the mande kora: a system of thought

THE MANDE KORA:
A WEST AFRICAN SYSTEM OF THOUGHT
Collected writings, essays, and interviews
from 35 years of ethnic music research
By
Margit Cronmueller Smith, MA
Tuebingen, Germany
2011
Manuscript, Music Recordings and Margit’s Mande Kora
PRESENTED TO
Allyson Hughes Handley, President
University of Maine at Augusta
On October 29, 2012
This research is made available to world music reserachers
Under a Creative Commons License
By the University of Maine at Augusta Bennett D. Katz Library
http://www.uma.edu/libraries.html
Augusta, Maine 04330
United States of America
April 24, 2011
2
Jeli Beya Sissoko with Margit Cronmueller Smith
3
Preface
Margit Smith was exceptionally well-prepared professionally to work in West Africa. She
spoke French and English fluently, in addition to her native German, and had classical
musical training in piano and cello at the Mozarteum, School of Music and Dramatic Arts
in Salzburg, Austria, and in music and movement at the Orff Institute. She also had an
MA degree in music from The American University in Washington, DC. For several
years she taught elementary classroom music and movement in Bellflower, California
and elsewhere in the United States using the Orff instrumentarium with her close friend
Martha Wampler.
I believe she met Sidiki Yayo earlier but did not start formal studies with him until 1980
in Abidjan, Ivory Coast. After 1982 she made many trips from Nairobi and Germany to
West Africa to continue her studies and performances. As one can see from the essays
she also acquired considerable vocabulary in West African languages. Her command of
English evidenced in the interviews was exceptional.
As a concert pianist, Margit had a compulsion for excellence of performance which she
applied to her work on the kora. She spent hours in tears and frustration at the outset
learning how to tune the traditional kora using her own muscles, saliva, and cowhide.
Since kora music is not written down and must be learned by ear, I am amazed that she
learned and played an immense amount of the kora literature and was recognized by
Sidiki and others to be the performance equal to the best. In 1993, she recorded a kora
duo disc, Les Dragons, Ninki Nanka, with Bacari Cissoko and others. In 2002, she
recorded 10 pieces from a live performance in Zurich with colleagues, Mori Dioubate,
Yakhouba Sissoko, and Moriba Koita, under the name Sound Contacts, Mande Quartett.
Unfortunately, Margit passed away in Germany in 2004 from breast cancer before her
work could be completed.
Margit’s drafts and notes were typed on a Tandy computer and printed on a dot matrix
printer and were barely legible. She gave manuscripts and a large number of cassette
tapes to Ms Brigitta Mitchell, a friend retired from the World Bank, who made the papers
available to me for transcription. In order to preserve her work it was necessary to retype
the essays, notes, and interviews on a computer and transfer them to a CD. For that I am
indebted to Ms. Emma Potvin who carefully typed foreign words and phrases in the
proper format. Aside from standardizing form, I have been reluctant to merge or integrate
the papers but where Margit had expanded and rewritten the material.it has been included
in the revised 1990 essay and the duplicating paragraphs deleted.
Margit’s interviews with the most prominent West African jelilu are especially invaluable
to the ethnic music profession. I am personally grateful for our years of companionship
and the effort she made to preserve her work in English.
4
Hadley Smith, April 2011
Acknowledgements
This volume is an eight-year effort, made possible by the encouragement and support of
numerous people including, in the first instance, Jeli Sidiki Yayo and other members of
the jeli community of West Africa who had the vision to recognize the benefits of
working with Margit. Since Margit’s untimely passing her sister Elizabeth Schreiner and
her son, Dr. Tilmann Schreiner, have continuously supported efforts to make Margit’s
papers available to the ethnic music community. Ms Brigitta Mitchell and her late
husband Roy Mitchell worked closely with Margit on recordings of her music practice
and performance sessions during our time in Abidjan, and on various drafts of her essays.
Brigitta kept most of the tapes and papers which Margit copied to her and facilitated the
recordings in Zurich and provided photographs of the main artists. Despite the physical
limitations of Parkinson’s disease she also carefully proofread the text and made
suggestions for organizing the material. Thanks also are due Ms Irene Lipps-Hofer,
Margit’s friend and colleague who accompanied her on most concert tours in Germany
and Switzerland. Our good friend Yang, Chung-Hee, who held Margit’s U.S. kora in
safekeeping for 25 years, graciously donated it to UMA for use in this project.
The final link with the ethnic music community is being provided through the efforts of
Dr. Tom Abbott, Dean of Libraries and Distance Learning of the University of Maine at
Augusta which will make this volume and her live performance recordings available on
line to students and researchers throughout the cyber world through the technical
facilities of UMA, along with the CD recorded in Zurich and cassette tapes, as well as
display one of Margit’s koras on campus.
Brigitta Mitchell arranged to transfer the large volume of Margit’s cassette recordings,
unedited, to compact discs for better preservation.The cassettes contain sufficient
notations to identify dates, places, and players, although in a mixture of French, German,
and Manding. Through further research the best among them can be identified and
selected to provide rich illustrations of comments made in text interviews and essays.
Although some of the interviews were conducted 30 years ago and some of the
interviewees are no longer living or accessable, UMA and Dr. Tom Abbott will make
every effort to make the internet version of this book known and available to West
African jelilu and other West African users, particularly at the Department of Applied
Linguistics at the University in Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire.
Margit would be touched by the efforts of friends and family she has left behind, and
others at UMA, most of whom she never met, to preserve her life’s work and provide a
wider appreciation of the Mande Kora in ethnic music.
April 2011
5
Contents
Introduction ……………………………………………………………
10
Educational Background………………………………………….
10
Kora Studies………………………………………………………
10
Interviews…………………………………………………………
12
Performances….…………………………………………………...
13
Sample Performance Program...…………………………………..
13
The Kora, Symbol of Manding Civilization, 1985 Draft Essay...…….
16
Symbol of Manding Civilization…..………………………………
16
History.....................................................................……………….
17
Philosophy and Beliefs ...........................................……………….
19
The Nyama ...........................................................……………….
The Word….. .......................................................……………….
20
20
Oral Tradition and the Jeli .......................................……………….
20
Society……………………………......................……………….
The Jeli…………. ................................................……………….
Repertoire……… .................................................……………….
21
21
21
The Music of the Jeli.................................................……………….
22
Faamafoli.. ...........................................................……………….
Donsofoli……......................................................……………….
Senafoli………… ................................................……………….
Numufoli…… ......................................................……………….
Garangefoli ..........................................................……………….
Ali Kuranafoli ......................................................……………….
22
22
22
22
22
22
The Instruments of the Jeli………………………………………….
23
Membranophones .................................................………………
Ideophones ...........................................................………………
Areophones ..........................................................………………
Chordophones ......................................................………………
23
23
23
24
6
Kora…………......................................................………………
Principles of Kora Music .....................................………………
24
25
Model character ...................................................………………
Konkon pattern.....................................................………………
Cyclic pattern .......................................................………………
Nininkali…………………………….. ................………………
Inherent note patterns ...........................................………………
Kessekesseni ........................................................………………
Flexible style ........................................................………………
25
26
26
26
27
27
27
Conclusion……………. ............................................………………
27
Bibliography ............................................................………………
28
The Mande Kora: A West African System of Thought,
Draft 1990 Essay (Revised) ...................................................................
30
Introduction ....................................................................................
30
The Mande People .........................................................................
30
The Jeli in Mande Tradition ...........................................................
31
The word ........................................................................................
33
The kora .........................................................................................
35
Baraka – divine blessing ................................................................
36
Nyama-vital force………………………………………………..
36
Knowledge .....................................................................................
38
The Sphere of the Instrument…………………………………….
40
Anthropomorphism of the Kora…………………………………..
42
Precepts Inherent in the Kora……………………………………
43
The Jeli’s Performance ..................................................................
43
Conclusion .....................................................................................
46
Footnotes ........................................................................................
47
Bibliography ..................................................................................
49
Notes on Related Topics ……………………………………………..
52
An Attempt to Define Manding Music Style…………………….
52
Kora Apprenticeship.…………………………………………….
53
7
The Art of the Jeli………………………………………………..
54
Symbolism of the Kora..…………………………………………
56
Analogies and Symbolism………………………………………..
56
Thoughts about Kora Music……………………………………..
57
Interviews With West African Jeli …………………………………..
59
Kalilou Tera ....................................................................................
59
Kalilou Tera (2)...............................................................................
70
Sidiki Yayo .....................................................................................
77
Sekou Camara .................................................................................
102
Beya Sisoko, Sidiki and Sekou .......................................................
107
Beya and Sidiki ...............................................................................
108
Beya ................................................................................................
119
Kalilou and Sidiki ...........................................................................
124
Sidiki Diabate, Bamako………………………………………….
129
Yonoussa Sissoko ...........................................................................
150
Supplementary Information, Questions and Comments.........................
167
Sweet Music………………………………………………………
167
Manding Philosophy………………………………………………
170
Playing in a Hotel…………………………………………………
171
Tuning……………………………………………………………..
172
First Manding Musician ..................................................................
174
Remarks ..........................................................................................
178
Letter to Pathe Diagne ....................................................................
180
Letter to Dr. Philip Ravenhill……………………………………..
182
Biographical Data …………………………………………………………
184
Sekou Camara ..................................................................................
184
Beya Sissoko ....................................................................................
185
Sidiki Yayo ......................................................................................
186
8
Kalilou Tera .....................................................................................
188
Yonoussa Sissoko…...……………………………………………..
191
Note about tapes by Brigitta Mitchell: July 31, 2011.................................
192
Index of Written Notes on Each Cassette………………………………...
194
9
INTRODUCTION
Educational Background
I am a classically trained professional pianist and former faculty member of the Orff
Institute, a division of the Mozarteum, School of Music and Dramatic Arts in Salzburg,
Austria. From 1968 - 1970, I studied and taught Nigerian music and dance in Lagos,
Nigeria. From 1970 until 1974, I studied the kayagum, a Korean zither and various forms
of Korean music and dance in Seoul, Korea.
In 1976, I received a M.A. in Performing Arts from American university. In 1979, I
founded the composer duo MUSICA MUNDI and as a composer and player produced a
record of experimental world music. This music was broadcast on several American radio
stations.
Kora Studies
In 1980, I had my first kora lesson with Jeli Sidiki Yayo. He was born in Faranah, Guinea
and is a Maninka fin, as the inhabitants of the Sankarani area are called. This region
belongs to the heartland of Mande where Sunjata Keita founded the Mali Empire in 1235.
Sidiki Yayo is a jeli, i.e., a professional verbal and musical artist. He belongs to the group
of Mande society called nyamakalaw. Nyamakalaw are those who possess a large amount
of nyama, vital force, and know how to manipulate it. They are the exclusive heirs of
certain arts and crafts and excel in transforming matters, such as words, iron, wood, and
leather. As masters of their respective trades and the spiritual force nyama, they are
simultaneously highly esteemed and feared.
Mande tradition attributes its contemporary social and cultural characteristics to Sunjata.
At Kurukanfuga, the plateau of the mountains north of Kangaba, Mali, Sunjata met with
other kings and princes of the various kingdoms in the region. During this seminal
reunion called kalaben, literally the meeting of the bow, Sunjata was elected king. The
reunion, kalaben, facilitated his victory of the Sosso sorcerer king Sumaoro Kante in the
battle of Krina (1235). During the reunion kalaben, Sunjata organized society and
initiated and sanctioned the institutionalization of the jeli. Oral tradition says that
Sunjata’s recommendation in his testament was: Honor the jelilu.
Ever thereafter, throughout Mande history, the jeli played a crucial role as an official of
the court. For centuries, the court and the noblemen were the patrons of the music, which,
in the conception of the Mande include the art forms of literature, poetry, and dance. The
jeli and his arts are a product of the urban milieu. Until today, his art forms are
appreciated as highly developed, exclusive cultural treasures, paid for with gold.
Throughout the centuries, the jeli acted as a character of many different roles including
that of a councilor, mediator, negotiator, historian, genealogist, tutor, entertainer, and
verbal and musical artist. Until today, the jeli may play some or all of the above roles,
except that his patron, rather than a king, may be a person in a leading position, such as
10
the government official, a businessman, a marabout, or a person with an important clan
name.
All Mande persons who neither belong to the endogamous group called nyamakala are
called horon, noblemen or freemen, who today are mostly farmers and traders. In former
times slaves made up the third social group.
A prerequisite for the proper functions of the jeli is a patron or host, called, jigi, who,
until recently always was a horon, nobleman. Formerly, the king was the patron. During
the last 20 years, another list of patrons was added, such as restaurants, nightclubs,
recording firms, and television became popular.
Jeli Sidiki Yayo’s father was one of the jelilu of Sekou Toure, President of Guinea. Jeli
Sidiki Yayo was a kora solist in the Ensemble Instrumenal and after having officially
toured the world for 20 years, he decided to live in exile in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire. After
about two years of instruction by this master, I realized that the kora represents much
more than is readily visible, audible, and comprehensible. Over the next 8 years, Jeli
Sidiki Yayo and his colleagues have initiated me into the world of the kora. As a result, I
have come to understand that the Mande kora is a syumbol of Mande culture and
philosophy. Having learned and practiced the art of playing the kora and studied in its
cultural context countless interviews and conversations, I began to realize that for a
Mande jeli to play an instrument means ‘to think’.
Among the Mande, the kora is perceived as a significant form, containing ideas which
were passed down orally, ritually, and symbolically over several centuries. The
instrument is endowed with a variety of forces. It is conceived as the artistic incarnation
of Mande sensibilities and wisdom par excellence. Therefore, the jeli considers the
instrument like a sacred, omnipotent object. On one occasion, Jeli Sidiki Yayo compared
the kora to a fetish, jo.
Traditionally, the tough apprenticeship of a young kora student was comparable to that of
a marabout student. The young apprentice was attached to his master for several years,
serving him in all domains including in the fields, in order to search, earn, and receive
first of all baraka and afterwards knowledge.
During my research on the kora, I was a participant/observer. While residing in
Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire from 1980 - 1982, I studied the kora with Jeli Sidiki Yayo, born
in 1933 in Faranah, Guinea. Each year, from 1983 -1990, I spent one month in West
Africa to study and record kora music with Jeli Sidiki Yayo, Jeli Beya Sissoko, born in
1953 in Basse, The Gambia, and Jeli Sekou Camara, born in 1950 in Siguiri, Guinea.
These three jelilu were my principal teachers and were mainly responsible for my
initiation into the kora. They shared their innermost thoughts about jeliya, the
professional activities of a jeli" in general, and specific musical practices of the kora, in
addition to their reflections on jeli life in exile. All of them have lived in exile in Abidjan
since 1980.
11
Interviews with Prominent West African Jeli
I have recorded long interview sessions (260 pages) with these three jelilu in the presence
of Kalilou Tera presently professor of Applied Linguistics at the University in Abidjan,
Cote d'Ivoire, chosen as a collaborator because of his involvement of long standing with
oral tradition. He is a traditionalist who knows Mande culture and oral tradition literally
by heart. He wholeheartedly and generously agreed to embark on the musical exploration
of jeliya with the jelilu of my choice. Kalilou Tera's roles included translating,
transcribing, and commenting responses and song texts. In addition, Kalilou Tera
instructed me about Mande culture and the Mande way of life. He and his family became
my hosts.
During the 70's, Dr. Tera produced several radio programs with senior jelilu in Bamako,
Mali. He acted as an informant to American scholars of African studies, such as John
Johnson and Patrick Mc Naughton. He collected texts recited by the hunter's musician
Seydou Kamara.
After several years of instruction, I was accepted as a jeli and thus, was treated as a
member of the various jeli families who are all related to each other. Therefore, I also had
the chance to discuss Mande music and play with the jelilu visiting Jeli Sidiki Yayo,
including Jeli Daouda Diabate and Jeli Batourou Sekou Kouyate, both impressive senior
kora players residing in Bamako, Mali. After having tested their integrity and after
having learned some of their knowledge, I am convinced that Jeli Sidiki Yayo, Jeli Beya
Sissoko, and Jeli Sekou Kamara gave me valid information.
Sometimes I found myself in the middle of a hot dispute. I realized that these men take
their profession and instruments very seriously and wanted me to understand the
profoundness of “real” jeliya. They stressed the point that it is very rare today to find the
dedicated real jeli marked by integrity and knowledge. They gave me criteria to identify
the "real” or "fake" jeli.
I think that they understood that I, as a foreign musician, see less and more than they do. I
also was aware that I was treated like a fellow artist and not like a journalist or
researcher. The focus of the interviews was the kora. In fact, there was no interview
session without playing the instrument as a sort of introduction to our verbal discussions.
Throughout the interviews, certain aspects or pieces of the kora repertoire were
demonstrated.
The presence of Kalilou Tera who, by the jelilu, is considered a man of knowledge and
prestige, gave the interview an aspect of authority. Shallow answers and lies didn't exist.
Instead, profound ideas were revealed which occasionally surprised even Kalilou Tera.
When I cross checked the information, received in interviews, with other traditional
jelilu, I could see that the information about performance techniques for example was
reliable and consistent.
12
In answers about other themes, such as the origin of the kora, or the symbolism of the
kora there is more than one general point of view, meaning that the connections
concerning the origin and meaning of the kora may be lost, or that the jeli wants to retain
the information or parts of it. He doesn't want to share his nyama with others because,
traditionally, he was bound to keep the secrets. Some of them can be heard in the sounds
of the kora but they cannot be verbalized. Even in the jeli milieu, which is fiercely
competitive, certain sound ideas won't be played out of fear of imitation by others.
While doing this research, I drew heavily on the information obtained by these jelilu and
Kalilou Tera who worked patiently with me. My deep gratitude goes to them.
Performances
On research visits from 1984 - 1990, I played the kora publicly at the workplaces of
these jelilu, i.e., the Hilton Hotel, Golf Hotel, other restaurants and clubs, and during
private functions. At times as one of the players in a kora duo, at times in a larger
ensemble with a bala (Mande xylophone) player, a jembe (Mande drum) player, guitarist,
or all of them. In 1985, Jeli Sidiki Yayo and I gave two Kora Duo Concerts upon
invitation at the French Cultural Center in Nairobi, Kenya. Between 1984-1990, I also
discussed Mande music and played pieces of the two kora styles, i.e., the tilibo repertoire
from Guinea and Mali, and the tiliji repertoire from Gambia and Senegal, with the
following two senior jelilu from the Ensemble Instrumental at the Sorano Theater in
Dakar, Senegal: Jeli Fode Drame and Jeli Digiba Sissoko, both retired as of 1990.
In January 1998, Kalilou Tera and I visited Jeli Sidiki Diabate in Bamako, where I held
three two-hour interview sessions.
Other jelilu with whom I discussed Mande music and played the kora include Jeli
Moricere Diabate (bala), Jeli Kalifa Kamara (bala), Jeli Djimo Kouyate (kora), Jeli
Sekou Kouyate (bala), Jeli Dibajan Kuruma, deceased, (singer and dancer of the Ballets
Africain, Conakry, Guinea), Jeli Mama Koita, (voice), Salifou Silla, (jembe, Mande drum
player of the Ballets Africain), Jeli Amara Sissoko, deceased (kora), Jeli Bakari Sissoko
(kora), Jeli Mamadi Sissoko (kora), Jeli Mori sissoko (kora), and Jeli Yonoussa Sissoko
(kora).
The interviews were done in Maninkakan, the language of the Maninka from Guinea and
Mandinkakan, the language of the Mandinka from Gambia, and Bamanakan, the
language of the Mande living in Mali. I asked questions in French which were translated
by Kalilou Tera, a scholar of Mande traditions, presently professor of applied linguistics
at the University of Abidjan. Kalilou Tera acted as my informant about Mande culture.
He transcribed and translated song texts into French and acted as interpretor during the
interviews. Subsequently, I translated them into English in February of 1990, Jeli Beya
Sissoko and I performed as a Kora Duo at the Universities of Dakar and Thies, Senegal.
13
Sample Performance Program
The kora frequenly is played as a solo instrument but the repertoire is derived from the
word and each piece is an instrumental rendition of a vocal song commemorating a
special event.
The following pieces were performed by Jeli Sidiki Yayo.
Ala la Ke: This is normally the first piece of every kora concert. It is played in honor of
Allah, the omnipotent, who has the destiny of people in his hands. Excerpts of text: “God
has done it, now no man has done it. Everything can be delayed, but God’s work man
can’t postpone. A person’s hope lies with other people, even as the crocodile’s hope lies
in the river.”
Kemebrama: This song was composed for the younger brother of the Almamy Samori,
who was famous for his courage and work ethics.
Mo ben nini bara lé: This is a patriotic song which says: one feels best when one is home,
provided one has not done anything bad.
Dunga: Dunga, meaning vulture, is the totem of the Manding, commemorating the power
of the great bird and the fact that he takes care of death. It is one of the oldest pieces and
recites the whole history of Manding. One cannot finish this piece in 2 or 3 days, or even
a month, if one would like to perform all of it. It is played for the person who is looking
for something, also having the potential of becoming great. According to Manding
customs, this piece was played for funerals of important persons. The kora technique
employed depicts the motions of the vulture, audible in the secco, percussive repetitions
of certain tones interspersed with pauses.
Kulanjang: This song is frequently played just prior to Sunjata. It is a hymn for the
hunters, glorifying them. The hunter is compared to the eagle, which, when playing from
his flight never misses the fish in the water.
Sunjata: This is the most important piece of the repertoire, accompanying the epic of the
13th century King Sunjata. Sunjata, the son of Fare Kon Maghan and Sogolon Konde, was
said to have been carried for 7 years, 7 months, and 7 days in Sogolon’s belly before
being born. For another 7 Years, 7 Months, and 7 days he could not walk and only
crawled until he asked the smith to make a heavy iron bar for him, and with the help of
this iron bar he got up, bending the bar which supported him. Everybody trembled and
from this day it was clear that Sunjata had extraordinary force. The epic tells about
Sunjata’s victory over the Sosso King, Sumaoro Kante, at the Battle of Krina in 1235 and
how and why Sunjata became the founder of the Golden Empire of Manding, influencing
every king who came after him. Excerpts of text: “Great hunter, I’m calling the lion,
Great hunter, I’m calling the lion, lion, owner of all, Until today Sunjata is great, Sunjata
never flees, Death is better than shame.”
14
Tara: This is a composition by the jeli of El Hadj Omar Tal in honor of the imam, who
was a jihad leader and who spread Islam in West Africa. Excerpts of text: “He is gone
with his heart, He is gone. Where did he go?”
Mariama: This popular song tells about a woman who sponsored musicians and she, in
turn, is commemorated in this song.
Tabara: This piece is based on the text of a Sura, “the Kingdom” of the holy book, the
Koran, encouraging people to be humble. This piece is an illustration of the kora as an
instrument for praying.
Kambere Seraman: This is a song about a young man who is well liked by everybody
because of his exemplary behavior.
The second kora was played by Margit C. Smith.
Suri: Solo for balafone: Piece for the transition from childhood to adulthood.
15
THE KORA: SYMBOL OF MANDING CIVILIZATION,
1985 Draft Essay
Symbol of Manding Culture
The kora, a 21-string bridge harp, is a major cultural symbol of the Manding people,
capturing the cultural and artistic traditions of the ancient Empire of Mali (1050-1600)
with all its elegance, sophistication, splendor and wisdom. Today Manding speakers are
spread over several West African states; Mali, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Gambia, Sierra
Leone, Liberia and the Ivory Coast. They all can be traced back to the Empire of Mali
and adhere proudly to Manding traditions.
From the beginning of the Mali Empire, the jeli, also popularly known as griot, was a
professional musician attached to the court and the rulers, who played an important role
as a counselor to the persons in power. Virtually no political decision was made without
the involvement of the jeli, who through his praise songs encouraged the leaders to be
strong.
Today the Manding are predominately Moslems, who combine their belief in Allah as the
Supreme God with pre-Islamic, traditional concepts and rites resulting in a syncretism.
The Manding are a deeply spiritual and mystical people, demonstrated in their: 1)
mythology dealing with the dialogue between man and the invisible and the divine,
longing to establish harmony among them; 2) attitude towards the secret, hidden, internal,
double aspects which are responsible for either perfection or imperfection, rather than the
outer aspects of human beings and other things; and 3) relation with nature, society and
the divine.
The nyama: The nyama, or vital flux, is a cosmic principle, present in human beings,
animals, plants, and things. It is a sacred quality that can be affected by the “word” of the
jeli, since he is charged with a considerable nyama himself.
The word: The Manding excel in their cultivated use of the word, both in daily life
interactions and in poetry. The masters of the word, the jeli, are those who make the
words “vibrate”; they have an enormous power. The word is conceived as the most
powerful symbol of communication.
The jeli: The jeli, as a representative of the nyamakala, is a person with great spiritual
power, who in jeli Sidiki Yayo’s words “knows the first secrets of the forest”.
The music of the jeli: Music is perceived as another form of speech. The jeli makes his
instrument “speak”.
The kora: The kora, a 21-string bridge harp is an indigenous product of the Manding
Empire, which excelled in interaction and cross-cultural contact with North Africa,
Mediterranean countries, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia. The kora is capable of expressing the
16
rich culture of the Manding Empire with all its sophistication, elegance, beauty and style.
The Manding Empire provided a social setting for the jeli and established the kora as one
of its principal propagators of its culture. Through his performance the jeli provides a
cultural identity, with which the Manding readily identify.
The kora is played by only the index finger and thumb of each hand. Because of this
technique, interlocking patterns are produced.
Kora music: The structure of particular pieces has been passed on by oral tradition. All
kora music is cyclic and consists of 1) the underlying cyclic accompaniment outlining the
harmonic and rhythmic structure, and 2) Improvisatory passages, which are highly
individual. No performances are identical. Kora music is never frozen, but flexible and
must be adjusted to particular circumstances. Improvisation is the essence of this music.
The individual style and creativity of the jeli is very important, and through his
improvisation, each rendition of a song is newly created.
The Manding civilization established important kingdoms, which even during the Middle
Ages in Europe were known to be well organized, rich, and cultured. The arts, especially
music and poetry, played a central role and helped to form the character and life style of
is people. This civilization, with a well established, smoothly functioning, social
hierarchical system, developed a music tradition, which is equally well organized and
preserved today. The kora is the most honored instrument among the impressive list of
Manding instruments. As an instrument of the jeli, the kora idealizes the achievements
and aspirations of the Manding associated with splendid court life, conquest, wealth, and
culture. The kora is an indigenous prerequisite for celebrations of all important rites of
Manding life, providing an artistic model with which a person can identify. In this way,
the kora is a collective symbol of Manding civilization.
History
Western Sudan was densely populated from early times because of the Niger, Senegal,
and Gambia Rivers traversing the territory; its gold and copper mines; its climate and
vegetation, which were more suitable for settlement than the desert to the north and the
rain forest to the south; the knowledge of iron-working, which led to efficient, settled
agriculture and trade with merchants from the North.
Important trade routes from the 8th to the 13th century mark the area with Aoudaghost,
Aualata, Timbuctu, Djenne, and Gao important end points for caravans coming from
Cairo, the northern route via Tripoli, Fes and Sidschilmassa, or the eastern route from
Cairo via Darfur, Kanem, Agades, and Gao. Gold, ivory, and slaves from the South were
traded for salt, dried fruits, cowry shells, glass beads, and textiles from the North. Trade
stimulated conquest and formation of three important West Sudanese empires, existing
concurrently’ (1) Empire of Ghana (6th-11th century), also known as Soninke Kingdom of
Wagadou with Kumbi Saleh as its capital, controlling the Sosso, Serer Tucolor and
Berber peoples. It was located between the Senegalese and Niger Rivers, not to be
confused with the modern state of Ghana; (2) the Empire of Songhai (850-1591) with
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Gao as its capital; and (3) the Mali Empire (1050-1100) with Niani as its capital. In this
presentation we deal with music originating in the Empire of Mali.
The Mali Empire was constructed on the ruins of the Ghana Empire. The famous
Soumaoro Kante, the King of the Sosso, a kingdom belonging to Ghana, established
hegemony between 1200-1235, because he as a sorcerer-king famous for his magic
power, would not bow to the systematic Islamization that the jihad leaders forced on the
country. Islamic influence started with the first Arab excursions during the 8th century.
Nearby was the small Kingdom of Mande (1210-1230), governed by Nare Fa Maghan, a
descendant of a great Manding Simbon family. Simbon is the honorary title given to the
bearer who had been successfully initiated into the art of hunting. Nare Fa Maghan’s wife
was Sogolon Kedjou Conde, who gave birth to Sunjata, the founder and future king of the
Empire of Mali. Sunjata was victorious over the Sosso King Soumaoro Kante at the
Battle of Krina in 1235.
Manding tradition attributes its present social and cultural traits to Sunjata, who “divided
up the world” into sixteen clans of marabout, four clans of warriors, and four clans of
nyamakala, among them the jeli. Sunjata’s reign lasted from 1234 to 1255, during which
he greatly enlarged the Mali Empire with territory from the upper Senegal to the upper
Nile then dividing it into provinces governed by his generals. King Mansa Moussa (130737) enlarged the empire further along the Niger over 1,000 miles from Niamey to the
Atlantic Ocean. This emperor was famous for making his pilgrimage to Mecca (1324-25),
and subsequently spreading Islam, establishing cultural exchange by sending
ambassadors to foreign countries, fostering trade, and cultivating a splendid court life.
Institutions of higher learning flourished. Mansa Moussa founded the Timbuctu mosque,
which became the center Muslim learning. During his reign and that of Mansa
Sulayman, Mali was at the height of its power. Djenne, Timbuctu, Walata and Gao were
the intellectual centers in the empire. In 1360, the Empire of Mali started to decline
because of internal power struggles. One province after another was annexed by the
Kingdom of Gao and became part of the Empire of Songhai, which by 1520 had spread
over an enormous territory, including the Kingdoms of Tekrour, Dyara, Mali, Gao, Air,
Gobir, Katsina, Kano, and Zaria.
In 1545, Askia Daoud occupied the Malien capital. By 1591, the Songhai power was
extinguished when the Maroccan army under Dschudar defeated Askia Ishak II.
However, the well organized political order and traditions of the Manding did not
disappear with the collapse of the Songhai Empire. In the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, the Bambara, a Mande speaking people, which kept their indigenous preIslamic belief system nearly intact, were organized in major states such as the Empire of
Segou, ruled by Mamari Koulibali from 1712-1755. Umar ibn Salid Tal, called Al Hadji
Umar after his pilgrimage to Mecca, a Tukulor, settled in 1839 in Fouta Djallon and went
on preaching tours among the Tukulor and Manding. In 1852, he declared the jihad and
built up an empire almost as large as the old Songhai Empire. The empire collapsed
during the reign of Umar’s successor Ahmad (1864-93), as a result of internal rivalries
and external pressure from Samori Toure and the French.
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In 1861, a new Manding Empire was established under the leadership of Almami Samori
Toure, who became famous for his remarkable resistance to colonial power when he
employed political know-how in the tradition of the old Mali Empire.
From the beginning of the Mali Empire to the time of Samori Toure, the jeli, also
popularly known as griot, was a professional musician attached to the court and the
rulers, who played an important role as a counselor to the persons in power. Virtually no
political decision was made without the involvement of the jeli, who through his praise
songs encouraged the leaders to be strong.
Philosophy and Beliefs
Today the Manding are predominately Moslems, who combine their belief in Allah as the
Supreme God with pre-Islamic, traditional concepts and rites resulting in a syncretism.
The Manding are a deeply spiritual and mystical people, demonstrated in their: (1)
mythology dealing with the dialogue between man and the invisible and the divine,
longing to establish harmony among them; (2) attitude towards the secret, hidden,
internal, double aspects which are responsible for either perfection or imperfection, rather
than the outer aspects of human beings and other things; and (3) relation with nature,
society and the divine.
The important values of a person are: self-mastery, pride, dignity, and respect and love
for one’s cultural heritage, or in the words of Camara Laye:
Ces valeurs sont, chez les Malinké, une ethique comportant
la générosité, la loyauté, la chevalerie, le respect de la parole
donnée, la pratique de l’Islam, la cora et la cola.
A Manding thinks of his existence as a cycle, consisting of opposite influences, Faro, the
supreme power, the hero of civilization and master of the world was born from the spirit
yo and his principal seat is the Niger River. Water is considered to be the residence of
ancestral deities and spirits, such as the dya. The dead who have “crossed the river” are
revered in cults. Death does not mean the end of life. It is more a change of domicile, an
indispensable state or station towards union with the spirits of the ancestors. At death, the
dya, for example, stays in the water where it will become the ni of the newly born of the
deceased person’s family. According to Sory Camara, the Manding distinguish four
features that constitute a person: (1) the skin, foro, the outside shell which envelops the
body; (2) the soul, ni, the vital principles that animate the body, located in the heart; (3)
the shadow, dya, an immaterial double of a person. The dya can escape form the body
and live an autonomous life traveling around, such as in dreams. The dya is affected
strongly through music; and finally (4) the mind, hakili.
To call upon spiritual forces and influence them for the well being of people, the
Manding use prayer, offering, and sacrifice, which are deeply rooted in tradition, in
which music plays an integral part. “For Africans, tradition is above all the collective
experience of the community…a means of communication between the dead and the
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living, as it represents the ‘word’ of the ancestors” (Zahan). The jeli serves as link
between the visible and invisible. Music is the privileged bearer of the nyama.
The nyama: The nyama, or vital flux, is a cosmic principle, present in human beings,
animals, plants, and things. Human beings are animated like Faro by the nyama and two
complimentary spiritual principles, the ni and the dya. According to A. Hampaté Bâ, the
nyama is a sacred quality. The nyama can be affected by the “word” of the jeli, since he
is charged with a considerable nyama himself.
The word: The Manding excel in their cultivated use of the word, both in daily life
interactions and in poetry. “Most of the cultural heritage of Mali is based on the power
and the beauty of the word.” (A. Hampaté Bâ) The Masters of the word, the jeli, are those
who make the words “vibrate”; they have an enormous power. The word is conceived as
the most powerful symbol of communication. According to the scholar Kalilou Téra, the
word itself is loaded with two forces; the yo and ya, the inner or divine spirit, and the
external concrete force. This is a philosophical concept first, but also a concept of
language, of the word, of thinking about that which is internal and not yet structured, but
becomes structured by exteriorizing itself. Only those who know and are initiated will
understand the implications and symbolic meaning of the word.
Massa Maghan Djabate, himself a jeli, says:
Parler est un art difficile, le tout est de savoir le poids
des mots. Et qui ne sait les tailler, doit se remettre au
griot. Dans l’heritage du Mande, c’est à eux qu’appartient
la parole.
Oral Tradition and the Jeli
The Manding excel in the verbal art form, including magic formulae proverbs, folk tales,
myths, and epic songs; traveling through generations from ear to ear. The oral tradition,
which is the domain of the jeli, consists of the esthetic use of the language enumerating
the knowledge and activities of the ancestors. It provides an artistic framework where
music, both vocal and instrumental, plays an essential role of ritualized communication.
Through interdependence and synchronization of oral literature and music, and frequent
performances, the history of the Mali Empire is best told sitting together around a
singer/instrumentalist, by moonlight. Both genres are highly appreciated by the audience,
which always seems to be well informed.
Society: The Manding are agriculturalists and merchants. Manding society is hierarchical
and divided into 3 groups: (1) horo, noblemen; (2) nyamakala, people with great nyama,
belonging to an endogamous cast, which hereditarily specializes in performing specific
skills such as smiths, leather workers, wood workers, and musicians; and (3) jo, slaves.
Each individual also belongs to a clan and carries a common name or jamu, has a
common ancestor, a real or a mythical one, beba; and a totem, a tana. Manding society is
full of etiquettes and ritualizes the major events in daily life such as birth, circumcision,
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marriage, and death, through the arts. The power of music is a social fact. The musical
heritage and the epic traditions of the “Golden” Mali Empire are maintained by a caste of
professional musicians, the nyamakala, i.e. the jeli.
The Jeli: The jeli, as a representative of the nyamakala, is a person with great spiritual
power, who in jeli Sidiki Yayo’s words “knows the first secrets of the forest.” The jeli is
initiated in the art of the word and, through his esoteric knowledge, ties the past
generation to the present generation, through the word, constituting the social memory
and the vast reservoir of oral literature. He also serves as advisor, mediator, and
psychiatrist, in addition to his role as oral historian, genealogist, praise singer, storyteller,
entertainer, and artist. There are no taboos for a jeli because he can get away with saying
things that others cannot, which is why he is feared. Jeli Massa M. Diabate says: “Nous
sommes des ‘nyamakala’, c’est-a-dire le manche du malefice, l’antidote du mal…nous
tirons encore de la kora son language ancestral.” According to Kalilou Téra, a jeli is a
purifier, he is the soap of the nobleman; “jeli le ye horon safune di.” The role of the jeli,
who in early times was one of the most important figures of society attached to the court,
has been modified somewhat during the last generation. Now the jeli has a wide group of
patrons and his role is shifting to an independent artist playing for family and community
functions. However, he still retains traditional functions as social mediator and the most
important agent for transferring the culture.
According to legend, Surakata, the ancestor of the jeli, was born from the blood of Faro,
the master of the word. Another legend about the origin of the jeli is this: Two brothers
were lost in the desert. The younger brother was about to die of hunger. In order to save
him, the older one gave him a piece of his thigh he had secretly cut off. Only after they
had been saved, did the younger brother notice the self-sacrifice of his older brother and
started to sing his praise. Thus, he became the ancestor of the griot. There is another
version: After having been saved, the older brother said, “If I were king, I would make
you griot.” After he became king, his brother became his first griot.
Repertoire:The wide range and diversity of the jeli repertoire might surprise any
musician. Best informed about important community matters, the jeli is a commentator
and propagator of the achievements of the society at large, serving as a model for the
audience. He instructs and ritualizes with his instrument. The repertoire includes pieces
celebrating the past of the Manding; praise songs about extraordinary events from daily
life of the present generation and their genealogy, extolling the moral codes of the
community, and pieces accompanying the never changing life cycle from birth to death.
While some of the immense jeli literature has been recorded, very little of it has been
notated and few texts have been written.
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The Music of the Jeli
Music is perceived as another form of speech. This is evident from the similarity of the
two Mandinkakan phrases:
playing the kora (literally, making the kora speak) ka kora fo; and
speaking the word,
ka kuma fo.
The same verb, fo, expresses the two ideas. Generally a jeli is a master of the word and
his instrument “speaks”. Manding music is divided into several categories, according to
the different underlying texts, rather than according to the structure of the music.
Faamafoli, or court music: The central theme of this music is the
accomplishments of the great emperors and warriors. The music is only played for
descendents of the old Manding Empire who show themselves respectful and
worthy of such music, and who can appreciate it.
Donsofoli, or hunters music: Traditionally, being a hunter was a noble profession,
equaling the status of a warrior. The ancestors of the great Emperor Sunjata were
“simbon”. This honorary title was given to Sunjata too. The lines between
faamafoli and donsofoli are at times blurred, because when one plays the
faamafoli piece “Sunjata”, for example, one also adds a part of the donsofoli,
glorifying Sunjata as a great hunter.
Senefoli or samagofoli, or music about labor and agriculture: This music is played
to glorify the great planters, those who plant more than the others.
Numufoli, or music for the smiths: One often says that the smiths are the first sons
of the world and thanks to them technology has existed.
Garangefoli, or music for the tanners. There is a specific music for representatives
of specific groups of different social categories. The music: (1) celebrates and
glorifies the actions of the representatives of these specific groups; (2) makes
them proud that they belong to this group; and (3) suggests that they should
surpass themselves and try even harder than their predecessors.
Barabafoli or barabodonkili, or music for distraction and pleasure: This music can
be played for anybody at any time and includes popular songs about destiny,
fortune, good luck, and love. These pieces can be danced by everybody, whereas
the numufoli can be danced only by a representative of the great smith families,
the donsofoli only by a simbon, and the faamafoli only by a descendant of a noble
family. Should there be no such representative present, this music is only listened
to.
Ali Kuranafoli, or sacred music: These texts are the suras of the Koran. The music
is played for praying and meditating and is never danced.
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The Instruments of the Jeli
The use of the instruments is the exclusive domain of the jeli. Each of the four categories
of instruments – the membranophones, ideophones, areophones, and chordophones –
includes a large variety of instruments.
Membranophones: The jembe, dundun, and tamani are three different species of
drum.
Ideophones: The karyna, which is the instrument of the jeli musso, or professional
female singer. A thin iron tube is struck by a thin iron rod. It is used to punctuate
the singing and/or kora performance, highlighting the underlying time structure.
The balafone was chronologically the first instrument of the jeli. It has 17-19
wood keys mounted on small calabashes sitting on a wood frame. It is tuned into
an equidistant heptatonic scale. The Sosso Emperor, Soumaoro Kante, was known
to have had a separate room on the 7th floor of his tower residence for the
balafone and his charms. The heads of nine former kings that he had fought and
conquered, were mounted in the room and the walls were covered with human
skin. One was spread out in the middle of the room where King Soumaoro Kante
himself played his balafone, surrounded by three live owls and a serpent in a jar.
The king played nightly to get in touch with secret forces within himself and the
charms around him. The jeli of Sunjata, who was the enemy of Soumaoro, entered
this room secretly during the absence of King Soumaoro and could not resist
playing this balafone, because he had never seen one so large and beautiful.
Sunjata’s jeli Nankoma Doga, player of the molo, a plucked monochord lute
given to him by Sunjata’s father King Maghan Kon Fatta, was a famous jeli
whose name was changed to Bala Fasseke, which in Mandinkakan means ‘play
the balafone’, and his last name, Kouyate, means ‘nobody can harm you’,
suggesting the absolute power of music. Bala Fasseke Kouyate was very pleased
by the effect his balafone music had on the extraordinary inhabitants of this secret
room, a veritable chamber macabre.
When he returned, King Soumaoro was surprised and furious to hear his balafone,
which until then had never been touched by any other player except himself. But
on hearing Bala Fasseke Kouyate play beautiful melodies and praise songs about
him, Soumaoro kept Bala Fasseke, the jeli that Sunjata inherited from his father.
As a result, war was inevitable between the Sosso King, Soumaoro Kante, and the
Manding king, Sunjata Keita. With the Battle of Krina, which was won by
Sunjata, the Empire of Mali was born.
Areophones: The areophones are represented by the horizontal trumpet, the budu,
and the horizontal flute, file.
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Chordophones: The chordophones are very numerous and the most widely used
group of Manding instruments. The Kalanin is a one-string Arab influenced
bowed lute/fiddle. The professional female singer accompanies her epic song on
this fiddle. All other string instruments are played only by male musicians. The
molo is a monochord plucked lute, first played by the jeli of Sunjata. The molo is
the ancestor of the kondin, a 5 to 7 string plucked lute, the neck of which is
fingered and which has at least two drone strings. The elongated wooden
resonator box is covered with skin. The repertoire and sound patterns are identical
with those of the kora. One or two kondin and one kora played together make one
of the ideal ensembles, the other being two koras played together. The bolon,
which is associated with hunting and war activities, is a large harp made of a skin
covered calabash with a curved neck and three rawhide strings. The simbin is very
similar to the bolon, though much smaller, with 5 to 7 strings and played solely by
hunters.
Kora: The kora, a 21-string bridge harp is an indigenous product of the Manding
Empire, which excelled in interaction and cross cultural contact with North
Africa, Mediterranian countries, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia. The kora is capable of
expressing the rich culture of the Manding empire with all its sophistication,
elegance, beauty, and style; capturing a wide spectrum from the most majestic to
the most intimate elements of life. The Manding Empire provided a social setting
for the jeli and established the kora as one of its principal propagators of its
culture. Through his performance the jeli provides a cultural identity, with which
the Manding readily identify. Manding society placed great importance on the
oral word, and produced such mobile, flexible instruments as the kora, which can
be used either solely for accompaniment of the word, or combining the solo and
accompaniment all on one instrument.
The kora probably dates back 300 years, but it could be older. Historically, the
kora was first mentioned in 1799 by Mungo Park. The kora was proceeded by the
19-string bridge harp, soron, said to derive from the simbin. The materials for the
construction of a kora are a calabash, a goat or antelope hide, gut strings in early
times, a solid wood center pole and three narrow wood support rods, and a wood
bridge. The nyama of the animal is embodied in the skin covering the calabash
and the strings, the nyama of the earth is embodied in the calabash, the nyama of
the tree, embodied in the center pole, is responsible for successfully evoking the
spirits of ancestors in a harmonious manner, which is one of the major roles of the
kora. Whereas drums and balafone are associated with aggression and nervous
tension, calling people together and to move; the kora is the symbol of dialogue,
encouraging reflection and tranquility, inviting people to sit down. The most
sophisticated instrument, it is mainly used as a solo instrument with a singer,
either male or female. Purely instrumental solo renditions of the repertoire are
common today. The kora is played only by the index finger and thumb of each
hand. Because of this technique, interlocking patterns are produced (see Kubik).
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Oral tradition recounts the divine origin of the kora. Jeli Mady Wouling arrived
from Gabou, to settle in Bourfonte where the descendants of Tira Makhan Traore,
one of Sunjata’s famous generals, lived. Jeli Mady traveled to the island of Sane
Minterin, domicile of a great spirit jinn, asking the jinn how he could become
famous. The jinn delivered the secret for the construction of the kora. When the
jeli went home, he took a calabash, an animal hide, a wood pole and 21 strings to
fabricate the kora, and played for the people, who rewarded him generously.
Some even gave all they possessed to this jeli. Today, the kora is one of the most
well liked instruments and the audience is always in awe of the skills of a good
player and the sound patterns and qualities of a kora.
The two most important prerequisites for playing the kora are, in jeli Sidiki
Yayo’s words: (1) dusu sawanin, or calmness of the heart, and (2) hakili sigini, or
clear mind; and it follows that under two conditions one cannot play the kora: (1)
dusu kasinin, or when the heart is crying, and (2) hakili ouleli, or when the mind
is wavering. A proper standard speed of a particular piece must be well balanced,
a te bori, or not running, and, a te symaya, or not slowing down.
Principles of Kora Music
Application of the concepts of balance, coolness, serenity, mental clarity, respect,
courage, and purity, which are also the traditional values of a Manding person, are
evident in every excellent kora performance. Playing the kora is a serious matter and each
time a kora “speaks” it is a significant event, a ritual for those who know. Virtually each
piece was conceived from certain circumstances and is devoted to one particular person.
Modal character: The tuning systems for the kora have been thoroughly studied by
scholars such as King and Knight. Definition of the tone system is difficult because every
jeli has his own system; depending on his own tone perception as to whether the pitches
of a scale lie within an acceptable margin of deviations. The tolerance for gradations of
certain pitches vary from jeli to jeli.
The kora can be tuned to any system, but the three principal tunings for the Manding kora
repertoire are;
1. silaba, meaning main road, is the most frequently used tuning with major
character, and resembles the ionian mode. Silaba employs just intonation, that
is, pitches 3 and 7 are about 15 cents lower than those of the western major
scale (see Knight). Hardin is a variation of silaba. In comparison with the
Western major scale, pitches 3 and 7 are 5-10 cents higher, while pitches 2
and 6 are 10-15 cents lower;
2. sauta, with its characteristic interval, the augmented fourth, with major
character, resembles the Lydian mode; and
3. tomora, with minor character resembles the dorian mode.
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A tonal center is always established by the accompaniment and usually is the first note of
a particular tuning system. The 5th is the second-most important tone. The melodic profile
of a solo is predominately falling, starting on the fifth above tonal center and returns to
the central center at the end of the phrase.
Konkon pattern: This tension-release concept is also applied in rhythmical phrases, which
are conceived from a motional concept and are cyclic (see Kubik). Konkon is an
onomatopoetic expression for the tapping on the kora during play and the rhythms played
by the karyna. Konkon patterns coincide with the dancing steps, defining the divisions of
time, and are the key for the jeli’s rhythmic perception.
Cyclic patterns: The structure of particular pieces has been passed on by oral tradition.
All kora music is cyclic and consists of two elements: (1) the kumben, or underlying
cyclic accompaniment, outlining the harmonic and rhythmic structure; and (2) the
tremeli, or improvisatory passages, which are highly individual. Each musician has a
stock of tremeli formulas, which are idiosyncratic and characterize his style. The most
important tool for a good tremeli is a fine intelligence, which permits understanding of
the basic structure, and knowing where within the cycle of the kumben one can play, and
also end, a tremeli. The mastery of a player is indicated by how smoothly he can leave
and reenter the kumben.
The primary goal of a performance is the establishment of a kumben that swings and is
varied, even though it is repeated throughout a particular piece. The kumben may consist
of 24, 16, or 12, 8, or 6 pulses, which can have triple or double groupings, or both
together resulting in cross-rhythms. The tremeli pulse groupings can shift easily between
triple and duple organization. A kumben is often divided into two equal phrases,
comparable to the western antecedent-consequent idea. However, some kumben are
divided asymmetrically, such as a kumben of 8 pulses, divided into an antecedent of 3
pulses and a consequent of 5 pulses.
Nininkali: The composing skills of a jeli are also obvious in the nininkali, literally, asking
for the consent of the instrument that is, checking the tuning. Tuning is continuous and
must be rechecked after each piece; demanding a good sense of pitch and technical knowhow. The kora strings are connected to the upper part of the center pole by movable
braided leather rings, passing over a side-notched bridge to the bottom of the center pole,
where they are attached to a large iron ring. Tension is held solely by friction between the
leather rings and the center pole. The nininkali consists of a series of melodic patterns
designed to check the proper tuning and of several tremeli played in a free meter,
establishing the particular mode and character of the following piece by virtuoso
renderings of typical kora patterns such as fifth and octave parallels intersected by fast
melismatic passages, juxtaposed with syncopated clusters, staccato and legato passages,
and trills; finally cadencing on the tonal center of the next piece. A short version of a
nininkali can also end a piece.
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Inherent note patterns: Another principle of some kora pieces is the occurrence of
inherent note patterns. These are hidden inside the composition and come to the surface,
when the ear regroups the material and perceives a certain “gestalt” (see Kubik).
Kessekesseni: Kessekesseni is an onomatopoeic expression for the buzzing sound
produced by attaching a thin metal vibrator to the bridge. The resulting buzz varies
according to the frequency of the plucked string. Some pieces are preferably played with
the kessekesseni, adding another sound color.
Flexible style: Another significant trait of kora music is that no performances are
identical. This characteristic stems form a deep-seated concept that music is never frozen,
but flexible and must be adjusted to particular circumstances. Improvisation is the
essence of this music. The individual style and creativity of the jeli is very important, and
through his improvisation, each rendition of a song is newly created. Since the kumben
gives a formal harmonic rhythmic structure and is rather set, the tremeli or soli can be
adjusted to specific situations, and for example can elaborately sing about a special guest
in the audience. As a result o f audience participation, the inspired jeli may show
spontaneous artistic creation by playing long solo passages which can last over many
kumben cycles. Therefore, a musician is also a composer. Various stimulating
rhythmically punctuated calls from the audience such as nam, or yes; naamu, or good;
hate, or it is true; tunya, or truth; baraka, or thank you with blessings of Allah, show that
the musician has successfully established a dialogue with the audience.
Conclusion
The Manding civilization established important kingdoms, which even during the Middle
Ages in Europe were known to be well organized, rich, and cultured. The arts, especially
music and poetry, played a central role and helped to form the character and life style of
its people. This civilization, with a well established, smoothly functioning, social
hierarchical system, developed a music tradition which is equally well organized and
preserved today. The intricate philosophical system attests to the power of the word and
the power of instrumental sound.
The kora is the most honored instrument among the impressive list of Manding
instruments. Because the kora speaks, and often is used in combination with song, it
embodies a web of interrelated meanings which evokes a complex of emotions. As an
instrument of the jeli, the kora idealizes the achievements and aspirations of the Manding
associated with splendid court life, conquest, wealth, and culture. The kora is an
indigenous prerequisite for celebrations and of all important rites of Manding life,
providing an artistic model with which a person can identify. In this way, the kora is a
collective symbol of Manding civilization. These remarks are intended to facilitate
understanding of some of the culture-bound concepts of the complex kora music which
have continually been cultivated and refined until today.
27
Bibliography
Camara, Sory, Gens de la Parole, Mouton & Co., Paris, 1976.
Dalby, David, Gordon Innes and Lamin Sahneh, Conference on Manding Studies. June
30th-July 3rd, 1972, Volume I through IV. School of Oriental and African Studies,
London.
Delafosse, Maurice, La Langue Mandingue et ses Dialectes, Imprimerie Nationale, Paris,
1955.
Diabate, Massa M., Janjon, Presence Africaine, Paris, 1970.
King, Anthony, “The construction and tuning of the kora” in African Language Studies,
p. 13, 1972.
Ki-Zerbo, Joseph, Histoire de l’Afrique Noire, Hatier, Paris, 1978.
Knight, Roderic Copley, Mandinka Jaliya: Professional Music of the Gambia, Ph.D.
Thesis 1973, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1973.
Kubik, Gerhard, “Multi-part singing and harmony”, “Interlocking techniques”, and
“Inherent note patterns” in Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th Edition, pp. 246-248,
U.S.A., 1974
“Verstehen in afrikanischen Musik Kulhuren” in Musik in Afrika, edited by
Arthur Simon, Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, 1983.
“The Phenomenon of Inherent Rhythms in East and Central African Instrumental
Music” in African Music, Vol. 3, 1962, Number 1, Roodepoort, Transvaa.
Laye, Camara, Le Maître de la Parole, Librairie Plon, Paris, 1978.
Miller Chernoff, John, African Rhythm and African Sensibility, The University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, 1979.
Niane, Djibril Tamsir, Soundjata ou l’Epopée Mandingue, Presence Africaine, Paris,
1980.
Park, Mungo, Voyage dans l’interieur de l’Afrique, Librairie Francais Maspero, Paris,
1980.
Tall, Madina Ly, L’Empire du Mali, Nouvelles Editions Africaines, Dakar-Abidjan,
1977.
28
Tera, Kalilou, Personal interview, University of Abidjan, 1985.
Wilson, D.A., West African History 1000-1960, Evans Brothers Limited, London, 1976.
Yayo, Sidiki, Personal interviews, Institut National des Arts, Abidjan, 1985.
Zahan, Dominique, The Religion, Spirituality, and Thought of Traditional Africa, The
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1979.
29
THE MANDE KORA: A WEST AFRICAN SYSTEM OF THOUGHT
1990 Draft Essay (Revised)
Introduction
The kora, a genuine Mande, 21-string bridge harp, has grown over several centuries to
embody the precepts of Mande life and philosophy. The physical presence of a kora,
which is the monopoly of the jeli, is a prerequisite for celebrations of all seminal events
in the Mande world. This is true for each individual from birth to death, and for the
history of the Mande people.
The kora is an example of the fine form that is common among makers of Mande
literature, music, dance and sculpture. In the hands of a master jeli, the kora is a powerful
tool full of intellectual, spiritual, and artistic energy. Each time a kora ‘speaks’ is a
significant, culturally meaningful event. The instrument and its music are a sophisticated
complex of communication symbols, a vehicle for conceptualizing, developing and
transmitting concepts. A complex set of interrelationships exists between the jeli and the
kora. In fact, the kora cannot be understood without the jeli who makes it sound and his
audience, the Mande.
This article explores some aspects of the flux of forces emanating from the jeli and his
kora. Surprisingly, at times, the jeli and the kora melt into one, and the reader could
interchange these two terms. Who are the people who invented such a spectacular and
potent instrument as the kora?
The Mande People
The Mande people of West Africa are found today in Mali, Guinea, Guinea Bissau,
Sierra Leone, The Gambia, Sengal, Burkina, The Ivory Coast and Liberia. They share a
common language, Mandekan, common clan names and a distinctive culture developed
over centuries of a long and illustrious history.
The earliest kingdom in the Mande territory, often referred to as the Western Sudan, was
the Empire of Ghana (6th-12th century), contemporary with Carolingian and Saxon
kingdoms in Europe. It was also known as the Soninke kingdom of Wagadu. Situated
north of the Senegal and Niger rivers in what is today Mauritania and Mali, it included
Berber, Tukulor, Serer and Sosso peoples. It is splendid capital, Kumbi Saleh, today lies
buried under the desert sands of Mauritania, destroyed around 1055 by Almoravid
warriors from the Maroccan North. The Almoravid Empire in turn collapsed in the mid
twelfth century.
It is at this time that Mande culture begins to flourish in what was to be known as the
Mali Empire (13th-17th centuries). Its founder and culture hero is Sunjata Keita, a
nobleman from the Mande heartland on the banks of the Sankarani River, a tributary of
30
the Niger in the current boarder country between Guinea and Mali. From there the Mali
Empire grew: at its apogee in the 15th century, its influence stretched from the forest of
Guinea, Liberia and northern Ivory Coast, to the Fouta Djallon mountains, into the
savanna woodlands from the land of the Wolof around Dakar and Gao in the East. The
Mali Empire’s fame grew, as its wealth based on rich gold mines and its splendid court
life became known through growing interaction and cross-cultural contact with North
Africa, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Mansa Moussa and his companions, who in the 1400’s traveled from the ancient capital
of Niani to Mecca on a three year jihad reportedly carried so much gold that they ruined
its price even in wealthy Cairo. The king brought scholars and artists back with him to his
empire and founded Timbuktu as a center of learning and worship. As European traders
and explorers began to frequent the coasts of West Africa in search of gold and slaves,
the Mali Empire broke up into warring mini-kingdoms of little consequence; the Mande
clans were dispersed over many lands. But still today, their cultural identity is strong.
What explains this extraordinary continuity? To understand it we have to go back to
Sunjata, the man of one hundred names, the hero and founder of the Mali Empire, he who
reportedly sings in the epic SUNJATA FASA:
Mande ye lenge-langala le
Mande te fidi bada-bada.
Mande may waver
But Mande never capsizes.
The Jeli in Mande Tradition
Mande tradition attributes its contemporary social and cultural characteristics to Sunjata
the founder king. At Kurukanfuga, the plateau of the mountains North of Kangaba, Mali,
the princes of the various kingdoms in the region elected Sunjata as king. Sunjata led his
army to victory against their archenemy the Sosso sorcerer king Sumaoro Kante. This
battle was called Krina kalaben, lit., the meeting of the bow at Krina (1235), alluding to
the fact that it was fought with bows and arrows. Subsequently, another important
reunion, kalaben was held during which Sunjata organizes society. About this event, the
jeli sings this text in the SUNJATA FASA:
Ton-ta-jon tan ni woro
Jalifen ce seegi
Mori kanda loolu
Ani mogo-fe-mogo konondo
Olu bee k’i wasa don Tira Magan na
Tira Magan k’I wasa don jata la
Ka wa jata kotigiya
31
Sixteen clans of bowcarriers
Eight clans of jeli affliliates
Five clans of marabouts
Nine clans of affiliates to other clans
(the clans of horonw, noblemen)
(nyamakalaw)
(holy men of Soninke origin)
(clans belonging to other ethnic
groups, such as to the Wolof,
Senufo, and Mossi, delegated their
sovereignty to Tira Magan
(one of Sunjata’s generals)
Tira Magan delegated his sovereignty to Jata (jata meaning lion, is one of the
praise names for Sunjata and Jata was made responsible.)
From that time on, Mande society consisted of certain clans of horonw or
noblemen/freemen who, today are mostly farmers and traders, jonw or slaves who had
lost their freedom through war of misfortune, and worked for their masters with the
possibility to gain back their earlier status; and nyamakalaw or endogamous people of
caste, including blacksmiths, leatherworkers and the jelilu whose special position was
sanctioned and institutionalized by Sunjata himself in his testament:
A ye jelilu lanbe sigi 3/
Ka kuyatelu bobya u ce la. 4/
Honor the jelilu
And among them first of all the Kouyate.
From the beginnings of Mande history the jeli has thus played a crucial role at the Mande
court. Throughout the centuries, the jeli has played many different roles: historian,
genealogist, tutor, counselor, mediator, negotiator, entertainer, verbal and musical artist.
The court and the aristocracy were the mentors and patrons of music, which encompassed
literature, poetry and dance in the Mande medieval world. The jeli’s art forms then, and
today, are appreciated as unique and highly valued cultural treasures, rewarded with gold
and riches; paid once by the king, today’s patrons are persons in leading position such as
high government officials, wealthy businessmen, marabouts or persons from important
clans. During recent years new patrons or jigiw have had to be found: restaurants,
nightclubs, recording firms and television stations: the roles of the jeli and of his music
are changing. At this critical juncture, it has been my privilege to work and study with a
number of traditional jelilu over a period of 8-10 years. Approaching this study through
the study of traditional kora music, I have gradually begun to understand the Mande kora
as a sybol of Mande culture and philosophy.
32
The Word
In Africa, the continent of oral excellence, the art of speaking is associated with the wise,
and the Mande culture with the jeli, who is the specialist and master of the word. Often a
jeli starts his recitation by simply stating:
Kuma be n kono
The word is in me.
Jeli Mamadou Kouyate says in his prologue for SUNJATA:
Listen to my word because it is free of all lies,
It has the clarity of rain drops
And the violence of a hurricane.
(Footnote 4 Gbagbo, L., Sondjata: Lion du Manding, CEDA 1979, Abidjan, p. 3)
The culture of Mande is based on the spoken word, kuma. In fact, the word is the creating
force in Mande oral society. And the jeli, as an expert verbal and musical artist recreates
and creates during each performance.
The word contains two opposing divinities, ya and yo, acting on its internal and external
aspects. Initially, the word and thinking of the word is internal and not yet structured. By
externalizing itself, the word becomes structure, communicated through a code that
others comprehend.
Frequently, a jeli recitation starts with the call:
Yan mari yo!
This ritual formula is an appeal for the assistance of the two divinities yo and ya to make
the jeli’s words superior.
The word also contains nyama, vital force, occult power, or ‘energy of action’. Therefore,
the word is considered to be sacred and powerful. In order to activate, increase, and
manipulate the forces of the word, the jeli, as the master of the word, employs a variety of
verbal and non-verbal rituals both prior and during his performance.
Knowledge, lonni is founded on the word. The following three ideal elements of the word
result in knowledge. They are researched and creatively composed by the jeli:
kuma koloma word based on truth (kolo meaning ‘bone’, ‘kernel’, ‘nucleus’)
kuma kisema (kise meaning ‘seed’, ‘atom’ smallest principle)
kuma kala
structured word (kala meaning ‘handle’, ‘structure’, ‘axis’)
33
One of the highest compliments a jeli receives after an effective and outstanding
performance is : A be kuma kise, he is right on ( the essence), or a be jeliya kolo don, he
knows the kernel of jeliya ( the professional activities of a jeli).
Nyama be kuma la, there is obscure power in the word. It is not surprising that the jeli
excels in the use of the coherent and structured word, the signs of wisdom. As can be
expected of a nyamakala, an expert of manipulating nyama and its antidote, nyama
lankari, the jeli, as the master of all words, may at will, use a variety of languages, even
those which are diametrically opposed to kangbe, the clear language.
Nyama be kuma la, there is obscure power in the word. The jeli covers a wide spectrum
of Mande verbal forms of expression to compose his repertoire rich in colors of sound
and image. His expertise in the artistic application of this verbal versatility is responsible
for the multiple levels of meaning of his communication.
Kuma koloma, kuma kisema, and kuma kala are the elements of clear language, or
kangbe. In addition to it, the jeli plays with the following languages:
Jelikan, lit. the language of the jeli, which is the trademark of a jeli. It is a
powerful, esoteric language based on the jeli specific formulae.
Forobakan, lit. the language of the large field, meaning the common language,
Dugurenkan, the language of the natives, or original language,
Keguyakan, a cunning, manipulating language,
Cekorobakan, the language of the elder,
Musalahakan, the language of compromise,
Subaakan, the language of the sorcerer, meaning the esoteric language charged
with mystery,
Somakan, an elaborate language of the animistic priests full of obscure
incantations,
Jinekan the language of the spirits
Morikan, the language of the marabout, a language of hope which is colored by
Koranic formulae,
Benbakan, the language of the ancestors,
Kanfin, the language of the mystery
Alawelekan, the language to evoke God.
The kora is considered first of all as an instrument representing the clear language,
kangbe, lit. the white language. Yet, the kora also can speak the language of mystery,
kanfin, lit. the dark language and all the above languages in between. This fact may be
the reason of the jeli’s cultivation of a myriad or different timbres on the kora.
Another reason is found in the formal structure of Mande kora composition. It is
dialogical per se, and frequently has more than two voices. In order to highlight the
polyphonic relief, the jeli of outstanding quality lifts out various voices from the
underlying rhythmic/harmonic background. Thus a repetition never sounds like a
previous repetition. Perception of this Mande cultural specific feature demands trained
ears. Frequently, it escapes the casual foreign listener.
34
The languages of the jeli are spoken and enhanced through instrumental music. Among
the main Mande instruments are the bala, xylophone, and the fule, flute. However,
Mande music tradition specializes in a large variety of string instruments, ranging from
the kerengbe simbin, a simple earth bow to the julu elen, one string lute which is plucked,
kalanin, a one string fiddle which is bowed, to other plucked instruments, such as the
kondin, a 3-5 string lute played by the jeli, the bolon, a 3 string harp, the simbin, a 5-7
string harp lute traditionally played by the donson jeli, the musician of the hunters, the
soron, a 17 string harp lute played in Guinea, and a 21 string bridge harp, specific to
Mande court culture and the privileged instrument of all Mande jelilu. /
The Kora
Among the Mande, the kora is perceived as a significant form, containing ideas which
were passed down orally, ritually, and symbolically over several centuries. The
instrument is endowed with a variety of forces. It is conceived as the artistic incarnation
of Mande sensibilities and wisdom par excellence. Therefore, the jeli considers the
instrument like a sacred, omnipotent object. I have heard a jeli compare the kora to a
sacred object jo.
The kora is considered first of all as an instrument representing the clear language,
kangbe, lit. the white language. Yet, the kora as an extension of the jeli also can speak the
language of mystery, kanfin, lit., the black language, meaning the dark, obscure one and
all the other languages in between. Its capacity to express the old Mande animist
ideology, charged with occult power, as well as the more recent Islamic influences proves
that the kora is the receptacle of Mande culture per se. It is an extremely versatile
instrument which is fluent in all forms of Mande expressions. This phenomenon may be
the reason of the jeli's cultivation of a myriad of different textures and timbres on the
kora. This consciously pursued variety of expressions concerning textures and timbres is
matched by a wide parameter of pitch and dynamics. These predominant traits of Mande
instrumental music are planted in the formal structure of Mande kora composition. It is
dialogical per se and frequently has more than two voices. In order to highlight the
polyphonic relief, the jeli of outstanding quality lifts out various voices from the
underlying rhythmic-harmonic background. Thus, a repetition of a pattern never sounds
like the previous one, even though the same notes are played. Perception of such Mande
culture specific trait demands trained ears. Frequently, it escapes the casual foreign
listener.
Traditionally, apprenticeship of the kora was limited to peoples of the jeli cast. This
apprenticeship was tough: the young kora student was attached to his master for several
years, serving him in all domains including in the fields, in order to search, earn, and
receive first of all baraka 6/ and afterwards knowledge.
35
Baraka Divine Blessing
In Mande culture, baraka is a mysterious and omnipresent spiritual force. The pursuit of
baraka is the major principle of Mande education.
In the jeli milieu, baraka is inherited at birth and accumulated during life through
devotion and sacrifices to one’s parents, masters, instrument, and God. An accomplished
person is called barakaden, literally “the child of divine blessing”.
For the traditional jelilu, the kora is an outstanding recipient and carrier of baraka,
accumulated over several centuries and endowed by ancient mande and its jelilu clans.
This stems from the conception, that each time a kora performs and celebrates the
accomplishments of Mande and its jelilu, the instrument is blessed, rewarded, and
reinforced anew with this mental power, adding to its inherent baraka. Without the jeli
and his instrument there would be no knowledge about the Mande; without previous jeli
clans, oral tradition would not be alive. What would have happened to the oral arts
without the aural perception facilitated and transmitted by the jeli and his instrument?
Without baraka, no jeli performance is complete. With each performance, the jeli and the
kora become stronger and more invulnerable to hostile forces due to the accumulation of
baraka, mental force and nyama, vital force.
Nyama Vital Force
For the Mande, nyama is a vital force inherent in human beings, animals, plants, and
things in a greater or lesser dosage. Possession, accumulation, and skillful manipulation
of nyama guarantee power. Due to its socio-political role, the jeli has a larger amount of
nyama than other persons. He is known as an expert handler of nyama. The generic name
for a jeli is nyamakala, lit. the handle of nyama. Jeli Sidiki Yayo explained that
nyamakala means nyama lankari, or the antidote of nyama.
Nyama is a mysterious force and essence, a spiritual and mental power which is divisible,
transmissible and accumulative. Therefore, the kora, in the hands of a jeli epitomizes
nyama. Extraordinary and rare persons and objects have more nyama than average and
frequent ones. Therefore, the kora has a large amount of nyama. Nyama is a mysterious
force and essence, a spiritual power which is transmissible. Therefore, the kora has a lot
of nyama. Since nyama is accumulative, each time a kora plays, its nyama is increased.
According to Kalilou Tera, nyama is a vital flux, a force of natural equilibrium because it
protects and avenges the most feeble ones. Among animals, for example, a little deer has
more nyama than an animal that can defend itself. When being killed, its nyama may
attack the hunter unless he protects himself through certain rites. The word has nyama,
and, analogically, the word may pierce deeper than a sword, the jeli says: Nyama be kuma
la, the word contains occult power. Therefore, those who are the masters of the word,
i.e., the jelilu must prepare themselves carefully to avoid an attack by the nyama of the
word.
Extraordinary and rare persons and objects have more nyama than average and frequent
ones. This is one reason why the kora has a large amount of nyama. According to the
36
Kalilou Tera, nyama is a vital flux, a force of natural equilibrium because it protects and
avenges the most feable ones. Among animals, for example, a little deer has more nyama
than an animal that can defend itself. When being killed, its nyama may attack the hunter
unless he protects himself through certain rites.
If a kora jeli performs the piece entitled SUNJATA, Sunjata the culture hero of the 13th
century becomes alive and his nyama can attack the kora player because of a poor
rendintion of the piece. Since it is widely known that Sunjata was a man with an
extraordinary amount of nyama, the jeli by invoking and recalling Sunjata must be
harnessed with the greatest possible amount of nyama to even muster up the courage to
sing about Sunjata. This problem demands deep concentration on his instrument and
belief in its forces. If the rendition of SUNJATA was successful, the nyama of Sunjata is
added to that of the jeli and his instrument. Sunjata also is conceived as a barakaden. His
baraka and the baraka of all Mande, due to the fact that Sunjata was the founder of
Mande, are transferred to the performer and his instrument object.
In fact, the amount of baraka, mental or spiritual force and nyama, vital force are among
the most prevalent indicators of artistic performance quality for the Mande in general –
whether discussing an instrument maker – sculptor, a singer, and instrumentalist, or a
dancer.
Artistic excellence is not only mechanical mastery bur first of all spiritual mastery.
Certainly, there are some parallels between baraka and nyama and their coincidental
roles in the creation of outstanding performance, whether applied to the arts or life in
general. Both are regarded as indwelling spiritual forces and divine gifts inhering in
extraordinary persons and objects. Through outstanding acts, baraka and nyama can be
increased throughout the life cycle.
Discussing the national epic SUNJATA, a scholar of Mande studies writes about the
analogy between baraka and nyama:
“The role of magic in Mande heroic epic cannot be overstressed. In the epic of
Son-Jara, it explains the literary function of several themes, as well as reflecting Mande
worldview. The belief that political power is held not by force alone, but by control of the
occult, accounts for the themes which describe the paternal and maternal inheritances of
Son-Jara. In this context the Islamic concept of barakah may be considered the Moslem
equivalent of local Mande occult power (nyama). From the father descendent of
immigrants from Mecca, Son-Jara inherits “barakah”; from his mother, descendent of the
Buffalo-Woman of Du, he inherits nyama. With both these occult sources, he will seek to
gain political power of his destiny.” (Footnote 1, Johnson, John, The Epic of Son-Jara, A
West African Tradition, Indiana University Press, Bloomington)
37
Knowledge
Due to their socio-cultural role, the jelilu have access to knowledge. They are
representative of intellectual and emotional currents of Mande society. The texts they use
in their songs are built around Mande words of wisdom, precepts, axioms, and proverbs.
Therefore Mande music is instructive. Acquisition of knowledge is admired. Of all
knowledge, self-knowledge, yere-don is considered the best knowledge. In the language
of the jeli called jelikan, this message is conveyed:
Ji-don
so-don
yere-don ne nyogon te.
To know water
(To know how to swim)
To know the horse
(To know how to ride)
To know yourself is the best.
In Mande conception, knowledge is not readily available. In the language of the "jeli",
this idea is expressed as:
Lonni ye gundo ye
Knowledge is a secret.
Frequently, a jeli starts his recitation with the following statement:
Gundo be kono
I possess the secret.
Considering the concise statements of the jeli in a row:
Kuma be kono
Gundo be kono
Lonni ye gundo ye
Nyama be kuma la".
I possess the word. I possess the secret. Knowledge is a secret. There is obscure power in
the word. We might conclude that the word is the secret, reconfirmed by the statement:
There is obscure power in the word. The jeli also says: Kora be gundomafen, kora be
gundo ca man, kora be kuma la, julu be kuma la, nyama be kuma la, or the kora is a
secret thing, the kora has many secrets, the kora speaks, the strings speak, the word
contains occult power. Isn’t it clear that the kora equals knowledge because it
speaks? Knowledge is charged with a maximum of nyama, since it is based on the word
and is extraordinary in character. There is a continuous flux between the nyama of the
word, including the sound of the kora, the nyama of knowledge and the nyama of the jeli.
38
Knowledge is power. But knowledgeable persons are rare. The following text or jelikan,
which I heard as a song text during my kora studies expresses this:
Do ka do on
do ka do lon
do fana ka do lon
do ma a lon
do ma a lon
do ma a Ion.
-
Some know things
Some know things
-
Others also know things-
that others don't
that others don't
that some don't know.
An identical text was sung in another dialect by the hunter's musician Seydou Camara 7/
The first two lines are:
Do no do Ion
do no do lon
-
Some know things
-
Some know things
-
do t'o lonna
do t'oIon de."
that others don't
that others don't at all.
In Mande conception, knowledge is not readily available. In the language of the jeli, this
idea is expressed as:
lonni ye gundo ye
lonni ye dubi ye.
Knowledge is a secret
Knowledge is obscurity.
Frequently, the jeli starts his recitation with the following statement:
Gundo be n kono.
I possess the secret (lit., the secret is in my belly).
Another example sheds some light on the professional behavior of jelilu. Jeli Sekou
Camara started his rendition of the piece SAKO DUGO with the following text:
I di do fo
I di t’o londe
You say a little
You keep a little.
The jeli may start his performance with a variation of the text above:
Ne ye nyara ye
39
Kuma ye n kono
An be doonin fo
Ka doonin to kono.
I am the master of the word
The word is in me
We say a little
And we keep a little.
The concept of balance between what is said or played, and what is not said or played is
indicative of the jeli’s aesthetic guidelines. A fine jeli never would offer all he knows
during a performance. In face all out effort is dispised because it lacks a certain
knowhow. It would not be cool, “sumaya”. This concept of balance also provides for a
space to safeguard privileged information. Adherence to this concept makes the jeli aloof,
ambiguous, and ambivalent in the eyes of many Mande.
The Sphere of the Instrument
In Mande conception, an instrument ‘speaks’. Music is perceived as another form of
speech. This is evident from the similarity of the two phrases in Mandinkakan:
ka kuma fo
ka kora fo
lit. speaking the word, meaning ‘speaking’
lit. speaking the kora, meaning ‘playing’.
The same verb, fo, expresses the two ideas.
The same verb fo expresses what, to Westerners, are two ideas. Foli, the noun form of
speaking, means music and donkili, lit., the call to dance, means song and melody. This
use of the terminology shows that for the Mande, music is based on the word and the
song is a call to dance. In the context of kora music, dance may mean that the listener
may execute movements internally or externally. This means that in addition to
locomotor movements, clearly identifiable as those of dance and appropriately executed
to specific pieces of the repertoire, even small non locomotor rhythmical movements in a
sitting position, such as certain gestures combined with a slight shift of weight of the
torso, may be conceived as dance and are appropriate for other kora pieces.
Since the kora is capable of 'speaking' any language the "jeli" is speaking to it, the
instrument is conceived as a direct extension of the human person and voice. I know
several jelilu who consider their kora as the number one wife. It is not uncommon for a
jeli to sleep with his instrument, or to wrap and dress it to protect its voice and nyama.
All kinds of daliluw, talismans may be hidden in the calabash, to insure its success and
long life. Such a sanctified kora is called kora daliluma in contrast to an ordinary kora or
kora gbansan.
40
During one interview, Jeli Sidiki Yayo called his kora his confidante on three levels:
1. gundofonyogon, composed of gundo, secret, fo, to
say, and nyogon, reciprocity;
2. kunfonyogon, composed of kun, head; and
3. konofonyogon, composed of kono, belly.
This shows how a Mande musician perceives his instrument. The kora is a human
surrogate on the mysterious, intellectual, and gut level.
Another jeli talked about rites which are performed upon completion of construction of a
kora. These rites are comparable to those of name ceremonies for a newly born child,
complete with sacrifices, magic formulae, assistance of a marabout and dances by the jeli
musolu, the female jelilu, and the whole community. They are still performed among
tradition conscious jelilu in the Casamance.
In former times, a kora never was fabricated without a sacrifice, i.e., without the
shedding of blood. Depending on the amount of nyama, one wanted to endow the
instrument with, one needed the blood of a chicken, goat, or sheep. After the calabash
was covered with a hide, nobody could touch the instrument anymore, so that its virginity
would not be disturbed. Then certain daliluw or talisman were placed into the calabash,
serving two purposes: (1) To establish a particular tie between the owner of the kora
and the kora, and (2) to help the instrument produce a desired effect each time it is
played. If a stranger should touch the kora behind the owner's back, the nyama would be
released and attack him. The result may be serious disease or other problems, to the point
where the person needs a lankari, or antidote, such as a ceremonial washing of his eyes,
so that the nyama can let go. The nyama contained in the instrument is there to protect it.
The nyama has positive and negative qualities. It is positive for those who possess it and
negative for those who do not.
The kora is a secret thing, gundumafen. The most important stage of kora construction is
at the moment prior to covering the calabash with the hide. After a ritual meal which is
served in the calabash, the calabash is washed. Then, according to Jeli Sidiki Diabate,
cabalistic signs, kawatimu are traced on its inside with coal. Before covering the calabash
with the hide, a variety of dalilu, talismans are placed inside the calabash to shield and
strengthen the instrument. The cabalistic signs and the talismans are destined to be the
sacraments of the kora, and are to channel a variety of energy, such as the nyama, into the
inside of the calabash, ensuring a complete instrument.
In some areas, each time prior to playing, the player washes his hands, forehead, and
parts of the kora with a secret concoction of water, sand, and herbs. It is believed that
only a purified person and instrument can perform well. In a sense playing is comparable
with praying and the instrument is faced with respect.
41
Anthropomorphism of the Kora
Since the kora is capable of ‘speaking’ any language the jeli is speaking to it, the
instrument is conceived as a direct extension of the human person and voice. I know
several jelilu who consider their kora as the number one wife. It is not uncommon for a
jeli to sleep with his instrument and to wrap and dress the instrument to protect its voice
and nyama or to place all kinds of dalilu, talisman in the calabash, to ensure success and
long life. Such a sanctified kora is called kora daliluma in contrast to an ordinary kora or
kora gbansan.
During one interview, Jeli Sidiki Yayo called his kora his confident on three levels:
1. gundofonyogon, composed on gundo, secret, fo, to say, and nyogon,
reciprocity
2. kunfonyogon, composed of kun, head
3. konofonyogon, composed of kono, belly.
This is an example of how a Mande musician perceives his instrument. The kora is a
human surrogate on the mysterious, intellectual, and gut level.
Jeli Yonoussa Sissoko talked about rites that are performed upon completion of the kora
construction period. These rites are comparable to those of name ceremonies for a newly
born child, complete with sacrifices, magic formulae, assistance of a marabout and
dances by the jeli musolu, the female jelilu, and the whole community. They are still
performed among tradition conscious jelilu in the Casamance.
Jeli Sidiki Yayo, an outstanding instrument maker himself, discussed procedures during
the crucial time of the fabrication of an instrument. He would go to the market and select
a hard and evenly grown calabash. Up until about 1960 he would go into the bush,
perform certain rites and hunt an antelope whose hide he needs to cover the belly, i.e. the
calabash of the kora. He would search out a dying horse of a nobleman in order to have
the sex reserved, needed to make the 21 gut strings. He would go into the bush to perform
certain rites and fell a tree needed for the center pole, the arms, the vertical support bar,
and the bridge. He also would search for the leaves, needed for the solution in which to
soak the antelope hide. He would go to another member of the nyamakala group, the
smith, and order an iron ring. The iron ring acts as a solid support for the string. It is the
only kora element that is not prepared by the jeli himself. And finally he would need the
benediction of a marabout who prepares an asmawu. An asmawu is a paper inscribed
with a Koranic formula and washed in holy water. This asmaqu is sown into the pillow
on which the bridge rests.
42
Jeli's Performance
The jeli, or master of the word, is an artist with recognized competencies. He inherited
his status and know-how over many centuries. He is the human incarnation of the social
and cultural memory of the Mande. The word belongs to him and he can say what others
cannot. As a performing artist he is compared to a sorcerer, subaa, because he has access
to the occult. Firmly rooted in Mande culture, his vivid vocal performances of Mande
epics and other songtexts require instrumental sounds to be effective, i.e., to increase the
power, nyama and the sweetness, diya of the music. By recounting the achievements of
43
extraordinary personalities, such as the 13th century founder and king of the Mali
Empire, the jeli lets the listener's memory travel in time and space, both on a horizontal
and vertical axis. The jeli personalizes his performance according to who is present and
therefore each performance is different and new, even when the same piece is performed.
His social and artistic skills make his performance interesting to a contemporary audience
by building bridges to current situations and clan members. His arts function as a
framework for the cultural ensconcement of all Mande.
One of the jeli's implied messages is to encourage an equally outstanding and heroic
behavior among his audience and to surpass previous generations. Responses and
reflections after a performance provide insights regarding the effects of music. They are:
"Long life to Mande! I am proud to be a Mande! Where do I stand? How do I fit into this
chain? What have I accomplished? What can I do now? I want to perform optimally".
The jeli lets his contemporary audience commonly and collectively participate in the
accumulated power of their cultural heritage. He provides an uplifting experience. He
recreates while creating a time for reflection for others. Evaluating his knowledge, Jeli
Sidiki Yayo said:
Jeli le be tu kono gundo folo lon
The jeli knows the primary secrets of the forest
(mystery).
Tu means forest and by extension mystery. According to Maurice Delafosse 8/, “tu means
everything that surpasses the normal (in time and space)". These words of a jeli testify
that he is aware of his extraordinary, mysterious powers and knows about the deep
structures of life. He mediates among periods and people. A Mande precept says:
Jelilu ye hadamadenya miselilu le ye
The jelilu are the needles of society.
The jeli and his instrument act like a purifying device illustrated by this Mande proverb:
Jeli le ye horon safune di
The "jeli" is the soap of the nobleman. But there is danger in the jeli's performance, too.
If a kora jeli performs the piece entitled SUNJATA, Sunjata, the culture hero of the 13th
century becomes alive and his nyama can attack the kora player because of a poor
rendition of the piece. Since it is widely known that Sunjata was a man with an
extraordinary amount of nyama, the jeli, by invoking and recalling Sunjata must harness
the greatest possible amount of nyama to even muster up the courage to sing about
Sunjata. This demands deep concentration on his instrument and belief in its forces. If the
rendition of SUNJATA was successful, the nyama of Sunjata is added to that of the jeli
and his instrument.
44
The ideas of "increase", "transfer and accumulation" have been discussed by scholars of
the sculptural arts. William Fagg 9/ talks about the function of the principle of "increase"
to organize life and art. Arnold Rubin discusses the concepts of transfer and accumulation
as design characteristics and "possibly other distinctive features of the African societies"
10/. The Mande conceive the kora as an instrument capable of transferring, accumulating,
and increasing a variety of forces. Concerning Mande music, these ideas are central and
responsible for the kora's physical structure and the sound structure of its music.
Sunjata, ce kelen togo keme, the man of one hundred names, also is perceived as a
barakaden, son of baraka. His baraka and the baraka of all Mande, due to the fact that
Sunjata was the founder of Mande, are transferred to the performer and his instrument. .
In fact, the amount of baraka, mental or spiritual force and nyama, vital force are among
the most prevalent indicators of artistic performance quality for the Mande in general whether discussing an instrument maker - sculptor, a singer, an instrumentalist, or a
dancer. Artistic excellence is not only technical mastery but first of all spiritual mastery.
Certainly, there are some parallels between baraka and nyama and their coincidental
roles in the creation of outstanding performance, whether applied to the arts or life in
general. Both are regarded as indwelling spiritual forces and divine gifts inhering in
extraordinary persons and objects. Through outstanding acts, baraka and nyama can be
increased throughout the life cycle.
Discussing the national epic SUNJATA, a scholar of Mande studies has this to say about
the analogy between baraka and nyama 11\: "The role of magic in Mande heroic epic
cannot be overstressed. In the epic of Son-Jara, it explains the literary functions of several
themes, as well as reflecting Mande worldview. The belief that political power is held not
by force alone, but by control of the occult, accounts for the themes which describe the
paternal and maternal inheritances of Son-Jara. In this context the Islamic concept of
barakah may be considered the Moslem equivalent of local Mande occult power
(nyama). From the father, descendent of immigrants from Mecca, Son-Jara inherits
barakah; from his mother, descendent of the Buffalo-Woman of Du, he inherits nyama.
With both these occult sources, he will seek to gain political power of his destiny."
In containing and transmitting to his audience baraka and nyama, the jeli has to master
balance. The concept of balance between what is said or played, and what is not said or
played is indicative of the jeli's aesthetic guidelines. A fine jeli never would offer all he
knows during a performance. In fact an all out effort is despised because it lacks a certain
know-how. It would not be cool, sumaya 11/. This concept of balance also provides for a
space to safeguard privileged information. Adherence to this concept makes the jeli aloof,
ambiguous, and ambivalent in the eyes of many Mande. Jeli Sekou Kamara started his
rendition of the piece SAKO DUGO with the following text:
I di do fo
i di t'o londe.
You say a little
You keep a little.
45
The jeli may start his performance with a variation of the text above:
Ne ye nyara ye
kuma ye n kono
an be doonin fo
ka doonin to kono
I am the master of the word
The word is in me
We say a little
And we keep a little.
Conclusion
Mande history is that of clans. Mande music is that of clans. The kora is principally
played by four jelilu clans by the name of Kouyate, Konde, Diabate and Sissoko. Thanks
to these professional musician families, the kora is a major cultural symbol of the Mande.
It embodies, structures, and preserves the cultural and artistic traditions of the ancient
Empire of Mali with all its beauty, elegance, sophistication, splendor, wisdom, and
power. Their philosophy and the soul of the Mande are reflected in the kora's musical
tradition, in epic forms and song texts which are deeply rooted in the ancestral memory of
the jeli, who brings them to life through his performances. The kora is a stylistically
classical Mande instrument and art object, which, in the/hands of a master jeli is a
multidimensional cultural reservoir of history, philosophy, and art. One jeli summarizes
the power of this respected instrument: "As long as the kora exists, Mande will not
perish". And the refrain was: Kora ka bon, the kora is great, meaning it has charisma, and
kora ka bonya, the kora enlarges (you).
46
Footnotes
1/ Jeli is the title of a professional verbal and musical artist, belonging to a special
socio-professional group. In Mande society, the kora is exclusively played by male jelilu.
Singing is predominantly the domain of the professional female singer called jeli muso.
2/ Nyamakalaw is plural of nyamakala which is the name for a particular socio professional group. The nyamakalaw are the exclusive heirs of certain arts and crafts and
excel in transforming matters, such as words, iron, wood, and leather. For an excellent
exposition on this subject, see McNaughton: 1988.
3/ The word lanbe is a so called pregnant word, kuma konoma, implying its
comprehensive meaning as a form of human behavior with culture specific traits and its
foremost importance in Mande society. Lanbe can be translated as respect, dignity, honor,
and charisma. Everybody is born with a certain amount of lanbe, tied to the clan name
and the profession of one's father. Lanbe can be increased during the life cycle. The
violation of a person's lanbe is at the roots of most social conflicts.
4/ Sunjata's jeli was Bala Fasseke Kouyate. Jelilu with the clan name Kouyate are highly
esteemed because 1) they are the first Mande jelilu, 2) they are affiliated with Sunjata,
and 3) they are those who always were nyamakalaw, in contrast to other "jelilu" with clan
names such as Diabate, Konde, and Sissoko whose names can be those of horonw,
noblemen as well.
5/ Gbagbo, 1., Sounjata: Lion Manding, CEDA 1979, Abidjan, p.3.
6/ Baraka is an Arabic loanword. It is a blessing that is regarded in various Eastern
religions as an indwelling spiritual force. It is a gift and force of divine origin, inhering in
saints, charismatic leaders, and natural objects. In Mande daily life, baraka also is
commonly used to mean God bless you or thank you.
7/ This text was collected by Kalilou Tera who recited it during one of the personal
interviews with him.
8/ See Delafosse, Maurice:1955, p.54.
9/ Reference to Fagg by Arnold Rubin:1974
10/ ibid
11/ Compare with the concept of cool discussed by Robert Farris Thompson: "An asthetic
of the cool".
12/ "Jinn" is an Arabic loanword and means spirit. In Moslem theology, a jinn is a sub
angelic spirit, either benevolent or malevolent. In Mande thought jinns or jinew,
predominantly dwell in trees, water and grottos. Jinn are said to temporarily or
permanently inhabit certain instruments, fetishes, and other objects or locations of cult.
Ancestors may appear in the form of jinns.
47
Preparation of this paper was made possible through an award as a visiting scholar during
May 1990 at the Smithsonian Institution, the National Museum of African Art, under the
supervision of its Associate Director, Prof. Dr. Roy Sieber. I extend my deep gratitude to
Prof. Dr. Roy Sieber, who made several insightful suggestions regarding this paper and
acknowledge Dr. Sieber's contribution and his comprehensive understanding of African
artistic matters.
48
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51
NOTES ON RELATED TOPICS
An Attempt to Define Manding Music Style
Manding music offers a structure for Manding cultural concepts. Social, philosophical
and religious traditions, which are rooted in the old Mande heartland, find their
articulation in Manding music. Through the jeli’s performance, these traditions are
condensed and fused with the present. The jeli seems to stretch time and space (and the
word) like an elastic, rather than dividing it. Verbally, he spans Manding social and
cultural codes over centuries, and thereby, makes them eternally valid. Musically, this is
done through adhering to a certain modal mood throughout one piece, in which
incremental rhythmic-melodic repetition and variation of certain patterns are evolving
gradually, rather than through abrupt introduction of a series of new themes as in some
non-African music. Because the underlying composition technique is cyclical (kumben),
the audience and the performers, after a certain warmup period, in which the ear can tune
into the multidimensional musical processes, feel at ease and become eternal, having no
beginning and no end. The genial rhythmic-melodic arrangement of Manding music lets
the perceptive listener have a complex sound-experience.
Characteristically, sound ideas are represented in overt and covert forms (structures).
This is true in musical time and space. It is also so in verbal expressions, i.e. the text of a
song. Perception, appreciation and understanding of these covert idioms and their
dynamic-tensile (elastic) inter-relationship to the overt forms might very well be one of
the keys providing access to Manding sensibility and aesthetic concerns.
Another stylistic feature of Manding music is that it, first of all, represents an instruction
for the community. Frequently, it is a monument, or sacred memory of a dead hero.
If a musician is able to communicate certain Manding spiritual and ethical concepts
during his performance, he is appreciated for adhering to the proper Manding style and
the audience is literally moved by the power of his music. The jeli and his instrument and
his performance must be endowed with baraka, lanbe, hankilimaya, diya, and nyama.
Only after fulfillment of these prerequisites can the musical ritual of celebrating Manding
power be perfect.
The master jeli possesses a keen artistic sensibility which he can readily articulate on his
extremely sensitive instrument, the kora. The mastery of that instrument demands
courage, patience, gentleness, coolness, and discipline, i.e., master of oneself
(translations; karamogo?)
I must admit,that during my apprenticeship, I was frequently discouraged, impatient,
rough, hot tempered and lost. I actually damned the “shortcomings” of the kora. Now I
am wiser and acquired some of the sanun suman jeli qualities….and think that these
“shortcomings” are assets of the instrument, because they keep away superficial
musicians who look for instant success and are unwilling or incapable of honor (lanbe)
52
and follow the traditional Manding way, or lit., siliaba, the big, meaning the correct and
straight (no detours) way.
Metaphysical themes in songs? (first principles: in general philosophy, esp. of the most
speculative or esoteric nature.)
Kora Apprenticeship
In retrospect, kora apprenticeship, for me, was a kind of initiation, which consists of
knowledge about the instrument, myself,and others. Learning was very slow at the
beginning, because I had no baraka, divine blessing. I first had to earn baraka and had to
pass hard tests. It represented a course in the deep structures of Manding culture and the
substrata of Manding life as exemplified by the kora and its music. The kora is an
indicator of the Manding cultural matrix.
My experience remeinds me of two Roman words of wisdom which say:
Ducunt fata volenem
noentem trahunt.
The one who is willing is guided by fate
The one who is unwilling is torn down by fate
(1)
Porta patet
Cor magis
The one who enters this door
Has a big heart.
(2) is an inscription above the main entrance door of a holy place, a monastery
(Zisterziener) in Bebenhausen, Germany.
Analogy between African kora music and Chinese music: The constant companion of
Confucius practiced the art of spiritual tuning on this instrument. The composer in old
China joined heaven and earth with threads of sound.
Compare with Mantle Hood: The chin was an instrument for the intellectuals. One could
play a succession of sounds that didn’t differ in pitch but differed according to touch, in
timbre, vibrato in its 21 varieties (Pierre Augier Annales de l’Universite d’Abidjan, 1986,
serie tome IV, traditions orales).
For the outstanding jelilu playing means to transcend, lit., to go above and beyond
oneself. (Sidiki: to surpass, to go beyond in elevation and excellence). This elegant axiom
of a Manding musician-philosopher is analogous to the one by Bloch (German
philosopher of our century) who says: Thinking is to transcend.
The sign of fertility in Nubia is: (incomplete)
53
TARA was originally dedicated to the Tukulor conqueror, El Hadj Omar Tal, then to his
eldest son Amadou Sekou, and by extension to their descendants, the Tallassi.
Donkili means ‘the call to dance’, meaning to sing (donfoli?)
DUGA: The vulture is the symbol of Ghana, the most ancient West African kingdom (4th
century). This bird of benediction has the last word on the battlefield.
Certain song texts provide a mechanism for psychological release of emotions.
According to B.A. Aning, it is believed that the name kora comes from the root “kor”,
meaning calabash.
Bala fo seke Kouyate
Jeli ma Kouyate bo.
I je bagate – Nobody can refuse you anything.
Sidiki: Playing the kora means to solidify my roots in my national culture.
The kora is for the seeds of the word, kuma kisse.
Another name for kessekesseni is ngengamo.
JULA JEKERE is another name for DJANDJONBA, belonging to the category sayafoli.
The Art of the Jeli
Manding cultural heritage is largely sustained by oral tradition. Since Manding music is
tied to social, historic, and cultural factors of society, the jeli is practically a living
library, taking over the functions of books in literate societies, and making their content
accessible through his performances. His instrument represents a matrix (from Latin
‘womb, source’; compare with Manding notion, tiban, the name of the most important
kora string means mother in labor) for (broad) casting Manding ideas. Beginning with his
earliest training, the jeli cultivates his memory so that at the end of his apprenticeship, it
becomes superior to normal memories. As a result, he becomes expertly entrenched in the
Manding view of the world, dominated by traditional myths and religious concepts.
The old Mande heartland was an ethnic mosaic of different peoples, such as the Soninke,
Fulbe, Songrai, Moors, Targi, and Malinke. The intellectual radiance of this
heterogeneous and fluctuating conglomeration of ethnic, religious, and class groups left
its traces in Manding culture of the Middle Ages, as evidenced by its music or the
university of Timbuktu.
The kumben cycle, the substratum of Manding music, permits the indigenous listener to
hear the same things always newly, because the principle of repetition is based on a
54
Manding precept that A is not equal to A, even though format the notation point of view,
A might look identical to the following A. No phrase is ever repeated in the exact same
manner by a Manding master performer. A central structural and stylistic trait of African
music is the treatment of repetition. Manding musical aesthetics focuses on the minute
deviations of repetitions. Several techniques are used to accomplish a meaningful
repetition, such as a subtle shift in inflection or dynamics throughout the whole length of
the statement, or, speaking about shorter patterns, to lift certain voices out of the
background within a pattern, a hardly audible ornamentation, leaving out or adding one
of the voices, thereby changing the density of the overall sonic texture, or a change of
timbre executed by a different touch and attack, or by techniques, called agogics, which
includes the subtleties of performance achieved by modifications of tempo, as distinct
from dynamics, i.e., gradations that involve variety of intensity. Another frequently
employed kora technique is to substitute a particular voice (or voices) with the adjacent
(analogous) string on the same side of the kora, either above or below, resulting in an
intervallic change of a parallel third or fifth, compared with the initial pitch. These
subtleties are frequently overheard by non Africans, who think that A sounds like A. This
lack of tuning into these stylistic traits is evident in remarks by Westerners, such as:
“African music is too repetitious. It is boring. There is no development. It is primitive.”
The kumben cycle, providing an underlying, recurrent sound environment for appropriate
individual deviations (improvisations) in practice acts on the musician, rather than vice
versa. This is so, because of the inherent characteristic of each sound within the kumben.
Imposed, far out ideas don’t belong to this music, rather we are dealing with analogies
and mutations growing out of the radiant energy which the kumben spreads, in an organic
and gradual manner. The musician “floats” with the kumben and then is lifted even higher
while sending his “celestial” solo message down to earth.
The kumben can be considered as an assembly of persons who conform in their ideas and
know what to expect, or as Sidiki said ben beekan, the voice of social consensus. The
kumben represents a safe haven for the musician. Juxtaposed to this idea, is the soloist
who moves on an unknown territory, but whose contributions must grow our of the
kumben. These solo passages depend on the individual player’s heart, imagination, and
wisdom. Their structure must fit into the kumben and interact with it through certain
analogies and coincidences. The interplay between is based on mutual respect (lanbe and
karamatu). Doesn’t this musical idea may have certain socio-philosophical implications,
or vice versa?
The name Sissoko comes from the expression aya son sokho, he pierced his heart
(reminiscent of Fakoli’s act.)
55
Symbolism of the Kora
According to its construction, the kora is symbolic of life. The symbols contained in the
kora are:
Calabash
Neck
Bridge
Color red
Iron ring
Kessekesseni
Strings
Hide
earth, water, womb, woman, round, world
hard wood, straight spine, man, man entering woman
wala, umbilical cord
blood, life giving
iron, fire, solid head
metal, magical origin
gut (formerly), voice, animal
antelope, animal, bush, secret
The kora is constructed with the nyama from the domains of plants, animals, and
minerals. The color red is the link with blood at the key intersection between the calabash
and the nombril. The calabash has a “breathing hole”, so that the sound can breathe
(principle of inspiration and expiration). The kora is nothing but water, earth, fire, and
air.
Certainly for Sidiki Yayo, the kora is a surrogate human being. He treats the kora like a
person and consults the kora like an oracle. He sleeps with the kora, and on one occasion
he said that he loves the kora more than his wife.
This is also so with Salifu Silla, a jembe player of the Ballets National in Guinea, who in
1984 spoke about playing himself to sleep, by lying on his bed and playing jembe. His
(real) wife was very much annoyed by his action and threatened to leave him.
Analogies and Symbolism
Analogies between the kora and the person based on Youssouf Tata Cisse text: La notion
de personne chez les bambara et les malinke.
Above, we have discussed the kora’s symbolism according to its physical properties.
Now we would like to focus on the spiritual constructs of the kora:
1. The kora is the medium for expression of “the three substrata of the person”, or mogo
ba saba (la pensee, l’ame et la reflection sans lesquelles il n’y a ni vie ni personalite).
The master kora player transforms many of the “60 spiritual principles” into sounds, such
as miiri ni taasi, kuma ni mara, sako ni duko, kolo ni kise, dyigi ni kala, koro ni dyogo,
faka ni siri, tyeya ni musoya, tere ni nyama, faazo ni maazo, and yoo ni yaa.
2. The kora is the symbol of life. It represents the perfect circle, or kara le. The kora is
comparable to the sacred sign of the mind which conceives the universe. (the calabash of
the kora represents through its spherical shape the world, or dunya kono bara).
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3.The kora is comparable to the dye fa, the ‘egg of the world’.
4. Three principles are attached to life (1) pensee et reflection, (2) destin et avenir, and
(3) volonte and desir. They also are the raison d’etre of kora music
5. By playing, the musician makes the soul, ni come out. (compare with Y.T.C.: The soul,
ni exits the circle kara. The soul is a secret).
MCS: The properties of the strings embody another symbolism.
(1) The number of strings are based on the number 7, which represents the perfect
number, consisting of 3 and 4. The number 3 is symbolic of man, and 4 of woman. The
total number of strings is 21, or 3 times (4 plus 3).
(2) According to Jeli Amara Sissoko deceased in September, 1988, the 21 strings
represent three groups of people. The first seven strings represent the ancestors, the next
seven strings the young generation, enticing them to succeed, and the last seven strings
represent future generations.
(3) According to Jeli Yonoussa Sissoko, the low strings represent the ancestors, the
middle strings, the adults, and the high strings, the children.
Thoughts about Kora Music
Excerpts from lecture given in Nairobi at the Goethe Institute, 1986:
Kora music has a precise social function. It is organized in relation to the activities and
needs of daily life. Traditional kora music is ritual music and purposefully enhances the
quality of the listener’s life through celebration of birth, puberty, marriage, sickness and
recovery, death, the ancestors and the Creator.
Kora music is indicative of the collective social conscience. Frequently, it acts like a
valve for social criticism. It represents a means for establishing a dialogue, propagating
reasoning and intelligence. Kora music is perceived as appeasing and is said to enhance
reflection and thought. It establishes a calm state of mind. This is so concerning playing
and listening to the kora, and is illustrated in the following proverb:
Kora be mogo miiri janya
Kora be mogo taasi janya
The kora deepens thought.
When songs are played on the kora, they are also sung, even during a solely instrumental
rendition of a song, because the songs are based on words. Ka kora fo, lit. the kora
speaks, meaning the kora plays. This verbalization of musical sounds is one example of
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the predominant synesthetic traits of Manding artforms, which determine its styles. This
is possible because of the close link between music, dance, language, and masks. We are
dealing with a culture which excelled in orality and the kora is the medium to perform
oral tradition. Oral tradition is an everyday enriching experience in the lives of the
Manding people, in which the Manding world is presented with it’s culture bound values
and ideals. Its media are spoken, sung, played, and acted word.
Oral tradtion, the jeli and the kora celebrate Sunjata, the founder of the Manding Empire
as a culture hero, embodying ideal Manding qualities such as:
Being a successful leader, organizer, and conquerer, possessing
Self mastery, generosity, respect and love for his cultural heritage,
Pride, dignity, respect for the word. A great amount of nyama, access to esoteric
knowledge (suba), compassion for his fellow citizens (abolished slavery), respect
for the jeli who was his close advisor and musician, attached to his court.
Kora music shows great stability because, for centuries, it was tied to certain institutions
and rituals with set rules. It brought purpose and order to life.
It is never frozen in time or space, because it is constantly evolving as performers add or
subtract certain elements, while still remaining within an accepted framework of local
practice. This ongoing technique of improvisation represents another characteristic
element of Manding music style and is in part responsible for its vitality.
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INTERVIEWS WITH WEST AFRICAN JELILU
Kalilou Tera, Abidjan, July 1987.
Q Would you explain the idea of the mysterious and omnipresent power called baraka,
lit. blessings in Manding culture?
A The search for baraka is the major principle of African education. This is true in the
case of marabout education, dealing with Koranic and worldly subjects, as well as in the
education of a jeli. A student's progress is measured by acquisition of baraka which is
determined by attitude towards learning, effort, and hard work, in addition to total
devotion to the cause. Before receiving baraka, a person must work hard and make many
sacrifices. In Manding society, a person's acquisition of baraka starts at birth and is
transferred through the mother. If a wife fulfills all her duties as a mother and respects
her husband, her children will be children of baraka. Later on, the child will have to
consolidate and augment his baraka, while rendering many services to his or her mother,
father, and master. Only then, the child becomes a dubaden, lit. child of benediction, or a
barakaden, lit. child of baraka, e. g., an accomplished child.
Q The following terms seem to be used interchangeably in song texts; duba, duga
benediction, and suba sorcerer. Can you explain that?
A The jeli plays with these words since they contain a double sense. In the piece Duga,
when singing about duga the vulture, it is also implied that the vulture is a bird of
benediction. In Dubanimansaya, lit. benediction and royalty, the jeli at times sings suba
ni mansaya, lit. sorcery and royalty, alluding to the great sorcerer kings, such as Sumaoro
Kante and Sunjata Keita.
Q Sidiki frequently talks about the connection between wisdom, respect, and the kolanut.
Can you explain the proverb he used yesterday?
Ko syaman ne kinnakando
ko syaman worokunduko.
There are many things (benefits) in the voices of the neighborhood,
Many things are a matter of a piece of kolanut.
A The old people of the neighborhood are said to have good voices and they are
permanently present. Their voices are full of wisdom and young people benefit from
them. The "things" can only be acquired by offering presents such as the kolanut,
symbolizing respect. This proverb also implies that (1) in traditional society, people are
happy to get old, e.g. advanced age is considered to be an opportunity, unlike in cities,
where people are afraid of old age, and (2 ) that the aging plays an important role in
society, since they are being approached and asked about all subjects.
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Q Can you talk about the various associations of traditional society? Sidiki mentioned the
other day that his grandfather, Sidikijan Yayo after whom Sidiki Djabate and Sidiki
himself were named, was jelikuntigi, or chief of all jelilu in the Sankaran area.
A Society is organized in various associations, coinciding with the four stages of life. The
first stage of organization is called bilakoroton, or association of the uncircumcized
young people under the age of 15 or 16 years. Its chief is called bilakorokuntigi and is in
charge of organizing the bilakoro, or the circumcision ceremony with appopriate masks,
music, and dance. The second stage is called kamberenton, or association of young men
and women. Its chief is the kambernkuntigi who organizes the barabo, the festivity of
harvest.
(MCS Music which celebrates the harvest is called barabofoli. A kora piece, belonging to
this category is called in Maninkakan Kamber en Seraman, or charming young man. In
this song, which also is called TATI, the charming young woman, or sungurun seraman
is idolized.)
The next stage is called fa, the association of fathers or those who decide. The fa
represents a political organization of the village. Its chief is the dugutigi. The next stage
is called cemogoba or cekoroba, or the association of old men. They play the role of
councillors. When there is trouble in the village, such as a catastrophy, dispute or war, the
fa will decide on their action, but only after having sought advice from the cemogoba.
The kamberen are the executives. The bilakoron are imitators and observe how to
organize themselves into an association. During the barabofoli for example, the
kamberen organize the festivities, whlle asking the bilakoro to run errands for them. The
cemogoba or cekoroba are the patriarchs who advise, since they represent a pool of
wisdom, counting among themselves marabouts and the chief of the smiths. They stay in
their own vestibule or gather under the "talking tree", called bantamba (kapoc tree) to
discuss issues and philosophize.
Q Does the nyankaran, or that old person who is endowed with a great wisdom and who
is deeply respected belong to the cekoroba?
A The nyankaran is a particular case of the cekoroba. He is superior to the cekoroba.
Q Wisdom and old age are tied together in Manding culture. Can you give some
examples of what the jeli sings about this theme?
A
Koro kun ye nyamalo ye
Reaching maturity is acquisition of wisdom.
(MCS Sidiki stated in a previous interview that the master quality of a fine kora player is
nyamalo, lit. nya eyes, malo to calm, meaning coolness towards all situations.)
60
Another song text dealing with this theme is:
i baa ke denninya la
ala le y'i kun kandanna
i baa ke mogobaya la
i hankili le y'i kun kandanna".
If you are a child
God protects your head,
If you are an adult,
Your wisdom protects your head.
Q The jeli is a nyamakala, lit. the handle of the nyama. What are the jeli's techniques for
handling the nyama?
A It is generally accepted that the word contains nyama, or occult power, as stated in this
formulation: nyama be kuma la, or the word contains nyama. And the jeli is the master of
nyama bo, or how to augment the nyama. He also can diminish the nyama. The nyama
has its antidote, or nyama lan kari, and the jeli knows how to manipulate and counteract
it.
(MCS The hunters celebrate nyama fifan, lit. the fanning away of the nyama. Certain
formulae are pronounced to hinder the nyama from attacking. This accompanying
swishing gesture, executed with a tail of one of the animals the hunter has caught, can be
seen in each performance of donsofoli, or hunter's music.)
Q Can you talk about the dragon, or ninginanga?
A One says that it is a huge serpent with legs and wings, who can fly and spit fire.
Ninginanga is onomatopeia for its awkward gate. A popular proverb is:
sa dennin be se ka ke ninginanga ye, or
A small serpent can become a dragon.
One uses this proverb as a warning, e.g., a little thing can become a monster, or a little
student a great master.
Q The serpent plays an important role in Manding history. Can you talk about its various
names and influences?
A In Maninkakan this serpent is called binibinisan, in Mandinkakan bilibilisa, lit. big
serpent. Its praise name is sabamaninyan or mininyamba, meaning the large python. In
Soninke this serpent is called bida, birasa, and Wagadu bida.
This snake is central to the history of West Africa. The Soninke and the Manding have
this serpent in common. You know the story of this serpent. Every year, a young girl was
offered to the serpent. The death of the serpent was the origin of a severe large drought,
61
which upset the entire region because; following this incident, certain clans from the
North migrated and installed themselves in the South, provoking upheavals in the
Manding area. One says that the great fetishes of the hunt KondolcJll and Saanene (from
saya death, and nene cold, thus, the cold of death) were found during this exodus of the
Manding who hunted for their survival on the way to the South. The hunters of Wassalu
have a song about this serpent, called Sabamaniyan, which was like a fetish. The song
tells that this snake was a jinn, or jinne bilibiliba, lit. large jinn.
Mininyamba is the title of a fast moving kora piece, which retells the story of the big
python. The text Sidiki Yayo sings is the following:
MININYAMBA
mininyamba
ne m'a lanyini nin ma saba mininyan
latige ka koro Jon ye saba mininyan
THE GREAT PYTHON SNAKE
0 great python snake
I did not want this
Great python snake
* Fate is ** older than man.
Great python snake!
* an action, which is independent of human will and whose consequences are tragic.
** stronger
And the remarkable thing is, that all Manding people who live in Ivory Coast for
example, when asked about their origin, start by telling you about this snake. The Koyara
for example, who live in Bankolo, tell you, that they came from Manding. And they
continue, mixing up Manding and Wagadu, that there was a large python, which, after it
had been killed, threw its bad omen on the people. The area of the people living in the
West of Manding is the natural extension of Manding, and these people trace their
background to the snake. The people who live around Kong are separated by an
important block of Senufo. Therefore, they do not speak about the snake, but about their
dispersion after the big war, when they left Manding. According to Wa
Kamisoko, this war was the war of Nan Koman Jan.
Q Is there a relation between Sunjata and Nan Koman Jan, since Sidiki usually ends his
version of Boloba with Nan Koman Jan?
A Boloba is infinite in character. One knows that it deals with Sunjata's succession. One
adds all events of the various reigns of Manding and there are reasons that the piece Nan
Koman Jan is the last one. We should probably place Nan Koman Jan during the 17th
century. He was born into the royal family by a slave woman who originally came from
the Senufo area. When Nan Koman Jan's father died, he asked to receive a part of the
62
power. Customarily, he would have been named chief of a province. But, since his
inheritance was bypassed, he started a war of revenge against Manding. While in exile in
Kong, he formed a powerful army which spread bloodshed to Manding. But, before this
war ended, he fell. The song Nan Koman Jan was conceived because Nan Koman Jan
was without pity, killing even members of his own family. Therefore, the jelilu took their
instruments and told his story. Not many words are used in the song other than repeatedly
his name and praise of his power. But, Nan Koman Jan led a life of vengeance, he did not
have an objective to form a unified kingdom, but to avenge himself.
Q What are the names of the first inhabitants of Manding, which are called bula,
according to Sidiki?
A
Yayo
Bagayogo
Kaninyogo
Tayogo
Q You have given different names. Is that so?
A, Yes, however, it is certain that names ending with "sogo" or "yogo", such as
Kamisogo, Bagayogo, and Sinayogo belong to the bula. Yayo could be an abreviation of
Yayogo.
Q What is the tana, or totem of the Yayo and Sissoko clans?
The tana of the Yayo clan is threefold:
(1) wara, or lion,
(2) soli, or panther, and
(3) talen, or spider.
The tana of the Sissokos is the kaana, which is a type of lizzard.
Q Can you discuss the water spirit Faro?
A Depending on the locality, there are different names for the waterspirit. AroJa Segou,
the name of the spirit, who is owner of the water of the Jeliba (Niger River) is faro. Faro
is a female character with long hair and white skin. Her description of being half woman
and half fish corresponds to that of Serena in the Greek mythology. In Guinea, around
Sankaran, the name of the master of the water is ji-jara, or lion of the water. In Gambia,
the water spirit is called buruma.
Q Do you agree with Sheik Diop that the name faro derives from pharaoh, the Egyptian
title for a king?
A I don't think so. But, a relationship might exist between faren, the title of the first
Manding kings and pharaoh. Faren is an ancient Manding name which was exclusively
63
used for the king. Faran Makan is a typical Manding term used for a king or a great
personality. Faran Makan Bote is the ancestor of the Sorko of the Niger River. He also
was considered the king of the Niger River. Farakoro Magan Kenyi is the name of
Sunjata's father. Ferenba is the ancestor of the Dumbiya clan of Solon and Baya in Mali.
Ngwanan Faran was the king of the Kamara. The very first kings of Manding came from
the Kamara clan. The expression faren is tied to people who live on the border of the
Niger Ri ver. I n common language, faren is the name for governor in Manding as well as
in the Emoire of Gao. In Wagadu, the Empire of Ghana, governors also had the title
faren. One also talks about ce faren, meaning courageous man.
Q Talking about Jeliba, also the Manding name for the Niger River, how would you
translate it?
A The translation either could be “the river of the jeli", or "the river of blood". The word
jeli means blood. The river, on whose banks history took place, is the river of blood.
Q How do you distinguish between jeliba, or great jeli, and Jeliba", meaning the Niger
River?
A Both words are pronounced the same way.
Q Water seems to play an important role in the affairs of the jeli, or jeliya? Is that so?
A Yes, exactly. And the Jeliba plays an extraordinary role in Manding mythology and
history. Its side arm, the Sankarano, is equally important and I am sure that the original
establishment of the Manding civilization was on the banks of the Jeliba and Sankarano
Rivers.
MCS The importance of the Jeliba, or Niger River for Manding civilization is equivalent
to the importance of the Nile for Egypt.
,
Q What role do the praise names play?
A In Manding culture, the proper name of a person is not used by just anyone. Using the
first name shows lack of respect. Therefore praise or respectful names must be found,
whether talking about a king or some other important person. And, in the same manner,
the symbolic animals which appear in the humter song texts are frequently designated
with praise names. For example, kulanjan, or fisheagle also carries the praise name
barokononinfin, or little black bird of the river. This bird is the symbol of agility and
vigilance, and therefore, a highly respected example for hunters.
(MCS Kalilou sings Barokkononinfin. The melody of Barokononinfin, a song devoted to
the fisheagle, is the same as the melody sung for the text nyama nyamy nyama of the
Sunjata Fasa.
64
Barokononinfin
barakononinfin
donsolu bee n'i yoro le
duga te bin domana
badugu kononinfin le
donsolu bee n'i yoro le
duga te bin domuna
Little Black Bird of the River
Little black bird of the river
Each hunter has its domain
The vulture does not eat grass
O little black bird of *Badugu
Each hunter has its domain
The vulture does not eat grass.
* Badugu, lit. land of the rivers is the region of old Manding.
Map (see red notebook, page 8):
Q The melody of this song also is sung or played in the Sunjata Fasa. Could it be that
hunter's music is at the base of kora music?
A Yes. Barokononinfin is one of the oldest hunter's music pieces and only later on was
this melody used in Sunjata Fasa.
Q Would you please sing Kulanjan? Sidiki usually plays Kulanjan just prior to Janjon and
Sunjata. (Kalilou sings Kulanjan) .
Kulanjan
ah dan na kulanjan
sinbon le bala kulanjan
ahan Ala m'i sonna si jan na
Fisheagle
Ah! Fisheagle of the faraway bush
Oh great hunter, fisheagle of the river,
Aha! That God accords you long life.
Q According to Wa Kamissoko, Janjon, prior to becoming the hymn for Fakoli Sissoko,
was the piece sung for Niani Massa Kara Kamara. Could you explain this switch?
A Niani Massa Kamara was the king of the Kamaras, installed in Niani, and a neighbour
65
of Sumaoro Kante. When Sunjata was designated to be the ruler of Manding during the
kurukanfuga, Niani Massa Kara Kamara was the only one who opposed this proposal. He
said, fortune designated Sunjata, but he is against this choice, because Sunjata is only a
child and does not originate from such an important family as his own. Niani Massa Kara
Kamara is descendant of Kolingi Kamara, the very first king who reigned in Manding.
Niani Massa Kara Kamara is the descendent of three faren: Tabu Manan Faran Kamara,
Sibe Monan Faran Kamara, and Njenkeman Monan Fara Kamara. Therefore, he could
not accept that the young Sunjata would be superior to him. Therefore, he returned to his
town. He had the reputation of being the only one who possessed an armature made out
of iron which was audible from far away, because it clicked with each step. And when he
launched his arrow, it went for miles, and, when it pierced a person, it went further to
pierce many others as well. He also was known to have 370 wives.
After his victory over Sumaoro, when Sunjata returned to Manding, he intended to
integrate Niani Massa Kara Kamara's kingdom, because he could not tolerate an
independent kingdom in the heart of Manding. Niani Massa Kara Kamara did not
concede and Sunjata made war against him, but all his battles failed, because Niani
Massa Kara Kamara was invincible in his iron armature and because his arrows killed
many people simultaneously. Sunjata called all his generals together. He had a special
way to provoke and push his generals. He said: kala ni jon tan nyan, or, an arrow cannot
shoot without a vassal. His generals answered: jon ni man tan nyan, or we are the vassals.
Sunjata explained his problem with Niani Massa Kara Kamara and proposed to find
means to dethrone King Kamara. Fakoli spoke up: "I will dethrone him". Fakoli was a
peculiar man. Even though he had many wives, he loved in particular the wife of King
Kamara.
Her name was Kenda Kala Nyagala Traore, daughter of Tira Magan Traore. Sunjata said
to Fakoli: "If you win against Niani Massa Kara Kamara, you'll be his successor". Tira
Magan Traore, who was present, kept quiet, because Niani Massa Kara Kamara was his
son in law. Fakoli said: "Alright". Kenda Kala Nyagala Traore was one of the most
beautiful women of Manding with a strong character, a woman who never worked in the
kitchen but cultivated her beauty all day long. She was famous as an excellent player of
wal who beat everyone in all of Manding.
Fakoli sent a bag of gold to her through a jeli. Because she was an independent woman,
she could receive whomever she pleased. The jeli said to Kenda Kala Traore: "Fakoli is
my master, you have heard about him, You are dealing with Fakoli kumba, Fakoli, with
the large head, and Fakoli daba, Fakoli with the large feet. He sent me to present you this
bag of gold because you seduced him. He does not sleep anymore, he loves you". And
Kenda Kala Nyagale was happy with the gift. A second time, Fakoli sent her precious
stones. A third time, Fakoli sent her even more important gifts, such as Arabic costumes
and jewelry. Kenda Kala Nyagale was flattered because her husband never offered her
such wealth. She fell in love with Fakoli and met him. Fakoli told her: "I want to marry
you, but since you cannot divorce, the only solution is to kill your husband. In ancient
Manding culture, women regularly gave their husbands a bath. And Kenda Kala Nyagale
Traore said: "Yes, I'll give my husband a bath as usual while you are hiding nearby". The
town was surrounded by a large city wall. During the bath, Niani Massa Kara Kamara did
66
not wear his armature and also had to take off his fetishes which he wore on his body. His
wife indicated the secret place, where the bath ceremony would be held, including the
precise hour and pointed out where Fakoli could hide.
When the appointed day came, everything happened as foreseen and Fakoli killed Niani
Massa Kara Kamara.
Before dying, King Kamara called his son to revenge him. This is how Sunjata took
posession of Niani which was the largest town and became from now on the capital of
Manding. Until this time the capital was Treteran.
The son of Niani Massa Kara Kamara fled with his army followed by Sunjata, who
wanted to take over the land of the Kamara. This event is called
, or the arch of
Kanmanjon. The arch served as the crossing of the river. To this day, there are still some
traces of broken rocks of the mountain, since Sunjata had asked his army to destroy the
mountain. The battle against the son of Niani Massa Kara Kamara was fierce and fought
with great difficulty. Finally, Sunjata sent for a sorceress who poisoned the son of the
former king. This is how Manding was united. The result was an elaborate victory
celebration, during which Sunjata said to Fakoli: "I designate the hymn of the Kamaras to
you, from now on it is for you and your descendants". And thus, JANJON became the
music for Fakoli, the Sissokos, and their descendants, the Dumbias. Sunjata also pointed
to Kenda Kala Nyagale Traore and continued: "This woman is for you, you merit her".
Fakoli took the woman and killed her in front of everybody, because he thought since she
had betrayed Niani Massa Kara Kamara, she could betray him too.
MCS The piece Kulanjan, celebrates the Kamaras who were the very first hunters. The
genealogy of Janjon, which is based on Kulanjan, both in composition and text point of
view, is clear. The pieces Kulanjan and Janjon form the core parts of the Aunjata Fasa.
Considering their hunter's music origin, they are most likely among the oldest melodies
of Manding.
Q What is the hunter's greeting?
A donson i ni kon, or
Hunter, you and the target.
This greeting formula is said to the hunter while touching his leg, not his hand. The more
complete greeting is:
i ni kon
dan sogo a ni kon
a ni kongo
You and the target
Piercer of limits, you and the target
You and the bush.
67
Q Can you discuss the division of language between East and West?
A In the West the language has 5 vowels and in the East 7 vowels. e and o of the East
become i and u in the West. For example: kelen, or one in the East becomes kilin in the
West. bolo, or arm in the East becomes bulu in the West.
That results in reducing the number of vowels in the West to five. There are different
names for the people living in the East and West. We Malians, so to speak Easterners, are
called Koronakan or Korona. Those in the West are called Tilibika (tele = sun, tilibo =
sunrise, and tilibi = sunset). But the people of the West call Malians Tilibo, and
themselves Tilibi.
Q Is there such a language division between North and South as well?
A Yes, a clear difference exists on the linguistic level between Saheli, or North and
Worodugu, lit. land of the kola nut. Worodugu extends to Segala and Tuba in the North
of the Ivory Coast and to Faranah and Kisidugu in Guinea. The people of Worodugu have
certain sounds that people of the Sahel consider barbaric. For example, the sound gb.
When people from Worodugu say kangbe, or clear language, the people from Worodugu
say kange or kandje. Whereas people of the Worodugu area say julu gbasi, or to beat the
string, people from the Sahel say julu gosi. People from the South also use more
contractions than people from the North. The Sahel people consider that their language is
the clearest and neatest, or kan wala wala li. And even people from Worodugu recognize
that our language is clearer than theirs because they can understand what we say, but we
cannot understand everything they say.
Between East and West there was a difference in evolution of the language. The West has
stayed more archaic, e.g., closer to the ancient Manding language. The East had to go
through more change and more contractions are used. Under normal circumstances,
linguistically speaking, the West should have less problems in communication, but,
because the East is economically more important and culturally more expressive, all the
people of the West understand the language of the East, but the people of the East don't
make an effort to understand people of the West. A Malian would never make the
necessary effort to speak like a Gambian, or even to listen carefully to what the Gambian
says. But, the Gambian, who feels that he is smaller and less important than the Malian,
who has the cultural prestige, tries to understand the songs sung in Bambara and listen to
Bambara on the radio. We catch the relationship between the different languages in the
following saying:
1. kuma kono tara Wagadu
2. a wolota Manden
3. a denkundi kera Segu
4. a bilakoroya kera Wasalu
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1. The word was conceived in Wagadu
2. It is born in Manding
3. It's birth rites were celebrated in Segou
4. It's adolescence was in Wasalu.
Explanation: Line 1 describes the proto Manding, line 2, the profound form of the
language, or kuma gbe.. Line 3, and line 4 (To be added).
Q Are there any recent kora pieces devoted to a particular jeli?
A Yes, for example Sunbuyaya. Sunbu Yaya is a jeli from Kita. He is still living and
frequently comes to the Ivory Coast. The piece is named for him. Sunbu Yaya has
converted to become a Moslem. A snake used to live with his family. It was treated like a
pet and, prior to whatever the family undertook, the snake was consulted for advice. And,
whenever the family was in danger, the snake would come out, crawling around in a
circle to warn the family. One day, Sunbu Yaya killed the snake. Then he broke his drum
and all the other music instruments he owned. He was famous as a fine bala player. Then
he went to the mosque and became a Moslem. He became an extreme Moslem (Wahabit),
and did not pardon anything. And the other jelilu composed this song for him around
1960. His first name is Sunbu Yaya, he either is a Kouyate or a Djabate. The text is full
of insults about Sunbu Yaya and continues to comment on the social upheavals and
changes of mentality in today's world. Kalilou sings Sunbuyaya.
Sunbuyaya
kabi ala ye dunya da
joni ye wulu ye salila
Sunbu Yaya le
dunya kanu ye banna le
sunbu yaya le
Sunbuyaya
Since God has created the world
Who has ever seen a dog pray
Oh Sunbu Yaya
Therefore love for life has ended
O Sunbu Yaya.
MCS Other familiar sayings can be added to this text such as: ji te mogo saniya, or water
cannot purify a man, and ji de be mogo ko nafalo de be mogo saniya, or water washes a
person, but it is wealth that purifies a person.
Q Would you explain the term saraka, or offering?
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A Saraka means a gift. It represents a sacrifice for one's own protection. In most of the
cases, a marabout advises a person by saying: "Be careful, you are prone to an accident.
You must give 7 kola nuts and go to the mosque". Or, "offer one chicken to a beggar, so
that you are protected". In Islam, saraka is an alm similar to zakat. But zakat is given
once a year only.
(319 - end is very faint).
Q Do you have a dalilu also?
A No. We are Soninke with a Manding culture. But, we also say that a good Manding
Moslem has always something in his pocket, e.g., maninka mogo ke sela me jogo jogo do
te ba a te fang.
Yesterday, after the problems with the restaurant owner, and Beya and you decided not to
perform there, Beya said, that if he would have had a dalilu, he would have burned the
place. Now he wants to go to Mali to get a dalilu to revenge things like that. My uncle, a
strict Moslem, who witnessed this conversation, said to Beya: "A good Moslem does not
do that". Beya answered: "First I must revenge myself, then I can become a good
Moslem".
Q Sidiki frequently recites the Prayer of the Imam, or salat al Almami, to call on God's
benedictions. He also puts this text into several songs. Is this common practice?
A Yes. The text is: Ala-huma calli Ala muhamrnadin wa Ala alihi wa salim, or
(incomplete).
Kalilou Tera-2 (4/5/88)
Text of Daman Njay, also called A Nana Kambankun De La, i.e., the one who came on
the shoulder (meaning the one who was carried like a king)
Text:
A nana kamanku de la
Jobali nana kamankun de la
Ee iyee jaa jail yaso
Ne ni dama Njay benna
Daman Njay sanu sebentigi benna
Ne ni Dama Njay benna
Konyakari siriba de la
He came on the shoulder
The one who is never right
Ee, iyee, he carries the jeli on the back
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I have met Daman N’Diaye
Met Daman N’Diaye of the golden tailsmen
I have met Daman N’Diaye
Met Daman N’Diaye of the silver tailsmen
On the big road of Konikari.
MCS This piece originated in Segou and was composed by fanta Damba who is
deceased.
Q When was the recent war between Upper Volta and Mali, and which jelilu helped
resolve the conflict?
A (Kalilou) This was in 1980. Sori Kandja Kouyate from Guinea and Salif Keita from
Mali composed the appropriate texts for the circumstance. Other jelilu who knew how to
talk were present also. Sekou Toure, the president of Guinea at the time invited them and
Musa Traore and Sangoule Lamizana, the presidents from Mali and Upper Volta.
Q The other day when we were together without a taperecorder, Sidiki and Sekou talked
about the three Djabate brothers. Do you remember that conversation?
A (Kalilou) Yes, they talked about the three brothers, Da Mansa Wulantanba (lit., Da
Mansa without the bush), Da Mansa Wulanba (lit. Da Mansa, the great bush), and Da
Mansa Wulanin (lit. Da Mansa, the little bush). These are the names of three hunterbrothers. Sekou said that Da Mansa Wulantanba, the older, blind hunter didn’t play any
role in the story. The two younger brothers went to hunt for the buffalo of Do. Da Mansa
Wulanin, the younger one eventually killed the buffalo of Do. Whereas, Da Mansa
Wulanba, the older one, was so afraid of the buffalo’s reactions that he climbed to the top
of a tree. When the buffalo was killed by Da Mansa Wulanin, his younger brother, Da
Mansa Wulanba came down and congratulated him for his courage. Da Mansa Wulanin
said to him: “My dear older brother, if you were jeli, nobody could refuse you anything,
i.e., I djabete. And the older brother answered: “I want to be your jeli, and my
descendants should be jelilu also, so that they can praise you and your descendants who
will compensate them always”. This is how the Traore clan took the name Djabate. Also,
if a certain Djabate gets to be very rich and is tired of being a jeli, he can adopt the name
Traore.
Q At the same time we talked about the relics of Sumaoro’s bala. How did that story go?
A (Kalilou) Sekou maintains, as I do by the way, that the relics of this bala do exist and
are kept in Nyagasola, in the area of Sigiri in Guinea. It used to be in the hands of the
oldest Kouyate, who was a direct descendant of Bala Faseke. Around 1975, the old
Kouyate died. The next oldest direct descendant of Bala Faseke Kouyate lived in Narena,
Mali. At the time, the bala was supposed to be transferred form Nyagasola to Narena.
At that time also, Wa Kamisoko was still alive and he declared that this bala which had
been in Mali before, e.g., before it was moved to Guinea, could only be moved at night
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and must be wrapped in a white linen death shroud and carried carefully above the head
like a cadaver. If the day started while traveling, one stopped and spent the day at that
location before moving on at night. Once at the new location, one plays this bala once a
year. Sekou says that the bala is played every 7 years.
Q Kalilou, can you explain the sanctuaries of Manding music in general?
A The sanctuaries of Manding music are also the sanctuaries of traditional Manding
culture. They are the places where one learns about the history, the art of speaking, and
making music. The three activities are tied together at such places which some call the
universities of jelilu. The oldest among all is Yerere, a small Soninke town, North of
Nioro, in the North of Mali, where one learns about the history of the Ghana Empire, and
how to play the julu kelen, the Soninke one string lute. Yerere has the oldest institution of
jeli studies. Jelilu from all over come to Yerere, even from Niger, such as the Arma who
are gesere (Soninke term for jeli), or the Manding jelilu who learn about the history of
Wagadu (Ghana).
Other important sanctuaries are Kela, near to Kangaba, Budefo, near to Kita, Segou, and
Kirina, South of Bamako. In Guinea, we must mention the Sankaran area as a place of
great artistic creativity with Nyagasola and Faranah, and in Gambia Baase Sirasankoro
(Basse).
Q Can you talk about other sacred areas which are associated with the leaders of
Manding and their accomplishments? I have heard that some jelilu make pilgrimages to
such places, making sacrifices there and upon return seem to be changed persons. Is that
so?
A (Kalilou) Yes, such places are found in Manding. I will start with Kurankanfuga, the
place where Sunjata was elected to be king. Then there is Kirina, the place of the battle in
which Sumaoro was beaten. Then there is Nyani-Kuula, or Niani of the mountains, which
used to be the old capital of Manding with 60 parts.
The areas surrounding Tabu, Sibi, and Nyenkema were the areas of famous hunters from
before the time of Sunjata. Then there is a mountain peak next to Sibi, called Bala Wulen
Segerofonyokura, after the Manding warrior Bala Wulen. Also in the area of Sibi is
Kamanjan donda ni abode, i.e., the arch of Kamanjan. Then there is Tabu Kuruwo, the
grotto of Tabou where prehistoric traces were found. Another grotto, called Nyanankuru,
situated close to Kulikoro, is famous as the location where Sumaoro Kante disappeared.
When I went there I had to pay for a chicken to be sacrifieced. Then there are the ruins of
Dagajalan on the right bank of Djoliba (Niger River), opposite from Kirina which are still
used as places of instruction. Then there is Kaaba or Kangaba, the sanctuary in the form
of a hut. You know about the ceremony for changing its roof every 7 years. (MCS See
Dieterlen).
Q Why is this ceremony of Kangaba in the hands of the Djabate clan rather than in the
hands of the Kouyate clan?
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A (Kalilou) This is because the Djabate clan of Kangaba possesses the saber of Tira
Makan. I have seen their saber, it is a long and beautiful one. Earlier, a Kouyate family
was in charge of all kinds of relics, but, since this family was weakened, the relics
changed hands to the stronger Djabate family. Also in Kangaba, the throne of the king of
the Wolof is stored. I haven’t seen this throne, but those who have, say that it has the
same shape as a Baoule throne, made out of gold. It was destroyed around 1965 by the
descendants of Sitafa Diawara. When Tira Makan went to conquer the Wolof, he was
accompanied by a jeli whose name was Sitafa Diawara, whose direct descendants still
live in Kela. Sitafa Diaware was the witness of the accomplishments of Tira Makan and
he is credited with the composition of the following verse for the Traores:
Bamanafa bakomansa
Bamana ja Tira Magan tige la, i.e.,
One says that the fasa for the Traore was explicitly composed for Tira Makan. He did not
inherit the fasa from anybody else. Because Sunjata was exuberant about Tira Makan’s
offer to beat the Wolof, he said certain things that the jelilu retained. One can say that
upon Tira Makan’s and Sirafa Diawara’s return from combat the fasa was composed by
Sunjata and Sirafa Diawara.
Q Was composing texts one of Sunjata’s talents?
A (Kalilou) The fact that noblemen excelled in manipulating the word, stems from their
training. In order to prove their courage, young noblemen fought each other face to face,
i.e., sigi tolon. They wore an iron hook on their finger, or sigi nege and no other weapon.
These duels were prefaced with oratory attacks, in which each candidate praised his
background and superiority. If there was evidence that the two candidates had a common
ancestor, the combat was prohibited by the umpires. This happened frequently because of
certain pacts among different clans. Therefore, it rarely came to the bloody combat. This
tradition was abandoned when the Bambara of Segou started to duel with guns. The two
contestants met each other on a horse, carrying a gun with one bullet only, and
accompanied by their jelilu who were in charge of speaking rather than combat.
(MCS This kind of combat is comparable to that of the Nuba in the Southern Sudan, who
wear iron rings with spikes on their wrists. This form of martial arts is practiced to
display strength and idolize the human body).
Q Do you know of a relic of a konding or kora?
A (Kalilou) No.
Q Can you give me the text of certain formulae which are used for one’s protection?
A
1 Tu bismillahi
2 ka n sen da jara kukala kan
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3 ka n send a X kukalan kan
4 ne ko Ala, n ko a kela.
Translation
Tuu! In the name of God!
I put my foot on the tail of the lion
And I put my foot on the tail of X
I say God and I say his Prophet.
Note: You say a line 2 and 3 three times if the person you seek protection from is man,
and four times if it is a woman. You insert the name of the person for X. In Maninkakan,
as a formula to seek protection from a certain woman, it sounds like this:
Tu bismillahi
N ye n sen la jara kukala kan
Ka n sen la X kukala kan
N ye n sen la jara kukala kan
Ka n sen la X kukala kan
N ye sen la jara kukala kan
Ka n sen la X kukala kan
Ne ko Ala nko a kela.
Another formula to prevent snakes and scorpions from biting you and to give you general
support is:
Tu bimillahi
Tori ka ye le
Bo nen ka di (basa ka jigi)
Ne ko Ala n ko a kela.
Tuu! In the name God!
May the frog climb up
May the lizard climb down
I say God and I say his Prophet.
Note: Since the frog is a subterranean animal, he always descends. And likewise, since
the lizard always ascends, it doesn’t feel comfortable climbing down.
Q Do you use these formulae?
A (Kalilou) Yes, I do, such as prior to an important meeting. Another formula, intended
to protect a person while traveling is:
Tu belisi
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E sigilon
Ne ta ma lon
Ne ta ma lon
E sigilon
Ne ko ala n ko a kela.
Tuu! In the name of God!
On the day you rest
I travel
The day you travel
I rest
I say God and I say his Prophet.
Q Jelilu seem to be confused about the two persons, John Bilal and Tubi Lawali. What
role do these two persons play in Manding history?
A (Kalilou) Yes, that is so. One can trace the genealogy of Sunjata to Bilal. But most of
the jelilu are conscious that this is only conciliation and not the truth. Just as Sekou
pointed out, the confusion is similar to Surakata and Bala Faseke Kouyate, who really are
separate persons, living during different periods. For reasons of convenience, Bilal, as a
black African is cited as an important ancestor of Manding kins. The fact is that Bilal was
never in Farica. The name of Tubi Lawali must have been a second name, because Tubi
Lawali simply means the first one to be converted to Islam. Therefore, Tuvi Lawali must
have been one of the first converted Manding kings, possibly after the Almoravides. Or,
is he the same as King Beremu Dantan who, one says, was converted to Islam? In the
literature, one writes his name as Bermandana, but the Manding person says Beremu
Dantan or Beremu Danan.
Q Can you discuss the life and recent death of Makan Massa Diabate?
A (Kalilou) He was born in 1936 in Kita. I know the Diabate family of Kita. Kele
Monson Diabate was the chief of that family which originally came from the town
Kayara Tumbumba, close to Kita. Kayara Tumbumba is a town rich with Manding art
and represents one of the places where jelilu learn their trade. After having received his
doctorate in France, he returned to Mali and worked as a researcher at the Institut des
Sciences Humain. Since his uncle, Kele Monson Diabate was one of the foremost jeli
personalities of Mali. Massa Makan Diabate collected certain stories, which made him
famous. On one of his visits to the Ivory Coast, he talked to Bernard Dadie (Ivorian
author), who told him: “My dear friend, what you are doing is much more difficult than
what I am doing. You collect oral tradition and transcribe it whereas I am a novelist.”
Massa Makan Djabate responded: “I don’t know how to write, I just transcribe”. And
Dadie said: “It is much easier to feel free to write what you want than to write about what
somebody else has said.”
When Massa Makan Diabate returned to Mali he tried to write what he wanted to say and
wrote his trilogy of Kita, e.g., “Le Lieutenant de Kouta”, “Le Coiffeur de Kouta”, and
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“Le Boucher de Kouta”. As a result of this, he knew that it was easier for him to write
what he wanted. He loved Manding culture and lived it in his books in the disguise of a
Moslem, a jeli, and a traditionalist, which were all roles he didn’t play in real life. There
was the contradiction and conflict between his inner convictions and his conduct of life.
One asks oneself if he could bear these conflicts and if he committed suicide. He was not
sick and one morning about one month ago, (e.g., in February 1988) he was found dead
in his bed.
MCS The following titles are selected works by Massa Makan Diabate:
“La dispersion des Mandinka”, Editions Populaires du Mali.
“Kala Jata” which was reedited as “Le Lion a l’Arc,” Hatier, Paris 1985.
“Janjon et autres chants populaires du Mali:, Presence Africaine
“L’Assemblee des Djinns”, Presence Africaine, Paris, Dakar, 1985.
Q Sidiki talked about a person’s lucky and unlucky streaks. He then recited the same text
he used when talking about the soron
N mamake ka n fa soro
N fa ka ne soro
Ne fana ka n ta soro
O le ye soro di.
My grandfather has found my father
My father has found me
I also have found my share
This constitutes the find.
Can you discuss his interpretation of this text?
A (Kalilou) He talked about chance in a vertical manner, e.g., by going back to one’s
grandfather, highlighting the chain people form. But this linear chain is not sufficient in
life, it must be completed by one’s own performance in gaining one’s life. If the third
soro, or find is absent, the person will be unsuccessful.
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Sidiki Yayo
Q You frequently talk about the first Manding persons. Could you tell this story?
A In ancient Manding there were nine men and four women. This was at the time before
Arabic or French was spoken in our area. The names of the nine men were:
Njukukuku
Nyakakaka
Nyarigbassa
Boloyonko
Sinkimindyo
Fassatige Mansa
Kolotugu Semba
Kolokandyara Mara Konata
Waliaka.
The names of the four women were:
Tisseme
Linseme
Nkende Kutugbe
Sansan Karadun Kaba.
Tisseme and Linsene emigrated and their families settled in Ghana, Benin, Togo, Nigeria,
Kongo and Liberia. These thirteen persons were admired and treated like kings. The four
women were special women with a lot of knowhow. For example, they washed the
weapons which they handed to their husbands, and they, in turn, to their warriors. This
was long before the Moslems arrived in our country because names like Bakari,
Mohammed, and Sidiki did not exist, but their names instead. At that time we did not
know white people and white people did not know us. We did not know the Arabs, and
the Arabs did not know us. We called our children Kora, like the name for our instrument
kora, or we called them Mana, Denda, Yoro, and Samba.
MCS Sidiki told this story without instrumental accompaniment. Kalifa Kamara, a close
friend of Sidiki and a jeli of the bala, was present and posed the following question to
Sidiki:
Q (Kalifa Kamara) Which was the first instrument of Manding?
A The bala. Starting with Sumaoro, we had the bala. Sumaoro got the bala from the
devil. Sumaoro was a sorcerer and a friend of the devil. Each time Sumaoro heard the
voice of the bala, he looked for the instument but did not find it. He talked to the devil
requesting the instrument. The devil told him that when he is ready to give the bala to
Sumaoro, he will do so. One day he received the bala but without mallets. Sumaoro took
two wooden plates as mallets and started to play. Kouyate was there and said to Sumaoro:
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"You can't praise yourself, let me do it". Sumaoro said to the jeli: bala fa segge kouyate,
bala fo tegge kouyate, or “Kouyate, you must play the bala.
Q How do you begin the Sunjata Fasa?
A I start by playing Boloba. After Boloba, I play Sunjata, Janjon, and if I want to, Julu
Kara Neyin, Nanamuru, Lassidan, Kulanjan, and once more Lassidan.
Q I have heard you finishing Sunjata Fasa with different pieces at different performances,
most frequently you end by playing Nan Kuman Jan. How do you decide on the end?
A I can finish with any of the above pieces or with Nan Koman Jan.
Q You have used the following text, expressing attitudes towards learning:
ni mogo m'i borso it'i boyo, or
If you don't exert yourself, you won't be pleased.
Can that be considered a maxim in your education?
A Yes. This verse, which is sung, is part of a story about a red monkey who steals the
farmer's manioc and millet on the fields, profiting from the fact that the farmer is not on
the field when it rains. The farmer gives a lesson to his children by saying: "If you don't
go out while it is raining, you won't eat".
A (Kalilou) I want to add that this proverb contains a very profound philosophy of ours.
The students who learn the Koran must work for many years in the fields and beg their
meals. This fact is also the fundamental philosophy of some beggars you meet on the
street, even if they come from wealthy parents. They have to behave in that manner
before acquiring the Koranic knowledge. The same is true about learning the trade of the
jeli. A young apprentice may spend year after year with his teacher without receiving any
formal instruction on the kora. The student first of all learns to work and suffer before his
master accepts him as somebody who is ready to be taught. At this stage the student
finally has acquired the baraka of his master.
In fundamental education among the Manding, the song plays an important role, since
each song is an instruction. During the harvest season for example, one celebrates a
festival called barabo. During such events, the instruction of Manding wisdom is passed
from old to young. The above verse is sung by the young generation when meeting the
older generation under the kapoc tree.
A (Sidiki) Even if a person is very intelligent and has somehow acquired knowledge,
without suffering and submission to his master, e.g., without having received the baraka,
that person cannot profit from his knowledge. Your father hands you over to a master,
and that master demands more respect than you might have for your own father.
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Q What is a person who has received the baraka called?
A (Kalilou) This person is called barakaden, or child of the baraka. This baraka is
received from three sources: mother, father, and master. Once a person has reached this
stage, he only has to acquire the duga, or benediction from his mother, father, and master
in order to become a dubaden, or child of benediction. The prescription you have to
follow in order to become a dubaden, is: After you have reached your success, you must
always satisfy those three persons which are the origin of your baraka. We have a song
which summerizes a similar idea with the following text:
ko syaman ne kinna kan do
ko syaman worokundo, or
Many beneficial things are contained in the voices of the neighbourhood,
Many things are an affair of the kolanut.
Q Are these words of wisdom sung in particular pieces?
A These words of wisdom are the base of every song and every rhythm. The texts are full
of creativity. They are based on materials from the initiation societies, because they teach
wisdom and the jeli is the storehouse of this wisdom. He has accumulated a great
reservoir of wisdom which he can pull out at appropriate circumstances. This is so
especially during the barabofoli, or harvest celebration music, when everybody has to
express himself wisely. During this time certain people who have done bad things might
also be criticized.
Q Can you talk about the various groups of society?
A (Kalilou) Society is divided into four different groups according to age:
(1) Children under age fifteen belong to the bilakoroton, or association of the
uncircumcized. Their chief is called bilakorokuntigi.
(2) After circumcision, the young people belong to the kamberenton, or
association of young men. The most creative member is chosen to be the
kamberenkuntigi who directs the activities of the young.
(3) The next association is called fa (father), and is the politcal organization of the
village. Its chief is the tonkuntigi or the dugutigi, or chief of the village.
(4) The last group consists of old men, or cemogoba or cekoroba. This group has
the role of counselling and advising.
Q Speaking about the hunter, Kalilou, your cousin Youssouf Cisse said: "The hunter is a
wise man. In the bush or in life exist the same rules of the game, that of poison and
counterpoison". Can you explain this idea of korote, or poison and korote lakari, or
counterpoison?
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A (Kalilou) Each hunter is an observer of nature. The very rules the hunter observes are
applicable to civil society as well. Therefore, the hunt represents the basic education of
humanity. Speaking about korote and korote lakari, in Manding culture, everything can
be countered, and whatever is created can be annulled. The idea of korote is banished by
Islam, since knowing a person's name, his father's name and his mother's name are
sufficient indication. Therefore, one does not have to play around with the idea of korote.
Q Sidiki, does such an idea also exist concerning the kora?
A (Sidiki nodded his head, looking seriously at us).
A (Kalilou) You have just asked about old African wisdom and those old Africans do not
like to reveal such knowledge.
Q Is it so because you are dealing with mysteries?
A Yes. The Europeans are like the Arabs who have brought us all kinds of things. We
have accepted those things and have put them over our own things, speaking in rank
terms. But we still have our own hidden things.
A (Kalilou) I know of jelilu who were killed because they made certain revelations.
Speaking about the European culture for example, it is a fact that it does not deal on a
secret level anymore, but on an international one. People ought to do what we do, people
must learn what we learned and know. Foreigners must play the kora, so that we are
important.
Q The hidden and the night seem to play an enormous role in Manding culture, and so
does wisdom and old age. Is that so?
A Yes. Concerning wisdom and old age, one of our song texts says:
i baa ke denniya la
ala le y'i kun kandanna
i baa ke moobaya la
i hankili le y'i kun kandanna.
When you are a child
God protects your head
When you are an adult
Your wisdom protects your head.
Q It is said that jeliya, or the affairs of the jeli center on handling the nyama, by either
increasing or decreasing it. Can you explain this?
A The generic name of jeli is nyamakala, or the handle of the nyama. Nyamakala means
nyama lankari, or the anti nyama.
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For example, let's take Houphouet Boigny (president of the Ivory Coast at present), who
is comparable to Almami Samori, and who is considered to be a king, and who, let's
assume decides to demolish a two million city, such as Abidjan. The only person who is
capable of stopping this decision is the jelli. He arrives with his kora, kondin, or bala, and
can, through the effects of the music calm the nerves of the sovereign. He can reason
through the means of song. And thus, the jeli plays the role of taking off the nyama, or
nyama lankari, to avoid disaster.
A (Kalilou) The etymology of nyamakala is nyama lankari. Everything that represents
misfortune contains nyama and the jeli is the one who can turn it around.
Q Could you explain the formula nyama be kuma la, or the word contains occult power?
A Normally this formula is used for the opening of a reunion and indicates that a serious
theme is to be discussed and that the importance of the word must be respected. If
somebody will say something that should not be said, he risks to be exposed to the
nyama.
Q The hunters chase the nyama away by swinging their tail wisks, made out of an
antelope tail. This procedure is called nyama fifan. Do you have a similar gesture before
you play the kora?
A The nyaroa fifan is a fundamental idea. When the hunter kills a deer, buffalo, elephant,
or monster, the ceremonial tail of the hunter will be dumped three times into magic water
and swung back and forth. These animals possess an enormous amount of nyama. And if
you approach or eat them, this nyama can attack you and provoke serious diseases in your
family. During this nyama fifan rite, the simbon, or hunter's flute is played. Hunters have
their own musicians, who always carry their tail, so that the nyama can be whisked away
or be discharged.
Q How much nyaroa does the kora contain?
A In former times, a kora never was fabricated without a sacrifice, e.g. without shedding
blood. Depending on the amount of nyama, one wanted to endow the instrument with,
one needed the blood of a chicken, goat, or sheep. After the calabash was covered with a
hide, nobody could touch the instrument anymore, so that its virginity would not be
disturbed. Then, certain fetishes were put into the calabash, serving two purposes: (1) To
establish a particular tie between the owner of the kora and the kora, and (2) to help the
instrument produce a desired effect each time it is played. If a stranger should touch the
kora behind the owner's back, the nyama would backfire and attack him. The result may
be a serious disease or other problems, to the point where the person needs a lankari, or
antidote, such as a ceremonial washing of his eyes, so that the nyama can let go. The
nyama contained in the instrument is there to protect the instrument. The nyarna has
positive and negative qualities. It is positive for those who possess it and negative for
those who don't possess it and who are aggressive. Thus, an elephant or a lion, for
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example, have a lot of nyama which supplies their force, but, should a hunter attack their
nyama and kill them, then their nyama turns into a negative force which is destructive.
Q Is Mangala the same god as Allah?
A Yes, and the word is the same.
A (Kalilou) The Bambara say Mangala. This is a deformation of mansa, or seigneur,
combined with Allah.
Q What is the tana of the Yayo or Kone clan and the Sissokos?
A We have three tana: wara, or lion, soli, or panther, and talen, or spider. These three
animals don't attack the Yayo family and we protect them. The praise names for the Yayo
family (originating from the Kone clan) are:
Yayo
Bagayogo
Kaminyogo
Tanyogo Simbon
Ba Tanyariba
A (Beya) Our tana is the kaana, the big lizzard.
Q Do you know the song Wagadunyame?
A I know the story of Wagadu, but in Guinea I have not heard a song about this theme.
A (Kalilou) This song is sung in Sarakolle and Soninke, accompanied by the julu kelen,
or one string lute (Kalilou sings the song).
Q Is there a piece about the sigi dolo, or Sirius star?
A No. I was told that there is a mask festival every 60 or 70 years, but I have never seen
it. One says that persons under 35 are not allowed to see it. The mask dances with a
cortege through the whole village and stops in front of the house of the most important
person. Then it disappears for decades.
A (Kalilou) The Dogon celebrate a certain constellation of the stars and a mask called
sigi appears every 60 to 70 years.
Q Is there a piece to celebrate the sun?
A The names of the sun, moon, and stars appear in many songs as symbols.
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A (Kalilou) I know of songs which talk about "the sun of king so and so", meaning at the
time of that king.
Q Is there a piece devoted to God?
A Song texts concerning the reflection of God, his omnipotence, and his art of
predestination are used in practically every piece, whether we talk about Alalake. Tabara,
or Tubaka.
A (Kalilou) Personally, I know that there is no Manding song in which the omnipotence
of God is not mentioned.
Q Is there a song about faro, the spirit of the river?
A I don't know "faro".
A (Beya) No.
,
A (Kalilou) The idea of ba faro as the master of the jeliba, or Niger River is typically
Bambara of the area around Segou.
A (Sidiki) Around Sankara, the master of the water (MCS: of the same jeliba, or Niger
River) is called ji-jara, the lion of the water. Fishermen and their wives celebrate certain
rites for ji-jara.
A (Beya) The master of the Gambia River is called buruma. One says that this spirit
resides in Nyomi. Through sorcery techniques for example, buruma can give a child to a
barren woman. Then, that child may disappear for several years, only to come back with
great knowledge.
A (Kalilou) In the popular imagination of Mali, the same phenomenon exists. We say that
Biton Koulibaly was raised by faro. Therefore, he received baraka and force.
Q Do you know korro, the name used for the kora by Mungo Park? Or the name kasso
which appears occasionally in the literature?
A No, neither one. Long ago, the kora was called soron. Even today, some people in
Guinea use that name for the kora. The name kora is really Gambian.
Q Do you know the term jin jinba?
A The little red cushion on which the bridge sits is called jin jinba in Beya's language
(Mandinkakan), but we know the term also.
Q Do you know kurango, the name for the kora, mentioned in "Two hunting tales of the
Senegambia"?
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A No.
A (Beya) No.
Q What does soron mean?
A We say: N'ka soron, or I have found it.
A (Kalilou) It means eureka!
Q How old is the "soron"? Who was the first player?
A I don't know the name of the first soron maker and player, unlike the Gambians, who
attribute the kora to jeli Madi Wulen. But I know that the jeli who perfected the soron
worked very hard. People always asked him from where he got the instrument and he
always answered: N'ka a soron, which became it's name. Up until today, the name soron
is used for the kora around the Sankaran area in Guinea. My family in Faranah owns a
soron.
Q How does the construction of the soron differ from that of the kora?
A The resonance body of the soron is made out of thick wood. It has 17 strings. There
are two horizontal bars, instead of one for the kora, and the bridge sits in between them
on a cushion. The strings are made out of gut. The bridge has pierced holes through
which the strings pass. Whereas the bridge of the kora, simbin, and donson koni, is
attached by rope to the iron ring on the bottom of the instrument, the bridge of the soron
is not tied to the iron ring because it holds very well and does not fall. The leather rings,
or gonson, are built like those of the kora. The tuning of the soron is yerende.
A (Kalilou) I am not a specialist, but I can distinguish between the pieces from the East
and those from the West.
Q Which are the pieces for the soron?
A One can say that the repertoire for the soron is the same as that of the kora?
Q Can one say that the Tilibo kora repertoire was originally conceived for the soron?
A Yes.
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(Sidiki’s Comment on Respect:)
In the Sankaran area, the principle of hierarchy plays a most important role. The one who
is older than you, means everything to you. The one who is your master merits all
respect. It is a question of baraka, as mentioned before. And if the apprentice does not
have the master's benediction, he cannot go anywhere. I always chose freedom over
money. Therefore, I accepted you as an apprentice and said no to others who wanted to
study with me. Speaking about creativity, you Margit may have the impression that you
are the learner, but it is not so. Each time you pose a question, I develop my thinking and
my knowledge. And by now, I am sure that you are the greatest jeli muso in all of
Manding, for the good reason, that, what you know, other jeli musolu don't know. And I
want that you always continue your way, because my father has taught me extraordinary
things and I want that this knowledge, which you possess now, will be valued on an
international level. And you are the intermediary to make known this old wisdom existing
in the kora. (Sidiki closes his monologue with a prayer, thanking Allah and asking for
Allah's continued support.)
(Demonstration of several pieces played by Sidiki and Beya:)
N Nadiya (lit. give me a little gift) This piece is from Guinea and is similar to Lassidan.
The first two lines of N Nadiya are:
n'i ka n nadiya
n di ke i fe
If you will please me,
I will like you better.
Wara (lit. lion) This piece is part of the Sunjata cycle and uses a similar text as Sunjata.
The kumben is similar to that of the Gimbasen. The text of the first verse is:
ko n b'a fo wara
ne kan ye mogo mine wara ma
wara min ye *saga mine soko fe
ne kan d'o wara ma
konkoba keleke lon
If I speak of the lion,
I talk about the lion who catches people,
The lion who catches sheep behind houses,
I am not talking about him.
Hero of the days of battle!
(MCS *When this verse is repeated, ba, or goat, and fali, or donkey is inserted instead of
saga or sheep. "Hero of the days of battle" is a reference to Sunjata)
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Nama Njay is a love song. It belongs to the category of barabofoli. Nama Njai was met
while walking in the streets by a jeli muso whom he knew. He gave many treasures to this
jeli muso, and she, in return, sang this song for him. (Kalilou considers the ancient pieces
to be very profound, more so than the most recent ones). The text of Nama Njay is:
ne nindama njaay benna
n daman njaay sanu sebentigi benna
ne nindama njaay benna
ndaman njaay wari sebentigi benna
ne ni ndama njaay benna
*konyakari siraba de la
I have met Nama Njay
Met Nama Njay with the golden fetish
I have met Nama Njay
Met Nama Njay with the silver fetish
I have met Nama Njay
On the big road of Konyakari.
*Konyakari was the former capital of Khasso, situated on the border between Senegal
and Mali.
Nanamuru, also called Jen Be Se Kuma La, lit. the one who can speak better. This piece
is an old Manding song of the time of Almamy Samori, belonging to the category of
faamafoli, or court music. The text of the first two verses is:
den bee te se kuma no
den bee te se jama ro kuma no
jama ro kuma di jelilu ma
alu y'o ke dalagbese di
den bee te se kiti la
den bee te se jamaro kiti la
alu ye jama ro di Almami ma
Not everybody knows how to talk
Not everybody knows how to talk in public
Public speech, give it to the jelilu
So that they can make a toothpick out of it
Not everybody can do justice
Not eveybody can do public justice
So, give the public justice to Almamy Samori.
Yalla this is a piece of the gaulo, or Peul musicians, originally accompanied on the
xalam, which is the kondin in Maninkakan. The text of the first two lines is:
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adduna fooko gooto
gonga peenala o naa gooto
The world is the same
But truth and lies are not the same.
Wagadunyame This piece is sung originally to the accompaniment of the julu kelen, or
one string lute by the gesere, a group of people who belong to the nyamakala. It is sung
in Soninke.
Duga (MCS) This song idolizes the blessed warrior who comes back to life. Usually, the
first three lines of the following text are sung, and the last two lines are spoken.
The text for Duga according to Sidiki is:
duga kara fisiriwule
ni duga tun ma ke fisiriwule
tun te mansu domu
duga fora mansa juman ye
duga fora Sunjata ye
The vulture has become ungrateful
If the vulture would not be ungrateful
He would not eat the cadaver of kings
For whom did one play Duga
Duga was played for Sunjata.
Miniyamba: This song corresponds probably to Wagadunyame. It consists of a cycle,
comprising such pieces as Wagadunyame and Dugu. Generally speaking, when Duga is
played, Miniyamba follows.
Q Can you discuss the content of the piece Julu KaraNayin, lit. the man with the two
horns?
A The story is told in a parlando style over the kumben. Julu Kara Nayin’s friend was the
ancestor of all garanke, or cobblers and tanners. Julu Kara Nayin had a secret: he owned
two horns with which he decorated his head. The horns were prepared by this garanke,
whom he asked not to talk about this subject. This garanke followed the advice and
spoke to nobody about it, but, he needed to actually pronounce this secret. Thus, he went
far away into the bush, dug a hole, put his mouth over it, and said what he knew. He
felt instantly relieved and closed the hole. Later on, a large herb grew on this spot. This
kind of grass was needed for house construction and for making pens. After a while,
several Koranic students arrived and cut this grass to make pens, which were dumped
into ink before one could write with them. The students presented a pen to their
marabout. Each time, the marabout wrote, the pen wrote: "Julu Kara Nayin
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has horns. He also owns diamonds and gold". The surprised marabout went to Julu Kara
Nayin and as he wanted to write, the pen wrote: "Julu Kara Nayin has horns. He also
owns diamonds and gold". Julu Kara Nayin was furious and damned all garanke". When
a garanke" died he was buried in a spot where the grass grew, e.g., in the bush between
two villages, in the earth that does not belong to anybody.
Julu Kara Nayin exemplifies the nyama of the word. Personal stories such as this one
have to be handled with prudence. In the past, certain ancestors have betrayed others, but
their descendants are still living. If one wanted to reveal the true story of some people,
one would risk provoking all kinds of incidents, because there are people who would be
so angry and never pardon you.
Q Is there a piece called Bempa N’Pemba?
A This is not the title of a song, but you may find this text in many songs. When "jeli
musolu" perform for an important person, these words may be spoken at the beginning
even without instrumental accompaniment, in order to make the host important.
Frequently, these words are preceeded by soluo, or the call of the horses.
Sali Bee
This song glorifies the good Moslem.
Sali bere ro
lakansara sali le gbeleman
sali bee di.
Of all prayers
the prayer of asr (prayer in the afternoon at 4:00 pm)
is the most important.
Sefuyana
This is a piece belonging to the category of nyankaranfoli.
Mori le
kala ta mori
Sefuyana mori le
mori sankaranyon bee toro la.
It is a marabout,
A marabout, taker of pens
Sefuyana is a marabout,
The rivals of the marabout are lost.
Q Which pieces belong to sayafoli, or music for the deceased?
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A Janjonba and Sumba. (Sidiki plays Sumba, which has a similar kumben as BANI).
Q Is it true that the jeli touches the newly born first and the deceased last?
A The jeli or another person gives benedictions and asks God for blessings.
Ba Toto
The title of this piece means frogs of the river. It talks about the nyanchos, which
are considered to be the river. When one is together with a nyancho, one feels like a frog
in a river. The typical brushing technique of the right hand is called lasari in Maninkakan
and kuruntu in Mandinkakan.
Q Can you explain the idea of ni, or respiration while playing the kora?
A (Beya) Playing the kora is a question of departure and arrival. The goal is the arrival.
One needs a special elan to arrive, and therefore, a proper respiration is a prerequisit, a ye
nijio soto, or so that the music has soul (niji means the water of the soul). The soul has to
be connected simultaneously to the past and the future, and it is this inspiration which
permits expression of the objective to relate the past to the future, or ji i sembe, to confide
ones experience. The idea is to let one's soul rise and descend, or: ka i ninba layele k'a
lajigi.
A (Kalilou) This idea links the inspiration with respiration, e.g., the inspiration is the
respiration. The inspiration and respiration make the soul climb until it reaches the future
and descends until it reaches the ancestors.
MCS Note this wide mental spectrum in music making is noticable in every serious kora
performance. Music is the bridge between people and periods.
The Soron
Q You mentioned yerende as the typical soron tuning. Are other tuning systems used, as
well on the soron?
A Yerende is particular to the soron and Guinea. Tamara is particular to Gam'bia and not
for the soron. Then there are two tuning systems which are used communally in all
regions: silaba and sauta. Sauta is called kayira kumben in Guinea and is played on the
soron and the kora. With the kayiraba kumben one plays such pieces as Kayiraba,
Alalake which originated from Kayiraba, and Kelefaba.
Q How many strings do you change for yerende if the kora is tuned to silaba?
A The sixth string on the right is tuned to a higher pitch, but slightly lower than if it were
sauta. The arrangement of the strings regarding their pitches is different on the soron.
The lowest kora string is on the left, whereas the lowest soron string is on the right.
89
Therefore, everything is reversed on the soron, speaking about the kumben and solo
passages.
Q Which is the most typical soron piece?
A I would like to mention two pieces: 1) Jelidon, which is the original name for Lamban
and (2) Nonsi, which is the original name for Alalake. Nonsi was composed after the
following event. A man called Nonsi wanted to make an extraordinairy gift to a jeli by
choosing a beautiful woman for the jeli. He also paid the dowry and established a new
house for the young couple. To commemorate this wedding celebration, Nonsi was
created.
Q Is the soron accompanied by the konkondiro?
A The soron is mostly played in a sitting position and the konkondiro is taken over by the
soron player himself by lifting his instrument away from the ground and letting it drop at
appropriate moments to produce a percussive sound. A seperate piece of iron is attached
on the bottom of the soron to the iron rings where the strings are attached, so that the
tuning won't be disturbed through the impact of hitting the ground. This knocking
technique is called ka konkon for the kondin messe, kondin batt, or kora, for the soron
one says ka konkonba.
Q Why isn't a similar technique used on the kora?
A Because the kora is too fragile and the tuning would be disturbed. The soron is built
more compactly out of thick wood, rather than a calabash. Therefore, you can play the
saran on one tuning system for a whole year without having to rearrange the strings.
Q. Can soron players also play the kora?
A It depends on the player. But in our country, the soron and the kora exist side by side.
The soron also can be played while walking like the kora. The soron musicians used to
follow the important persons who rode on horses.
Q As you have said earlier, the kora was played to establish a certain atmosphere, mainly
that of reflection. Is that so with the soron?
A The ancestor of the soron is the donson koni, which has six strings. Then the soron was
developed and the kora became nothing else but an amelioration of the soron. The kora is
the grandson of all string instruments, and even now, instruments are being modified. For
example, there are musicians who make koras with 23 strings.
The conception of the kora is not new in comparison to the soron. Everything I have said
about the kora is valid for the soron as well.
90
Q Was the soron played as a solo instrument?
A Yes, the old soron players only accepted the kondin messe, kondin ba, and the bala as
ensemble instruments with the soron. Drums were not accepted to play with the soron. At
times the flute was permitted to play with the soron.
Q Were there soron pieces which were played on the soron solo, e.g., without singing?
A Yes, there were many, just as with the kora. The fama (king) was very much attached
to the soron music. For example, his jeli would arrive at 5 o’clock in the morning and
start to play. He never sang at this time. His music started very softly and only gradually
got louder until the fama would wake up. Then the king asked the other jelilu to enter.
The king disappeared to make his toilet and only when he reentered the room, the
musicians would play after a signal from the kunan (large wooden drums suspended on a
frame), which is carried by two people.
With all Manding music pieces there are three possible interpreteations:
(1) There are places and circumstances where it is not desired to sing, because the
voice of the instrument should fill the space. This kind of instrumental play is called foli
doron.
(2) Other occasions require the instrument and the voice, or foli ni donkili.
(3) Some other occasions require the instrument and the word in a spoken form
(parlando style), or "foli ni kuma.
Some jelilu only perform in the parlando style. It depends on the musician's imagination
and of what he wants to express. Its interpretation may require the mouth or the fingers.
Q Have you heard that formerly one buried the jeli's kora after his death?
A I am scandalized by this thought, because, if a jeli dies, he leaves a heritage and for a
jeli, the best heritage he can leave is the instrument he has played and usually made
himself. And this instrument is to be played by his child in memory of him. The kora is
the ke ta, or heir of the jeli. Sunjata was given the name Keita after he became heir of
several kings and princes, when he founded the Mali Empire and the power was in his
hands.
Q I have noticed that at times, you and Beya consider the kora like a person. Can you
explain the relationship between the jeli and his kora?
A This question is difficult to answer because these types of relationships belong to the
mysteries of the jeli. When you see a jeli alone who plays his instrument for himself, you
realize that he evokes his whole life, expressing his assessment of his own life, and that
of the world. His playing represents his philosophical reflections. He considers the past,
the epochs long gone by, the important names, the jelilu which are gone, his own fate, his
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present set up and his role in society. Finally, the instrument the jeli plays becomes his
confidant whom he can trust, confide in, ask for advice and expect advice.
A (Beya) The same is true for me. I confide my deep thinking into the kora. For a jeli of
the kora, the kora represents everything because thanks to the instrument I am here with
you today and I will have a good afterlife. When I play my instrument, I think of the
years passed, of the friends I had and of unhappy and happy moments. The kora serves to
evoke the memories of the deceased. It is a question of heritage. For example, if a man
has left a son as his heir when he died, then this son may give a zadaka, or an offering to
a beggar while saying: "I want that my father who is in the other world may profit from
this gesture. May it bring luck to him". This kind of sending a message is comparable to
the jeli's playing.
A (Kalilou) Why are jelilu compelled to start in a formal setting with a large audience by
playing the Sunjata Fasa? This is common practice in order to situate the background of
Manding in a precise context of heritage.
MCS This is an example of the therapeutic role of the kora. The instrument imposes itself
as symbol of heritage and as a ritual instrument because of the fixed patterns underlying
each piece which are embellished by the jeli's idiosyncratic patterns, triggering similar
associations in an informed person, e.g., for the player and listener. Each piece is
enveloped by certain objective and subjective events. For example, frequently, I could
determine in Sidiki's play that he was quoting Sidiki Djabate or Digiba Sissoko. In Beya's
interpretation I know when he wants to present and include such jelilu as Sekou Kamara,
Sunjulu Sissoko or Lalo Keba Drame. Sometimes Sidiki and Beya recapture special
situations, usually tied to a specific person, location, or event, by repeating certain
passages in a more and more urgent playing technique, as if hypnotizing the listener.
Q You and Beya often said that optimally the kora is played by night. Can you elaborate
this point?
A Earlier, the night played an important role in our culture. The night is the time for life
of the invisibles. The day is for us visibles. Some players want to get in touch with the
invisibles to acquire supernatural power. It has happened that jelilu took their instrument
and played at the border of a river, in a forest, or on top of a hill. It is known that the jinns
like kora music and the player hopes to please them and get a dalilu from them. Other
than that I like to play at night because it is calm and I converse with my confidant (kora)
and nobody else is around with whom I can speak in such a concentrated fashion.
Q Are you familiar with the water spirit korro?
A No. I know the following fetishes, or do (Kalilou mentioned the equivalent names,
used in the Segou area);
Sidiki
Konden
komo
Kalilou
ndomo
komo
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jinawulen
kuruwa
ceblenke
kore (might possibly come from korro, the rain spirit).
A (Kalilou) In traditional Manding society, Islam is always pierced by traditional
institutions and belief systems. People say that God has created the world and the fetishes
as well and therefore they all are endowed with God's power. And this is a fact. Because,
when once I was together with jeli Wa Kamissoko, I said after a while to him: "Since it is
praying time, I want to pray now". And he answered in a disturbed manner: "I seek to be
upright and you seek to be down. Do you know that I have a book called "Al Korati"
which is as powerful as your book called Al Korana".
(MCS This was a ficticious analogy, "Al Korati" does not exist.)
Q Sidiki, you have a carefully made leather amulet tied around the center pole of your
kora (at the intersection of the centerpole and the calabash). What does it mean?
A That is a dalilu from my father who used to attach it to his kondin ba.
Q You talked about one of your students who played without feeling. What was the exact
word you used?
A It is hina, or being able to communicate one's feelings to the audience.
A (Beya) In my language (Mandinkakan) it is called ba1afa .
Q Do you play the piece Lakya, also called Nyaule?
A Yes. We played Lakya with the Ballets Africain. Lakya, a piece originating in the
Casamance, was played on the kora solo and afterwards the women went on stage and
danced.
Q Is there a tarika for the kora?
A No, but there is a "tarika" for my family written in Arabic.
Q Do you know the piece Jinamusodin?
A Yes. This is a piece which was created in my family. It is about my cousin Bamba
Yayo in Faranah. In our area it is called Kanko, or Kamaramuso. The text is;
Kanko, i kera jinamuso din, or
Kanko, you have become a devil.
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Kora Techniques
Term
to tune
solo
to block
to hum
to brush
Sidiki
ka ben
ka muru
or muru muru
ka gbere
or rogberen
kurun
lassari
Beya
bendiro
biriminting
juntandiro
Division of strings (Sidiki):
high
middle
low
sanfe julu
tema julu
dugumaden
There are two concepts:
sangba (alalake julu) and baba.
MCS Sangba is the simultaneous playing of the second string on the right and the third
string on the left. The resulting fifth represents the typical opening interval of Alalake,
and therefore is called alalake julu. Etymologically, according to Kalilou, sangba
consists of san, meaning up, or sky, and ba, meaning big, or principle.
Sidiki: Sofiana, Tabara and Hankilimaya are played with sangba, which is different from
Mariama, Fodekaba, and Sunjata (silaba).
You can play all pieces in silaba, it is the most versatile tuning system. You can play
Ceddo, Mali Sajo, and Yakka, but everyone has his habits. The musicians from the
Casamance know only their tuning system which is tomora. They might not be able to
play in silaba. We from Guinea can play in silaba, yerende, and kayiraba kumben and
also can play in tomora. There are many jelilu in Senegal, young and old, who only play
in tomora. Sunjulu (Sissoko) even plays Alalake in tomora .
People from the Casamance do not know yerende. They also have ensembles with more
than 10 koras, whereas in Mali and Guinea, you see rarely more than two koras in an
ensemble. Tamara, the tuning which musicians from the Casamance and Mali use is good
for their language (Mandinkakan), but less appropriate for Manding musicians from other
areas. That is why we chose silaba, lit. the right way, the straight way, or the big road.
For example, Sussu pieces are well liked by everybody, e.g., by Manding people living in
different geographical areas, whereas Gambian pieces are rather specialized.
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Q. How did that divergence come about?
A (Kalilou) Let me give some historical explanations which determine the cultural
melodies, the creativity, and the divergence of Manding music. Concerning composition
of melodies, the Sussu are very creative, and so are the Guineans and the Malians. The
Gambians are less creative. There, one has to wait three years before one song from the
West can impose itself to the Manding ensemble, whereas in the East, each year, at least
one song will impose itself. Manding music starts with the Sussu, because the first
musician was Sumaoro Kante, king of the Sussu. The West (Gambia) is like a little
branch of the Manding tree. The West has many peculiarities which are responsible for
its closed cultural atmosphere with its own development outside of the more general
Eastern areas, whereas the culture of the East stays always open to the whole Manding
ensemble.
Q Which pieces are attributed to the Sussu?
A The Manding Fasa, e.g., the Sunjata Fasa, because Sumaoro was the first victor of
Manding, and thus a fasa (genealogy) was appropriate for him. In this piece (Sunjata),
one always starts with the story about Sumaoro.
A (Kalilou) Sumaoro, or Soso Kemogoden Sumaoro, also called Soso Bali Sumaoro, is
considered the first musician.
Q Was the Manding Fasa (or Sunjata Fasa) conceived for the bala or another
instrument?
A For the bala.
Q Who was the first jeli for the kora?
A The kora comes from the soron", the soron from the simbin, The Gambian, jeli Madi
Wuleng, was the first korist, but the soron and the simbin already existed.
Q Do you remember the name of the first soron player?
A It is Soron-fo-Madi.
Q Which piece or pieces are associated with him?
A Jeli Don, lit. dance of the jeli, also called Lamban, and Nonsi, also called Alalake.
Q You call several pieces jan ka di, lit. our land is sweet, or here is sweet. Can you
explain this?
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A This is a generic term for pieces such as Alalake, Tubaka, Nanfule, Kayiraba,
Sakodugu, Boloba, and Sunjata. All these pieces are surnaya, or sweet, and you cannot
play them in tomora. The tomora of the Gambians block their creativity.
MCS Beya changes his tuning from silaba to tomora and very softly begins to play a long
nininkali, possibly to demonstrate what can be done in tomora. Later on, I asked him why
he did that, and he answered: I be se ka kume, or so that you can talk better, meaning to
provide a good background for our conversation.
Q Can you give your commentary on Duga, one of the most important and impressive
pieces?
A Duga is the name of a royal bird, the vulture. This bird has the same importance as
kings, jelilu, or intellectuals, but he is ungrateful. If he were not ungrateful, he would not
have the courage to descend to the dead on the battlefield, to those who were valuable
persons, princes, and warriors, whose cadavers serve as meals for the bird. But the
impressive thing is that the vulture is a sign because he appears only when there is a
cadaver. He signals a serious event, such as the death of a warrior who was killed while
facing danger. The patterns played on the kora imitate not only the gate of the vulture
while on the ground, but also its take off for its flight, its circular cruising, and its alert
change of direction, diving securely during its pittiless descent to the victim. Duga
mirrors the behaviour of the bird.
Q, Who invented this piece?
A I attribute this piece to the first ancestor of all jelilu, to Surakata.
A (Kalilou) The people of Wagadu have another version. According to them, Jalaha, a
jeli muso (female jeli) has invented and sung Duga for Kaya Magan Cisse. Kaya Magan
Cisse was the son of the patriarch Mama Dinga, who was always seen in the company of
a vulture sitting on his shoulder.
The text for Duga is:
Duga
koron do duga
duga a te bin damuna
duga a te malo domuna
a ye subu le domuna
Vulture
Vulture of the East
The vulture does not eat grass
The vulture does not eat rice
He eats meat.
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Q What do you think of my kora studies?
A Knowledge about the kora is acquired through baraka. Let me give you an example. A
young apprentice of the kora had to spend long years to follow his master who might not
show him more than one kumben during a whole year. As the student became more
proficient, he starts to recreate what he hears. After several years of that, a final period of
concentration followed which was connected with a final gift presented to the master.
The young musician, now equipped with a certain expertise, would then look for a jatigi,
or host, e.g., a wealthy person, capable of employing him as a musician of the family.
This jatigi was required to offer a present of considerable value, such as gold, to the
master as a compensation for the, education he provided for the jeli. This way, the young
jeli has achieved his baraka.
You, in your apprenticeship have learned fast, also because we had different
circumstances and are in another country (Ivory Coast). Everything depends on the
baraka and the heart with which you play, e.g., knowing how to play is a question of the
heart, courage, the calm, and baraka.
At the beginning, when your fingers got tired while playing, you got nervous and were
disappointed, but I encouraged you until you had enough courage and mastery of yourself
to penetrate into the music. This has given me such pleasure and you have given me such
respect, and have followed my advice in spite of the difficulties you encountered. But,
there is something that is blocking you. If you were a Manding woman, e.g., if you spoke
Maninkakan fluently, and if you knew our culture better, you would be without any
competitor. If you could overcome this problem, your apprenticeship would be perfect.
Because you come from another great culture, the European one, which permits to
fertilize the things I have given to you.
Therefore, stay on your way and exercise the language and the kora until you can do
things that we cannot do. My desire is to create you, just like God creates a person, e.g.,
to make out of you a person I want which is the complete person. Then I would have the
satisfaction that I have not only given you one part of my knowledge, but the globality of
the kora. I suggest one month, when you don't touch the kora, before having studied the
language from 6:00 am until 10:00 am every morning.
MCS: I gave my response with many thanks. Only certain aspects about the kora are
published and known today. Much of the deep structures which are hidden in jelya (lit.
the affairs of the jeli) and the kora wait to be discovered. (Kalilou translated my response
while Sidiki played Tubaka extremely softly and very cool while Kalilou talked and than
shifted to an intense, fiery style of interpretation.)
A (Beya) The baraka is among us. You have received it also from Sidiki (from Digiba,
my uncle (Digiba Sissoko from Dakar), and from my family. There are some jelilu who
went to school and travelled widely, but there is something missing in their play. It is the
baraka. I thank you.
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MCS My response of thanks followed, repeating what I often said, that I feel very lucky
to have had the chance to work with jelilu or, in this case with intellectuals of the caliber
of Sidiki and Beya. Both of these outstanding musicians are deeply connected to their
culture and have permitted me to have access to it, learning and appreciating it. I am sure
that the style of kora playing will change more rapidly and in different directions than it
ever has because no two jelilu are exposed to the somewhat stereotype education of
previous jelilu, due to formal schooling and other developments. Formerly and
exceptionally today, the jeli penetrated totally into the culture, whereas today at times,
some connections with the old culture seem to be lost and some pieces are played more or
less for show purposes and entertainment, without the spiritual attitude which in the first
place was the matrix for the music of the kora. Knowing that Sidiki and Beya are among
the most outstanding jelilu, personifying Manding culture, par excellence, I want to make
the proper connections in the United States to expose these two artists to the American
public.
Sidiki, pensively nodding, proceeded with a long prayer, thanking God and asking for
God's blessings for all of us. "May God give you a great mastery of yourself and give you
enough power to realize your projects". The response of Kalilou, Beya and myself was:
Amiina.
Q You have said that the kora speaks and that the strings represent voices. The voices of
whom?
A The kora does not represent an individual voice, but bee benkan, i.e., the voice of the
social consensus, and therefore, the kora speaks a comprehensible language. It is a
language that the kora player acquires through apprenticeship. If you teach the kora a
divine language, or the language of the jinns, the kora will speak them. It all depends on
the player, e.g., I baa kora makaranna kan min na a di o le fo la, i.e., the kora speaks the
language, one speaks to her.
Q Which pieces belong to the category of nyankaranfoli or the music of the wise?
A The idea of nayankaran can be applied to the great fetishists, marabouts, and great
personalities, those who have pierced the secrets of life, and, thus, have become superior,
commanding the mortals. More frequently, the idea of nyankaran is associated with
animists and hunters, with those who possess the traditional knowledge.
A (Kalilou) I want to add that in the area of Segou, we hava a special music, called
nyankaranfoli, which is played exclusively on the donson koni, the instrument of the
hunters.
A (Sidiki) In Guinea, there is a music called Konko Dangba or the great solitary of the
bush, which is played on the dan. As a matter of fact, the dan was created for this type of
music. But one can consider the following kora pieces as nyankaranfoli, since they were
composed for persons considered to have been nyankaran. People such as Fakoli and his
descendents, the Dumbias, Kurumas, and Sissokos, were famous for having known the
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names of various stones and plants in Manding, as well as the names of various stones
and earth formation with its corresponding animal habitat, e.g., they had a keen
knowledge of the natural sciences, one usually played th Fakoli Fasa, also known as
Kuruma Fasa, for them. The piece Kulanjan, or The Fisheagle, for example, originally
was composed for the Soma e.g., the people who know everything about the bush and by
anology, one plays this piece and others, such as Duga, Lassidan, and Sunjata, Boloba,
and Nanamuru, for all persons with deep knowledge. Wentere Knon is another piece for
the nyankaran, played on the simbin. In conclusion, one can say that all pieces which
have a profound foundation and content can be considered nyankaranfoli, whereas the
contrary music is barabofoli with a light content.
Q Jeli Amara Sissoko quoted the following proverb:
dunun te balakan fo
bala te dununkan fo
bari kora be nin bee ta fo
A dundun (drum) does not play like a bala,
A bala does not play like a drum,
But the kora plays like all of them.
Do you know this proverb?
A Yes, we say the same. This time, Amara didn’t tell you any stories. It is really very
simple. The bass strings of the kora correspond to the voice of the dundun. The soli, or
muru, ka rotegeli, and bolomataama correspond to the voice of the bala. The dundun
cannot play the same soli as the kora. This above text for example, is sung by DUGA.
Q Coming back to the first soron player Soronfo Madi of Sankaran, who are his
descendants?
A Soronfo Madi’s son is Jeli Musa, whose son is Jeli Terena, whose son is Kanda Sekou.
Danda Sekou played the soron and was my master. N’soron means I have found it, but it
is a matter of a threefold find:
n mamake ka n fa soro
n fa ka ne soro
ne fana ka n ta soro
o le ye soro di
My grandfather found my father,
My father found me
And I have found my part
That is the find
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The soron represents an innovation, starting from essential knowledge that our fathers
and grandfathers possessed. The result of this handed-down knowledge is that Soronfo
Madi could invent the soron with 17 strings. And I am sure that the Gambian Jeli Madi
Wulen saw this soron, admired it, and reproduced it.
Q Which diamu or clan name did Soronfo Madi have?
He was a Djabate and a descendant of the three Traore brothers Da Masa Wulantanba
(the one who was blind), Da Mansa Wulanba (the older one), and Da mansa Wulanin (the
younger one who killed the buffalo).
Q You consider yourself a hunter. Why?
A Deep down I am a hunter, we, the Kone are donson, or hunters. In Manding, the first
(MCS both according to history and rank) jelilu are the Kouyate. Second come the
Konde, third, the Djabate. Finished! One could add, in the fourth place a few Diawara.
But not the Sissoko – no, not the Sassoko – no, not the Camara – no, and not the so and
so –no! later on only did the Sissoko and Camara join the jelilu.
We cannot marry somebody from the clan of the smith, because they represent our totem,
since they have fabricated all our tools. Even if the smith’s daughter is as beautiful as
Mami Wata! And why do the Sissoko marry into the smith clan? They are fetishist and
not jelilu. The Sissoko have stolen our trade. The Camara are the sons of Toubi Lawalu.
Q What is the difference in the performance style of kora music between former times
and today?
A Formerly, the kora musician played a simple, e.g., an unadorned kumben, or kumben
gbansan bolomataama t’a la (lit. a kumben without the march of the hand, meaning a
solo) and the ornamentation was executed by the female singer. The singer had to
transmit important aural messages to the audience, reminding the audience of the noble
past, whereby the kora solo passages didn’t play any role. Today, we have arrived at a
time where people do not have many noble qualities anymore, e.g., there is no more right
way to show. The unadorned kumben represents the right way. Today, musicians
compose lovesongs only and feel free to do anything with the kumben, preferring a poor
solo to a solid kumben or a solid word, and, at times, the players are lost completely.
Q. Can one hear the voices of the angels or of satan on the kora?
A An instrument can neither be angelic nor satanic by itself. It depends on the feelings of
the player’s soul. If the player produces such sounds that split the heart, one can say his
playing is satanic, or folifen ni ka di fo a ye setanakan fola, lit. the instrument is so
agreeable that it speaks with a satanic voice. Playing is a question of communicating the
player’s state of mind.
Q What was the role of Da Masa Wulantanba, one of the three Traore brothers?
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A Da Mansa Wulantanba had an important role because he was the oldest of the brothers
and possessed the most profound knowledge about hunters’ affairs. He initiated the
others. He also excelled in matters of divination. When the three brothers went to hunt for
the buffalo of Do, he went with them and advised them. During their outing, they met an
old woman who was searching for an antfill to feed her chickens. She was ugly and so
was her behaviour, but he advised his brothers to deal with her in a polite manner. Thanks
to that advice, the old woman gave away her secret which led to the successful hunt of
the buffalo. It was Da Masa Wulantanba who made the prognosis that the brothers will
receive a woman when they kill the buffalo. He warned them that this woman was not
beautiful, but would become the cause of a great empire. That was to be Sogolon, the
mother of Sunjata. He also advised them that this woman wouldn’t be a spouse for them
but for an older man. This man was Faramoko Kegni. All the Traore and Djabate are
descendants of these three hunter brothers.
Q Has it ever happened that you were offered a present so that you would stop singing
and playing because the host doesn’t want you to reveal certain things.
A Yes, that has happened frequently, because we jelilu at times say things that provoke
anger or touch the heart. The host may say: jeli horon….
The term jeli horon has a special meaning. Jeli means blood. When one says jeli, it
means that a jeli pleases others like their own blood. We say: I ka di n ye iyo n jeli, i.e.,
you please me like my blood.
A (Kalilou) I would like to mention a parallel behavior of the Prophet, who was
surrounded by poets sho played the same role as the jelilu. It is written in the hadithi, that
Chalid Bualid was reciting a text during a battle, and the Prophet told his companion to
give some money to the “satanic” poet so that he would close his mouth.
Q How do you call the konkondiro (Mandinkakan)?
A We call it a konkon. It is a response to what the musican plays.
MCS Sekou called it a gbasi ben. According to Kalilou gbasi is a more generic term for
beating than a konkon.
Q Can you discuss the importance of timban and sanban?
A Timban and sanban are the major principles of kora playing. The kora strings are
arranged in such a manner to have a certain equilibrium between the right and left side.
Timban boloba is the first string on the right and timbanba is the first string on the right
played simultaneously with the third string on the left. All the other stirngs are the
adjoints, or jinkandan. The Gambians call jinkandan noomalanko or the one that follows.
Q Sekou has talked about the three registers of an instrument, whether speaking about the
jembe, kora, or guitar. He associated the bass register with the serious, big and important
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voice, the middle register with the beautiful voice, and the high register with the sad
voice. How do you perceive the different registers of the kora?
A I don’t label the different registers with such sentiments. When playing at the occasion
of a sad event, one chooses a piece, such as Djanjonba, and interpretates it in a special
style, concentrating on a simple, nude kumben without any ornamentation and solo, i.e.,
kumben gbansan, bolomataama t’a la.
Sekou Camara (3/30/88)
Q What does Manding music mean to you as a jeli?
A (Sekou) The central point of Manding music for me as a jeli is the fact that the jeli’s
performance perpetuates a whole tradition and culture. Manding music supports our
civilization and culture which we bring to life again by bringing ancient memories to the
surface. During the time of Kings, my ancestors, the jelilu, honored the kings, generals,
and important persons, by singing their eulogies, i.e. matogo. This was done to (1) guide
them towards the proper decisions concerning the people, and (2) provide pleasure to the
people, i.e. mogolu lasewa, (3) flatter the subjects of the song, i.e. ladiya, and (4)
remember the ancient values of our culture and apply them in our lives, so that our spirit
enlarges itself, i.e. an falu ladege, in order to perpetuate their tradition. The role of the
jeli is to take off some of his own lanbe i.e. dignity and internal equilibrium, in order ot
add it to the lanbe of the horon, or noblemen e.g. an be do bo an lanbe la a la an jatigilu
ta kan lit., we take off some of our lanbe and add it to the lanbe of our hosts. To be a jeli
does not mean to be a slave, or somebody who has lost his liberty, nor an inferior or
doubtful person, but simply one who plays a role which is absolutely indispensable in
society.
Manding music represents a whole ensemble. It is not only music per se, but the activities
and the demeanor of the jeli, or jeliya, form a system. In this sense, the role of the jeli is
to bring peace and prosperity, or here during times of war and misunderstanding, whether
on the level of different clans, groups, or countries. The jeli reunifies people to reinforce
in each person his proper lanbe, by reminding each one of the honor of his ancestors so
that the anger which might have accumulated diminishes. The jeli and his music act as
promoters of inter-communicaiton and understanding among people.
A (Kalilou) I want to add the following: A few years ago, Burkina Faso was at war with
Mali. Sekou Toure was still living, and he called the presidents of Burkina Faso and Mali
to meet in the Palais du Peuple in Conakry. Several jelilu were invited to this meeting
among them the Malian singer Salif Keita and the Guinean singer Sori Kandjja Kouyate,
who sang the praise of the Mossi and the Manding,demonstrating that each group was
noble. They sang about peace, brotherhood, mutual understanding, and friendship
between these two neighbouring peoples and the result was peace.
A (Sekou) Yes, and Sori Kandja Kouyate addressed the dignitairies by saying: “If you are
sure that you are dignified and worthy persons and if you don’t originate from slaves, you
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would shake hands.” Thus the presidents embraced each other and made peace. Another
very important role of the jeli is to act as a mediator among families. No negotiations are
possible without the jeli, as a representative of the nyamakala such as the garanke
tanners, the numu smiths, the caparuca carpenters fina and gawulo cannot take over the
role of the jeli.
Q What role does the lanbe play?
A(Sekou) In all Manding music, including the praise singing, the most important task is
to tell about the lanbe, e.g., the falanbe, honor and dignity of the father and his side of the
family, and the balanbe, of honor and dignity of the mother and her side of the family.
We take off some of our lanbe and we add it to the lanbe of our hosts, or an be do bo an
lanbe la ka a la an jatigilu ta kan.
A (Kalilou) This is an important idea, because the jeli is the one who accepts to sell his
proper dignity and to lower himself, so that the horon profits. It is a trade of lanbe.
Q What do you include in your praise singing? And why?
A (Sekou) There are three different parts to singing one’s praise. (1) I sing praise by
telling the individual accomplishments of a particular person, i.e., matogo or matagokan,
lit., the voice of a great name; (2) I sing the praise of the clan of that person, i.e.,
majamukan, and (3) I evoke the good deeds of the person so that he can surpass himself,
i.e., makili, or makilikan. Through our music, we encourage a person to imitate his
forefathers, e.g., an falu ladege . We want to provide pleasure with our music, i.e.,
mogolu lasewa. We think that our music enlarges one’s spirit, i.e., hankili di waaa and
brings peace and prosperity, i.e here.
Q Can you explain the predominant traits of Manding music?
A (Sekou) Manding music is different from all other musics. Unfortunately, we don’t
have a music school where neither C major, A minor, nor names of notes are taught.
Therefore, I would like to demonstrate the typically Manding combination of notes on my
guitar. Let me demonstrate the Spanish flamenco style and then the Manding style.
(MCS Sekou’s flamenco style moves in predictable (both rhythmically and harmonically
speaking) chordal changes, whereas his Manding style is characterized by sequences of
wide suspense and strong accents which are approached through dense ornamentation
which seem to stay in the listener’s ears for a long time, only to be covered by compatible
harmonic clusters which dissolve into various contrapointal patterns which sound as if
they were produced by a second player who employs a much lower dynamic level. The
result is a multidimensional listening experience which seems to be reiterated many times
by a slight change in one of the voices). I am frequently asked by non Manding musicians
what I am playing, e.g., the listener is provoked and can’t figure out easily what is going
on. The singer sings in a very urgent and loud style to push his host to do certain things.
The kumben establishes a certain atmosphere. The song is not a continuous fixed melody.
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Our music is full of imagination. We create while playing, e.g., interventions are
welcome. When the musician plays he has spontaneous ideas which he then actualizes.
You might want to call this technique a conversation between the instrumental players
and the singer(s) which varies according to circumstances. This spontaneous dialogue
pushes the performers to give their utmost so that everybody is always stimulated. The
singer knows how to respond to certain clues from the instrument and vice versa. Most
frequently, the major impulses during this kind of dialogue comes from the instrument
and , i.e., folifen le be donkilila la lakama, meaning the musical instrument makes the
singer speak. The great difference of Manding music compared to other music lies in the
bolomatama, the march of the hand. This also represents the most distinguishing factor of
kumben style playing; one might encourage him by calling out: ce! I kana I sigi yoro
kelen I bolomataama folifen fe, or hey guy! Don’t stay in place, let your hand march on
the instrument. When performing publicly, the inspiration may enter his playing, but this
is rare. Yet, when the player plays alone for himself, e.g., when he is dialoguing with his
instrument, he may be inspired and discover intresting solo passages, which he then tries
to remember, so that he can play them in public. The bad player stays eternally on the
kumben and is incapable of adding any variations.
Q What is necessary for an interesting bolomataama, or solo? Is it a question of impulses
and accents guided by the movement of the hands?
A (Sekou) It is a question of language. If one doesn’t know exactly what the song says,
one cannot realize the proper bolomataama.
Q What is the reason for the different result when two players who speak the same
language play the same kumben, but vary tremendously in their bolomataama or solo?
It is a question of inspiration and the capability to handle and to enrich the kumben, or
cadence. The one who knows his own music is pushed by certain impulses of his heart.
The player who has less feeling will have a less rich bolomataama, or solo.
Q Your solo certainly swings, whereas someone else’s is static and somewhat stuck. Why
is that so?
A (Sekou) I lack the proper words to explain this difference, but I think it depends on the
inspiration and the fingers following the intuition of the heart. For example, I like your
fingering better than that of Mori Kante. You play as if you are directly from Manding.
Musical inspiration is infinite. No one person can achieve all the musically expressive
possibilities. I am not so great with words, therefore, I express myself preferably with
sounds. The inspiration, sensibility, and sensitivity of each musician are responsible for
his worth. I have great admiration for Sidiki Djabate, Sunjulu Sissoko, and Batarou
Sekou Kouyate. None of them plays like the other. Except when playing the kumben,
which is general knowledge. Each one makes his own ornamentations within the kumben,
according to his personal inspiration. When I listen to a certain player, it rarely enters my
body, since his play stays rather superficial and regular, lacking richness.
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Q Can you talk about the emotional aspects of Manding music?
A (Sekou) Let’s take the jembe. The kumben is built on the three pitches of the jembe.
Then there are the soli, which correspond to the bolomataama. Those can be played
either on the high, middle, or lower level, or combine all three registers. The combination
of high and low produces more effects than if the player uses the high or low level only.
This also is so regarding the kora, kondin mese, and the bala. But it is different with the
simbin and bolon, because those instruments don’t have the variety of pitches. When you
say the hunter’s greeting I ni kon, lit., you and the target, on the imbin it sounds specific.
The kora, kondin, and the bala also can say I ni kon but differently.
Q Do you conceive a series of question and answers in your music?
A (Sekou) Yes, you can say that, since when you play the kora, there are the movements
of the two fingers of each hand. Each note on the left side has its correspondent on the
right, e.g., one hand questions, or plays the ni, and the other responds, or plays nijaabi,
lit., the answer. Our music is built on the dialogue, whether speaking about instrumental
or vocal music. This dialogue is also present in singing without an instrument, such as
when the singer sings one line, and the response is given by another person or group.
Q Do you conceive the kumben of Tabara as a period of question and answer?
A (Sekou) The first part of the kumben of Tabara already indicates the answer. It is a
matter of tuning, and if it sounds wrong, one has to retune the instrument.
Q What is the origin of the jembe?
A (Sekou) The jembe is not an instrument of the jeli but of the smith. The drum was
created thanks to the women who already have used handclapping with their dance. One
also can trace it to the kolon kolon, or korokoton a cylindrical hollowed wooden drom
(slit drum), which produces three different pitches.
Q You say that the jembe speaks. What does it speak?
A (Sekou) The jembe speaks the language of the player. For example, it speaks the
language of joy, by playing rapidly:
Bem bam bam bam bam bam bam bam
Everybody knows that this represents a call to dance. If we play slowly, or:
Din din din
Everybody knows that something serious is being said.
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A (Kalilou) In Mali, there is another drum called tabule, which is played to announce
certain things by marabouts or kings. The tabule has a special language and if it plays, we
know that a serious ceremony is about to begin. It also can announce a funeral.
Q When you play the piece, The Sacred Woods, it is obvious that this piece indicates
seriousness and danger. It seems to be charged with deep meaning. What does the jembe
tell?
A (Sekou) This piece is serious, because normal play does not belong to the sacred
woods. The jembe imitates the steps of the masks in the sacred woods. These masks have
a ritual walk quite different from the gait of normal people, ressembling more the gait
associated with kings and lords,. This kind of walk instills fear, masilanko, lit.,
frightening thing.
Q How do you perceive the relationship between Manding music and dance?
A (Sekou) If you, Kalilou are sitting in front of me and I play the kora or guitar for you
while praising and flattering you, so that it is penetrating you, I am sure you will get up
and dance.
A (Kalilou) Yes, this is true. Even if I don’t get up and dance, I’ll at least make my head
dance.
A (Sekou) If you let your head dance, somebody next to you who likes to dance might get
up and dance.
Q. How many different konkondiro, or ma konkon are there
A (Sekou) Each piece has it’s own ma konkon
Q Can you talk about the directions you call out to your colleagues during play with your
ensemble?
A(Sekou) When a singer sings during the kumben of the player and wants to continue
expressing important lines, he may call out to the player: a ye lasumaya i.e., slow down
the strings. If he is finished with his recitation, he may call out: a ye julu lakeriya, i.e.,
speed up the strings, resulting in an accelerando. When the singer calls out: a ye julu
lakuma, i.e., let the strings speak, the kora player usually demonstrates all his virtuosity.
Other calls a musician might pronounce during performance are: k’a fo ni famka ye, i.e.,
play with force, and fo kadaw, i.e., go on straight, meaning to sing without regards to the
cadence. Then the singer might give directions to the player by saying: ce! I kana I sigi
yoro kelen I bolomataama folifen fe, i.e., hey guy! Don’t stay in place, let your hand
march on the instrument.
106
Beya Sissoko, Sidiki, and Sekou (3/31/88)
Q What is the relationship between Manding music and dance?
A (Sekou) Let’s take the piece Bangali Fode, which originally was played for Bangali,
but we played it for Adama. We played it in such a manner that it stung the persons
listening to it and made them get up and dance, either provoked by the instrument or the
word, e.g., singing.
Q Does all kora music make you want to dance?
A (Sekou) Almost all.
Q When do you feel the call to dance?
A (Sekou) When the kora arrives at a certain bolomataama, or solo passage.
Q One day you said that the former name of Malakonya was Sunkari Fode. Can you talk
about its text?
A The text of Sunkari Fode is:
sunkari Fode
mari wari Kone
sina na
bana min y’i kan na
sunkari Fode
bana min i kan na
an di o tege faari
(Translation to be added)
Q We have talked about julu keme, or 100 strings, as a praise name for the kora. Sidiki
sometimes calls the kora, jeli kora and the kondin, jeli kondin. Can you explain that?
A (Kalilou) This is general practice in order to distinguish the instruments of the jeli,
such as the kora or the kondin from other Manding instruments played by people who are
not jelilu, such as a hunter who plays his simbin.
Q We have talked about the earth bow, an instrument which is fabricated in the bush,
consisting of a horizontal wooden rod stuck into the ground, curved on the top, on which
a gut string is attached and secured into the earth, forming an arch. What is its name?
A It is kerengbe simbin, i.e., simbin of the male gray lizard. It is an instrument of the
hunters. I have seen it occasionally in the bush. At times the hunters leave it there, at
other times they dismantle it and put it up at another location.
107
Q Does the simbin originate from this instrument?
A Yes.
Kalilou: The person who wants to become a musician can only do that at the side of a
jeli, and, vice versa, the jeli who wants to become a chief of war can only become one at
the side of somebody who already is a chief of war. The other day, my friends and I
listened to an Ivorian broadcast about Massa Makan Diabate who died recently. During
that broadcast, it was said that Massa Makan Diabate was a victim of segregation, since
he belongs to a certain caste of the jelilu. We were very angry because the Ivorians don’t
understand the caste system at all, calling a jeli a despised person. In Manding society a
jeli is never a despised individual.
Beya and Sidiki (4/1/88)
Q What is the difference between Eastern and Western performance style on the kora?
A (Beya) The musicians of the Casamance have the same performance style as the
Gambian musicians. However, the kora players of the Casamance are less open to
Eastern musical influences, i.e., of old Manding, and therefore, they rarely play in silaba
and are less familiar with old Manding melodies. Among Gambian musicians, there is a
tendency to draw from old sources. The Gambian musician knows that if he goes to the
East, he will have to accompany a jeli muso (female singer). If he stayed only in the
system of the West, there would be a great problem of communication. The musician of
the Casamance is not so versatile and remains in his own tuning system.
Q Do the musicians of the Casamance play in sauta?
A (Beya) No.
Q Beya, do you know the difference between sauta and the former soron tuning yerende,
which Sidiki occasionally uses?
A (Beya) No, we don’t have yerende in Gambia. I know that Sidiki started his musical
training by playing the bala, the simbin, and the soron. He met an old master from
Gambia in Kita and studied with him.
Q What are Gambian jelilu doing in Mali?
A (Beya) I have seen many Gambian jelilu in Kela, next to Kangaba, Mali. They don’t go
there because of the kora, but to learn about the history and the word. Jeli Baba Sissoko,
the Malian jeli and author, had an apprentice from Gambia for over 10 years, who
followed him around and performed with him.
108
My maternal grandfather came from the old Manding area to Gambia, because he heard
about Alfa Mollo. But, when Bamba Jeli Sissoko, my grandfather, arrived, Alfa Molo
was dead. Moussa Mollo, son of Alfa Mollo asked my grandfather to stay in Gambia and
play the role of his father. Therefore, my grandfather founded a village by the name of
Bamba jelikunda, located close to Basse. Some of his descendants left to install
themselves in Konda in Senegal and some of them in Dakar, such as Digiba Sissoko, my
uncle and friend of yours.
Q Do you know other jelilu who have founded villages?
A (Kalilou) in Mali, e.g., in Bamako, there is a village founded by jelilu who also were
cultivators, called Jelibuga. Today it is a district of the city called Boloko. Close to San,
my native town, there is a village called Jeliso. Then there is the village of Kela, close to
Kangba, which was created by jelilu. That occurred during the time of Sunjata, when
jelilu installed themselves on this fertile land on the banks of the Niger, and until today
jeli families of the Djabate, Kouyate, and Diawara clans live along with marabout
families, such as the Haibaras.
Q Are there jelilu of the Keita clan in Guinea?
A (Kalilou) Yes, according to Sidiki, they live close to Faranah. It can happen that
persons who are not jelilu like music to such an extent, like Fodeba Keita (former
Director of the Ballets Africains), that they sing with jeli musolu (female singers) and
marry them. Their descendants consider themselves as jelilu.
Q Who was Alfa Mollo?
A (Beya) He was a Fulbe of the Balle clan. He was a king who made war after Fulbe
conquest, when Gambia was colonized by the Fulbe.
A (Kalilou) The entire area of Manding was at one time colonized by the Fulbe during
the 18th century, and Alfa Mollo was their king.
Q What was the importance of Bamba Jeli?
A (Beya) He was a great speaker and left some general principles to posterity, which are
embedded in song texts of today. For example: “The war chief who does not know how
to look behind himself, does not have a long life.” This statement is interesting, because
earlier it was a matter of watching ahead and never behind in a war situation. Therefore,
we lost people such as Janke Wali, for whom the principle was to look ahead or die while
looking back. Bamba Jeli has made it clear, that tactically, one must always look back as
well. And thus, a war chief can obtain long life and final victory.
Q Sidiki does not consider the jembe as an instrument of the jeli. He says it is the
instrument of the smiths. Is that so in Mali?
109
A (Kalilou) In Mali, the smiths have a different drum from the jelilu, which play the
jeliba dunun. It is uniquely Manding that a different drum is used for different categories
of music.
Q Beya, do you know the old name for Malakonya?
A (Beya) I know, Sidiki said it was Sunkari Fode. Don't use this, name. It is a Guinean
piece.
(Sidiki joined us)
Q You have talked about the first famous Manding person. To which clan did he belong?
A The first famous Manding person about whom we sing is Tubi Lawali. He belonged to
the Camara clan. He was converted to I.slam, as his name indicates (tubi lawali, or the
first converted one).
A (Kalilou) The old Manding kingdom was a vassal of Wagadu (Empire of Ghana) which
was governed by kings of the Kamara clan. Kawalin Manding had demonstrated that no
single chief existed in Manding. Sumaoro Kante had made war against the different
princes and, therefore, one elected the emperor at Konkanwa in the plain of
Kuronkanfuga. When Sunjata was designated to be the single king, Niani Massa Kara
Karnara contested the choice because his ancestors were the first kings of Manding.
According to Manding tradition, the first ones to be converted to Islam were the Karnara,
who became fina.
Q Sidiki, if you sing the Sunjata Fasa, do you provide such information in the piece?
A This text is not necessarily attached to Sunjata, but since when singing the Sunjata
Fasa, one evokes the history of Manding, and therefore, I could use it.
A (Kalilou) The Sunjata Fasa is in fact the fasa of Manding unity. And Sunjata is not
only considered as the heir of his father, but the heir of the Manding tradition of
power. Therefore, one recounts the events before Sunjata's lifetime, and some jelilu
mention Tubi Lawali as the first ancestor of Sunjata, which indeed could be a fact,
because Sunjata was considered the successor of all Manding, indicated by the name
Keita, lit., the heir.
Q Can you talk about the jembe and its attachment to the smiths?
A The development of music has taken place because of the smiths. Let me pose you
some questions. Who handles the wood? Who handles the iron? Who can handle leather?
The answer is the smiths who are the first technicians and the first to deal with
technology. They also have made the first instruments. We all know about, the bala of
Sumaoro Kante.
A (Kalilou) In Mali, marriage between members of the smith and jeli clans is popular.
110
A (Sidiki) In our area in Guinea, marriage between a smith and a jeli is not accepted,
because the link is so strong that one considers both to have come from the same belly.
A (Kalilou) In Mali, we say, one should reinforce this link to increase the power of each,
and one tries to match up a young lady of a jeli clan with a young man of the smith clan.
We have a song in Mali with the following text: (to be added)
The first child of world is the smith
Who has made the hoe?
The smith
The smith is the one who has ties with the waterspirits.
The smith is the one who has invented agriculture etc.
Q Today, sometimes the jembe is added to a kora ensemble, such as two koras. Was that
done previously?
A Traditionally the two instruments were not combined. Instruments compatible with the
kora have played together, such as the kondin, e.g., kondinmesse and kondinba, bolon,
bala, fule (flute) and kalanin (one string violin).
Q Was it customary to have an additional player do the konkondiro?
A Since the very beginning, the konkon belonged to kora playing. Its important task is to
establish the rule, i. e. , k'a lasigi ton kan", lit. to make you sit on social rules. It used to
be the same with the soron. The player hit the ground with the soron, by actually lifting it
up and letting it drop, so that the wooden center support pole made a percussive sound
against the ground. (MCS: the konkon makes the inherent law of the music audible.)
Q Why does one hear the konkon so seldomly in performance today? None of the
published kora music on records included it. Why is that so?
A Because the kora player is solicited to play alone today. The kora player who plays
many solo passages cannot liberate his fingers to perform the konkon. He needs a second
player to perform the konkon.
A (Beya) Learning to play the konkon is the first lesson of a kora student. If one learns to
play the instrument without it, then one does not follow the rules.
A (Kalilou) Even the simbin players study for a long time to play the karinya, so that its
rhythms correspond to what the simbin plays. In my area, there is a donson koni player,
who at the same time as he plays his strings, plays a rhythm with a hand of a monkey,
which is dried and attached to a string on his wrist.
111
The text of this song is: (to be completed)
boli kan to
Translation:
May the fetish speak to me
May the great fetish of Nankuranba speak to me
May the fetish speak to me
I will not speak about this and that
If I tell a lie, I got it from so and so
If I tell a lie, I got it from so and so
Who has transferred it to so and so
And who has lived at the time of the famous hunter,
I will tell his story
May the nyama not eat me
May the fetish not eat me...
Q A musican frequently sings or plays a special formula at the beginning of his
performance, such as the donson koni player Amara Fofana, who starts his recitation with
the following line:
o yi a juru ni yan", i. e., Oh string, be greeted! ( in “Receuil de litterature manding", p.80,
Agence de Cooperation culturelle et technique, Paris, 1980.) What do you do to get the
instrument ready to play?
A Yes, this is a way of giving reverence to the instrument. We do that while tuning our
instrument in pulling out its maximum potential. The bala player does it and the kora
player as well in the form of the nininkali, or posing questions to the instrument, such as:
Are the strings adjusted properly, and is the overall sound good? These types of questions
can be personalized by each jeli. During the konkonba, or mask dance ceremonies, jelilu
had special formulae which were advertized and understood by the djatigi, or host. Also,
the choice of which piece is to be played has its own significant meaning. Alalake, and
Tara for example, facilitate good fortune by appealing to God. But, if you start your
performance with Kelefa or Duga, you risk loosing your luck, because you stepped fully
into the danger of the most important pieces. You see, one’s fortune is tied up with the
stars of famous persons, and if one doesn't take special precautions, he is likely to
provoke something serious. The luck of being reimbursed, so that one can nourish
himself, is related to the luck of tbe heraes.
112
Q Can we talk about, your terminology for a variety of kora techniques?
A It is not important what you call these techniques, instead you must execute them
properly, such as:
ka a lasari
ka a gberen
ka a murun
ka a woron
ka a lasara
to brush
to block
to cut
to peel
to throw
Q What is the essential of tomora? (MCS: The kora which Sidiki used was way out of
tune because it came from a very hot outside to the cool, airconditioned studio. Sidiki
tested the instrument and shook his head).
A (Kalilou) The kora is a difficult instrument indeed.
A (Sidiki) Yes, it is a highly complex instrument and we jelilu have to take the entire
lifetime to master it. We could not do other things, such as going to school besides our
daily kora practice. One of the most important features a kora player must have is
consistency. The process of learning how to play the kora can be compared to that of
learning another language. And then, inspiration adds itself. If one focuses first on the
little one has learned, one can build on that and find things one hasn't known before. If a
foreign student intends to enter the kora domaine, he must leave his own system in order
to play like we do. He must change his mentality as you know, because you have
demonstrated it. Otherwise, the kora will have to be transformed, so that it does adapt
itself to the foreign system. (MCS This is the case with the kora of Keur Moussa a
Benedictine Monastery outside of Dakar). That was the case with the guitar. The
Manding always liked the guitar but needed to transform the instrument so that it would
correspond to Manding musical rules. We have chosen not to convert ourselves to the
European Drusie system. Instead, we transformed the European guitar to our system. The
six foreign male students I have taught never could leave their own system. But you as a
woman have succeeded. From the beginning, I have set my hope on you, that you really
will master the kora and do something for the instrument. It is as if the little girl does the
errands for the old sorceress, while gradually becoming a sorceress herself. You were not
stable anywhere, you moved a lot. You came only once a year for a brief time to Abidjan.
But, if you would stay here for an extended period, you would be a master. But, in spite
of this, today you play a better kora then some of the jelilu who have started before. You
have a systematic mind. My desire is to have half or one year together with you. In case
that either of us who are present today (Sidiki and Beya) cannot receive you because of
disease or death, there are all the jelilu in Mali. Guinea, Senegal, and Gambia who are
obliged now to recive you. You have an open door, because no jeli can put up a barrier
between himself and you, because I have already introduced you and you are established.
You will be considered as an integrated person.
113
Q Can we hear your text of Nanamuru, the fasa (genealogy) of Almomi Samori?
A Text of Nanamuru:
N'i tena se ka ke mina la
n'i tena se ka ke mina la
n'i tena se kele la kemina la
kemina julu di musolu ma
ala y'o ke te sidijala di.
N'i tena si kela le kefaga le
kefaga muru di muso u ma
alu y'a ke gbantige muru
Kele diyara Mori la
Samari ka jamna s:i.yaman mara
alu woyo Mori la
Mori ka jamana siyaman mara.
Translation:
If you can't catch people,
If you can't catch people,
If you won't be in the war, catching people,
Give the string to the women
So that they can make a belt out of cloth
If you are incapable of killing people,
If you are incapable of killing people,
If you are incapable of killing people in the war
Give the blade to the women
They’ll make it into a knife to cut gombo with
Mori was victorious at war
Samori has conquered many countries
Applaud Mori
Mori has conquered much territory.
Beya’s text of Saliya
julu ye la
jin-jin bato be kuma la
N ta moo ma
Saliya julu yela
114
The person I address is Saliya
When seeing the trader
The jin-jin bato (kora) speaks
To the person I address
The bridge of the kora speaks
To the person I address
When seeing Saliya the trader.
Q Can you talk about the Manding custom, designating particular melodies to certain
families?
A (Kalilou) For each family, there is a fasa, or a piece, recounting their genealogy.
Djanjon is played for the Sissoko and Dumbia families. The fasa for Tira Makan Traore
is Tramara. The fasa for the Keitas and Kolibalis is Sunjata.
Q Does the Kouyate clan have a special piece?
A For the Kouyate and Kante clans there is no special piece. However, the following text
which praises the Kouyate and the Kante clans simultaneously, is sung in Boloba, for
example. The text for the Kouyate is:
Gera
Sama gera
Jeli ma Kouyate bo
Kukuba ni Bantanba
Nyani-Nyani ni Kamasiga
Here ma jigi so Kouyate
Segeni babi Kouyate.
Became white
The elephant which became white
No other jeli is worth a Kouyate
Heroes of Kukuba (great fortress) and Bantamba
Nyani-Nyani and Kamasiga
Peace has not entred the village, Kouyate
Hawk and eagle, Kouyate.
This text originally represented the emblem of Sumaoro Kante. Because of the sacrifice
of Sunjata’s former jeli who played at the court of Sumoro, Sunjata said to Bela Faseke
Kouyate: “Sama gera”, or “you are the white elephant”. When playing for the Kante
clans, the singer leaves the first three lines out, starting with
Segeni babi
Kukuba niBantanba
Nyani-Nyani ni Kamasiga
Here ma jigi so
Segeni babi.
115
And one adds:
Sosso ke mogo
Sosso bali ke mogo
Sosso kuru ke mogo
Haurana (to be corrected with translation by Kalilou)
MCS The hyena is one of the tree totem animals of the Konde clan.
Q Tutuyara is played for the Konde clans, and, therefore, Sidiki considers it to be his
piece. What is the text?
A (Kalilou) Tutuyara is sung for the Konde and Diara (lion) clans. The clan name Jara
(Diara) is another name for Kone, Konde, or Konte, who are considered to be the lions.
One starts this song by giving credit to the first Konde in Manding.
Text of Tutuyara
Sankaran Naminya Konte
Kon jara Sankaranka
dennin keletigi la
ani mama kolanyinina
dala kombo kamba
ani dalaba jibamin
barani barana
barani yereson.
Translation
*Naminya Konte of Sankaran
Kone, lions of Sankaran
**Quarrelling little girl
And grandmother who instills evil
***Splashing the water of the pond
Who drinks with big swallows the water of the big pond
****Little, surprising gourd
*****Little gourd who fills herself
Footnotes:
*Naminya Konde founded the kingdom of Do, which was situated in the
Sankaran area. He was the first to bear the name Konde, and all the Konte, Kone, Jara,
and Diarra are his descendants.
116
**The quarrelling little girl is Sogolon’s grandmother, the one who transformed
herself into a buffalo and whose name was Do sigi or the buffalo of Do.
***This is an allusion to the buffalo’s splashing sounds while drinking from a
pond.
**** Refers to Sogolon, the mother of Sunjata, who looked like a curved gourd.
*****Refers to the profound knowledge and science which Sogolon possessed.
Sidiki and Beya (continued) 4/4/88
A (Kalilou) One does not find Diabate clans who are noble, they are all jelilu.
A Yes, for the Diabate clans there is another explanation. The Diabates are nothing but
Traores, and if a Diabate doesn’t want to be called by his name anymore, he has the right
to take the name Traore. This is so, because one branch of the Traore clan has become
Diabate. You see, this is not the case with the Kouyate clans. They are the only clans
which are solely clans of the jelilu.
A (Sidiki) One day, when Sidiki Diabate and I were together, I started to tune my
kora…(MCS Beya interrupted Sidiki)
A (Beya) You don’t’ know that you homonym (Sydiki Diabate) doesn’t even know how
to tune a kora!
A (Sidiki) What? Why?
A (Beya) It’s true, he doesn’t know how to tune a kora.
A (Sidiki) What? Why? How can you say that?
A (Beya) But it is a fact, because when he played with jeli Madi (Sissoko) for example, it
is jeli Madi who tuned his instrument.
A (Sidiki) But he plays with Batourou Sekou and many other jelilu. How can he play
with them if he doesn’t know how to tune his kora?
A (Beya) Batourou Sekou, Batourou Sekou! How can you talk about Batourou Sekou, he
is a player of MAMAYA and plays everything in sauta (MCS MAMAYA is a kora piece
belonging to the category of barafoli or music for entertainment)
A (Sidiki) Sidiki Diabate plays silabe, yerende, sauta, and tomora.
(MCS Beya and Sekou asked if they could leave, and left.)
117
A (Sidiki, after they had left) Look at these children! They speak and speak and are not
embarrassed to speak. They don’t speak about truths, they only tell lies.
Q Sidiki, once you talked about the fact that you received a human ear for your playing.
Could you tell us the circumstances of this passionate event?
A This story happened in 1969, when the Ensemble Instrumental left Conakry to
participate in a Festival in Senegal. After having performed in Dakar, we went to
Ziguinchor, where we stayed for three nights. While traveling with the troupe, we didn’t
receive any money. I knew a man in Ziguinchor, whom I previously knew in Conakry.
The name of this man is Ibrahim Cisse. I went to see him, played the kora for him, and
sang his geneology, including all the proper matters about the Cisse clan. I sang about the
Cisse heroes who belong to the 5 clans of marabouts.
I told him:
The Cisse are heroes, marabouts of Manding.
The Djane are heroes, marabouts of Manding.
The Berete are heroes, marabouts of Manding.
The Toure are heroes, marabouts of Manding.
The Djabi are heroes, marabouts of Manding.
I continued with: Cisse, Djabi, Gassama (praisenames), I came to see you because I
cannot leave Senegal without greeting you. Then, I started to play Alalake and Kelefaba.
During Kelefaba, I had a sudden inspiration, and the word just came to me and I sang:
Ah, Cisse, you are a descendant of a king, God has placed you into my good fortune
today, you are the one I count on and I arrived at a part of Kelefa, when while I sang my
best, my host got up and went into the house. It was right after I sang the following text:
Ka bee wuruku, ka bee wuruku
Tu kuru dayida
Ba kari dayida
Kolo min ka namake faga
Wuluke nyanagbelen te o di
Translation
Eveything is upside down, everything is upside down
Dayida who smashes the forest
Dayida who cuts the river
The bone who has killed a hyena
The dog cannot be amused about that.
118
When my host was gone, I continued to play thinking he would return with a large bonus
as my present. But, instead, I saw him return with a knife, and he cut a piece of his ear
right in front of me and said: “Jeliba (great jeli), I have just recovered from a disease, I
don’t have many things these days, I am very poor. But you evoked Wurukutu and Kabee
Wurukutu. Wurukutu is my grandfather. He is dead, but one cannot pronounce his name
without my reacting. I am obliged to react. As you see my body in front of you, I want to
give you a part of it.” And while offering me his ear, he said: “Jeliba, what you just have
told me is not the word of a normal jeli. Usually, jelilu do not talk like this about the
Cisse, they say more superficial things. You went into great depth and I have to give you
something special. Take my ear and go.” I was absolutely horrified and afraid, stopped
playing, put my kora down and asked him if I could leave. When I took my kora and was
about to leave, he put his hand into his boubou and put some money into my kora. It
turned out to be 30000 CFA (about $100).
Each time I play Kelefa, I am reminded of this man from Ziguinchor and the frightening
experience I had with him. You see, in the Casamance and Gambia, the Cisse are not just
anybody, they are the descendants of war chiefs and people with a big heart, who until
this day may give a horse, a car, or other large expensive presents to the jeli. And here I
met a Cisse who could not give an extraordinarily expensive gift and gave me his ear
instead.
Beya (3/31/88)
Q Can you trace the history of the Sissoko jelilu?
A (Beya) How the Sissokos became jelilu, I don’t know. When talking about jelilu, I
have to refer to Manding history, and say that the first jeli was Kouyate. The Koran says
tha Surakata, our ancestor, was the first jeli. But how did he become a jeli? First, let me
mention that being a jeli has a specific sense, which is to take the humble position,
lowering oneself, so that somebody else can be elevated and honored. Surankata played
the violin for Mohammed and sang the praise of the Prophet and was converted to Islam.
He lowered himself so that the Prophet could shine. Before the arrival of Mohammed,
there was idolatry, e.g., somebody may take a stone, a grass, a stool, or even a television
set and adore them and make sacrifices to them and receive revelation from them. But,
due to Mohammed’s presence, this idolatry was successfully combated, and Mohammed
was praised for his leadership by his jeli Surakata.
How the Sissokos became jelilu, I cannot say, because there are people who can say this
better than I. Surakata played an important role in the Islamization of the world. He was a
herald of the Prophet and like a jeli who can play an instrument and speak eloquently, he
became the spokesman of the Prophet. Through his art, he invited the people to come
and hear the most perfect person of the creation, the Prophet of God, our Savior. Surakata
was a man who lowered himself, so that Mohammed would shine. It is not good to be
proud, because God likes humble people. But, the other companions of Mohammed
became jealous of Surakata, because whether at peaceful meetings, when people were
fed, or at meetings preparing war, the Prophet shared his own meal of gifts with Surakata,
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giving him the best and the biggest part of them. The other companions complained to the
Prophet by saying: “Prophet, each time you divide up the goods, you always give more to
Surakata than to us.” The Propeht answered: “I will give you an answer”. But he did not
respond immediately. The next morning, he said to Surakata: “You stay behind; I will
leave with the others”. They left for fighting withouth gaining anything, because Surakata
was not present to encourage with his voice and to sing the miatan (the hundred praise
names of the Prophet), so that the group would have success.
A (Kalilou) Generally speaking, one could say that the institution of the jeli started with
the campaigns of the Prophet. In Manding, the institiution of the jeli started with the
Kouyate and owed its birth to the fact that great kings existed who became more
powerful thanks to the jeli. The instituron of the jeli divides up the roles of the various
groups of society. As Beya said, that does not mean that the jeli is an inferior person, nor
that the nobleman is a superior person. Each jeli clan has its importance and its place. I
am not well enough informed to speak about the differences between the various jelilu
clans. But it is established that the first jelilu are the Kouyate. In Gambia (Mandinkakan),
one plays with the following words: jeli foron i.e. noble jeli, and jeli folo i.e., first jeli.
Sidiki joined us during the beginning of Beya’s answer.
A (Sidiki) In the beginning there were no jelilu. Everybody was like everybody else.
When the institution of the jeli was created, different clans became jelilu. Each clan has
its own history concerning how it became a clan of jelilu. The Prophet installed himself
with our ancestor Surakata. They were equal in value, blood, and physical force. Don’t
think that one was stronger than the other. The difference between them was that
Mohammed was chosen by God. God accorded him a superior spirit and a superior
mission which made him superior to everybody, therefore, also superior to Surakata. Two
ideologies existed in Manding side by side, e.g., Islam and idolatry. Islam brought the
notions that people should have pity with one another, and that love should govern
among them, that people should not attack each other in an unjust manner, and that
justice governs in the world. At the period when Mohammed took this message to the
people, we in Manding made no difference between the months of the year, e.g., we
neither had the month of fasting, nor prayers, nor an adoration act for God. We simply
did what we pleased.
Q How did Surakata become a Moslem?
A Surakata was an important man who excelled in handling language in poetry, therefore,
the Prophet wanted him to be around himself. God said to the Prophet: “I’ll give you the
means by which you can get Surakata. Since Surakata is a fierce man, you might not get
him by one means only, but possibly through the other two. The secret I will give you
consists of an incantation, and if you recite it, the earth will catch him and he will become
immobile.” When the Prophet and Surakata faced each other and when the Prophet was
about to be attacked by Surakata, the Prophet recited the incantation. Surakata’s horse
froze into the ground. Mohammed asked the earth to liberate Surakata, but Surakata said:
“I don’t fear you, I’ll kill you”. The Prophet recited his incantation again, and Surakata
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and his horse froze. The Prophet asked the earth to liberate Surakata, but Surakata still
was aggressive. The third time when Mohammed recited his incantion the earth
swallowed Surakata’s horse up to the tail and Surakata’s legs were also swallowed by the
earth. He could not move any more. This situation made Surakata realize that he didn’t
have an ordinary person in front of him, and that he ought to obey. The Prophet told
Surakata: “Convert yourself” (tubi), and Surakata recited the formula of conversion to
Islam: “la illah il allahu, Mohammed ya rassul allahi” or “there is no God but Allah and
Mohammed is his Prophet.” We haven’t gone into details but in a few words, this is how
Surakata became a Moslem and a jeli of the Prophet.
A (Kalilou) At this occasion, Surakata composed the miatan, or the 100 names of the
Prophet, actually 100 and one and by a certain calculation one can say 103. We say that
there were 103 clans in Manding. Surakata accompanied Mohammed for the jihad, the
holy war. It is wrong to say that Mohammed attracted people through war. He converted
people by bringing peace, salvation, and mildness. He only made war against those who
wanted to destroy Islam. At battlefields, Surakata sang the miatan, the 100 names of the
Prophet in honor of the Prophet, and Mohammed was automatically respected by other
people and they listened to Surakata’s words, which opened the way ahead. Surakata had
a beautiful voice which carried far, and even the trees responded to his voice. So did the
rivers and mountains and such a beautiful and impressive voice. The mountains imitate
his voice but cannot come close. (And the fact that Mohammed doesn’t eat pork, stems
from this moment.) This is how Surakata founded the institution of the jeli. It is generally
accepted that Kouyate is the first jeli, and we say:
Kouyate sama gera
jeli ma Kouyate bo, or
Kouyate, the white elephant,
No jeli is worth a Kouyate.
A (Beya) Did Surakata have a clan name? Why not? What is the name Kouyate all about?
A (Sidiki) Surakata had no clan name. Kouyate is the clan name of Bala Faseke.
A (Are you saying that Surakata had no clan name?
A (Sidiki) Kouyate is the name of Bala Faseke and not of Surakata.
A (Beya) You mean, our ancestor Surakata had nothing to do with Bala Faseke? But why
did Kouyate then deserve the praise name “white elephant”? Because they are
descendants of Surakata.
A (Sekou, who happened to join us) Surakata and Bala Faseke have no relationship. You
see, Kouyate is a Manding name, deriving from the expression I konyogon te, or nobody
can compare with you.
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A (Kalilou) This sequence is clear: Konyonte became Koyate, which became Kouyate.
Q I have heard that Kouyate means there is a secret between us. Is that so?
A (Kalilou) Yes, this is the version I know too, i.e., ko ye an te, meaning there is a secret
between us.
A (Sekou) The musician who received the name Bala Faseke Kouyate is Njankoman
Duga. The descendants of the Kouyate don’t eat the hawk, because Sumaoro’s bala was
guarded by a hawk (milan). When Bala Baseke wanted to play the bala the hawk said:
“be careful, I am the guardian of this bala nobody is allowed to touch it. If you play
Sumaoro will kill you”. But Bala Faseke couldn’t resist and said: “Let me play. We’ll
make a pact beween us, and I’ll prohibit all my descendants from eating your meat.” And
the hawk let Bala Faseke Kouyate play the bala. Sumaoro was hunting in the far away
mountains, but he heard the sounds of his bala. He sent his first bowman to inquire and
after having seen with his own eyes that a man was playing his bala, he conveyed that
message to Sumaoro. Sumaoro sent his second bowman, who returned with the message:
“Yes, a foreigner is playing your bala. The third bowman left and returned with the same
message. Sumaoro was very angry and said: “I will go myself.” Upon arrival in his
sanctuary, he confronted the player and screamed: “Who are you to play my bala? And
Njankoman Duga called out:
Segeni babi kante
Kukuba ni bantamba
Nyani-Nyani ni Kamasiga
And the jeli continued to sing while accompanying himself on the bala:
Text in Maninkakan (to be added)
Translation:
Sumaoro entered Manding
Wearing a boubou out of human skin,
He has come to Manding
Wearing a hat out of human skin
He has come to Manding
Wearing pants out of human skin
Wearing boots out of human skin
Sumaoro entered Manding
He put a calabash
Into the mouth of everybody
Because only one person
Has the right to speak
And this is Sumaoro.
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The line: He put a calabash into the mouth of everybody, has become a common
expression, meaning that there is no freedom of expression.
And Sumaoro said: “I didn’t know that being flattered by somebody else is as good as
that. From now on, play the bala. Nobody is comparable to you! Or bala fasseke kouyate,
which from that moment on became the name for Njankoman Duga, Sunjata’s former
jeli. Also, this is how the Kante clan became the text for the Kouyate as well, or a
kouyate jelily faasa di, i.e., the genealogy of the Kouyate jeli. You see, thousands of
kilometers and years separate the stories of Surakata and Bala Faseke Kouyate. How can
you mix up two stories which have nothing to do with each other?
A (Sidiki) The 9 clans of jelilu can be traced back to Surakata.
A (Beya) Surakata did not have a clan name, and therefore, how can you trace a clan to
him?
A (Sidiki) Then, how were the clans born? Why did we receive clan names?
A (Sekou) It is very simple. The clan name represents the actions accomplished by the
bearer. That’s all. Kouyate became the name of Bala Faseke because it means ‘you are
the best’. All the other clans received their names for the same reasons. That’s all.
A (Beya) But the clan names are only devices to distinguish various groups.
A (Sidiki) Answer the following questions I will pose. The first jeli Njankoman Duga
played the bala as you agree. Without ever having played the kora, why is the kora
attributed to him? Without ever having played the kondin, why did one attribute the
kondin to him? Without ever having played the jembe, why did one attribute the jembe to
him? Without having ever played the different instruments which were born after him,
why did one attribute them all to him anyway? Answer this question! When one meets a
young musician in Manding, one askes: “Are you a jeli?” If the young man is not sure,
he’ll say: “My elders are at home and I’ll pose them the question”. If the musician is
certain that he is a jeli, he’ll say: “Yes, I am a jeli”. The next question one asks him is:
“What is your djamu, or clan name? If he answers Kouyate, one says: “Ah, yes. You are
a real jeli”. Now, to verify that he is a Kouyate, one poses another question: “To which
branch of the Kouyate clan do you belong?” If the young man is able to correctly answer
this question, one will know that he is a descendant of Njankoman Duga, e.g., Bala
Faseke Kouyate. You should know that in all of the Manding clans, there are three
branches of Konde. One has to know to which branch one belongs. We, for example, are
a branch of the Konde, but, we jelilu refused to respond to this name. We prefer that one
calls us Yayo. If one addresses us with Konde, we normally would have to respond with
marahaba, or thank you, but we won’t because we feel humiliated to praise our Konde
brothers. The same is true for the Camara. There are the Camara who are noble, then
there are the fina, and there are som Camara who have other professions. It is the same
with the Sissoko. Maybe Beya cannot give any details, but there are several different
Sissoko branches. When I talk about the Diawara clan, there are some who are kings and
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others who are jelilu. There are Sissoko clans who are noble, and then the branch split up.
There are now Sissoko jelilu and Sissoko smiths.
A (Kalilou) Yes, there are Sissoko clans in the Khasso area, and they are noble, and the
Sissoko clans you find around Segou are all jelilu without exception.
A (Beya) In Gambia, we can marry a Sissoko woman who comes from a Sissoko smtih
family.
A You see, for all other jelilu clans it would be impossible to marry the daughter of a
smith. Among all the jelilu clans, you find people who are jelilu, horon, i.e., smiths. Have
you ever heard of a Kouyate who is a horon or nobleman? Have you ever heard this name
pronounced without designating anybody else but a jeli?
A (Everybody) Yes, you are right. Yes, you are right!
A
Kouyate sama gera
Jeli ma Kouyate bo
Kouyate nono kene or
Kouyate, the white elephant
No other jeli is worth a Kouyate
Kouyate, the fresh milk (of the jelilu).
Kalilou and Sidiki (4/2/88)
Q For who was Sakodogu originally played?
A (Kalilou) Manding music represents a structure for Manding history. Let’s take
Djanjon, for example, which originally was the hymn for Nyiani Massa Kamara, before
having been attributed to Fakoli by Sunjata. In the same fashion, Sakoduko is a piece
which was sung for the merits of Nasira Mori Keita, who liberated his country, e.g., the
region of Nyagasola, land of the Fulbe of Birigo, in Guinea. Nasari Mori Keita was
successful in freeing his mother who was captured by the Fulbe and in chasing out the
Fulbe from his land. Later on, his best marabout friend, a Sako, who was a wealthy
trader, liked this music to the point that he wanted to buy it, so that each time the piece
was sung, he would be praised. Nasari Mori Keita said: “This is difficult, because I
earned this music by means of arms, but I can give it to you under the condition that
you’ll gve 100 of everything you own to the jelilu. This way you are doing something for
them that corresponds to what I have done for them.” Whatever a Manding considered as
good, whether talking about cattle, grain, gold, or other things, the Sako trader had it and
indeed offered 100 of each to the jelilu. Later a ceremony sealed the fact that from then
on this music would be attributed to the Sakos, and therefore the piece which should have
been called Nasira Mori, was called SAKODUKO.
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Q When did that happen?
A (Kalilou) That was during the end of the 17th century and beginning of the 18th century.
When the Marroccans conquered Timbuktu and Gao, governed under the Songay, the
Bambara of Segou started to become a local power. At that time, the Fulbe from Wassalu,
who became Manding oriented, also started to make their conquest. In the Wassulu area,
there is a branch of the Sidibe clan, who installed themselves in the area between Kita
and Guinea, called Birigo. Therefore, I place this event at the time of the Fulbe conquest
of Birigo.
Q In which country does one adhere more strictly to Manding culture?
A (Kalilou) In Mali and Gambia, whereas in Guinea people allow themselves more
liberty with the constraints of Manding culture. This is a characteristic which also plays a
role in music. There is more barafoli, or music for entertainment in Guinea than in Mali
and Gambia. My wife has the same response to barafoli, and says that it is not a serious
music, since it is not attached to Manding history, hindering the audience from having an
epic or moral inspiration while listening to it.
Q Are you saying that Malian musicians wouldn’t compose such songs as Nadiya (I like
you), or Ta Lasa (turn the light off)?
A (Kalilou) Yes, exactly. And even though the piece Salaya (a Sosso piece) is charming
for the ear, a Malian wouldn’t like it if he would understand the text.
Q Would you explain the term Sahel, or saheli in your language?
A (Kalilou) Saheli designates Mauritania and the North West of Mali. We talk about
saheli suaka kungo, or the desolate, wild bush of the Mauritanians. Saheli by itself means
simply North. One also says that saheli constitutes an education for the Manding, because
he has to adapt to the meager land. There, one learns to endure thirst and hunger, in
addition to patience. It was common to send a young Manding with a Moor marabout to
the Sahel for some time. Worodugu is the name for the land of the colanut in the South.
You’ll fnd the donsonkoni from Wassulu to Worodugu. South of Bamako and in the West
the simbin is played.
Q Can you talk about the Songray Empire?
A (Kalilou) The Songray Empire was vast and extended to Kano and Agades.
Q Sidiki made a strong point that he belongs to the hunters. He himself has spent much
time in the bush and has killed more than 20 leopards. How was the Konde clan tied to
the hunters?
A (Kalilou) The Konde clan belonged to the 16 clans of bow carriers, and all of them also
were hunters, who eventually became the clans of power. The first clan of hunters was
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the Camara clan. I am saying this because that clan had certain rites and fetishes for
hunting, which they taught to other Manding.
Q Jigi the pilgrim was a Kuruma. Is that the same as Camara?
A (Kalilou) No. The Kuruma clans are the same as the Dumbia or Sissoko clans. They
and the Camara were all among the earliest clans of Manding, the so called bla or bula.
(Sidiki’s text of Dunya)
MCS Sidiki, Beya, and I were in the studio at INA in Abidjan, when Beya started to play
the kumben of CADDO. After some provocative solo passages, Sidiki couldn’t refrain
from jumping in with the following extemporaneous accompanying text, which he later
called DUNYA:
“This music reminds me of many jogo, or those who have been the famous leaders of
Manding. Those who showed courage and those who pierced the limits. Those who gave
importance to women and those who gave importance to the young. You have heard
talking about Janke Wali, who is one of those who were the first artisans making up the
beauty of our world. If you see me, Sidiki, today who does not want to play the jeli
anymore, I have my reasons. This is not so because I am a bad jeli, this is not so because
I don’t have the word in me. I have it, but I don’t want to flatter people who don’t
deserve it. Because the strings tire me. There used to be a time, when powerful persons
would put a string around bad people’s necks, tie them, and give them to the jeli, and say:
Here is your present. But why do you want the jeli to play for people nowadays who are
useless”?
(Continuation and the text in Maninkakan to be added.)
Q One of the jeli’s roles is to act as a mediator among people. What did Sidiki say about
that?
A (Kalilou) He said: Jeli le be mogolu te ben, i.e., the jeli is the mediator among people.
The jeli is involved in soronali don maga, i.e., mediation between a storng and a weak
person. We also say: Jeli le be faamalu sorona, i.e., it is jeli who is the mediator among
the lords (and the poor people).
MCS I am surprised that Sidiki didn’t call the weak persons sheep as he usually calls the
Ivorians, for example.
A (Kalilou) You see all peoples have something negative which at the same time is
something honorable. The Greeks and the Romans considered all the other peoples as
barbaric. The Egyptians have done the same. Sidiki still does that, but nowadays,
Africans in general tend toward the Europeans in being Euro-centric. But the Manding
are 100 percent Mandingo-centric. You probably can’t understand the defiance they hold
against certain of their neighbors, such as the Wolof, Sosso, or people from the forest
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zone in the Ivory Coast. Contrary to that, they have high regard for Fulbe, Mossi,
Songray, and Hausa.
Q You have said that the texts for donsonfoli (hunter’s music), at times consist of an old
wisdom, expressed in a few words only. Can you give an example?
A (Kalilou) Yes, let’s take the following text:
Koro te mogo sigi
Ni a kebaga t’I bolo.
Age doesn’t’ give the right to rest
If one doesn’t have a support.
I also heard this text from a jeli, who recited it once before moving on with another text.
MCS I remember that during the donsonfoli which Sidiki’s friends performed for us, the
namunamula (the musicians sang a one-word refrain to every line which the donsonkoni
player sang, i.e., kunfeko, meaning blind, of thoughtless action.
Q Can you discuss Mama Dinga, the first Soninke king? Which clan name did he have?
A (Kalilou) He didn’t have a clan name. When his first son took power his name was
Jabe. Then he was given the name Cisse as a last name, meaning man of the horse. Jabe
Cisse’s descendants were called Kagne Magan, which means golden king in Soninke.
The Arabs wrote this name as Kaya Magan, and they talked about Kaya Magan Cisse.
One of his titles was Tunkan, meaning king or lord. These honorific titles became clan
names of the Soninke. Magan, of king, became a Manding first name. Another clan name
is attached to the name Tunkara, which is Sako. Soko was the name of Yira Magan and
his decendants bore the clan name Sako, meaning those who were born after the serpent,
i.e., after Yira Magan killed the Wagadu bida, the serpent of Ghana.
MCS Tirera (an ancestor of Kalilou) and Tabare are tied to this Cisse Tunkaran clan. The
name Toure also is linked with this clan. They were the ones who formed the frontline of
the army.
Q What are the translations for the title of one of my favorite pieces, Sakodugo?
A (Kalilou) It can mean: (1) the village after the serpent; (2) heavenly and terrestrial
affairs; of (3) the land of the Sakos.
Q The other day, when you told the story about Jeli Wa Kamisoko, who talked frankly
about Manding culture, Sidiki talked about a similar story. What was that?
A (Kalilou) Yes, he talked about the problem between those who want to popularize
Manding culture, and those who want to keep it secret. Sidiki frequently has been
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involved in such conversations and he was criticized for holding up his point of view,
which is to share his culture and make it known elsewhere. He was accused of
prostituting Manding culture. He was told that the Manding culture should be kept pure.
Sidiki countered by saying: “No, everybody must know that we have a great past and
everybody should learn away from his area because they opened up access to Manding
culture to those, who in the minds of some, are not entitled to it. He knows that what he is
doing here with you is extremely dangerous and he is prepared for eventual affronts. He
believes that he and people, such as Wa Kamisoko, make up the grandeur of Manding.
MCS In Senegal and Gambia, an association of jelilu exists which propagates a certain
secrecy concerning jelilu subjects. When interviewing Jeli Baraki Sissoko from Dakar, he
wouldn’t answer certain questions because, as he told me, he swore not to share
information regarding these themes.
A (Kalilou) At Bloomington University in Indiana in 1976, there was a Malian donson
koni player who turned down an American student who wanted to study the donson koni
with him. He maintained that the white people have taken everything from us, our blood
and our personality, and now we have only our music that belongs to us. We don’t want
to be taken as a rag that one throws into the waste basket. I intervened and said: No, we
live in a commercial world where things happen through promotion. You ought to take
this student so that the instrument and our culture will be valued. And he did.
Unfortunately, the donson koni player joined the Moon sect after a while and doesn’t play
his instrument anymore.
Q When Sekou, Sidiki, and Beya played Jara Denke the other day, Sekou sang in the
middle of regular song text lines, go slowly, i.e., alu y’a sumaya. What other directions
concerning the interpretaion of a particular piece can be given?
A (Kalilou) It is common practice that such directions are given during performance and
at times they are intertwined with the text, such as: alu y’a lobori jara denke, i.e., go
slowly, son of the lion, or alu y’a kalaya, i.e., heat it up, meaning accelerate by giving
your utmost. In Mandinkakan, Beya says: a sumaya, i.e., go slowly, a tariya, i.e., go fast,
and a kan di, i.e., heat it up.
Q Can you give me the text about the destruction and reconstruction of Manding which
Sidiki sings in Boloba?
A (Kalilou)
Manden te ko kononto
Manden lo ko kononto
Manden ye lengelangale le
Manden te fidi bada bada
Manding was 9 times destroyed
Manding was 9 times reconstructed
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Manding can waver (but)
Manding never ever capsizes.
According to Wa Kamisoko, this text was chanted by an animal and was the last trace of
this animal, called dankaran kule, a large, white antelope with a single horn, like a
unicorn, before it disappeared from Manding. That happened at the time of Sumaoro’s
conquest of Manding.
Q Would you explain the syntax of the praisenames?
A (Kalilou) Praisenames are always coupled. For example, one says: Fakoli kumba ni
Fakoli daba, i.e., Fakoli, the big head and Fakoli, the big mouth. The praise names for the
Kante clan are: Kukuba ni bantanba, Nyiani-Nyani ni Kamasiga, i.e., heroes of Kukuba
and Bantamba, Nyani-Nyani and Kamasiga. The praisenames for the Konde are: Da la
kombo kamba a ni da la jibani bara ni bara na kangoro ni tunan da etc, (to be
translated).
The praisenames for the Traore are: (incomplete)
Q Would you discuss components of human beings, ancestors, angels, and jinns?
A (Kalilou) Human beings are made of water and earth, angels of air, and jinns of fire.
The ancestors freed themselves from matter, namely water and earth, and thus, we are left
with their divine breath.
Sidiki Diabate, Bamako, Bamako (12/26/88)
Ever since I started kora studies in 1980 with Jeli Sidiki Yayo, I had heard of Sidiki
Diabate. Stylistically these two artists are very close. Sidiki Yayo respects Sidiki
Diabate enormously and attributes certain aspects of his own playing to the influences of
Sidiki Diabate. They have performed together on numerous occasions. Having heard
many of his recordings, I always wanted to meet him.
Finally in December 1988, I had the chance to travel with Kalilou Tera to Bamako to
meet Jeli Sidiki Diabate, who had just returned from the pilgrimage to Mecca. One of his
patrons offered this important voyage to him and his wife, Mariama Kouyate. Kalilou
and I took a taxi and drove around Bamako to find Jeli Sidiki Diabate. Bamako was
enveloped in a cloud of dust, which was the result of the harmatan, a wind which carries
the sand of the Sahara into the Sahel regions. First, we stopped at a house of one of the
Diabate wives in downtown Bamako, only to find out that Sidiki Diabate was in his
house at the foot of the Manding Hills. We drove to the outskirts of Bamako, stopped at
a house against the Manding Hills and found out that Sidiki Diabate was in the same area
in the house of his wife, Mariama Kouyate, a famous “jeli muso” who had left for Segou
to sing there for a week. We found this house after a 5-minute taxi ride and were greeted
cordially by Sidiki. In fact, he kept my hand during all of our conversation in which he
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invited us to join him and go back to the house from which we had just come. Arriving at
the house, we were greeted cordially by all the women and children of the compound.
This wife is also a “jeli musso”. In fact, she is the sister of Jeli Fode Drame, one of the
old style kora jelilu of Dakar who retired from the “Ensemble Instumental” about three
years ago, and whom I have known for many years. Several chairs appeared and we
installed ourselves under an old tree in the front yard of the elaborate house. Kalilou,
after having exchanged formal and informal greetings and introductions, started to
formally present the reason of our visit. As if by chance, we were soon joined by several
young Sissoko jelilu from the adjacent house, where Jeli Madi Sissoko (deceased in
1982) had lived.
Jeli Madi Sissoko and Jeli Sidiki Diabate were for many years the principle kora players
of the “Ensemble National du Mali”, in addition to being an outstanding kora duo. I
know Jeli Lassine Sissoko, one of Jeli Madi’s sons, who worked in Abidjan as a jeli of
the kora, and who played at times with Sidiki Yayo and me. In fact, I had with me a
small photo album and showed pictures of Sidiki Yayo, Beya Sissoko, (who just had
spent a week next door on his way from Abidjan to Gambia), Lassine Sissoko, Sekou
Camara, Kalifa Camara, and Moricere Diabate. One of the photos showed the farm of
the deceased Jeli Maki Sissoko which his son Jeli Lassine Sissoko inherited. Lassine was
very sick while I was studying the kora with Sidiki Yayo. He lived next door to Sidiki
Yayo in Vridi, a section of Abidjan where many jelilu lived near the ocean. The natural
beauty of their compound was great. Palms, coconuts, wind, and waves, but everything
else was miserable.
Jeli Sekou Camara also lived in this compound, belonging to the deceased Mamdou
Conde, who built it for his troupe of musicians and dancers CLAN, “Contes et Legendes
d’Afrique Noire”. Mamadou Conde was the former minister of culture in Guinea (19631973), before becoming the founder and director of the “Ballet National” of Cote
d’Ivoire. Sekou Camara was artistic director and was in charge of the choreography and
training of all the musicians and dancers. After more than one year of daily rehearsals
and hard work, the troupe staged one elaborate and stunning performance (“L’enfant
Predit”) at the Palais de Congres, hoping to prove its competency worthy of government
support. The idea of Mamadou Conde was to receive sponsorship as another national
troupe, but it didn’t work out that way. The government praised the fine work of the
troupe but that was all. Apparently some Ivorians were jealous of the artistry of the
troupe and rejected it on the grounds that it was predominantly composed of Guinean
artists, which was true. As a result, the troupe disintegrated and with it one of the dreams
of the farsighted, talented artist and great man, Mamadou Konde, who never got over this
deception and died soon afterwards.
During one rehearsal in Vridi, I saw Lassine Sissoko who was very weak and could not
sit upright. I knew that I had to act fast. Through a treatment of daily penicillin
injections over four weeks, administered by our friend Dr. Okeke, an Ibo brom Nigeria
who studied medicine in Hamburg and Heidelberg, Germany, Lassine improved, and
eventually recovered. Dr. Okeke said that if Lassine had not been treated, he would have
died.
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After a while, Sidiki and Lassine came to see me. As is customary in Manding culture,
Sidiki as the older and more experienced jeli, offered me Lassine’s cherished kora as a
sign of gratitude, explaining the whole background of this kora, complete with a
genealogy of the Sissoko clan. I was overwhelmed and said that I would gladly house
this beautiful kora for a while, and whenever Lassine would like to have it back, the kora
would be ready. Sidiki explained that this kora should never end up on to the walls of a
museum. He made it clear that this was not a “kora gbansan”, a simple kora, but a kora
“ke”, an inherited kora, in which the spirit of Jeli Madi Sissoko and his world live. It is
an instrument which was made by Jeli Madi Sissoko and Jeli Sidiki Diabate, who
endowed it with a special force and observed all kinds of rituals to insure the proper
function of the instrument. I should never dismantle the little cushion under the bridge,
since it contains the “fatiha”. I should always treat this kora with respect, so that it will
treat me in kind. It is an instrument that demands to be played. It is an instrument which
usually stays in the family and is treated like a person. Sidiki Yayo called it a kora
“dalilu”, a kora with magic power. I was well aware of the importance of this gesture. I
treasure it more than a Stradivarius because of the human implications. This particular
kora has become my friend and is a symbol of Manding wisdom and power.
Sidiki Diabate immediately recognized this kora in the photo and spoke nostalgically
about certain features of this kora and the lengthy process of making it. During its final
stage of construction, certain cabalistic signs were painted with charcoal on the inside of
the calabash to endow the kora with special power.
The scene of our meeting was spectacular. As we commented on the location of the
Diabate home, directly under the Manden Kuru, the Manding Hills, which separate the
Senegal and Niger Rivers and spread out from Fouta Jallon (Guinea) to Bamako, Sidiki
nodded and said: “These hills contain our history”. Within the walls of his courtyard
with a view of the Kuluba, which in Bamoko is called the mountain of power, was an
equally picturesque scene. One side of the courtyard functioned as the kitchen, complete
with women who started a fire in the three-stone fire place and handled calabashes of all
sizes, interspersed with little children handling small koras. On the other side, we adults
were established, also handling calabashes, i.e., koras. While we were talking, one of the
many delicious Manding sauces and rice were prepared. Several times during our stay
with the family, a prayer rug was unrolled and put on the sacred area, a small, rectangular
ground plan of a mosque, about 5 feet away from the tree, where the Al Hadj and Kalilou
prayed.
Sidiki Diabate responded to my question if we could interview him by saying: “I receive
you not like hundreds of journalists or writers, and researchers with whom I have traded
information for money. I gave them what they wanted. They didn’t know what I didn’t
want them to know. I told them what I wanted. I don’t consider you like them for two
reasons. The first reason is that you came with Kalilou Tera. Kalilou is my son since I
know Sinaly Tera, Kalilou’s uncle, who has rendered to me great services. When I was
in San, I stayed with Bala Diarra who is related to the Teras. Thus, I know Youssouf
Tera, one of the brothers of Kalilou’s mother, who at that time was one of the richest
people in San, who gave me many things and who has become my friend. Therefore, I
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can’t refuse a descendant of his. Instead, he becomes my son. Also, I can’t refuse
Kalilou anything because I consider him as one of the first noblemen of Manding. His
grandfather, Ladji Abdoul Kader Tera, is a well known man, (and still living), who
dominated an evil jinn and attached it with a chain to the great sacred tree of San. This
jinn is still in San. His great, great grandfather reigned with intelligence and knowledge
over San. He didn’t use a single bullet. Consequently, I cannot treat Kalilou as a
foreigner.
Other than that, I accept you as an artist, as somebody who plays the kora. This makes
all the difference. You are one of us, and, therefore you are my daughter. Because my
colleagues have introduced you to our art, you are at home here. I will tell you whatever
I know”
Q Al Hadj Sidiki Diabate, “a baraka”, thank you. Congratulations for your kora
performances. Today, I address myself to you as a jeli, a “nyara”, master of the word, as
artist, as representative of the science of music, as expert of traditional Manding
knowledge, and as a person of your generation who thinks differently than the young
jelilu, and who has gained his livelihood with the kora, celebrating the beauty and the
power of Manding music. My first question is: Why do you play the kora?
A (Sidiki Diabate) “Kora a ko ka sya”, there are many things in the kora, “kora fo ka
sya”, the kora “says” many things, “kora ka bo”, the kora uncovers. The kora is founded
on numbers which represent the human life cycle. The human head which is the seat of
knowledge and intelligence, has 7 openings. A human being has 9 obvious openings, but
in fact there are 2 more which make the total number 11. Many people forget to count
the 2 openings of the breasts. The kora also has 11 openings. They have the same
functions as the physical openings of a person. The numerical symbolism is also
reflected in the strings. Overall, the kora has 21 strings which are composed of 3 times
seven. The seven strings are also symbolic of the seven openings of the head, as the seat
of knowledge, intelligence, reflection, and thought. This number is multiplied by 3 to
make 21. In the same manner, there are 7 days in a week. There are 7 heavens and 7
earths. The kora symbolizes all that, making the kora a symbol of this profound
knowledge and the universe. Considering the life cycle, one has three stages: Speaking
in your words, when the child reaches the age of 7, one sends the child the school. This
age represents an important stage. Formal apprenticeship follows. Having passed the 7
years in primary school, the child goes on to secondary school and reaches maturity by
the age of 21. Thus the cycle is complete. The 21 kora strings are the image of this cycle
and a person’s reaching maturity. Then the kora can be productive and selfsufficient.
MCS (from conversation with Kalilou Tera after the interview).
The number 7 indicates fertility. 3 is the symbol of man, 4 is the symbol of woman. 7 is
the most infinite number. We are all offsprings of Adam and Eva, the first couple. If the
Koran says that there are 7 heavens and 7 earths, one interprets this as an infinity of
heavens and earths. According to Kalilou, the kora enters into the ideas of the infinity of
the creation and those of human knowledge as well. Manding tradition cherishes the
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uneven number 11 as a divine number, consisting of the perfect number 10, and 1 for
God, the Unique. In Islamic and Manding philosophies the number 11 means God facing
his creation. This is like an act of adoration which is the submission to One.
Correspondingly, the number 21 is a number of adoration, of submission of the complete
creation to God.
Q .What is the origin of the kora?
A. (KT) The original name of the kora was not kora but Koring “bato”. Translated into
Bambara, we would say “Korinw ka bara”, the calabash of the Koring. The Koring are
Keita. The Koring are “mansaren”, princes, descendants of Sunjata. They are made up
of three groups with the following names: Sanyan, Sanko, and Wali. Thus, the Koring
are the most honored people of Manding and if one says Koring “bato”, one talks about
the “bato” which is destined to honor the Koring. The “nyancho” consist of three groups,
which are the Maane, Saane, and Fati. They are Traore and decendants of Tira Magan.
Here is how it all happened. Tira Magan Traore left Manding to go to the country of the
Jolof, where he killed Jolofin Mansa, the king of the Jolof. Tira Magan plunged himself
into the South and crossed the river at Basse, (Gambia). The place where Tira Magan
crossed the river is called Tira Magan Tigeda, the ford of Tira Magan. The praisename of
Tira Makan alludes to this crossing: (to be added)
Tira Magan was accompanied by Wali Kamissoko, one of his warrior friends. Wali
Kamissoko, a Bula, hunter, and “soma”, animist priest. They installed themselves under
a large tamarind tree near Basse, before continuing towards the country which is now
called Guinea Bissau. But at that time, Guinea Bissau didn’t exist, Cassamance didn’t
exist, Senegal didn’t exist, Guinea didn’t exist, only Mande existed. Mande consisted of
the following provinces which belonged to Sunjata: Kaabu, Bakao, Foni, Kombo, Tiyan,
Jaran, Nyamina, Badibu, Wuli, Nyani, Gandora, Kayor, Baol, Jolof, and Sin.
MCS According to Kalilou, whose sources are Wa Kamissoko, Youssouf Tata Cisse, and
several jeli versions of this subject, there were Manding in Cassamance and Gambia
before the time of Tira Magan. But the conquest of the area is attributed to Tira Magan.
The first Manding who established himself in the area was Faran Magan (ferenman,
Ferenba), a Dumbia and a Bula.
KT There are two versions of this subject. According to Bala Gimba Diakite’s version,
which I heard many years ago, the first Manding who colonized the land of Gambia was
Faran Magan. He created a small kingdom of Cassamance and Gambia. He had left
Mande, because he was very poor and was not well regarded in his family. Thus, he
preferred going into exile. He became a rich man with much power. When Tira Magan
conquered the land of the Jolof, he had already heard about Faran Magan, who gladly
allied himself with his fellow Manding Tira Magan. Tira Magan asked him why he didn’t
return to Mande. He indeed came back to the area of Baya and Mali. The people called
him Ferenba Baraya, meaning Ferenba became an important person and, therefore, the
area was called Baya.
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According to the version of Youssouf Tata Cisse, Barafin Banjugu Camara was the first
Manding who installed himself in Cassamance and Gambia before Tira Magan. Banjul,
the capital of Gambia, was named after him. Since he was not a hunter, he was not
allowed to play the “simbin”. His jelilu searched for an instrument which would be
superior to the “simbin” and, thus, added more strings to the instrument and presented the
kora. It is interesting that the Manding migrated towards the West of Mande to the
Gambian ocean before Sunjata. Through Tira Magan however, the power of Sunjata was
established and the Keita and the Traore became the princes of Gambia. The Bula
(Dumbya, Sissoko, Camara etc.) already were established there.
MCS The day after the interview with Sidiki Diabate, we met Youssouf Tata Cisse who
was on a research trip in Bamako. He is researcher at the “Centre National de Recherche
Scientifique” in Paris.
Q Your cousin, Youssouf Tata Cisse, maintains that Sunjata played the “simbin” and Tira
Magan played the “dan” (a bow harp with 8 strings). He also talked about the “koronba”,
an instrument with many strings whose resonance box was made out of the shell of a
turtle. Did the name kora derive from this instrument?
A (KT) The turtle is called “kora”, “kura”, and”kula”. “Koronba” means the big turtle.
“Koron” also can mean something circular, half of a sphere.
Q Youssouf Tata Cisse talked about the “korotomo”, the cult of the serpent. Can you
discuss this story?
A (KT) In Manding tradition one hears frequently about “koromoto”. Is the story of
“koromoto” the same as the Wagadu “bida”, the great serpent of Wagadu? Before the
time of the great serpent of Wagadu, there was a well by the name of “korotomo”, or
“kurutumu”. I have a recording of Seydou Camara in which he sings about this well,
“korotomo”. I wanted to transcribe the text but the recording is too poor. The name of
this song is Kurutumu Saba, the large serpent of the well. He started the song with the
following text:
Saba malinyaba le
Oh, big python snake
It is certain that you are a jinn
Youssouf Tata Cisse places the location of this well in the valley of the Nile in Egypt.
He has also made a comparative study of the signs used in the initiation cults of the
“komo” and the principles of calculation of the pyramids. The Bambara still use this type
of calculation. He thinks that the Bambara have this knowledge because of the Egyptian
knowledge.
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Q The Manding cults of the vulture and the crocodile and the story about “Jigi the
pilgrim” which you collected from Seydou Kamara fit into the theory of Egyptian roots
of Manding culture. Is that so?
A (KT) Yes, exactly. It is a fact that whichever West African people you ask about their
origin, they localize it in the East. West Africa was occupied as a consequence of
developments in East Africa. Traces of the first African population were found in East
Africa in the Ethiopan highlands and the first African civilization took place in Egypt.
Africans of tall physiques, i.e., excluding the pygmies and the Khoissan, are said to
originate in the East. It is interesting that, linguistically speaking, they all have languages
which are related to each other, whether you talk about people from Kenya, South Africa,
or West Africa. These people established themselves first around the Lake of Tshad
before dispersing in all directions. One group left for the South and they are called the
Bantu, another group left for the West, and they are called Sudanese.
Q What do you and your cousin think of Sheik Anta Diop’s theory who trace the Wolof
language to the ancient Egyptian?
A (KT) These two men were friends and their views coincided.
Q Sidiki Diabate mentioned a list of 15 kingdoms that became part of Mande. Can you
comment on the relationship of the Wolof kingdoms and Mande?
A (KT) The Wolof kingdoms were under the sovereignty of Mande. The Wolof call the
warriors “gelwaar”, which in Manding are the “tontigi”. The “gelwaar” were governors
of Manding origin which arrived with Tira Magan’s conquest of the area and who
became kings of various areas. The “gelwaar” also had their own jelilu. The “gelwaar”
left with the Manding Kone and Jara and became the Njaay, they left with the Traore and
became Jop, and they left with the Kulibali and were named Fall. The Jolof are different
from the Manding. They are related to the Serer and Fulbe through their language.
Q Do you know of any crocodile cult in your culture?
A (KT) Yes, for example in San there is a mythical crocodile, called San-sira-bambaba,
the big crocodile of the road of San. “Bamba”, crocodile is also in the name of Bamako
and means “on the back of the crocodile”.
Q Can you discuss the merits of the Kamissoko?
A (KT) The Kamissoko were the chiefs of Krina. Today they are jelilu who live in
Krina. They are famous fetishists. The oldest Manding fetish is in Krina and belongs to
the Kamissoko. It is called Kirina “kono”, the bird of Krina. I have seen the house of
this fetish which is always guarded by a Kamissoko who is a “soma”, animist priest of
this fetish. In order to become a priest of this fetish, a person must be castrated and
abandon his previous life style to solely care for the fetish. Sidiki Diabate was there
when, 20 years ago, the priest of the fetish died and when one searched for his heir. But
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the chosen one refused to serve by saying that he had become too much of a Moslem and
didn’t want to sacrifice his life to the fetish. He also knew that if he wouldn’t accept, he
would die. He packed up his belongings, fled to Dakar and never was seen again.
Whether there is a priest of the fetish in Krina today, I don’t know. We are about 50 km
from Krina.
(Continuation of interview with Sidiki Diabate. Answer to the question about the
kora’s origin).
A. (Sidiki Diabate) Tira Magan and Wali Kamissoko and their companions moved
towards Guinea Bissau and installed themselves in a town called Kansala. (CEDDO, one
of the important pieces of the kora repertoire is about Kansala). One day, they noticed a
grotto, close by Kansala. The Mandinka call this grotto “berekolon”, the Bambara call it
“berefanfan” or “kuruwo”, grotto. When they approached this grotto at 9 o’clock in the
morning, they saw a woman jinn. Her name was Nyancho. She sat on a rock.
When Tira Magan and Wali Kamissoko went to the grotto, the “nyancho” woman
smelled their odor and disappeared into the grotto. Wali was a famous diviner and started
to trace signs into the earth to find the “nya”, or knowhow or means of the woman. They
made sacrifices and through the “nya-nini”, search for the “nya”, had a revelation about
how this woman could be caught. The answer was a net. The next time they approached
the grotto, the woman was sitting on the same rock to warm herself in the sun, because
this was during the cold season. They threw their net over her. She tried to flee into the
grotto. They pulled out the net and the woman. When they freed her she had an
instrument in her hands which was the kora. She told them that this instrument is the
“bato” of the Koring. Tira Magan married this woman, took her instrument and gave it to
Jeli Madi Wulen, his jeli. Jeli Madi never played such an instrument and started to strum
the instrument haphazardly, “ka wurunba”. Then he found a “kuruntu”, focused brushing
that sounded well and gradually was playing what we call Kuruntu Kelefa. By the way,
most of the young jelilu don’t know how to play Kuruntu Kelefa.
MCS Kuruntu Kelefa is generally recognized to be the first kora piece. “Kelefa” means
the father of the war, the general. It was played to commemorate the “nyanchos”, the
Manding warriors. Kelefaba is another important kora piece which is dedicated to
Kelefaba Saane whose setting is the 19th century.
A (S.D.) Jeli Madi Wulen was a Diabate. He taught the kora to Tili Magan Diabate. He
gave birth to Ba Madou. Ba Madou installed himself in the area called Tomora, in the
circle of Bafoulabe. Many Sissoko clans lived in this area. He found the Tomora king
Sanga Musa Sissoko. Sanga Musa wanted to enlarge his power and he was told by his
diviners (also from the Sissoko clan) that he could have more power by washing himself
with the blood of a dwarf. Taxina, a great priestess, surrounded by dwarfs whom she
commanded lived on top of a mountain called Kuya Mane. You can see this mountain
from Usubi-Janjan in the area of Kita. Sanga Musa Sissoko agreed with one of Taxina’s
slaves to sacrifice an old dwarf woman. He washed himself with her blood and became
very powerful. Thereupon, Sanga Musa gave Taxina as wife to Madou Sara Diabate, his
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jeli and son of Ba Madou. Madou Sara gave birth to Taxina Banjugu. Taxina Banjugu
had a child by the name of Jeli Bula. Jeli Bula was a full fledged hunter. He married
only one woman by the name of Noroma who gave birth to two sons called Noroma
Mamadi and Noroma Samburu. Noroma Mamadi had as children Jeli Bula who carried
the name of his father, Banja, Jeli Amadou, and Bamba. Amadou’s son was Jeli Fili,
whose son was Bala Diabate, my father, whose son is me. I am saying this to show that
the kora is at home here, the kora is my blood.
This is also an answer to your first question about why I play the kora. “Kora anw koni
ta do doron”, the kora belongs certainly to us, “moow b’a fe o, a ka di anw ye”, if people
like the kora, we are pleased, “moow t’a fe o, a ka di anw ye”, if people don’t like the
kora, we are pleased (anyway). Some people want to modify the kora but we don’t like
that and will never profit from it. On the contrary, it will be the end.
K.T. Yesterday, when you were with Toumani in his room, I congratulated Sidiki Diabate
to his son Toumani, who will really develop the kora. He responded by saying that he
would rather bury the kora. The kora is something very precise and ancient. One sings
about ancient themes and one plays in an ancient manner. If you add modifications
which are foreign to the kora you kill the kora. But, everybody acts according to his
time. Unfortunately some players prostitute the kora.
MCS Tira Magan married this “nyancho” woman who was a jinn and who brought the
kora. Therefore, the kora “belongs” to the Traore/Diabate (Jeli Madi Wulen Diabate was
the jeli of Tira Magan) and is a supernatural instrument which contains many things.
Q What is the relationship between the kora and the following Manding concepts,
“baraka”, mental force, “lanbe”, honor, respect, and dignity, “hakili”, mind and spirit,
(also introspection, memory ensconced in the culture), and “nyama”, occult force?
A (S.D.) It is through “hakili”, intelligence and a fine mind, that a person seeks “baraka”,
mental force. Because of “hakili”, a kora player can play the kora. If it were not a
question of the concentration of one’s mind, “hakili bamban”, many people could play
the kora. Music making is not a question of looking at a visual structure. There is a
difference between the music of white people and Africans. Your musicians play what is
written. We play in obscurity, without a conductor who gestures. We are used to
exercising our minds, introspection, and memory. If you would not record and
subsequently write down what I am saying, you couldn’t repeat it tomorrow. We could
converse until tomorrow and I can retain all we have said. “Lanbe” is also a question of
“hakili”. One knows one’s “lanbe”, thanks to one’s mind. Because of “hakili”, one can
distinguish between what is allowed and what is not allowed. For example, I tell myself,
I have a certain “lanbe” and therefore, certain things are prohibited and certain actions are
meritorious for me. Precisely, the kora’s function is to push a person to reflect in this
manner to conduct himself according to a code which is consistent with his “lanbe”. God
has given a lack of mind, “hakilintanya” to his enemy only. But he has given wealth,
power, children, and all kinds of things to anybody, whether they have a mind or not. He
distinguished his enemies by two things, lack of mind, and lack of humility, i.e., pride,
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“yerebonya”. “N’i y’I yere bonya Ala b’I dogoya”, if you become arrogant, God lowers
you. And if you become humble, God lifts you.
The kora contains “nyama”. This is a fact. When an authentic kora player, “kora fola
yereyere” visits you and you chase him out of your house, you will be damaged, because
the jeli can manipulate his instrument in a certain manner. Not every kora player can
handle the “nyama” which is in the kora, because this is a secret.
Q In your culture, nobody acquires skills without any sacrifices.
sacrifices? Have you made a pact with somebody?
What were your
A (S.D.) Yes, there is a pact. When an authentic kora player, or “kora fola yereyere”, and
I am not talking about the simple kora player, “kora fola gansa”, plays the Manding
tradition and cultural heritage, one relives these traditions, one concentrates oneself fully
on that and doesn’t even notice the audience but provokes their reaction. This is our pact.
When I play the kora, it is like doing the “zikr”, a profound mental voyage through time.
My hands form the name of Allah which I repeat each time I pluck the strings.
MCS Alif, lam, lam, hai, are the Arabic letters of the word Allah. The position of the
hand during playing is such that the fingers form the name Allah. The contact between
the thumb and index is a sign of completeness. The thumb and the index of one hand
form a circle when playing certain characteristic kora patterns. The calligraphy of the
word Allah also indicates the motions of the Moslem prayer with the upper and lower
positions.
Q Is kora playing supported by a sacred pact with the mysteries of Manding?
A (S.D.) Yes, it is a pact of blood. It is a pact with my ancestors. Lets take the following
example. There are two persons. If one of them has difficulties and his life is in danger,
and he is saved by the other one, there is a pact between them. The one who was saved
will say: Until the end of all times, my descendants won’t harm you and vice versa. This
is how a pact is formed and, therefore, we have “joking relationships”, “sinankunya”,
between different peoples.
There is a pact between Sidiki Yayo and the kora. Thanks to the kora he is alive today.
The circumstances were the following: In 1972, during the Portuguese invasion of
Guinea, mercenaries were recruited in Guinea, Senegal, and Guinea Bissau to topple
Sekou Toure and to defeat Amilcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau. They started their war in
Conakry. When Sidiki walked in the streets of Conakry, returning from a visit with one
of his patrons, a Diawara, he saw a jeep that fired on a fellow pedestrian. The jeep
stopped and killed another pedestrian by knife. Sidiki was the third target. When the
soldiers saw him with his kora they forced him to stop and screamed at him: “Where do
you go”? Sidiki answered: “I come from my patron, “jatigi”. The soldiers: “Which
patron”? Sidiki: “Diawara”. The person who interrogated Sidiki was a Manding. He said:
“Play the kora and I see”. Sidiki played Kelefaba. The soldiers who were armed to the
teeth were very impressed by Sidiki’s play and said: “Jeli, go away fast”. Sidiki ran to
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his house, closed the door and didn’t go out anymore. After a while, his brother came to
see him and asked: “But Sidiki, why do you hide yourself”? Sidiki: “There are soldiers
downtown who kill everything that moves. Don’t go out”. His brother: “Oh, these
soldiers have come to liberate Guinea. I am not bothered”. His brother left and was
killed the very same day.
Another example of a pact is the legend of the Akan and Baoule about the queen Abra
Pokou, who sacrificed her child so that her people could traverse the Comoe River. In
the case of the people of Sikasso, it was also a question of searching the means to
increase the power, “nya-nini”. They left Gangara in the area of Kita to search for power
in the country of the Senoufo. In traditional Africa, receiving power meant sacrificing a
human being. This, we call a “sarati”, pact. By analogy, this kind of pact exists between
the Diabate and the Kamissoko. This kind of pact is different from other relationships we
have among each other such as “sinankunya” (“sinaya”, equality, “kun”, to tolerate, to
assume; “sinankunya” is a relationship between different clans which is built on mutual
tolerance of their rivalry; it is usually translated as a joking relationship). The Kone and
Jara are our “sinankun”. They are really Diabate just like the Sane, Mane, and Fati. The
Kone, Konde, Konte, Kanute, Jara, Jai, Jata, Tambura, and Konare are all Kone. The
Traore have a joking relationship with the Widrago (Mossi), Sinate, Djop (Jolof), Kone,
and Jara. The Dabo have a joking relationship “sinanku” with the Sissoko. The smiths,
“numuw” and the Fulbe have this joking relationship.
Let me illustrate the idea of “sinankunya” between the Dabo and the Sissoko. You’ll find
these two families in the area of the Xhasso near Kayes (Senegal). The ancestor of the
Sissoko had a newly born child which was left alone in the house because everybody
went to the fields. In the same village, there was a dog who also just gave birth.
A (S.D. continued with explanation of the concept of sinankunya.) Suddenly the Sissoko
house was on fire. The people rushed back from the fields but could not get into the
burning house. This dog belonged to the Dabo and usually slept under the granary of
millet, jiikine, which was outside the village. The dog ran back to the house, took the
baby and went back to his granary to put the baby down in the midst of her puppies.
Everybody already was sad while fighting the fire and people started to cry because they
thought the baby was dead. But, they noticed the excited dog who came back to the
house, running back and forth before heading towards the granary. Realizing that the dog
wanted to signal something, they followed him and found the baby. Everybody was
relieved. Because of this dog story, a joking relationship sinankunya exists between the
Dabo and the Sissoko. It was decided that the two clans have to respect the dog and from
then on not to hurt any dog.
I am glad to tell you this story in front of these young Sissoko who know about the
sinankunya between them and the Dabo, but don’t know the cause. (Several young
Sissoko jelilu from the compound next door joined us at the beginning of the interview,
eagerly taking in every word the master spoke.)
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Returning to your question about the Manding mysteries, I would say that mysteries exist
everywhere in the world. Everything contains a mysterious aspect which people don’t
always understand. This is true of the kora more than with most other things. This is
proved by the fact that the kora attracts jinns, whether you see them or not. Many kora
players have seen jinns. But, one can also feel their presence without seeing them. When
I was assisting a marriage of a Senegalese in Absobe, Cote d’Ivoire, I was accompanied
by a fina, Fine Kaba who plays the kondin and is a master of the word. We played very
well together and Fine Kaba really surpassed himself in his play. Suddenly, he stopped
playing and speaking. I asked him: “What is going on, why do you stop?” He said:
“Don’t you see the young girl who dances”? I saw nothing and asked: “Where is she”?
He pointed and said: “Here she is. Now she is gone. That was certainly a jinn who was so
attracted by the kora that she started to dance.
Another event happened in Abidjan (Sidiki Diabate lived there for 10 years, from 19471957). I was walking on Avenue 8 in Treichville playing my kora because I was very
happy. Soon, I noticed that I was followed by two figures. When I stopped, they stopped,
when I walked, they walked. I found this to be very bizarre and tested the situation by
making many detours. I was always followed. When I decided to walk towards the
figures, they disappeared.
In 1946, when I visited Bamako and stayed with Fajala Kamissoko, after midnight I had a
strong urge to play my kora in my room. The voice of the kora was extremely loud. I
wanted to stop, but felt if I would stop, it would bring me bad luck. I was really locked
into playing and continued. Fajala woke up and said: “Sidiki, are you there? Leave the
kora.” I felt myself liberated and went to bed. In the morning, two elders came to tell me
not to play the kora while everybody is sleeping during the hours of the jinns. Otherwise
you risk having disagreeable encounters. Since you are an artist, I am sure that it
happened to you too that you sometimes feel compelled to play your instrument.
The kora is an instrument charged with mystery. There is no doubt about it. In Guinea,
Casamance, Gambia, and Guinea-Bissau the kora is very appreciated by marabouts, who
work with the kora player. There a kora player is highly respected, just like a great
marabout, or a faama, noble man or king.
Q I have the impression that some jelilu have a reservoir of personal sound patteres
which they use as charms. These patterens can be played during the nininkali, prelude or
during bolomataama solo. Is that so?
A (S.D.) Yes, there are musical formulae which are just like a kirisi, verbal formula with
magic substance. (MCS See example of kirisikan the language of magic: Tu bismillahi,
etc.) When many jelilu are gathered for an important event, there exists a fadenya, lit.
father-childness, or axis of individuality (see Charles Bird and Martha Kendall) among
the jelilu and each jeli has his own tu bismillahi i.e. instrumental formulae which are
played while reciting outwardly or inwardly certain texts. These sound formulae are
impressive and serve to increase the player’s magic and respect. They also help a
musician to be more recognized than his peers.
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The kora is a secret thing, gundumafen. The most important stage of kora construction is
at the moment prior to covering the calabash with the hide. We put all kinds of things into
the calabash and we trace caballistic signs, kawatimu on the inside of the calabash after it
has been washed. These signs are not written with the ink of the marabout, but with coal.
They are destined to be the sacraments of the kora, and are to channel all kinds of energy,
such as the nyama, into the inside of the calabash, ensuring a complete instrument.
(MCS A kora with such signs is called kora daliluma, or sanctified kora. Such a kora also
is washed to insure the instrument’s and the player’s respect, karamatu. According to
Sidiki Yayo, such an instrument is not an ordinairy kora any more, kora gbansan, but has
become a fetish, jo.)
My ancestors from Gambia to Mali say when they see a suitable calabash: This calabash
is destined to be a kora. If used otherwise, it will break. When our women buy
calabashes, they avoid showing them to us because they are afraid of loosing them from
their kitchens.
When you see a kora player today playing for women who dance, this is new. Earlier, this
was not done. The kora is not played for dancing, one played it for the courageous ones,
to encite and push them to surpass themselves. One played the kora for generals who,
when happy during the play, dance with their arms by lifting them up and perform a
forward-backward motion, telling themselves that tomorrow they will conquer such and
such. This is the framework for the kora. The kora is not played for simple entertainment,
it is not an instrument for entertainment music, barafoli.
Q How does the audience influence your play?
A (S.D.) If in the audience there is a rich man who owns a million, but doesn’t know the
kora, and a poor man who knows the kora, I am playing for the poor one. This doesn’t
mean that I don’t like the million of the rich man. After having received something of
that million, I divide it with the poor.
If a fine kora player plays a certain piece which somebody records, and he repeats the
very same piece the next day for a different audience, you will find many differences
when you compare the two recordings. Nevertheless, it was the same jeli who tried to
play the same piece.
During performance, the player changes his play according to who is present. Each time a
new person arrives, I react in my playing. I don’t think about that. It comes automatically.
For example, if a person in the audience is very content, because I have evoked his
ancestors, he might slip into the skin of the warrior, take a gun and aim, and gets wild,
then I become wild too. The wildness of the listener is transferred to me. If a kora player
starts to perspire, you ought not to ventilate him, you ought to leave him in this stage,
because that is normal for him. If a listener is moved to tears, the kora will cry also. Thus,
there is a real relationship betweent he player and his audience. If the audience is
increased, the player reacts to this new situation, i.e., the kora adapts itself to its listeners.
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A kora player never plays the same thing twice. By the same token, each day, according
to the lunar cycle, has its own face, and one has to make corresponding sacrifices.
Q Which is the oldest kora piece?
A (S.D.) Nyaule is the most original piece, followed by Kelefa, which is the fasa,
genealogy, of the Koring and the nyancho. The kora, first of all, belongs to them. Then
we have ancient pieces which we play for ourselves, such as Lamban and Tutu. These
two pieces are called jeli julu the strings of the jeli. (Tutuyara is also called bajulu or
juluba meaning big string, i.e., big tune. In a wider sense, bajulu is used to mean ‘Malien
style’)
Q Can you discuss the inherent relationships of the strings?
A (S.D.) As a kora player and a pianist you know the answer. As mentioned before, the
21 strings correspond to the different stages of a person’s initiation. Each string expresses
something. If one string is absent, no other string can take over its role.
Q Does Sidiki Yayo’s concept of the three registers, sanfe julu, bass, (lit. upper strings by
taking the intersection of the bridge and hide as reference point), tema julu, middle
strings, and dugumaden, high strings suit you?
A (S.D.) Yes. The dugumaden, or high strings are also called leoule.
Q What is the function of the first string at the right side?
A (S.D.) This string is called timban. The second timban is the first string on the left. If
the timban on the right is absent, one cannot play the kora.
Q What are the names of the bass strings on the left?
A (S.D.) The second string in is called dibon, so are the third and fourth, i.e., there are
three dibon.
Q Do you make the connection between dibon, hornbill and hoe and the name of these
strings?
A (S.D.)This is possible.
Q Can you talk about the function of the right and left hand and their interrelationship?
A (S.D.) You play the piano, you play the kora, you must know that. Both hands are
needed for playing all of your instruments. Even the dundunba, large cylindrical bass
drum has a clear left hand-right hand division. One hand plays on the hide, the other on
the bells on top of the drum. I have mentioned to you the secret that the shape of the
hands in the playing position on the kora is the name of Allah. The kora is made in the
image of the name of Allah.
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Q. What is the kora on a visual level?
A (S.D.) You see the neck and spine, (the centerpole). You have to imagine the head on
top of it. Then you see two arms (upper parts of the two hand grips), two feet (lower parts
of the two handgribs), the belly, i.e., the calabash, and the bridge is the navel. (In
Mandinkakan the bridge is called bato, in Bamanakan and Maninkakan, bara, meaning
(1) calabash, (2) navel, and (3) centerpoint of a circle). The bridge functions like a
tongue. The tongue shapes the word, but the substance of a word comes from the belly.
Therefore, we put certain charms into the calabash, because, the substance of the sound is
in the calabash. The vertical wooden bar represents the ribs. The round opening in the
calabash is the opening of the mouth. That’s where you place the microphone when you
record.
K.T. Frequently, at the beginning of a performance, the jeli says: kuma be kono, I possess
the word, lit., I have word in my belly. In order to exteriorize the word, it has to arrive at
the level of the mouth, so that the tongue can give its shape. In Sunjata’s time, one used
to say that the navel of the world is in Kangaba, Mali, or dunya bara ye Kaaba le. This
navel of the world is the sacred hut in Kangaba, called Kamablo. Concerning the word,
the jeli may sing the following text:
Kuma kurulama de be bo mogo kono
Nyin b’a lese
Nen b’a lanugu.
The word exits from the belly in the form of a rough ball
The teeth cut it
The tongue polishes it.
Q The reaching up position of the arms reminds me of the praying gesture in certain
Dogon sculptures. What does that gesture, stressing the horizontal line suggest to you?
A (S.D.) I am Moslem. It means praying and Allah akbar. It also means to remind. When
one has forgotten something, one makes this gesture (the hand’s reaching up to the head)
to recall it. Many secrets are contained in the kora.
Q What is the meaning of the synthesis of the different materials used in kora
construction?
A (S.D.) The kora is the reunion of different elements, julst like all things. The human
body is the reunion of different elements. The reunion of these different elements gives
strength and is like a sermon whose principal message is: If you reunite, you can speak
together and say something constructive. Uniqueness belongs to God only. God is
singular but created a world of multiples. He himself added prophets so that his message
can reach humanity. In the same manner, the calabash of the kora is a little plant, but one
fruit can hold all the opened fruit of a baobab, even though the baobab is the most
gigantic tree of the savannah. The reunion that this calabash represents, consisting of an
element containing blood, i.e., the hide which is taken from a live animal and the
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centerpole and the bridge coming from a tree which hardly contains any water, is the kora
who speaks to us and gives us plenty of things to ponder about. Nothing grows without
water. These elements form a world. Thus, the kora is the symbol of the universe which
also ‘speaks’ the language of the whole universe when being played.
Q Manding philosophy says that a person is nothing but water, earth, air, and fire. Is that
so with the kora?
A (S.D.) Yes, because the iron ring at the bottom of the kora represents fire. The air is
tied to fire, it activates it. The plants are the product of the earth. The kora represents a
human being, not an animal. Doesn’t the kora have two arms, two legs, a spine, a head?
We all have that. The calabash is the belly, the interior of a person. The little cushion
serves as support for the bridge, which is the support of all the strings. The bridge is
nothing else but the tongue which sculpts the word.
Q And how about the red cushion, teefe wulen? Does it represent another blood
connection?
A (S.D.) Yes. And since the hide of the kora ideally is of an immaculate whiteness, the
red jumps out and makes the kora esthetically pleasing.
Q What is the role of the respiration in kora playing?
A The periodic sighs (hmm, ah, Allah) of the player and the k’a konkon, the finger snaps
on the handgrip are signs to indicate the breathing. These signs come from the bottom of
the heart, expressing personal and deep sentiments. When the jeli muso snaps her fingers
during performance, she divides the kumben but stays always in the kumben. If a
musician does not perform such signs, his music doesn’t penetrate the konkon, the
phrasing of the kumben is made apparent both visually and aurally).
Kalilou: Seydou Kamara used to say that the limit of a singer is when the tendons of his
neck swell, or donkilila dan ye kanfunun di.
Q On a larger scale, do you conceive music as a cycle of inhaling and exhaling?
A (S.D.) Yes, without breathing, nothing can be “said” in music.
Q Can you talk about the compositional organization of kora music?
A (S.D.) First, you have the kumben, accompaniment. Then you have the bolomabori, the
course of the hand (Sidiki Yayo calls this bolomataama, the march of the hand, in
Mandinkakan it is called biriminting). Whatever is being performed must be based on
something. The base of a conversation is the responding nam, “yes”. (MCS A
characteristic feature of Manding conversation is the periodic punctuation by the listener
who says such words as nam, yes, hatte, yes, and tunya, true. This practice is also used
during kora performance to indicate that one listens, agrees, and encourages). If the
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response is lacking, speaking becomes a judgement as at the tribunal. But even during
judgement, there is someone who nods the head, otherwise the word would stop. Hand
gestures, such as snapping ones fingers also take over this function of dividing the time.
The kumben has the same function of being the base on which the bolomabori, solo is
seated. Without the kumben there would not be a solo, since the solo is already existent
(inherent) in the kumben. The kumben is comparable to the nam, the solo to the flow of
the words.
Q What is the function of the solo?
A (S.D.) Bolomaboli be foli diya, it is the solo that makes the sweetness of music.
MCS Sidiki Diabate places the origin of the kora in Gambia (during the time of Tira
Magan’s conquest) and explains that, therefore, the terminology of Kora-related matters
is originally in Mandinkakan, the language of Gambia. He himself uses Bamanakan
terminology. Sidiki Diabate was born in Gambia into a family who came from Kita, Mali.
His playing style is not Gambian. He had a Gambian base but when moving to Mali, he
was very much influenced by the kondin players of Mali. He said that in the old days, the
kora playing style was much more individualized, but, nowadays, due to the mass media,
every jeli seems to play almost the same style.
MCS (continued) Talking about Sunjulu Cissoko, Sidiki Diabate said that he had a
dawula, a lucky star, which might be the result of a dalilu (a special means in the form of
a good luck charm) which insures being well liked by everybody, but actually his kora
playing doesn’t deserve the success he has had.
Talking about the Batourou Sekou (Kouyate), he said he doesn’t deserve it that one calls
him a kora player. His background is not the kora. HE was born in Kita and only later in
life started to learn the kora from an old Gambian jeli, Saliya Kouyate, who was an
excellent player. But Batourou Sekou has only learned one piece, i.e., ALALAKE from
his master. He didn’t finish his apprenticeship but has learned a lot from the kondin
players.
Talking about Mori Kante, Sidiki Yayo also said that he had a good dawula, which
brought him success. But considering his kora playing, he didn’t deserve it. Incidentally,
both Sidiki Diabate and Sidiki Yayo have refused to teach Mori Kante. Both Sidiki
Diabate and Sidiki Yayo make a big difference between a simple player, kora fola
gbansan such as Mori Kante, and an authentic player, or kora fola yeryere.
Kalilou and I discussed the physical objects which are said to act upon the word, such as
(1) the little wooden chewing stick, used for tooth cleaning, thus purifying the word, (2)
tabacco, rendering the word more weighty and profound, and (3) chewing kola nuts
which make the word wiser. I asked Kalilou why he was not chewing any kola. He said
that he prefers to sweeten his word with candy. Also, all sorts of potions, prepared from
various plants are used to purify one’s mouth. Or a blessed water lasiji may be used to
wash the mouth. This water is obtained from a marabout who rinses a small piece of
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paper with koranic inscriptions in water. In the same fashion, certain verbal formulae are
used to increase one’s impact and to shield one from the negative. To purify their hands
and to instill greater power, some kora players ritually wash their hands with a lotion
containing water, sand, and various plant and animal ingredients (according to Jeli
Younoussa Sissoko).
MCS A New visitor arrived: Jeli Sieran Kanute, an impressive cekoroba, an elder, who
was the dundunba fola, large cylindrical bass drum player, in the Ballet National from
1959 until recently.
Q Can you discuss the different kora tuning systems?
A (S.D.) The first tuning is silaba, then hardin, and sauta. The latter two systems derive
directly from siliba. Kelefaba is played in siliba. Tomora is different, even though it also
derives from siliba. It is named after the Baffoulabe area around Kayes, (Mali) called
Tomora. This is the area of the Xassonke. Their kondin players are famous and play very
well. When a kora player wanted to play with them, he had to retune his instrument to the
kondin. Kora pieces which are played in tomora originate from the Tomora region, such
as Mali Sadjo, Caddo, Maramba, Kemebrama Sori, Ceddo, Mamadou Bitiki. By the way,
Batourou Sekou (Kouyate) doesn’t play pieces in tomora or sauta.
Q What is the difference between silaba and hardin?
A (S.D.) Silaba means the big road. All other tuning systems derive from it. Many pieces
that are usually played in silaba can be played in hardin. Kuruntu Kelefa is always
played in hardin, Tutuyara always in sauta. So is Allalake and Tabara. Not all players
can play in sauta and tomora, whereas silba and hardin are more generally played.
Q Do you know the tuning system yerende (Sidiki Yayo)?
A (S.D.) I never heard of it.
MCS: I think Sidki Yayo’s yerende is your hardin.
Q Can you characterize the pieces which are played in sauta?
A (S.D.) Tutuyara is sung always in sauta, regardless of the dialect and geographical
background of the ethnic groups, such as the Marka, Maninka, and Mandinka. The
kumben of Tutuyara comes in many varieties. Tutu is really like the river of the jelilu.
One goes there to drink, to wash oneself, and to wash one’s laundry. It is for everyone,
yet certain rhythmic modifications in the kumben exist, such as those by the Soninke in
the North or the Xassonke, who adapted the kumben to their language. Whether talking
about people from Segou, Kangaba, Kita, Xasso, or Gambia, Tutuyara is music in which
a general comprehension is possible even if the singer comes form a different area than
the kora player.
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The kora is tuned to sauta which corresponds to all Manding languages. Jeliya is based
on Tutuyara. Tomora derives form silaba, so does hardin. Silaba is really inside (in the
belly of) the kora.
Q Was the kora played in the mosque?
A (S.D.) No. The kora is an instrument which brings pleasure. One doesn’t sing in a
mosque. Or, if so, one sings songs in the honor of the Prophet, but solely a capella. One
doesn’t think about worldly pleasures. Neither about war.
Q I was told that during the Moslem holidays, such as Eid al Kabir and Eid al Fitr, the
kora is played in the Casamance even today. Can you explain this?
A (S.D.) The mosque is a place for prayer. The Imam recites the text of the Koran and
behind him is the absolute silence. During the big Moslem Festivals, however, it can
happen that some important men are accompanied on their way to and from the mosque
by their jelilu who play their instruments. This may happen before and after the prayer.
Q When you play the kora by yourself, is that like a prayer?
A (S.D.) Each instrument reinforces the tendancy you have i.e., it helps you to develop
your proper nature. In other words, if you are a good Moslem and you like concentration
and meditation, then the kora becomes an instrument of meditation. But for a person who
is attached to worldly pleasures only, then, for that person, the kora evokes such ideas.
Q Do you agree with Sidiki Yayo who said that the kora directs people in the right
direction, or kora le ye moo kawandila?
A (S.D.) Absolutely.
Q Can you talk about the first kora piece Jeli Madi Wulen played?
A (S.D.) He played Kuruntu Kelefa. Kelefaba has derived from Kuruntu Kelefa, because
Kelefaba was a descendant of one of the first nyancho, i.e., a Sane and descendant of
Tiramagan.
Q Can one say that the early playing technique was centered on the brushing (playing
several strings almost simultaneously by producing a fast arpeggio)?
A (S.D.) Yes, and without any detail or breakdown. Many jelilu cannot play Kurnuru
Kalefa, the earliest piece played for generals, nor Kelefaba. If you ask kora players of
Mali to play kele man din ye, war is not agreeable, which is one of the lines of the text for
Kelefaba, they’ll know what to play. In Guinea, it is worse and one says simply ‘play the
kora’, or ‘kora fo’, and they will play Kelefaba.
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Q Is the kumben of Sunjata inherent in Kelefaba?
A (S.D.) Yes. You see Kelefaba is really like the alphabet. If one knows the kora very
well, one can identify such pieces as Sunjata and others in the inner organization of
Kelefaba. All pieces with jelikan, lit. language of the jeli, i.e., pieces in which you find
yanmario, meaning classical Manding pieces, can be traced back to Kelefa. Kelefa is
always played in silaba. I am not talking about Bambara or Soninke farmer’s songs.
Q What do you think of the timbre of Toumani’s kora? (Toumani is the son of Sidiki
Diabate. He is about 20 years old and learned the kora from his father. He played for us
such pieces as Kemebrama with a highly impressive technique. His instrument, however,
sounds somewhat metallic. The strings of his kora also sound much longer than others.
From a visual point of view, his kora looks like a typical traditional instrument. When I
asked him what he altered to get such an extended vibration, he said that this was his
secret).
A (S.D.) Persons like Toumani are children. They have pulled the strings so that their
instruments correspond to the instruments in the orchestra. That doesn’t represent our
concept of the kora. But, in any case, people are not the same, everybody has his voice.
I, in any case, am for the ancient kora, the one I am playing now and I will stay with it.
Q What do you predict for the future of the traditional kora?
A (S.D.) I am not worried about the future of the kora. A certain modern approach to the
kora as done by my son Toumani or Mori Kante is doable. But the ancient kora also will
have its advocates.
Q What is the function of the little metal buzzer you sometimes attach to the bridge?
A (S.D.) It is called nyenemo (Gambia) or kessekesse (Mali and Guinea). Not only does it
amplify the voice of the kora but it renders its voice agreeable, kesse kesse be a kan diya.
MCS The tingling sound of women’s pearls worn around the waist, or the sound of many
bascelets accompanying each step of the wearer evoke sensual feelings. According to
Manding sensibilities, striving for a pure sound quality is absent, instead the sound is
‘masked’, i.e., altered so that it becomes richer or layered or more sensual. The
kessekesseni certainly adds another dimension to a sound. Because some strings buzz
more than others, it brings the rhythmic-melodic relief of a composition into the
foreground. Most Manding instruments are played with such a device, whether talking
about the bolon, simbin, jembe, bala, or kora. The multi dimensionality of a sound or
movement is admired and is a focal point of Manding aesthetics. This
multidimensionality also appears in text composition. One of the favorite techniques of
jeli kan, the language of the jeli, is to juxtapose alliterations and words which sound
alike, homonyms, and incorporate them into the text in a clever way, so that the meaning
becomes layered.
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Q What can you recommend for me as a kora player?
A (S.D.) You must first of all have humility, yeremajigin. If you respect the kora, you
will benefit from it. There are those jelilu who fabricate koras with the hide of goats or
muttons to sell them to tourists, but I would not dream of such a thing. If we make a kora,
we do it properly and seriously, so that it will be a respectable kora. That is true about Jeli
Madi (Sissoko) as well. You have such a traditional kora, kora korolen. If you respect the
kora, the kora heightens you (makes you bigger). Possessing another quality, that of
being frank and honest, konorodiya, is most helpful. What do I call konorodiya? For
example, that is a kind of respect which you paid me. (MCS Knowing that this was the
last interview before our departure, we bought 1 kg of white and red kola, wrapped in
leaves and handed them to Sidiki and Kalilou said all the proper things, expressing our
respect and thanks). Respect is not always tied to money. You must have sababu. You
must know how to be a sababu. You must always show respect to everyone and not treat
anyone as a slave. And most of all respect the kora!
MCS: Sidiki, a baraka, thank you. I consider it a great priviledge that I could be with you
and Kalilou in your home. I appreciated your ideas. One day, I hope you will play in my
country.
Sidiki Diabate: Since my birth, nobody ever posed me the kind of penetrating questions
which you have asked. I, myself don’t like to go so far and deep into subjects concerning
the kora with people. Many Europeans and Africans come and pose questions to me.
Usually I grant an interview of a few minutes. But, what we have done during the last
three days is not thanks to me, but thanks to Allah. You might also want to thank the
intermediaries, i.e., those who are the good cause, sababu.
KT: The idea of sabbabu (to have an intermediary who is the cause of one’s success), is
very important in Mandin’s conception of a professional career. If a person is successful,
one says he received baraka from God because of such and such intermediaries. Seydou
Camara used to sing this text:
Ayee sabu nyuman yee yaa yee
Ne wato sabu nyuman ko
Jon, kana baga jon ma
Sabu nyuman yee yaa yee
Ne wato sabu nyuman ko.
Oh good intermediary
I will meet (my) good intermediary
May a humble creature not attack
Another humble creature without any reason
I will meet (my) good intermediary.
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Another Seydou Camara song text comes to my mind, celebrating the monkey, the
symbol of freedom.
Walaki walaki ye njeki bolo la
Kunba lantanya
Sulanin farita ya njeki bolo la
Kunba lantanya
He jumps and jumps on the branches of the njeki
(large tree of savannah)
Absence of a large head
The little monkey orphan is on the branch of the njeki
Let me explain some concepts which underly this text. Seydou Camara’s text of ‘Jigi, the
pilgrim’ can also be called ‘the African Oedipus’. A Manding son is very close to his
mother. On the one hand he is his mother’s accomplice, and on the other is her prisoner.
He has great trouble to liberate himself from his mother and only upon that liberation, he
becomes a free man. Jigi Kuruma is a symbol of that. Jigi has made love to his mother
and decided to go to Mecca to purify himself. He went towards the East on an
adventurous journey. He left with many animals which were to be sacrificed at his
destination. He went with a male gorilla, gonjigi, a male antilope, kongeranjigi, and a
ram, sigajigi. Jigi means hope and maleness. Arriving at a place whose name is unknown,
he was initiated into secret initiation associations. Thus he became a free man. Upon his
return, he killed his mother. But, by killing her, he became an orphan. This alludes to the
branch of the njeki, which is one of the tallest trees, and where the monkey plays. The
initiation into the komo is that kind of liberation that a young man acquires, by liberating
himself from his mother and women in general. The above text states that the little
monkey orphan is on the branch of the njeki in the absence of the large head, i.e., without
the mother, as tutor and leader.
MCS Another symbol of freedom is a small black bird (similar to the sparrow) called
naganagalan.
Yonoussa Sissoko
Q Can you explain your relationship with the kora?
A I am received in the kora. I have found my father and ancestors in the kora. They have
initiated me into the kora.
Q How long was this initiation period?
A Until my father’s death in 1985.
Q Have you worked with other masters also?
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A Yes. Because I was a member of the National Ensemble Instrumental of Mali, I
worked with the jelilu of the Ensemble, especially with jeli Madi Sissoko and Sidikiba
Djabate. I also worked with professional musicians who are at the heart of my mother’s
family, such as Lalo Keba Drame, and of my father’s family, such as Sunjulu Sissoko.
Concerning my studies with Sunjulu, his instruction ressembled that of my father because
he learned to play the kora from my father.
Q What is the relationship between Sunjulu Sissoko and your father?
A Sunjulu’s father was the older brother of my father. When Sunjulu’s father, Kimintan
Jeli Sissoko died, my father, Jeli Sherifo Sissoko, inherited the whole family.
Q What is the name of your mother?
A Aminata Kedju Drame.
Q Did everybody in your family play the kora?
A No, not everybody.
Q Did your father learn to play the kora from his father?
A Yes, the Sissokos never left their own family to study with other jelilu.
Q Can you talk about your many moves?
A I was born in Kayes, in Mali, and grew up in Senegal in the Casamance in Kunkan, in
the district of Velingara. In 1960, we moved to Koldar, located in the same district.
Q When did you join the Ensemble Instrumental in Bamako?
A Before I joined in 1980, I was involved in a constructive adventure under the guidance
of my mother. Frequently she would take me to sacred places, comparable to mosques,
where one prays and excuses oneself in front of the Creator and goes through certain
purification rites. You can even find such sacred places in the middle of the bush under a
certain tree. We also traveled to Mali to visit certain places. At that time my sister was
married to jeli Madi Sissoko and we stayed with them.
Q What is your relationship with jeli Madi Sissoko?
A Even if he had not married my sister, jeli Madi is like my brother, because he has, next
to my father, implanted certain things in me. We stayed within the family and made the
tour of Kangaba, Kela, and other places with profound characters. Then I went to the
Ministry in Bamako and talked to high officials and became a member of the Ensemble
Instrumental. That was in 1980. At the same time I taught the kora at the Institut National
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des Arts and played at night in the Hotel de l’Amitie in Bamako. At that time I was the
youngest in the milieu of professional musicians.
Q How many years did you work in Bamako?
A From 1980 until the end of 1982, when I left for Canada.
Q Why did you want to go to Canada?
A In addition to the advantages of traveling, I thought it was another form of instruction
and I wanted to spread my art and culture.
Q From 1982 until 1985, what did you accomplish in Montreal?
A I developed myself a great deal, because one must start crawling before walking. I
started by playing in small places in order to reach the top. That was the realistic context,
but I gradually played in places with a lot of style.
Q With whom did you perform?
A I have played with the jazz guitarist Joe Pasha who is well known in Montreal. We
performed at a big club, called Raisensell. I had the chance to play with many different
artists. In 1984, I met Ravi Shankar, who played in the same concert at the Place des
Arts. We had a stimulating conversation after the concert.
Q You also gave lecture/demonstrations in Montreal. At which institution was that?
A At the Centre de Documentation et Recherche in Old Montreal. This is a Center for
the Arts, which is involved in performance and research of African, Afro-American, and
Haitian music. I participated in many conferences and gave talks about African art and
the kora.
Q Who was the audience?
A Students, researchers, and simply interested people.
Q How did you usually start your lecture?
A It was very simple. Our basic inspirations, even before giving due respect to the kora,
come from the African kitchen, where certain rhythms are found. It all starts with the
pestle. While the rice, millet, or bananas are pounded, there is singing, accompanied by
the rhythm of the pestle. I started with that type of rhythmic base which is a mind opener.
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Q Which base rhythm did you demonstrate?
A For example, a father comes home with a goat and 5 kg of rice which has not been
pounded yet. The women put the rice in a mortar, and immediately there is harmony,
especially if four women use the same bowl. And they sing. This is a primary inspiration,
but, frequently is not realized by young people. I taped the sounds of the pestle, noticing
the possible musical implications, by playing music on my kora which is latently in the
pounding rhythms.
Q What were the characteristics of these rhythms?
A One woman may start by thrusting the pestle three times after which the other
interjects two short beats before the first woman continues with the second group of three
beats, such as:
First woman: x . x . x . . . x . x . x . . .
Second woman: . . . . . . x x . . . . . . x x
Resulting pattern: x . x . x . x x x . x . x . x x
A third and a fourth woman may introduce other rhythmical patterns. If couscous is
prepared in a family with three wives, three calabashes serve as vessels. Especially if the
women wear bracelets, a fine rhythmical ensemble is produced, whereby each woman has
her own part. One can also find interesting rhythms by opening one’s ears during
circumcision, fishing, planting, and harvesting. During the planting season, a drum
ensemble is invited, playing rhythms which inspire and give energy. Those who plant do
not put their hoes aside, but they dance and work and the music compels them to do a
better job.
Q Where does music enter the activities of fishermen?
A Let us assume there are five fishermen in a dugout canoe and the sound of their
paddles is another inspiration, accompanied by singing. Then, in the middle there is a
period of silence, only interrupted by the sound of the nets being thrown and gathered to
take in the catch, before the fishermen paddle back to the shore. This sequence is a
composition. I have done it. I rented a dugout and took my kora along. I don’t fish, I play
music.
Q Are there other inspirations for you to play?
A Yes, everything. I live in the arts, because even when I am resting, I play the kora in
my mind and go through a certain repertoire without touching the instrument.
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Q Are there any other jelilu of the kora in Canada?
A At times they passed through as members of a troupe. But when I left Canada, I was
the only kora player.
Q What are the qualities of a good jeli?
A First, he has to have good personal qualities to become a good jeli. A good artist is full
of belief, sincere attitudes and lambe. The idea of lambe is vast. The original sense of the
word lambe is in the African initiation, in the circumcision. Those who have been
circumsized are bearers of the title lambe, or those who know. The elders of the town
choose those to be circumcised and the young people do not know who is being chosen.
The elders speak and this is called kuma konoma, or pregnant word. Even in BANI one
sings:
Ori be modo fen, lambe ti la
Sanu be modu fen, lambe ti la or
The person who owns gold, does not have any lambe,
The person who owns silver, does not have any lambe.
As I have said before, the unititiated can’t find out from the initiated what happens during
intitiation. The most important matter is the word. Someone may have gold and all kinds
of material wealth, without having a word of honor. This is the sense of lambe.
Q When were you initiated?
A I was about 13 years old. We were called together in the early morning at 5 am.
Everybody asked what the matter was, because it is taboo to talk about initiation. Each
boy received a white outfit after having taken a bath. Then we were given a special meal
of rice, called duo kino. Our eyes were covered and we had to walk into the bush in single
file, touching the person in front. The blindfold was removed only when we arrived at the
initiation compound.
The base of African life is the initiation period, because during that time, one already can
predict that X, for example, had the potential of becoming a village chief, Y would be
good for this, and Z for that.
Q Did you have a kora at the inititation compound?
A Yes, my father had sent me one. I was the only one of the young who had a kora. The
apprentice of my father, jeli Fode Kalissa, presently playing the kora in the Ensemble
Instrumental of Conakry, Guinea, happened to be one of the instructors in general
subjects in the compound. At that time, I had a lot of difficulties with tuning my
instrument and Fode helped me. Since there was no distraction besides working the fields
and learning signs, I had a lot of time to play alone and with Fode.
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Q After you returned home as an initiated, did you notice any change in your life?
A Yes, a tremendous change, a terrible one. I went through the process of a deep human
comprehension and purification. Normally after inititation, one has the right to marry and
one has access to everything.
Q Which functions did your father have?
A My father exercised the arts. He had his profession as a jeli of the kora, and he taught
it. He also belonged to the elders of the town, giving advice to people, and cultivated the
field.
Q Can you explain the kora as a healing instrument?
A It is true that the kora can heal. But its role as a healing agent has diminished today.
Only history can tell us how it was. Let us take the example of Kelefa. When Kelefa fell
on the battlefield near Baria, his jeli played a piece on the kora to heal Kelefa. One sings
in Kelefa, the song of gratitude:
“Kelefaba is sitting on an anthill, his spear at his side. He stayed there for 40 days,
facing the sky, and his mortal remains were respected by everyone. The vultures
in the firmament said: ‘We won’t eat Kelefaba’. And the mortal remains were
respected by everybody.”
One says that certain people were successful in avoiding death because of their jeli.
Q What are the therapeutic aspects of the kora for you?
A The kora as homo, i.e., before the music of the kora touches me, the kora itself, thanks
to its contour, touches me. In addition, the kora stabilizes the mind. When I go out alone,
I feel unhappiness, because the kora is like my lover. The kora calls me very clearly and I
am alwayas in poor shape until I have it in my arms. Whether it is the question of looking
for a calabash to build a kora, or whether it is the urge of playing, until I have the
instrument right in front of me, I am not calm. And when I have it, I make music all day
long.
Q What is the function of the kora in a religious environment?
A The kora appeared somewhat like the Koran with a precise repertoire. The kora is
allowed into the mosque. This is an example of the sincereness of kora music. God is
present, the jeli is present, and one will survive. One accompanies the deceased with the
kora. In some places in the Casamance, the kora is played even during the month of
fasting, or Ramadan, whereas the drum is not played.
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Q Is the kora played in the mosque nowadays?
A Yes, it is played for certain persons. Everybody is assembled, praying with their
rosaries while the kora plays.
Q What pieces are played at those occasions?
A Pieces like Lakya. (MCS: Lakya, also called Nyaule is a deeply spiritual piece,
conducive to meditation, which is performed instrumentally only). Lakya was played for
the one who enclosed himself in his house, who went asleep and whose house caught fire
and who was burned and who was saved and started to live again. Lakya is played for
persons in similar circumstances. I played Lakya for three hours when my father passed
away.
I am sure you have met many jelilu who do not play Lakya. Recently, I was asked to play
Lakya in Abidjan, but I said: “I don’t play Lakya”. You know, there are some pieces in
the repertoire, which demand respect and you won’t ask anybody to show you the piece,
and one day it will come to you as a surprise.
Q It is important for whom one plays, isn’t it?
A Yes. Sometimes, when I play, the listener is changed as if he went through a
metamorphosis. The question is whether one wants to share the profound depth of the
kora or just play for entertainment. There are listeners who understand the accent. If you
learn the accent, it is not because you are a Manding speaker. The kora has an accent
which is above the language.
Lets take the tarika for example (MCS: The tarika is written chronicle, identifying the
most important spiritual and musical aspects of the kora, owned by only very few jelilu).
Some parts of it are written in a special language which is not Manding, Arabic, or any
other formal language. Only a few elders are able to decipher them. It is alike a language
underneath our language. You know, my father gave me a good advice in saying that
there are certain things that go beyond a person and one keeps quiet. When he played the
kora, I immediately knew if something was bothering him. The same is true about my
mother when she sings, even while smiling, I know what she wants to say deep down. Or,
when she speaks and has finished her sentence, I listen to the rest. This is the other side of
the world.
Q What is the definition of the tarika?
A That’s as if you ask me for the definition of the dictionary.
Q Where can one find a tarika? In Kangaba?
A Yes, there are some in Kangaba. Each group has its own tarika. Certain jelilu say that
the kora came from Sane Manterin, and one could ask them how it came from there, but
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it is vague. Only one woman went to Sane Manterin. She was a professional who worked
with cloth. She took a white piece of cloth, put it into an indigo solution, took it out and it
was ready. She did not have to tie the materials with threads as it was customary for other
women, in order to produce the same result.
Q What was the woman’s name?
A I don’t remember, but it will come to me again. Sane Menterin is an island full of
jinns, and only one family drops a few persons at 7 pm to spend the night there. The
island sinks at night and the water rises and you can see all kinds of creatures. I told you
before, that when I am buying land with trees on it, I have to go to a woodcutter’s family,
to ask them to check whether any of the trees are haunted. One has to agree with the jinn
who lives there, otherwise there will be problems. That is how Sane Manterin was
discovered. The first inhabitant on the island was a collaborator of the jinns. Even though
he has died, his children inherited what was due to him. The jinns are always close to the
water.
Q Are the texts of the tarika tied to sound formulas?
A Yes. These ritual ablutions are not for every jeli. One has to repeat verbal rituals seven
times in the middle of the night to make the rhythm audible to the jinn.
Q Who initiated you to the tarika?
A My father explained it to me. My mother knows it by heart.
Q Does your uncle, jeli Fode Drame know the tarika?
A I don’t know but I don’t dare say that he doesn’t.
Q Is the tarika a collection of important pieces of the kora repertoire?
A It is limited to one kumben, i.e., the largest part of the tarika is one kumben. The kora
has come to us in the same fashion as the Koran, with a basic repertoire. That repertoire
is not played by just anybody and that is the basic piece of the tarika. One limits the time
of the kora’s existence by saying it is several centuries old. But, even if one accepts that
the kora is the successor of the soron, one should not forget that the soron did not fall
from the sky. It came with precise things, and to know those things is not for everybody.
The kora came with its rules and words. My father never played the kora without
ablutions. He had a special text for that.
Q Maybe your custom of playing a prelude or nininkali is a form of ablution.
A Possibly. The name of the jinn is very clear.
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Q What do you do if you play for an important audience?
A I do what my father told me. I place myself always on the right side of the one I am
playing with. This position says everything, it is clear.
Q Do you go through a special ritual before playing?
A Yes, I follow cetain purification rites. After I have recited a certain text, about three
minutes before going on stage, I do not touch anybody anymore, and I am ready to touch
my kora.
Q Is this kind of preparation done to help you gather your energy and concentration?
A Yes. Later more about that.
Q Did your father meditate with the kora?
A Yes. That is the final stage, and if you arrive there, it’s good.
Q Are there different categories of kora music?
A Yes. Even during this interview we have talked about various categories, without your
posing the question, such as meditation, or the tarika. These are categories one pursues.
Then there is the accent, the accent of the kora. If you listen to the kora and have done
your research correctly, you will know what the kora is.
Q What is the kora for you?
A The kora can represent God. That’s how I appreciate it. Because one is in contact with
all vibrations, one can go where one wants to go. Seriously, when I play, I can even feel
my mother who is a long distance away and she can feel me.
Q Your brother, Bakary Sissoko, also talked about this sort of union or communion. Are
these the supernatural aspects of the kora?
A Yes, in the true context.
Q What does one need to do to establish deep contact with the kora?
A Ah, one has to do more research. One must get deeper knowledge, one must seek to
know. Many musicians, even those who are born in the kora are looking for this deeper
knowledge without having found it. My family helped me, and maybe it is a gift which
has to do with one’s talent.
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Q Why has Sunjulu Sissoko received the title “king of the kora”?
A He was among the first artists to play on the National Radio and Television Network
of Dakar.
Q And all of his sons are called “prince of the kora”?
A Yes. But I am not preoccupied with titles. I play with modesty. I am solitary as a
human being.
Q Do you consider the kora to be sacred?
A Yes.
Q Is the tarika a sacrament, i.e., a chronicle possessing sacred character?
A It could be. Kora- related matters have their mysteries. If, as an apprentice of the kora,
your hands were not washed and you were not given a bath of purification, you can play
the kora, but, something is always lacking to reach the heart of the instrument. You have
been told, and I say too, that the kora came from the jinns. Therefore, one must go
through purification rites to reach the objective. That is the essential point of
apprenticeship, neither more, nor less.
Q You were led through these rites?
A Yes, from the beginning. Even before I got to touch the instrument. The moment I
entered the world, my father washed my hands in a special way with a special product.
When I became intellectually mature, my hands were rewashed and I was given a special
bath by my father. A person who wants to learn how to play the kora must learn
everything. It is not easy for me to teach the kora, because, if I undertake it I have to
teach the entire culture surrounding the kora. If I don’t, I destroy the art. The foundation
is the highest level of apprenticeship. It is an empty affair without it.
Q What is the effect of this purification?
A It brings about a harmony of the spirits and the mind is purified. Fode Kalissa, for
example, came four times to my father, but was refused four times. The fifth time he was
accepted. My father demonstrated the rights associated with his status as a jeli. It is a
question of sincerity and honesty, because apprenticeship is a very trying process. For
exmple, you go to somebody to learn about the kora, and that person is also a cultivator.
Then you wind up in the field every morning at 6 am until 6 pm at night. After this work,
i.e., when you are tired, you study your instrument. Fode Kalissa put in four years of
apprenticeship with my father. At that time, you did not pay an instructor by the hour like
today. Instead, you had to: (1) cultivate the field, (2) go into the bush, whether it rained or
not, to get wood for the kitchen, and (3) do all the errands of the household. This kind of
apprenticehip is a kind of suffering in order to appreciate the value of the profession. If
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you are accepted, your hands are washed and you take three times a bath. Similarly,
female singers come to my mother, who will prepare a special meal, so they will sing
better.
MCS: The konkondiro, or the action of playing (konkon meaning to knock, and diro, the
action of) an underlying rhythmic pattern, is an important element of kora instruction and
performance. It is played by a second player who beats a rhythmical ostinato with an awl
on the back of the first player’s kora. The konkondiro makes the Manding time
conception of kora music audible, by dividing a musical phrase into characteristic time
units. Jeli Beya Sissoko had to play the konkondiro for one year before he was allowed to
play the strings of the kora.
Q What importance do you see in the konkondiro?
A The primary importance of the konkondiro is to establish the right time of a particular
piece, by beating a cetain rhythm. Today, unfortunately, the konkondiro is to establish the
right time of a particular piece, by beating a certain rhythm. Today, unfortunately, the
konkondiro has lost its central place in kora performance and is frequently considered
like a dance rhythm, played at birth ceremonies and other festivities. However, the great
jelilu consider the konkondiro like the rhythm of the rosary, giving it a great amount of
respect.
Q Does the konkondiro help you with your rhythmical orientation? Do you hear the
konkondiro when you play alone?
A Yes. I have the konkondiro in the strings whenever I play, whether I play the kumben
or a solo.
Q Was it difficult for you to learn the different types of konkondiro?
A Yes. When I first played the konkondiro for my father, he had to demonstrate it before
starting a particular piece. Sometimes my mother would communicate it to me by playing
my konkondiro on her neou (karinya in Maninkakan). Once I could play a konkondiro it
was very grave, because it throws the kora player out of balance. At times I made
mistakes while playing the konkondiro for my father and was scolded by being hit on the
head by the neck of his kora while he continued to play. I remember having played the
konkondiro once until I fell asleep. Only when the neck of the kora hit my forehead, did I
wake up.
Q Which are the most important konkondiro patterns?
A The konkondiro for Kelefa is: (incomplete)
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Q Who usually plays the konkondiro?
A Mostly the young apprentice of the kora. The learning process of many kora students is
slowed down, due to the mistakes of their teachers. During marriage ceremonies, for
example, the young assistant may just play the konkondiro, and no time is taken to show
him a single kumben. He will have to be satisfied with the CFA 500 he receives for his
performance.
I have witnessed some poor instruction. In Montreal I saw African dance courses which
were incomplete. The instructor played this rhythm on the drum:
x.xx.xx.
He told the students to make two side steps to the right and one to the left. That was also
his philosophy of African music by saying that the African drum is the African telephone.
When I give a course in African dance, I tell the why and when a particular dance is
danced. For example, I demonstrate the Manding dance “jingjing”, and everybody can
see the roots of break dancing in it. I talk about dances for planting, for entertainment, for
manifestations of contentment, such as after a good harvest, and about dance and music
which is played during the dry season, asking for water. I give a survey of music and
dance, such as, for initiation, combat, fires, funerals, and diffusion of cetain messages.
Q Are those types of music also played on the kora?
A Certainly. Any music played on any Manding instrument can be played on the kora.
Q Is there kora circumcision music?
A After the appearance of the circumcised, one can play a repertoire on the kora, kondin,
and bala. If there was mourning, the kora player came to my father, and through his
playing only, he communicated this fact.
Q Do you see a connection between the kora and the kola (nut), as symbols of respect?
A That is an intriguing question. When I was in Kangaba with my mother in 1980, we
visited Kamorin Keita, who is a descendent of Sunjata. Then we went to see an old
fisherman who is blind. I played Sunjata for him while he was stretched out in his
hammock. After about 10 minutes of Sunjata, he said to my mother: “It is enough now”.
You see a cetain kind of contentment can transform itself into anger. Then he got up,
disappeared, returned, and continued: “It is not a big thing, but here is some powder
which came from the bala of Sumaoro Kante”. The old fisherman owns this powder, but
most people in Kangaba don’t know it, because he lives a secluded life. The old man is
not a musician, but he is a dignitary descended from eminent ancestors. I already
mentioned a proverb to you, which is appropriate for this man: “A dragon started by
being a little snake, but when he became a dragon, he knew how to preserve himself”. I
am glad I met this man, and he is my vieux (respected old man). I felt that Kamorin Keita
did not want us to discover this extrodinary old man. Thanks to my mother we found him.
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In African society, the initiated woman knows such things. (MCS: Amanita Drame is a
jeli muso and a nemano, a specialist who is in charge of circumcising young girls). How
come that Sunjata’s house is still in Kangaba with all its mysteries? I think that, therefore,
Sumaoro’s secrets are likely to be found in Kangaba also. I have seen Sunjata’s house
and I have some sand from the courtyard of this house.
Some people go to the old man to ask him for medicine, but we don’t. Every week from
Friday night until Sunday night, I would spend time with his family. I used to go into the
bush with his children to get wood, which we then delivered to his wife, who cooked.
Then I went into town to get 1 kg of kola and some tobacco. I know that this man
appreciates these things much more than cash. He could walk around for one month with
only CFA 500 in his pocket, because he lives very simply from leaves from the bush.
Giving kola to him is a gesture of respect, politeness, and sincerity. I know that this
expense will come back to the kora. And I got his benedictions. I also received a special
hide from him, which has been treated with a certain medicinal product, made from fat of
a human being. This hide and the powder are at my mother’s house, and I touch it maybe
once a year. My mother would say: “Here my son, I wish you prosperity and a long life,
come back soon”. I have realized many things and I am a different person now, thanks to
the experiences with this old man.
Q Do you know if this old man has given some of the powder and hide to others?
A I washed myself until he gave it to me. He said to me: “It’s your chance”. He also told
me that Sunjulu visited him.
Q Do the kora and the kola play a role during marriage and funeral ceremonies?
A Yes. A young man, for example, might come to me and say: “I have seen this woman
X and I would like to marry her. I would like you to go to the parents of this woman and
ask for her hand. Give them some kola”. As jeli, I will take care of this commission. The
kola has the same function at death. The kola establishes a close contact. When Sunjulu’s
father died, many jelilu came together, and there was kola and the kora was handed to me
and I played KELEFA. My father had his pipe and watched over everything. It is serious
business to play in front of all these jelilu and if you don’t do it right you will be done
for.
Q Do the jelilu give each other kola?
A Yes. If I am traveling through Abidjan, for example, and I hear about a jeli who is a
kitejien, a jeli with a lot of personality and respect for his instrument, I visit him, present
him some kola, and introduce myself by saying: “I am the son of Sherifo Sissoko and I
came to give you my respect”. After a conversation with his family, I will leave.
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Q What is the role of the kumben?
A Playing a good kumben is like mastering the roadmap. The kumben is the envelope of a
tuning system. A kumben represents everything, because it functions as a basic
accompaniment.
Q Is the kumben a prescribed combination of strings?
A Yes. Litterally, kumben means let us measure our heads. Kumben also means encounter
and kamben means expectation. One looks for something global in a kumben. A kumben
is a fixed and stable musical idea.
Q What are the characteristics of a good kumben?
A I value the primordial importance of the kumben, containing details which guide the
musician. Even independently from the kora, a kumben has its comprehensive meaning. It
is something vey positive. We say: A nein kumben, or, meet each other! If you don’t play
a good kumben, you don’t play a good kora. In the Ensemble Instrumental National de
Mali one says, Sidiki Djabate is a great korist, but for me jeli Madi Sissoko (deceased in
1982) was four times better.
Q Because of how he played a kumben?
A Yes, and Sidiki inspired himself by what jeli Madi played. Speaking of musical
discipline, jeli Madi had more than we do, because he could play for 30 hours without
moving away from his kumben. Sidiki played his solo passages until he was rolling on the
floor, but Jeli Madi stayed with his kumben.
Q Does each kumben have a different title which is also the title of the piece?
A Yes.
Q I have the impression that several kumben are based on the same sequence of chords
and only the time element is changed. For example, one can hear Sunjata in the different
versions of Lamban. Is that correct?
A Yes. The kumben of these pieces originate in the same philosophy, in the same context
and reality. The ideology is the same.
Q How many important kumben exists?
A The kumben for Kelefa is the most important for the jelilu until today. One also starts
kora instruction by teaching this kumben. Ninety percent of all jelilu I have met, began
their instrument by learning the kumben for Kelefa. After the purification, the first notes
one shows the apprentice, are those from the kumben of Kelea. It is a silaba kumben,
silaba meaning the main road.
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Q Can you explain the connection between Tilibo (lit.sunrise, also referring to a Manding
region east of Gambia, and to a Tilibo kora repertoire originating there (played in silaba
tuning) and silaba?
A Silaba is the accent of Tilibo, or the region of the sunrise. We say: “nya kora ben
tilibo”, or, let’s tune the kora to the sunrise.
Q You consider siliba as the most important tuning system? How about tomora, hardin
and sauta?
A Yes, silaba is the principal tuning system. The other two systems are tomora and
hardin. Sauta is the name of a piece, originally played on the kondin. I don’t consider it
as a tuning system.
Q What is the role of the kondin?
A It is a very rich instrument, capable of holding many ideas. I have met the great kondin
player Bonzoma whom my father appreciated very much. He is blind, but when he hears
my footsteps, he says Sissoko inana, or Sissoko is here. Bonzama is a musician totally in
union with his instrument, i.e., he and his instrument are one. The kondin and the kora
have a special liason, and these two instruments were always played together.
Q Who is being considered superior, the kondin or the kora player?
A Even if it has to be that the kondin or kora dominate the other, they are given the same
consideration and they both have a very high value. They can be even.
Q What is the role of the kapok tree (ceiba pantandra, or silk-cotton tree) in your society?
A It is a most important tree, whose leaves and bark serve as medicine. This tree, called
bantamba, or tree of palaver, serves as the meeting place for the elders who sit and
develop their ideas under its branches. This tree is usually located in the middle of the
village, at times a bit further away.
Q Does one associate this tree with ancestors?
A The jinn of the village can reside in this tree. One also says that the spirits of the
ancestors reside there. Kelefa Sane chose to be buried under this tree. He was taken to
three different trees and it was only the third which he accepted. When he was led to the
first tree, he asked what kind of a tree it was. After having received the answer, Kelefa
said: “No, I am not a man who should be buried here.” The same scene happened at the
second tree. Kelefa accepted the site of the third tree, after he was told that this was a
bantamba, and he said: “Bury me unde the kapok tree, the tree, being in the ocean as well
as in the air”. That was in Baria. When Kelefa went to Baria, he took three boys along.
He sold the first to get munition, the second for wine, and the third for the conductor of
the the canoe which crosses the river. And Kelefa was praised, that God gave him long
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life and prosperity for his travel, and at his return, God praised him without closing his
eyes.
Q You have a kora composition called Bantamba. Is it an old piece?
A Bantamba is a very old piece to glorify the kapok tree. The composer, when he played
this piece for the first time, played such a long time that he had to use his toes to pluck
the strings. The tree gives kapok, which is a silky mass, covering its seeds. This silkcotton is used for stuffing pillows. Occasionally, when the kapok is ripe and breaks open,
one might not see anything any more of the village, because the wind takes the silkcotton everywhere and everything is white. This is a beautiful event.
Q Can you talk about your other famous tree, the baobab (adamsonia digitata, up to 70
feet high and 30 feet in diameter, producing, an oblong pulpy fruit called monkey bread)?
A The baobab is a bizarre tree which makes you feel agitated. These trees can move. One
time I watched a baobab for more than one hour, and I saw how he moved. In Kunkande,
Casamance, there is a baobab right next to the well. The well is the residence of the jinn
of the village. During my childhood we played ball there and one day the ball fell into the
well and me almost too. When my father heard about this story, we moved right away to
Kolda. Until today this well reappears in the different lives I live in my dreams.
Q I have read, that in 1955, students of the Collège Technique d’ Industrie in Fann, close
by Dakar, found human skeletons inside the hollow trunk of a baobab, supposedly
belonging to jelilu. (Raymond Mauny: “Baobabs-Cimenières à Griots” in Notes
Africaines Nr. 67, 1955, p. 72-75. Dakar, Senegal: Institut Français d’Afrique Noire).
Have you heard about that?
A No, I have never seen or heard such a thing.
Q How is a jeli buried at your home?
A Either in the courtyard or in a special sacred place, such as a Moslem cemetery. My
father was buried differently. I played Lakya for three hours at his tomb.
Q What is the totem animal of the Sissokos?
A The kana, which is like a little caiman or alligator, is venerated by us. We are bound
by word to protect this animal. Even if we see somebody who is about to kill this animal,
we give money to this person, so that he can buy a goat for his meal instead. The Sora
(Sissoko) don’t eat it. Should a kana cross my pathway, for example, I will turn around
and proceed in the opposite direction, avoiding crossing his pathway. The kana is a Sora.
He is one of our ancestors, and all the dignified Sissokos regard the kana with respect and
reverence.
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Q What is the tana of your mother’s family, the Drames?
A The Drame played the dundun (a double headed drum) previously. Then they have
received another kind of drum from the jinns in exhange for their dundun. The jinns put
the drama deginya kade which are special pieces of cloth, making up a kind of saddle, on
the horses’ back and thus the name Drame was formed. My mother was born in Sakar,
located about 45 km from Kolda. Her father, Aladji Drame, was the chief of this village.
When he died, the village changed. We say: “You must know each other, but, if you
ignore who you are, it is because you don’t know your heritage”.
Q Can you explain the transformation of a serpent into a dragon?
A Dragon starts by being a little snake. The boa serpent is a creation of God’s power.
Among the boa’s eggs, you sometimes can find one which has a dragon in it. The boa
herself does not know which egg it is. If I find the eggs of a boa, I can detect the one,
containing a dragon. It looks different from the others. But you don’t touch the eggs of
the dragon, otherwise the boa appears. When the dragon moves, you hear all kinds of
music. When the dragon moves, certain villages in West Africa tremble. The dragon is a
saint, a great creature with an extraordinary power.
Q Does one sing about the dragon?
A Yes. If the dragon moves, one plays Ba Toto (“ba” meaning ocean, and “toto”
meaning frog). I play it, but at the moment I am not allowed to play it. If I meditate for 45
days, I will see the dragon. In order to play such pieces as Lakya and Ba Toto, you must
take certain purification rites first. If you ask certain jelilu about the information on Ba
Toto, you might not get it, not because they want to be difficult, but because they assume
that you are not properly prepared for this information.
Q Is it common practice in jeli families, that a part of their knowledge is kept from the
public or the researcher?
A Even my father could not do certain kora-related things in my presence, and you ought
to know that I had to relax and wait. It is a question of the concept of purification, which
brings all elements within yourself into harmony. I am telling you the truth, the kora has
come from somewhere. You take a text and recite it, and it will have an effect. Each bead
of the rosary is comparable to a trembling thunder. Let’s assume you are a different
creature, and I would like to meet you, then I would have to pray: “Ya Margit, ya
Margit…” And then a voice will ask me: “What do you want”? And then one begins to
dream. Research is a dream. The profoundness of research is in the direct contact.
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SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION, QUESTIONS AND COMMENTS, 12/88.
Sweet Music, Orange Notebook III 88
Jankadi foli, lit. sweet music, is a music which creates an atmosphere of positive
disposition and optimism, as opposed to sumaya, meaning evocative, profound, and
charged with meaning.
The kora is not at home east and west of Kita. Now, there are some kora players in
Segou, but they came from the west.
The dan is a bowharp. Kalilou has heard Kulanjan on this instrument. Seykou Camara
played the dan.
Lambe means nobility, maturity and wisdom, and dignity. It also means noble social
conventions. An example of jelikan, lit., the voice of the jeli, meaning the jeli’s
proposition, is: kora be mogo lanbe lalo, the kora is the receptacle of dignity. Jelikan is
distinguished from the simple propositions of a jeli, or jeli kama gbansan.
Text for Bani according to Yonoussa Sissoko:
Wori be moo do fe lanbe t’i la
Sanu be moo do fe lanbe t’i la
Certain ones have silver, (but) they don’t have any charisma.
Others have gold, (but) don’t have any charisma.
The word lanbe is a socalled pregnant word, or kuma konoma, encompassing a whole
complex of cultural meaning and consequences. Here it is translated with charisma.
Lanbe also stands for dignity, honor, nobility, respect, maturity, and wisdom. A person
with lanbe has access to the secrets of the Manding world. Compare with text for
Tutuyara (Beya): Gi ta mogo sonaya, water doesn’t wash a person.
A sabeli means calm down.
The Soninke people are also called Sarakolle or Marka.
The Almoravide, from almurabitin (Arabia) are the people of the ribat, a religiously
oriented settlement of soldiers.
The word yelen is a musical context means to ascend (in pitch), and jigin means to
descend. Dan is the limit.
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Kumben, lit., is different from kumben, meaning cycle, interval, period, or cadence,
deriving from kum, head, and ben to meet.
Karotombo meaning to collect (for example, grains) is a technique a kora player uses
during a solo passage.
Jelidan: dunya ye baro ye
dunya te do-so ye,
The world is a distraction,
The world is not an eternal sojourn.
Jeli le be tu kono gundo folo lon, means
If the Manding wants God’s protection from Satan, he quotes the following Arabic
formula: A-uzhu billahi min shaytani rajimi, meaning, I seek God’s protection from
Satan, the reprobate (source?). If a Manding wants to give weight to his words, he quotes
the Koranic formula which introduces each Sura, and says: Basmillahi rahmani rahimi.
Kora ta kandiya means the sweetness of the kora’s voice. Can diya also be translated
with ‘beauty’?
Julu be kuma la, the strings speak, meaning the tension is right (after tuning).
Nyara means the master of the word. A Manding saying plays with the words nyara, and
nyana, hero, in the following manner:
Nyara le ye nyana togodiyala.
Meaning, the master of the word assures the honor of the hero.
Kalaben, the meeting of the bow, is the name for the great conference which
institutionalized the clans under Sunjata’s leadership (location?). According to Sidiki, the
first nine Manding men prior to this time had such names as:
Nyukukuku
Nyakakaka
Nyari Gbasa
Bolo Yonko
Sen Kelen Jon
Buu Bee Bo
Kolo Tugu Sembe
Fasatege Mansa
Kolokari Yaara Mari Konate
The names of the first four outstanding Manding women are:
Ti Seme
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Len Sene
Nkende Kudugbe
Sansan Karodo Daba
These families lived during the prehistoric period. The bula or B’la, i.e., the Camara,
Kante, Dumbya, Sissoko, Kamissoko, Bayogo, Sinayogo, and Danyogo already existed
during Sunjata’s time, but were not clearly delineated from each other. Bulamasa so
loolu, the five royal families whom one owes respect are:
Sumaoro was a musician, blacksmith, sorcerer, hunter, and a king. Sunjata was a
musician, (according to Amara he played the simbin), master of the word, sorcereror,
hunter, and a king.
The kora provides pleasure to the heart, kora nisondiya. The kora exalts the soul, kora ni
sewa (S).
Jeli le be mogulu te ben, the jeli is the mediator between the people.
According to Sidiki, the kora represents bee benkan, the voice of the social consensus.
Speaking about the guitar, Sidiki said, the Manding installed it on their own social rules,
or regulations, k’a la sigi ton kan. Ton means a social association, or group. It is
interesting how Sidiki made the connection between musical and social rule. Just as any
ton has certain laws, i.e., personal codes of behavior, Sidiki compares the laws whish are
imbedded in the kora with social rules. Kalilou has not heard the word ton used in such a
context.
(Sidiki) The following pieces were originally played on the dan, and are called Soma
mori faama:
Konko Dangba
Fakoli Fasa or Kuruma Fasa
Kulanjan
Duga
Lasidan
Sunjata
In the Worodugu (land of the kola nut) area, several peoples live, such as the Mau and the
Koyara, along with the Manding.
Taama means to walk. Tombo means to play one by one. Bolomataamali lit., the march
of the hand, meaning a solo. Bolomatomboni or bolomatombo means. A solo can be of
various length, interspersed between several cycles of the kumben. It is called karotombo
(he takes his rotomoli, or rodemeli; rotegeli means improvisation, the fact of cutting.)
Whether it is long or short depends on the expertise of the player, of karamoko.
The bala originated in Nyagasola in the Siguiri area.
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One talks about jeli horon, meaning the blood of the horon. I ka di n ye iyo n jeli,
meaning, you please me like my own blood.
Kuma means to speak. Maana and baabu mean parlando. Kora la kuma means make the
kora speak.
Manding Philosophy in a Nutshell
(as expressed in Jelikan, I.E., Jeli Language According to Jeli Texts)
Text Sekou:
Lon saba le be mogo si kono
lon ffolo mogulu be a ke i ye
lon filanan i be a ke i deme ka a ke
lon sabanan mogulu be i deme ka a ke
There are three days in people’s life
On the first day people do it for you
On the second day you do it yourself
On the third day one helps you to do it.
Text from Beya:
Dunya ye tuma sabaye there are three moments in the world
Ye tuma time to see
Ke tuma time to make
Fo tuma time to speak
Another version:
Ben tuma time to hear
Ke tuma time to make
Fo tuma time to speak
Text from Sidiki about the threefold find:
N mamake ka n fa soro
N fa ka ne soro
Ne fana ka n ta soro
O le ye soro di.
My grandfather found my father,
My father found me
And I have found my part
That is the find.
This text is attributed to Sunjata:
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Lo fen bee koto I la – all that is up will be down one day.
Longolon tolo be taa karanso – everyday, the ear goes to school.
Text (Beya): Kunu tam bana
An be bi kono
Sini be ala bolo
Jon ma lon Ala be menke sinin
Yesterday is gone
We are today
Tomorrow is in the hands of God
One doesn’t know what God will do tomorrow.
Text Sidiki:
jon ta ye natata di
Ala le ye lategemansa di
Man proposes
God disposes.
Jelikan, but also attributed to Sunjata:
Lofen lofen labali te, whatever is up will go down.
Saya te jon tola, death doesn’t spare a single creature.
A complete person, mogo dafalen has mental energy, galabu, and physical energy,
tarabasu.
According to Sekou bolosoron is another name for konkonli.
Baraka is a divine blessing which brings luck.
Playing in a Hotel, Orange Notebook II
Thoughts about Sidiki’s playing in a hotel situation: the feedback is missing, because
usually the jeli establishes a rapport with every single audience member. His program is
not fixed in advance but depends on who is present.
Sekou listed the following nyamakala subgroups:
Jeli
Numu
Garanke
Caparuca
Fina
Gawulo
carpenters, wood workers
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Sekou traced the word konkonli to mankonkonli. Masilan means to frighten. Masilando
means dangerous thing.
A Manding proverb says:
Ala kana jeli to gintan na
Gintan dun te fo jeli ko
May God prevent that the jeli perishes in a fight
(dangerous manifestation)
However, there is no fight without the jeli.
Compare with (Amara): Koringolu taat koro boyi kora la, the Koring spread destruction
with the kora.
Another Manding proverb says:
Nye jigi-ntan te sunogo
Eyes without a jigi (sponsor, who provides hope) don’t sleep. Fanta Damba used
the following text:
Man kene man kene man kene
Jigi te maa min na o man kene
Is sick, is sick, is sick,
A person without a sponsor is sick.
Tuning, Orange Notebook I
When a jeli says kora la kuma, the kora has the word, he means the tension of the kora is
correct, i.e., the instrument is in tune and can “speak”.
A person is nothing but water, earth, fire and air.
Sekou talked about the three different voices (registers) of the jembe which are also
found on the kora and guitar:
(1) The big, serious bass voice which is the support of the other, i.e., kanba.
(2) The middle voice which brings beauty, diya, pleasure, sweetness and positive
sentiments, and
(3) The little voice which makes you cry, kassi.
P.9 ala julu be kumala, kuma koro kolo (S. spoke about Beya).
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Sanda means proverb.
P. 12 Hali bi bi Sunjata ye keyala
Sunjata t’I borira, togo
Saa ka fusa malo di, togo.
Until now, Sunjata is a man
Sunjata never flees
Death is better than shame.
P. 16 Manden na sigi kelen kan
Finally, the Manding agree on something.
P. 17 Senekae olu ka senekae
Djagokae onu ka djagokae
Menumnae kelekae olo ka kelekae.
Manden ye tengetangana le
Manden tefidi bada bada.
P. 18 Sunjata: “Honor the jelilu, and among them first of all the Kouyate”. Add
translation.
Sunjata: Ali ye ali yere korosi kokuralu la, ka bo loron fe,
P. 22 K’a diya nni yere ye (translation)
To increase the feeling (which language?)
P. 23 kanna wara fen, i.e., kan, voice, wara, to amplify, and fen, the thing, meaning the
thing which amplifies the voice (kessekesseni).
Translation for cow (hide). The hide is soaked in the ashes of tabac, bandan, kapok, and
poro.
P. 25 The name of the iron ring is kune, kun meaning iron, and ne meaning ring. MCS
isn’t it called kunnege, from kun head, negge, iron?
P. 27 Miat is one of the names of the Prophet.
Amara takes his rotomali up, descends etc. karotaombo means solo. Rodeme means
accompaniment (see p. 75 notebook). The word for pause is ka kora muru, and that is
what I do. (Kalilou, I don’t think this is correct). Amara does kora woro, or playing
continuously. I also block, or budone. Muru is to go around, making detours. Woro is to
peel. Jeli mussi means good feeling (jeli is blood). Good playing depends on the feeling,
which is ni, also translated as soul.
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P. 28 Yeresira labo lit. means proving that one is within the timeframe (ka konkon). The
kora konkon insures that the cadence, or kurusigi, lit., to make knoks (?).
Bolotaama or bolotamataama.
P. 35 The 5 Bula clans are: Dumbya, Sissoko, Kamara, Kamissoko, and Kuruma.
(Bagayogo is another name for Kuruma)
P. 43 Ke tuma, fo tuma, nbe tuma, bi man dunya da, bi te dunya banna, or
Time to make, time to speak, time to be, the world dates not from today, the world
will not end soon.
P. 65 I mana ko koke k’ake
N’a ma diya i la
i y’I jigi ke ala di
sebe ka bali kana fusa i di.
Watever you do, you shall do
But you may fail
But if you don’t hold on to hope,
The one who has done nothing is superior to you. (Is this a proverb, or sanda, or
jelikan?
First Manding Musician, (ABJ 87)
P. 13 donson fule is the same as simbon, the hunter’s flute.
P. 21 The first Manding musician is Sumaoro, also called Soso kemogoden Sumaoro, or
Soso Bali Sumaoro, lit.
Jeli te malo
Nka a ten be wosi.
The jeli isn’t ashamed,
But his forhead perspires.
The Fakoli Fassa is also called Kuruma Fasa. It evokes Niani Massa Kamara and his
ancestor Tubi Lawali Kamara (what kind of person was the latter, besides the first
converted one?).
Denjulu is another name for dugumaden, or dugumajulu, the small notes (name for note
or sound?).
The birth of Manding castes (text and actual institution of the clans are attributed to
Sunjata):
174
Ton-ta-jon tan ni wooro
Mori kanda loolu
Jelifen ce seegin
A ni mogofemogo mugan-ni-naani.
Sixteen clans of bow carriers
Five clans of blessed marabouts
Eight clans of jeli
And twenty four clans of vassals.
Which are the 8 jeli clans?
Hasan ibn Thabit was the official poet of the Prophet. Jelilu confuse him with Suragata
ibn Malik, who announced the arrival of the Prophet by singing his praise.
Jeli mussi means
Budone means to block.
(playing with feeling?).
Text for Nana Muru:
If you don’t know how to speak
You msut give the word to the jeli
If you don’t know how to handle a knife
Text of Jamana Benta:
Suo si kolo i ma
If you don’t make any effort
The night will envelop you.
Text: Jeliya man diya
Jeliya buka ban.
Jeliya (the trade of the jeli) is not easy
Jeliya has no end.
Janjon means flag.
Nyama nyam nyama
Fen bee ye dogula nyama le koro
Nyama te dogula fen kora
Sunjata t’I borira, togo
Saa ka fusa malo ye, togo.
Trash, trash, trash,
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Everything is hidden under trash
Trash doesn’t hide itself under anything,
Sunjata never flees, honor!
Rather death than shame, honor!
Dankunba
Ko ye dogula dankun na
Dankun dokolon te
Big intersection of trash
Things are hidden at the intersection
The intersection is not empty.
Kora ke or sacred, kora, is the instrument of somebody who is deceased.
Sidiki considers himself as a Maninkamori, the educated people from the Kankan,
Siguiri, Faranah area. The class of the horon consists of ton-ta jon, or Nyamakala, and
jon, or woloso,
A ritual opening formula:
Solu you
Iyee solo yo
Sama donna nyotu la
Y’a mina
Y’a faga
Kele.
The call of the horses
Yee, oh the horses!
The elephant entered the millet field
You took him
You killed him
War!
The jinns are subangelic spirits of Mohammedan mythology, appearing in human or
animal form, capable of influencing people for good or bad.
The jeli is the pillar of national heritage. He is the vehicle of cultural manifestation, who
creates from an immense reservoir of historical links. The cultural wellbeing of the
Manding is not possible without the jeli. One of his many roles is to maintain the class
structure and the social equilibrium. The nyama is a mystical power, which the jeli
embodies. He and other members of the nyamakala group are best equipped to ritually
manipulate the nyama. (Difference between the jeli and other nyamakala members?) The
jeli is acting like an actor is a happening , who is capable, according to different
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circumstances, to give various renditions and interpretations, of certain scenes of his
stock-story.
The jeli signals good luck because the heroes he represents were always endowed with a
vast amount of luck.
M.M Diabate, L’Assemblee des Jinns:
A Moslem prays five times a day: Fajiri (
) is the prayer between 5 and 6 o’clock in
the morning. Salifana (
), between 2 and 3 pm. Lagansara ( ), between 4 and 5pm.
Fitiri ( ), the prayer at dawn. When is the 5th prayer?
The madyla are jelilu whose origin is not certain. Therefore, they are looked down upon.
A meeting of jelilu is as dangerous as a confrontation with jinns. It is reserved for the
great initiated persons.
Horonya is governed by rivalry. (MCS So is jeliya. And joniya? See M.M.D. a slave is
always a demoted horon).
Jahanam means ‘hell’. Janatu means ‘paradise’.
Sandia is a dance, celebrating those who harvest the fields.
Forgetting is the most beautiful gift God gave us, because otherwise, we would be
ruminants only.
Rassoul, Al Nabi, lit., are other names for the Prophet.
Savoir faire parler le sable.
Sacrifices. Purification bath.
Your music is poor. It doesn’t address the heart nor the mind, it doesn’t make one dream.
Subahanallai, La haola warakoutati illa bilai al alihou lal a jimou, closing formula after
the rosary prayer.
Faro, the water spirit, master of the verb, and reorganizer of the world is androgynous.
She manifests itself in the rain, rainbow, thunder, and lightening. She is born from the
saliva of the Creator. Faro represents the word of Ngala and is its visible counterpart.
Ouzi bilahi min a shaitan al rajim
I want to stay away form the devil.
177
Surah 3: Allah! There is no God save Him, the Alive, the Eternal. (Allah! La illalahu
allahi al kayum.
Sunjata lost the battle at the Sankarani River against the Fulbe. He disregarded an old
pact which secured collaboration between the Massarin and the Fulbe. It is said that
Sunjata, his wife and army threw themselves into the Sankarani where they petrified.
Soon after, a hippopotamus appeared at the same location, calling out that the emperor
transformed himself into a hippopotamus to avoid falling into the hands of his enemies.
(Mamby Sidibe, Bamako 1937, in Notes Africaines, April 1959).
Remarks
Silence as construct of the world (Zahan):
Ni kuma ye dugu dyo
Dade na dye dyo.
If the word constructs the village,
Silence constructs the world.
Meaning of silence in music?
Kuma baliy le nyogo n te
The less one speaks, the better.
After a sacrifice (at the end of the construction of the kora), the kora is like a jo, fetish.
The jeli is the blacksmith of the word. (Is this said actually?). The word is considered to
be the most profound force. The smith, because of knowledge of forging iron is regarded
with the highest respect.
Kuma duma are the appeasing, sweet words. The Manding ideally sees life as sweet,
calm, comforting, and full of hope.
Y.T.C.: A lesson which serves as introduction to Bambara and Manding cosmogony:
Ko ti ke ko ko
Ko ti ke ku taa la
Ni ko ma ke ko ti ke.
A thing isn’t done without another thing (first)
A thing isn’t done without reason
If one thing isn’t done, another thing won’t be done.
Sunjata’s organization of clans:
178
Ton-ta-jon tan ni wooro
Mori kanda loolu
Jelifen ce seegun
Ani mogofemogo mugan ni naani (source?).
16 clans of bow carriers (knights)
5 clans of blessed marabouts
8 clans of jeli
24 clans of vassals (soldiers).
Jeli Amara Sissoko: In former times, a jeli had a jeli. Pieces, such as Allalake, Mansana
Cisse, and Caddo are sad pieces. The kora came from Koring. Even today, there are
Koring. They are the Sanyang the Sanyang Koring. Tramaghan left Manding after he
killed the Wolof king and continued to live in Gambia. He married a woman who was a
devil and had four children, whose names are Mane, Sane, Sonko, and Sanya. Since that
time one played the kora. Kora means to assemble everybody, also the enemies. Koring
bato, or the calabash of the Koring became Kora bato, or the calabash of the koring
became Kora bato. A kora player needs to have respect and a good character.
Kora strings have also the following functions:
To remind (recall) – the first 7 strings
To incite – the next 7 strings
To surpass – the last 7 strings.
Kalilou and MCS: In Arabic kora means ‘circle’, in Maninkakan kara. Bato, derived
from the Arabic abud, to adore. Kora bato can mean ‘come form a circle and adore me’.
It is customary to form a circle around the kora when it speaks like a preacher.
Another possible etymology is: kora derives from korita, ‘the circle is made, which
became korira, and then kora.
Jeli Yonoussa Sissoko: The kora strings represent a family secret consisting of 4 bass
strings and 3 dignified, serious strings. The bass strings are the first 4 strings on the left,
played left, played by starting with the lowest. The 3 dignified strings are the three last
strings on the right, played by starting with the highest. (MCS Compare with the idea of
antecedent-consequence.)
The most important task is to let the soul (strings) breath, or nijio. You have to represent
the value of each note, not commercially, but spiritually.
There is a lotion which is full of traces of ancestors, mixed with sand. After a bath in the
morning, you have to wash your face and hands three times with it. Then you play.
RFD, Box 60,
Newport, Maine 04953
179
Le 28 avril 1988
Mr. Pathé Diagne
Commissaire Général
Festival Panafricain des Arts et Cultures
B.P. 11005
Dakar, Sénégal
Cher Monsieur:
Comment allez vous? Lors de notre entrevue le 13 avril dans votre bureau à Dakar, je
vous ai fait ecouter une cassette de L’Ensemble Manding qui est le resultat d’une
collaboration qui se poursuit depuis 1980. A la suite de cette écoute vous m’avez
demandé de vous envoyer un dossier avec nos idées concernant notre participation au
FESPAC. J’y responds avec plaisir, car je pense que nous avons des choses
exceptionnelles et très intéressantes a proposer a l’occasion du fespac, et ceci dans
plusieurs domain:
1. Sur le plan de la musique Mandingue purement traditionnelle, nous pouvons donner
des concerts en jouant soit un repertoire assez connu, soit moins connu selon votre choix.
L’Ensemble Manding sait interpreter des morceaux Tilibo, ceux de l’Ouest et du Mali. A
cause de la participation de moi-meme, musicienne de formation classique du Mozarteum
à Salzburg en Autriche, avant mon initiation à la kora par Jeli Sidiki Yayo depuis 1980 et
Jeli Beya Sissoko depuis 1984, nous représentons une synthèse audio-visuelle de
l’Afrique et de l’Europe.
2. Sur le plan de la musique inspirée par la tradition musicale Mandingue, nous
pouvons presenter des morceaux qui s’appuyent sur certains elements des
chansons Mandingues tres classiques en utilisant des instruments d’origine
mandingue en juxtaposition à des instruments d’origine non-Mandingue, c’est à
dire la guitarre et le piano en concert avec la kora, le bala, le jembe et la voix. Le
nouveau style représente une synthese de l’Afrique et de l’Occident.
3. Sur le plan de la philosophie de la musique Mandingue, je peux faire des exposés
sur les themes suivants (et d’autres): “La kora, symbol de la culture Mandingue”,
“La conception de la musicque Mandingue et ses aspects ésthétiques”, “Les
valeurs de la musique mandingue”, et “Jeliya –les jelilu parlent”. Les exposés sont
le resultat d’un projet que j’ai commence en 1984 et qui se poursuit encore, base
sur des interviews avec Jeli Sidiki Yayo, Jeli Beya Sissoko, Jeli Sekou Camara,
d’autres jelilu et Dr. Kalilou Tera, qui a pour but d’analyser et valoriser la beauté,
la richesse la force de la musique mandingue evidantes pour chacun qui sait
l’ecouter sans tenir compte de son proper heritage musicale. Les exposés
soulignent également la place nonmarginale que tient la musique Mandingue
parmis les musiques du monde.
4. En ce qui concerne le context culturel dans lequel s’insère la musique Mandingue,
à savoir la tradition orale, que ce soit sur le plan linguistique, religieux, ethno180
social, idéologique, politique ou artistique, notre collègue Dr. Tera peut donner
des explications specifiques grace à sa collaboration trés étroite avec l’Ensemble
Manding et d’autres musiciens.
5. Notre collaborateur Jeli Sekou Camara qui possède de multiples talents et
connaissances peut faire des demonstrations de la danse Mandingue et de la danse
de l’Afrique de l’Ouest. Jeli Sekou Camara vient d’arriver a Abidjan de retour
d’un stage de 6 mois qu’il a effectué au Canada, en faisant connaitre aux étudiants
la musique et la danse Mandingue et Ouest Africaine.
6. Jeli Sekou Camara comme musicien, danseur, et choréographe a une presence
charismatique sur scène. Il peut donner des spectacles, soit a lui seul ou de
preference avec sa troupe de 4 danseuses et trios danseurs/batteurs. L’Ensemble
Manding peut interpreter les parties mélodiques, c’est a dire agir comme
accompagnement pendants les spectacles.
Vous voyez que nous sommes un kumben, une équippe de professionnels sérieux bien
rodée qui peut mettre en lumière les aspects multiples qui font la beauté des traditions
artistiques du Manding. Voici les noms et les specialties des participants de
l’Ensemble Manding:
Jeli Sidiki Yayo
Jeli Beya Sissoko
Jeli Moricere Djabate
Jeli Sekou Camara
Dr. Kalilou Tera
Margit C. Smith, M.A.
kora
kora
bala
voix, jembe, danse et choreographie, et
guitarre
professeur
kora et exposante
Pour votre information je vous joins les curriculum vitae de tous les participants aufcelui
de Jeli Moricere Djabate. Moricere Djabate est né à Conakry en 1960 et joue le bala
professionellement à Abidjan. Il a fait plusieurs tournees en Europe et a joué le bala
dans le film Jeli.
Je serais heureuse si vous choisissiez notre ensemble pour demontrer certains aspects de
la musique et la danse Mandingue pendant le FESPAC. Soyez sûr de notre disponibilité
et de la qualification toute particulière chaque membre de l’Ensemble Manding peut
offrir au FESPAC.
J’attends votre réponse avec impatience. Comme je suis installé aux Etats Unis
maintenant, ou le courier de l’Afrique est lent a venir, veuillez correspondre
simultanément avec moi et Dr. Tera s’il vous plait. Tous les musicians peuvent être
contactés par l’intermediaire de Dr. Tera. Voici son adresse et numéro de telephone.
Dr. Kalilou Tera
I.L.A. Université
181
08 BP 887
Abidjan 08
Côte d’Ivoire
Téléphone:
domicile 44 04 09
bureau 43 90 00 poste 3273
Bonne chance pour vos preparations du FESPAC, et salutations,
Margit C. Smith
Cc
Kalilou Tera
Letter to Dr. Philip Ravenhill
RFD 3, Box 60
Newport, Maine 04953
January 23, 1988
Dr. Philip Ravenhill, Chief Curator
National Museum of African Art
950 Independence Ave., SW
Washington, DC 20560
Dear Phil:
I prepared the enclosed theme especially for the 1989 Trienniel of African Art. You can
see from my abstract that I am prepared to give a longer paper containing results of new
research which might be of interest to the participants. I hope my contribution can be
considered during one of the plenary sessions. In any case, rather than showing slides, I
plan to demonstrate certain points with the kora.
My research on Manding sensibilities and aesthetics as expressed by the kora is based on:
(1) 8 years of jeli apprenticeship as a kora player, (2) 250 pages of interviews with more
than 10 outstanding jelilu from Guinea, Senegal, Gambia, and Mali, and (3) collaboration
with Kalilou Tera, a scholar of Manding culture. I am sorry the deadline has passed but I
have just returned from a research trip in Bamako and Abidjan.
I hope that ACASA plans are proceeding smoothly. Many warm greetings from ice cold
Maine.
Sincerely yours,
Margit C. Smith
Abstract of proposed paper to be given during the 1989 Trienniel of African Art with the
following theme:
182
The Manding Kora: Its Overt and Covert Symbolism as a Musical Instrument and Art
Object of the “Nyamakalaw”
Introduction
The kora, over several centuries, has grown to embody the precepts of Manding life and
philosophy. The physical presence of a kora which is the monopoly of the “jeli”, is a
prerequisite for celebrations of all seminal events in the Manding world. The kora is an
example of the fine form which is shared among makers of Manding sculpture, music,
and dance.
Symbolism of the physical properties of the kora:
1. Materials in construction of the instrument.
2. Shape and formal elements. The balanced harmony between round and
straight, left and right, upper and lower, front and back, and covered and open
parts.
3. Strings and the bridge.
The Kora as symbol of spiritual properties:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
“Baraka”, mental force.
“Nyama”, vital force, dynamic energy, and occult power.
“Lanbe”, honor, respect, balance, and dignity.
“Hakilimaya”, intelligence.
“Diya”, sweetness.
The sphere, significance, and meaning of kora music:
1. The power of the word and the instrument.
2. Elements of kora composition: “Ninyinkali”, prelude, “kumben”,
accompaniment, and “bolomataama”, solo.
Conclusion
The kora is an icon of the intellectual and expressive vitality of Manding art. Due to its
physical and spiritual constructs and its visual and aural impact, the kora is a metaphor of
the Manding soul par excellence. In the hands of a “jeli”, the kora is a catalytic agent of
Manding society and is a potent and unique artistic symbol of Manding culture.
Margit C. Smith
M.A., Performing Arts
1/23/89
183
BIOGRAPHICAL DATA
Curriculum Vitae of Jeli Sekou Camara, Cobra of Manding
1949
1960
1960
1964
1966
1967
1967-68
1968
1969
1971
1973
1979
1978
1980
1981
1981-83
1983
1983-86
1986
1987
born in Siguiri, Guinea
recruitment into Comite de Base, Siguiri
member of the Troupe Nationale, Siguiri
Ballet National Djoliba of Guinea as jembe player and dancer
Training in acrobatics in Peking and Shanghai, China (6 months)
La Mere, Ballet National Djoliba
Tour: East Germany, England, Austria, Belgium, Switzerland,
Danemark, and Italy
Ballet National Djoliba, Conakry
Pan African Festival (FESTAC), Algiers, Algeria
Tour: Russia, Japan (3 months), Singapore, Austrailia, and USA (8
months) as dancer, singer, and jembe player with the Ballet National
Djoliba
Pan Africain Festival, (FESTAC), Lagos, Nigeria
Tour: Ivory Coast
Tour: Conakry, Europe, Yougoslavia, Rumania, Greece, and Holland
Departure from Ballet National Djoliba, Conakry
Artistic Director (choreography, production, rhythm and dance
patterns with Koteba, Souleyman Koli, Abidjan (4 months)
Artistic Director (choreography, training of dancers and musicians)
with CLAN, Contes et Legendes de l’Afrique Noire, Mamadou Conde,
Abidjan (30 dancers and musicians) L’enfant Predit
Director of Manding Ensemble (with Beya Sissoko), contract at
Mandingo, Abidjan collaboration with Mori Kante;
Founder and Director of Ballet Maningo (20 dancers and musicians);
Production of two ballets: “Sunjata, the first step of the lion” and
“Kolako Orpheline”.
Collaboration with Souleyman Koly. Tour France (3 months)
Artistic Director, teacher training and lecture demonstration of African
music and dance with Djeme Kan, Montreal, Canada (6 months).
184
Curriculum Vitae of Jeli Beya Sissoko
05 B.P 581
Abidjan 05
Ivory Coast
1953
Born in Basse, The Gambia.
1960-66
Kora studies with my maternal uncle, jeli Bamba Suso.
At the same time I was involved with Koranic Studies.
1966-69
Kora studies in Dakar, Senegal, with my paternal uncle, jeli Digiba
Sissoko, who is Kora soloist with the Ensemble Instrumental of Dakar.
Additional studies with jeli Buli Sissoko, jeli Surata Sissoko, and djeli
Bana Konate.
1970-76
Studies with my father, jeli Surakata Suso (Kora), who is the director
of the National Ensemble Hardin in basse, The Gambia.
1976-82
Kora player in the National ensemble Hardin; various tours throughout
the Gambia
1982
Three months of work in Lagos, Nigeria, where I plyed the amplified
Kora with a modern orchestra in restaurants and clubs.
1983-85
Ensemble with jeli Sekou Camara (drums, voice, guitarre, dance) in
Abidjan.
1984-1987
Kora duo with jeli Sidiki Yayo at the Golf Hotel in Abidjan. I feel
privileged to have had the chance to collaborate with this outstanding
master of the Kora, who has shared his wisdom about Manding music
culture so generously with me.
Performance Style: Because of my studies and collaboration with musicians from various
geographical areas, I feel comfortable with several different Kora
styles. My repertoire includes the classical Manding pieces, e.g. the
Tilibo repertoire of Guinea and the Tomora repertoire of the Gambia,
Senegal, and Guinea Bissau. I also play Wolof and Sosso pieces in
addition to modern pieces from West Africa and my own
compositions.
185
Brief Biography of Jeli Sidiki Yayo
Sidiki Yayo
Golf Hotel Intercontinental
08 B.P. 18
Abidjan
Cote d’Ivoire
Jeli Sidiki Yayo1 is a master of the kora, a West African 21-string bridge harp. He was
born in 1933 in Faranah, Guinea, into a Manding family of professional musicians. His
father, Jeli Dembajan Yayo, who still lives in Faranah, is the chief of all nyamakala2 of
Sankaran, the area around Kakan and Faranah, and is a famous kondin messe3 player. He
also plays the kora but only twice a year during the Moslem celebrations Id al kabir and
Id al fitr. His mother was a proessional singer/dancer and a karinya 4 player by the name
of Hai batoulai Toure. She was born in Labe in the Fouta Djallon area. Sidiki Yayo
belongs to the Kone clan, which in the nyamakala version becomes Yayo. In his earliest
childhood, Sidiki accompanied his father, Jeli Dembajan Yayou, to concert appointments
sitting in front of him on a horse which Jeli Dembajan had received as a present for his
artistic talents from a devoted chief. In one of the saddle pockets hanging on each side of
the horse was the father’s kondin messe, in the other a child-size kora to be played by the
young boy, Sidiki. These outings inspired Sidiki to follow in his father’s footsteps to
become a professional musician.
When Sidiki was six years old, he started to learn the kora, first from his father and then
from his uncle, as is common in Manding music tradition. This training was extremely
ardouous. If he could not reproduce a certain pattern after a few days, he was punished.
Occasionally he had to go to bed without supper. He made his first kora when he was 10
years old. Today he fabricates excellent koras with a well balanced sound spectrum
which are very much in demand amoung professional kora players. When Sidiki was
fourteen years old, he studied for one year with Batourou Sekou Kouyate, whom he
considers his first teacher outside his family. By age fifteen, he was sent alone to play at
ceremonies without a master.
In 1951, Sidiki was invited to join the Ensemble Instrumental, Conakry, as a kora player,
and thus also played officially at Radio Conakry. He toured the world many times during
more than twenty years performing in France, England, Germany, Russia, the United
States, Canada, Mexico, Panama, North Vietnam, Cuba, and African countries. During
1970-75, Jeli Sidiki Yayo, Jeli Sory Kandia Kouyate, Jeli Sidiki Djabate, and Jeli Madi
Cissoko formed a private kora ensemble and performed in Europe and the United States.
1
Jeli is the hereditary Manding title for a professional musician. In West Aftica, a jeli is popularly called a
griot.
2
Nyamakala is one of the three goups of Manding society: (1) horo, noblemen; (2) nyamakala, people who
handle the nyama, meaning vital force, belonging to an endogamous cast, such as smiths, leather workers,
wood workers, and musicians; and (3) jo, slaves.
3
Kondin messe is a small Manding lute with five to seven strings.
4
Karinya, a percussion instrument, is a small iron tube which is struck with an iron mallet to punctuate the
time sequences, thus making audible the rhythmic structure of the music.
186
Wince 1978, Sidiki has lived in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire and plays weekly at the Golf
Hotel Intercontinental. In 1983, he performed at the World Festival of Music in
Edinburgh, Scotland. Among his numerous students, several are recognized for their
excellence including: Mamary Sako and Kalissa Fode, both kora players in the Ensemble
Instrumental, Conakry; Maline Konte, presently playing in Paris, and recently, Beya
Cissoko in Abidjan.
Sidiki’s artistry has been influenced mostly by his homonym, Sidiki Djabate, who was
his master, styalistically and technically. Al Hadj Batourou Sekou Kouyate and Jeli Madi
Cissoko were lesser influences. Sidiki performs the classical Manding kora repertoire in
the traditional Maninka kora style, which is distinguished from the Gambian Mandinka
dora style by: (1) a different repertoire, which highlights the pieces originally played on
the soron, the Guinean 17 string bridge harp which preceeded the kora; (2) a very dense
texture playing multiple voices simultaneously over a set ostinato, demanding great
virtuosity and structural awareness; (3) a rich and versatile ornamentation technique; (4) a
longer nininkali, an prelude in a free meter preceeding each piece; and (5) great dynamic
and rhythmic contrasts within one piece.
Jeli Sidiki Yayo is an astonishingly versatile musician who also plays the bala and the
guitar. He excels in the verbal epic art form as well, celebrating the great past of the
Manding people, which he sings or recites in a parlando style while accompanying
himself on the kora. Through his solo prerformance, Sidiki highlights the rhythmicmelodic-poetic and social-cultural complexities of the Manding music tradition,
demonstrating that he is a great master.
Margit C. Smith
November 1985
Nairobi
187
Curriculum Vitae. Tera Kalilou
Nom: Tera
Prenom: Kalilou
Adresse: I.L.A. Universite, 08 BP 887 Abidjan 08
Date et lieu de naissance: 24 Octobre 1946 à san (Republique du Mali)
Nationalite: Malienne
Etat-Civil: Marié 4 enfants
Profession de L’Epouse: Secretaire de Direction.
Formation
I
Ecoles
Diplomes
1954-1961
Ecole Primaire de san
C.E.P.E. Juin 1961
1961-1965
Cours Normal de Dire (Mali)
D.E.F. Juin 1966
1965-1968
Ecole Normale Secondaire De
Bamako (Mali)
En Sec Septembre 1968
Ecole Normale Superieure de
Bamako (Mali)
En Sup (equivalent à une maitreise).
Juin 1974
1975-1979
Doctorate 3è cycle de Linguistique
December 1979
II
Centre Pedagougigue Seperieur
De Bamako (Mali)
Stages et Seminaires
-
Année Universitaire 1977-1978- Formation en Linguistique à INDIANA
University, Bloomington – Indiana, U.S.A.
Novembre 1979 – Stage de Formation en Linguistique africaine à Bamako avec le
Professeur Houis Maurice
Participation à plusieur seminaries, Collegues et Conférences de L’UNESCO et
de l’ACCT, notamment tous ceux organizes par l’ACCT ces cinq dernières
années dans le cadre du programme de Coopération.
188
Experience Professional
1967-1970 – Professeur de Français à l’école Fondamentale de Mopti (equivalent du
Collège de 6è en 3è).
1973-1975 – Professeur de Français et de Bambara (en heures supplementaires) au
Corps de la Paix Américane.
1974-1975 – Animation d’émission de literature (Arts et Lettres d’Afrique) à radioMali.
1974-1975 – Professeur de littérature au Lycée de Badala (Bamako).
1975-1976 – Chef de la Section Expérimentation de nouvelles methods d’enseignement
du Français comme langue Seconde à l’I.P.N. (Institut Pédagogique
National de Bamako
1976-1977 - Professeur de Littérature négro-africaine et de stylistique à l’école
Normale Supérieure de Bamako.
1977-1978 - Consusltatnt à INDIANA UNIVERSTIY pour l’élaboration d’un
dictionnaire Manding – Français – anglais, publié par M.C.S. BIRD à I.U.
Press Bloomington.
1979-1978 - Chercheur en Linguistique appliqué à la DNAFLA, (Direction Nationale
de l’Alphabétisation Fonctionnelle et de la linguistique appliqué) comme
chef de la Section recherche linguistique.
Depuis Janvier 1982 – Chercheur à l’Institut de Linguistique Appliquée de l’Université
d’Abidjan.
Depuis Décembre 1984 – Chef de la Section Description des langues au sein de l’Institut
de Linguistique Appliquée.
Travaux et Publications
I. 1974 -
2. 1976 3. 1979 4. 1979 5. 1982 6. 1982 7. 1982 8. 1983 9. 1983
KORE Dugakoro, épopée bambara d’aprés Jeli Baba Sissoko,
transcription, traduction et commentaries; mémoire de l’EN SUP sur
Ronéo-Bamako, Mali
Daa Ka Kōrè kèlè : (récit épique en bambara). EDIM BAMAKO
Innovation lexicale en Bambara – these dè 3è cycle, sur Ronéo
Bamako, Mali; 150 P.
“Djigui, le Pélérin”, G Demestre – Recuil de literature manding. A
ACCT. Paris.
Dialectes mandingues du Mali, avec B. Diarra, DNAFLA/ACCT
Bamako 300 P.
Programmes et methods du Mape (Project mandingue-peul), avec B,
Diarra et Fary Ka – ACCT – Bamako 100 P.
Livrets d’éducation Sanitaire en jula – I. L. A. Abidjan.
Propositions pour l’enrichissement lexical du Jula. 97 P.
“Tendances phonologiques et syntaxiques dans le jula de Côte
d’Ivoire”. In C. BRACONNIER, J. MAIRE, K. TERA; Etudes sūr lē
manding de Côte d’Ivoire – I.L.A/A.O.C.T. Abidjan. PP.
189
10. 1983 -
11. 1985
12.
“Section Morphologie”, in N. HALLAOUI, K. TERA, M. TRABI.
Atlas des langues mandé-Sud de Côte d’Ivoire. – I.L.A/A.O.C.T.
Abidjan.
“Structures traditionnelles et réamenagement du vocabulaire dans un
contexte d’acculturation: le cas du bambara” – in cashiers Ivoiriens de
Recherche Linguistique N° 15, Abidjan (sous presse)
“Perception de la santé et des maladies chez les bambara du Mali et
leur application en milieu acculturé dioula de Côte d’Ivoire” in
cashiers Ivoiriens de Recherche Linguistique N° 16, (A paraitre)
Sujets de Recherche Actuels
1. Esquisse du Palaka et du Tafiré, deux parlers Senoufo, dans le cadre du programme
ESLI, de l’A.C.C.T.
2. Structures des termes de santé en mandingue et lexique de santé dans le cadre du
programme ESLI-ACCT.
3. Lexique de phylo-géographic diola, en collaboration avec l’Institut de Géographic
Tropicale de l’Université d’Abidjan (Programme ELSI-ACCT)
4. Lexique des termes de physique et mathematique, en collaboration avec l’Institut de
Recherche Mathematique (IRMA) et le Département physique de l’Université d’Abidjan
(Programme ELSI-ACCT)
5. Etude Socio-Linguistique en milieu rural multilingue: cas de Lopouly (S.P. de
Dabou).
Sujet de these d’Etat
Structures lexicales du manding et innovation dans les domains de la santé, des sciences
exactes et de l’administration.
Objectif
Il s’agit de voir dans ces trios domaine, commet est orgasé le vocabulaire traditionnel et
quells en sont les termes.
Ensuite il s’agit de voir les possibilities internes d’innovaiton et de réadaptation au
monde moderne à travers les concepts et leurs développements possibles, et à travers les
possibilities de formation de mots qu’offre la langue (sémantique, morphologie,
phonologie).
Application
Ce document portrait être la base d’une veritable fecundation des structures de panseé et
de conception traditionnelles (et les applications techniques dependantes) en vue de leur
integration dans le processas de development, ce qui assurerait en meme temps un apport
190
scientifique des civilizations africaines à l’universel, au lieu de la situation de
marginalization qu’elles connaissent actuellement.
Pratiquement
On devrait aboutir à des dictionnaires bilingues de santé, de Sciences et de termes de
l’administration utiles aussi bien pour leur intérêt ethnologique que pour en tirer des
informations scientifiques pratiques indispensables pour une action efficace sur les
populations concernées.
Hous comptons soutenir cette these e l’année 1986 sous la direction de M.D.
CREISSELS, Professeur de Linguistique de l’Université de Grenoble III.
Biography of Jeli Yonoussa Sissoko (July 1986)
Jeli Yonoussa Sissoko was born in 1957 in Kayes, Mali, into a prestigions family of
professional musicians, now residing in Casamance, a province of Senegal. His father,
Jeli Sherifo Sissoko, and his mother, Jelimuso Seminata Drame, initiated him from
earliest childhood into the Manding culture and arts through exhaustive training on the
kora.
From 1974 through 1977, Yonoussa Sissoko participated in numerous national music and
dance groups, both as an instrumentalist and as a dancer. From 1977-80, he was a
member of the Mali Ensemble Instrumental in Bamako, the foremost national musical
group.
From 1980 to the present, he was a performer and instructor of the kora and Manding
music and dance in Montreal, Canada, working at the Documentation and Research
Center in Montreal.
As a musician who has performed in Montreal, New York, Paris, and all over West
Africa, Mister Sissoko has a keen sense for timing and change within an artistic-social
environment. Stylistically, he is extremely versatile and performs different types of music
such as highlife, jazz, salsa, and popular, in addition to traditional West African music.
The kora and its repertoire, dating back to the 12th century, will be presented for the first
time at the Hilton Hotel in Nairobi during October and November 1986. This young
musician is looking forward to presenting the kora and its music to the Kenyan public in
a fraternal spirit bridging East and West Africa.
191
Note by Brigitta Mitchell:
Mande Music Recordings by Margit Cronmueller Smith (MCS) –
Proposed Annex to the Research Volume Entitled “the Mande Kora A West African System of Thought”.
July 31, 2011
Proofreading MCS’s research writings on Mande Kora music, it occurred
to me that we had acquired overtime a considerable number of cassette
recordings of her work with some of the best practitioners of this West
African tradition (recorded over some 20 years by Margit and by my
husband Roy Mitchell in the 1980s).
I located some 50-odd cassettes, some of which I recalled from recording
sessions I attended in Abidjan; others were sent to us by Margit for
comment and enjoyment. They include performances by most of the jelilu
cited in her research.
Each cassette had at least some description of content, players, place and
date of recording. The often fading notes in a mixture of English, French,
German, and Manding defied easy classification. It became clear that to be
accessible for outsiders transcription was necessary. Given the precarious
state of some of the cassette tapes, speedy digitization seemed paramount—
this would also facilitate identification and classification work.
I took advantage of my grandson Roy Brenc’s musical and computer
expertise to digitize the cassette recordings and store them on my laptop
computer—unedited and in random order, as various batches came to light.
But each digital recording of a cassette was given an ad-hoc identifying
number (e.g. R5 or G8 or L1).
Sides A & B of the cassettes are identified in the transcript as Track 1 and
Track 2 respectively. They can be part of one continuous session or
contain separate pieces. Each track may contain several songs or pieces.
They have not yet been separated out. The initial digitization is a WAV
recording. This has also been copied to MP3 format, which limits the
space, needed, but reduces the quality of the recordings.
In a next step, the written notes on each cassette were assembled in an
Index. The ad-hoc record numbers were used for the standardized
description, in English, of the cassette cover notes for each track. This
allowed matching the index information to the recordings. For example, if
you require annotations for any music track (e.g. ____R6, side B) it will be
identified in the Index as ____ R6 Track 2.
192
All music and note index information was backed up on a hard drive, this
was transmitted by Mr. Hadley Smith to Dr. Tom Abbott Dean of Libraries
and Distance Learning at the University of Maine’s, Music Department,
Augusta.
Proposed Classification of the MCS Mande Music File.
Having examined the initial version of the Index File, I concluded that the
best sequencing of the Index and the Audio tracks would be by the date of
recording as listed in the Index. This brings automatically together the
work with different groups of performers in different countries over more
than two decades and shows some of the musical and instrumental
development as well.
The Index labeled B5 takes a stab at this. First, it lists all tracks with
MCS’s recording by date. Recordings labeled Other Mande Music and
Other African Music are listed separately at the end. These were mostly
copied from hard to find records and used for training purposes or as
reference material on pieces only accessible through oral tradition.
Finally, some points about the varying character of the music found on the
different tracks of MCS recordings that may be helpful with further
classification of the tracks.
Many of the early recordings start with a demonstration
performance by the “teacher”, followed by repetition of difficult
parts of phrases by the “pupil”. Sometimes different pieces on the
track are separated by rounds of tuning the instruments, which are
not evident as such to the untrained ear. The main traditional
tunings are Saouta and Silaba (see the record R16), used for epic
praise songs or lighter music respectively. In later years MCS
developed a new tuning she called Modus (see Record E). This was
a work in progress.
Some tracks contain rehearsals for performances with some or all,
of the players involved.
Some tracks are recordings of concert performances.
Some tracks contain spontaneous pre- or post-concert playing-often excellent—others contain playing by different artists at
impromptu social gatherings.
Demo-tapes consist of excerpts chosen by MCS from different
performances. They were prepared to show potential concert
organizers a typical repertoire the group could perform.
Records L1-L6 are not Kora music but Balafon lessons by Sidiki
Yayo for Roy Mitchell which were cut short by our departure for
Washington.
193
Keep in mind:
These recordings are amateur field recordings—not commercial issue.
They were made with personal recording equipment (Sony/Nakamichi
portable recorders with small microphones) in different and difficult
locations.
Index of Written Notes on Each Cassette
 R13
Side A: 16 Jan. 1981, Abidjan, IBRD New Years Soiree
Group Ouali plays: Percussion
1. Dance of the young girls, Mediane Mali
2. Dance of the old women, Mediane Mali
Digba Diabate and Logo Felix play: Balofon and Tom tom
1. Guedon, of Malenke tribe
2. Kakilambe, Guinean Fire Dance
3. Guedon, of Doubouda Tribe
*Balafon and tom tom players are from Bete Tribe*
Side B, 28, April,1980, Abidjan, Margit’s House
Margit C. Smith plays: Flute and piano
Senifou?? Plays: Tom tom
1. Tom toms
2. Tom toms and flute
3. Tom tom and Piano
4. Tom toms flute and piano
 R1
Side A: 28,Dec,1981, Abidjan, Bala Demo
Sidiki Yayo plays: Balafon
1. Demonstrations of the Balafon
Side B: Dec,1981, Demo Continued/in-field recordings from Zouenoula village
1. Sidiki Bala Demonstration Contd.
Dance ‘Zamble’ From the Gouro tribe in Bouafle
 R5
Side A: 4,Apr,1981, Abidjan, Kora Jeli and Wife sing at Margit’s house
Sidiki Yayo plays: Kora
Djenneba (Sidikis wife): Vioce
194
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Djon Djon
Soundiata Kaeita
Tanamatele
Mariana (bueatiful)
Tubaka
Alla-Lake *very good but incomplete*
Side B: Camaroon Drumming (RCA 25 Record, Ocora RFF OCR 25)
 R14
Side A: 10,Jan,1982, Abidjan
½ Sekou Batoutou Koyate Plays: Kora
2/2 Sidki Yayo: Kora
Margit C.Smith: Piano
Anon: Balafon
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Mariana
Sundiata
Alla-lake
Toutou
Mali
Toutou
Sidiki Yayo and Margit
Side B: Mass of the poor,
Directed by Jose Bourgeois:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Offatorium
Sanctus
Communion
God is good
 R7
Side A: 14,May,1982, Abidjan, At Margits
Kalifa Camara: Balafon
1. Kalifa Plays five Manding Pieces
Side B:
Sidiki plays Yancadi 16,Feb,1983
 R6
Side A: 28,May1982, Abidjan, Mande Music at Margits
Sidiki Yayo : Kora
195
Margit C. Smith: Kora
Sekou Camara: Guitar
Djiba Koumah: Vocals, Percusion
1. Tara
2. AllaLake
Side B: Mustapha Tettey Addy, Tangent Records, London, TGD 113
1. Nadana
2. Dagomba
3. Ewe Atsimiva
4. Ga Master Drum
5. Ashanti Entumpani
6. Fante Osade Drum
7. Ga Gongs
8. Kapeno Drums and song
9. Gome Drum and song
10. Oo/ya
 R2
Side A: 28,May,1982, Abidjan, Mande Music At Margits
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Sekou Camara: Guitar
Djiba Koumah: Vioce
1.
2.
3.
4.
Kambere Saramong
Mariana
Tara
Dgembassa
Side B: 1981,
Sekou Camra: Guitar and Vioce
Djeniba :Voice
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Avec Ballet (Singbing Accomp.)
Guinean
Dangni
Kambere
Saramong
 R3
Side A: 31,May,1982, Abidjan, Last Rehearsal at Margits
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Sekou Camara: Vioce, Guitar
196
Margit C. Smith: Piano
1.
2.
3.
4.
Kambere Saramong
Mariana
Tara
Dgembassa
Side B: 31,May,1982, Abidjan, Last Rehearsal and Sekou Ballet
Sidiki Yayo:Kora
Sekou Camara: Guitar, Vioce
Margit C. Smith: Piano
1. Last Rehearsal Contd.
2. Sekous Ballet
 C.
Side A: May,1984, Dakar, Senegal, Mande Music by Lamine Konte, Arion
Record
Artists: Lamine Konte Plays Kora and is band leader
Palon: Solo
Kareiba: Balafon
Koulanch (of hunters)
Track : N Jata
Track: Ala Feya
Side B: 1984, Lelo Keba Drame, Dakar, Senegal (N DARDOSK Record)
Mansan e Crisse
Koulouba: Kora
Bantamba Kouyate
Moriba Drame
Hamaba
Kirameka
Bakery Ba
Famera
Kelifa
Guilang
*Song names or Artists names, not clear*
 1.
Sides A+B: 14,Jun,1985, Kora Duos
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora
 2.
197
Sides A+B: 18,Jun,1985, Kora Duos
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora
 3.
Side A: 14,Jun,1985, Kora Duos
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora
 M4.
Sides A+B: 21.Jun.1985. Manding Instrumental Ensemble Session
Sidiki Yayo: Director and Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora
Sekou Kouyate: Bala
Kalifa Koita: Bala
Mana Koita: Vioce
 4.
Sides A+B: 24,Jun,1985, Kora Duos
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora
 5.
Sides A+B: 24,Jun,1985, Kora Duos
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora
*No Track Listings on 1.-5.*
 R15
Side A: 12,Jan,1985, Two weeks of concerts: Two Koras at the French Cultural
Center Nairobi, Kenya.
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Margit C. Smith
1. Allalake
2. Tabara (excerpt)
3. Gimbaseng (excerpt)
 R16
Side A: 11,Jan,1985, Practice at Margit’s, Nairobi, Kenya
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Margit C. Smith: Kora
198
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Dubane Manesya (silaba)
Kamere Seramang (silaba)
Alla La Ke (saouta)
Tabara (saouta)
Ginbaseng (0)(silaba)
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Salaya (saouta)
Fodekaba (Saouta)
Duga: Sidiki Solo (saouta)
Kensang (saliba)
Sidiki: Margit Solo, Composed by Margit (saliba)
Side B:
*Saouta and Saliba are different forms of tuning for the Kora
instrument*
 M7.
Side A: Disque Vogue, VG 403, LDM 30, 116 Museum of Man Collection,
Music of West Africa, Manding and Baoule
Malenke Music
1. Balafon and Gourd rattle
2. Solo Harp Lute
3. Water Drum
4. Flute Song and tom tom
5. Song of the Hunters
6. Rattle
Baoule Music
7. Call to the Hunt
8. Flute Duo
9. Solo Bow
10. Xylophone Solo
11. Researcher H. Harp
12. Warior Dance
Side B: Sept,1982,
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Margit Smith: Kora
Sekou Kalifa: Balafon
1.
2.
3.
4.
Kora Lesson, Sidiki Margit
Fanta, by Sidiki
Alla La Ke
Barane, by Sidiki
199
 M5.
Side A: 2.Feb.1983. Rehearsal for World Festival of Music, Kora & two Balafon
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Kalifa Kamara: Balafon
Morcire Diabate: Balafon
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Kora solo, yamana benda
Tara
Kambere Sarama
Kele Faba
Djan djan
Gah Fare
Morenenii
Barale Kora Solo
Side B: Dec.1982. Abidjan, Guinean Rhythms, Coteba Ensemble and side A
Contd.
Suiliman Kolyn: Drum group leader
Ensemble Coteba: Drum group
1. Mariana (Rehearsal Contd.)
2. Dance course –end
 K3.
Side A: Instrumental Ensemble of Mali, Music of West Africa, Museum of Man
Collection
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Keme Birama
Nana Kadidie
Sali
Betigo Golikp
Koulou Kalan
Be Taga N’fa Bara
Bani
Ni be Nya
Mali Sajo (uncomplete)
Side B: Cordes Anciennes
1. Sunjata
2. Julu Kara Nayni
3. Ala La Ke
200
4. Duga
5. Kayra
6. Kulanjan
7. Toutou
8. Mamadou Bitiki
9. Tara
10. Asumka
11. Ala La Ke
 K1.
Side A:
Toumani Diabate: Kora (du Mali)
Sory Kandia Kouyate: Vioce (Du Guinee)
*Very Beautiful*
 K6
Jul.1993, Ninki Nanka
Margit Smith: Kora
Bacary Cissoko: Kora
 R12.
Side A: Jan.7.1989. Mande Music
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Kalifa Kamara: Kora
Moussa Kouyate: Kora
MCS, Jeli Margiti: Kora
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Denen Kuruni
Sako Dugu
Malayonyo
Mariana
Kemebrana
Mariana
Saliku (Jeli Moussa)
Alfa Yaya
Side B: Jan.8.1989. Mande Music
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Alfa Yaya
Wara
Mini Yahba
Kayira
Dene Kuruni
201
 M1.
Side A: 1988. Manding Music, At Margits
Sidiki Yayo: Kora, Balafon
Beya Cissoko: Kora
Margit C Smith: Kora
Moncere Diabate: Balafon
Sekou Camara: Guitar, Vioce, Djembe, Dance
1. Jarra Denke
2. Baloba + Sunjara
3. Nkanin Ba Sa Lonina
4. Rhythms of the Sacred Forest (Djembe)
5. Malakonya (2 Kora)
6. Dunya (Kora and Vioce)
7. Hankili Maya (two Koras)
8. Sako Dugu
9. Sako Dugu (Kora, Bala, Guitar, Vioce)
10. Mariana
11. Gine Fare (two balas
12. Caddo (two Koras)
*Important!!***
 M2.
Side A: Apr.1988. Abidjan, Manding Ensemble
1. Santea
2. Salaya
3. N’kanin Basa, Lomina (balafon solo)
4. Rhythms of the Sacred Forest (djembe Sekou Camara)
5. Jara Denke
6. M’bara Nita Di Alama (ensemble)
Side B:
1. Sidiki Talks of the Kumben (rthym) of Caddo (song), performed by
Beya Cissoko (Studio INA) Apr/5/1988
2. An Yeno Dema Dumyala (Let’s Help Each other in the World)
3. Rythms of the Sacred Forest (take 2)
 M8.
1988. Mande Music, by Sidiki Diabate, Kora and Kondin
 D.
202
Side A: 1964-69. Senegal, Jelis of Ceur Moussa, (monastary south of Dakar)
Recorded by Father Catta
*Names Available*
Side B: May.1984. Ceur Moussa monastery, Fode Drame Kora recital
Fode Drame: Kora
1. Kelefa
2. Ale Feyada
3. Sundiata
4. Mariana
 R17
May.1984. Dakar, Fode Drame At Carol Ouillets House
Fode Drame: Kora
Margit C Smith: Kora
1.
2.
3.
4.
Kojetaba
Marianna
Sundiata
Djonjon (with Margit)
 B.
Side A: 15.Jun.1984. Senegal, Kora and Voice
Soundioula Cissoko: Kora
Mawa Koyate: Voice
Side B: Duet Koras, Sundiata and Alla La Ke
*Cassette of Father Catta of Cuer Moussa*
 R11.
Side A: May.20.1984. Abidjan, Vridi, Recording At Sidikis Home
Sekou Camara: Voice
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
1. Djon jon
2. Caddo
 R8..
May.22.1984., Abidjan, INA National Institute of Art recording
203
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
 R10.
May.19.1984. Abidjan, Vridi, Sidiki and Friends
 R4.
May/Jun.1984. Abidjan, Dakar, Vridi
Sekou Camara: Guitar
Margit C. Smith: Kora
1. Tara
2. Two Kora Kassina
Side B:
Fode Drame: Kora
Mansuolo Cisse: Kora
1. Alla La Ke
2. Djonjon
Lamine Conte: Kora
1. Alfa Yaya
 M6.
May.14.1984. Abidjan, Treichville
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Beya Cissoko: Kora (accomp.)
Djene Kamete (Djenneba): Voice
Side A:
1. Boloba
2. Soundiata
3. Djanjo
Side B:
1. Keddo
2. Abu Dunjai
3. Alla La Ke
4. Tutu Diarra
*Typical Manding Quartet Repitioure*
 M3.
Apr.06.1988. Manding Ensemble at the INA
Beya Cissoko: Kora
Moricerre Diabate: Ballafon
204
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Margit Smith: Kora
Side A:
1. Dunya (the World)
2. Sako Dugo (Heavenly and Earthly Affairs)
Side B:
1. Sako Dugo (contd.)
2. Maki
3. Kemebrama (Sidiki and Beya) *Outstanding*
 A.
Feb.1990. Concert in Senegal, Kora Duo
Beya Cissoko: Kora
Margit C. Smith: Kora
Acoustic Kora:
1. Tabara *Sacred Music*
2. Sako Dugo *One of oldest compositions of Kora Repertoire*
3. Yalla (music for Dance
Amplified Kora
4. Alla La Ke ”God has done it”
5. Introduction to concert (by Carole Aoudet)
 G2.
Jan.30.1991. Conakry, Ensemble Instrumental De Guinee
Side A:
1. New Sounds of a New Nation (Republique du Guinee)
2. L’ensemble Instrumental De African de la Vadio Defusion Nationale
Side B:
1. Side A contd.
 G7.
Apr.1991. Conakry,
Side A: Jeli Mousa Kouyate: Kondin
Side A:
1. Lagia
2. Mamadou Bitike
3. Sako Dugo
4. Tara
205
Side B: Sounds of Conakry
1. various musicians from Conakry
2. Street atmosphere in Conakry (with Bouboulodin dou)
3. Concert at the French Alliance in Guinee (Jeli Mousa and Margit
Smith)
 G6
Apr.1991. Conakry, Mande music National Ensemble
Side A: Les Femmes
Feren Kouyoute: Voice
Aissaitou Kouyate: Voice
Moussa Kouyate: Kondin
Margit C. Smith: Kora
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Djonjon
Tubaka
Sako Dugo
Kulanjan
Kene Brana
Jara Denke
Side B: Soloists of the National Ensemble
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
Margit C. Smith: Kora
Moussa Kouyate: Kondin
Dianson Kouyate: Voice
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Alla La Ke
Sako Dugo
Tabara
Lamban
Tuca Piece
 G5
National Ensemble, Sounds Of Guinee.
Copy of G2
 G4.
Oct.1991. Mande Ensemble Rehearsals in Gerolzhofen
Sekou Camara: Guitar
Sidiki Yayo: Kora
206
Margit Smith: Kora
Side A:
1. Jyana Malon sung by Sekou (don’t shame me)
2. “ “
3. Rendezvous Jonne
4. Alla La ke, sung my Sekou
5. Sako Dugo
6. Yenba (Conakry w. Margit Smith.)
 G3.
Apr.1991. Conakry
WDR interview
*Kora concert in Conakry #4, Side B, outtakes of Sidiki And Margit Playing with
radio Interview
Jan Hiecher*
 G1.
Apr.1991. Conakry, Music of Jeli Ferin Kouyate, Guinee
Issata Kouyate: Vioce
Moussa Kouyate: Kondin
Margit C. Smith: Kora
Side B:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Djon Jon
Tubaka
Sako Dugu
Kulangian > Unfinished
*Not sure if these tracks are on First or second side*
 R20.
Jan.1992. Mande Kora Duo
Beya Sissoko: Kora
Margit C.Smith: Kora
1. Tubaka
2. Sako Dugu
3. Mariana
4. Yalla
5. Bani (voice)
6. Alla La Ke (voice)
 R21.
Oct.1990. Cologne, Germany, Deutche Welle, Mande Kora Duo
207
Beya Sissoko and Margit Smith duel Koras
Side A:
1. Tubaka
2. Ubaka
3. Sakodugo
4. Mariana
5. Yemba
6. Lamban
7. Kensan
8. Salaya
9. Yalla
10. Bani
11. Alla La Ke
12. Tubaka
13. Manyo, Beya solo
14. Dunya, Beya solo
 K9.
Oct.11.1990. SWF II Forum Music “Living African Music Tradition” Radio
interview. Discussions of the Kora, important West African musical symbol with
Margit Smith, Achim Hebgem
 K8
*not much information on tape, may be a lesson*
1.
2.
3.
4.
Minang for Kora and Small Tomtoms
For Kora and Tom tom Normal
Senbeni Lofo and Tomtom
Uton Laba for Tambamba for one talking drum
Tapes Recorded in WAVE
208