), p.146.
182
Thissen quotes the Pap. B.M 121, 551 for ―ηρηζκέγας‖(third century A.D). See: H.-J. Thissen ―Hermes
Trismegistos‖. In: W. Helck, E. Otto (ed.) LÄ. (Wiesbaden: 1977), pp.1133-5, p.1134, n.6.
183
See: R. Jasnow, K-Th. Zauzich, The ancient Book of Thoth. (Wiesbaden: 2005). Note that in Fayum,
the god Suchos was still being called ―great, great god‖ during the Graeco-Roman period. Cf. W. Chrest.
141,142 ―grosser grosser Gott‖. See: H. I. Bell, Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt. (Chicago:
1975), p.62.
184
See Appendix 2. Hermes-Thoth is a pre-Hellenistic equivalence. However, the Hellenistic Hermes
Trismegistos assumed all complementary virtues from both Egyptian and Greek sides, producing a new
and stronger vision of an Egyptian Hermes.
89
the creation of Hermetic texts. Following Festugière,185 this corpus can be divided into
two
major
classes,
namely,
the
technical/practical
Hermetica
and
the
philosophical/theoretical/theological Hermetica.
2.1 Technical Hermetica and Philosophical Hermetica
In 1614 Isaac Causabon situated the composition of the philosophical texts between the
late 1st and the late 3rd century A.D.186 Modern scholars agree with his dating. Galen of
Pergamon was the first ancient author to make reference to Hermetic texts when he
mentioned a treatise on medical botany, which had allegedly been written by Hermes
Trismegistos and was well known in the 1st century A.D187 However, the discovery of
the Book of Thoth caused scholars to locate the age of the philosophical Hermetica in
the 1st century B.C In the abscence of more evidence, however, it is difficult to refute
even an earlier composition of the technical texts which might have taken place up to
two centuries prior to the 1st century B.C.
The technical / practical Hermetica are believed to include all writings that feature
Hermes as a patron of magic. Their contents cover various areas of magical aspirations
(e.g. alchemy, divination, charms, etc.) so that it is hard to subsume the texts under a
more specific title. The bulk of them include magical papyri in which someone asks the
god for protection/assistance in his magical operations. The technical / practical
Hermetica‘s origins are also difficult to pin down. However, in the case of an
astronomical work entitled the Art of Eudoxos, which was written in the 2nd century
185
A. -J. Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste - Tome I. (Paris: 1944).
These calculations are based on external testimonia and analysis of the linguistic style and the
doctrinal content of the texts. See: W. Scott, Hermetica - vol. I (Oxford: 1924), p. 9-10.
187
See: J. Scarborough, ―Hermetic and Related Texts in Classical Antiquity.‖ In: I. Merkel, A. G. Debus
(eds.) Hermeticism and the Renaissance. (London, Toronto: 1988), p. 22.
186
90
B.C., the source of the text is known. What we have is a complex Hellenistic treatise on
Egyptian astronomy, which is likely to have been compiled in a Sarapeum. Among
other things, the text contains calculations for equinoxes and solstices as well as
information about lunar and solar calendars. Thompson not only mentions that the text
features the references ―oracles of Sarapis‖ and ―oracles of Hermes,‖ but also states
that:
The oracular roles of both Apis and Thoth, found here in Greek form, enjoyed a popular
vogue; they were further connected with the interpretation of dreams. This combination of
oracle and astronomy verging on astronomy, which later became so popular in the Roman
world, with the rise of Hermes Trismegistos and works like Tetrabiblos, finds its roots here
firmly fixed in Egypt of the second century B.C.188
It appears that scholars living in Hellenistic Egypt did not notice (or care about) the
previous absence of astrology in pharaonic Egypt. Its sudden birth seems not to have
puzzled them. Being aware of its civilisation‘s ancient past, the Greeks naturally
credited Egypt for all branches of wisdom. We have already seen the degree of respect
Egypt enjoyed among Herodotus‘ contemporaries. The Greeks‘ emphasis on ‗Egyptian
origin‘ was even more pronounced when it came to spirituality, magic and thinking.
Egypt was still held to be the prestigious cradle of extraordinary knowledge during the
Hellenistic age. According to Dieleman:
Many Greek authors of the Hellenistic period who wrote about the principles of astrology
based their arguments on books revealed by the supreme god Hermes Trismegistos or
written by the famous Egyptian astrologers Nechepso and Petosiris, who were both
supposed to have lived in the early Hellenistic period. The names of these authors are
188
D. J. Thompson, Memphis under the Ptolemies. (Princeton: 1988), p.254.
91
certainly to be interpreted as pseudoepigraphy, a common and widespread phenomenon in
Antiquity and even earlier periods.189
During the Roman rule, astrology was already well established in Egypt. Demotic
horoscopes and astrological texts demonstrate that the Egyptian priests used signs of the
zodiac, which might have been introduced to Egypt under the Ptolemies. According to
Bohleke, Egypt turned horoscopes into an art that had a significant impact on Roman
society.190
Oracles and divination were also quite common subjects of the technical Hermetica.
The following Greek magical papyri illustrate how Egypt‘s Graeco-Roman population
made use of Hermes-Thoth‘s magical powers. The presented extract stems from a spell
that asked Hermes for inspiration. It begins with a description of the spell, i.e. with a list
of the required ingredients and procedures. This is followed by the prayer/hymn to
Hermes whose last section asks the god for his assistance:
(400) Hermes, lord of the world, who‘re in the heart,/ O circle of Selene, spherical/And
square, the founder of the words of speech,/ Pleader of justice‘s cause, garbed in a mantle,/
With winged sandals turning airy course / (405) Beneath earth‘s depths, who hold the
spirit‘s reins,/ O eye of Helios, O mighty one,/ Founder of full-voiced speech, who with
your lamps/ Give joy to those beneath earth‘s depths, to mortals/ (410) Who‘ve finished
life. / The prophet of events/And Dream divine you‘re said to be, who send/ Forth oracles
by day and night; you cure/All pains of mortals with your healing cares./ Hither, O blessed
one, O mighty son/ (415) Of Memory, who brings full mental powers,/ In your own form
both graciously appear/ And graciously render the task for me,/ A pious man, and render
189
J. Dieleman, ―Claiming the Stars – Egyptian Priests Facing the Sky.‖ In: S. Bickel, A. Loprieno (Eds.)
Aegyptiaca Helvetica 17 (Basel: 2003), p.279. The name ―Petosiris‖ – ―The one whon Osiris has given‖,
is usually attested from the Late Period onwards. See also O. Neugebauer, R.A. Parker. Egyptian
astronomical Texts 3vols. (London: 1969). The authors refute the possibility of Petosiris the astrologer
would be the same priest Petosiris, the owner of the tomb in Hermopolis. For a study on Astronomy itself,
see: B.L. van der Waerden, Anfänge der Astronomie (Groningen: 1956).
190
B. Bohleke, ―In terms of fate - A survey of the indigenous Egyptian contribuition to ancient astrology
in light of Papyrus CtYBR inv. 1132 (B).‖ In: Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 23, (Hamburg: 1996),
pp. 11-46. This article shows how the Egyptian priesthood was involved with astrology.
92
your form gracious/ To me, NN/ That I may comprehend you by your skills/ Of prophecy,
by your own wondrous deeds. /(420) I ask you, lord, be gracious to me and/ Without deceit
appear and prophesy to me. 191
Note how the magician believed that ―being a pious man‖ would increase his personal
merit and be crucial in winning the god‘s favour. However it is not clear from the
spell‘s phrasing what this piety exactly entailed – apart from the fact that it must have
been in line with Hermes‘ doctrine.
It is possible to detect a connection between the prayer mentioned above and the
philosophical Hermetica. It can be argued that the philosophical Hermetists believed
and used parts of the technical Hermetica and vice versa. The two textual genres appear
to complement each other and share a common focus: purification. The philosophical
Hermetica suggested philosophical reflection as a path leading disciples to ‗purification‘
– or what we might call virtue – and the ability to visualise the divine sphere192.
Furthermore, there existed a complementary relation between human spiritual virtue and
magical merit. This was characteristic of ‗theurgy‘, which can be roughly defined as a
branch of magic in which a ‗theurgist‘ was assisted in his work by a being from the
divine/angelical/spiritual sphere. Rituals in turn were just a way of manifesting the inner
force of a theurgist. This ‗inner force‘ was directly responsible for the production of
‗magic,‘ i.e. the manifestation of the theurgist‘s will, faith and spiritual merits, and was
achieved through the development of mental skills and spiritual virtues.193 In the same
191
PGM V. 370-446 lines 400-420. This hymn is repeated with different degrees of alterations in PGM
VII.664-85; VII.668-80 and XVIIb. 1-23. For a complete and actual study concerning the PGM see: J.
Dieleman, Priests, Tongues, and Rites (Leiden, Boston: 2005).
192
This process is called ―Religio Mentis‖ by the Hermetic treatise Asclepius (ad Ascl. 25).
193
See: G. Shaw, Theurgy and the Soul: The Neo-Platonism of Iamblichus. (Pennsylvania: 1995). G.R.S
Mead, Thrice-Greatest Hermes: Studies in Hellenistic Theosophy and Gnosis. Vol I-III (London:1906).
For further information about theurgy before and contemporary to Iamblichus and as well its relations
with Hermetics, see: G. Fowden (op. cit.).
93
vein we read in the Hermetic treatise called Kore Kosmou (K.K.), which portrayed
Hermes as theurgist, that: ―Having prayed with great intensity and having said certain
words [Hermes] departed to heaven.‖ (K.K, VII)194 In the Book of Dead, on the other
hand, Thoth declares his theurgic role by presenting himself as a virtuous god and
powerful ally to fair people against evil.
41.
[...] I am Thoth, wise scribe, clean of hands, Lord of Purity, Who has rejected the evil,
scribe of Truth, whose abomination is / Falsehood, whose red [pen] has protected the
Lord of all, Lord of laws, who makes writing speak, Whose words have brought order
to the Two Banks. [Jnk Ḏḑwty sš jqr wꜥb ꜥ.wy Nb wꜥb(w) dr(w) bw-ḏw.t sš MꜢꜥ.t bw.t=f
Jsf.t mk nꜥr=f Nb hp.w rd(w) {t} mdw drf grg(w) md.wt=f Jdb.wy]
43. I am / Thoth, Lord of the Truth, who vindicates the loser, savior of the wretched needy
one and his possessions. [...] 195 [Jnk Ḏḑwty Nb MꜢꜥ.t smꜢꜥ (w)-ḫrw ḫb(w) ḫrw nḏ(w)-
ḑr mꜢr (s)d(=w) ḑr jš.t=f]
Generally speaking, Thoth served Maat with his power. This is perfectly consistent with
the god‘s aretology as described in his various dynastic epithets196 such as the ones
describing his knowledge of earthly and supernatural physics. Among the common
194
This tractate is a dialog of Isis (instructor) and Horus (disciple). In this passage – the conclusion of the
tractate - Hermes prays and speaks words concerning ηὰ ἱερὰ ηῶλ θοζκηθῶλ ζηοητείωλ ζύκβοια. Kore
Kosmou = Excerpts XXIII-XXIV from the Library of Stobaeus. See: A.D. Nock, A.-J Festugière (ed. and
transl.) Corpus Hermeticum: Tome IV- Fragments extraits de Stobée: XXIII-XXIX (Paris: 1954). The Kore
Kosmou is not part of the Corpus Hermeticum collection; however it was published as a compendium of
supplementary Hermetic texts.
195
See: The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day- Ideas of ancient Egyptians concerning the
hereafter as expressed in their own terms. Translated by Th. G. Allen - The Oriental Institute of Chicago.
Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. No 37 (Chicago: 1974). Egyptian Transliteration cf., Le livre des
Morts de l’Égypte Anciene. Translated by Cl. Carrier (Paris: 2009). (The spell 183, from Papyrus
Hounefer, BM EA 9901). Lines 41-43, pp. 830-1.
196
See: C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen –Band VIII: Register–
in: Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 129. (Leuven: 2003), pp.715-730; Y. Volokhine, ―Le dieu Thot au
Qasr el-Agoûz - Ḏd-ḑr-pꜢ-hb, Ḏḑwty-stm‖. In : Bulletin de l‘Institut Français d‘Archéologie Orientale
102, (Le Caire: 2002), pp. 405-423. See also, P. Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt. (Oxford: 1922),
pp.180-200.
94
epithets referring to Thoth are Rḫ-sw, i.e. ―The wise,‖ Nb mdw, i.e. ―Lord of the
words,‖ ꜣ- -wr-n-pr-mḏꜣt, i.e. ―The two times very great of the Library,‖ as well as Nb
mdw-nṯr, i.e. ―Lord of the sacred words‖ and Wr-ḑkꜣ, i.e. ―The one with great Spell
craft‖. Furthermore, Thoth was also characterized as the ultimate keeper of virtue. Thus
we may read that he is the one
Truth/Justice;‖ or
, i.e. the one
―Who is united to the
, i.e. the one ―Who protects the Truth/Justice/Fairness
from untruth/injustice/unfairness‖. Moreover, he was able to actively intervene in the
mortal world. Thus he was called Ḏḑwty-stm [sic.], i.e. ―Thoth who listens,‖ as well as
ḫrw-s-r-ḫfty, i.e. ―The one who allows a man to triumph over his enemy‖. Other
texts identify Thoth as ―the heart of Re‖ (jb n Rꜥ). This epithet was so commonly used
during the Graeco-Roman period that ―Heart of Re‖ was ―simply an equivalent of
―Thoth,‖ which might explain why Thoth was occasionally even just called ―Heart‖.197
Thoth created the world by thought and utterance. He was both the tongue and the
heart of the creator god Re and thus possessed creative powers.198 This naturally made
him subordinated to Re and might even suggest that he was a manifestation of the sun
god, i.e. that both gods were different aspects of the same deity.
Inspiration, magical skills and moral virtues combined with spiritual piety all form
part of a theurgist‘s universe, which lends Thoth-Hermes Trismegistos a theurgic
character.199 The Hermetists were certainly aware of both the technical and
philosophical Hermetica as a means of communication with the divine sphere.
However, it is neither clear how popular ritualistic Hermetic magic was nor if it was
197
P. Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt (Oxford: 1922), p. 114.
Tongue and heart are the two key elements in the utterance of life-giving and powerful words.
199
Iamblichus explained that it was necessary for the theurgists to achieve a high level of spiritualization
in order to keep their works free from demonic intromissions. See: De Mysteriis III, 31, 177-9; V. 15,
219; VIII. 4, 267; X.6, 292. He explains also that the higher the level of the magic, the more spiritualized
was its technique.
198
95
more popular than the philosophical Hermetic texts. Whatever the case was, it is
important to bear in mind that the dichotomy between technical and philosophical
Hermetica is a modern classification.200
The so-called philosophical texts also cover topics like astrology, which could just as
well be classified as ‗technical‘. Astrology is also the subject matter of the Stobaeus
Frag. VI and Nag Hammadi VI-6, 2. Alchemy, on the other hand, appears in the Corpus
Hermeticum V, 9; XII, 8; XIV, 10, and magic is mentioned in Nag Hammadi VI-6, 56.
In Corpus Hermeticum, Tat teaches the principles of sympatheia201 to a king
(probably Ammon):
[…] O king, incorporeal also exist among the corporeals. […] Doesn‘t it seem to you, for
example, that there are forms that appear in body even though they are incorporeal, in the
bodies not only of ensouled beings but of the soulless also? […] Thus, there are reflections
of the incorporeal – from the sensible to intelligible cosmos, that is, and from the
intelligible to the sensible. Therefore, my king, adore the statues, because they, too, possess
forms from the intelligible cosmos. (CH. XVII).
Another Hermetic treatise called ad Asclepius similarly reads:
Are you talking about statues Trismegistus? Statues, Asclepius, yes. […] I mean statues
ensouled and conscious, filled with spirit and doing great deeds; statues that foreknow the
future and predict it by lots, by prophecy, by dreams and many other means; statues that
make people ill and cure them, bringing them pain and pleasure as each deserves. […] (ad
Ascl. 24).
The Greek term enpneumatosis, i.e. ―inspiration,‖ means literally ‗filling with pneuma
or spirit‘. As Copenhaver observes, the divine enpneumatosis and protection was a
recurrent theme of the PGMs:
200
In fact, the relation between technical and philosophical Hermetica will be further analysed in the third
chapter through the perspective of their receptors.
201
The usage of an object in magic as a means to access the divine.
96
[S]alvation in the large sense – the resolution of man‘s fate wherever it finds him – was a
common concern of theoretical and technical Hermetica alike, though the latter texts
generally advertised a quotidian deliverance from banal misfortunes of disease, poverty and
social strife, while the former offered a grander view of salvation through knowledge of
God, the other and the self.202
Thoth‘s link to enpneumatosis found in the Hermetica is not a Hellenistic innovation.
Two other Egyptian epithets describe Thoth‘s power to give breath. Thus he is called
D-ṯ
ḏ-n-s-nb, i.e. “The one who gives air into the nose of every man,‖ and
Rḏi-ṯꜣw-n-wrḏ-ib, i.e. the one ―Who gives air to tired hearts‖. The combination of
enpneumatosis and Thoth already appear in the Book of the Dead, where it stands for
salvation. Spell 128 makes reference to Thoth‘s magic role:
P1. <Book> for causing Osiris to endure, giving breath to the Weary-hearted One through
the activity of Thoth, warding Osiris‘s enemies […] mḏꜢ.t n(y.t) ḏdy.t Wsjr rd.t ṯꜢw n Wrd-jb
m rꜢ-ꜥ Ḏḑwty ḫsf ḫft(y) {w} Wsjr203
It is impossible to tell if those who used to read what is now known as the Corpus
Hermeticum always had access to the same number and/or variety of texts. We can only
presume how codified the Philosophical Hermetica were. It is remarkable that texts
from the Philosophical Hermetica were already being grouped together during the
Graeco-Roman age. Such groups are abundantly attested both within the texts
themselves, e.g. in cross-references, and outside of them, i.e. in quotes of the Hermetica
by other writers. To the latter also belong references to a collection of Discourses
(logoi) in which Hermes, Tat, Asclepius, Ammon, Isis, Horus and other characters
202
B.P. Copenhaver (transl.). Hermetica. (Cambridge: 2002), p.xxxvii.
English text; cf. The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day- Ideas of ancient Egyptians concerning
the hereafter as expressed in their own terms. Translated by Th. G. Allen - The Oriental Institute of
Chicago. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. No 37 (Chicago: 1974). Egyptian Transliteration cf., Le
livre des Morts de l’Égypte Anciene. Translated by Cl. Carrier (Paris: 2009). (The spell 182, from Papyrus
Mouthétepti, BM EA 10010). Line 1, p.819.
203
97
appear as teachers and/or pupils. Plutarch even alludes to a collection of Egyptian
knowledge known as the ―Books of Hermes‖. This allegedly formed part of his
contemporaries‘ knowledge:
In the so-called Books of Hermes they (the Egyptians) relate that it is written concerning
the names that the power placed in charge of the sun‘s course is Horus, and that the Greeks
call it Apollo; that the power in charge of the wind is called by some Osiris, by others
Sarapis; […]. (De Iside et Osiride, 61).204
Sometimes Hermetic treatises contradict one another in the way they approach
certain subjects. This begs the question of multiple authorship. This study agrees with
K.W. Tröger that there are multiple philosophic and religious currents represented in the
Hermetica which not only originated in different historical periods but also in various
cultural surroundings.205 In the following, the philosophical Hermetica will be split into
seven general groups.206
a) The Book of Thoth
The Book of Thoth forms the most recent subject of academic speculation on the
Hermetica.207 The first text edition of this ancient book appeared in 2005. It contains a
dialogue between the Egyptian god Thoth, ―great great great,‖ and a disciple called Mr-
rḫ (―the lover of wisdom,‖ which is in fact an Egyptian translation of the Greek word
204
J.G. Griffiths (transl.), Plutarch: de Iside et Osiride. (Cambridge: 1970). That is also the most remote
mention of Hermetic literature by a Classical author. Another ancient author, Clement of Alexandria lists
42 Hermetic books (Strom. VI, 4, 35; 3-37; 3). For the consensus on the Egyptian origin of Hermes
Trismegistos see: Iamblichus, de Mysteriis VIII, 4.
205
K.W. Tröger. Mysterienglaube und Gnosis im Corpus Hermeticum XIII – Bd. 110 (Berlin: 1971), pp.
5-6.
206
This list is also an upgrade to the works of H.-J. Thissen ―Hermetische Schriften (Corpus
Hermeticum)‖. In: W. Helck, E. Otto (ed.) LÄ. (Wiesbaden: 1977), pp. 1135-7, and Th. M. Scott,
Egyptian Elements in Hermetic Literature. (Cambridge: 1987), pp. 4-8.
207
R. Jasnow, K-Th. Zauzich, The ancient Book of Thoth. (Wiesbaden: 2005).
98
for philosopher). Its original is preserved in Demotic and Hieratic, and there is no
evidence that might suggest that the text was ever translated into Greek or another nonEgyptian language. The text‘s author is unknown, and its fragments, which date from
between the 1st century B.C and the 2nd century A.D, were collected from different
temples across Egypt.
The Book of Thoth has been subject to several debates focusing on its dating as well
as on how closely Egyptian religion in general should be linked to the development of
philosophical Hermetic literature. The oldest fragment of The Book of Thoth, which is in
fact a corpus of several texts, dates back to the 1st century B.C This date is used here as
a ‗symbolic mark‘ of the birth of Hermetic literature. The dating of Hermetic texts in
general is not uniformally accepted; in fact, they are traditionally located at a later point
in time, i.e. somewhere between the 2nd and the 3rd century A.D.
b) The Hermetic fragments from the Nag Hammadi Codices208
A library consisting of twelve books was discovered in the vicinity of the town Nag
Hammadi in Upper Egypt in December 1945. In addition to the books, eight pages from
a thirteenth book dating from Late Antiquity were found placed inside the front cover of
the sixth book. The sixth book was discovered in a jar at the foot of a desert cliff known
as the Gebel et-Tarif (i.e. below Luxor, near the village of Es-Sayyâd, the ancient
Chenoboskion). Out of the 52 tractates (i.e. 13 codices), only six were already known,
either in the original Greek, or in Greek or Latin translations. Furthermore, out of the
thirteen codices (or manuscripts), eleven were complete while a few scattered leaves
208
See: J.M. Robinson (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library. (New York: 1990); The Nag Hammadi codices
are also available in J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II. (Stuttgart- Bad Cannstatt: 1997),
pp. 505-562. In this study these texts are generally called ―Nag Hammadi Hermetica‖ (NHH).
99
were all that remained of two different manuscripts. In total, these codices contained 52
texts. Apart from of several Gnostic revelations, the texts featured three Hermetic
fragments (Codex VI.6, VI.7 and VI.8). Two of these fragments, VI.7 and VI.8, stem
from a Coptic version of ad Asclepius. Codex VI.6. is text which was then called The
discourse on Eighth and Ninth209 (or The Ogdoad reveals the Ennead) and only exists in
Coptic. The resemblance of the texts to the ‗Middle Platonism‘ of Albinus suggests a
dating in the 2nd century A.D210
c) Fragments and Excerpts Preserved by Different Ancient/Medieval Writers
According to Scott, the Neo-Platonic philosopher and Cristian apologist Athenagoras of
Athens, who lived around 180 A.D, was the first to refer to Hermetic literature. Other
writers who discussed Hermetic literature and thereby helped shape its reception include
Tertullian, Arnobius, Lactantius, Augustine and Cyril of Alexandria.211 Even the Arabs
added lines to the Hermetic tradition. Thus we find references to Hermetic texts in the
works of Al-Kindi (the earlier, ca. 850 A.D), Abu Sulaiman Al-Maqdisi, Al-Nadin, Ibn
Zulaq, Ibrahim Ben Wassif Shah and Al-Katibi. Thabit ibn Qurra, who lived from 836
until 901 A.D even founded a pagan Hermetic school in Bagdad.212
209
See: M. Krause, P. Lahib, ―Gnostische und Hermetische Schriften aus Codex II und Codex VI.‖ In:
Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo, Koptische Reihe, Band 2 (Glückstadt:
1971);
210
D. M. Parrot, ―Introduction to the Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (VI, 6).‖ In: J. M. Robinson,
(ed). The Nag Hammadi Library in English, (New York: 1990), p. 322.
211
See: A.D. Nock, A.-J Festugière (ed. and transl.) Corpus Hermeticum: Tomes III-IV - Fragments
extraits de Stobée: I-XXIX (Paris: 1954). J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II. (StuttgartBad Cannstatt: 1997.
212
For further authors and fragments, see: See: G.R.S Mead, Thrice-Greatest Hermes: Studies in
Hellenistic Theosophy and Gnosis. Vol I-III (London:1906). A.D. Nock, A.-J Festugière (ed. and transl.)
Corpus Hermeticum: Tomes III-IV - Fragments extraits de Stobée: I-XXIX (Paris: 1954). G.R.S Mead,
Thrice-Greatest Hermes: Studies in Hellenistic Theosophy and Gnosis. Vols. I-III (London: 1906). H .J.
W Drijvers , ―Bardaisan of Edessa and the Hermetica: The Aramaic Philosopher and the Philosophy of
his time‖. In: JEOL, 21, 1970, pp.190-210. K. Brown, ―Hermes Trismegistus and Apollonius of Tyana in
100
d) The Armenian Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepius
This text is an Armenian translation of a lost Greek original and dates to the 6th century
A.D Some of its aphorisms also appear in the Corpus Hermeticum, namely in the first
book, i.e. CH.I (also known as ―Poimandres‖). In addition to his, parts of the Definitions
have parallels in the Byzantine Stobaeus‘ Excerpts.213
e) The Hermetic Excerpts from the Library of Stobaeus
The Byzantine Stobaeus, also known as Johannes Stobaios who lived in the 5th century
A.D compiled roughly forty214 Hermetic Excerpts in his library. They feature various
dates. Eleven of his collected fragments can be also found in an anthology which has
been labelled as The Corpus Hermeticum. The most famous Excerpt, XXIII, is a treatise
called Kore Kosmou , i.e. ―The Pupil of the World‖.
f) The ad Asclepius tractate
This text is also known as Logos Teleios, i.e. ―The Perfect Discourse‖. Along with the
Kore Kosmou, it belongs to the longest Hermetic tractates. It is a Latin translation of a
the Writings of Bahá‘u‘lláh.‖ In: J. McLean (ed.) Revisioning the Sacred: New Perspectives on a Bahá’í
Theology – vol 8 (Los Angeles: 1997), pp.153-187. See also: A.E. Affifi, ―The Influence of Hermetic
Literature on Moslem Thought.‖ In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 13/4,
(Cambridge: 1951), pp.840-855, and T. M. Green, The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of
Harran. (Leiden: 1992).
213
See: J.-P. Mahé, (transl.), ―The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepius‖. In: C. Salaman et
alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus Hermeticum and The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to
Asclepios. (London: 1999), p.101-8. M-G Durand, ―Un traité Hermétique conserve en Arménien.‖ In:
Revue de l’histoire des religions, 190 (1976), pp.55-72.
214
For a matter of how those fragments should have been counted, A.D. Nock and A.-J. Festugière
(Corpus Hermeticum III, p.1) understands that there are forty Excerpts - while Walter Scott had estimated
forty-two (Corpus Hermeticum III, p.3). See also J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II.
(Stuttgart- Bad Cannstatt: 1997).
101
lost Greek original. Thissen observes that St. Augustin was familiar with this text.215
Scott believes that the extant Latin version of ad Asclepius is more complete than its
alleged lost Greek origin.216 Nock-Festugière, on the other hand, believe that ad
Asclepius has no predecessor.217 Unfortunately, no consensus has been reached with
regard to the structure and interpretation of the text.
g) The Corpus Hermeticum
The expression Corpus Hermeticum is used as a generic term to describe Hermetic
literature disregarding its contents, date or place of origin. It was probably composed in
the 1st to 2nd century A.D. The term was first given to a Greek anthology of about
seventeen218 distinct manuscripts, which were published as a collection in Western
Europe in the 14th century A.D. The treatises can be divided into several groups:
CH. I - ―The Poimandres of Hermes Trismegistos,‖ the official first book, describes the
teachings of Poimandres to his pupil, Hermes Trismegistos. It centres on the so-called
appearance of the ―Nous of God‖ to Hermes, which started the process of his instruction
and consequent Gnosis.
The following nine documents are short dialogues or lectures which cover different
Hermetic topics, in particular cosmogony. They are:
215
H.-J. Thissen ―Hermes Trismegistos‖. In: W. Helck, E. Otto (ed.) LÄ. (Wiesbaden: 1977), pp. 1135.
See also our chapter 3.
216
Th. M. Scott, Egyptian Elements in Hermetic Literature. (Cambridge: 1987), p. 5.
217
A.D. Nock and A.-J. Festugière (Corpus Hermeticum II) p.290. There is also a short bibliographical
debate on this subject.
218
Apparently one of those treatises is now lost. Nonetheless the collection is still numbered as being
eighteen documents. A.D. Nock, A.-J. Festugière (Corpus Hermeticum I), p.xiii.
102
CH. II – ―Universal Discourse‖
CH. III – ―Sacred Discourse‖
CH. IV – ―The Monad‖
CH. V – ―God is invisible and entirely visible‖
CH. VI – ―There is no good anywhere but in God‖
CH. VII – ―The worst evil in men is the ignorance of God‖
CH. VIII – ―No being perish and it is a mistake naming transformations as destruction
or death‖
CH. IX – ―On understanding and sensation‖
CH. X – ―The Key‖ (debating important points from CH. II - Universal Discourse).
Furthermore, there are four tractates which discuss mystical aspects of Hermetism. To
these belong:
CH. XI – ―Nous to Hermes‖
CH. XII – ―About the common mind to Tat‖
CH. XIII – ―A Secret dialogue on the mountain to his son Tat: On being born again and
the promise to be silent‖
CH. XIV – ―From Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepius: health of mind‖
There used to be a Book XV in the Corpus Hermeticum. A 16th-century editor named
Flussas originally composed it from parts of different origins. Although this fifteenth
text no longer forms part of the Corpus Hermeticum, the latter always counted eighteen
103
volumes with the fifteenth missing.219 The other texts that belong to the Corpus
Hermeticum are:
CH. XVI – ―The Definitions of Asclepius to King Ammon‖. This is a letter from
Asclepius to an Egyptian king featuring a lesson on the constitution of the cosmos.
CH. XVII – (fragment without title). Tat instructs an Egyptian king (presumably king
Ammon).220
The text to conclude this list is:
CH XVIII – ―On the Soul hindered by the body‘s affections‖. However, Nock and
Festugière prefer to exclude Book XVIII from the Corpus Hermeticum.221 Due to the
text‘s inferior style and contents it is believed to be Roman forgery. Nevertheless, while
Salaman‘s edition follows this interpretation and omits it, Copenhaver included it in his.
The Book neither features individual characters nor dialogues. It is written in the
form of an essay portraying the king as a musician and comparing his rule with playing
a lyre. CH XVII will not be further discussed here.
219
C. Salaman et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus Hermeticum and The Definitions of
Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London: 1999), p. 85.
220
See chapter 2.1.1 of this study.
221
A.D. Nock, A.-J. Festugière (ed. and transl.), Corpus Hermeticum: Tome II, Traités XIII-XVIII, (Paris:
1945), p.244. The authors define CH. XVIII as ―Cet insipide morceau de rhétorique en prose rythmée
combine plusieurs fragments incohérents d`un discours épidictique à la louange des « rois »
(apparemment Dioclétien et ses collègues), composé aux alentours de l`an 300. Rien ne prouve que ce
discours ait jamais été prononcé.‖
104
2.1.1 Hermetic mythology in the Corpus Hermeticum
As has already been pointed out, Egypt featured many Graeco-Egyptian syncretistic
cults in the Graeco-Roman period. Egyptian religion and gods were also very popular
with different cultures. The syncretism of Graeco-Egyptian deities allowed for the
combination of Greek and Egyptian elements. Similar phenomena were reproduced in
Hermetic literature; while the Hellenistic Hermes was assimilated to Anubis and
Thoth,222 the popular healer god Asclepius became identified with the Egyptian
nobleman Imhotep/Imouthis. Moreover, Horus was likened to Agathos Daimon, and
Ammon, i.e. the Egyptian god Amun, was depicted as a deified early king (Ammon).
Graeco-Romans read ancient myths and gods as fragmentary and remote memories of
real men and events.223 Clement of Alexandria described pagan gods as:
[a] countless host, all mortal and perishable men, who have been called by similar names to
the deities we have just mentioned.224And what if I were to tell you of the many gods
named Asclepius or of every Hermes that is enumerated, […] . (Exhortation to the Greeks,
II, 25p).225
The popular Hellenistic cults also fathered individuals whose attributes and definitions
as pupils and masters eventually set up a complex Hermetic mythology. This mythology
took as its starting point that gods used to live as ordinary men on earth. It related how
these ‗men‘ had contact with supernatural beings who passed their divine knowledge,
i.e. gnosis, onto them. Hermetic doctrine in turn aimed at transmitting this lore to later
generations. This was undertaken by several deities, such as Asclepius, Tat, Agathos
222
See the table of Appendix 2 for a resume on the associations between Thoth, Hermes and Anubis.
See: P. Veyne, Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leur mythes? (Paris: 1983).
224
Cf. Exhortation to the Greeks II – 24p – 32p: He stresses that many different gods bear the same
name, and that those gods were really men, who lived and worked on earth. Clement lists and coments the
mortal origin of Ares, Asclepius, Poseidon, Zeus, etc.
225
Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks. Translated by G. W. Butterworth – the Loeb
Classical Library. (London: 1968).
223
105
Daimon, Nous and Ammon, who took on a new syncretistic Hermetic aspects and
became the famous interlocutors/authorities appearing in the Corpus Hermeticum.
The following offers an overview of the most important characters of the Corpus
Hermeticum.
a) Poimandres: The etymological origin of the name Poimandres is dubious. It may be
connected to the Greek ποιμὴν ἀνδρ῵ν, i.e. ―shepherd of men‖. Ποίμανδρος appears
in Plutarch as a mythological person.226 He is a spiritual being identified in the first
book of the Corpus Hermeticum as ὁ τῆς αὐθεντίας νοῦς. Marcus surmises that ―nous
of authentia‖ reflects the author‘s ―attempt[…] to convey to Greek readers the meaning
of a non-Greek name‖.227 On the other hand, Ποιμάνδρες might also stem from ⲡⲉⲓⲙⲉ-ⲛ-ⲣⲉ, i.e. ―the knowledge of the sun‖. Here ⲉⲓⲙⲉ would be the Coptic equivalent
for νοῦς.228
As Marcus explains, Poimandres is a treatise full of gnosticised Greek ideas, whose
themes derived mostly from Stoicism. This study agrees with Marcus theory that
proposes a Coptic ethmology. The most suitable Coptic equivalent for nous of authentia
is ⲡⲉⲓⲙⲉ ⲛ̅ⲧⲙⲛⲧⲉⲣⲟ, ―which in this context would mean ‗the reason of
sovereignty‘‖.229 Thus the name Poimandres is connected to the Stoic notion of
226
Cf. Moralia 299 C, D.
See: R. Marcus, ―The Name Poimandres‖. In: JNES, 8 (Chicago: 1949), p. 40.
228
W. Scott, Hermetica vol. II (Oxford: 1925), pp.14-18. The author observes that if Poimandres mean
―the νοῦς of the Sun-god‖ it would make sense since in Egypt and the Roman Empire, the Sun was
regarded as the supreme god. Hence, ὁ τῆς αὐθεντίας νοῦς would rather denote the mind of the Soverign
Power.
229
R. Marcus, op.cit., p.43. ―If we remember that in Late Egyptian, including Coptic, there were few
true adjectives and that a phrase like ―the holy man‖ was expressed by the construction ―man of holiness‖
or ―the man who was-holy‖ (the latter compound being intend to represent Egyptian use of relative
auxiliary and qualitative form of the verb), we see that the assumed meaning of Poimandres, ―the reason
of sovereignty‖ is equivalent to the Greek of English phrase ―the sovereign reason‖.
227
106
―sovereign reason,‖ which was variously identified as logismos, dianoia and also as
nous by Philo and Plotinus (among others).
Poimandres meets and teaches Hermes Trismegistos.230 Ultimately, he helps Hermes
Trismegistos reach his gnosis. As Poimandres‘ teachings concern the divine
discourse/logos, he is not only the divine Nous but also acts as the divine Logos.231 The
revelations of Poimandres also deal with higher-level Hermetic doctrine, such as the
secrets of the cosmos, man and his soul‘s destiny.
There are other references to Poimandres in the Corpus Hermeticum. He is first
mentioned in book XI, in which Hermes is instructed by a supernatural being called
―Nous‖. As Fowden explains, ―it is clear that Poimandres is intended‖.232 Overall, the
name Poimandres occurs twelve times in CH. I, but only twice in the other treatises. He
appears in CH. XIII, 15 – where Hermes acknowledges his higher authority concerning
Hermetism – and again in CH. XIII, 19, where he functions as a ‗soul-shepherd‘ in the
strictest sense.
b) Hermes Trismegistos: Hermetism interprets Hermes not as a god but a man or
prophet guided by a god. Centuries before the Graeco-Roman age, Plato had already
questioned whether Thoth was a god or just a divine man.233 The writings ascribed to
Hermes usually describe Thoth as a mortal agent offering guidance that leads to sacred
revelation; he frees souls from the bondage of matter and promises to disclose the
230
Hermes is not named in this treactate. Poimandres teaches a human, whose experience is described on
the text. The identity of Hermes is only assumed.
231
See: K. –W. Tröger, Mysterienglaube und Gnosis in Corpus Hermeticum XIII. (Berlin: 1971), pp.
121, 133-4.
232
G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p. 33.
233
Plato, Phaedrus 274d. It was a current thought in the Graeco-Roman world to believe that gods and
myths were actually vaguely based on real ancient kings and events. Their rationality tried to explain the
mythical language without excluding it from their symbolic universe. See: P. Veyne, Les Grecs ont-ils
cru à leurs mythes? (Paris: 1983).
107
secrets surrounding creation. In addition to this, Ammianus Marcellinus refers to
Hermes Trismegistos, Apollonius of Tyana, and Plotinus as individuals who were
assisted by guardian spirits.234
The epithet ‗Trismegistos‘, i.e. ―Thrice the greatest,‖ was standardised in the Roman
period. Initially, the Greek god Hermes was considered to be the equivalent to the
Egyptian god Thoth. However, at some stage Hermetists began to talk of the existence
of three ‗Hermeses‘, namely a ‗grandfather‘, a ‗father‘ and a ‗grandson‘. What is more,
in ad Asclepius, Hermes refers to the tomb of his grandfather, i.e. Hermes of
Hermoupolis (ad. Ascl. 37). The ‗first‘ Hermes, i.e. the Hermes who wrote hieroglyphs
on stelae, was believed to have been the Egyptian god Thoth. The ‗third‘ Hermes was
the one who translated the texts into Greek235 and was supposedly the son of Agathos
Daimon236 and father of Tat. In order to maintain the prestige of the Greek texts,
Hermes the younger became the translator of the original texts of Thoth.237
To both Christians and pagans of the Roman Empire, Hermes Trismegistos was a
real person of great antiquity. Some thought of him as a contemporary of Moses. He
was held to be an archetypical master of gnosis, from whose teachings later
philosophers derived the fundamentals of their philosophy. The Neo-Platonic
Iamblichus wrote that Plato and Pythagoras had visited Egypt. Where they had studied
the stelae of Hermes with the assistance of native priests. 238 Hence, we may say that the
234
W. Hamilton (ed. and transl.), Ammianus Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire (A.D. 354-378).
(New York: 1986), p. 228.
235
Altough Iamblichus recorded that an Egyptian priest called Bitys was the translator of at least part of
the Egyptian Hermetic texts into Greek. Cf. De Mysteriis VIII.5; X, 7.
236
Indeed, the Emperor Julian in Against Galilaeans, 176 A-B said that Egypt was visited by the third
Hermes. See also B. Copenhaver, Hermetica. (Cambridge: 1992), p.164.
237
See: G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p.30.
238
See: J. Lindsay, The Origins of Alchemy in Graeco-Roman Egypt. (New York: 1970), p. 107.
108
name ―Hermes Trismegistos‖ invoked a relatively ‗human‘ Hermes who differed from
the gods‘ messenger – an association mainly made by Greeks.
Hermes is the teacher in all the discourses in which he appears – except for CH.I and
CH. XI, where Hermes himself is taught by Poimandres/ divine Nous. Note that in CH.
XII, 1 and 13, Hermes praises Agathos Daimon as if the god were an authority on
Hermetism and perhaps an alias to Nous/Poimandres.
c) Asclepios: Asclepios was another popular deity in Graeco-Roman Egypt. According
to Hornung, during the rule of Cleopatra VII (46 B.C.) Asclepios-Imhotep was even
more popular than Ptah, Memphis‘ patron god.239 Asclepios-Imhotep was the deified
sage Imhotep, who was known as Imouthes among the Greeks and believed to be a
powerful magician and healer.240 Ptolemy IX Evergetes II erected a shrine to ThothHermes in Medinet Habu in which three deified individuals, namely Imhotep-Asclepios,
Amenophis and Teos241 (Ḏḑr), are represented as paredroi of Thoth.242
Asclepios and Hermes often resemble each other in their insignia; both Asclepios
and Hermes are accompanied by a combination of serpents and a staff. Both attributes
already appear in magical texts in the book of Exodus VII, 9-12.243 In the GraecoRoman world, Alclepios was represented by a serpent-entwined wooden staff; Hermes,
on the other hand, by the traditional Greek caduceus, i.e. a metallic short herald‘s staff
239
E. Hornung, L’Égypte Ésoterique. (Monaco : 2007), p.64.
See: J. B. Hurry, Imhotep, the Vizier and Physician of King Zoser. (Oxford: 1928), and J. B. Hurry,
Imhotep, the Egyptian god of medicine. (Chicago: 1987).
241
P. Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt, (Oxford: 1922), pp. 166-8. On this Teos-Ḏḑr, there are some
dispute if he might be just a memphitic Sm-priest of Ptah, or the ―Teban Hermes‖ mentioned by Clement
of Alexandria along with the memphitic Asclepios – cf. Clement, Strom. I, 21, 134.
242
Ibidem
243
This consensus continued throughout Late Antiquity. See also Tertullian: De Anima LVII: The
serpents which emerged from the magicians‘ rods, certainly appeared to Pharaoh and to the Egyptians as
bodily substances‖.
240
109
entwined by two serpents in the form of a double helix which was sometimes
surmounted by wings.
Table 4: The insignia of Asclepios and Hermes
Representation of Asclepios with his Rod
Representation of Hermes’ Caduceus
―Denarius of Caracalla, bearing for its legend of
reverse PMTRP XVIII COS IIII PP (Sovereign
Pontiff, invested with the tribunitian dignity for
244
the 18th time, consul for the 4th time).‖
―Bronze coin of Tiberius for his son Drusus
(ca. 22 CE). Two crossed cornucopiae display
the heads of Drusus' sons Tiberius Gemellus
and Germanicus, with a winged caduceus
245
between them Two Cornucopiae.‖
In astronomical texts Asclepios and Hermes Trismegistos appear interchangeably.
Hornung also mentions a Greek horoscope from 138 A.D in which Asclepios and
244
S. W. Stevenson, et alii, A Dictionary of Roman Coins (London: 1889, 1964), pp. 20-21. AesculapiusAsclepios ―is designated by his inseperable attribute, and by his side, or rather at his feet, we see his
dwarfish companion Telesphorus. The fratricide son and successor of the merciless Severus, who caused
this silver coin to be struck, is said by Herodianus to have visited Pergamos, about A.D. 215, ―in order to
place himself under the tutelary care and healing influence of Aesculapius (...). On silver and second
brass of Albinus (the latter with COS II for legend of reverse), Aesculapius appears, upright, resting his
right arm on his serpent twisted staff. He also is found, with his usual attributes, on silver and third brass
of Gallienus, sharing, as CONSERVATOR AVGusti (the Emperor's preserver), those sacrificial honours
which that rash and reckless prince, amidst a world of calamities, physical, social, and political, was at the
same time in the habit of paying to Apollo, to Hercules, to Jupiter, to a whole Olympus (…), whom he
vainly invoked to save him and his distracted empire from impending destruction‖.
245
Ibidem, pp. 288-289. ―The Caduceus between two cornucopiae indicates Concord, and is found on
medals of Augustus, M. Antony, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Antonius Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and
Clodius Albinus.‖
110
Hermes are treated as equals.246 In the Corpus Hermeticum, however, Asclepios is the
pupil of Hermes Trismegistos, (CH. XIV, 1). Only in one instance does Asclepios
assume the role of teacher himself, namely in CH. XVI at the court of king Ammon.
d) Agathos Daimon: The origins of the Greek Agathos Daimon are disputed. Dunand
argues that he might have originally been a psychopompos, who guided the souls of the
deceased, or a home-guarding god, or a patron of agriculture.247 In addition to this,
Agathos Daimon was also worshipped as the guardian god of Alexandria, whose cult
was probably established by Alexander himself.248 His function as a protective deity
also caused Agathos Daimon to be identified with Sarapis. Moreover, he was known as
a god of fortune associated with Τυχὴ Ἀγαθή (―Good Fortune‖)249, which in turn was
also identified as Isis and Sarapis.250 The Egyptian version of ἀγαθὸς δαίμων and
ἀγαθὴ τύχη, Shaï and Shepset, also formed a pair.251 According to Quagebeur, Greek
astrology located ἀγαθὴ τύχη and κακὴ τύχη as the 5th and 6th zodiac signs, which
corresponded to the demotic horoscopes tꜢ-špšy(.t) and tꜢ-wry(.t)252. The author adds that
the zodiac signs of the 11th and 12th demotic horoscopes, i.e. pꜢ-šy and sšr, in turn tallied
with ἀγαθὸς δαίμων and κακὸς δαίμων.
246
E. Hornung, op.cit., p. 65. For the association between Hermes and Asclepios on Astronomy, see: K.
Sethe, Imhotep, der Asklepios der Aegypter - Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und altertumskunde
Ägyptens. (Leipzig: 1902), p.22.
247
F. Dunand, ―Les representations de l‘Agathodémon.‖ In: BIFAO 67, (Le Caire: 1969), pp. 44-5.
248
Cf. Pseudo-Calisthenes I, 32. Agathos Daimon is also deemed as the guardian of Alexandria in ―The
Oracle of the Potter‖ (ca. 130 B.C), P3, 49-62.
249
PGM IV. 3125-71.
250
For the correlations between Agathos Daimon, Good Fortune and Isis, Sarapis Sobek among others,
see: F. Dunand ―Les representations de l‘Agathodémon.‖ In: BIFAO 67, (Le Caire: 1969), pp. 9-48
251
J. Quagebeur, ―Le dieu égyptien Shaï.‖ In: OLA 2, (Leuven: 1975), p.171.
252
Ibidem.
111
Agathos Daimon was portrayed as a serpent and also identified with the Egyptian
serpent-goddesses Isis-Thermouthis253, and Shaï254, the Egyptian goddess of destiny.
Furthermore, Agathos Daimon was associated with the sacred serpent Osiris-Dionysos Thoth-Hermes.255
Table 5: Agathos Daimon-Dyonisos-Hermes
The image from the so-called Expedition E.
A Facsimile with a draft of the same
von Sieglin, by Th. Schreiber: 256
image, by F. Dunand:257
The same serpent is portrayed in a bas-relief ‗holding‘ the Hermetic caduceus, the
Dionysian Thyrse and double crown. Dunand interprets this as a representation of
253
See F. Dunand, op.cit.
J. Quagebeur, op.cit.
255
Th. Schreiber, Expedition E. von Sieglin - Ausgrabungen in Alexandria, I: Die Nekropole vom Kom
esch Schukâfa (Leipzig: 1924), pl. XXII (in situ).
256
Ibidem. Tafel XXII : ―Das Hauptgrab. Vorhalle der Hauptkammer. Rechte Seite der Hauptwand.‖
257
F. Dunand, op.cit, p.36: ―Fig. 10 – Agathodémon avec thyrse at caducée. Antichambre de la grande
chamber sépulcrale de Kom esch Schugafa.‖
254
112
Sarapis-Hermes-Agathos Daimon.258 This association of Agathos Daimon with two
psychopompos (here Hermes and Dyonisos) can also be found in the god‘s description
given by the Graeco-Egyptian alchemist Zosimos of Panopolis. Apparently, Zosimos
met the god in a dream and learned that Agathos Daimon was ―a spirit and a guardian of
spirits‖.259 In the Corpus Hermeticum, Agathos Daimon rather appears as a reference
than as an active interlocutor (this only occurs in CH. XII). Although he is named as
and authority twice in CH. XII, 1 and 13, the maxims Agathos Daimon allegedly offers
are mere plagiarism of the teachings of the pre-Socratic philosopher Heraclitus of
Ephesus.260 Nevertheless, in the entire Hermetica, the only master of Hermes
Trismegistos is ―The Poimandres‖ / ― The Nous‖. Thus it is possible that the depiction
of Agathos Daimon as an authority of Hermetics (Book CH. XII) is actually an attempt
to give a ‗face‘ to ―The Poimandres‖ / ― The Nous‖.261 This would mean that Hermes
and ―The Poimandres‖ / ― The Nous‖ were one and the same deity.
e) Tat: ‘Tat‘ might be a Greek misspelling of Thoth.262 Be that as it may, Tat assumed
an identity of his own as the son of Hermes Trismegistos (CH. XIV, 1). In CH XIII, 9
we learn that Hermes is unable teach the most complex aspects of his doctrine to Tat
since Tat is too young for this. Tat might have learned them later, however. This would
258
Ibidem.
B. Karle, Der Alchemistentraum des Zosimus (Freiburg: 1925). Fragments: pp. 26-32, commentary:
pp.33-61.
260
See: A.D. Nock, A.-J Festugière (ed. and transl.), Corpus Hermeticum: Tome I, Traités I - XI, (Paris:
1945), p.135, n. 78, and P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria vol I. (Oxford: 1972), p. 209-11.
261
In fact, in Contra Iulianum, 533 A, Cyrill of Alexandria mentioned a Hermetic dialogue in which
Hermes is instructed by Agathos Daimon.
262
Hermes Trismegistos is also called ―Thath‖ (Θαζ). PGM VII. 551-7.
259
113
tie in with his later role as a master (CH. XVII263). Tat may symbolise the pupil‘s early
stages of the Hermetic path, since in CH.XIII, 7-10 his mortal weaknesses are purified
by God‘s power.
In CH. XIII, 2 Tat says that the teachings between father and son have no riddles.
The language used in Tat‘s teachings is therefore always simple and clear.
f) King Ammon: Thoth-Hermes was regarded as the originator of sacred texts,
formulae and of the arts and science. Platon mentions the tradition tale that ThothHermes revealed the arts of writing, geometry, and astronomy to King Ammon at
Thebes.264 In line with the Hellenistic explanation of myths and gods as events and
people from a remote past, this king Ammon was thought to be an ancient king of
Egypt, which might have served as role model for the creation of the god Amun.265
2.2 (Neo-) Platonism vs. Gnostic systems
There is some tendency by modern scholars of labelling Hermetism as a Hellenized
form of Gnosticism.266 The existence of Hermetic texts among the discoveries at Nag
Hammadi proved that Hermetic texts circulated also among Gnostics. The Greek
Hellenistic Platonic Philosophy – also called ―Neo-Platonic‖ accordingly to a posterior
convention in modern times‘ Renascence - miss regard Gnosticism as a valid thought
263
CH. XVII is just a small fragment and the unique discourse in Corpus Hermeticum where Tat is the
teacher. There his pupil, a king - who most certainly is king Ammon, calls Tat ―prophete‖ (προθήηες).
Hermes asks Tat to start teaching his doctrine in NHH. VI-6, 52-53.
264
Cf. Plato, Phaedrus 274d
265
See: Manetho 105. 31; Plato, Phaedrus 274d; G. Fowden The Egyptian Hermes (Princeton: 1993),
p.32.
266
See : U. Bianchi, ―Le Problème des Origines du Gnosticisme‖. In : U. Bianchi (ed.), Le Originni dello
Gnosticismo – Colloqui di Messina, 13-18 Aprile 1966, (Leiden: 1967).pp. 1-27, p.18 and 19 – in
comparison with a more ‗judaeising‘ Gnosticism.
114
system. Indeed, in the third century A.D the (Neo-) Platonist philosopher Plotinus wrote
a treatise against the Gnostic movements267, in which he accused Gnostics of being
maliciously obscure in their terminology, and deliberately modifying original Platonic
concepts. In his tractate, Plotinus defined as ―Gnostic‖ all those who considered:
2.2.1 The universe and the material world as evil
Plotinus defended the Platonic Ontology, for maintaining that the Universe was not just
good but also eternal and divine, and then he attacked the Gnostic doctrine:
But they do not honor this creation of this earth, but say that a new earth has come into
existence for them, to which, say they, they will go away from this one: and that this is the
rational form of the universe. 268 (Enneads IX (33), V).
[...] for Plato says: ‗The maker of this universe thought that it should contain all the forms
that intelligence discerns, contained in the Living Being that truly is‘ 269. But they did not
understand and took it to mean that there is one mind which contains in it in repose all
realities, and another mind different from it which contemplates them, and another which
plans, but often have soul as the maker instead of the planning mind. (Enneads IX (33), VI).
According to Armstrong270, this criticism seems to be addressed particularly to
―Gnosticising‖ Platonists, who used to be influenced by Numenius‘ ideas. Following the
Gnostic principles, a serious revisionism of Platonic concepts is the transformation of
the Maker of the Universe, or Demiurge an evil entity who paradoxically created the
world just to be adored.
267
Cf. Plotinus, ―Against the Gnostics‖. In: Enneads IX – or 33 according to Porphyry (The Life of
Plotinus).
268
See : Plotinus II (7 vol.) Translation of A.H. Armstrong – Loeb (London: 1990).
269
Cf. Timaeus 39 E, 7-9
270
See: Plotinus II (7 vols.) Translated by A.H. Armstrong – Loeb (London : 1990), p. 244, n.2. The
Gnostic system of Numenius bears resemblance to the one Plotinus attacked, especially with regard to the
hierarchy of gods, the Supreme God, or Mind vs. the Second Mind, and the conception of the universe as
an ensouled divine being.
115
But if this is what it is, how will their statements still apply that it (the Demiurge) created
for the sake of being honoured, and how does it create out of arrogance and rash self
assertion?271 (Enneads IX (33), XI).
In fact, Plotinus also attacks the Gnostic evil Demiurge:
[...] one point must be mentioned which surpasses all the rest of their doctrine in absurdity
[...]. The maker [...] revolt from his mother and drag the universe which proceeds from him
down to the ultimate limit of images.272
2.2.2 The creation of new obscure concepts
Plotinus also attacked the Gnostic creation of new concepts without references and the
absence of further explanations regarding this new Gnostic language:
And what ought one to say of the other beings they introduce, their ―Exiles‖ (παροίθεζης)
and ―Impressions‖ (κεηάλοηα) and ―Repentings‖ (ἀληηησποη)? [...] these are the terms of
people inventing a new jargon (θαηλοιογούληωλ) to recommend their own school.
(Enneads IX (33), VI).
[...] they use now one name and now another, and say many other names just to make their
meaning obscure. (Enneads IX (33), X).
271
St. Irenaeus has a similar point of dispute with non-Valentinian Gnostics in Adversus Haereses I, 29.
See also Clement of Alexandria Strom. IV, 13-19 (against Valentinian Gnostics).
272
Ibdem, p. 264. Armstrong explains that Plotinus is attacking a Gnostic myth in the particular version
of the Valentinian Gnostic system. Armstrong explains the myth: ―The Mother, Sophia-Achamoth
produced as a result of the complicated sequence of events which followed the fall of the higher Sophia,
and the offspring of the Demiurge, the inferior and ignorant maker of the material universe, are
Valentinian figures.‖ P.264, n.1. See also: Irenaeus Adv. Haer. I, 4-5. Since Valentinus had been in Rome,
Plotinus might have met some of their followers. However, Porphyry (Life of Plotinus 16) understands
that the Gnostic friends of Plotinus belonged to the older Gnostic group called Sethians/Archontics,
related to the Ophites/Barbelognostics. Armstrong (p.264, n.1) understands that Gnostics rather called
themselves ―Gnostics‖: ―since they borrowed freely from each other, and it is likely that Valentinus took
some of his ideas about Sophia from older Gnostic sources, and that his ideas in turn influenced other
Gnostics. For observations on Valentinian Gnostics and its treatises on Nag Hammadi, see: M. Puech, Les
sources de Plotin (Genève: 1960), pp. 162-3 and 174-80. For Porphyry see: Plotinus I (7 vols): Porphyry
On the Life of Plotinus and the order of his Books – transl. A.H. Armstrong. Loeb (London: 1978).
116
The lack of commitment by Gnostics with regards to explaining their own concepts was
a common characteristic of Gnostic doctrines. Their systems were normally cohesive in
that they defended their arbitrary superiority in the face of all humankind and Gods,
however, as Plotinus observed, they failed to explain their own concept of virtue since
there was no Gnostic tractate on virtue. This makes the entire Gnostic concept of
salvation unfair, obscure and suspicious.
Yet, those who already have the Gnosis should start going after it, and it their pursuit
should first of all set right their conduct here below, as they come from divine nature; for
that nature is aware of nobility and despises the pleasure of the body. But who has no share
of virtue would not be moved at all towards the higher world. This too is indifference to
virtue, that they had never made any treatise about virtue, but have altogether left out the
treatment of these subjects; they do not tell us what kind of thing virtue is, nor how many
parts it has [...]. (Enneads IX (33), XV).
Plotinus believed that the absence of virtue left Gnosticism as an empty system.
[...] In reality it is Virtue (Ἀρετὴ) which goes before us to the goal and, when it comes to
exist in the soul along with wisdom, shows God; but God, if you talk about him without
true virtue (ἀρεηῆς ἀιεζηλῆς), is only a name. (Enneads IX (33), XV).
2.2.3 A magical gnosis as a ‘short-cut’ to salvation
In their defense, the Gnostics claimed that they had a secret and magical knowledge
(gnosis) which enabled them to assure their own salvation. This gnosis was necessary in
order to cross the ―gates‖ of each cosmic sphere which was guarded by a gatekeeper
117
potency called Archon.273 Such passwords would give the Gnostic a safe passage to his
spiritual kingdom. Plotinus classified this as naive and unrealistic and with irony said:
―The spheres make all things sweet and lovely for them.‖ (Enneads IX (33), XIII).
…And disdains of the aspirations of superiority by Gnostics:
Then, the man of real dignity (ἄρηζηος) must ascend in due measure, with an absence of
boorish arrogance (οὐθ ἀγροηθίας), going so far as our nature is able to go and consider
that there is room for others at God‘s side, and not himself after God; […].274 (Enneads IX
(33), IX).
Plotinus‘s argument against the Gnostics in his work can also function as a useful guide
to help understand the ancient definition of Gnostics. Using Plotinus‘ argument as a
basis, this section aims to offer an antithesis by dealing with the Corpus Hermeticum. In
order to make the differences between Gnosticism and the Hermetic worldview
(accordingly to Plotinus‘ perspective) clear, the Hermetical cosmogony shall be
described and explained as follows.
2.3 The Corpus Hermeticum and its Cosmogony
It is clear that Plotinus considered Gnosticism as an opportunistic alteration and
misunderstanding of Plato‘s theories. Thus, according to Plotinus‘ criticism, Gnostics
273
The cosmic spheres and its Archons were supposedly the only barriers which the soul had to pass on
its journey upwards to its true home. Each sphere was protected by an Archon and the right magic
formula was necessary to obtain free transit among them. Origen ―Against Celsus‖ VI, 31, mentions some
Ophite spells. This principle is in harmony also with the popular Mystery religions, like the Hellenistic
Isis cult. The ascension into each hierarchic level granted more esoteric informations to the worshiper and as well a stronger protection from the worshiped divinity.
274
Ibidem. The Gnostic claim of being superior to the Creator and his creation is also criticized by
Irenaeus in Adv. Haer. II, 30.
118
can be generally defined by three characteristics. Namely: misunderstanding or
deliberated manipulation of Plato‘s concepts (producing an evil cosmos where mankind
lives as prisoners); Creation of new jargon using poorly explained concepts (in order to
avoid debates); determinism of mankind to remain under the rule of evil divinities (for
only the chosen could be saved); absence of explanations concerning merit for salvation
(virtues). So, by presenting topics of the Hermetic cosmogony, this section aims to
depict Hermetism as a singular movement, rather than simply a branch of another.
2.3.1 The Hermetic Trinity and their emanations
There were three major, active participants in the Hermetic creation. God, the father and
only true creator and His first son the Cosmos, who helped Him organize and form life.
God`s second son Man, who helped God rule the material world. This section aims to
explore their definitions and relationships with one another and also the creation.
I) On God’s attributes
God is defined as incorporeal:
What is the incorporeal, then? (τὸ οὖν ἀσώματον τί ἐστι ;)‖
Mind as a whole wholly enclosing itself (Νοῦς ὅλος ἐξ ὅλου ἑαυτὸν ἐμπριέχων), free of
all body (ἑλεύθερος σώματος παντός), unerring (ἀπλανής), unaffected (ἀπαθής),
untouched (ἀναφής), at rest in itself (αὐτος ἐν ἑαυτῶς), capable of containing all things
and preserving all that exists (χωρητκὸς τ῵ν πάντων καὶ σωτήριος τ῵ν ὄντων), and
its rays (as it were) are the good (οὗ ὥσπερ ακτῖνές εἰσι τὸ ἀγαθόν), the truth (἟
ἁλήθεια), the archetype of spirit (τὸ ἀρχέτυπον πνεύματος), the archetype of soul (τὸ
ἀρχέτυπον ψυχῆς). (CH. II, 12).
119
The divine creation was moved by His supreme goodness, which is inherent to God.
Thus, the creation is nothing less than the manifestation of God‘s goodness:
[...]The good is what gives everything and receives nothing (ὁ γὰρ ἀγαθὸς ἅπαντά ἐστι
διδοὺς καὶ μηδὲν λαμβάνων); god gives everything and receives nothing (ὁ οὖν θεὸς
πάντα δίδωσι καὶ οὑδὲν λαμβάνει·), god is < the > good, and good is god. (ὁ οὖν θεὸς
<τὸ> ἀγαθόν, καὶ τὸ ἀγαθόν ὁ θεός). (CH. II, 16).
Therefore, God is also the father of all creation:
God‘s other name is ‗father‘ because he is capable of making all things (἟ δὲ ἑτέρα
προσηγρία ἐστίν ἟ τοῦ πατρός πάλιν διὰ τὸ ποιτικὸν πάντων· ). Making is
characteristic of a father. (πατρός γὰρ τὸ ποιεῖν). (CH. II, 17).
Existence was the result of the combination of God, Nous and matter. God is the
beginning of all and is ultimately responsible for life‘s continuity.
God is the glory of all things, as also are the divine and the divine nature (Δόξα πάντων ὁ
θεός καὶ θεὶον καὶ φύσις θεὶα). God, as well as mind and nature and matter is the
beginning of all things that are since he is wisdom meant to show them forth (ἀρχὴ τ῵ν
ὄτων ὁ θεός, καὶ νοῦς καὶ φύσις καὶ ὕλη, σοφία εἰς δεῖξιν ἁπάντων ὤν·). The divine is
also a beginning, and it is nature and energy and necessity and completion and renewal.
(ἀρχὴ τὸ θεὶον καὶ φύσις καὶ ἐνέρεια καὶ ἀνάγκη καὶ τέλος καὶ ἀνανέωσις). (CH. III, 1).
God is also present in all dimensions of existence. His emanations can be found in every
single aspect of being:
And god surrounds everything and permeates everything (καὶ ὁ μὲν θεὸς περὶ πάντα καὶ
διὰ πάντων,), while mind surrounds soul (ὁ δὲ νοῦς περὶ τὴν ψυχὴν), soul surrounds air
and air surrounds matter. (἟ δὲ ψυχὴ περὶ τὸν ἀέρα, ὁ δὲ ἀὴρ περὶ τὴν ὕλην). (CH. XII,
14).
120
According to this Hermetic perspective, it is possible to draw the following graphic:
Table 6: God‘s emanations to Matter
God and also His Nous are present in all spheres of His creation. He created souls,
which emanated from His Mind/Will/Nous - the most subtle dimension of existence and sent these souls to a denser sphere so that they could interact with Nature. Air is the
most subtle portion of Matter, but it remains a factor as it serves as a border stage
between material and transcendental existences. Matter is the less subtle sphere of
existence. In the material world, the creation is able to manifest itself and interact with
Natural and Sensitive reality. Nous and Air are similar as intermediary spheres.
121
II) On God’s creation and relations with His sons
a) The creation of the First Son, or Cosmos
The Cosmos is the first creation of God. God enlightened this chaotic, dark and humid
primordial element. The result of this process is the separation and grouping of
transformed elements according to each one‘s nature.
In the deep were was boundless darkness and water and fine intelligent spirit (ἦν γὰρ
σκότος ἄπειρον ἐν ἀβύσσῳ καὶ καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ πνεῦμα λεπτὸν νοερόν ), all existing by
divine power in chaos (δυνάμει θείᾳ ὄντα ἐν χάει). Then a holy light was sent forth, and
elements solidified [...] out of liquid essence (ἀνείθη δὴ φ῵ς ἅγιον καὶ ἐπάγη + ὑφ’
ἅμμῳ + ἐξ ὑγρᾶς οὐσίας στοχεῖα). And all the gods {divide the parts} of germinal nature
(καὶ θεοὶ πάντες + καταδιερ῵σι + φύσεως ἐνσπόρου). [...] The heavens appeared in
seven circles (καὶ ὤφθη ὁ οὑρανὸς ἐν κύκλοις ἑπτά), the gods became visible in the
shapes of the stars and all their constellations (καὶ θεοὶ [ταῖς] ἐν ἄστρων ἰδέαις
ὀπτανόμενοι,), and the arrangement of < this lighter substance > corresponded to the gods
contained in it. ( σὺν τοῖς αὐτων σημείοις ἅπασι καὶ διηρθρώθη ... σὺν τοῖς ἐν αὐτῇ
θεοῖς). (CH. III, 1-2).
It is worth comparing the motives associated with the creation of cosmos: darkness and
humidity in close relation with chaos also re-occur in the Egyptian creation of the
world. The Egyptian creative myth describes God existing alone before creation in the
primordial Ocean (Nun). God‘s self-manifestation or creation as Atum-Re, emerged out
from Nun - eg. by hatching out of his egg – and gave a principle to all gods and
creation. So there is a similarity between the Hermetic God and the Egyptian Atum
share a similary as both beings were considered the fathers of all.275
275
See: S. Bickel, ―La Cosmogonie égyptienne avant le Nouvel Empire.‖ In : Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
134. (Fribourg: 1994).
122
Out of the primordial chaos the first son of God, Cosmos, created seven circles of
gods, who were directly connected to stars and constellations. So, the Cosmos is also
depicted as the god of ―fire and spirit‖ (the stars were representations of divine powers)
since he created seven potencies to assure the cosmic order in the material / sensible
world.
The mind who is god (ὁ δὲ Νοῦς ὁ θεός), [...], by speaking gave birth to a second mind, a
craftsman (ἀπεκύησε λογῳ ἕτερον Νοῦν δημιουργόν), who as god of fire and spirit,
crafted seven governors (ὃς θεὸς τοῦ πυρὸς καὶ πνεύματος ὤν ἐ δημιούργησε διοικητάς
τίνας ἑπτά); they encompass the sensible world in circles, and their government is called
fate. (ἐν κύκλοις περιέχοντας τὸν αἰσθητὸν κόσμον, καὶ ἟ διοίκησς αὐτ῵ν εἱμαρμένη
καλεῖται). (CH. I, 9).
Note that the process of creation is advanced by the power of speech/logos. As the
manifestation of will, speech places sounds into the air which represent ideas. These are
carried with the power by will, and the result of this action was creation. However,
creation through speech was possible only due to the use of God‘s speech. God‘s logos
guided Cosmos‘ Nous (the craftsman‘s mind) during his participation in the creation.
Cosmos‘ main attributes were concerned with the handling of all forms of matter.
[...] the word of god leapt straight up to the pure craftwork of nature and united with the
craftsman-mind (for the word was of the same substance). (ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ Λόγος εἰς τὸ
καθαρὸν τῆς φύσεως δημιούργημα, καὶ ἟νώθη τῶ δημιουργῶ Νῶ (ὁμοούσιος γὰρ
ἦν)).The weighty elements of nature were left behind, bereft of reason, so as to be mere
matter. (καὶ κατελείφθη [τὰ] ἄλογα τὰ κατωφερῆ τῆς φύσεως στοιχεῖα, ὡς εἶναι ὕλην
μόνην). (CH. I, 10).
The Cosmos, know as the craftsman, or as the first son of God, was also his assistant
and helped Him create the physical world. However, the creation of the elements of
123
nature was not the craftsman‘s concern. He just manipulated the elements that God
previously produced:
[...] ‗the elements of nature - whence have they arisen?‘ (στοιχῖα τῆς φύσως πόθεν
ὑπεστη ;) [...] ‗From the counsel of god (ἐκ βουλῆς θεοῦ) which, having taken in the word
and having seen the beautiful cosmos, imitate it, (ἥτις λαβοῦσα τὸν Λόγον καὶ ἰδοῦσα
τὸν καλὸν κόσμον ἐμιμήσατο) having become the cosmos through its own elements and
its progeny of souls (κοσμοποιηθεῖα διὰ τ῵ν ἑαυτῆς στοιχείων καὶ γεννημὰτων
ψυχ῵ν). (CH. I, 8).
The instruments of creation were the combination of Logos and Nous:
Since the craftsman made the whole cosmos, by reasoned speech, not by hand, (἖πειδὴ τὸν
πάντα κόσμον ἐποίησεν ὁ δημιουργός, οὐ χερσὶν ἀλλὰ λόγῳ), [...] and as having
crafted by his own will the things that are.(τῇ δὲ αυτοῦ θελήσει δημιοργήσαντος τὰ
ὄντα· τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ σ῵μα ἐκείνου). (CH. IV, 1).
The Cosmos shared the divine Logos with God. He was also able to emulate God‘s
role by creating souls from elements created by God, but also present in his own nature.
Since the cosmos was also able to create life (from elements given by God) he was also
known as ―the Craftsman‖ (ὁ Δημιουργός). Instead of being some autonomous cocreator, the Hermetic craftsman is rather dependent on God as the son of his father
(hence his epithet ―First Son‖). God is the one who sustains the immortality of the
cosmos. This is done through God‘s presence, which encompasses all dimensions of
existence:
The source of all things is god (πηγὴ μὲν οὖν πάντων ὁ θεός); eternity is their essence
(οὐσία δὲ ὁ αἰών); the cosmos is their matter (ὕλη δὲ ὁ κόσμος). Eternity is the power of
god (δύναμις δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ὁ αἰών), and the cosmos is eternity‘s work (ἔργον δὲ τοῦ
αἰώνος ὁ κόσμος), [...]. Therefore, nothing in the cosmos will ever be corrupted (for
eternity is incorruptible) (διὸ οὐδὲ φθαρήσεταί ποτε (αἰὼν γὰρ ἄφθαρτος)), nor will
124
pass away since eternity encloses the cosmos. (οὐδὲ ἀπολεῖταί τι τ῵ν ἐν τῶ κόσμῳ, τοῦ
κόσμου ὑπὸ τοῦ αἰ῵νος ἐμπεριεχομένου). (CH. XI, 3).
The Hermetic worldview partially seconds Plato‘s stance by defining the cosmos as
divine and immortal. In addition, man is not exiled or held as a prisoner of the cosmos
as the Gnostics believed. Instead, he was a positive part of it:
Mortality is a kind of destruction (ὁ γὰρ θάνατος ἀπωλείας ἐστίν·), but nothing in the
universe is destroyed (οὐδὲν δὲ τ῵ν ἐν τῶ κόσμῳ ἀπόλλυται). If the second God is the
cosmos, an immortal being (εἰ γὰρ δεύτερος θεὸς ὁ κόσμος καὶ ζῶον ἀθάνατον), it is
impossible for any part of an immortal being to die (ἀδύνατόν ἐστι τοῦ ἀθανάτου ζῶου
μέρος τι ἀποθανεῖ·). Everything in the cosmos is a part of the cosmos (πάντα δὲ τὸ ἐντῶ
κόσμῳ μέρη ἐστι τοῦ κόσμου), but specially man, the living being with speech. (μάλιστα
δὲ ὁ ἄνθρωπος, τὸ λογικὸν ζῶον). (CH. VIII, 1).
The relationship between God and his first Son can be best visualized in the following
scheme:
Table 7: God‘s emanations to Cosmos
125
God‘s Nous represents an attempt to identify an origin for His will, love; intelligence
and maybe an essence. Nous is a field or a sphere from where life originally came.
God‘s Logos is also a description of the ability to bring something that existed in God‘s
mind/will/heart/Nous into manifested existence. The combination of God‘s Nous and
God‘s Logos produced Life. The creation of Life must be understood as the creation of
Souls. In this sense, God is the unique creator. The role of God`s first son, Cosmos, was
to offer material support for Life to develop. Then, by sharing God‘s Logos and Nous,
Cosmos shaped and ordered seven celestial material spheres, aiming to coordinate the
interactions between Nature and living creatures. These seven spheres restrain physical
life/existence/reality, and rule over mortals through the mandate of gods/potencies
(manifested as stars, and constellations) under the law called ―Fate‖. Beyond these
seven spheres or material reality, there are three transcendental and spiritual ones:
Logos, Nous and God. These three spheres are not in the jurisdiction of Cosmos. To
Mankind, Logos is God‘s divine aspect as he maintains the ability to transcend material
reality towards immortality.
b) On Fate / ἗ιμαρμένη / ŠꜢy
The Egyptian expression for destiny /fate/ luck was šꜢw/ šꜢy, derived from the verb šꜢj
(to determine/ decide). ŠꜢy was also represented as a goddess, whose attributes were
correlated with gods, the king and men276. Therefore, there are examples of divine šꜢy –
e.g. Nw.t wr.t ms nṯr.w nb šꜢw rr.t m s.t-wrt. ―Nout, la grande qui fait naître les dieux,
276
See: J. Quaeguebeur, ―Le dieu égyptien Shaï dans la réligion et l‘onomastique.‖ In : Orientalia
Lovaniensia Analecta 2 (Leuven : 1975)
126
maîtresse de Shaï-Reret à Edfou‖277; royal šꜢy - e.g. ntk šꜢw nfr. Tu (i.e Emperor
Domitian) es le bon Shaï‖ 278; and human šꜢy – stn wsjr tkr pꜢy-k šy jrm-k ḑtp pꜢy-k rn-nfr
n šy m ḑtp. “Écoute, Osiris (le défunt) ! Ton Shaï court avec toi. Que ton beau nom de
Shaï repose en paix.‖279
It is important to understand that there was a negative and positive šꜢy. In a passive
sense, it corresponded to predetermined destiny, in an active sense it was the
consequence of human actions. As negative effect, šꜢy is connected to all negative
aspects of life, including death. The positive šꜢy is related to the gods‘ favour, the end of
a misfortune, and the favourable result of dubious situations.
All the blessings that one can receive that serve to assure one‘s happiness including
prosperity, health are perceived as a divine reward attributable to good behaviour. It was
possible to obtain a good šꜢy by achieving the protection of deities. This was achieved
though the respect and observation of Maat‘s principles. Through one‘s actions his šꜢy,
or factum or ἑηκαρκέλη, or destiny, could be positive or negative.
The Hermetic world-view accepted the existence of divine secondary powers. The
seven spheres280 of stars and constellations had hegemony over the material world. The
Craftsman‘s work produced the so-called seven spheres of existence:
The craftsman-mind, together with the word (ὁ δὲ Νοῦς σὺν τῶ Λόγῳ), encompassing the
circles and whirling with a rush (ὁ περιίσχων τοὺς κύκλους καὶ διν῵ν ῥοίζῳ), turned his
277
Ibidem, p.97. Cf. Edfou IV, 110, 14.
Ibidem, p.113. Cf. Esna II, n 115, 8.
279
Ibidem, p. 120. Quaguebeur observes that this demotic papyrus with the Book of the Dead (from 63
A.D) implies some degree of substitution of the notion of ka by Shaï. Cf. F. Lexa, Das demotische
Totenbuch der Pariser Nationalbibliothek (Papyrus des Pamonthes), (Demotische Studien 4), (Leipzig:
1910), p.26: III 4-5.
280
By accepting the premises of Nag Hammadi Hermetica in ―The Discourse of the Eighth and the
Ninth‖. The seven spheres are in charge of material / physical creation/creatures. A eighth sphere of
existence was the divine Logos (bordering with the natural world), the ninth one was the Nous and the
last one - the tenth, was God‘s sphere of existence. See: J.M Robinson (ed), The Nag Hammadi Library,
(New York: 1990).
278
127
craftworks about (ἔστρεψε τὰ ἑαυτοῦ δημιουργήματα), letting them turn from an endless
beginning to a limitless end (καὶ εἴασε στρέφεσθαι ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς ἀορίστου εἰς ἀπέραντον
τέλος·), for it starts where it stops. (ἄρχεται γάρ, οὗ λήγει· ) Revolting as mind wished
them to, the circles brought forth from the weighty elements living things without reason
(for they no longer kept the word with them).(἟ δὲ τούτων περιφορά, καθὼς ἞θέλησεν ὁ
Νοῦς, ἐκ τ῵ν κατωφερ῵ν στοιχείον ζῶα ἤνεγκεν ἄλογα (οὐ γὰρ ἐπεῖχε τὸν Λόγον)).
(CH. I,11).
The government of such spheres was the responsibility of Fate /Destiny (἟ Εἱμαρμένης).
As a result, Fate‘s jurisdiction was limited to all physical beings.
Everything is an act of fate, my child, and outside of it nothing exists among bodily entities.
(Εἱμαρμένης γὰρ πάντα τὰ ἔργα, ὦ τέκνον, καὶ χωρὶς ἐκείνης οὐδέν ἐστι τ῵ν
σωματικ῵ν·) Neither good or evil comes to be by chance. (οὔτε ἀγαθὸν οὔτε κακὸν
γενέσθαι συμβαίνει) Even one who has done something fine is fated to be affected by it
(εἵμαρται δὲ καὶ τὸ καλὸν ποιήσαντα παθεῖν), and this is why he does it: in order to be
affected by what affects him because he has done it.(καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δρᾷ ἵνα πάθῃ ὃ
πάσχει ὅτι ἔδρασε). (CH. XII,5).
Fate is an amoral power. It can be understood as a general rule or principle of causeeffect, whose function is to assure the balance and the order of the universe.
Necessity, providence and nature are instruments of the cosmos and of the order of matter
(ἀνάγκη δὲ καὶ ἟ πρόνοια καὶ ἟ φύσις ὄργανά ἐστι τοῦ κόσμου καὶ τῆς τάξεως τῆς
ὕλης). (CH. XII, 14).
c) The creation of the Second Son, or Man
Man was created to observe and interact with the works of God, and to discover all
divine arts in the world. Hence, the necessity of multiplying across the earth so that he
will be present in the whole world.
128
{[...] The gods} sowed the generations of humans to know the works of god (+ ἐαυτοις
εσπερμολόγουν + τάς τε γενέσεις τ῵ν ἀνθρώπων εῖς ἔργων θείων γν῵σιν); to be a
working witness to nature (καὶ φύσεως ἐνεργοῦσαν μαρτυρίαν); to increase the number
of mankind (καὶ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπν); to master all things under the heaven (καὶ πάντων
τ῵ν ὑπὸ οὐρανὸν δεσποτίαν); to discern the things that are good (καὶ ἀγαθ῵ν
ἐπίγνωσιν); to increase by increasing and multiply by multiplying. (εἰς τὸ αὐξάνεσθαι ἐν
αὐξήσει). (CH. III, 3).
Throughout the contemplation of God‘s works, Man should be able to know his Father.
[...]The man became a spectator of god‘s work (θεατὴς γὰρ ἐγένετο τοῦ ἔργου τοῦ θεοῦ
ὁ ἄνθρωπος). He looked at it in astonishment and recognized its maker. (καὶ ἐθάνμασε καὶ
ἐγνώρισε τὸν ποιήσαντα). (CH. IV, 2).
By knowing God, Man was able to distinguish himself as the manifestation of his
Father‘s love. Man‘s origin was in God.
- I do not know what sort of womb mankind was born from, o Trismegistos, nor from what
kind of seed. (ἀγνο῵, ὦ Τρισμέγιστε, ἐξ οἵας μήτρας ἄνθρωπος ἐγεννήθη, σπορᾶς δὲ
ποίας).
- My child, <the womb> is the wisdom and understanding in silence, and the seed is the
true good. (Ὦ τέκνον, σοφία νοερὰ ἐν σιγῇ καὶ ἟ σπορὰ τὸ ἀληθινὸν ἀγαθόν)
- Who sows the seed, father? [...] (Τίνος σπείραντος, ὦ πάτερ ;)
- The will of god, my child. (Τοῦ θελήματος τοῦ θεοῦ, ὦ τέκνον). (CH. XIII, 1-2).
Indeed, by saying that Man‘s seed came straight from God, Man‘s creation is depicted
as being an extraordinary moment of creation, since he came from God and not from the
Craftsman (like the other living beings).
Nous, the Father of all (ὁ δὲ πάντων πατὴρ ὁ Νοῦς), who is life and light (ὢν ζωὴ καὶ
ϕ῵ς), brought forth Man, the same as himself (ἀπεκύησεν Ἄνθρωπον αὐτῶ ἴσον), [...]
bearing the image of his Father (τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς εἰκονα ἔχων·). It was really his own
129
form that God loved (ὄντως γὰρ καὶ ὁ θεὸς ἞ρὰσθη τῆς ἰδίας μορφῆς), and he handed
over to him all his creation.(παρέδωκε τὰ ἑαυτοῦ πάντα δημιουργήματα). (CH. I, 12).
In fact, God has created Man directly from his will and allowed Man to assume a
condition of equality with the first son, the Cosmos. Being beloved by his Father and
Brother, Man received the permission to take an active part on the creation.
And after the man had observed what the craftsman had created with the father‘s help, he
also wished to make some craftwork, and the father agreed to this (καὶ κατανοήτας δὲ τὴν
τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ κτίσιν ἐν τῶ πυρί, ἞βουλήθη καὶ αὐτὸς δημιουργεῖν, καὶ συνεχωρήθη
ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρός·). Entering the craftsman‘s sphere (γενόμενος ἐν τῇ δημιουργικῇ
σφαίρᾳ), where he was to have all authority (ἕξων τὴν πᾶσαν ἐξουσίαν), the man
observed his brother‘s craftworks (κατενόησε τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τὰ δημιουργήματα); the
governors loved the man (οἱ δὲ ἞ράσθησαν αὐτοῦ), and each gave a share of his own
order. (ἕκαστος δὲ μετεδίδου τῆς ἰδίας τάξεως·). (CH. I, 13).
Then, there are three major creative powers in the Hermetica: God, the Second God/
Demiurge=Cosmos and Man. They are correlated as follows:
[...] the third living being, man, has been begotten in the image of the cosmos (τὸ δὲ τρίτον
ζῶον, ὁ ἄνθρωπος, κατ’ εἰκόνα τοῦ κόσμου γενόμενος), [...]. Not only does he have
affinity with the second God (οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὸν δεύτερον θεὸν συμπάθειαν ἔχω), but
also a conception of the first. (ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔννοιαν τοῦ πρώτου·). (CH.VIII, 5).
Man is the only living being with speech/logos. This logos is reminiscent of the
divine, creative Logos and is therefore useful in helping Man exercise his authority over
earth. It helped Man assure his dominion over the material world and helped him to
connect himself with God.
[...] after the cosmos the second living thing is the human (ὁ δὲ ἄνθρωπος δεύτερον ζῶον
μετὰ τόν κόσμον), who is first of mortal things and like other living things has ensoulment
(πρ῵τον δὲ τ῵ν θνητ῵ν, τ῵ν μὲν ἄλλων ζῴων τὸ ἔμψυχον ἔχει·). [...] A human soul
130
is carried in this way (ψυχὴ δὲ ἄνθρωπου ὀχεῖται τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον·): the mind is in
the reason (ὁ νοῦς ἐν τῶ λόγῶ); the reason is in the soul (ὁ λόγος ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ), the soul
is in the spirit (἟ ψυχὴ ἐν τῶ πνεύματι·); the spirit passing through veins and arteries and
blood, [...] (τὸ πνεῦμα διῆκον διὰ φλεβ῵ν καὶ ἀρτηρι῵ν καὶ αἵματος). (CH. X, 12-13).
d) On Man’s double-nature
As explained previously, Man rules over the material world thanks to his Logos. This
Logos had a double-purpose. Regarding Man‘s double-nature it is said that:
[...] unlike any other living thing on earth, mankind is twofold (καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παρὰ
πάντα τὰ ἐπὶ γῆς ζῶα διπλοῦς ἐστι ὁ ἄνθρωπος) – in the body mortal but immortal in
the essential man (θνητὸς μὲν διὰ τὸ σ῵μα ἀθάνατος δὲ διὰ τὸν οὐσιώδη ἄνθρωπον·).
Even though he is immortal and has authority over all things, mankind is affected by
mortality because he is subject to fate (ἀθάνατος γὰρ ὤν καὶ πάντων τὴν ἐξουσίαν
ἔχων, τὰ θνητὰ πάσχει ὑποκείμενος τῇ εἱμαρμένῃ); thus, although man is above the
cosmic framework, he became a slave within it.(ὑπεράνω ὢν τῆς ἁρμονίας ἐναρμόνιος
γέγονε δοῦλος ἀρρενόθηλυς δὲ ὤν). (CH. I, 15).
Logos was a mediator between God and Man. It is placed in the intermediary zone
between spiritual and material spheres. The relationship between God and his Second
Son can be best illustrated by the following illustration:
131
Table 8: God‘s emanations to Man
God created Man‘s soul and Cosmos prepared his body. The presence of Man in the
material world is a consequence of Man‘s desires to help the effort of creation.
Therefore, mankind flourished on earth with God‘s permission and blessings. Since
Man was destined to rule over all other living creatures, God gave him the gift of
Logos/intelligence/moral-intellectual discernment.
The gift of Logos aimed to assist Man in his double task: to master the material
world and to learn how to connect to God. In this sense, his divine gift of Logos can be
used in order to exercise humanity‘s power over creation and to pursue the development
of Man‘s spirituality.
e) On Logos and Nous
Human reasoned speech, discernment, reason, articulated word, or logos were divine
gifts to mankind and constituted a part of God‘s virtue.
132
Reasoned speech, then, is the image and mind of god, (ὁ οὖν λόγος ἐστὶν εἰκων καὶ νοῦς
τοῦ θεοῦ,) as the body is the image of the idea and the idea is the image of the soul. (καὶ τὸ
σ῵μα δὲ τῆς ἰδέας, ἟ δὲ ἰδέα τῆς ψυχῆς). (CH. XII, 14).
Man‘s logos gave him authority over the material world and speechless creatures
while at the same time allowing him to gather the means to leave this world and return
to God‘s side. This is achieved through the process of developing his Nous. Logos and
Nous are interconnected with God. They are the mediators between material and
spiritual spheres of existence:
Reasoned speech, then, is the image and mind of god (ὁ οὖν λόγος ἐστὶν εἰκων καὶ νοῦς
τοῦ θεοῦ), as the body is the image of the idea and the idea is the image of the soul (καὶ τὸ
σ῵μα δὲ τῆς ἰδέας, ἟ δὲ ἰδέα τῆς ψυχῆς). Thus, the finest part of matter is air, the finest
air is soul, the finest soul is mind, and the finest mind is god. (Ἔστιν οὖν τῆς μὲν ὕλης τὸ
λεπτομερέστατον ἀήρ, ἀέρος δὲ ψυχή, ψυχῆς δὲ νοῦς, νοῦ δὲ θεός·). And god surrounds
everything and permeates everything, while mind surrounds soul, soul surrounds air, and air
surrounds matter (καὶ ὁ μὲν θεὸς περὶ πάντα καὶ διὰ πάντων, ὁ δὲ νοῦς περὶ τὴν ψυχὴν,
἟ δὲ ψυχὴ περὶ τὸν ἀέρα, ὁ δὲ ἀὴρ περὶ τὴν ὕλην). (CH. XII, 14).
Nous is an emanation of God. To have Nous should rather be understood as being in
contact with God‘s will. Having Nous grants an individual the ability to be ―one‖ with
God, since they are sharing the same sphere:
Mind, O Tat, comes from the very essence of god (Ὁ νοῦς, ὦ Τάτ, ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ
οὐσίας) [...]. Mind then, has not been cut off from god‘s essentiality (ὁ νοῦς οὖν οὐκ ἔστιν
ἀποτετμημένος τῆς οὐσιότητος τοῦ θεοῦ); it has expanded, as it were, like the light of
the sun (ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ ἟πλωμένος καθάπερ τὸ τοῦ ἟λίου φ῵ς). In humans this mind is
god (οὗτος δὲ ὁ νοῦς ἐν μὲν ἀνθρώποις θεός ἐστι·). (CH. XII,1).
The following table resumes these relationships:
133
Table 9: The Hermetic ―triade‖ and its emanations
In the Armenian ―Definitions‖ from Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepius, the same
association is explained as follows:
God: an intelligible world; world a sensible God; God: an immovable world; heaven: a
movable world; man: a reasonable world. Then there are three worlds. Now the immovable
world (is) God, and the reasonable world is man: for both of (these) units (are) one: God
and man after the species. Consequently (there are) three worlds on the whole: two units
(make up) the sensible and one (is) the intelligible; one (is) after the species, and the third
one (is) after (its) fullness. All of the multiple (belongs to) the three worlds; two of them
(are) visible: (namelly) the sensible and man, (that) destructible world; and the intelligible
is the God: he is not visible, but evident within the visible (things). (Definitions, I, 1-2).281
God created all souls (real life), while the physical bodies of the creatures were in
charge of the Cosmos. While God shares his Logos and Nous with the Cosmos He also
sustains cosmic immortality and provides continuity for physical existence (i.e.
281
J. –P- Mahé, ―The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepius‖. In: C. Salaman, et alii. The Way
of Hermes. (London: 1999), pp. 99-124.
134
everything in subordination to the so-called seven spheres and Fate). Humankind
functions in a similar way which resulted from God have created everyone as souls. As
a result, man‘s body is a tool that allows him to interact with sensitive or material
reality.
Conversely, only Man has a share of the divine Logos which grants him the potential
to rule over the material world. This Logos also helps Man to recognise and remember
his divine nature and may guide Man towards his share of the divine Nous. The
Hermetical Logos is the capacity of Man to distinguish himself from other creatures and
to have the conscience of God. As a result, a human Logos is the mediator between
God‘s Nous and his soul. Man is only able to have Nous (or to ―achieve‖ Nous, since it
is an emanation from God‘s sphere) because he was directly created by God. The
Hermetical Nous is the connection of God with humankind and is the spiritual
dimension of Man himself.
A formal analysis of the elements exposed thus far shall reveal meaningful topics of
interest for this research282. The following exercise aims to isolate specific
characteristics of the relevant agents of the texts (God, Cosmos, and Man).
Table 10a: God, Cosmos and Man
Agents
Attributes
Actions
Relations
God
*The
* Creator by Logos, Will, and Nous;
* He does not subsist
goodness, truth, spirit
* Created the Cosmos;
to any of his sons;
and soul ;
* Created the elements of Nature;
* Shared his Logos
* Life and Light;
* Created Life/souls;
with his sons;
* Created Man;
* Offered the Nous to
*
definitive
The
cause
of
existence;
a few Men;
* The glory of all
*
282
He
encompasses
According to the model proposed by: J. Molino ―Interpréter‖. In: C. Reichler (ed.) L’interprétation
des Textes. (Paris: 1989), p. 9-52.
135
things;
and preserves all that
* The divine nature;
exists and is always
* The Father;
present;
* The original Nous and
Logos giver;
* Unbegotten/Unique;
* Eternal;
Cosmos
* The First Son;
* Assisted in the creation using the
* He is begotten by
* The Craftsman;
divine Logos, and was guided by
God and is sustained
* The image of the first
God‘s Nous;
and made immortal
God;
* Manipulation of raw material;
by God;
* Has Nous and Logos
* Control over speechless creatures;
* His Logos and Nous
* Begotten by God;
* God of Fire and Spirit (i.e. Stars);
have
* Immortal (sustained
* Architect of Fate (who governs
substances as God‘s;
by God);
the seven spheres he ordered for
* Manipulator of all
giving shape to the sensible world);
elements of Nature;
*
the
Ruler
same
of
the
sensible World;
Man
* The Second Son;
* Has dominion over the world of
* Although belonging
* The image of Cosmos
mortals and living creatures without
to
and a conception of
speech;
harmony
of
God;
* Suffers mortal things (for being
cosmos,
Man has
* Beloved by God and
mortal);
become a slave within
enhance
the
the
Cosmos;
it;
*Beloved by the Gods
* Subject to Destiny/
of the seven spheres;
Fate
* Has Logos and Nous;
mortal);
* (Man‘s soul) was
* May join God in
begotten by God in his
His sphere due to his
own sphere;
Nous;
(for
being
* Double nature (mortal
/ immortal);
God has no competition, no rivals and no threat from an Evil demiurge. The Cosmos
is unable to create life or matter by himself. Therefore, his task is to manipulate and
136
organise what God has created and in doing so uses the divine Logos and is guided by
God‘s Nous. Man‘s double condition is by no means a punishment. He is beloved by
God, Cosmos and even the seven potencies (celestial spheres) who rule the sensible
world. He is on earth helping his brother and father to master the creation. Indeed,
humankind has a share of the divine, creative word, and, in addition, is connected to
God by the action of Nous.
Thus, it is possible to synthesise the Hermetic creation with the following outline:
Table 10b: (synthesis) - God, Cosmos and Man
Agents
God
Cosmos
Attributes
Eternal
and
unique;
The
Nous
and
the
only
Logos,
The
Man
auxiliary
In
The double-natured being; part of
charge of giving shape
God (as immortal), part of the
order
and
god.
to
God‘s
creation.
The only living being with Logos and
true creator.
Actions
Cosmos (as mortal).
Nous.
To create, love and
To give form, plan and
With Logos: To discern between
sustain
assist. Ordered the cosmic
good and evil, to witness God‘s
spheres and the rule of
works, to know God, to rule over the
Fate.
material world.
life
-
eternally.
With Nous: to achieve his gnosis and
rejoin God in His sphere.
Relations
He
is
always
God.
Received Logos from God. Without
present. Loves His
Shares Nous and Logos
Nous he is a slave of Fate and is
sons
with God. Rules over
attached
Mortals and the sensible
However, he Can be free of the
world.
sensible world by receiving Nous and
Loves God, Man and the
rejoining God.
creation.
Loves God, Cosmos and the creation.
and
material world.
the
Is
sustained
by
to
the
sensible
world.
The Cosmos acts like a Demiurge in Hermetic literature. However, Cosmos is not
permitted to create more than speechless creatures (i.e. his ―creation‖ consists in giving
137
form/shape/order to nature elements – which are God‘s creation – then together with
them forming the complex physical bodies each God‘s soul must inhabit), and to
manipulate inanimate matter. He is inferior to the first God, who is still co-responsible
for the creation of life. Nonetheless, Cosmos is an auxiliary participant (as man would
also be when created) in the creation process. It is interesting to compare the use of this
intermediary between God and his creation with the role-played by Ptah, described by
the ―Memphite Theology‖ or ―The Shabaka Stone‖283 – a text from the 25th Dynasty.
Ptah was associated with the Creator‘s (Atum) intellect. His condition of ―craftsman‖ –
which gave him the ability to give form to raw materials and made him responsible for
Atum‘s primordial matter, have assumed form in a manifestation of existence.
According to Memphite Theology, Ptah himself is not the creative god, but the
intermediary between the act of creative thought and speech. He was worshipped as the
creator of the physical world. The creation of life itself was a consequence of the divine
Word. As written in the ―Shabaka Stone‖: ―Evolution into the image of Atum occurred
through the heart and occurred through the tongue‖. The text implies the theory of
creation by command. All gods that took part in the creative process were organs or
parts of Atum. They represented faculties commanded by Atum in a similar form, which
is described by the Hermetic texts. In the Shabaka Stone, as the heart of Atum and the
tongue of the Sun-god, Thoth commanded thoughts into being and then the creative
power of Thoth was created by utterance into the physical world. Therefore, the Second
god or hermetic Demiurge would be more compatible with this Egyptian demiurge than
the Stoic or Platonic ones.
283
Created or copied under the rule of pharaoh Shabaka, 25 th Dynasty (ca. 710 – 698 B.C). This text is
known as ―the Shabaka Stone‖. See: M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature – I: The Old and Middle
Kingdoms. (Berkeley: 2006). Remarks on the ―Memphite Theology‖: p.51. Lichtheim believes that the
language is archaic and resembles that of the Pyramid Texts. Therefore, the original might be a work of
the Old Kingdom (c.a 2650- 2135 B.C).
138
Another point of interest is the presence of love as the ultimate motivating force for
creation. Love guided God towards the manifestation of existence. Love made Cosmos
an assistant for the creative process, and love motivated humanity to join nature and
help God and Cosmos govern the world. Even the so-called spheres were ruled by
friendly potencies who loved Man since the beginning. These potencies or gods must be
understood as being the Egyptian Pantheon instead of any Gnostic interpretations such
as both Valentinian and non-Valentinian systems. Gnostic systems depict the creative
god as being malicious and evil, and the spheres as being a hostile field. In the
Hermetica, those divine spheres are subject to Fate, which is a universal law of causeeffect rather than any evil doer intent upon harming humanity. The Hermetica defended
the cosmos by claiming that everything on the cosmos was good. Evil was limited to
mortality and therefore, to Earth, as Hermes taught to Asclepius.
As I have said, vice must dwell here below since this is its native land, not the cosmos, as
some will blasphemously claim. (τὴν γὰρ κακίαν ἐνθάδε δεῖν οἰκεῖν εἶπον ἐν τῶ ἑαυτῆς
χωρίον οὖσαν· χωρίον γὰρ αὐτῆς ἟ γῆ, οὐχ ὁ κόσμος, ὡς ἔινιοί ποτε ἐροῦσι
βλασφημοῦντες). (CH. IX, 4).
This message seems to be a direct condemnation of those Gnostic beliefs about an
evil Cosmos, gods, archons and demiurge. Therefore, despite being a doctrine with a
gnosis, The Hermetica should not be easily reduced to a Gnostic doctrine. The general
antagonism between Gnosticism and Hermetism was noted also by early Christian
fathers like Tertullian of Carthage, who quoted clearly from the philosophical
139
Hermetica in his tractate against Gnostics, called Adversus Valentinianos, and in
another work, called the De anima, both composed around 206 – 207 A.D.284
The Corpus Hermeticum is an anthology of dialogues285, promoting an association
among gods who sometimes act as masters and other times as pupils. These dialogues
display a combination of different degrees of mythic narratives and hymns.
Alternatively, the sayings are mostly derived from Greek philosophy, connecting the
―self-knowledge‖ or gnosis with questions of cosmology and anthropology. According
to Betz – in the analysis of the first Book of CH.:
This question (i.e the Hermetic gnosis), in turn, raises the issue of theodicy, an issue that is
deeply embedded in both Egyptian and Greek tought. Proceeding from the basis, the older
Egyptian creation is then examined. This examination takes two steps: (A) the recalling of
the myth by the way of an ecstatic vision. That re-visioning of the myth then constitutes the
narrative of the cosmogony, anthropology and eschatology; (B) the dialog critically
reinterpretes the myth in accordance with Gnostic concerns. 286
The old Egyptian creation myth was re-created by the Hermetic narrative. This
update aims to establish a correspondence between Greek philosophy (and its maxims,
such as ―know yourself‖) and the Hermetic (and Gnostic) re-formulated use of Greek
philosophy. Since Gnostics and Hermetists were engaged in a similar hermeneutical
procedure, this can be used explain the motivation which led Gnostics to develop
interest in the Hermetica, and included some of them in the so-called Nag Hammadi
Library. The Hermetic God was like the God of Stoicism, omnipresent and omniscient
284
See: G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p. 198. Both treatises will be debated in our
third chapter.
285
The Dialogue is a recurrent style for the Egyptian literature of wisdom/instruction, as well as to Plato‘s
discourses. Note that CH. III and CH. VII remained only as fragments. CH XIV is a letter from Hermes to
Asclepios, and CH XVIII is a political essay, but it is rather deemed to be fake/non-Hermetic.
286
H. D. Betz, ―The Question of ―Poimandres.‖ In: S. Giversen, et alii (eds.) The Nag Hammadi texts in
the History of Religions – Proceedings of the International Conference at the Royal Academy of Sciences
and Letters in Copenhagen, September 19-24, 1995 – On occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Nag
Hammadi Discovery, p.91.
140
through the material cosmos. In Gnosticism, by contrast, God was transcendent, and the
physical universe was an evil place created by an evil Demiurge.287
Hermetic ethics celebrated the divine within the world; Gnostic ethics were abstemious,
ascetic efforts to escape from the world.288 Therefore, Hermetism is not reduced to a
variant of Gnosticism; nor is it intended to be a philosophical system. Hermetism is a
movement or doctrine with a well-explained ―gnosis‖ and maintains an emphasis on
eliminating the obscurity of their teachings.
2.4 Hermetic Logos, Nous and Gnosis
Hermetists adopted a vast amount of Greek philosophic concepts and terminology.
Occasionally, these newfound Greek concepts and terminology assumed entirely new
meanings, due to their application in such a specific context. However, the acceptance
of these new meanings is, at times, unintentional. Those that receive the Hermetic
discourse are not necessarily aware that they are dealing with new interpretations or
even that they are actually proposing new interpretations in their discourse. They
actually believed that they were reproducing the Greek interpretation of a ―pure
Egyptian ancient wisdom‖. However, any interpretation implies a certain degree of
adaptation and innovation. The symbolic misunderstandings dwell in the difference
between ―what they do‖ and ―what they believe they are doing‖. Due to these
―misunderstandings‖, new meanings are incorporated without being recognised as
287
See: R. van den Broek, ―Gnosticism and Hermetism in Antiquity: Two Roads to Salvation.‖ In: R. van
den Broek, W. J. Hanegraaff, (eds.) Gnosis and Hermeticism: from Antiquity to Modern Times. (New
York: 1998), pp. 1-20.
288
See: J.-P. Mahé, ―Gnostic and Hermetic Ethics.‖ In: R. van den Broek, W. J. Hanegraaff, (eds.) Gnosis
and Hermeticism: From Antiquity to Modern Times. (New York: 1998), pp. 21-36.
141
―new‖. Thus, if it is true that Hermetism tries to explain non-Greek concepts in Greek,
such ―misunderstandings‖ become impossible to avoid. This is a byproduct of the
ambiguity of many Greek concepts. Moreover, many Egyptian concepts had no
equivalent in Greek, and therefore, it was necessary to use different Greek terms in
order to improve upon the visualization of those terms.
Following the logic of Plotinus‘s criticism of the Gnostic misuse of Greek concepts,
this section aims to debate some Hermetic uses of Greek concepts. The Corpus
Hermeticum, a Greek composition, used a rational argument in the Greek language in
order to show Greek-speakers that anyone could follow the path towards individual
gnosis – or knowledge of God. This gnosis promised immortality to all those who
committed themselves to the teachings. Plotinus‘ Gnostic generalisation accuses
Gnosticism of misinterpreting original Platonic concepts. Festugière already exposed
the relationship between Hermetica and Greek philosophical concepts.289 Therefore, this
work will only focus on the Hermetic concepts of Nous, Logos and Gnosis and their
new meanings. As pointed out in the last section, God was one with Nous and Logos.
Nous and Logos were also present in Man. Therefore, the Hermetic gnosis was related
to these two faculties. These concepts must be further explored in order to fully
comprehend and demystify the Hermetic argument.
a) On the Hermetic Nous and Logos
As previously discussed, hermetical creation is a process, which articulates God, His
Nous: an emanation from His essence – if He has any - which produces will (the passive
289
See: A.-J. Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste I. (Paris, 1944).
142
form of command) + His Logos, which in turn grants God the command of His Nous.
Therefore, Logos acts as the mediator between that which is inside God (the will of God
comes from Nous) and this material world. This Hermetic perspective is particularly
close to the Egyptian world-view.
In Heliopolis, as in Memphis290, a primitive god has created all other divinities and
living beings in the universe. The first two divinities that were created were Thoth and
Horus, ―The heart and Tongue of Ptah.‖291 Next, Ptah created Atum and the Ennead of
Egyptian gods by the will of his heart, and the utterance of his word. The next creation
of the heart and utterance from Ptah was the mdw-nṯr ―the divine/sacred words‖ – which
was a product from Thoth and Horus. According to the Egyptian Heliopolitan
tradition292, the world was created by the combined action of thought (sjꜢ) – sjꜢ is the
perception of what needs to be done - and Utterance (ḑw) – as the power to make what
needs to be done happening through speech. Such command was supported by Maat –
connected to the sense of establishing order where it was not before) and magic power
(ḑkꜢ – in the sense of assuring the effectiveness of the speech, so that the desired result
may be achieved). In Egypt, ḐkꜢ was also the goddess personifying extraordinary,
supernatural powers or magic. She appears as a child of Re, sometimes as his
personification. ḐkꜢ was associated with the powers mastered by Gods and Pharaohs.
Although magic could be expressed in many different ways and different kinds of
magicians existed, Egyptian magic was closely related to the expression of an idea (sjꜢ)
through creative speech (ḥw). In this process of creation through the Great Word, Heka
290
The Memphite tradition is a little different than the Heliopolitan trandition. The Memphite theology
replaced/interpreted sjꜢ by the thought produced by the heart and Ḑw the physical expression of will.
See: S. Bickel, La Cosmogonie égyptienne avant le Nouvel Empire. In: OBO 134. (Fribourg: 1994).
291
See: M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature – I: The Old and Middle Kingdoms. (Berkeley: 2006).
292
See : S. Bickel, op.cit.
143
does not represent the power of conception (taking place in the mind-heart), nor its
utterance (taking place on the tongue). Rather, it represented the capacity to break any
possible resistance to the expressed (ḥw) will (sjꜢ).
The view of Thoth as a wise, creator god using his demiurgic reason or logos is very
similar to the Greek concept of a demiurgic Nous. However, the Egyptian sense of SiaThoth as reasoning god did not correlate to the Stoic world-ruling Nous concept. Here
the Heart (Thoth) and the Tongue (Horus) were not thought of as independent divinities.
One mythological explanations offered by Boylan is that: ―Ptah is the primitive deity:
all the other gods are, therefore, his members and organs. Thoth is the thinking heart,
just as Horus is the commanding tongue of Ptah‖.293
It was a characteristic of Egyptian Theology that held that there were different
degrees of fusion between two or more divinities. Being the God of all knowledge,
Thoth is naturally the most easily connectable to the god Sia294. According to Boylan:
Though Sia is at different times, identified with very various gods, he is identified far more
frequently with Thoth than with any other. Throughout the huge body of texts of the GrecoRoman period, the identification of Thoth with Sia is so frequent that Sia is simply a second
name of Thoth.295
Horapollo Niliacus, a reputed Egyptian mage from the fourth century A.D
commented on the relationship between Thoth-Hermes and the heart in his tractate
Hieroglyphica:
The Heart
293
P. Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt (Oxford:1922), p. 113. See also: H. Spiess, Der Aufstieg eines
Gottes – Untersuchungen zum Gott Thot bis zum Beginn des Neuen Reiches. (Hamburg: 1991).
294
The deification of Sia means the personification of understanding and perception. It is not the sense of
a self-revelation of a god – what could identify Sia to Logos. As Boylan explains: ―The reason or
perception of any god might be thus personified – and not merely the understanding of a primitive deity.‖
(Op.cit., p. 105).
295
Ibidem, p. 106.
144
When they wish to denote the heart, they draw an ibis. For this animal is sacred to Hermes,
lord of every heart and reason, since the ibis is likes the heart itself. Concerning this the talk
is great among the Egyptians. (Hieroglyphica I, 36). 296
Graeco-Roman lore also recognised Thoth‘s mastery over words. In De Mysteriis,
Iamblichus called Thoth-Hermes ―the god in charge of the word/logos‖ (Θεὸς ὁ τ῵ν
λόγων ἟γεμών). Iamblichus also named Nous and Logos as primordial elements to
creation.
Mettant au-dessus intellect et raison comme étant à part soi, ils leur font oeuvrer les êtres du
devenir. Νοῦν τε καὶ λόγον προστησάμενοι καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς ὄντας, οὕτω δημιουργεῖσθαί
ϕασι τὰ γιγνόμενα· (De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum VIII, 4).
According to Broze and van Liefferinge, Hermetism assimilated the Egyptian
metaphor that regarded the heart as the symbol of the creative intelligence/ will of the
demiurge as the logos reports to the demiurge‘s creative word.297 The hermetical
creation determined that God‘s sphere is not apart from the others. All the others are
actually different emanations from Him. That is why He is always present, and how
Nous works as His channel. There are, by no means, pluralities of Nous but that of God,
according to the Hermetica. By receiving logos, Man attained the ability to observe the
Father‘s works and use this experience to learn about God or to recognise Him. Logos
allows man to know God if he chooses to live in accordance to His Will/ Nous. For
those who choose this virtuous way of life, God rewards with the capacity of connection
296
G. Boas (transl.), The Hieroglyphs of Horapollo. (Princeton: 1993).
M. Broze, C. van Liefferinge, ―L‘Hermès commun du prophète Abamon.‖ In : Religions
Mediterranéennes et Orientales de l‘Antiquité BdE 135, (Le Caire : 2002), pp.43. The authors say : ―Le
cœur est dans l‘anthropologie sémitique en général, le siège de l‘activité de l‘intellect. Dans les écrits
gnostiques et hermétiques, cœur et intellect sont fréquemment associés‖. See also: E. Iversen, Egyptian
and Hermetic Doctrine. (Copenhagen: 1984).
297
145
with his Will / Nous. Thus, the human logos and soul were both divine gifts, and are a
part of man. However, before accessing Nous, Man must earn it:
God shared reason among all people, O Tat, but not mind (τὸν μὲν οὖν λόγον, ὦ Τάτ, ἐν,
πᾶσι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐμέρισε τὸν δὲ νοῦν οὐκέτι), [...]. ‗For what reason, then, did god
not share mind with all of them, my father?‘( - Διὰ τί οὖν, ὦ πάτερ, οὐ πᾶσιν ἐμέριδε τὸν
νοῦν ὁ θέος;) ‗He wanted it put between souls, my child, as a prize for them to contest. ( Ἠθέλησεν, ὦ τέκνον, τοῦτον ἐν μέσῳ ταῖς ψυχαῖς ὥσπερ ἆθλου ἱδρῦσθαι). (CH. IV, 3).
The Hermetica defined Nous as a divine prize to special Men. The corpora of the socalled philosophical Hermetica were actually conceived as a literary source for moral
instruction. However, the use of Greek nomenclature dragged the contents of these texts
into philosophical speculation. Therefore, the Hermetic use of Logos and Nous lent
new meanings to the text. The Greek receptor was able to recognise the former Greek
definition for Logos, Nous and nonetheless included the Hermetic sense as another valid
perspective. The Hermetica teach that there is a correct or moral way to use Logos and
Nous:
Notice this also, my child, that to mankind – but to no other mortal animal – god has
granted these two things, mind and reasoned speech, which are worth as much as
immortality. (- Κἀκεῖνο δὲ ὅρα, ὦ τέκνον, ὅτι δύο ταῦτα τῶ ἀνθρώπῳ ὁ θεὸς παρὰ
πάντα τὰ θνητὰ ζῶα ἐχαρίσατο τόν τε νοῦν καὶ τὸν λόγον, ἰσότιμα τῇ ἀθανάσίᾳ).
[Mankind also has the speech that he utters.]([τὸν δὲ προφορικὸν λόγον ἔχει]) If he uses
theses gifts as he should, nothing will distinguish him from the immortals. (τούτοις δὲ εἴ
τις χρήσαιτο εἰς ἃ δεῖ, οὐδὲν τ῵ν ἀθανάτων διοίσει·); instead, when he has left the body,
both these gifts will guide him to the troop of the gods and the blessed. (μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ
ἐξελθὼν ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ὁδηγηθήσεται ὑπὸ ἀμφοτέρων εἰς τὸν τ῵ν θε῵ν καὶ
μακάρων χορόν). (CH. XII, 12).
The correct use of these divine gifts is the path to proving oneself worthy of
immortality. Creating a sense of moral duty caused the necessity of re-evaluating the
146
meanings of Logos and Nous in the Hermetica. As a result, these concepts were updated
due to the process of re-interpretation, which was co-dependent upon the context.
b) The Hermetica as a channel to Graeco-Egyptian concepts
The Hermetic association of Nous and Logos is similar to the Egyptian creation by sjꜢ
(Thought/ will of the heart) and ḑw (Utterance) and ḑkꜢ (magic, or the efficacy of the
creative power).
When the Hermetica describe in Greek that sjꜢ-thought = Nous, and ḑw-utterance =
Logos are the powers in charge of creation, how does this not speak to the Greek
concepts of νοῦς-mind and λόγος-speech? Moreover, by presenting this Hermetic
perspective of Thought/Nous and Utterance/Logos, how can one assure the correct
presentation of the Egyptian complexity regarding such concepts? Since Greeks had a
long debate concerning Nous298 and Logos299, how can one conciliate the Egyptian and
Greek differences by using the same words? Such troubles of communication were
solved in a most simplistic fashion: it was merely admitted as part of the texts‘ nature
and then incorporated in between the lines of the work.
298
For instance, Homer classified as Nous all kind of human intellectual process. To the pre-Socratics it
became more canonized as the reason in opposition to sense perception. Anaxagoras defined Nous as
some mechanical force responsible for giving order to the original chaos, provoking the beginning to the
cosmos. Plato said that it was rational, immortal and part of human soul. Aristotle added that there was a
passive and an active Nous, being both parts interdependent and complementary one to another for they
were in charge of two different ways of knowledge. The Stoics believed that it was the same as logos;
end encompassed the human reason, as part of a cosmic mind. Plotinus claimed that Nous was an
emanation of a divine being. See: F. Buddensiek ―Nous”. In: Ch. Horn, Ch. Rapp: Wörterbuch der
antiken Philosophie. (München: 2002), pp. 297- 301.
299
Heraclitus established logos as the source for the fundamental order of the cosmos. The sophists used
the term as a general synonym of discourse, while Aristotle defined logos as the rational discourse. The
Stoics identified logos as being the divine principle of life, present all over the cosmos. After the
Hellenization, Philo of Alexandria adopted the term to interpret Judaism. The early Christians did the
same and still, identified Jesus as the manifestation of the divine logos. See: M. Frede, G. Striker (eds.),
Rationality in Greek Thought. (Oxford: 1996).
147
My teacher, Hermes - often speaking to me in private, sometimes in the presence of Tat
(἗ρμῆς μὲν γὰρ ὁ διδάσκαλός μου, πολλάκις μοι διαλεγόμενος καὶ ἰδίᾳ τοῦ Τάτ ἐνίοτε
παρόντος,) – used to say that those reading my books would find their organization very
simple and clear when, on the contrary, it is unclear and keeps the meaning of its words
concealed (ἔλεγεν ὅτι δόξει τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσί μου τοῖς βιβλίοις ἁπλουστάτη εἶναι ἟
σύνταξις καὶ σαφής, ἐκ δὲ τ῵ν ἐναντίων ἀσαφὴς οὖσα καὶ κεκρυμμένον τὸν νοῦν τ῵ν
λόγων ἔχουσα); furthermore, it will be entirely unclear (he said) when the Greeks
eventually desire to translate our language to their own and thus produce in writing the
greatest distortion and unclarity. (καὶ ἔτι ἀσαφεστάτη, τ῵ν ἗λλήνων ὗστερον
βουληθέντων τὴν ἟μετέραν διάλεκτον εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν μεθερμηῦσαι, ὅπερ ἔσται τ῵ν
γεγραμμένων μεγίστη διστροφή τε καὶ ἀσάφεια). (CH. XVI, 1).
The Egyptian perception of the superiority of their language is a premise of their
magical thought. Secrecy was a constant principle of Egyptian priestly life. Translation
of original texts was taboo. It was a way to corrupt their true meaning, and by replacing
the original Egyptian sound, the effect of the magic would be lost. Translating a sacred
text could also mean giving the enemy the efficacy of the ritual word, since the word
was not a mere expression but also an act.300
But this discourse, expressed in our paternal language, keeps clear the meaning of its
words. (ὁ δὲ λόγος τῇ πατρῴᾳ διαλέκτῳ ἑρμηνευόμενος ἔχει σαφῆ τὸν τ῵ν λόγων
νοῦν). The very quality of the speech and the < sound > of Egyptian words have
themselves the energy of the objects they speak of. (καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς φωνῆς ποιὸν
καὶ ἟ τ῵ν Αἰγυπτίων ... ὀνομάτων ἐν ἑαυτῇ ἔχει τὴν ἐνέργειαν τ῵ν λεγομένων). (CH.
XVI, 2).
300
M. Detienne, Les Maîtres de Verité dans la Grèce Archaïque. (Paris: 1967), pp. 51- 80. Greeks were
aware of the issue regarding the ―barbarian‘s‖ mistrust of translations of their native knowledge into
Greek. See: Plato, Cratile, 385 C - 390E; Iamblichus de Mysteriis VI, 7. See also: J. Dielemann, Priests,
Tongues and Rites. (Leiden, Boston: 2005), p.81: ―Secrecy constitutes a complexe social arena in which
the members of the concealing party are characterised by a tension between the social obligation to
conceal the information and the desire to reveal it in order to gain social prestige for oneself. (...) Given
the desire of the dominand Greco-Roman culture to share in the secret of the knowledge and divine
revelations of the Egyptian priesthood, such a sociological model of concealment might be a useful
heuristic tool for situating the encrypted scripts in their textual and social context.‖
148
This passage portrays the Egyptian idiom as being capable of giving an unusual
power to the objects it describes. Indeed, Iamblichus defines the general Graeco-Roman
perception of the power of Egyptian language in his definition of theurgy, the magical
virtues of the Egyptian language, and in general, the inherent virtue of each original
language in opposition to translations.301 However, note that the subject of this
Hermetic discourse is the process of teaching itself, and in this context, there is a
discussion on the verbal articulation of Egyptian language in comparison to Greek. In
Egyptian, mdw refers to the spoken word rather than the written symbol (drf). Asclepius
himself must be referring to the capacity of mdw to change into mdw nṯr or
sacred/divine words. The mdw nṯr assumed a magical and creative effect when used as
in, for instance, the ritual formulae and was connected to the divine power present in the
hieroglyphs. During the Graeco-Roman era, mdw nṯr was already the accepted word for
hieroglyphs. Note, however that Egyptians had a clear distinction between written and
spoken words. According to Boylan,
There is no lack of other words to express ‗hieroglyphs‘ in Egyptian. The most familiar of
these terms is drf, or better, ―drf of Thoth‖. An expert in hieroglyphs is ‗he who knows the
drf of Thoth‘ (Berlin 7316: XVIII th. Dyn.). ‗Hieroglyphics‘ meaning an inscription written
in hieroglyphs, would be rendered ―sšꜢ Ḏḑwti” (Leiden I, 350, recto 4, 23) or ―sšꜢ n Ḏḑwti”
(Cairo, 20539, etc.).302
With regard to the Hermetica, how would the Greek translation produce distortions
and unclarity? It seems possible to assume that this possibility was related to the
necessity of translating important Egyptian concepts into Greek. The translation of
abstract Egyptian concepts would demand the use of abstract Greek concepts. This gap
301
302
C.f. De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum VII, 5
P. Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt. (Oxford: 1922), p. 94.
149
between how Egyptians and Greeks dealt with their equivalent concepts could create
obstacles to the understanding. However the Hermetic doctrine generally disdained the
use of words. The Hermetica generally classify human words as empty of truth, since
they give false virtues to matter. In CH. II, 16, it is said how everyone irresponsibly
uses terms as ―good‖ to classify what is perceived, when the true good is in God. In CH.
VII, 6 Hermes says that only the ignorant refer to men as ―beautiful‖ or ―good‖, for he
is not capable of understanding that the truly beauty and goodness are in God. In CH.
VIII, 1 Hermes explains that ―mortality‖ is also a meaningless word, since death was an
illusion. It was impossible to destroy any part of Cosmos – an immortal being. Then,
how could anyone manage to learn the truth, if the words were full of
misunderstandings capable of leading one to mistakes? The teaching of CH.X, 5 stated
that only the silence of God – the nullification of one‘s material perceptions (i.e.
sensory faculties and social conventions), which are considered by Man`s language to
mean ―reality‖, would one be allowed to understand the ‗truth‘.
Thus, the Hermetic doctrine was not concerned with the Greek idiom – since any
human verbal communication system was misplaced in relation to God‘s truth - but also
with the Greek philosophy as language – i.e. the strategy used to debate/transmit
abstract concepts. Greek philosophy was defined in the Hermetica as being unable to
reach the full understanding of Egyptian thought. Asclepios disdains the lack of energy
resulting from the limited scope of Greek words:
[...] for the Greeks have empty speeches, O king, that are energetic only in what they
demonstrate, and this is the philosophy of the Greeks, an inane foolosophy [SIC] of
speeches. (Ἕλληνες γάρ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, λόγους ἔχουσι κενοὺς ἀποδείξεων ἐνεργητικούς,
καὶ αὕτη ἐστὶν ἗λλήνων φιλοσοφία, λόγων ψόφος). We by contrast, use not speeches
but sounds that are full of action. (἟μεῖς δὲ οὐ λόγοις χρώμεθα, ἀλλὰ φωναῖς μεσταῖς
τ῵ν ἔργων). (CH. XVI, 2).
150
The expression ―sounds full of action‖ may not be literally understood. It simply
refers to the ―efficacy‖ of the Egyptian way of transmitting knowledge. Asclepios is not
debating Egyptian magic or rituals303; rather he critiques Philosophy as a vehicle of
moral instruction. The Egyptian instruction/teaching literature – or sbꜢy.t, ―written
teaching‖ had a different strategy on how to transmit the knowledge. It followed usually
a narrative structure of a monologue spoken by a father to his son - a characteristic also
present in the Corpus Hermeticum.
This aims to the importance of the actual words spoken by the father. Not only is this a
―good‖ discourse because it concerns itself with what people ought to do to live a
balanced life (namely Maat), but the dialogue is presented in accomplished, excellent
way. The spoken words have intrinsic value because truth and justice (Maat) are present
in them. The goals of the spoken words are reached and results in them, at the very
least, lingering in the memory of those who heard them. Egyptian sapient education was
based on hearing the discourse of Maat. To hear it was to let the real meaning of the
words enter one‘s heart. This allowed one to make (if hearing was accomplished) a
perfect copy of what was heard and the capability of reproduction. Note that the
Egyptian verb šdj.t ―to read‖ also meant ―to recite‖. Indeed, as a discourse is written
down, the process of ―reading‖ also implies the combination of ―reciting‖ and
―hearing‖.
In the Old Kingdom, sbꜢy.t was primarily addressed to aristocratic circles. In the
New Kingdom, when a new ―ideal man‖ was presented as being entirely modest with no
material interests, the effect was felt as the literature became popular. The instructions
303
In CH. VII, 7 Hermes mock religious processions and rituals as futile. Indeed Hermes reprehended
Asclepios in ad Ascl. 41 for asking for burning incence while praying to God.
151
embody the pragmatic wisdom of the upper-class Egyptian, and promote the code of the
Old Kingdom nobleman. This nobleman belonged to the wealthy class, initiated the
temple service, was able to read and write, and was part of the administration of
Pharaoh and often were local governors, high priests, and members of court or
Pharaoh's family. The goal here is to transmit vital information concerning Maat by
means of a good example. This example is also a discourse by those who ―know Maat‖.
The Hermetica have a similar objective as they use Hellenistic/Hellenized popular gods
as moral models to inspire their audience. They are written in Greek so that the entire
known world (oikoumene) may have access to them. The Hermetica also used
philosophy since it was a unique way of systematizing moral teachings in a
recognizable way to the Greek/Hellenized mentality. Finally, they tried to transmit
Egyptian moral or the Maat-code in order to achieve the same social, spiritual and
individual order that the sbꜢy.t promoted. As Hermes explained to Tat,
The hearer must be one mind with the speaker, my son, and one spirit as well (Συννοεῖν δεῖ
οὖ τέκνον τὸν ἀκούοντα τῶ λέγοντι, καὶ συμπνέειν); he must have hearing quicker than
the speech of the speaker.(καὶ ὀξυτέρα ἔχειν τὴν ἀκοὴν τῆς τοῦ λέγοντος φωνῆς·). (CH.
X, 17).
However, there are some differences between the Egyptian instructions and
philosophical Hermetica. Egyptian wisdom is ethical, social and engaged with current
life here and now. The Hermetica are individualistic, theological, reflective and invoke
the inner, mystical initiation during life on Earth. They also show an influence from
Dionysian and Orphic traditions. Moreover, Hermetism is ascetical and rejects matter
and the world. According to Fowden:
152
[...] the Hellenized Egyptian wrote in the Greek language, to whose expressiveness he was
sensitive, and thought in Greek categories, whose subtlety he exploited. But once he had
been moulded by that culture, he became first its bearer, then its arbiter. 304
Asclepios explained that translating the Hermetic doctrine to a different system of
teaching created unnecessary complications and misinterpretations. This is because the
use of philosophy takes the attention away from the moral subjects and into a debate
about the use of words as concepts. The translation of abstract Egyptian concepts, such
as ―Maat‖, into Greek language caused abstract Greek concepts to be updated. Since
these Greek and Egyptian concepts were represented as homonyms in Greek language,
they became mixed with Greek abstract concepts.
They also became new aspects of Greek concepts instead of being understood as
original and independent Egyptian concepts. Thus, this passage defines philosophy as
being incapable of producing the correct interpretation of the Egyptian way of thinking.
Egyptian thought had no formal separation between mental and magical operations.305
Therefore, by talking about the power of the sounds made by Egyptian words, the
subject of this criticism is not the Greek language as a symbol of Greek/foreign culture.
What is in debate here is the magic and creative power of what one expresses by words
versus philosophy. Philosophy was not able to produce any kind of transcendental effect
as it was restricted to the use of words for the intellectual interpretation of the meanings
and context of what has been written. According to Lévy-Strauss306, when an image is
transformed into a sign, it assumes an abstract dimension, which can be used to produce
304
G. Fowden. The Egyptian Hermes (Princeton: 1993), p. 73.
For further studies on non-philosophic thoughts and the analysis of the category of causality, see: L.
Lévy-Bruhl, La mentalité primitive. (Paris: 1960). For further analysis of the category of supernatural,
see: L. Lévy-Bruhl, Le surnaturel et la nature dans la mentalité primitive. (Paris: 1963).
306
C. Lévy-Strauss, La pensée sauvage. (Paris: 1962).
305
153
a general thought. A mythical thought, though still connected to images, is capable of
establishing abstract relations, analogies and comparisons. Philosophy creates its own
instruments (hypotheses, theories). Indeed, as a system the Hermetica determined that
without believing – an emotional faculty - it was not possible to know God.
If you are mindful, Asclepius, these things should seem true to you, but they will be beyond
belief if you have no knowledge. (ταῦτα σοι, Ἀσκληπιέ, ἐνοοῦντι, ἀληθῆ δόξειεν,
ἀγνοοῦντι δὲ ἄπιστα.) To understand is to believe, and not to believe is not to understand.
(τὸ γὰρ νοῆσαί ἐστι τὸ πιστεῦσαι, ἀπιστῆσαι δὲ τὸ μὴ νοῆσαι.) Reasoned discourse
does < not > get to the truth, but mind is powerful, and, when it has been guided by reason
up to a point, it has the means to get < as far as > the truth. (ὁ γὰρ λόγος οὐ φθάνει μέχρι
τῆς ἀληθείας, ὁ δὲ νοῦς μέγας ἐστὶ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου μέχρι τινὸς ὁδηγηθεὶς φθάνειν
ἔχει < ἕως > τῆς ἀληθείας). (CH. IX, 10).
This passage subordinates Logos to Nous. As the reason-Logos reflects the
intellectual capacity of Man. Reason produces a discourse that can lead one to the
ultimate understanding of almost everything. However, reason alone cannot be enough
to reach the truth of God. This transcendental truth must be reached by Nous, which
means, by spiritual/moral achievements. This perception of a greater truth beyond the
sensorial capacities also influenced the Neo-Platonism of Iamblichus:
[...] Écoute donc, toi aussi, selon líntelligence des Égytiens (Αἰγσπηίωλ λοῦλ),
línterprétation intellectuelle des symbols, en abandonnand l‘image des elements
symboliques qui vient de l‘imagination et de l‘ouïe, pour t‘élever à la verité intellectuelle
(λοερὰλ ἀιήζεηαλ). (de Mysteriis VII, 2).307
307
S. J. Édouard des Places (transl.), Jamblique – Les Mystères d’Égypte. (Paris: 1989), p.189.
154
In a different sense to what happens in philosophy, there is no opposition between
rational and emotional logics.308 The major problem in translating Egyptian thought into
Greek words is the Greek separation of reason and emotion as two distinct and even
antagonist categories. To the passage above, this was a flaw of Greek idiom and
thought. Thus, Egyptian thought can find some compatibility with Greek philosophy
since it aims to arrange events looking for a sense of order or meaning. It is correct that
the Hermetica presented the antagonism between Egyptian and Greek idioms. However,
the Hermetic discourses in Corpus Hermeticum use the term Logos for two kinds of
speeches: the divine gift of Logos, and the ordinary speech that all humanity utters. The
Hermetic Logos was related to a universal spiritual faculty. It affected all humankind
equally without distinction which was in contrast to animal sounds. The gift of God may
grant one‘s immortality if used correctly. Consequently, regardless of the original
―nation‖ (ἔθνος) of men, they all had the same divine Logos transcending the sensorial
differences of the languages of different civilizations. Hermes and Tat below debate this
point:
The other living things, my father, do they not use speech? (-Τά γὰρ ἄλλα ζῶα λόγῳ οὐ
χρᾶται, ὦ πάτερ;)
No, child, they use only voice, and speech differs greatly from voice. (- Οὔ, τέκνον, ἀλλὰ
φωνῇ· πάμπολυ δὲ διαφέρει λόγος φωνῆς). Speech is common to all people (ὁ μὲν γὰρ
λόγος κοινὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπος), but each kind of living thing has its own voice. (ἰδία
δὲ ἑκάστου φωνή ἐστι γένους ζῴου).
Even among humans, my father, does speech not differ for each nation? (- Ἀλλὰ καὶ τ῵ν
ἀνθρώπων, ὦ πάτερ, ἑκάστον κατὰ ἔθνος διάφορος ὁ λόγος;)
308
On the separation of Logos and Mythos and its impact in the Greek thought, see: Plato, Gorgias
523A; the role of Logos as interpreter of Myths, see: Plutarch, Life of Theseus, I,5; see also: J. –P.
Vernant, Les origines de la pensée grecque. (Paris: 1962), and P. Veyne, Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs
mythes? (Paris: 1983).
155
It is different, my child, but humanity is one (- Διάφορος μὲν, ὦ τέκνον, εἷς δὲ ὁ
ἀνθρώπος·); therefore, speech is also one, when translated it is found to be the same in
Egypt and Persia and Greece.(οὕτω καὶ ὁ λόγος εἱς ἐστι καὶ μεθερμηνεύεται καὶ ὁ αὐτὸς
εὑρίσκεται καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Περσίδι καὶ ἐν ἗λλάδι). My child you seem to me to be
ignorant of the excellence and importance of speech. (δοκεῖς δέ μοι, ὦ τέκνον, ἀγνοεῖν
ἀρετὴν καὶ μέγεθος λόγου). (CH. XII,13).
Hence, the Hermetic Logos has abstract characteristics, which transcend human idioms,
and all ordinary use of words. It was a spiritual counterpart of humankind, capable of
uttering his thoughts into being. It is indeed an aspect of the Father, presented as a gift
to His son. As a Greek concept, it was the mediator per excellence, but not only
between Man and nature/ cosmos/ society... Man uses logos to rule the world, but also
as an intermediary between himself and the Hermetic Nous. Nous is the channel to God.
When an individual decides to search for God, he is able to develop a special special
condition named in the Hermetic context as Nous.
Therefore, in the Hermetic literature, Nous denotes a spiritual faculty or sensibility
rather than intellectual proficiency. It is also used to learn about God, and as a ―tool‖
used to understand the differences between good and evil. It is also responsible for
embedding humankind in two basic categories: those with Nous and those without
Nous.
c) Hermetic gnosis: Man with Nous versus Man without Nous
The Hermetic gnosis was a combination of intellectual (Logos) and sensitive (Nous)
faculties. Those who managed to coordinate intellectual and emotional reasons were
able to reach God‘s truth, or gnosis. The sense of such gnosis is radically different from
that defended by Gnostics and attacked by Plotinus. In Hermetic doctrine, gnosis
156
describes the path of individual salvation. Gnosis309 can be translated as knowledge, but
it also can be understood as ―seeking to know‖ or ―means of knowing‖.
Hence,
―gnosis‖ defines not only intellectual or technical achievements but also moral, thus,
transcendental virtue.
For all learning is incorporeal (πᾶζα γὰρ ἐπηζηήκες ἀζώκαηος), using as instrument the
mind itself, as the mind uses the body. (ὀργάνῳ χρωμένη αὐτῶ τῶ νοΐ, ὁ δὲ νοῦς τῶ
σώματι). (CH. X, 10).
The Hermetic definition of gnosis is comparable to the Egyptian definition of wisdom
and of a wise man, which was not limited to techinal knowledge. A truly wise person
was the one who managed to live according to Maat and transmited its laws to the
subsequent generations.
[...] the wise is a [school] to the nobles. Those who know that he knows will not attack him,
/ No [crime]310 occurs when he is near; / Justice 311 comes to him distilled, / Shaped in the
sayings of the ancestors. / Copy your fathers, your ancestors, / [...] / See, their words endure
in books, / Open, read them, copy their knowledge, / He who is taught becomes skilled.
(The Instruction to Merikare, Linies 33-36).312
The Hermetica explain that there are two kinds of man. One kind is concerned with
his spiritual condition and another concerned with the sensible world. The first is closer
to his spiritual half, the other to his material one. Those which are connected with their
spiritual dimension are instinctively moved to use their Logos to search for God and at
309
See: H.G Liddel, R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon. (Oxford: 1966), p. 355.
―Iyt‖. See: J. Rizzo, ―Iyt: Une conception égyptienne de la fatalité.‖ In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient
n.24 (2001), p.38.
311
Maat. Ibidem.
312 See: A. Gardiner. ―New Literary Works from Ancient Egypt.‖ In: The Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology, 1 (London:1914), p.27. M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature – I: The Old and Middle
Kingdoms. (Berkeley: 2006), p. 99.
310
157
this moment, received the individual‘s Nous. Nous guided virtuous people toward God.
Following Egyptian thought, the Hermetica also assimilate the Nous - here an
equivalent of Sia as the perception of what needs to be done - as the truth of one‘s heart.
Instead, the sensorial faculties, which were heart and mind, could work together to help
man perceive God:
All are sober and gaze with the heart toward one who wishes to be seen, who is neither
heard nor spoken of, and who is seen not with the eyes but with mind and heart. (οὐ γάρ
ἐστιν ἀκουτός, οὐδὲ λεκτός, οὐδὲ ὁρατός ὀφθαλμοῖς, ἀλλὰ νῶ καὶ καρδίᾳ). (CH.VII,
2).
Those who use their Logos strictly to improve the material life - i.e. social prestige,
material prosperity, physical pleasures etc. - are men without Nous. As a result, these
men, regardless of how intelligent or successful they may be, remain ignorant about the
truth of God, since Nous is a spiritual sensibility/ wisdom. Hermes explained that those
men without Nous are potentially susceptible to the actions of demons. The nature of
those demons is not clear in this source. However, in Nag Hammadi Hermetica
313
Asclepios asks Trismegistos about these demons:
Trismegistus, who are these (daimons)?
Asclepius, they are the ones who are called stranglers, and those who roll souls down on the
dirt, and those who scourge them, and those who cast into the water, and those who cast
into the fire, and those who bring about the pains and calamities of men. For these are not
from a divine soul, nor from a rational soul of man. Rather, they are from terrible evil.
(NHH. VI-8, 78, 30-43).
313 Codex VI-8, 78, 30-43. That is the Coptic (fragmentary) version of ad Asclepios. See: J. M.
Robinson (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library. (New York: 1990), p.338; and J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus
Hermeticum-Deutsch II. (Stuttgart- Bad Cannstatt: 1997), p. 562.
158
Hermes explained that a demon (δαίμων) was a soul (ψυχή), and when a soul is full of
evil (κακία), it becomes impossible to reach the air (ἀήρ).314 A soul in such condition
was also addicted to blood and death, and suffering and despair are like aliments to her.
A demon no longer exists as a ―divine soul‖ (θεῖος ψυχή), and it doesn‘t exist as a
reasoned (λογικός) human soul (ψυχή) anymore, but just for an evil existence.315 In the
Latin ad Asclepius Hermes explains that Man may join God or the demons according to
his deeds:
Hence, one who has joined himself to the gods in divine reverence, using the mind that
joins him to the gods, almost attains divinity. And one who has been joined to the demons
attains their condition. [...]Because of this, Asclepius, a human being is a great wonder, [...]
for he changes his nature into god‘s, as if he were a god; he knows the demonic kind
inasmuch as he recognizes that he originated among them; [...] (ad Ascl. 5-6).
It is important here to aknowledge that men without Nous are vulnerable to evil
influences due to their own lack of spiritual concern:
[...] adulteries, murders, assaults on one‘s father, acts of sacrilege and irreverence, suicides
by hanging or falling from a cliff, and all other such works of demons. (μοιχείας, φόνους,
πατροτυπίας, ἱεροσυλίας, ἀσεβείας, ἀγχόνας, κατὰ κρημν῵ν καταφοράς, καὶ ἄλλα
πάντα ὅσα δαιμόνων ἔργα). (CH. IX, 3).
Men without Nous are disconnected from God, so instead of receiving inspiration from
the divine sphere, they are subject to other sources of influence. This passage aims to
explain that evil occurs due to a ―lack of God‖ – actually the absence of Maat/Nous, and
therefore, the incapacity of men to connect with God. It is partially comparable with the
314
See our table 6: Air was the next sphere after Matter in the journey towards God. That means that
demons were confined to the material world as in a ―cage‖. In NHH. VI-8: 76, 28-29 Hermes defined
―Air‖ as the intermediary sphere between Earth and Heaven. Demons can reach Air, but are always
repelled back to Earth by a ―great demon‖ (ⲛⲟⳓ ⲛ̅ⲇⲁⲓⲙⲱⲛ) in charge of judging souls. In the Latin ad
Asclepius 28-29, Hermes explains how this judgment occur.
315
J. Holzhausen, op.cit., p. 562.
159
Egyptian concept of ―iyt‖ (lit. ―what shall happen‖ - in a negative sense). It can be also
translated as ―fate‖, but always with an evil connotation. Rizzo316 defines it as a
―channel‖ that propagates the forces of evil in all possible forms. It is manifested in
different forms including everything from bad luck and physical accidents to
psychological disturbances and death. This force was attracted by various kinds of
behaviour all in opposition to the principles of Maat. This was explained in ―The
teachings of Ptahhotep‖:
The fool who does not hear, / He can do nothing at all ; / He sees knowledge in ignorance,
Usefulness in harmfulness. / He does all that one detests / and is blamed for it each day; /
He lives on that by one dies, / His food is distortion of speech. / His sort is known to the
officials, / Who say: ―A living death each day. / One passes over his doings, / Because of
his many daily troubles.317
This disobedience to Maat, called ―mental deafness‖ by Assmann318 causes the
corrupted person to lose Maat‘s protection. As a result of this process, iyt naturally
assumes the gap left by Maat. That makes iyt a conditional fate – or castigation -, which
only appears as a possibility when Maat is absent.
The Corpus Hermeticum
understands that the only way to praise God was through the virtuous behaviour:
There is but one religion of god, and that is not to be evil. (θρησκεία δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ μία ἐστί,
μὴ εἶναι κακόν). (CH. XII, 23).
In comparison to šꜢy, a neutral relation of cause-effect with the possibility of positive
and negative results, iyt had always maintained a bad connotation. Iyt was a punishment
to human moral corruption. It might affect those who neglected Maat – or in the
316
J. Rizzo, ―Iyt: Une conception égyptienne de la fatalité.‖ In: Egypte, Afrique & Orient n.24 (2001).
“Iyt”. Ibidem, p.36. The Teachings of Ptahhotep, 17, 4-17, 9. See: M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian
Literature – I: The Old and Middle Kingdoms. (Berkeley: 2006), pp.74-75
318
J. Assmann, Ma’at- Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im Altem Ägypten. (München: 1990). See also.
J. Assmann, Maât, l’Égypte pharaonique et l’idée de justice sociale. (Paris: 1989).
317
160
Hermetic terminology, impious people or ―men without Nous‖. As a result, it is suited
to be the Hermetic description of the action of demons, which had a priori power over
all those who were disconnected from God/Maat. Egyptian virtue was the observation
and obedience to mꜢꜥt (maat). This single word was able to cover social, spiritual,
cultural and magical dimensions. MꜢꜥt defines justice, piety, mercy, charity, honesty,
goodness, and it is the ultimate synonym of everything related to the cosmic order, like
friendship, conjugal fidelity, the servant‘s loyalty, the king‘s capacity to defend his
people and territory, the repetition of religious rituals and ceremonies, etc.
MꜢꜥt
connects all things in an indestructible unity including the cosmos and the material
world and society and people were seen as aspects or spheres of the order generated by
mꜢꜥt.
On the other hand, the closest concept the Greeks had for translating mꜢꜥt, was δίκη.
These concepts are emblematic for understanding Egyptian and Greek mentality,
respectively. According to Tobin: ―To maintain, [...], that δίκη in the Greek system is
the equivalent of the Egyptian mꜢꜥt is a mistaken oversimplification.‖319 Both concepts
express the belief of a universal order within the cosmos. Nevertheless, mꜢꜥt was moral
force from the beginning of creation, while δίκη was ―originally amoral, receiving its
moral connotations only as result of later development.‖320 In order to fairly express in
Greek all aspects of mꜢꜥt, it was necessary to use several different concepts, such as
θέμις (law, order), μοῖρα (destine, fate), σοφροσύνη (moderation, self-control), ἀρετή
(virtue, excellence).
319
V. A. Tobin, ―Maꜥat and ΔΘΚΗ: Some Comparative Considerations of Egyptian and Greek Thought.‖
In: JARCE, 24, 1987, pp. 113-121, p. 113.
320
Ibidem, p. 121. For δίθε as regulatory force in the cosmos, see Parmenides, Frag. 8:13. For its
―amorality‖ see: Iliad XVI 433ff and specially XXIV 527-33. In a comparative analysis of this concept in
Aeschylus, plays, ans Plato‘s Republic as well, Tobin says: ―it must be also admitted that (…) moral
implications belong to a later period of Greek thought and are in no way inherent to the original concept
of δίθε.‖ Ibidem, p.115.
161
In the Hermetica Nous – i.e. the key to immortality - is given by God as a prize for
virtuous men. In a similar way, the Ramesside (New kingdom‘s 19th-20th dyn.)
―Instruction of Amenemope‖ praises Maat:
―Maat is a great gift of god, He gives it to whom he wishes.‖ 321
Maat promotes the reproduction of a moral code for cultural behaviour for Egyptian
society. It consolidated the perception of right and wrong, good and evil, moral and
immoral in the Egyptian mentality. Therefore, the Egyptian self-perception as
―Egyptian‖ was connected to Maat, since Maat was the idea of order of the Egyptian
cultural system, or ―Common Sense‖ according to Geertz322. In this sense, one possible
opposition to mꜢꜥ - ―righteousness‖ (lit. having the quality of mꜢꜥt); was isft
323
-
―falsehood‖ – antisocial behaviour: egoism, agressivity, greed, compulsive behaviour,
and fight for power... In short: everything, which menaced a harmonious social
relationship inside a community, granted by Maat‘s prescriptive solidarity between the
stronger and the weaker, the rich and the poor, the wise and the simple minded, etc. Isft
represented an evil force, which manifested itself through human behaviour which
affected human relations. Hermetism has no equivalent to the universal chaos/evil
represented by the Egyptian god Seth. The only mention of evil in the Hermetica
belongs to the individual dimension. In fact, the Corpus Hermeticum defined isft as a
product of the actions of men without Nous. Thus, evil was always a matter of
individual choices:
321
The Instruction to Amenemope XXI, 1; 5, 6. See: M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, - II: The
New Kingdom. (Berkeley: 2006), p.158.
322
C. Geertz, Local Knowledge. (New York: 1983).
323
See: J. Assmann, Ma‘at – Gerechtigkeit und Unterblichkeit im Alten ägypten, (München: 1990),
p.269. In some other instances, the opposition to mꜢꜥt is also achieved with grg (falsehood, lie). Both isft
and grg use as determinative the same small bird – passer domesticus aegyptiacus - (G37, in Gardner‘s
list) meaning ―evil‖, ―injustice‖, ―failure‖, ―sin‖...
162
Grudging envy comes not from on high; it forms below in the souls of people who do not
possess mind. (ὁ γὰρ φθόνος οὐκ ἔνθεν ἔρχεται, κάτω δὲ συνίσταται ταῖς τὸν νοῦν μὴ
ἐχόντων ἀνθρώπων ψυχαῖς). (CH. IV, 3).
Therefore, all individualistic wrongdoing is deemed by Egyptian thought as related
to isft. Individualistic and materialistic behaviours are characteristics of men without
Nous. These are individuals concerned only with their physical/emotional/intellectual
pleasures and ambitions and are living a life without concerns regarding their own
spiritual dimension. The consequences of the absence of Maat are comparable to the
absence of Nous-God in the Hermetica. Both are the cause of suffering, since the
Egyptians had iyt, and the Hermetica the so-called demons. Maat-Nous-God as piety is a
soul‘s attribute. Thus, men without Nous were actually considered spiritually diseased
creatures:
―A great disease of soul is godlessness [...] (νόσος δὲ μεγάλη ψυχῆς ἀθεότης).‖ (CH. XII, 3).
The Hermetic gnosis is the process of recognising one‘s spiritual dimension. It is
about following the path which gives one the necessary moral virtues which one must
follow to become worthy of a connection with God‘s mind. Therefore, all intellectual
achievements would be useless in helping the the Hermetic disciple, if it was not
accompanied by deep moral values. It is the moral transformation which makes an
individual deserve to awaken one‘s own personal Nous. The only way Man can access
this divine sphere is by remembering his true spiritual condition. That happens through
one‘s Nous. To achieve the capacity of coming back to God‘s side, he must
realize/remember his original spiritual condition and set himself free of the material
world. This process of realization/remembering is gnosis in the Hermetic literature.
163
The truth is: light and life is God and Father, whence Man is begotten (Εὖ φῂς λαλ῵ν ·
φ῵ς καὶ ζωή ἐστι ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατήρ, ἐξ οὗ εγένετο ὁ Ἄνθρωπος). If, therefore, you
realise yourself as being life and light and that you have been made out of them, you will
return to life. (ἐὰν οὖν μάθῃς αὐτὸν ἐκ ζωῆς καὶ φωτὸς ὄντα καὶ ὅτι ἐκ τούτων
τυγχάνεις, εἰς ζωὴν πάλιν χωρήσεις)
[...] ‗Let the man endowed with Nous remember
himself‘. (‗ὁ ἔννους ἄνθρωπος ἀναγνωρισάτω ἑαυτόν‘). (CH. I, 21).
The Hermetic gnosis allows the ascension of the soul, and its return to God‘s sphere.
This transcendent virtue of the gnosis can be compared to the Egyptian ḑkꜢ :
I will ascend and rise up to the sky. The magic, which appertains to me is that which is in
my belly. (...) It is not I who says this to you, you gods, it is magic (ḥkꜢ ) who says this to
you, you gods. I am bound for the Lower Point of Magic. (Pyramid Texts, Utterance 539 §1318-1324).324
Following the Hermetic gnosis definition as a moral achievement, ḥkꜢ and mꜢꜥt were
also interconnected:
My tongue is the pilot in charge of the Bark of Righteousness (Maat). [...] The soles of my
feet are the two Barks of Righteousness. (Pyramid Texts
Utterance 539 - § 1306 =
325
1315).
Men are engaged to an endless cycle or living and death, remaining everlastingly
connected to the material world/cosmos.
Do you see how many bodies we mest pass through, my child,
[...] in order to hasten
toward the one and only? (ὁρᾷς, ὦ τέκνον, πόσα ἟μαας δεῖ σώματα διεξελθεῖν,
[...]
ἀστέρων ἵνα πρὸς τὸν ἕνα καὶ μόνον σπευσωμεν ;) For the good is untraversable, infinite
and unending; it is also without beginning, but to us it seems to have a beginning – our
324
325
R. O. Faulkner (transl.), The Ancient Pyramid Texts. (Oxford: 1969).
Ibidem.
164
knowledge of it. (ἀδιάβατον γὰρ τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἀπέραντον καὶ ἀτελές, αὐτῶ δὲ καὶ
ἄναρχον, ἟μῖν δὲ δοκοῦν ἀρχὴν ἔχειν τὴν γν῵σιν). (CH. IV, 8).
The only way to become free of this cycle is to awake their Nous, a spiritual faculty
capable of connecting one‘s soul to God‘s sphere through Nous. A comparison between
Man with Nous and Man without Nous can be seen in the following comparative
scheme:
Table 11: Man with Nous vs. Man without Nous
Man with Nous
Man without Nous
The Egyptian concept of mꜢꜥt is one of the sources of the Hermetic monotheistic
content. This ethics/monotheism embraces all dimensions of the Hermetic worldview
and is present in the sense of gnosis. The Hermetic sense of gnosis is an ethic code
rather than a mysterious anthology of spells and formulas. Hermetism preached that
intellectual development must be always combined with spiritual achievement.
Hence, Logos alone cannot grant immortality to mankind. The ordinary use of Logos
makes Man the ruler of the material world. Its ―other‖ use brings man to Nous and
therefore into contact with God. All those who chose a non-spiritual existence have no
165
Nous. They are directly or indirectly responsible for evil actions and behaviours
throughout the material world. Those who have no Nous are disconnected from the
higher transcendent spheres of existence and therefore, must remain attached to the
Cosmos in the realm of ordinary creation. Conversely, Nous grants immortality to the
truly wise ones, who, after leaving their bodies, may join the Father in His sphere.
2.5 Hermetic receptivity to Egyptian concepts
To the Graeco-Roman civilization, Egypt remained idealised as a land of wisdom. The
so-called Interpretatio Graeca was continuously applied in order to maintain the
syncretistic equivalences between Greek and non-Greek deities. In this environment, the
Egyptian god Thoth – who by this time was particularly popular due to his role as
master of magic – was already identified as the Greek god Hermes. The Egyptian
Hermes received the epithet ―Trismegistos‖, which may have an Egyptian origin. The
figure of Thoth-Hermes Trismegistos also became the allegorical author of a huge
volume of magical and theological treatises. Some of these texts came in the form of
spells and oracles while others were philosophical speeches which were called Hermetic
books, or more simply, the Hermetica.
Nowadays, Hermetic literature is generally divided into two great thematic groups.
They are listed as the so-called theoretical or philosophical Hermetica and the practical
or technical Hermetica. The technical texts explored the relationship of Thoth-Hermes
Trismegistos with magic and included alchemical texts, astrological works, magical
formulae, etc. Nonetheless, they also listed hymns and prayers to the god. On the other
hand, the theoretical or philosophical Hermetica – the subject of this study – are priori
166
theological/philosophical texts aimed at moral teaching, yet also mix their contents with
magical knowledge. Thereby is it correct to assume that there was no formal separation
between technical and philosophical hermetica.
Thus, it is also possible that Hermetists would have, to some extent, used both forms
of text in their studies. Both literary categories established the relationship between
moral merits and magical efficacy. They assumed a theurgy-like aspect, by connecting
moral virtue as a primordial element in the process of communication with the
god/divine sphere as well as for assuring the efficiency of a magician during his
operations. Indeed, it is possible that such a theurgic aspect present in the Hermetica is
connected to Thoth‘s aretalogy. For Thoth was not only the master of all natural and
supernatural knowledge. He was also the defender of Maat – i.e. truth, justice, good, ...,
and was always eager to assist ―virtuous men‖. Thus, a man who receives God‘s
inspiration is able to connect himself with the divine sphere. However, such inspiration
is the result or reward for maintaining a high moral level. In this same sense, Thoth was
not only the master of magic, but also the champion of Maat. Therefore, only those who
are in harmony with Maat deserve Thoth‘s favour.
The composition of the Hermetic philosophical discourses joined a new
mythological universe of gods, cults, and deities that were particularly popular in
Graeco-Roman Egypt. The popularity of Hermes Trismegistos and his allegorical
interlocutors helped the Hermetica assimilate social prestige and relevance, so that
Hermetic mythology could legitimatize a new Hermetic cosmogony. It is a similar
strategy to that adopted by the Gnostic movements. In fact, there are many similarities
between Hermetism and Gnosticism. Both offered a new cosmogony, mythical
characters and defended the gnosis as the unique way to salvage one‘s soul from the
167
material world. They also incorporated Greek philosophical concepts and terminologies
into their doctrines, sometimes actually building new meanings for them.
However, as Plotinus established, Gnosticism was not able to develop a consistent
system of beliefs. It lacked reasonable arguments when their obscure terminology
contradicted the philosophers who developed the concepts they adapted to their own
use. Gnosticism‘s solution for the lacunas and vague explanations was to claim that the
ultimate understanding of their doctrine was a set of progressive and secret magical
formulae, which they called the gnosis. Contrary to the Gnostic principles, Hermetism
developed a cosmogony in accordance with Plato‘s ontology: God, the Cosmos and
Man lived in perfect harmony and the only evil in the universe was created by Man‘s
actions on earth. This Hermetic cosmogony was not reduced to a rip-off of Plato‘s
teachings.
According to Plotinus, the universe is good because it is moved by love. God is the
unique creator, because He is the one who produces souls. The Cosmos was the first
creation and helps Gods by giving material form to life. Hence, he is also described as
Demiurge (i.e. artisan/craftsman). Man was the second creation of God, and received
permission to help creation from the inside. As a result, he interacts directly with nature.
According to the Hermetic doctrine, Man is free, and lives on earth with God‘s
blessings. It is Man‘s purpose on earth to rule over the creation, and to learn about
God‘s love. In doing so, Man uses his divine gift, the Logos. This Logos grants
mankind intellectual supremacy and the ability to recognize God‘s participation in all
abstract and concrete things in the universe. If Man chooses a virtuous life and looks
forward to understanding his own spirituality, then he receives another gift from God:
the Hermetic Nous. This Nous is actually a spiritual sensibility. Only truly virtuous and
168
moral people reach it. As God‘s emanation, Nous is what connects Man with his
Creator. Those persons who nuture their Nous are able to achieve the Hermetic gnosis:
the realisation of one‘s spiritual condition. To those ―men with Nous‖, death is the gate
to returning to their spiritual home, by God‘s sphere. The hermetic doctrine escapes
from the Gnostic stereotypes and avoids such things as mysteries and secrets. Nobody is
predestined for salvation, according to the Hermetic view. Salvation, meaning gnosis, is
reachable for anyone at anytime, despite cultural identities or social status, since he is
truly committed to the Hermetic path.
It is possible to identify Egyptian equivalents for some of the philosophical concepts
in the analysed Hermetica. Hence, there is the possibility of such cosmogony being
somehow connected to the original – yet twice adapted - Egyptian teachings. First, it
was adapted to another idiom, Greek, then adapted a second time to a different
language, philosophy. This study devoted itself to the description and explanation of
Hermetic concepts of Logos, Nous and gnosis. By giving entirely different contexts to
such concepts, their original meanings became susceptible to transformation. Hermetic
cosmogony explains that God created the universe from His Nous. This Nous must be
understood not only as an intellect, but also as His will in a passive sense. The
responsibility for turning this passive will into active condition was the divine Logos –
here understood as the manifestation of God‘s will/ Nous.
This description evokes an Egyptian myth of creation where the heart and utterance of
Re created the world. The Egyptian myth identified Thoth as both the heart and the
tongue of the god Re. He created through his creative speech (or mdw-nṯr,): a
combination of tongue – the manifestation of God‘s will - and heart – God‘s power of
command. When an idea or thought is verbalized, it is materialized through the words.
169
Since this thought becomes part of matter (it was materialized as sound), it assumes a
more intense action. The articulation of a word turns the described object, which
formerly existed only as an idea of the thought, into part of the material reality. The
Egyptian relationship between heart and utterance is essential to understanding the
Hermetic relation between Logos and Nous. Heart and utterance formed the so-called
mdw-nṯr, the divine/creative word, whose efficacy was granted by Maat. According to
this interpretation, the Egyptian concept of sjꜢ (the perception of what must be done) fits
with the Hermetic explanation of the Creative/God‘s Nous.
The Egyptian concept of ḑw (utterance/articulation) fits with the Hermetic sense of
God‘s Logos, the power of manifesting things through the word. Maat is not an
independent element, although it is also present in Hermetic cosmogony in a similar
way to the Egyptian tradition. It the responsibility of Man to assure that he had the right
to receive his Nous from God, as this Nous was a gift given by God only to some
humans with who acted with true moral behavior and pious attitude. A similar process
also occurs with ḑkꜢ (the efficacy of the word). It is not explicitly an element of the
Hermetic cosmogony, however, the purer the heart of the Hermetist (i.e. his association
with Maat), the more efficient would be his magical ability, or more intense his contact
with the divine sphere. Therefore, if mꜢꜥt and ḥkꜢ were once active principles in the
Egyptian tradition, they became passive principles – since they act as consequences – in
the Hermetic tradition.
The following scheme makes these analogies between Egyptian-Hermetic concepts
most clear:
170
Table 12: Egyptian and Hermetic Terminologies
Egyptian
Hermetic Terminology
Comparative Points
Terminology
SjꜢ : Thought/ will of
Nous: God‘s Mind; the will of
Both are divine creative elements.
the
the
God; the creative desire, moved
They are the willpower, albeit passive,
perception of what
by love. In humans, Nous is a
since they are not able to manifest
must be done.
reward for moral and spiritual
themselves
achievements and it is what
connected to one‘s heart.
heart/
alone.
They
are
also
makes contact with God possible.
Ḑw : Utterance.
God’s Logos.
The complementary power and active
principle of creation is in charge of
manifesting the will created in the
heart/Nouse into the material world.
Mdw nṯr : The divine
Logos as the Divine Verb.
It is the capacity of creating thought
through
word.
words.
Willpower
is
condensed by the action of sounds and
produces a physical effect.
Mdw : spoken word.
Different people on earth use different
Logos.
and
idioms,
using
particular
combinations of sounds. Egyptians
believed in the superiority of their
language‘s
sounds.
Hermetists
believed that the power of sounds were
irrelevant in comparison with the
Divine power they represent (the gift
of Logos). In the Hermetica, humans‘
idioms
are
equals
and
exist
in
opposition and in common superiority
to all animal sounds, because these are
―beings without Logos‖.
171
ḐkꜢ : magic, or the
Nous as the degree of spiritual
The more virtuous the being, the more
efficacy
purity/ heart’s purity.
pure his heart and the more effective
of
creative power.
the
Gnosis,
in
its
transcendent
the magic he intends to use.
aspects
MꜢꜥt or Maat
God,
will be his contact with the Divine, or
Man’s
spiritual/moral
A power responsible for the order of
the universe. It is a combination of
commitment, Nous.
physical
Logos, as social order
and
spiritual
harmony
between Man and society, cosmos and
nature. The power which represents
―The Good‖, and in this sense, ―The
Evil‖ is its absence.
ŠꜢy
It
Fate
is
the
neutral
and
amoral
combination of cause-effect, producing
good and bad results according to
one‘s actions.
Isft
Men without Nous (as the cause
It is the antisocial behaviour, which
for the same effect).
disturbs the harmony produced by
Maat/God/God‘s love. It causes society
to suffer due to individualism, greed,
wars, and all other social chaotic/evil
deeds.
Iyt
Demons (as its agents)
The
possibility
of
bad
things
happening as punishment to those
persons disconnected from Maat/ God/
Nous/... Iyt and demons represents the
same power that is ―attracted‖ by ―bad
behaviour‖. However, in the Hermetica
this power is individualised in the form
of demons. The Hermetica are more
particular about this case, since the
172
possibility of humans joining those
decayed humans or demons exists.
SbꜢy.t
Philosophical Hermetica
Both literatures were responsible for
reproducing and transmitting teachings
concerning
moral/Maat
and
its
transcendental implications, in order to
assure individual/ social/ emotional/
spiritual order. Despite using different
languages
and
having
different
receptors and historical background,
they may be classified as similar –
although not in the sense of a lineal
relation of continuity as proposed by
Mahé. 326
Another point of interest is the fact that the Egyptian language distinguished between
written and spoken words. That was not the same in Greek. If the mdw-nṯr, could be
roughly translated as ―hieroglyphs‖ in Greek, it was not possible to explain the
complexity behind those words without using the Greek terms Nous and Logos. The
process of re-contextualizing such terms allowed for a new way of understanding Nous
as the Hermetic Nous and Logos as the Hermetic Logos. The Hermetica recognise
philosophy as a valid method of conveying knowledge/ information. However, it was
clear that the study of philosophy alone would not bring the true Hermetic gnosis. Since
philosophy – and in this instance the philosophical Hermetica - deals with the intellect,
it‘s ―jurisdiction‖ was limited to the Hermetic Logos‘ sphere. To Hermetists, the
Hermetic Logos was a mediator to the Hermetic Nous. This subordination of Logos en
face Nous is necessary to give sense to the Hermetic gnosis as a spiritual experience,
326
J. P. Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Egypte (Quebec: 1978-1982).
173
instead of an intellectual acknowledgement. In order to receive the Hermetic Nous from
God, it was necessary to believe with the heart, rather than to understand with reason. In
this sense, Hermetism may be understood as an intellectual movement, not because it
was aiming at an erudite audience, but because it was an attempt to combine rational
and emotional logic.
The Hermetic Nous was also in charge of deciding on the destiny of Men‘s souls. Those
who had Nous returned to God‘s side. Those without Nous remained chained in a cycle
of birth and death in the material world. A third possibility covered all those who lived
apart from God/Maat, which stated that their souls were consumed by evil. Those evil
souls remained on earth as demons. All of these paths were available to everyone. It was
the intentions and the actions connected to one‘s free will that decided his fate.
The Hermetica defined the demons as a consequence of ―the lack of God‖ and that
they act as punitive tools to those who disregarded their spiritual side. It was possible to
connect the Hermetic vulnerability to the actions of demons with the Egyptian
vulnerability to iyt. However, the idea of someone joining the demons had no Egyptian
precedent. The explanation follows a Greek concept of affinities and is in harmony with
the rest of the corpora as a principle. Since the universe is mental/spiritual (there is no
difference), Man is free to join those who are mentally/spiritually harmonic with him.
When he is truly virtuous and spiritualized, he joins his brothers in the divine sphere. If
he is still too emotionally involved with material existence, he remains caught in the
cycle of life and death. In addition, when he does follow the good principles, which give
order to the universe, he decays as a demon and becomes a prisoner of the material
world. This innovation might be the result of different of influences from Gnostics
beliefs, Judaism-Christianism, and/or other Eastern doctrines. Therefore, it is possible to
174
understand the so-called philosophical Hermetica as a doctrine aiming to teach moral
codes of values. This morality is culturally compatible with the Egyptian definition of
moral covered by the concept of Maat. Still, it is not possible to assume in this study
that such was the pragmatic objective of the Hermetic doctrine. Instead, it is possible to
establish that such was one of the achieved effects of the doctrine‘s composition. Most
of the receptors of the Hermetic discourses were not able to recognize and explain the
concepts of MꜢꜥt, mdw-nṯr, sjꜢ, iyt, etc. Nevertheless, the truehearted Hermetists were,
throughout their lives, deeply committed to the meaning of these concepts without
necessarily being aware of it.
175
3. The Hermetica in Discursive Practices
This chapter aims to understand the phenomenon of Hermetism though the perspective
of its process of reception and reproduction in society. It will explore the phenomenon
that was the transformation of the Hermetica into a social discourse. The so-called
technical and philosophical Hermetica are texts. A text is the result of a production: it is
composed by men, and addressed to men. It is important to consider the intentions and
values present in a text‘s production, and to understand that its process of reception and
reproduction in society are, in fact, complex and dynamic. A text must be viewed as not
being simply a reflection of the society into which it is inserted, but rather as an active
form of social mobilization. After a text‘s production, it is presented to a society where
different groups can participate in its process of reception and reproduction, or ―textual
circularity‖. Then, different interpretations concerning the texts‘ intentions can be
proposed to society throughout the process of debate.
These different groups taking part in the process of the text‘s interpretation
represented different possibilities for the text‘s assimilation (as knowledge to be
understood), and definition (as a phenomenon to be explained). Following this, one or
more groups in society can use its/their symbolic power in order to propose/impose
what Bourdieu327 defined as consensus, or social order concerning social integration.
This process establishes what the general knowledge calls ―sense of order/normality‖ in
the social dimension.
327
P. Bourdieu, Le Sens Pratique. (Paris: 1980). See also: P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power.
(Harvard: 1991).
176
Symbolic systems are also utilized as instruments for the legitimacy of ideologies,
aiming to assure the domination of one social group over another. By approaching the
engagement of social groups in the process of significance with regards to the Hermetic
phenomenon, this chapter establishes a debate on how the Hermetica as literary source
could become part of the social discourse regarding antagonist worldviews. Therefore,
this chapter will discuss the relationship between the so-called technical and
philosophical328 Hermetica, and their interpretations by respective groups of receptors in
society.
3.1 Groups of Reception and Interpretation
It has already been explained that there was no known attempt to organise this literature
into a canon - as a codification for the Hermetic doctrine. However, private
libraries/collections could compose different anthologies of Hermetic treatises, and
consequently promote a thematic/partial selection of those texts. For the
audience/readers/receptors of such literature was/were free to select them according to
individual preferences for specific topics. To call the producer and receptor as
Hermetists could be useful didactically; however, it must be clear that Hermeticism was
by no means a way of self-perception.
It is not possible nowadays to achieve any accord about how the so-called technical
and philosophical Hermetic literatures were used. Distinct groups with specific interests
could produce new interpretations for Hermetic treatises and proposals for its own use
as well. Questions concerning inconsistencies and/ or lacunas were most simply solved
328
Definitions proposed by Festugière in order to separate Hermetic texts with more enfasis on astrology,
magic, alchemy , and other esoteric affairs, from those he classified as more connected to theologic and
philosophic digressions. See: A.-J. Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste. (Paris: 1944-54).
177
by admitting that the text was an imperfect translation of a lost Egyptian original.
Moreover, the debate on Hermetic treatises never ceased, so those lacunas could be
―explained‖ by interpretations promoted by the debate between Hermetica and other
sources, such as Philosophy in some Hermetist circles. It is clear that different uses of
Hermetica could produce different interpretations for this literature.
As a result, it is necessary to compare some distinct processes of appropriation of the
Hermetic literature and its respective interpretation as social proposals aiming at
respective social groups. Each group promotes a specific relationship with the texts,
since they offer different social contexts and perspectives of how to interact with the
Hermetica. Therefore, in this study, the term ―Hermetist‖ is a generic term used to
define all those who took part in the process of production, reception and circulation of
Hermetic texts. So, a priori, in Graeco-Roman Egypt, a Hermetist could belong to any
social category, with any cultural identity and hold any number of possible political/
ideological/ religious inclinations.
3.1.1 Hermetic Mysticism and Gnostics
―Gnostics‖ were defined by the words of Plotinus as esoteric/magic multifaceted
groups with several variant doctrines. They labeled the world as an evil place and
claimed that learning a secret knowledge (or gnosis) was the unique form of escaping
from it. There were pagan and Christian Gnostic groups as well, and due to the lack of
formal codification, both currents were able to use each other‘s concepts and literature.
It is not impossible that Hermetism had different degrees of influence over different
Gnostic sects. Indeed, there is a sixth-century reference regarding Valentinian Gnostic
178
cult called the ―Hermaoi‖.329 The contact of Gnostics with Hermetic authors is not
discarded, nor is the possibility of some degree of mutual influences between
Christian/Pagan Gnosticism and Hermetism.330
3.1.1.1
On Gnostic/Hermetic communities
The Gnostic community at Nag Hammadi used Hermetic treatises as part of their
sources. Gnostic adepts and doctrines used to exchange knowledge with one another
and also took information from external beliefs, traditions, etc. The Hermetic treatises
were no exception for the Gnostic usages of external sources in their systems. The
Gnostic library of a community at Nag Hammadi is a good example of it.331 Among the
Hermetic texts found at Nag Hammadi, there was a previously unknown discourse,
which depicts the protagonists of the Hermetica living in a Gnostic-like environment.
The Nag Hammadi Hermetica portrayed a specific social reality. In these texts, it is
possible to confirm the existence of another way of reception of the Hermetic texts: the
communal study of a group/fraternity/confrary.332 That style of Hermetic dialogue was
totally new, since, in comparison, the anthology called the Corpus Hermeticum had two
protagonists: the master and the disciple, and in ad Aslcepius, Hermes teaches Asclepius
along with Tat and Ammon.
329
See: G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p. 173, n.72: ―Tim. Const., Haer., 17b; and
Marc. Anc., Eccl. 6, mentioning ―the followers of Hermes and Seleucus‖ in a list of Gnostics and other
heretics […].‖
330
For a specific case study on Poimandres, See: J. Büchli, Der Poimandres, ein paganisiertes
Evangelium. (Tübingen: 1987).
331
The collection of books contains religious and Hermetic texts, works of moral maxims, Apocryphal
texts, and a rewriting of Plato‘s Republic.
332
Reizenstein held that Hermetists could have lived in Gnostic-like ―Hermetic communities‖, while
Festugière was against such theory See: R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres - Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen
und frühchristlichen Literatur, (Leipzig: 1904), p. 248. Festugière`s argument against that theory: A.-J.
Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste I. (Paris: 1944), pp.81-4.
179
In the Hermetica from the Nag Hammadi Library, Hermes encourages Tat to teach
others, and the discourse reveals the existence of many others spiritual sons who were
also educated by Hermes.
After I had received the spirit through the power, I set forth the action for you. Indeed the
understanding dwells in you; in me (it is) as though the power were pregnant. For I when
conceived from the fountain that flowed to me, I gave birth)
My father, you have spoken every word well to me. But I am amazed at this statement that
you have just made. For you said ―The power is in me‖
He said, ―I gave birth to it (the power), as children are born.
Then my father, I have many brothers, if I am to be numbered among the offspring.
Right, my son! [...]. (NHH. VI-6 52, 6-7).
After the instruction, follows a ceremonial kiss/embrace:333
―Let us embrace each other affectionately, my son.‖ (NHH. VI-6 57,26).
Furthermore, it follows a prayer with Hermes, Tat, and Tat‘s spiritual brothers.
My father, begin the discourse on the eighth and the ninth, and include me also with my
brothers.
Let us pray, my son, to the father of the universe, with your brothers who are my sons, that
he may give the spirit of eloquence. (NHH. VI-6 53, 25-31).
There is a passage on holy aliments that were ―without blood‖ and that concerned a
ceremonial banquet:
When they said these things in the prayer, they embraced each other and they went to eat
their holy food, which no blood in it. (NHH. VI-7, 5-7).
333
334
See: M. Krause, ―Der Stand der Veröffentlichung der Nag Hammadi-Texte‖. In: U. Bianchi (ed.), Le
Originni dello Gnosticismo – Colloquio di Messina, 13-18 Aprile 1966. (Leiden: 1967), pp.87. ―Lasst uns
einander küssen (ἀζπάδεζζαη).‖ This ceremonial kiss and prayer are repeated in Codex VI-7, 65 3f. See
also: J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II. (Stuttgart- Bad Cannstatt:: 1997), pp.518; and
J. M. Robinson (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library. (New York: 1990). This ceremonial kiss is repeated in
VI-7, 65, 5 and note that both in Robinson‘s and Holzhausen‘s text, the translation for ἀζπάδεζζαη is to
embrace / umarmen, instead of to kiss.
334
M. Krause op.cit., p. 80, excerpt from Codex VI-7, 65 5-7: ―Als sie das gesagt hatten, indem sie
beteten, küssten sie einander und gingen, um ihre heilige Nahrung zu essen, in der kein Blut ist.‖ Note
that vegetarianism was also a norm of Pythagorean communities, and that blood in aliments was also part
180
The possibility of the existence of several other religious/esoteric communities using
or even producing Hermetic texts is not discarded. According to Quispel, such Hermetic
communities or associations may have existed under a structure similar to that of the
former Classical mystery religions:
[...] it has become certain that the Hermetic Gnosis was routed in a secret society in
Alexandria, a sort of Masonic lodge, with certain rites like a kiss of peace, a baptism of
rebirth in the spirit and a sacred meal of the brethren. It started with the astrologic lore
contained in works like the Hermetic Panaretos, of the second century before the beginning
of the Common Era.
[...] Greeks, Egyptians, and Jews were members of the Hermetic
lodge and unanimously contributed their specific traditions to the common views. Christian
influences, however, are completely absent. 335
It is certain that Hermetism projected no organised cult, with priests, sacrifices,
processions and the like. Nevertheless, the Hermetic texts of Nag Hammadi suggest the
existence of small Hermetic communities, or groups, in which individual experiences
and insights were collectively celebrated with rituals, hymns and prayers. Despite the
dispute concerning whether or not Hermetists were socially organised or how that
organisation was structured, it is important to note that there were no formal
recommendations found in any part of the Hermetic doctrine concerning social
organisation.
Nevertheless,
the
existence
of
more
formally
organised
Hermetic
communities/associations will also ―produce‖ its own Hermetic discourses in order to
promote symbolic legitimacy and regulation of the group‘s social consensus. This
of a social-religious taboo in Judaism. See also: J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II.
(Stuttgart- Bad Cannstatt: 1997), p. 537; and: K. –W. Tröger, Mysterienglaube und Gnosis in Corpus
Hermeticum XIII. (Berlin: 1971), pp. 121, 133-4.
335
G. Quispel: ―The Asclepius‖. In : R. Van den Broek, W.J.Hanegraaff, W.J, Gnosis and Hermeticism,
(New York: 1998), p. 74.
181
means that the Hermetic texts influenced the development of specific social
organizations, and/or helped support them symbolically. Another dimension of that
influence can be found in the indirect presence of Hermetic elements in non-Hermetic
literary sources.
3.1.1.2
Christian Mysticism and Hermetism
In Egypt, early Christians were part of the Jewish community of Alexandria before
Emperor Trajan‘s extirpation of the Jews of Alexandria after the war with the Jews in
115-117 A.D.336 Their development was distinct from Christianity's development in
Rome, Syria and elsewhere. Coptic was developed as a language used in translating the
Christian and Old Testament books from Greek into a language for Egyptian use, and
Christianity and Gnosticism - growing out of Jewish origins separately from
Christianity - came closely together for a period. According to Parson337, it was during
this period that some Christian leaders adopted some elements of Gnostic mysticism in
their development of Christianity before separating permanently.
In the Gospel of St. John, composed in ca. 100 A.D, it is written:
In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God./ He
was in the beginning with God./ All things were made through Him, and without Him
nothing was made./ In Him was the light of men./ And the light shines in the darkness, and
the darkness did not comprehend it. (John, 1, 1-5).
336
See: G. Alon, The Jews in their land in the Talmudic age. (Harvard: 1980), M. Pucci, La rivolta
Ebraica al tempo di Traiano. (Pisa: 1981 ).
337
B. A. Pearson, Gnosticism and Christianity in Roman and Coptic Egypt - Studies in Antiquity and
Christianity. (New York: 2004),
182
Here, Christ is depicted as the Word of God, having been united with him since the
moment of the Creation. The ―second God‖ or ―Logos‖ was the glory of God sent to
enlighten men. To Christians, the ―Logos‖ is Christ. It is the unique Son of God the
Father, who was incarnated as Jesus and is revealed though the Holy Spirit of the
Father. Jesus Christ ascends to the Father so that this Holy Spirit may descend upon the
faithful. In the Gospel of John, the Hermetic notion of ‗Man-with-Nous‘ is present as
the gift of God by virtue of the Son, who is called ―the Word-Logos‖. This gift is
presented as the grace of the Holy Spirit enabling the soul to participate in the Divine
life of the energies that radiate from the Divine Trinity.
Then, Christians formed a triad whose representation is as follows:
Table 13: The Christian Trinity
a) God the Father is the divine principle of
existence. He is the good, heavenly and unique
principle of absoluteness and transcendence.
b) God the Son is the divine Word, Logos and
Mind, represented by Christ. The unique
divine and human son of the heavenly Father
(i.e. - The Christ), who, as ―logos‖, creates the
universe and, as Saviour, mediates between
humanity and the Father.
c) God the Holy Spirit is the Divine gift and
comforter. The love between Father and the
Son sets an example, is a comforter and a
spiritual guide for Christians to return to the
―house of the Father‖.
183
In its Neo-Platonic form, this structure was used by the theologians of Constantine,
to form the Nicene Trinitarian concept of the ―One God‖, which is still the cornerstone
of the contemporary Catholic concept of God.338
As pointed out in the last chapter, the relationship of God‘s creative Logos/Word and
the divine pre-existence of three spiritual spheres of existence are part of the Hermetic
Cosmogony, and therefore is present in the Corpus Hermeticum:
Because the demiurge has created the whole world not with his hand but with the Word,
conceive Him then as present and always existing, who made it all being one-alone
[...].
(CH. IV, 1).
In Hermetism, God is unbegotten while God‘s Mind/Nous and Logos are selfbegotten. The combination of these three elements created the universe with a ―holy
word‖. It was explained in the last chapter that the Hermetic Demiurge was responsible
for giving forms to the creation, and that he was a brother and equal to the Hermetic
Man. The Hermetic Man is the son of God, as Poimandres explained, for he came
directly from God‘s Intellect/Will/Nous.
In order to offer a comparison to the Christian Trinity, a Hermetic triad can be reads as
follows:
338
See: J. Danielou, Gospel Message and Hellenistic Culture: A History of Early Christian Doctrine
before the Council of Nicea, Vol. 2. (London: 1973), B. A. Pearson, Gnosticism and Christianity in
Roman and Coptic Egypt - Studies in Antiquity and Christianity. (New York: 2004), and : B. A. Pearson,
Gnosticism, Judaism, and Egyptian Christianity. (Minneapolis: 2006).
184
Table 14: The Hermetic ‗Trinity‘
a) God, the Unbegoten/ the Father, is the
essence and source of Life, Soul, Good, Joy...
He is also the tenth sphere of existence.
b) Nous, God’s Will/Mind, is self-begotten
and represents the ninth sphere of existence.
c) Logos, the Holy Word, is begotten for it
is an emanation from Nous. It is the eighth
sphere of existence and through its action, all
other spheres came into being. Therefore, it
remains above all other seven Governors of
the
Seven
spheres
ruling
the
material/sensitive world.
3.1.1.2.1 St. Paul as Hermes
St. Paul offers a Christian version of Hermetic/Neo-Platonic principles by defining the
duality of human nature: material/natural and spiritual:
And so it is written, ―the first man Adam became a living being.‖ The last Adam became a
life-giving spirit./ However, the spiritual is not first, but the natural and afterward spiritual./
The first man was of earth, made of dust; the second Man is the Lord of heaven./ As was
the man of dust, so also are those who are made of dust; and as is the heavingly Man, so
also are those who are heavenly./ and we are borne the image of the man of dust, we shall
also bear the image of the heavenly man. (I Corinthians, 15, 45-49).
Such duality is also allegorically present in both Hermes and Christ`s ―part-manpart-god‖ status. Following this analogy, while a Hermetist received the divine gift of
Nous and the gnosis, as described by the ecstatic experience of Hermes in Poimandres,
185
Paul received ―the spirit from Christ‖ in a vision portraying a Gnostic-like experience of
enlightening (Acts 9, 1-9).
―As he journeyed he came near Damascus, and suddenly a light shone around him from heaven. [...]‖
(Acts 9, 3).
In this case, Paul who was travelling heard the voice of Jesus Christ, but his
companions could not hear or see anyone. Paul was in such ecstasy with his experience
that he became blind, and did not eat or drink anything for the next three days (Acts 9,
9).
The splendour of this vision of God is also described and commented on by Hermes
to Tat:
You have filled us with a vision, father, which is good and very beautiful, and my mind‘s
eye is almost {blinded} in such vision.
Yes, but the vision of the good is not as the ray of the sun which, because it is fiery, dazzles
the eyes with light and makes them shut. On the contrary, it illuminates to the extent that
one capable of receiving the influence of intellectual splendour can receive it. It probes
more sharply, but it does no harm, and it is full of immortality./ Those able to drink
somewhat more deeply of the vision often fall asleep, moving out of the body toward a
sight most fair, [...]. (CH. X, 4-5).
It is possible to approach a comparison of Christian and Hermetic elements in this
narrative by using the isotopic method. According to Greimas339, this method is the
search for a ―unique reading‖. It makes possible the identification of redundant semantic
categories, which allows a uniform reading of the narrative and solves its ambiguities.
339
A. J. Greimas, Du sens. Essais sémiotiques. (Paris : 1970), p. 188.
186
In the following scheme, the similarities between Hermetic and Christian narratives
will be explored thematically:
Table 15: The visions of God by Paul and Hermes340
Thematic field A:
Figurative elements that justify the thematic elements:
Thematic
elements:
―Suddenly a light shone around him from heaven.‖ (Acts 9, 3).
God is manifested ―It illuminates to the extent that one capable of receiving the influence
a of intellectual splendour can receive it. (CH. X, 4-5).
through
magnificent
bright
light.
Thematic field B:
Figurative elements that justify the thematic elements:
Thematic
elements:
―You have filled us with a vision, father, which is good and very
The vision of this
beautiful, and my mind‘s eye is almost {blinded} in such vision.‖ (CH.
X, 4-5).
wonderful light is an
experience
leads
a
which ―He became blind, and neither ate nor drank nothing for the next three
common
person to Ecstasy.
days‖ (Acts 9, 9).
―Those able to drink somewhat more deeply of the vision often fall
asleep, moving out of the body toward a sight most fair, (...)‖ (CH. X,
4-5).
Further understanding of the initiatory character of the visionary experience of
apprehension of divine Nous is provided in the Hermetica by the Nag Hammadi tractate
The Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth. This text enriches understanding of the rebirth
340
Ibidem.
187
which was widely discussed in the dialogue of Nous and Hermes in Corpus Hermeticum
XI.
Consider this for yourself: command your soul to travel to India, and it will be there faster
than your command. Command it to cross over to the ocean, and again it will quickly be
there, [...]. Command it even to fly up to heaven, and it will not lack wings.
[...] But if you
shut your soul up into the body and abase it and say, ―I understand nothing, I can do
nothing; I fear the sea, I cannot go up to heaven [...]‖, then what have you to do with God?
(CH. XI, 19-21).
In the Nag Hammadi text, Hermes Trismegistos is described as successfully utilizing
the technique taught by Nous before he guides his son in the same practice in detail.
Having interpreted the image in a spiritual manner, Hermes concluded that a divine
Mind had fashioned the image within his soul and he achieved an experience of
communion with the Mind that he postulated:341
I [am Mind and] I see another Mind, the one that [moves] the soul! I see the one that moves
me from pure forgetfulness. You give me power! I see myself! I want to speak! Fear
restrains me. I have found the beginning of the power that is above all powers, the one that
has no beginning. I see a fountain bubbling with life. I have said, my son, that I am Mind. I
have seen! Language is not able to reveal this. For the entire eighth, my son, and the souls
that are in it, and the angels, sing a hymn in silence. And I, Mind, understand. (NHH. VI-6,
58-59).
It is important to observe that the Christian narrative – i.e. the case of Paul - the ecstatic
experience of contemplation of God did not turn him into another Logos - i.e. another
Jesus. On the other hand, the Hermetic interpretation of Gnosis would have depicted
him as being one with Logos and Nous, since he would have transcended the seven
341
E. H. Pagels, The Gnostic Gospels. (New York: 1979), 136-7.
188
material spheres - i.e. he would have become another Hermes. In fact, note also that in
Acts, there is a mention of Paul being mistaken as Hermes - due to his divine Logos - by
the Lycaonians, after performing a healing miracle:
[a]nd in Lystra a certain man without strength in his feet was sitting, a cripple from his
mother‘s womb, who has never walked./This man heard Paul speaking. Paul, observing him
intently and seeing that he had faith to be healed,/ Said with a loud voice, ―Stand up straight
on your feet!‖ And he leaped and walked./ Now when the people saw what Paul had done,
they raised their voices, saying in the Lycaonian language, ―The gods have come down to
us in the likeness of men!‖/ and Barnabas they called Zeus, and Paul, Hermes, because he
was the chief speaker.(Acts 14, 8-12).
A semiotic analysis of this passage allows an inter-textual comparison between this
Christian narrative and possible Egyptian and Hermetic references. The following
analysis will not reproduce the entire model proposed by Todorov342, restraining the
work to the five verbal categories or sequence of events. Thus, following the formal
sequence of Todorov‘s analysis, it is possible to resume the narrative on Paul as
follows:
a) Initial situation: Paul is speaking to some Lycaonians (preaching the Gospel).
b) Perturbation of the initial situation: Paul notes a specific man in the mob as
being a cripple.
c) Crisis: Then he decides to perform a miracle before the people of Lystra by
healing that man.
d) Intervention in the crisis: Paul realises that the crippled Lycaonian have
enough faith for the miracle to occur.
342
T. Todorov, Littérature et signification. (Paris: 1967).
189
e) New balance of the situation: Paul orders the miracle with his Logos and the
Lycaonian is healed. This leads to an adapted version of the initial situation,
since the Lycaonians mistake Paul as Hermes.
The elements present in this process of achieving a miracle are analogous to the
Egyptian/Hermetic ones analysed in the former chapter.
- In ―b-c‖ sjꜢ - Nous tells Paul/Thoth-Hermes that he must help the cripple in the mob.
- In ―d‖ ḑkꜢ it is manifested through the observation of the ―faith‖ of the crippled. This
ḑekꜢ is also the moral virtue characteristic in the Hermetic sense of ―Man with Nous‖
and as ḑkꜢ does, it is directly responsible for the effectiveness behind Paul‘s Logos.
- Then, in ―e‖ Paul utters his will using ḑw - God‘s creative Logos. As the miracle
happened, he was acclaimed by the mob as Hermes in ―e‖. Logos and Nous are here
combined in the same way as the Egyptian/Hermetic theurgic principles correlating
moral merit and magical efficiency.
3.1.2 Philosophical Hermetica and Christian Thought
Christianism started in a poor and remote Roman province and was a small branch of
Judaism. When it split from Judaism as an independent religion, it first grew in
popularity among slaves and poor segments of the population and faced many periods
of political persecution. However, in just few centuries it was already consolidated as
the official religion of the Roman Empire, and also of its neighbours Ethiopia and
190
Armenia.343 Such rapid growth produced diversity in the interpretations of this religion.
Therefore, it was necessary to develop some epistemology to codify the beliefs and also
to promote a unified position against rivals such the pagan religions and Christian
divergent sects – or heretics.344 This process of codification was deeply based in the
debate between Christian ideology and philosophic systems, whose authors were not
necessarily exclusive Christians, but could be interpreted in a favourable sense.
Origen (2nd/3rd centuries A.D) and Augustine of Hippo (4th/5th centuries A.D) are
good examples of this ―Christian intellectual war‖ on paganism and heresies.345 On the
other hand, Porphyry of Tyre in Contra Christianos criticizes Origen‘s appropriation of
Greek allegorical methods of interpretation to explain the Jewish scriptures.346 Indeed,
in the late 4th century A.D Emperor Julian - called ―the Apostate‖ by Christians attempted to remove some of the power of the Christian schools, which, during this time
and following time periods, used ancient Greek literature in their teachings, in an effort
to present the Christian religion as superior to paganism.347 We know that Tertullian,
Cyrill and Augustin were reading Hermetic texts, collections and/or anthologies. They
rejected its Paganism, but noted that similarities could be found within their theology.
The early Christian Fathers went as far as to quote the Hermetic texts in their campaign
against heresies.
343
See: J. L. González, The Story of Christianity: Vol. 1: The Early Church to the Reformation. (San
Francisco: 1984).
344
In fact, the heresies were deemed as the greatest threat to Christianism, since different Christian sects
promoted independent efforts of evangelization (especially among the belligerent Germanic tribes),
spreading their heresies and the ideological conflict .
345
Against the popular cults of Isis, Mithra and Cybele, see Augustin‘s City of God VII, 23-26.
346
Cf. Porphyry, Contra Christianos, Frag. 39.
347
See: G.W. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate. (London: 1978), and W. Hamilton (ed. and transl.),
Ammianus Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire (A.D. 354-378). (New York: 1986).
191
During the late 2nd century A.D, Clement of Alexandria differentiated between
Greeks and Christians, accusing the Greeks of atheism348 in his ―Exhortation to the
Greeks‖ ( II, 20p). He claimed that the pagan gods were nothing but divinised ancient
men – thus, fake gods. With regards to Hermes and Asclepius specifically, he says:
A countless host, all mortal and perishable men, who have been called by similar names to
the deities we have just mentioned. And what if I were to tell you of the many gods named
349
Asclepius, or every Hermes that is enumerated [...]. (Exhortation to the Greeks, II, 25p).
In early 3rd century A.D, Clement wrote in the Stromata that the Theban priests were
reputed astronomers and philosophers350, but that Egyptians had a different and
particular philosophy, deeply based in their religion351. This association between ThothHermes and the so-called technical Hermetica is also reproduced in Clement‘s
description of an Egyptian procession in which priests of different ranks hold different
sorts of Hermetic Books:
―a) Hymns to the gods (1Book).
b) Account of the king's life (1 Book).
c) The astrological books (4 Books)
- on the ordering of the fixed stars;
- on the position of the sun, the moon and the five planets;
- on the conjunctions and phases of the sun and the moon;
- on the times when the stars rise.
d) The hieroglyphic books (10 Books), on cosmography and geography, Egypt and the Nile, the
construction of temples, the lands dedicated to the temples, and provisions and utensils for the
temples.
348
Note that Clement established ―Greek‖as opposition to ―Christian‖. On atheism, see: A.B.
Drachmann, Atheism in Pagan Antiquity. (London: 1922). According to the author, the concept of
atheism in late Antiquity was not the denying of the existence of gods. It was rather an attempt to
approach this subject with philosophical argumentation, in opposition to most of the popular ideas
concerning them.
349
G.W. Butterworth (transl.) Clement of Alexandria – Exhortation to the Greeks - Loeb Classical
Library (London: 1968). II 24P-32P. His arguments included Ares, Asclepius, Poseidon, Apollo, Zeus,
the Muses, the mysteries, and other Heathen practises.
350
Cf. Stromata XVII. 1, 46.
351
Ibidem, VI. 4, 35, 2-3.
192
e) Books on education and the art of sacrifice (10 Books), dealing in particular with sacrifices, (...),
hymns, prayers, processions and feasts.
f) The hieratic books (10 Books), on laws, the gods and the whole of priestly training.
g) The medical books (6 Books)
- on the construction of the body;
- on diseases;
- on organs;
- on drugs;
- on diseases of the eyes;
- on the diseases of woman. (Stromata, VI, 4, 35, 2-3)‖352
According to Frankfurter, Clement‘s view of Egyptian priests was stylized and
condensed to some essential facts. The author says:
The overall function of the priesthood was indeed the ordered preservation of the cosmos –
earth, society, sky, gods – through the performance of rituals. These rituals were distributed
throughout the calendar and set down in texts (...). Thus the books with their sacred writing
quite literally constituted the preservation of the cosmos: as the books set it down, so the
priests performed or uttered, and so the cosmos continued according to Ma‗at, order.353
Clement seem to be more concerned with the association between Thoth-Hermes and
magical, medicinal and astrological knowledge – i.e. the so-called Technical Hermetica.
His representation of Egyptian Liturgy was actually a demonstration of Egyptian
knowledge such as anatomy, geography, healing, etc. Clement recognised that a
different philosophy emerged from this combination of literatures. This ―different
philosophy‖ of the Egyptians was also present as a whole in the early Christian effort of
debating the canon of beliefs for their religious doctrine.
352
This resume regarding Clement‘s description of the so-called 42 Books of Egyptian wisdom is adapted
from: G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), pp. 58-9.
353
D. Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance. (Princeton: 1998), p. 240.
193
3.1.2.1
Tertullian of Carthage as a Hermetist
The Hermetic doctrine was a useful source for the so-called Patristica Latina. Some
principles in Tertullian‘s thought are deeply based or influenced by his debate with the
Hermetic doctrine – among other philosophic schools and traditions.
a) The true Gnosis came from God alone and cannot be taught
In his tractate against Gnostics (early 3rd century A.D), Tertullian called ―Mercurius
Trismegistus‖, the father of all natural sciences/ occultism354. In his work de Anima he
declared that true knowledge cannot be taught, but can only be given by God:
Of course we shall not deny that philosophers have sometimes thought the same things as
ourselves. The testimony of truth is the issue thereof.
[...] In nature, however, most
conclusions are suggested, as it were, by that common intelligence wherewith God has been
pleased to endow the soul of man. This intelligence has been caught up by philosophy, and,
with the view of glorifying her own art, has been inflated (it is not to be wondered at that I
use this language) with straining after that facility of language which is practised in the
building up and pulling down of everything, and which has greater aptitude for persuading
men by speaking than by teaching.
[...]She thought, no doubt, that she was deriving her
mysteries from sacred sources, as men deem them, because in ancient times most authors
were supposed to be (I will not say godlike, but) actually gods: as, for instance, the
Egyptian Mercury, to whom Plato355 paid very great deference; [...]. (De Anima II, 1-3).
Such position was indeed in agreement with the Hermetic doctrine:
The virtue of soul, [...], is knowledge; for one who knows is goodand reverent and already
divine.
[...] There are senses in all things that are because they cannot exist without them –
yet knowledge differs greatly from sensation; for sensation comes when the object prevails,
while knowledge is the goal of learning, and learning is a gift from God.‖ (CH. X, 9).
354
Adversus Valentinianos XV, 1. On the matter of ―magister omnium physicorum‖, see comments in : J.
–C. Fredouille (transl.) Tertullien: Contra les Valentiniens. Tome II (Paris: 1980), pp. 280-1. It is not very
clear if physicorum is used here as an allusion to the wisdom of nature of the world hence physicus would
be used in the ancient sense of θσζηθός - , or if it was connected to the Hellenistic sense of expertise in
occultism. In fact, both interpretations fit with the general knowledge concerning Hermes Trismegistos.
355
Cf. Phaedrus C. LIX; Augustin City of God VIII,11; Euseb. Praep. Evang. IX, 3.
194
b) The connection between heart and soul
Tertullian also agreed with the Hermetic doctrine by identifying the heart as the core of
the soul‘s energy:
Whether there be in the soul some supreme principle of vitality and intelligence [...] as the
Egyptians have always taught, especially such of them as were accounted the expounders of
sacred truths in accordance, too, with that verse of Orpheus or Empedocles: ―Man has his
(supreme) sensation in the blood around his heart. (De Anima, XV, 1-5).
For Hermes also said that the heart is responsible for discerning God.356
Look up with the eyes of the heart [...]. Then seek a guide to take you by the hand and lead
you to the portals of knowledge. [...] All are sober and gaze with the heart toward one who
wishes to be seen, who is neither heard nor spoken of, who is seen not with the eyes but
with mind and heart. (CH. VII, 1-3).
c) On the human soul’s nature
In his understanding of the human soul, he denied the Pythagorean and Hermetic
principles of reincarnation357 and the pre-existence of a human soul:358
What, then, by this time means that ancient saying, mentioned by Plato, concerning the
reciprocal migration of souls; how they remove hence and go thither, and then return hither
and pass through life, and then again depart from this life, and afterwards become alive
from the dead? Some will have it that this is a saying of Pythagoras; Albinus supposes it to
be a divine announcement, perhaps of the Egyptian Mercury. (De Anima XXVIII, 1).
356
The spiritual role played by the heart was already shown in the Egyptian history. However, it must be
clear that to Graeco-Roman general knowledge, the Hermetic doctrine was indeed the translation of pure
Egyptian traditions.
357
In Corpus Hermeticum IV, 8, reincarnation is mentioned as being necessary to the process of allowing
Man to achieve the perfection of his soul.
358
On the other hand, the Neo-Platonist and Christian apologist Origen believed in the pre-existence of
Soul. Cf.: De Principiis I. 2,10; I. 7,4; II. 9, 1.
195
Tertullian‘s account of the destiny of the human soul after death is quoted directly from
the Corpus Hermeticum:
I must here also remark, that if souls undergo a transformation, they will actually not be
able to accomplish and experience the destinies which they shall deserve; and the aim and
purpose of judicial recompense will be brought to nought, as there will be wanting the
sense and consciousness of merit and retribution. And there must be this want of
consciousness, if souls lose their condition; and there must ensue this loss, if they do not
continue in one stay. But even if they should have permanency enough to remain
unchanged until the judgment,—a point which Mercurius Aegyptius recognised, when he
said that the soul, after its separation from the body, was not dissipated back into the soul of
the universe, but retained permanently its distinct individuality, ―in order that it might
render,‖ to use his own words, ―an account to the Father of those things which it has done
in the body;‖—(even supposing all this, I say,) I still want to examine the justice, the
solemnity, the majesty, and the dignity of this reputed judgment of God, and see whether
human judgment has not too elevated a throne in it—exaggerated in both directions, in its
office both of punishments and rewards, too severe in dealing out its vengeance, and too
lavish in bestowing its favour. (De Anima XXXIII, 2).
He quotes the following passage:
[...]The gods sowed the generation of humans to know the works of God; to be a working
witness to nature; to increase the number of mankind; to master all things under heaven; to
discern the things that are good;
[...] and through the wonder-working of the cycling gods
they created every soul incarnate to contemplate heaven, the course of the heavenly gods,
the works of God and the working of nature; [...].‖ (CH. III, 3).
In fact, through his knowledge of the philosophic aspects of the Hermetic doctrine,
Tertullian demonstrated that Christian Hermetists were also debating this doctrine to the
point of producing direct quotations in their texts, as well as agreements and
disagreements on subjects presented by Hermetic literature. Accepting and refusing
aspects of the Hermetic (and other) doctrine is enough to establish that such literature
took part in Christian intellectual digressions during the construction of a ―Christian
system of belief‖.
196
3.1.2.2
Cyrill of Alexandria as a Hermetist
Hermetic texts were also inspiration for the Patristica Graeca. Hermetic discourses
were also present in the arguments of Cyrill of Alexandria, who wrote a postumous
response to Emperor Julian‘s tractate against Christians in the 5th century A.D. In his
antithesis: ―Contra Iulianum‖, Cyrill considers the Hermetic texts – here called the
―Hermaic Books‖ (἗ρμαϊκὰ) - a legacy of a wise human being who was deified by
Egyptians in posterior generations.
Pour en venir aux comparisons, n‘entends-tu pas dire que notre compatriot Hermès a divisé
l‘ensemble de l‘Égypte en parts et en lots, mesurant au cordeau les terresarables ? Qu‘il a
tracé des fossés en vue de l‘inrrigation, a institué les districts territoriaux et donné des noms
d‘après ces districts ? Qu‘il a mis en forme les stipulations contractuelles ? (…) Qu‘enfin il
a imaginé les nombres, le calcul, la géométrie, l‘astronomie, l‘astrologie, les arts, la
gramaire, et les a transmis ? (Contra Julianum, I, 548 B-C).359
Following the same observations as that of Clement and Tertullian, Cyril links Hermes
to natural (numbers, astronomy) and supernatural (astrology) brands of knowledge.
a) God as the divine creative Logos
On the subject of the creative divine Verb, he also quoted Hermes three times by saying,
firstly:
Hermès Trismégiste parle ainsi de Dieu: ―Son Verbe (Logos), procédant de lui, parfait,
fécond et créateur, tomba avec sa nature féconde sur l‘eau déconde et rendit l‘eau
prégnante [...] Et du même, dans une autre passage: ―C‘est donc la pyramide qui sert de
359
P. Burgière, P. Évieux (transl.) Cyrille d’Alexandrie Contre Julien - vol.1. (Paris: 1985). The authors
comment in p. 188, that this text is not part of the known Corpus Hermeticum. It is possible according to
Burgière-Évieux that Cyrill was using some lost apologetic Hermetic text.
197
fondement à la Nature et au monde spirituel, car elle a au-dessus d‘elle, qui la domine, le
Verbe créateur du Maître de toutes choses, [...]. (Contra Julianum, I, 552 D).
The Logos of God creating the world is debated in CH. IV. It is interesting to note that
Hermes adopted a bowl full of Nous as a metaphor and shared it only with those special
souls of men who had faith.
He (God) filled a great mixing bowl (Κρατῆρα μέγαν) with it (Nous), appointing a herald
whom he commanded to make the following proclamation to human hearts: ―Immerse
yourself in the mixing bowl (Βάπτισον σεαυτὴ ἟ δυναμέν εἰς τοῦτον τὸν κρατῆρα) if
your heart has the strength, if it believes you will rise up again to the one who sent the
mixing bowl bellow, if it recognizes the purpose of your coming to be.‖
[...]. (CH. IV, 4).
The connection to the Christian sacrament of baptism is undeniable. It could be
explained by the Hermetic view as a representation of God‘s sharing of Nous with
selected souls. On the other hand, it could also reflect how at some point a Christian
view of Hermetism become integrated into the Hermetic doctrine. In that sense, the
herald may be understood as a reference to Jesus, inviting humanity, on God‘s behalf, to
a share of immortality through his calling/Logos.
The second reference to the Hermetic doctrine concerning the divine Logos/Verb
comes from an unknown fragment of a dialogue between Hermes and Agathos Daimon:
Le même Hermès, à la question d‘un desservant de sanctuaire égyptien qui lui demande:
Pourquoi, Très grand Bon Génie (ὦ μέγιστε ἀγαθὸς δαίμων), le Verbe a-t-il été appelé de
ce nom par le Seigneur de l‘univers ? ‖, répond ainsi : ―Je te l‘ai dejà dit à une précédente
occasion, mais tu n‘as pas compris. La nature du Verbe spirituel de Dieu est une nature
générative et créatrice. (Contra Julianum, I, 553 B).
198
Then, Cyrill mentioned another Hermetic tractate aiming to explain the Christian
description of God as the Father:
Hermès encore, au livre I de son Commentaire détaillé à Tat, parle ainsi de Dieu : ―Le
Verbe du Créateur, mon enfant, est éternel, se meut lui-même, est insensible à la croissance,
à la diminution, au changement, à la corruption; unique, il est tourjours semblable à luimême, égal, uniforme, stable, ordonné, seul à exister après le Dieu conçu comme
primordial. ‖ Et par cette expression, il désigne, je crois, le Père. (Contra Julianum, I, 553
A).
Thus, the philosophical/theological aspects of the Hermetic doctrine were openly
accepted as being compatible with most Christian perceptions of God.
b) On the human incapacity concerning to understand God, the Father
Cyrill followed Hermes‘ arguments in order to explain how impossible it was for a
human being to describe or even to understand God:
Hermès Trismégiste s‘exprime à peu près comme suit: ―Concevoir Dieu est difficile,
l‘exprimer est impossible, même pour qui peut le concevoir : c‘est en effect la tradutction
de l‘incorporel par du corporel qui est impossible, comme l‘est aussi la compréhension du
parfait par l‘imparfait
[...] Et Hermès ajoute ailleurs : ―Ne prétends plus jamais, en
songeant à cet être unique, à ce seul Bien, que rien lui soit impossible : la totalité de la
puissance, c‘est lui. [...].‖ (Contra Julianum, I, 549 B-C ; 552 D).
In Corpus Hermeticum Hermes explains to Tat that prayer is the only possible way to
feel the presence of God:
You, then, Tat, my child, pray first to the Lord, the Father, the Father, the only, who is not
but from whom the one comes; ask him the grace to enable you to understand so great a
god, to permit even one rai of his to illuminate your thinking. Only understanding, because
199
it, too, is invisible, sees the invisible, and if you have the strength, Tat, your mind‘s eye will
see it. (CH. V, 2).
He goes on to explain that God can be noted only by one‘s Nous:
This is the god who is greater than any name; this is the god invisible and entirely visible.
This god who is evident to the eyes may be seen in the mind. He is bodiless and manybodied; or, rather, He is all-bodied. There is nothing that he is not, for he also is all that is,
and this is why he has all names, because they are of one father, and this is why He has no
name, because he is the father of all. (CH.V, 10).
Indeed, Cyrill quoted the description of God as eternal Logos, the Supreme Good and
Father of all, as given also by Corpus Hermeticum, I, 18-19; II, 14-17. Concerning the
perception of God by humans, Cyrill observed that it was not possible to directly
perceive God using sensorial faculties and used Hermetic texts to reinforce his beliefs
once more:
J‘ajouterai à cette citation ce qu‘a jadis écrit Hermés Trismégiste A son esprit (‗Πρὸς τὸν
ἑαυτοῦ Νοῦν‘) (c‘est là titre du livre) : ―Ainsi donc, dis-tu, Dieu est invisible? Trêve de
blasphèmes! Qui plus que lui est visible? S‘il a créé, c‘est pour qu‘on le voie à travers toute
chose. L‘excellence de Dieu, sa vertu, c‘est de se manifester à travers toute chose !‖
(Contra Julianum, II, 580 B).
Cyrill quotes the teaching of Nous to Hermes:
And you say, ―God is unseen‖? – Hold your tongue! Who is more visible than God? This is
why he made all things: so that through them all you might look on him. This is the
goodness of God; this is his excellence: that he is visible through all things.
22).
200
[...]. (CH. XI,
He again returns to this subject and call Hermes as a witness to his argument that the act
of creating was, in fact, part of God‘s nature:
Voici en effect ce qu‘écrit A Asklèpius celui qu‘on appelle Hermès Trismégiste, parlant de
la nature du Tout : S‘il est vrai qu‘on admet deux êtres, celui qui naît et celui qui crée,
l‘unité fond en un seul celui qui précède et celui qui suit ; or celui qui précède, c‘est le Dieu
créateur, et celui qui suit c‘est l‘être qui naît, quel qu‘il soit.
[...] La gloire indivisible de
Dieu est de créer toute chose, et le pouvoir créateur est comme le corps de Dieu.
[...]‖ Plus
loin, Hermès parle en termes plus chaleureux, en apportant un example manifeste: ―Ainsi
donc, il est permis à un même peintre de représenter le ciel, la terre, la mer, des dieux, des
hommes toute sorte d‘êtres privés de raison et d‘âme, et Dieu est incapable de créer tout ce
qui existe ? Ô comble de stupidité, profonde ignorance de ce qui touche Dieu!
[...].‖
(Contra Julianum, II, 600 A-B).
Such debate regarding the definition of God is present in the following texts: Corpus
Hermeticum: CH. I, 21; II 5-12, God as the Supreme good in II, 14-16 and VI; on the
possibility of a man learning on God, CH. III, 3; V, 2-6;
The impossibility of
describing God is present as subject in: CH I, 30, IX, 1-6. In ad Asclepius God is a
widely debated as subject in 8-22.
3.1.2.3
As
Christians and their separation of Hermetica
explained
in
the
second
chapter
of
this
study,
the
separation
of
Technical/Practical/Occult and Philosophical/Theological/Theoretical Hermetica is
rather a didactic measure than a de facto perception of the phenomenon as a whole by
its contemporaries. Festugière argued that ―philosophic Hermetism‖ and ―occult
Hermetism‖ had little to do with each other.360 However, Fowden has argued that the
360
A. -J. Festugière, La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste. (Paris: 1944-54).
201
two bodies of literature were not mutually exclusive. Instead, they should be understood
as components of a single Hermetic worldview.361 Nonetheless, this debate returned to
this point of study in order to expose the idea that the Christian perception of the
Hermetic phenomenon was indeed dual in its nature. It has been demonstrated through
examples how the Christian doctrine was compatible with the hermetic cosmogony. In
addition, it has been made clear just how prepared the early Christian Fathers were for
debating and comparing Christianism and Hermetism. However, such disposition in
dialogue with the theological and philosophical dimensions of the Hermetic literature
vanishes when subjects concerning magic and the other occult wisdoms are added to the
discourse.
Tertullian generally defined all magic, oracles, spirit evocations, and magicians as
essentially evil:
What after this shall we say about magic?
[...]it is an imposture. But it is not we
Christians only whose notice this system of imposture does not escape. We, it is true, have
discovered these spirits of evil, not, to be sure, by a complicity with them, but by a certain
knowledge which is hostile to them; nor is it by any procedure which is attractive to them,
but by a power which subjugates them that we handle (their wretched system) - that
manifold pest of the mind of man, that artificer of all error, that destroyer of our salvation
and our soul at one swoop. In this way, even by magic, which is indeed only a second
idolatry, wherein they pretend that after death they become demons, just as they were
supposed in the first and literal idolatry to become gods (and why not? since the gods are
but dead things),
[...]. So also in that other kind of magic, which is supposed to bring up
from Hades the souls now resting there, and to exhibit them to public view, there is no other
expedient of imposture ever resorted to which operates more powerfully. Of course, why a
phantom becomes visible, is because a body is also attached to it; and it is no difficult
matter to delude the external vision of a man whose mental eye it is so easy to blind. The
serpents which emerged from the magicians‘ rods, certainly appeared to Pharaoh and to the
Egyptians as bodily substances. (De Anima, LVII).
361
G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993).
202
Note that Tertullian is not denouncing magic as a lie. He condemned its adoption as a
fake system, by accusing it of being product of demoniac activity. This negative
impression of magic led Lactantius to call Hermes Trismegistos ―Lord of Demons‖
(δαιμονιάρχης).362 In fact, Christian literature reproduced the stereotype representing
magicians as compulsory deceivers and natural antagonists of the Christian faith,
represented by saints and apostles.363 However, Tertullian delimited the existence of
good magic as Christian miracle, for when Christians managed to summon spirits of the
dead it is God and not demons who are operating the miracle:
The power of God has, no doubt, sometimes recalled men‘s souls to their bodies, as a proof
of His own transcendent rights; but there must never be, because of this fact, any agreement
supposed to be possible between the divine faith and the arrogant pretensions of sorcerers,
and the imposture of dreams, and the licence of poets. But yet in all cases of a true
resurrection, when the power of God recalls souls to their bodies, either by the agency of
prophets, or of Christ, or of apostles, a complete presumption is afforded us, by the solid,
palpable, and ascertained reality (of the revived body), that its true form must be such as to
compel one‘s belief of the fraudulence of every incorporeal apparition of dead persons. (De
Anima, LVII).
There was an apparent contradiction in the Tertullian double definition of magic in
the axis: Us-divine-allowed vs. Then-demoniac-forbidden. Conversely, the early
Christian texts railing against pagan and heretic practises were more concerned with
expelling the other gods/beliefs than establishing their own. In this sense, Tertullian is
claiming the monopoly over magic for Christians rather than condemning the practice
362
Lact. Div. Inst. II 14,6. In: J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II. (Stuttgart- Bad
Cannstatt: 1997), p.575.
363
There are too many examples. For cases described in the New Testament: Simon, the nemesis of Peter,
in: Acts VIII, 9-25; And for Elymas, the rival of Paul, in: Acts XIII, 8-12.
203
itself.364 Such an attempt to exclude rivals instead of convincing adversaries was
recurrent in this branch of Christian literature. Pagan gods and religious practices were
tolerant and non-excluding about themselves, but belief in the Christian god could not
tolerate other gods or religious behaviours. In this sense, it would have been a huge
contradiction if Christians integrally accepted a doctrine which dismissed the necessity
of a Church or any formal clergy as precondition to achieving Heaven/God. Indeed,
Hermetism accepted the existence of other gods and, at the same time, claimed that the
salvation of one‘s soul was an individual and solitary enterprise. Rituals and
Processions were deemed as futile and even such seemlingy innocuous activities such as
burning incense while praising God were not only considered unnecessary but also
offensive to God.
In this sense, Christian usage of the Hermetica should be limited to certain specific
subjects. This selective perception of Hermetism is present in the commentary of
Augustin, bishop of Hippo, to whom some aspects of the Hermetic doctrine were not
the work of the Holy Spirit, but of a spirit of lies. Nonetheless, on its
philosophical/theological aspect he had to admit that:
[...] regarding the one, true God, the creator of the world, he (i.e. Hermes) indeed says
much that corresponds with the truth. (City of God, VIII, 23).365
364
See: P. Veyne, Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs mythes? (Paris: 1983). The author explains how the
Christians claimed that it was possible to convince people of their views by convincing people to trust
them. Furthermore, there was indeed a war for knowledge between Christians and Pagans, hence the
interest in assuring in the discourse that only Christians were able to produce true knowledge. Cicero
debated the idea of religion to be nothing more than political fiction, aiming to promote social order and
respect for a specific institutional autorithy in De Natura Deorum.
365
D. S. Wiesen (transl.) Augustin : City of God - Loeb Classical Library - Book III (London: 1968).
204
Therefore, during the process of codification of the Christian doctrine, a functional
division of the Hermetic literature was promoted based on its content. Early Christian
thinkers assimilated the parts of the Hermetica that were in harmony with the Christian
doctrine. When some content was more connected to the pagan mentality or to heresies
such as the Gnostic sects, it was corrected as a misunderstanding, or repelled as
demonic.
3.1.3 Technical Hermetica and Pagan Thought
Taking a different route than the Christian Hermetists, the pagan milieu endorsed the
technical and philosophical aspects of the Hermetic doctrine with the same deference.
Magic was very popular in the pagan milieu, especially regarding love charms, divine
protection, avenging human enemies and necromancy. According to Pinch:
Most surviving Egyptian magic is concerned with protection or healing. In the GraecoEgyptian papyri, magic is often motivated by the desire for sexual pleasure, financial gain
and social success.366
Magicians were not necessarily as evil as portrayed in Christian literature, but indeed
celebrated as extraordinary individuals, even to the point of holiness.367 The general
belief in Egypt was that Hermes Trismegistos was the link between contemporary times
and the lost idealised Egyptian past. Emperor Julian commented in the 4th century A.D
that:
366
G. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt. (London: 1994), p. 163.
As in the case of Apollonius of Tyana, who was deemed a holy man and produced miracles with the
same greatness of those the Christians claimed that Christ did. See: K. Seligmann, The History of Magic.
(Ner York: 1948), pp.87-8.
367
205
[...] the Egyptians, as they reckon up the names of not a few wise men among themselves,
can boast that they possess many successors of Hermes, I mean of Hermes who in his third
manifestation visited Egypt. (Contra Galelaeans 176 AB).368
The reproduction of such ―ancestry‖ as a social discourse deliberately ignored all
external369 cultural influences, such as Babylonian, or Hebrew, for instance. According
to Fowden:
[...] the evidence for substantial continuities between the Egyptian priestly literature and
the technical Hermetica is patchy, not surprisingly in view of Egypt's successive exposure
to Babylonian influences
[...] But Graeco-Egyptian magic, which was to a large extent
conceived of a Hermetic, can certainly be seen in terms of translation and interpretation of
native materials; and the same can not be said of Hermetic alchemy and astrology [...].‖370
Technical Hermetica were a demonstration of the divine dimension of men. It has
already been explained that God created Man and sent him to Earth in order to rule over
the creation with his share of the divine Logos. Man‘s older brother, the Cosmos,
creator of the seven spheres and their gods (i.e. stars, constellations) gave him a share of
each god‘s virtue, in order to assist him during his experiences in the material world.
This principle establishes Man as superior to the gods, since he belongs to a superior
sphere of existence. In this sense, philosophical and technical Hermetica are essentially
interconnected. So, despite Hermetism‘s borrowing from Aristotelian, Stoic, Platonic
and Jewish thought371, the Hermetic doctrine articulated its occultism and philosophy in
368
W. C. Wright (transl.) The Works of Emperor Julian, v.I. (London: 1961).
―External‖ in the sense of not belonging to the axis Greek‘s – Egyptian‘s symbolic referential
symbolic universes.
370
G. Fowden The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p. 68.
371
See: G. Fowden, op. cit, pp. 36-7; and B. A. Pearson, Gnosticism, Judaism, and Egyptian Christianity.
(Minneapolis: 1990).
369
206
such consistent form that it managed to insert its influence into the development of new
systems of thought.
3.1.3.1
Iamblichus of Chalcis as a Hermetist
In his work De Mysteriis Aegyptorum372, written between late third century and early 4th
century A.D, the Syrian Neo-Platonist/Neo-Pythagorean Iamblichus established a
particular conception of
magic by which the human soul could achieve salvation
through rituals aimed at contact with gods. Iamblichus based his explanation on the
divine aspect of his so-called theurgy (lit. the work of gods, normally translated as a
synonym for magical practices) in the hermetical principle of Man‘s dual nature.
As a result, his perception of the occult arts connected them as a complementary
mechanism which aimed for the perfection of souls. Using Egypt as a reference for his
system, Iamblichus followed the idea that Hermetism did parallel many aspects of
Egyptian tradition, reproducing some degree of ―Egyptomania‖ that existed in the
Graeco-Roman mentality.
a) On Theurgy
In his work, Iamblichus reproduced the old formula of claiming an Egyptian priest
(Abammon) for the authorship of his work.373 In fact, this tendency to relate Egypt to
occult and fantastic wisdom remained a part of late Graeco-Roman imagery. In this
sense, Hermetic occultism and philosophical principles were commonly portrayed as
372
373
This title is an invention of Marcilio Ficino.
Cf. the headlines of De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum.
207
having had Egyptian origins. Iamblichus nonetheless made it clear that theurgy was a
distinct and sacred process.
Si donc l‘ascension obtenue par les invocations procure aux prêtres purification des
passions, affranchissement du monde créé, union au principe divin, comment dire qu‘elle
implique une passibillité? Car il n‘est pas vrai que cette sorte d‘invocation attire de force les
dieux impassibles et purs vers le passible et l‘impur ; au contraire, elle fait de nous, qui en
raison de la génération sommes nés passibles, des êtres purs et immuables. (De Mysteriis
Aegyptiorum I, 12).
Indeed, theurgy was magic. The difference pointed out by Iamblichus was based on the
premise that magic was essentially egotistically motivated, for it served human
passions: desires, fears, ambitions, etc. On the other hand, the major objective of
Theurgy was the spiritual improvement.374 In that sense, Theurgy was the proposal of a
―moral code‖ with regards to handling magic rather than an entirely new branch of
magic.
Le bien en soi, ils (les Égyptiens) croient que c‘est, s‘il divin, le dieu qui transcende la
pensée ; s‘il est humain, l‘union à ce dieu, comme Bitys 375 l‘a traduit des livres
hermétiques. Cette partie n‘a donc pas été, comme tu le supposes, ―négligée par les
Égyptien‖, mais divinement transmise ; et ce n‘est pas d‘―objects futiles que les théurges
accablent l‘intellect divin‖, mais de ce qui se rapporte à la purification de l‘âme
Mysteriis Aegyptiorum
[...]. (De
X, 7).
Deeply influenced by Hermetic texts, Iamblichus, - writing through his pseudonym
Abammonis - tried to establish a correlation between Hermetica and Egyptian tradition.
374
See: G. Luch ―Theurgy and Forms of Worship.‖ In: J. Neusner et alii, Religion, Science and Magic.
(Oxford: 1989), pp. 185-228. See also G. Shaw, Theurgy and the Soul: The Neo-Platonism of Iamblichus.
(Pennsylvania: 1995).
375
The Egyptian priest and Hermetist Bitys is presented by Iamblichus as being responsible for presenting
King Ammon with the Hermetic texts (De Myst. VIII, 5). Fowden, op.cit, p. 150, n.34, believes that the
frequent references to a certain Pitys in PGM IV might be a reference to him.
208
According to Iamblichus‘s explanation, the choice of Philosophy as the way to produce
Hermetic literature would have been a consequence of the translation‘s process from
Egyptian to Greek.
Ceux (écrits) qui circulent sous le nom d‘Hermès contiennent des opinions hermétiques,
bien que souvent ils s‘expriment dans la langue des philosophes; car ils on été traduits de
l‘égyptien par des hommes qui n‘étaient pas sans connaître la philosophie. (De Mysteriis
Aegyptiorum VIII, 4).
In this sense, he defended the importance of the original Egyptian names in a magical
perspective:
Chaque peuple a des caractéristiques impossibles à transposer dans la langue d‘un autre ;
ensuite, même si on peut traduire ces noms, en tous cas ils ne gardent plus la même
puissance ; de plus, les noms barbares ont à la fois beaucoup de solennité et beaucoup de
concision, ils ont moins d‘ambiguïté, de variété, et les mots qui les expriment sont moins
nombreux ; pour toutes ces raisons ils s‘accordent aux êtres supérieurs.‖ (De Mysteriis
Aegyptiorum VII, 5).
His opinion on this subject seems to be supported by Asclepios‘ teachings to King
Ammon in Corpus Hermeticum:
The very quality of the speech and the <sound> of Egyptian words have in themselves the
energy of objects they speak of. (CH. XVI, 1).
This passage is also subject of debate in the second chapter of this study, but in a
different context of argumentation. However, Iamblichus had a different interpretation
of this same passage and used it to support the idea that Egyptian sounds should be
preserved in order to preserve their magical virtues. His interpretations may be a
consequence of two different dimensions of ideologic appropriation:
209
First, an unpredictable and expontaneous cultural dialogue with the source. For
Iamblichus it would be culturally unfathomable to consider any kind of criticism of the
efficiency of philosophy as a system of intellectual digression/instruction. It was part of
all Hellenized symbolic systems that the ‗truth‘ was that philosophy was the only
civilized way of intellectual expression. Therefore Iamblichus and his other Hellenistic
contemporaries would be ‗symbolically blind‘ to any such possibility.
Another possibility is a subordination of the text to its receptor‘s social-political
expectations: Iamblichus could not accept the possibility of Hermetic criticism of
philosophy since he was proposing a philosophic system. Since he consistently based a
part of his system on ―translated Egyptian tradition‖, it would be illogical to promote an
interpretation in which his main source of symbolic legitimacy disagreed with his ideas
regarding the efficacy of philosophy.
What is exposed in Iamblichus‘ ―The Mysteriis‖ is that Egyptian sounds were
believed to have had magical virtues, and therefore, they should be ―symbolically
preserved‖ at least as voces magicae. Indeed, the so-called Greek Magical Papyri have
plenty of examples of how Greek spells recurred to the expedient of voces magicae376 in
order to transcribe Egyptian Demotic sacred names, and fulfil evocations.
Charm that produces a direct vision: Prayer for divine alliance, which you are to say first
toward the sunrise, then the same first prayer is to be spoken to a lamp.
[...] Hymn: Hail,
serpent, and stout lion, natural sorces of fire./ And hail, clear water and lofty-leafed tree,/
and you who gather up clover from golden fields of beans, and who cause gentle foam to
gush forth from pure mouths.
[...] I pray because your mystic symbols I declare, εω αη οσ
ακερρ οοσωζ · ησϊωε · Μαρκαρασώζ · Λαϊιακ · ζοσκαρηα · Be gracious unto me, firstfather, and may you yourself sent strength as my companion. [...]. (PGM. IV, 930-949).377
376
It is the transcription and glossing alphabetically secret magic names. For a study on Greek and
Demotic Magical Papyri, see: J. Dieleman. Priests, Tongues, and Rites. (Leiden/Boston: 2005).
377
H.D. Betz (ed.). The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation. (Chicago, London: 2004), pp.56-7. Betz (p.
56, n.126) identifies this spell as a Greek equivalent to the Demotic spell called: pḥ-nṯr (god‘s arrival).
210
Note that in the Hermetic tractate The Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth, voces
magicae are also evoked twice by Tat in his calling for the angels of the eighth and
ninth spheres:
He is perfect, the invisible God to whom one speaks in silence – his image is moved when
it is directed, and it governs – the one mighty power, who is exalted above majesty, who is
better than honoured (ones), Ζοταζαδο Α ΩΩ ΕΕ ΩΩΩ ΗΗΗ ΩΩΩΩ ΗΗ
ΩΩΩΩΩΩ
ΟΟΟΟΟ
ΩΩΩΩΩΩ
ΥΥΥΥΥΥ
ΩΩΩΩΩΩΩΩΩΩΩΩ
378
ΩΩΩ Ζοδαδοζ. (NHH. VI-6, 56,10-20).
And in his calling for God‘s hidden name:
I praise you . I call your name that is hidden within me: Α Ω ΕΕ ΩΩ ΗΗΗ ΩΩΩ Ι Ι Ι Ι
ΩΩΩΩ
ΟΟΟΟΟ
ΩΩΩΩΩ
ΥΥΥΥΥΥ
ΩΩΩΩΩΩ
ΩΩΩΩΩΩΩ
ΩΩΩΩΩΩΩΩ. (NHH. VI-6, 61, 4-10).
In fact, the Graeco-Egyptian magical papyri reveals many similarities with theurgy as
well as with technical contents of Hermetic discourses. They can be understood as the
products of the same intercultural phenomenon. In a general analysis of Magic in
Graeco-Roman Egypt, Pinch declares:
[...] most of the techniques featured in the spells find precedents in earlier Egyptian Magic.
These include identification with and threats against deities, the use of the dead as
intermediaries, the making of magical figurines and protective amulets, and the drawning of
divine figures and the invocation of deities by their sacred names.379
378
The names Ζοταζαδο and Ζοδαδοζ can also be found in PGM XIII 138, 213. Zoxathaz can be a
combination of Life (δωή) and Death (ζάλαηος). See: J. Holzhausen, Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch II.
(Stuttgart- Bad Cannstatt: 1997), p. 521, n.57. Holzhausen observes connection of the seven Greek vocals
with the seven known planets. See: J. –P. Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte, I. (Québec: 1978), p.73.
379
G. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt. (London: 1994), p. 163.
211
Iamblichus also attacked Christian‘s view on magic, acusing Christians of impiety for
denying the divine principles supporting theurgy:380
Et ceux par lesquels certains ridiculisent comme vagabonds et charlatans les fidèles des
dieux,
[...] ceux-là non plus n‘atteignent pas la vraie théologie et la vraie théurgie. (De
Mysteriis Aegyptiorum X, 3).
His theurgy proposed a way to form a relationship with magic. From this perspective,
the use of magic was acceptable and necessary in the process of learning about God.
b) On Astrology
Astrology in Graeco-Roman age was a mixing of Greek, Egyptian and Mesopotamian
lores.381 Some stars and constellations were preeminent in Egypt religious tradition, but
the twelve signs of zodiac are a Greek invention. It was based on the theory that the
energy of stars and planets were connected to certain precious stones and metals, and
parts of the human body as well. Astrology was a popular phenomenon in GraecoRoman world. Emperors had ―Egyptian astrologers‖ at their service.382 Astrologers had
380
As in the attacks of Augustin in City of God X, 9-11. Augustin condemned all kinds of magic and
classified incantantions, charms, necromancy (goetia) and theurgy as demonolatry. He addressed these
chapters against Platonists like Porphyry who insisted in the divine aspects of theurgy.
381
For a complete analysis of the development of Astronomy in a comparative approach on Babylonians,
Egyptians, Persians including Indian and Hellenistic sources, see: B. L. van der Waerden, Anfänge der
Astronomie (Groningen: 1956). For a study on Egyptian astrology and the Graeco-Roman milieu, see: J.
Dieleman, ―Claiming the Stars – Egyptian Priests Facing the Sky.‖ In: S. Bickel, A. Loprieno (eds.) AH
17 (Basel: 2003), pp. 277-289. See also: O. Neugebauer, R. A. Parker, Egyptian astronomical Texts 3vols.
(London: 1969).
382
See: G. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt. (London: 1994), p. 169, and J. Dieleman, ―Claiming the Stars
– Egyptian Priests Facing the Sky.‖ In: S. Bickel, A. Loprieno (Eds.) Aegyptiaca Helvetica 17 (Basel:
2003), p. 277-89.
212
such social prestige that even the New Testament383 included a scene of young Jesus
receiving a visit of three eastern wise men/mages384 guided by a mighty star.
When they heard the king. They departed; and behold, the star which they had seen in the
East went before them, till it came and stood where the young Child was. (Mt. II, 9).
Iamblichus` definition and justification of astrology is deeply connected to the
Hermetic principle of Man‘s duality.385 A spiritual being who descended to Earth with
God‘s blessings in order to learn about Him and to help rule the creation. In that sense,
Man was restricted by the cosmic forces ruling the material world. The seven spheres or
astral gods who governed the Material world in obedience to Fate had de facto
influences over men as long as they remained in their jurisdiction. Thus, while Theurgy
helped Man in his transcendence to the gods, Astrology helped him to understand and
control386 his relations with Fate.387 He explained that Astrology was just one of the
many topics of the Hermetic doctrine:
Les ephemerides astrologiques ne contiennent qu‘une petite partie du systhème d‘Hermès
(τ῵ν ἑρμαϊκ῵ν διατάξεων). (De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum VIII, 4).
By analysing the Egyptian thought he established that it was a characteristic of
Egyptians to differentiate between the spiritual and intellectual dimensions of life:
Ils (les Égyptiens) distinguent de la nature la vie psychique et la vie intellectuelle, non
seulement à propos de l‘univers mais dans notre cas: mettant au-dessus intelect et raison
383
Matthew II, 1-13.
That depends of the translation. ―Wise men‖ in English, like ―Weisen‖ in German. ―Mages‖ in French,
―magos‖ in Spanish and Portuguese, ―κάγοη‖ in Greek.
385
As exposed in CH. I, 15, and already explained in the second chapter of this study.
386
―Control‖ in the sense of not being reduced to a passive beholder of Fate‘s actions. For a well trained
astrologer it was possible to change one‘s fate through foreknowledge.
387
The Hermetic relation with Fate is explained in chapter 2.2.1, II-b of this study.
384
213
comme étant à part soi, ils leur font oevrer les êtres du devenir;
[...]. (De Mysteriis
Aegyptiorum VIII, 4).
As in the Hermetic doctrine, Man also has a dual Logos 388, which could be used as
intellectual virtue, in order to prosper over the material world and as spiritual virtue, in
order to assure him of the possibility of transcending back to God‘s side. Concerning
the Hermetic Astrology, Iamblichus observed that the dual nature of Man leaves him
under the rule of Fate as long as he lived in his material form.
La plupart des Égyptiens font dépendre notre libre arbiter du movement des asters.‖Ce qu‘il
en est, il faut te l‘expliquer plus longuement, en recourant aux conceptions hermétiques.
D‘après ces écrits, l‘homme a deux âmes : l‘une issue du Premier Intelligible, qui participe
aussi à la puissance du démiurge ; l‘autre introduite en nous à partir de la révolution des
corps célestes; c‘est en celle-ci que se glisse l‘âme qui voit Dieu. (De Mysteriis
Aegyptiorum VIII, 6).
In that sense, Iamblichus proposed that in order to free oneself of Fate, it was necessary
to become divine, by seeking God and avoiding all evildoings. That process demanded a
dual effort. One side was the moral/spiritual purification...
Je pronounce donc que l‘homme conçu comme divinise, uni auparavant à la contemplation
des dieux, s‘est glissé dans une âme combinée à la forme spéecifiquement humaine et par là
trouvé pris aux liens de la nécessité et de la fatalité. Il faut donc examiner comment il se
délie et sáffranchit de ces liens. Or, il n‘est pas d‘autre moyen que la connaissance des
dieux : l‘essence du bonheur, en effect, c‘est d‘avoir la science du bien, comme l‘essence
du mal consiste dans l‘oubli du bien et l‘illusion au sujet du mal ;
[...].‖ (De Mysteriis
Aegyptiorum X, 5).
... and the other side was intellectual, through the magical development of channels to
the gods. Iamblichus explained that the union with the gods, or theurgy produced the
spiritual purification and allowed man to triumph over Fate:
388
The Hermetic Logos and its duality are explained in CH. XII, 14. With regards to the transcendence of
Man due to his Nous, it is the subject of CH. XII,1. See also tables 10 a/b of this study.
214
La connaissance des dieux s‘accompagne du retour à nous-mêmes et de la connaissance de
notre âme. [...] Chez les dieux, la vérité ne subsiste-t-elle pas ennson essence et non sellon
un accord, fondéee qu‘elle est sur les intelligibles ? (De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum X, 1-2).
Thus, astrology was a method of combining the intellectual and spiritual aptitudes (the
double-essential Hermetic Logos), which composed human nature. Iamblichus claimed
that – in agreement with his contemporaries‘ general knowledge on this subject – that it
was a part of Egypt‘s tradition. His perception was that astrology aimed to predict or
influence human affairs by understanding how the divine will operated through Fate.
This understanding was a demonstration of how one‘s intellect could help one‘s soul in
the task of self-purification.
3.1.3.2
Sabians and their fusion of Hermetica
Sabians are normally identified as Persians, Zoroastrians and Eastern Chaldeans, while
their religion is portrayed as a star-worshiping cult. According to Assmann, some
Gnostic sects from the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D could also fit in the definition of
Sabian. At the end of the 4th century A.D, the Syrian city of Harran389 was still pagan
and its population remained following the Mesopotamian Moon god ―Sin‖.390
According to Drijvers391, soteriology, cosmology, anthropology and theology of Bar
Daysan of Edessa392 (154 - 222 A.D) are consistent with the Hermetic worldview as
expressed in the Poimandres. Despite this, Harranian beliefs were not exclusively
389
In the vicinities of Edessa, in modern Turkey.
J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian. (London: 1997), p.57.
391
H. J. W. ―Bardaisan of Edessa and the Hermetica: The Aramaic Philosopher and the Philosophy of his
time‖, in: JEOL, 21, 1970, pp.190-210.
392
Ibidem. Bar Daysan of Edessa was one of the most important links in the chain of transmission of
Hermetism to the Near East.
390
215
derived from Hermetic sources as other influences were also present. In Haran,
Hermetism had been syncronized with late Neo-Platonism which was prior to the rise of
Islam.393 In the 7th century A.D, this late Hellenistic Hermetism submitted to the
invading Muslim forces. According to Holmyard,
Syrian pagans from Harran were
[...] star-worshippers and diligent astrologers. These
Sabians, as the Arabs called them, possessed exceptional skills as linguists, and the ease
with which they acquired Arabic recommended them to the courts at Baghdad [...].394
By the time of the Muslim conquest, Babylonian, Assyrian, Jewish, Greek, GraecoEgyptian and Roman religion as well as Syriac Christianity had interpreted Harranian
religion which was rooted in the worship of the stars and raised astrology to the level of
a religion. According to Green,
Sabian, then, is a synonym for gnostic. Given this definition, the stories found in certain
Muslim authors connecting Sabian beliefs with those of the Egyptians, the references to
Hermes, Enos, Seth and the Agathodaimon, the supposed pilgrimages of Sabians to the
pyramids and the secret rituals and prayers would all make sense in the context of this
definition of Sabian.395
However, from 830 A.D on, the term was used specifically to refer to Harran.
According to Scott, they claimed to be Sabians in order to escape persecution396, and
declared that the Hermetic books were their sacred writings.397 Hermetism persisted as
a living tradition in the city of Haran in Syria as late as the tenth century, when its
393
See: T. M. Green, The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. (Leiden: 1992), p.168.
E. J. Holmyard, Alchemy, (Dover, New York: 1990), p.68.
395
Ibidem, p.110.
396
For the Koran (2: 59; 5:73; 22:17) proclaimed that Jews, Christians and Sabians were believers and
therefore are protected by the Law. However, regardless of this, they were obligated to convert in 1050
A.D.
397
W. Scott (ed., Transl.) Hermetica: The Ancient Greek and Latin Writings Which Contain Religious or
Philosophic Teachings Ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus. (Oxford: 1929), pp. 97-108.
394
216
leading exponent, Thabit ibn Qurra (835-901A.D), established a pagan Hermetic school
in Baghdad.398 Prominent Muslim philosophers as al-Kindi, al-Farabi, Ibn Sina
(Avicenna), and others were influenced by Hellenistic Hermetic writings.399 Therefore,
cases like the pagan-Gnostic tradition of Harran and the so-called Technical Hermetica
were, in fact, Philosophical. Furthermore, such perceptions were assimilated and
reproduced by the Islamic thought, following a radically opposite view of the Hermetic
phenomenon that was developed by Christians.
3.2 The Hermetica as a Social Discourse
When the social reproduction of a text begins, it gains the potentional to be also used as
a social discourse. After the presentation of a text before society, authors no longer have
control over the significance and meanings of their texts. The Hermetic literature was
received in different ways, since different social groups used it. In the case of
anonymous or pseudepigraphic texts, like the Hermetica, the allegorical authorship aims
to achieve symbolic credibility and social prestige in order to promote a certain text in
society. In a commentary on the Hermetica Foucault observes that,
[...] the fact that several texts have been placed under the same name indicates that there
has been established among them a relationship of homogeneity, filiation, authentification
of some texts by the use of others, reciprocal explanation, or concomitant utilization. The
author‘s name serves to characterize a certain mode of being of discourse.
398
[...] it is a
See: A. E. Affifi, ―The Influence of Hermetic Literature on Moslem Thought.‖ In: Bulletin of the
School of Oriental and African Studies 13/4, (Cambridge: 1951), p. 844, and D. Merkur, Gnosis: An
Esoteric Tradition of Mystical Visions and Unions. (New York: 1991), p. 20-1. W. Scott, op.cit, pp. 103-5
mentions a book from ibn Qurra called De Religionen Sabianorum.
399
See: A. E. Affifi, op.cit., and Ch. Genequand, ―Platonism and Hermetism in al-Kindi‘s Fi al-Nafs.‖ In:
Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften 4 (Frankfurt: 1987-8), pp.1-18.
217
speech that must be received in a certain mode and that, in a given culture, must receive a
certain status‖.400
Indeed, a text, when in circulation throughout society, is liable to be interpreted, reinterpreted, and adapted according to the multiple understandings and interests present
in different social groups such as Christians, Pagans and Gnostics. According to
Foucault401, a social discourse is related to power as it operates by rules of exclusion.
Each group had a particular perspective of the Hermetic literature according to its
contents and background. These perspectives were different for each social group since
they represented different symbolic universes. By aiming for a reproduction of a sense
of order, Christians, Pagans and Gnostics offered particular interpretations in order to
satisfy each group‘s ―ideologies‖.402 Here, an ―ideology‖ is understood as a system of
ideas and beliefs, which characterizes a specific social group and the process of the
production of significant themes and ideas in society by this given group. Each social
group has its own ―truth‖. Here, ―truth‖ should be understood as the correspondence
between social discourse and empirical reality403, and this empirical reality is the
perception of normality according to the common sense of a social group. This common
sense is formed expontaneously through plural and not-centralized experiences, and
therefore is arbitrary, for it is part of a group‘s process of formation of a symbolic
system.404
400
M. Foucault, ―What is an author?‖ In: J. V. Harari (ed), Textual strategies: perspectives in poststructuralist criticism. (London: 1980), p. 147.
401
See: M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish. (New York: 1977).
402
See: J. McCarney, Social theory and crisis of Marxism. (London: 1990), and: D. Navarro (ed.),
Cultura, ideología y sociedad. (Havana: 1983).
403
Cf. Aristotles Metaphisics 101, 1b-25.
404
Note that common sense is a vulgar knowledge, and is therefore different than empirism, since
common sense has no method of control over the process of knowledge‘s construction.
218
According to Geertz405, the process of creating significance is cultural and lends
itself to common sense, since most symbols are given by individuals. Indeed, the
symbols of an individual‘s community are already in use when he is born and they will
remain in circulation after his death. Common sense constructs identification based on
the recognition of a rise in common or shared characteristics with other groups of
people, or the recognition of the presence of the same ideal. According to Augé406,
culture can be understood here as a net of symbolic systems. The process of
symbolisation of a society is promoted by its social groups. They aim to understand and
control the cultural perception of what is real, truth, fake, good, bad, etc. Sahlins407
understands that a symbolic system is necessarily arbitrary, since it aims to offer a
particular perception of normality to a given cultural group – and in this sense, ―culture‖
is how people, without thinking or consciousness, live.
Then, the respective social discourses promote and reproduce each ―truth‖ to the
respective social group. By the process of reception, assimilation and diffusion of texts
in the perspective of each group‘s social discourse, they become what Said called ―idées
reçues‖408, which starts to echo repeatedly throughout society, but without any
criticism. The reason behind this is that typically the notion of knowledge is deeply
connected to the idea of truth: it is impossible to mention one without the other. When a
group‘s common sense agrees with the value of the truth of a sentence, or text, the
individuals participating in that group are actually promoting a subjective judgment on
the value of that sentence or text. This agreement, or consensus, leads to any discourse
405
C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures. (New York : 1973).
M. Augé, Le sens des autres. (Paris: 1994).
407
M. Sahlins, Islands of History. (Chicago: 1985).
408
E. W. Said, Orientalism. (New York: 1978).
406
219
quoting that sentence or text acquiring the status of truth for being in agreement with the
social discourse.409 According to Fowden:
[...] the tendency for certain passages from the Hermetica to be quoted and quoted again
and again in the non-Hermetic literature points to the existence of anthologies as well,
organised in more readily digestible form than the collections. 410
Once the Hermetic texts achieved greater prestige throughout the Graeco-Roman
world, it became possible to reproduce them as sources for intellectual debates. In this
case, Hermetic discourses could be partially reproduced among intellectual circles as
well. Early Christians, for instance, mentioned and quoted some of the ―Hermaic
Books‖ and were able to find common points in Hermetism in order to add legitimacy
to their own doctrine. However, according to their own doctrines they also established
that all kinds of magic operations were evil, demoniac, impostures, etc. Therefore, the
Christian social discourse declared that no Hermetic texts concerning occultism were
worthy to be read. On the other hand, Pagan intellectuals contested the negative status
of magic and consequently the Hermetic texts on this subject. The Hermetica were
indeed an important source for Syrian Neo-Platonism of Iamblichus of Chalcis, as well
as for his master Porphyry of Tyre, and Bardaisan of Edessa. Theurgy and Astrology
were deeply connected with the Hermetic doctrine. Thus, Pagan‘s perception of the
Hermetica was that the whole corpus was interconnected, and therefore there was no
logic behind the Christian way of separating good/philosophical Hermetica from
evil/technical Hermetica.
409
K. Barwise, J. Etchemendy, The Liar: An Essay on Truth and Circularity. (Oxford: 1989), see also: K.
Barwise, J. Etchemendy, Language, Proof and Logic. (Stanford: 2002).
410
G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes. (Princeton: 1993), p.4.
220
Furthermore, Gnostic contents of the Hermetic discourses influenced both Christian
and pagan Gnosticism as well. Lastly, via Harran, Hermetism was assimilated by the
Islamic world as a fusion of Platonism, Alchemy and Astrology.411
The Corpus Hermeticum was a textual production that proposed a code of moral, ethic,
and spiritual values to society. However, as a social discourse it was also able to
establish different proposals of social consensus. The consensus is actually the feeling
of ―normality‖ and ―continuity‖ of a community‘s life, defined by Bourdieu as
―habitus‖.412 Due to society‘s acceptance of the Hermetica`s symbolic value or authority
as a source of information, the general knowledge reproduced in them were used
throughout social relations. That means that once the Hermetica achieve a certain status
in society, they become reliable enough to be quoted as a superior reference in debates,
or in supporting or condemning some specific point of view. According to Green,
The mystical powers of Hermes exerted themselves far beyond the pagan world of late
antiquity, transmuting medieval Christian and Islamic understanding of the relationship
between rational knowledge and revelation. 413
Hermetism was incorporated into Christian theologies and the gospels of Paul and
John. Those Christian writers who included Hemetism as part of Christian doctrines
through quotations and debates, (i.e.Tertullian, Lactantius, Augustin, etc.) were used as
sources by Giordano Bruno, Marsilio Ficino, Campanella and Giovanni Pico della
Mirandolla in order to classify Hermes Trismegistos as a wise pagan prophet who
411
See: A. E. Affifi, ―The Influence of Hermetic Literature on Moslem Thought.‖ In: Bulletin of the
School of Oriental and African Studies 13/4, (Cambridge: 1951), and: T. M. Green, The City of the
Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. (Leiden:1992).
412
P. Bourdieu, Le sens pratique. (Paris: 1980), p. 88.
413
T. M. Green, The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. (Leiden: 1992), p.85.
221
foresaw the coming of Christianity.414 The Hermetic doctrine dealt with the intellectual
and spiritual faculties of man as balanced equivalents. It proposed a dialogue between
Egypt‘s idealistic past and contemporary reality by combining Greek philosophic
principles and Egypt‘s theological principles. On the other hand, once incorporated by
social discourses it became part of a different branch of power as it was used to
legitimatise different political alignments. The further utilization of the Hermetica in
debates and/or in the formation of opinions results from man`s ambitions for symbolic
authority and social credibility.
3.3 Textual Circularity and Social Interpretations of the Hermetic
Logos
In late antiquity, different social groups representing different thoughts and ideologies
were in constant dispute while they imposed and defended their respective ways of life.
Christians struggled to conquer new adepts by destroying the credibility of Paganism –
including pagan Gnostics - and heretic Christian factions – including Christian
Gnostics. The others struggled to maintain the strength of their symbolic universes, and
attacked Christian‘s aspirations of hegemony over the Roman Empire. In this context,
the intellectual debate promoting the codification of the Christian doctrine was also a
method of critiquing all rival doctrines. In this sense, the meaning of a text is not merely
found inside it, but is also built through an active social process, since it is ideological.
The texts can be used in an ―ideological‖ sense, since social discourses promote
identities, exclusions, orientations and behaviours. What determines the ideological or
414
The renascentists believed in a Prisca Theologia, the doctrine that a unique, true theology existed,
which threaded through all religions, and which was given by god to mankind in antiquity. See: F. A.
Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition. (London: 1990).
222
political usage of a social discourse is the external context of the social process in which
it is inserted.
As social groups, Christians, Pagans and Gnostics used a vast supply of literature in
order to offer justification and legitimacy to their beliefs and behaviours, the Hermetic
literature was part of this process. There was not a canonical interpretation, nor a ―right
way‖ of using the Hermetic texts, since the uses are culturally established by different
social groups. They could be used equally as part of a theological discourse,
philosophical debate, and erudite curiosity. In fact, the ―usage‖ of Hermetic texts was by
no means restrained to ―Hermetic esoteric-like circles‖ – if one existed. Christian
Gnostics used them in Nag Hammadi, Christian apologists assimilated them in their
discourses and Pagan Philosophers debated them and used them in their own systems.
Therefore, each social group had different interests, strategies, and interpretations of the
Hermetica. Furthermore, at one time these interpretations could be contradictory among
the groups. Consequently, the difference of interpretations produced different ―truths‖
concerning the Hermetica. Each ―truth‖ was reproduced as part of the respective social
group‘s symbolic universe. Then, there was a Christian, a Pagan, and a Gnostic general
view of the same phenomenon, and each one‘s interpretation could be used as part of
the argument to support one‘s group, or as a tool to use against the other groups.
In that sense, it is possible to understand how the Christian view of Hermetism
focused more on its theological/philosophical aspects. Christian theology claimed that
only Christians could perform true magic – called miracles – for they were instruments
of the only true God. Following this logic, all pagan magicians were dealing with
demons. Then, the process of assimilating the Hermetica to the Christian symbolic
universe also created a distinction between good Hermetica (philosophical/theological
223
contents) and bad Hermetica (all contents encouraging occult/magic/esoteric individual
practices). Therefore, when Christians performed the separation of Hermetica, they
were actually reproducing their judgement on Egyptian tradition – for the general
agreement depicted the Hermetica as Egyptian – and in another perspective,
reproducing the Christian judgement of the entire non-Christian social reality. On the
other hand, magic was part of the quotidian life not only in Egypt but in all pagan
societies as well; its practice was also an important part of all cults to the gods across
pagan societies. It would make no sense at all if the pagans‘ approach on the Hermetica
had promoted any distinction between magical and theological contents in the
Hermetica. As they understood it, Hermetism, theurgy, astrology (and alchemy), were
the connections between magical and theological contents of the doctrine. Such
perception was indeed assimilated by Islamic thought.
Hermetism is not a collection of heterogeneous doctrines, nor a single synthesis, but
an autonomous mode of discourse, concerned with theological, philosophical and
magical subjects. The ―gnosis‖ of Hermetism – i.e. the secret knowledge, which granted
salvation of one‘s soul – was shared through a symbolic initiation: the experience of
Nous/God. It was ecstasy born out of cognitive activities. The concept of this
experience influenced Christian mysticism as well.
The Hermetic texts were reproduced as social discourse throughout the quotidian social
relations, becoming part of the society‘s common sense. Here, common sense is the
knowledge shared by the subjects of a social relationship. Once its communicability is
forged through dynamic processes of interpretation, negotiation, imagination,
reformulation, and reinterpretation it creates habits and thoughts. When the Hermetica
are approached as an element of a social discourse, it becomes possible to understand
224
how society debated and applied their contents as ideological proposals. Therefore, a
discourse is not just a linguistic phenomenon. It is understood in this study as something
necessarily biased. The Hermetica became part of the Graeco-Roman society, and
helped to shape its mentality. They were also useful instruments of mediation in the
process of forming opinions under different social-political ideologies. The Hermetica
are a social discourse as long as they help to legitimate lores, produce consensus - thus,
a common sense - and support ideologies.
225
Conclusion
The Greek and Egyptian civilizations were already well integrated centuries before the
arrival of Alexander the Great. In fact, Egypt was a part of the political dimension of
Greek life. On the other hand, Archaic and Classical Greek authors reproduced a
discourse that idealized Egypt as well. As a result, Egypt was stereotyped in Greek
literature as the foremost ancient civilization and cradle of all knowledge, including that
of Greek civilization. After the conquest of Egypt by the Macedonians, the political
relationship between Greeks and Egyptians underwent a revolution. It started a contrast
between the dominant and dominated. The Hellenistic period could be classified as
another moment of foreign domination, like many others in Egyptian History. As in
other cases of foreign rule in Egypt, the Macedonian kings reproduced the traditional
political relationship with the priestly elite. They assumed the symbolic category of
pharaoh, and promoted a political relationship of power with the mediation of the native
religious elite. However, the Hellenistic relationship of power was also reproduced by a
discourse of Greek cultural supremacy, which dragged culture into a political category.
Since culture assumed a political value in the Hellenistic age, the reproduction of all
traditional tensions between dominant and dominated factions carried a different
societal impact.
Due to these transformations on the handling of culture, the Hellenistic domination
also created new perceptions and definitions of cultural identity. Although Greeks and
Egyptians could identify themselves as the positive antithesis of the other, as
generations passed such a dichotomy would become even thinner as Greeks and
Egyptians adopted nearly the same behaviours and customs in Egypt. Following the
226
path of the entire Hellenistic kingdom, Hellenistic Egypt developed a Graeco-Egyptian
mentality. This mentality could be roughly described as the combination of Greek and
Egyptian cultural values. This process echoed in a new thought, combining Greek
philosophical principles with the Egyptian concept of ―salvation‖.
In this sense,
Hellenistic approaches to philosophy took on more esoterical and metaphysical content.
Egyptian religiosity and cults became popular among Greek settlers of Egypt and
Ptolemaic dominions of the Eastern Mediterranean basin. Philosophy also became a
subject of Egyptian appreciation. Examples of philosophers-priests like Chaeremon and
those who produced and debated the so-called Book of Thoth across Egyptian temples
in the country demonstrated the native interest in philosophic digressions concerning
life, death, cosmos, soul, etc.
Note that the Hellenistic age witnessed the transformation of the relationship in the
political dimension between Greeks and Egyptians. Conversely, the idealisation of
Egypt as a land of natural and supernatural science remained unchanged in the Greek
mentality. Throughout the Ptolemaic and Roman administrations, Graeco-Roman
authors reproduced the traditional Greek representation of Egypt as a land of non-vulgar
traditions, especially concerning religiosity and occultism. Indeed, Egyptian religiosity
was popular among all social and cultural segments of Egypt‘s Hellenistic/GraecoRoman population. Greek and Egyptian pantheons were connected through the
syncretistic discourse called interpretatio graeca, and, in that context, the GreekEgyptian syncretism identified the Egyptian god of wisdom Thoth as the Greek divine
messenger Hermes. From late Ptolemaic times through the Roman domination, all texts
concerning medicine, astrology, magic, etc, were generally claimed as products of
Thoth-Hermes authorship. The huge popularity of this deity managed to give an
227
independent identity to the Egyptian Hermes, who was depicted as wise/magician from
a remote past and whose doctrine - translated into Greek idioms and through Greek
philosophic terminology - combined intellectual and emotional reasons. His doctrine
was not formally codified, or even officially named. The Graeco-Roman age
contemporaries followed their Egyptian predecessors and simply called them the
texts/books of Thoth-Hermes.
In this historical context, what we now classify as Hermetic doctrine was an irregular
production of anonymous/pseudepigraphical texts which combined principles of magic,
alchemy, astrology with theological and philosophical digressions. Although Greek and
Egyptian cultures were present in its composition, there were also elements of different
cultural origins. Nonetheless, the Graeco-Egyptian perception of the Hermetic literature
insisted on the discourse as being ―translations of a pure and remote idealised Egyptian
past‖. Indeed, the Hermetic philosophical and theological principles had many common
points with Greek philosophic schools like the Neo-Platonism, Egyptian cosmogony,
and with the monotheistic religions of the time, teaching that all beings derive from one
supreme God, who is the object of each soul‘s worship.
Despite its multiple cultural influences, it was a consensus in the Graeco-Roman
world to depict the Hermetica as synonym of Egyptian knowledge. Hellenistic
civilizations in general - and especially the Roman Empire in the first few centuries A.D
- were known for the syncretistic drive of their component cultures. Greeks and Romans
were borrowing from the Egyptians, the Jews, and the Persians, while these cultures in
turn borrowed from the Greeks and the Romans, and from each other. The intermingling
of Egyptian and Hellenistic populations, as well as their rational and sacred ideas made
such borrowing a necessity, and contributed to a widespread feeling of tolerance and
228
cosmopolitanism. All cultures involved in this process underwent some degree of
cultural innovation without losing their self-perception which resulted from the
continuity of their ancestral heritages.
In fact, the Hermetica transmitted ―Egyptian knowledge‖, but such knowledge was
not disconnected from other cultural influences - such as the Babylonian astrology, for
example. Nevertheless, the development of Egyptian interpretations of these external
influences - as an efficient ―Egyptian astrology‖- offered legitimacy to the myth that
everything present in the literature dedicated to Thoth-Hermes Trismegistos remained
linearly connected to a lost idealised Egyptian past. In a similar way, the Hermetica
reinvented the Egyptian cosmogony in order to combine its own system with Greek and
Egyptian cosmogonies. Their receptors realized that they were not dealing with one
―pure‖ Egyptian tradition, but with a tradition that was ―pure enough‖ to be recognised
as Egyptian tradition, according to what their Graeco-Roman receptors expected
Egyptian traditions to look like.
However, this is not the same as classifying Hermetism as a Hellenistic fantasy
mocking Egyptian culture. The production and reproduction of such literature must be
understood as part of a major intercultural phenomenon, in which a Graeco-Egyptian
mentality ―dialogued‖ continuously with its dual cultural reference in order to promote
order in its symbolic universe. The philosophical principles behind the Hermetic
discourses presented their moral teachings partly as a mythic description and partly as a
philosophic digression. The Hermetic cosmogony was not a mere attempt to reproduce
Egyptian knowledge. Hermetic literature integrated new cultural elements and engaged
in debates regarding new ideas and the proposal of new interpretations on these
subjects.
229
With regard to the Hermetica‘s claim of being nothing more than a compilation of
Egyptian traditions, it is possible to determine that, indeed, this doctrine promoted a
similar notion of morality to that of the traditional Egyptian thought. The receptor of the
Hermetica was generally a Greek speaker and probably familiar to some extent with
philosophy. So, it was possible or necessary to present the Hermetic teachings using
different idioms and didactical language. In this sense, the Hermetica produced the same
results as the Egyptian instruction texts as they transmitted to their receptors the magicmoral-religious perspective on the relationships of Maat and Man in Society and
afterlife, ―translated‖ into Greek terminology as the relations of God, Nous, Cosmos,
Logos, Man, and the Gnosis.
This may have had led to – intentionally or not - a new Graeco-Egyptian cultural
perception of values, justice, moral, history, cultural identity, and an entire
reformulation of the socio-cultural concept of ―truth‖. In this sense, ―truth‖ is a specific
world-vision or world-conception. However, to understand how a text could promote
such values in society it would be first necessary to understand its process of reception,
interpretation, and reproduction by its receptors in society. Concerning the reception of
the Hermetic texts and the formulation of social discourses based on Hermetism this
subject assumes a subjective sense.
Christians usually praised their common points with Hermetic theology and banned
its occult content. In their discourse, Pagans claimed that the entire Hermetica were
complementary texts portraying the respectful Egyptian tradition. The dispute between
such different perspectives represented a major dispute between two radically opposite
world-views (logoi). The respective discourses also aimed at the hegemony of each
particular social group and their attempt to impose their world-view as the official
230
‗reality‘ or ‗truth‘. It is a structure that has been defined, legitimatized, and sustained by
a specific society‘s symbolic universe. A ―symbolic universe‖ in this context, is an
offspring of all that is culturally specified as being natural for a culture – in this case,
the Graeco-Egyptian one. Thus, this ―symbolic universe‖ is historically reproduced
which promoted the perception of continuity for the common sense of society.
Consequently, the eventual triumph of Christianism over paganism managed to
reproduce the Christian view on the Hermetic phenomenon along with their accepted
Hermetic values. Furthermore, it allowed the canonical interpretation of the Hermetic
principles to be read simply as the confirmation of the truth behind the Christian
doctrine, obscuring the original importance of Hermetism from occidental History until
around 1460 A.D, when a Greek manuscript containing Hermetic discourses arrived at
Florence from a Macedonian monastery ...
231
Bibliography
a) Primary sources (ancient authors, anthologies, atlas and dictionaries)
Allen, Th. G. (transl.) “The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day - Ideas of ancient
Egyptians concerning the hereafter as expressed in their own terms‖. In: The
Oriental Institute of Chicago. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, 37.
(Chicago: 1974).
Armstrong, A. H. (transl.) Plotinus – Loeb Classical Library – vols. I - II . (London:
1978-90).
Baines J., Malek, J. Atlas of Ancient Egypt. (New York: 1984).
Benveniste, E. Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes. (Paris: 1969).
Betz, H. D. (ed.) The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation – Including the Demotic
Spells. (Chicago, London: 2004).
Boas, G. (transl.) The Hieroglyphs of Horapollo. (Princeton: 1993).
Bonnet,
H.
―Hermanubis.‖
In:
H.Bonnet,
H.
Reallexikon
der
Ägyptischen
Religionsgeschichte. (Berlin: 1952), p.289.
___. ―Hermetischen Schriften.‖ In: Bonnet, H. Reallexikon der Ägyptischen
Religionsgeschichte. (Berlin: 1952), pp.289-90.
___. ―Thot‖. In: Bonnet, H. Reallexikon der Ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin:
1952), pp.805-12.
232
Burgière, P., Évieux, P. (transl.) Cyrille d’Alexandrie Contre Julien - vol.1. (Paris:
1985).
Bowersock, G. W. Julian the Apostate. (London: 1978).
Buddensiek , F. ―Nous‖ In: Horn, Ch., Rapp, Ch., Wörterbuch der antike Philosophie.
(München: 2002), pp. 297- 301.
Butterworth, G. W. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks. – Loeb Classical
Library. (London: 1968).
Carrier, Cl. (transl.) Le livre des Morts de l’Égypte Anciene. (Paris: 2009).
Copenhaver, B. P. (transl.) Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin
Asclepius in a new English translation with notes and introduction. (Cambridge:
2002).
Des Places, S. J. E. (transl.) Jamblique – Les Mystères d’Égypte. (Paris: 1989).
Faulkner, R. O. (transl.) The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. (Austin: 1990).
___. The Ancient Pyramid Texts. (Oxford: 1969).
Ficino, M. Opera Marsilii Ficini florentini insignis philosophi platonici medici atque
theology clarissima opera omnia et quae hactenus extitere …, (Basel: 1576, 1959).
Fredouille, J. –C. (transl.) Tertullien: Contra les Valentiniens. 2 vols. (Paris: 1980).
Godley, A. D. (transl.) Herodotus - The Persian Wars.– Loeb Classical Library - vol.1.
(London: 2004).
233
Green, T. M. The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. (Leiden:
1992).
Griffiths, J. G. (transl.) Apuleius of Madauros – The Isis Book - Metamorphoses Book
XI. (Leiden: 1975).
___. (transl.) Plutarch - de Iside et Osiride. (Cambridge: 1970).
Golenischeff, W. Die Metternichstelle in der Originalgrösse (Leipzig: 1877 Wiesbaden: 1982).
Gunn, B. ―The Stela of Apries at Mîtrahina‖. In: Annales du Service des Antiquités de
l’Égypte 27. (Cairo: 1927), pp. 211 – 237.
Hamilton, W. (transl.) Ammianus Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire (A.D. 354378). (New York: 1986).
Hannig, R. Grosses Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch – Deutsch (2800 - 950 v. Chr.). (Mainz:
2006).
Hederich. B. ―Mercurius‖. In: Gründliches Mythologishes Lexikon. (Leipzig: 1770,
Darmstadt: 1996), pp. 1591-1604.
___. ―Thot‖. In: Gründliches Mythologishes Lexikon. (Leipzig: 1770, Darmstadt: 1996),
pp.2368-9.
Hoffmann, F., Quack, J. F. Anthologie der demotischen Literatur. (Munster: 2007).
Holmes, P. (transl.) Tertulian - A treatise on the Soul. - A Select Library of the Nicene
and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. (Edinburgh: 1870, Whitefish MT: 2004).
234
Holzhausen, J. Das Corpus Hermeticum-Deutsch I-II. (Stuttgart, Bad Cannstatt: 1997).
Jasnow, R., Zauzich, K-Th. (transl.) The ancient Book of Thoth. (Wiesbaden: 2005).
Kamal, A. B. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes : 22001- 22208 Stèles
Ptolémaiques et Romaines Tome II. (Le Caire: 1904).
Keyes, C. W. (transl.) Cicero: De Republica, De Legibus – Loeb Classical Library vol. XVI. (Cambridge: 1970).
Legrand, P. -E. (transl.) Hérodote – L’Égypte : Histoires, livre II. (Paris: 1997).
Leitz, C. (ed.) Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen. In: OLA 129,
Band VIII: Register. (Leuven: 2002).
Lichtheim, M. Ancient Egyptian Literature – 3 vols. (Berkeley: 2006).
Liddell, H.G., Scott, R. Greek-English Lexicon. (Oxford: 1996).
Mahé, J. -P. (transl.) ―The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepius‖. In:
Salaman C., et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus Hermeticum and The
Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London: 1999), pp. 99-124.
Nock, A. D., Festugière A.-J.(transl.) Corpus Hermeticum 4 vols. (Paris: 1945-54).
Oldfather, C. H. (transl.) Diodorus of Sicily. – Loeb Classical Library - vol.1. (London:
1968).
Parkinson, R. B., et alii. Cracking codes: the Rosetta Stone and decipherment. (London:
1999).
Preisendanz, K. (transl.) Papyri Graecae Magicae – 2 vols. (Stuttgart: 1973-4).
235
Quack, J. F. Einführung in die altägyptische Literaturgeschichte III – Die gräkoägyptische Literatur. (Münster: 2005).
___.―Ein ägyptisches Handbuch des Tempels und seine griechische Übersetzung.‖ In:
ZPE 119 (1997),pp. 297-300
Quirke, S., Adrews, C. The Rosetta Stone. (London: 1988).
Robinson, J. M. (ed.) The Nag Hammadi Library. (New York: 1990).
Salaman, C., et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus Hermeticum and The
Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London: 1999).
Sander-Hausen, C. E., ―Die Texte der Metternichstele‖ – AA, VII. (Kopenhagen: 1956).
Scott, W. (ed., Transl.) Hermetica: The Ancient Greek and Latin Writings Which
Contain Religious or Philosophic Teachings Ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus.
(Oxford: 1929-36).
Seckel, E., Schulbart, W. (transl.) Der Gnomon des Idios Logos. In: BGU V, I, 1210.
(Berlin: 1919).
Simpson, R. S. ―Appendix B: The Raphia Decree‖. In: Simpson, R. S. (transl.) Demotic
Grammar in the Ptolemaic Sacerdotal Decrees. (Oxford: 1996), pp. 242-57.
___.―Appendix B: The Memphis Decree‖. In: Simpson, R. S. (transl.) Demotic
Grammar in the Ptolemaic Sacerdotal Decrees. (Oxford: 1996), pp. 258-71.
Sternberg-el-Hotabi, H. ―Die Metternichstele.‖ In: C. Butterweck et alii. TUAT – Band
II.3: Rituale und Beschwörungen II. (Gütesloh: 1988), pp.358-380.
236
Stevenson, S.W. et alii. A Dictionary of Roman Coins. (London: 1889, 1964).
Thissen, H. -J. ―Hermes Trismegistos.‖ In: Helck, W., Otto, E. (ed.) Lexikon der
Ägyptologie. (Wiesbaden: 1977), pp.1133-5.
Uxkull-Gylleband, W. G. (transl.) Der Gnomon des Idios Logos. In: BGU V, II. (Berlin:
1934).
Van der Horst, P. W. (transl.) Chaeremon - Egyptian priest and Stoic philosopher.
(Leiden: 1984).
Waddell, W.G. (transl.) Manetho. – Loeb Classical Library. (Cambridge: 1973).
West, S. ―The Greek Version of the Legend of Tefnut‖. JEA 55 (1969), pp.161-83.
Wiesen, D. S. (transl.) Augustin: City of God. - Loeb Classical Library - Book III.
(London : 1968).
b) Quoted and comented authors
Affifi, A. E. ―The Influence of Hermetic Literature on Moslem Thought.‖ In: Bulletin of
the School of Oriental and African Studies 13/4, 1951, pp. 840-855.
Alon, G. The Jews in their land in the Talmudic age. (Harvard: 1980).
Arslan, E. A. (ed.). Iside – il mito, il mister, la magia. (Milano: 1997).
Assmann, J. Weisheit und Mysterium – Das Bild der Griechen von Ägypten. (München:
2000).
___. Moses the Egyptian. (London: 1997).
237
___. Ma’at - Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im Altem Ägypten. (München: 1990).
___. Maât, l’Égypte pharaonique et l’idée de justice sociale. (Paris: 1989).
Augé, M. Le sens des autres. (Paris: 1994).
Bagnall, R. S. ―Cults and Names of Ptolemais in Upper Egypt‖. In: OLA 85, 1998, pp.
1093 – 1101.
___. ―The Origins of Ptolemaic Cleruchs‖, in: BAmSocP 21, 1984, p.07-20.
Balsdon, J. P. V. D. ―The Divinity of Alexander‖, Historia 1 (Stuttgart: 1950), pp.
363-388.
K. Barwise, J. Etchemendy, Language, Proof and Logic. (Stanford: 2002).
___. The Liar: An Essay on Truth and Circularity. (Oxford: 1989),
Bell, H. I. Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt. (Chicago: 1975).
Benverniste, E. Le Vocabulaire des Institutions Indo-Européennes. (Paris: 1969).
Bergman, J. Ich bin Isis: Studien zum memphitischen Hintergrund der griechischen
Isisaretalogien. (Upsala: 1968).
Betz, H. D. ―The Question of ―Poimandres.‖ In: Giversen, S., et alii (eds.) The Nag
Hammadi texts in the History of Religions – Proceedings of the International
Conference at the Royal Academy of Sciences and Letters in Copenhagen,
September 19-24, 1995 – On occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Nag Hammadi
Discovery, pp. 84-92.
238
Bianchi, U., ―Le Probleme des Origines du Gnosticisme‖. In: Bianchi, U. (ed.), Le
Originni dello Gnosticismo – Colloqui di Messina, 13-18 Aprile 1966, (Leiden:
1967), pp. 1-27.
Bickel, S. ―La Cosmogonie égyptienne avant le Nouvel Empire.‖ In : OBO 134.
(Fribourg : 1994).
Boardman, J., et alii. (ed.). The Oxford History of Greece and the Hellenistic World.
(Oxford 1991).
Bohleke, B. ―In terms of fate. A survey of the indigenous Egyptian contribuition to
ancient astrology in light of Papyrus CtYBR inv. 1132 (B).‖ In: SAK 23,
(Hamburg: 1996), pp. 11-46.
Bourdieu, P. Language and Symbolic Power. (Harvard: 1991).
___. Le Sens Pratique. (Paris: 1980).
Boylan, P. Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt. (Oxford: 1922).
Bresciani, E. ―Lo Straniero‖. In: Donadoni, S. (ed.). In: L’Uomo Egiziano. (Roma:
1990), pp. 235-268.
Briant, P. Histoire de l’Empire Perse. De Cyrus à Alexandre. (Paris: 1996).
________. ―L‘Égypte des Grands Rois‖. In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient, 9, mai 1998, pp.
2-20.
Brock, S. ―A Syriac Collection of Prophecies of the Pagan Philosophers‖. In: OLA 14,
(Leuven: 1983), pp. 203-46.
239
Brown,
K. ―Hermes Trismegistus and Apollonius of Tyana in the Writings of
Bahá‘u‘lláh.‖ In: McLean, J., (ed.) Revisioning the Sacred: New Perspectives on a
Bahá’í Theology – vol 8 (Los Angeles: 1997), pp.153-187.
Broze, M., van Liefferinge, C. ―L‘Hermès commun du prophète Abamon.‖ In : BdE
135, (Le Caire : 2002), pp.35-44.
Burke, P. Hibridismo Cultural. (São Leopoldo: 2003).
Büchli, J. Der Poimandres, ein paganisiertes Evangelium. (Tübingen: 1987).
Cassin, B.―‘Barbarizar‘ e ‗cidadanizar‘ ou Não se escapa de Antifonte‖. In: Cassin, B.,
et alii. Gregos, Bárbaros, Estrangeiros. (Rio de Janeiro: 1993).
Collombert, Ph. ―Religion égyptienne et culture grecque: l'exemple de Dioskourídes‖.
In : CdE 75 (Brussels: 2000) pp. 47 – 63.
Coulon, L. ―Quand Amon parle à Platon (La statue Caire JE 38033) ‖. In : RdE 52,
(Paris: 2001), pp. 85-125.
Clarysse, W. ―Ptolémées et Temples‖ in: Vallbelle, D., Leclant, J., (ed.) Le Décret de
Memphis – Colloque de la Fondation Singer-Polignac à l’occasion de la
célébration du bicentenaire de la découverte de la Pierre de Rosette. (Paris: 1999),
pp.41 - 65.
Crawford, D. J., Quaeguebeur, J., Clarysse, W. Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis.
(Leuven: 1980).
Crawford, D. J. Kerkeosiris : an Egyptian village in the Ptolemaic Period. (Cambridge:
1971).
240
Danielou, J. Gospel Message and Hellenistic Culture: A History of Early Christian
Doctrine Before the Council of Nicea, Vol. 2. (London: 1973).
De Meuleunaere, H. ―Thèbes et la Renaissance Saïte‖. In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient,
n.28, février 2003, pp. 61-68.
Der Manuelian, P. Living in the Past - Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-sixth
Dynasty. (London: 1994).
Derrida, J. On Grammatology, (Baltimore, London: 1976).
Detienne, M. Les Maîtres de Verité dans la Grèce Archaïque. (Paris: 1967).
Dieleman, J. Priests, Tongues, and Rites – The London-Leiden Magical Manuscripts
and Translation in Egyptian Ritual (100-300 CE). (Leiden, Boston: 2005).
___. ―Claiming the Stars – Egyptian Priests Facing the Sky.‖ In: Bickel, S., Loprieno,
A. (eds.) AH 17 (Basel: 2003), pp. 277-289.
Drach, S. M. ―Tablet of Alexander IV Aegus‖ in: Birch, S., (ed.), Records of the Past
Series 1, Vol. X. (London: 1878).
Drachmann, A. B. Atheism in Pagan Antiquity. (London: 1922).
Drijvers, H. J. W. ―Bardaisan of Edessa and the Hermetica‖, in: JEOL, 21, 1970,
pp.190-210.
Dunand, F. ―Les representations de l‘Agathodémon.‖ In: BIFAO 67, (Le Caire: 1969),
pp. 9-48.
241
Durand, M. -G. ―Un traité Hermétique conserve en Arménien.‖ In: Revue de l’histoire
des religions, 190 (1976), pp.55-72
Drijvers, H. J. W. ―Bardaisan of Edessa and the Hermetica: The Aramaic Philosopher
and the Philosophy of his time‖. In: Voorraziatische-Egyptische Genootschap, Ex
Oriente Lux, 21 (1969-70), pp. 190-210.
Festugière, A. -J. La Révélation d`Hermès Trismégiste - 4 vols.(Paris: 1944-54).
Finley, M. I. The Ancient Greeks. (New York: 1991).
Foucault, M. ―What is an author?‖ In: Harari, J. V. (ed) Textual strategies: perspectives
in post-structuralist criticism. (London: 1980).
___. Discipline and Punish. (New York: 1977).
Fowden, G. The Egyptian Hermes: a historical approach to the late pagan mind.
(Princeton: 1993).
Frankfurter, D. Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance. (Princeton:
1998).
Fraser, P. M. ―The World of Theophrastus‖. In: Hornblower, S. (ed.), Greek
Historiography. (Oxford: 1996), pp. 167 - 191.
___. Ptolemaic Alexandria 3 vols. (Oxford: 1972).
Frede, M., Striker, G. (eds.) Rationality in Greek Thought. (Oxford: 1996).
Galard, J. (ed.) L’ acrobate au taureau – Les découvertes de Tell el-Dab`a et l’
archeologie de la Méditerranée orientale. (Paris: 1999).
242
Gardiner, A. ―New Literary Works from Ancient Egypt.‖ In: JEA, 1 (London:1914),
pp.20-36/100-106.
Geertz, C. Local Knowledge. (New York: 1983).
___. The Interpretation of Cultures. (New York: 1973).
Genequand, Ch. ―Platonism and Hermetism in al-Kindi‘s Fi al-Nafs.‖ In: Zeitschrift für
Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften 4 (Frankfurt: 1987-8), pp. 118.
Germeur, L. ―Les syngènes Aristonikos et la ville de Tp-bener‖, RdE 51, (Paris: 2000),
pp.69-78.
González, J. L. The Story of Christianity: Vol. 1: The Early Church to the Reformation.
(San Francisco: 1984).
Green, T. M.
The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. (Leiden:
1992).
Greimas, A. J. Du sens. Essais sémiotiques. (Paris : 1970).
Grese, W. C. ―Magic in Hellenistic Hermeticism.‖ In: Hermeticism and the
Renaissance, Merkel, I., Debus, A. G., (eds.) (London, Toronto: 1988), pp. 45-58.
Gruzinski, S. O Pensamento Mestiço. (Rio de Janeiro: 2001).
Hall, S. ―Who needs ‗identity‘‖. In: Hall, S., Du Gay, P. Questions of Identity. (London:
1996), pp.1-17.
___. ―The Question of Cultural Identity‖. In: Hall, S., Held, D., McGrew, T., (eds.)
Modernity and its Futures. (Oxford: 1992), pp. 273-326.
243
Hartog, F. Le mirroir d’Herodote : essai sur la représentation de l’autre. (Paris: 1980).
Höbl, G. A History of the Ptolemaic Empire. (London: 2001).
Holmyard, E. J. Alchemy, (Dover, New York: 1990).
Hornung, E. L’Égypte Ésoterique. (Monaco: 2007).
Hurry, J. B. Imhotep, the Egyptian god of medicine. (Chicago: 1987).
___. Imhotep, the Vizier and Physician of King Zoser. (Oxford: 1928).
Huss, W. Der Makedonische König und die ägyptischen Priester: Studien zur
Geschichte des ptolemaiischen Ägypten. Historia Einzelschriften 85. (Stuttgart:
1994).
Iversen, E. Egyptian and Hermetic Doctrine (Copenhagen: 1984).
Jacob, C. ―Introduction‖. In: Hérodote – L’Égypte : Histoires, livre II . (Paris: 1997),
pp. VII-XXI.
Karle, B. Der Alchemistentraum des Zosimus (Freiburg: 1925).
Kessler, D. ―Das hellenistische Sarapeum in Alexandria und Ägypten in
ägyptologischer Sicht‖. In: M. Görg, G. Höbl (eds.), Ägypten und der östliche
Mittelmeerraum im I. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Wiesbaden: 2000), pp. 163-230.
Koenig, Y. Magie et magiciens dans l’Égypte ancienne. (Paris: 1994).
Krause, M., Lahib, P. ―Gnostische und Hermetische Schriften aus Codex II und Codex
VI.‖ In: Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo, Koptische
Reihe, Band 2 , (Glückstadt: 1971).
244
Krause, M. ―Der Stand der Veröffentlichung der Nag Hammadi-Texte‖. In: U. Bianchi
(ed.), Le Originni dello Gnosticismo – Colloquio di Messina, 13-18 Aprile 1966.
(Leiden: 1967), pp.61-89.
Le Corsu, F. Isis – Mythe et Mystères. (Paris: 1977).
Lewis, N. Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt. (Oxford: 1986).
___. Life in Egypt under Roman Rule. (Oxford: 1985).
___. Reinhold, M., Roman Civilization, 2 vols. (New York: 1951-5).
Libourel, J. M. ―The Athenian disaster in Egypt‖. In: The American Journal of
Philology, vol.92, October 1971, pp. 605 - 615.
Lindsay, J. The Origins of Alchemy in Graeco-Roman Egypt. (New York: 1970).
Loprieno, A.
La pensée et l’écriture: pour une analyse sémiotique de la culture
égyptienne. (Paris: 2001).
Luch, G. ―Theurgy and Forms of Worship.‖ In: Neusner, J. (et alii), Religion, Science
and Magic. (Oxford: 1989), pp. 185-228.
Mahé, J. -P. ―Gnostic and Hermetic Ethics.‖ In: van den Broek, R., Hanegraaff, W.J.
(eds.) Gnosis and Hermeticism: From Antiquity to Modern Times. (New York:
1998), pp. 21-36.
___. Hermès en Haute-Égypte. I-II. (Quebec: 1978-82).
Marcus, R. ―The Name Poimandres‖. In: JNES, 8 (Chicago: 1949).
McCarney, J. Social theory and crisis of Marxism. (London: 1990).
245
Mead, G. R. S. Thrice-Greatest Hermes: Studies in Hellenistic Theosophy and Gnosis. 3
vols. (London: 1906).
Menu, B. ―L‘Élite Provinciale à L‘arrivée d‘Alexandre: Les inscriptions du Tombeau de
Pétosiris‖. In : Égypte, Afrique & Orient, 6, septembre 1997, pp. 28 - 30.
Merkelbach, R. Isis regina – Zeus Sarapis. Die griechisch-ägyptische Religion nach
den Quellen dargestellt. (Stuttgart, Leipzig: 1995).
Merkur, D. Gnosis: An Esoteric Tradition of Mystical Visions and Unions. (New York:
1991).
Molino, J. ―Interpréter‖. In: Reichler, C. (ed.) L’interprétation des Textes. (Paris: 1989),
p. 9-52.
Morenz, S. Ägyptische Religion. (Stuttgart: 1960).
Momigliano, A. Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization. (Cambridge: 1975).
Mueller, K. Settlements of the Ptolemies – City foundations and new settlement in the
Hellenistic world. (Leuven: 2006).
Navarro, D. (ed.) Cultura, ideología y sociedad. (Havana: 1983).
Neugebauer, O., Parker, R. A. Egyptian astronomical Texts 3vols. (London: 1969).
Otto, W. Priester und Tempel im Hellenistischen Ägypten. (Leipzig: 1905 /Berlin:
1908/ Rome: 1975).
Pagels, E. H. The Gnostic Gospels. (New York: 1979).
Pearson, B. A. Gnosticism, Judaism, and Egyptian Christianity. (Minneapolis: 2006).
246
___. Gnosticism and Christianity in Roman and Coptic Egypt - Studies in Antiquity and
Christianity. (New York: 2004).
Perdu, O. ―Psammétique Ier‖. In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient, 28, février 2003, pp. 3 -11.
Pernigotti, S. I Greci nell’Egito della XXVI Dinastia. (Imola: 1999).
Pinch, G. Magic in Ancient Egypt. (London: 1994).
Pinheiro, M. P. F. ―Fonctions du surnaturel dans les Éthiopiques d‘Héliodore‖. Bulletin
de l’Association Guilhaume Budé, 4, (Paris: 1992), pp. 358-81.
Pollit, J. J. Art in Hellenistic Age. (Cambridge: 1999).
Préaux, Cl. Le Monde Hellénistique - 2 vols. – Nouvelle Clio. (Paris: 1997, 2002).
Pucci, M. La rivolta Ebraica al tempo di Traiano. (Pisa: 1981).
Puech, M. Les sources de Plotin. (Genève: 1960).
Quagebeur, J. ―Le dieu égyptien Shaï.‖ In: OLA 2, (Leuven: 1975).
Quispell, G. ―Preface.‖ In: C. Salaman et alii (transl.) The Way of Hermes: The Corpus
Hermeticum and The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistos to Asclepios. (London:
1999), pp. 9-11.
___. ―The Asclepius‖. In: van den Broek, R., Hanegraaff, W. J. (eds.) Gnosis and
Hermeticism: From Antiquity to Modern Times. (New York: 1998), pp.69-85.
Rizzo, J. ―iyt : Une conception égyptienne de la fatalité.‖ In : Egypte, Afrique & Orient
24 (2001), pp. 35-38.
247
Reitzenstein, R. Poimandres - Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen
Literatur, (Leipzig 1904).
Roberts, C. H. ―The Greek papyri‖. In: Harris, J. R. (ed). The Lagacy of Egypt. (Oxford:
1971), pp. 355-389.
Roeder, G. Kulte und Orakel im alten Ägypten, Band II. (Zürich: 1960).
Said, E. W. Orientalism. (New York: 1978).
Sanders, L. J. ―Dionysius I of Syracuse and the Origins of Ruler Cult in the Greek
World‖, Historia 40, (Stuttgart: 1991), pp. 275-87.
Sahlins, M. How “Natives” Think: About Captain Cook, for Example. (Chicago: 1995).
___. Islands of History. (Chicago: 1985).
Scarborough, J. ―Hermetic and Related Texts in Classical Antiquity.‖ In: I. Merkel, I.,
Debus, A.G., (eds.) Hermeticism and the Renaissance. (London, Toronto: 1988),
pp. 19- 44.
Schiper.
B.
U.
―‗Apokalyptik‘,
‗Messianismus‘,
‗Prophetie‘
–
eine
Begriffsbestimmung―. OLA 107 (Leuven, Paris, Sterling: 2002), pp. 21-40.
Schreiber, Th. Expedition E. von Sieglin - Ausgrabungen in Alexandria, I: Die
Nekropole vom Kom esch Schukâfa. (Leipzig: 1924).
Scott, Th. M. Egyptian Elements in Hermetic Literature. (Cambridge: 1987).
Scott, W. Hermetica. The ancient Greek and Latin writings which contain religious or
philosophic teachings ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus. (Oxford: 1924-36).
248
Seligmann, K. The History of Magic. (Ner York: 1948).
Shaw, G. Theurgy and the Soul: The Neo-Platonism of Iamblichus. (Pennsylvania:
1995).
Simpson, W. K. (ed.). The literature of ancient Egypt. ( London: 1972).
Skeat, T. C., Turner, E.G. ―An Oracle of Hermes Trismegistos at Saqqâra.‖ In: JEA 53
(London: 1967). pp.199-208.
Spiess, H. Der Aufstieg eines Gottes – Untersuchungen zum Gott Thot bis zum Beginn
des Neuen Reiches. (Hamburg: 1991).
Stanwick, P. E. Portraits of the Ptolemies – Greek Kings as Egyptian Pharaohs.
(Austin: 2002).
Thompson, D. J. ―Demeter in Greco-Roman Egypt‖. In: OLA 84 (Leuven: 1998), pp.
699-707.
___. Memphis under the Ptolemies. (Princeton: 1988).
___. Ptolemaic
Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience, Aspects of the Ruler Cult. (Oxford:
1973).
Tobin, V. A., ―Maꜥat and ΔΘΚΗ: Some Comparative Considerations of Egyptian and
Greek Thought.‖ In: JARCE, 24, 1987, pp. 113-121.
Todorov, T. Littérature et signification. (Paris: 1967).
Tröger. K. -W. Mysterienglaube und Gnosis im Corpus Hermeticum XIII – Bd. 110.
(Berlin: 1971).
249
Valbelle, D. ―Décrets égyptiens antérieurs aux Lagides‖. In : Vallbelle, D., Leclant, J.,
(ed.) Le Décret de Memphis. – Colloque de la Fondation Singer-Polignac à
l’occasion de la célébration du bicentenaire de la découverte de la Pierre de
Rosette. (Paris: 1999), pp. 67 – 90.
___. Histoire de l’État Pharaonique – Collection ―Thémis-Histoire‖. (Paris: 1998).
Van den Broek, R. ―Gnosticism and Hermetism in Antiquity: Two Roads to Salvation.‖
In: van den Broek, R., Hanegraaff, W. J. (eds.) Gnosis and Hermeticism: From
Antiquity to Modern Times. (New York: 1998), pp. 1-20.
Van der Waerden, B. L. Anfänge der Astronomie (Groningen: 1956).
Veïsse, A. -E. Les révoltes égyptiennes: recherches sur les troubles intérieurs en Égypte
du règne de Ptolémée III à la conquête romaine - Studia Hellenistica, 41. (Leuven:
2004).
Verbrugghe, G. P, Wickersham, J. M, Berossos and Manetho – Native Traditions in
ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. (Michigan: 1999).
Vernant, J. –P. Les origines de la pensée grecque. (Paris: 1962).
Veyne, P. Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs mythes? (Paris: 1983).
Volokhine, Y. ―Le dieu Thot au Qasr el-Agoûz - Ḏd-ḥr-pꜢ-hb, Ḏḥwty-stm‖. In: BIFAO
102, (Le Caire: 2002), pp. 405-423.
Walbank, F. W. ―Könige als Götter, Überlegungen zum Herrscherkult von Alexander
bis Augustus‖, Chiron 17 (München: 1987), pp. 365-82.
250
Westlake H. D. ―Thucydides and the Athenian Disaster in Egypt‖. in: Classical
Philology, Vol. 45, 4, October, 1950, pp. 209-216 .
Yates, F. A. Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition. (London: 1990).
251
APPENDIX 1: Chronological equivalences: Greek and Egyptian periods415
Greek World (Hellade)
Egypt
c. 1200 – 1100 B.C: Dorian invasion and the
New Kingdom: (c. 1550-1070 B.C)
end of the Mycenaean civilization. (At the
same period, it happened the collapse of the
18th - 20th Dynasties
Hittite Empire in Anatolia).
The so-called Greek ―Dark Ages‖:
Third
Intermediate
Period
or
―Libyan
period‖:
(c. 1070 -712 B.C)
c. 1100 – 750 B.C
21st - 25th Dynasties
Archaic Greece:
Late Period (including the two Persian rules):
(712 - 332 B.C)
750 – 480 B.C
Classical Greece:
26th – 31 th Dynasties
480 - 323 B.C
Hellenistic Greece: 323 – 146 B.C
Greco-Roman Period: (332 B.C - 395** A.D)
Macedonian
Greco-Roman Greece: 146 B.C – 330* A.D
Dynasties (Argeades and Lagides):
332 - 30 B.C
Roman
Emperors
(including
Augustus):
30 B.C - 395** A.D
Byzantine Empire: 395** A.D – 1453 A.D
Byzantine/Coptic Period: (395**A.D – 642 A.D)
Until the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople. Until the Arab conquest.
Notes:
* : 330 A.D: Administrative partition between Western and Eastern Roman Empire.
** : 395 A.D: After Theodosius‘ death this separation became permanent.
415
Accordingly to: Boardman: 1991, Finley: 1991, Wilkinson: 1994, Baines and Malek: 1984.
252
APPENDIX 2: On the Interpretatio Graeca: Thoth and Hermes416
THOTH
HERMES
Civil officers, autocrats.
Merchants.
Oratory, speech, letters;
Oratory, grammar, translators, dialectic,
Philosophy (from the third century rhetoric.
B.C).
Bedouins
Wandering herds/ Shepherds;
Travellers.
Home.
Protection.
Protection
Fertility.
Music
Moon, calendar, time counting. Created Planet Mercury. Astrology.
the five-epagnol days.
Medics, medicine.
Medics, healing.
Inventions.
Inventions.
Numbers, calculus.
Mathematic.
Land Surveiler – ―Agrimensor‖, Measures and weight.
measurements.
Board and dice games.
Wisdom, spells, magic.
Spiritual/mental occupations.
Destin.
Luck.
Judge of Osiris‘ tribunal.
Peacemaker.
(Local) creator god: Created the world
using the power of his speech/words.
Oracles.
Divination.
Laws.
Temple rituals / all sacred rites.
Emissary from the gods (divine Vizier). Emissary/Herald from the gods, mediator
between mankind and gods.
As Psychopompos: executor of the As Psychopompos: freed the deceased‘s soul
ritual for opening of the mouth; Helped from its body; Could resurrect a dead person
Isis to resurrect Osiris.
with his caduceus. (Also assimilated to
Anubis, as ―Hermanubis‖).
416
Accordingly to: P. Boylan (Oxford: 1922). H. Bonnet ―Thot‖. (Berlin: 1952), pp.805-12; B.
Hederich., ―Thot‖. (Leipzig: 1770, Darmstadt: 1996), pp.2368-9; B. Hederich ―Mercurius‖ (Leipzig:
1770, Darmstadt: 1996), pp.1591-1604; W. Fauth ―Hermes‖. (München: 1979), pp.1069-76; H.-J. Thissen
―Hermes Trismegistos.‖ (Wiesbaden: 1977), pp.1133-5.
253
Lebenslauf
Mein Name ist Ronaldo Guilherme Gurgel Pereira. Ich wurde am 21. Januar 1977 in
Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasilien, geboren. In Rio besuchte ich von 1993 bis 1997 das
Colégio Pedro II, welches einem Gymnasium entspricht.
1998 begann ich mein B.A. Studium in Allgemeiner und Brasilianischer Geschichte.
Als Nebenfach wählte ich Pädagogik („Licenciatura―) an der „Universidade Federal do
Rio de Janeiro – UFRJ―. In meiner Abschlussarbeit schrieb ich über die Darstellung
Ägyptens bei Herodot. Meine Universität druckte die Arbeit. Während meiner Jahre als
B.A. Student ging ich an viele regionale und nationale Konferenzen, um meine
Forschunggegenstände zu diskutieren. 2002 beendete ich mein Bachelorstudium, ein
Jahr später beendet ich die „Licenciatura―.
Von 2003 bis 2005 blieb an der UFRJ, um meinen M.A. erwerben. Ich besuchte das
„Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Comparada― (PPGHC - UFRJ). In diesem
fanden Diskussionen zur Vergleichenden Geschichte statt. Es war also eine
interdisziplinäre
Veranstaltung,
in
welcher
sich
Studenten
der
Ethnologie,
Anthropologie und Geschichte traffen. Mein damaliger Fokus war die Interkulturalität
im hellenistischen Ägypten. Erneut hielt ich Referate an verschiedenen Konferenzen.
Auch meine Masterarbeit wurde wiederum von meiner Universität gedruckt.
Von 2007 bis 2010 arbeitete ich am ägyptologischen Seminar in Basel an meiner
Dissertation. Meine Arbeit behandelt das sogenannte Corpus Hermeticum und die
254
Bildung einer griechisch-ägyptischen Mentalität. Betreut wurde meine Arbeit von Frau
Dr. Susanne Bickel Zignani.
An meiner mündlichen Prüfung habe ich zu den Themen „Altes Reich― und
„Griechisch-Römisches Ägypten― befragt worden. Als zu prüfende Sprachen wählte ich
klassisches Ägyptisch mit dem Text des Schiffbrüchigen, sowie Koptisch, zu welchem
ich Auszüge aus dem Judasevangelium übersetzten werde. Meine Doktorprüfung wurde
am 26.10.2010 stattfinden.
255