multidisciplinary perspectives from media and cultural

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multidisciplinary perspectives from media and cultural
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern national projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina:
multidisciplinary perspectives from media and cultural production
2011
Construing cultural identity and key developments
within modern national projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina:
multidisciplinary perspectives
from media and cultural production
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern national projects
in Bosnia and Herzegovina:
multidisciplinary perspectives from media and cultural production
Prepared in the framework of the Regional Research Promotion Programme in the
Western Balkans (RRPP), which is run by the University of Fribourg upon a mandate of the
Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, SDC, Federal Department of Foreign
Affairs.
The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily
represent opinions of the SDC and the University of Fribourg.
Impressum:
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern national projects
in Bosnia and Herzegovina:
multidisciplinary perspectives from media and cultural production
Publisher: Faculty of Philosophy, University of Tuzla
Authors:
Vedada Baraković, PhD
Mirza Mahmutović, MA
Jasmina Husanović, PhD
Azra Verlašević, PhD
Vedad Spahić, PhD
Mirsad Kunić, PhD
Project manager:
Mirza Mehmedović
Proofreading:
Bernes Aljukić
English translation:
Alma Tanović
July 2011
Table of Contents:
Part 1: Media construction of missing persons and the politics of witnessing
to trauma: the analysis of 'media economy' in the reproduction of collective
memories and identities in post-Dayton Bosnia
Part 2: Construction of national identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina literacy – Bosniaks
component
Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Tuzli
Unutar projekta:
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern national
projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina: multidisciplinary perspectives from
media and cultural production
Sadržaj
1.
Uvod ..........................................................................................................
2.
Mas-mediji u BiH .......................................................................................
3.
Dnevne novine ...........................................................................................
3.1.
Uzorak istraživanja: selekcija, kolekcija i klasifikacija podataka .......................
3.1.1.
Populacija i uzorak ............................................................................................
3.1.2.
Kriteriji za selekciju relevantnih podataka (tekstova/slučajeva) ......................
3.1.3.
Prikupljanje relevantnih podataka iz baze podataka .......................................
3.1.4.
Klasifikacija i kodiranje relevantnih podataka ..................................................
3.1.5.
Uzorak i relevantni slučajevi: analiza distribucije .............................................
3.2.
Analiza sadržaja ................................................................................................
3.2.1.
Dnevni avaz ......................................................................................................
3.2.2.
Nezavisne novine ..............................................................................................
4.
TV stanice ..................................................................................................
4.1.
Uzorak istraživanja: selekcija, kolekcija i klasifikacija podataka .......................
4.1.1.
Populacija i uzorak ............................................................................................
4.1.2.
Kriteriji za selekciju relevantnih podataka (priloga/slučajeva) .........................
4.1.3.
Prikupljanje relevantnih podataka iz baze podataka .......................................
4.1.4.
Klasifikacija i kodiranje relevantnih podataka ..................................................
4.1.5.
Uzorak i relevantni slučajevi: analiza distribucije .............................................
4.2.
Analiza sadržaja: uvodne napomene ................................................................
4.2.1.
RTVFBiH ............................................................................................................
4.2.2.
RTRS ..................................................................................................................
4.2.3.
RTVBN ...............................................................................................................
4.2.4.
Hayat TV ...........................................................................................................
4.2.5.
Uporedna analiza .............................................................................................
5.
Zaključno razmatranje ................................................................................
Dr. sc. Vedada Baraković
Mr. sc. Mirza Mahmutović
Mirza Mehmedović
1. Uvod
Medijsko posredovanje u konstruiranju kolektivnog pamćenja u posljednje vrijeme je
nesumnjivo, te istraživanja ovog fenomena sve češće uključuju istraživanje uloge i značaja
mas-medija u tim procesima. Teoretičari koji su se bavili ovom oblašću ukazali su na to da
je pamćenje nužno kolektivni fenomen omogućen dijalogom, odnosno komunikacijom, a
komunikacija putem mas-medija ima osobenosti koje se tiču oblika, načina, nivoa i
intenziteta posredovanja simbola. Susret s poviješću, medijski zabilježen, temelji se na
pojedinačnim (personalnim) iskustvima, mahom autentičnih iskaza, snimaka, zabilješki i
fotografija, koje kao medijski konstrukti postaju prve skice povijesti. Medijska konstrukcija
prošlosti slijedi logiku medijske konstrukcije zbilje. Odabirom pojedinačnih događaja i
njihovom diseminacijom, interpretacijom i reinterpretacijom stvara se medijski konstrukt
stvarnosti koji u stvarnosti uporište ima samo fragmentarno i privremeno, i zapravo je već
prošlost. U medijskoj konstrukciji kolektivnog pamćenja pojedinačna, individualna
svjedočenja postaju prostetička memorija. Pojedinačna iskustva iz prošlosti, selektirana na
fonu vodećih ideologija, mahom traumatične prirode, u javnoj se sferi nude publici na
„proživljavanje“. Dugotrajnim eksploatiranjem selektiranih individualnih svjedočenja
mediji zapravo posreduju u konstituiranju kolektivnog pamćenja.
Medijska konstrukcija prošlosti i posredovanje u konstituiranju kolektivne memorije u
Bosni i Hercegovini se vrši u uvjetima predominacije etničkog pitanja kao pitanja nad svim
ostalim društvenim pitanjima. Politički centri moći (zlo)upotrebljavaju traumatična
iskustva bosanskohercegovačkih građana za konstituiranje svojevrsnu ideologiju traume
koja im služi za učvršćivanje postojećeg stanja i osnaživanje vođenja biopolitike moći na
ovim prostorima. Već duže vrijeme na prostorima BiH prisutan je selektivni odabir
događaja iz prošlosti koji se pretaču u simbole koji u svijesti etničkih kolektiviteta prizivaju
različita osjećanja. Ovakvih mehanizmima selektivnog odabira samo nekih događaja i
selektivnom amnezijom nekih drugih (koji se ne uklapaju u dominantne matrice) stvaraju
se ključne mnemoničke figure pamćenja i dominantni narativi koji se zapravo sublimiraju
prije u političko, pa u povijesno pamćenje. Ikonične figure žrtve, stradanja jednog etnosa,
narativi konstruirani na fonu nemogućnosti suživota i zajedništva i zamagljivanje razlike
između krvnika i žrtve danas dobrim dijelom komuniciraju putem mas-medija. Zapravo se
može reći da su mas-mediji u BiH danas najvažniji (i najefikasniji) kanal učvršćivanja već
konstituiranih etničkih diskursa.
Mada su Međunarodna zajednica i civilni sektor uložili značajne napore da se suzbije
nacionalističko djelovanje mas-medija u BiH, iskorijeni otvoreni jezik mržnje i spriječi
poticanje međuetničke netrpeljivosti, problem uloge medija u (de)konstrukciji zajednice
ostao je i dalje prisutan. Spomenutu fazu djelovanja mas-medija, koja je počela
„zauzimanjem“ i rušenjem RTV predajnika, a nastavljena medijskom izolacijom i skoro pa
7
gebelovskom propagandom i retorikom, zamijenila je nova faza u kojoj se znatno
suptilnijim mehanizmima gatekeepinga na različitim razinama konstruira i dekonstruira
sadašnjost, budućnost, pa i prošlost.
Kolika je i kakva uloga mas-medija u BiH u posredovanju prošlosti i konstituiranju
kolektivnog pamćenja? Koji su ključni događaji u konstituiranju kolektivnog pamćenja koji
se medijski posreduju? Koja su to personalna traumatična iskustva koja su pretočena u
kolektivnu traumu? Koje su glavne mnemoničke figure koje preovlađuju u medijskom
diskursu? Na koji se način mediji odnose spram etničkih identiteta? Kojim se narativima
traumatična ideološka iskustva pretaču u svojevrsnu ideologiju traume kao dominantnu
ideološku matricu u etnički podijeljenoj javnoj sferi? Kako se u medijima tematizira
problem nestalih osoba? Na ova pitanja pokušalo se odgovoriti analizom relevantnih
sadržaja mas-medija u Bosni i Hercegovini.
8
2. Mas-mediji u BiH
Složena politička situacija u zemlji procijenjena kao glavni kočničar napretka u gotovo svim
oblastima, odražava se i na medijski podsistem, te je medijski diskurs, zapravo, preslika
političkog (političkih) diskursa etnički razjedinjene zajednice. Intervencija Međunarodne
zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini, između ostaloga, bila je fokusirana i na mas-medije,
ponajviše na njihovu ulogu u raspirivanju i (p)održavanju međunacionalne netrpeljivosti i
kreiranju mnijenja o nemogućnosti suživota etničkih skupina u BiH. Otvoreni jezik mržnje
koji je podrazumijevao narative se denotativnim elementima koji se nisu ni trebali
tumačiti, zamijenjen je suptilnijim načinima i narativima s dubokim konotacijama i
simbolikom svojstvenom reduciranom vremensko-prostornom okviru. Složeni procesi
gatekeepinga kroz koji određeni događaji i teme postaju predmetom medijskog
izvještavanja ovako su postali još složeniji i kompleksniji, posebno kada je riječ o
osjetljivim pitanjima vezanim za traumatična iskustva iz neposredne ili dalje prošlosti. Na
ove procese u BiH još uvijek najveći uticaj imaju politički faktori koji u medijskom diskursu
stvaraju različite (re)interpretacije prošlosti, posebno, danas ključnog, traumatičnog
iskustva vezanog za ratni period 1992 – 1995.
U Bosni i Hercegovini izlazi 11 dnevnih novina, 86 periodičnih printanih izdanja, a dozvolu
za emitiranje programa imaju 143 radiostanice, te 45 TV stanica. U ovom istraživanju
selektirani su bosanskohercegovački printani mediji i televizijske stanice sa najznačajnijim
tržišnim udjelom. Pri tome se moralo voditi računa o etnički polariziranoj publici, te su
odabrani mediji s najznačajnijim tržišnim udjelom u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i u
Republici Srpskoj. Printani mediji u Bosni i Hercegovini su u privatnom vlasništvu i
komercijalnog su karaktera, dok je sa elektronskim medijima situacija nešto drukčija.
Pored komercijalnog sektora elektronskih medija u Bosni i Hercegovini, postoji i javni RTV
sektor koji se finansira iz javnih prihoda. Stoga, u ovom su istraživanju selektirane i
komercijalne i javne TV stanice s najznačajnijim učešćem na tržištu. Na osnovu ovakvih
kriterija selektirani su mediji čiji su sadržaji analizirani u ovom istraživanju:
a) printani mediji:
- Dnevni avaz, dnevni list sa sjedištem u Sarajevu, Federacija BiH
- Nezavisne novine, dnevni list sa sjedištem u Banjoj Luci, Republika Srpska
b) televizijske stanice:
- RTVFBiH, javni emiter sa sjedištem u Sarajevu, Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine
- RTVRS, javni emiter sa sjedištem u Banjoj Luci, Republika Srpska
- RTVBN, komercijalna TV sa sjedištem u Bijeljini, Republika Srpska
- Hayat TV, komercijalna stanica sa sjedištem u Sarajevu, Federacija BiH
9
3. Dnevne novine
3.1. Uzorak istraživanja: selekcija, kolekcija i klasifikacija podataka
U ovom poglavlju prikazan je način formiranja uzorka istraživanja, njegova obilježja, te
kriteriji za odabir i klasifikaciju relevantnih podataka (slučajeva).
3.1.1. Populacija i uzorak
U Bosni i Hercegovini trenutno izlazi 11 dnevnih novina, koje skupno čine populaciju
istraživanja. Riječ je o sljedećim dnevnim novinama:
1.
Dnevni avaz (Sarajevo)
2.
Oslobođenje (Sarajevo)
3.
Dnevni list (Mostar)
4.
Nezavisne novine (Banja Luka)
5.
Glas Srpske (Banja Luka)
6.
San (Sarajevo)
7.
EuroBlic (Banja Luka)
8.
Večernji list (Mostar)
9.
Fokus (Banja Luka)
10. Press RS (Banja Luka)
11. Tuzlanski list (Tuzla)
Za istraživanje uloge mas-medija u konstruiranju predstava o nestalim osobama u polju
javnosti, odnosno samih kolektivnih memorija i identiteta u postdejtonskoj BiH, odabrane
su dnevne novine sa najvećim učešćem na tržištu:
1.
Dnevni avaz (Sarajevo)
2.
Nezavisne novine (Banja Luka)
3.
Dnevni list (Mostar)1
Podaci iz istraživačkog uzorka prikupljani su svakog ponedjeljka, srijede i petka u sedmici
u periodu 15. 9. 2009. – 15. 12. 2009.
3.1.2. Kriteriji za selekciju relevantnih podataka (tekstova/slučajeva)
Istraživači su se rukovodili dvama generalnim kriterijima prilikom odabira relevantnih
tekstova iz uzorka istraživanja. Da bi tekst zavrijedio status relevantnog slučaja i time bio
uključen u dalju analizu, postavljen je uvjet da se tematski mora odnositi na (1) događaj
koji obrađuje (post)ratne traume (nasilja i gubitaka), odnosno, (2) događaj koji se bavi
nestalim osobama.
1
Istraživanje je prvobitno u uzorak uključilo i dnevne novine Dnevni list iz Mostara. Od ovog izbora,
ipak, istraživači su morali odustati, jer u bazi podataka kojom su se istraživači koristili (INFOBIRO
baza podataka Mediacentra iz Sarajeva) ove novine u periodu monitoringa nisu bile zastupljene.
10
Ova dva kriterija dalje su razrađeni operacionalnim kriterijima relevantnosti, koji su utvrdili
tipične i specifične tematske sfere relevantnih tekstova. Operacionalni kriteriji propisali su
da se u relevantni skup slučajeva uključe tekstovi koji se bave: (1) ekshumacijama,
identifikacijama i komemoracijama nestalih osoba; (2) ratnim zločinima, ubistvima,
masakrima, genocidom, kao i suđenjima za ratne zločine; (3) prisilnim radom,
koncentracionim logorima i torturama; (4) silovanjima i zlostavljanima žena; (5)
deportacijama i protjerivanjima; (6) opsadama i razaranjima gradova; (7) uništavanjem
kulturnih i historijskih spomenika i građevina itd.
3.1.3. Prikupljanje relevantnih podataka iz baze podataka
Relevantni podaci iz definiranog istraživačkog uzorka dnevnih novina prikupljeni su uz
pomoć INFOBIRO-a, digitalne baze podataka Mediacentra iz Sarajeva. Prilikom prikupljanja
podataka, istraživači su koristili arhiv savremene štampe koji u digitalnoj formi (PDF
dokumenti) sadrži više od 600.000 tekstova iz najznačajnijih publikacija iz BiH.
3.1.4. Klasifikacija i kodiranje relevantnih podataka
Primjenjujući kriterije selekcije istraživanja INFOBIRO baze dnevnih novina, istraživači su:
‐
obradili 78 izdanja odabranih dnevnih novina, koji su ukupno sadržavali 5.257
tekstova,
‐
odabrali i pohranili 239 relevantna teksta (sve u digitalnoj formi),
-
kodirali i organizirali podatke na računarskim memorijama (files ID and folders), i
-
klasificirali podatke u registar/dosije podataka.
Istraživači su sačinili registar podataka zasebno za svake odabrane dnevne novine.
Evidencija sadrži tabelarni prikaz uzorka i izdvojenih relevantnih slučajeva sa podacima o
datumu publikacije, ukupnom broju tekstova za pojedinačno izdanje, te relevantnim
slučajevima. Istraživači su, također, sačinili i detaljni registar za relevantne slučajeve koji
zbog ograničenog prostora publikacije nije prikazan.
3.1.5. Uzorak i relevantni slučajevi/tekstovi: analiza distribucije
Analiza je utvrdila sljedeća opća obilježja istraživačkog uzorka:
-
78 izdanja istraživačkog uzorka (bez Dnevnog lista) sadržavala su ukupno 5.257
tekstova;
-
od 5.257 tekstova izdvojeno je 230 relevantnih slučajeva/tekstova (događaja koji
su se odnosili na (post)ratne traume), što predstavlja učešće od 4.37% u odnosu
na ukupni broj tekstova; (grafikon 1)
-
od 230 relevantnih tekstova 33 slučaja/teksta odnosila su se na nestale osobe, što
predstavlja učešće od 14,34% u odnosu na relevantne slučajeve/tekstove,
odnosno učešće od 0.62% u odnosu na ukupni broj tekstova. (grafikoni 2 i 3)
11
Chart 1
Charrt 2
Chart 3
Na razzini pojedinačnih dnevnih novina analiza je utvrdila sljedeća obilježžja uzorka:
a) Dneevni avaz
-
u
2.650 teksstova;
39 izdanja istrraživačkog uzorkaa sadržavala su ukupno
-
od 2.650 teksstova izdvojeno je 119 relevantniih slučajeva/tekstova (događaja koji
k
su se odnosilii na (post)ratne traume),
t
što preedstavlja učešće od
o 4.49% u odno
osu
na ukupni bro
oj tekstova;
-
od 125 relevaantna slučaja/tekksta 15 slučajeva
a/tekstova odnossili su se na nestale
osobe
što
o predstavlja učešće
u
od 12..60% u odnossu na relevanttne
slučajeve/teksstove, odnosno učešće
u
od 0.56% u odnosu na ukup
pni broj tekstova
a.
b) Nezzavisne novine
12
-
u
2.607 tekkstova;
39 izdanja istrraživačkog uzorkaa sadržavala su ukupno
-
od 2.607 teksstova izdvojeno je 111 relevantniih slučajeva/tekstova (događaja koji
k
su se odnosili na (post)ratne traume), što preedstavlja učešće od 4.15% udjela
au
upni broj tekstovva;
odnosu na uku
-
od 111 relevaantna slučaja/tekksta 18 slučajeva
a/tekstova odnossili su se na nestale
osobe
što
o predstavlja učešće
u
od 16..21% u odnossu na relevanttne
slučajeve/teksstove, odnosno učešće
u
od 0.69% u odnosu na ukup
pni broj tekstova
a.
Poređenje obiju publikacija dato je u narednoj tabeli.
Table 1.
Total, relevant and texts on missing persons
Number of texts in
sample
Relevant texts
Texts on missing persons
Dnevni avaz
2650
119
15
Nezavisne novine
2607
111
18
Total
5257
230
33
Na osnovu ovog istraživanja ne može se utvrditi, prije svega zbog nepostojanja podataka ili
orijenatacija iz prethodnih perioda, da li opisana medijska dinamika predstavlja pozitivan
ili negativan trend novinarskog bavljenja ovim temama. Ipak, imajući u vidu
konvencionalna stajališta koja događajima iz recentne prošlosti pripisuju primarnu poziciju
i značaj u prostorima medija, na temelju ovog istraživanja može se tvrditi da se događaji
(post)ratnih trauma, posebno teme nestalih osoba, nalaze prije na marginama, nego u
središtu diskursa bh. printanih medija.
3.2. Analiza sadržaja
U ovom dijelu su prikazani glavni rezultati kvantitativne analize sadržaja dnevnih novina.
Metodologija:
-
istraživači su razvili trideset relevantnih kategorija sa preko stotinu varijabli kako bi
pomoću deskriptivne statistike mjerili pojavljivanje bitnih obilježja odabranih
slučajeva analize;
-
kategorije i varijable istraživanja potom su kodirane u posebnom dokumentu
(codebook), te opisane pratećim protokolom (coding protocol) koji je sadržavao
detaljnije SPSS kategorijske/varijabilne nazive i instrukcije, i u konačnici
-
sačinjeni su kodni obrasci (coding sheet), prvo urađeni u formi nacrta u formi MS Excel
obrasca, a zatim u formi SPSS datoteke.
Pouzdanost i valjanost istraživačkih instrumenata:
-
prije konačne studije, obavljeno je preliminarno (pilot) istraživanje na manjem uzorku
s ciljem testiranja pouzdanosti i validnosti istraživačkih instrumenata i kodera, koje je
otkrilo da pojedine kategorije (posebno one koje se odnose na temu teksta) nisu u
potpunosti udovoljile kriteriju međusobne isključivosti, što je i poboljšano.
Za istraživanje je sačinjen kodni obrazac (coding sheet), na osnovu kojeg je rađena analiza
sadržaja dnevnih novina.
3.1. Rezultati istraživanja: Dnevni avaz
Dnevne novine Dnevni avaz u periodu monitoringa publicirale su ukupno 2.650 tekstova.
Istraživači su, primjenjujući kriterije selekcije, unutar ovog uzorka izdvojili ukupno 119
relevantnih slučajeva/tekstova, od kojih se na teme nestalih osoba odnosilo 15
slučajeva/tekstova. Iskazano u procentima, relevantni tekstovi su imali učešće od 4,49% u
13
ukupnom broju tekstova, dok tekstovi o nestalim osobama ni jedan posto (0,56%),
odnosno imali su nešto malo više od deset procenata (12,60%) učešća u relevantnim
temama (ostalim temama koje su se odnosile na događaje (post)ratnih trauma).
U pogledu veličine/prostora koji su urednici dodijelili relevantnim tekstovima analiza je
utvrdila sljedeća obilježja:
-
ukupna veličina tekstova: 25.795 cm2(aproksimativno 24 ½ stranice dnevnih
novina2),
-
maksimalna veličina teksta: 755 cm2 (oko 70% prostora na jednoj stranici)
-
minimalna veličina teksta: 35 cm2 (oko 3.3% prostora na jednoj stranici)
Usljed velikog broja ekstremnih vrijednosti koji iskrivljuju normalnu distribuciju podataka
(aritmetička sredina i medijana pokazali su se značajno različitima), istraživači su, kako bi
dobili što bolju sliku u pogledu veličine tekstova, prekodirali podatke u sljedeće kategorije
(brojevi stoje za cm2):
-
35-50: izuzetno mali tekstovi
-
51-100: mali tekstovi
-
101-300: srednji tekstovi
-
301-500: veliki tekstovi
-
501-800: izuzetno veliki tekstovi
Analiza je utvrdila da najveći broj slučajeva (41,3%) pripada kategoriji srednjih tekstova,
koje slijede kategorije manjih (26.4%) i većih (15.7%) tekstova.
Table 2.
Valid
Missing
2
Size categories
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
extremely small texts
7
5.8
5.9
5.9
small texts
32
26.4
26.9
32.8
middle texts
50
41.3
42.0
74.8
large texts
19
15.7
16.0
90.8
extremely large texts
11
9.1
9.2
100.0
Total
119
98.3
100.0
System
2
1.7
Total
121
100.0
Originalni format Dnevnog avaza je 27,5 x 38,5cm (275 x 385mm). Pojedinačno izdanje obično sadrži
50 – 60 stranica.
14
Analiza tekstova o nestalim osobama utvrdila je sljedeća obilježja u pogledu veličine
teksta:
-
ukupna veličina tekstova: 2.634 cm2 (aproksimativno 2 ½ stranice dnevnih
novina)
-
maksimalna veličina teksta: 475 cm2 (oko 45% prostora na jednoj stranici)
-
minimalna veličina teksta: 49 cm2 (oko 5% prostora na jednoj stranici)
Podaci, također, nisu simetrično distribuirani zbog prisustva ekstremnih slučajeva koji
iskrivljuju aritmetičku sredinu. Ukoliko ponovimo proceduru prekodiranja podataka u
kategorije, dobit ćemo slična obilježja: najveći broj promatranih slučajeva spada u
kategoriju srednjih tekstova (46,7%), dok ekstremno veliki tekstovi u potpunosti nedostaju
(tabela ispod, te naredni grafikon).
Table 3.
Valid
size categories
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
extremely small texts
2
13.3
13.3
13.3
small texts
3
20.0
20.0
33.3
middle texts
7
46.7
46.7
80.0
large texts
3
20.0
20.0
100.0
Total
15
100.0
100.0
15
Tekstovi o (post)ratnim traumama javljaju se između prve i petnaeste stranice, bez neke
sklonosti ka posebnom mjestu unutar novina (Mean=8.7, Median=8, Mode 8 with SD=7.6).
Tekstovi o nestalim osobama najčešće se javljaju između šeste i desete stranice novina
(Mean=8.6, Median=8, Mode 8 with SD=2.7).
Kao što se i očekivalo, analiza je pokazala da se najveći broj relevantnih tekstova (90,9%)
javlja unutar unutrašnjopolitičke rubrike (naredna tabela). Tekstovi o nestalim osobama,
osim jednog slučaja koji se našao u rubrici o ljudskim pričama, svi su se našli u
unutrašnjopolitičkoj rubrici.
Table 4.
Section
Frequency
Valid
Domestic Affairs
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid Percent
110
90.9
90.9
90.9
Human Story
6
5.0
5.0
95.9
Culture
2
1.7
1.7
97.5
Sport
1
.8
.8
98.3
Missing Data
2
1.7
1.7
100.0
121
100.0
100.0
Total
Vijesti (46,3%) i izvještaji (39,7%) su najčešća forma u kojoj se pojavljuju tekstovi.
Komentari (3,3%) i intervjui (1,7%) su rjeđi (naredna tabela).
16
Table 5.
Format
Frequency
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Valid Percent
News
56
46.3
47.1
47.1
Reports
48
39.7
40.3
87.4
Comment
4
3.3
3.4
90.8
Interview
2
1.7
1.7
92.4
Feature
7
5.8
5.9
98.3
Other
2
1.7
1.7
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
2
1.7
121
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
System
Total
Tekstovi o nestalim osobama većinom se javljaju u formi vijesti (66,7%), potom slijede
izvještaji (20%) i fičeri (13,3%), dok ostale forme nisu prisutne.
U pogledu pratećih fotografija većina tekstova ili je popraćena jednom fotografijom
(45,9%) ili uopće ne sadrži fotografiju (35,2%).
Table 6.
Numbers of Photographs (relevant texts)
Frequency
Valid
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
no photography
43
35.2
36.1
36.1
one photography
56
45.9
47.1
83.2
two photography
12
9.8
10.1
93.3
three photography
5
4.1
4.2
97.5
four or more
photography
3
2.5
2.5
100.0
119
97.5
100.0
Total
Missing System
Total
Percent
3
2.5
122
100.0
17
Slična obilježja su i kod tekstova koji se odnose na nestale osobe, kao što pokazuje tabela
ispod.
Table 7.
Numbers of Photograpy (texts on missing persons)
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid Percent
no photography
6
40.0
40.0
40.0
one photography
6
40.0
40.0
80.0
two photography
3
20.0
20.0
100.0
15
100.0
100.0
Total
Zbog velikog broja tekstova koji se odnose na ratne zločine, većina fotografija sadrži
ljudske subjekte (55,1%). Suprotno tome, tekstovi o nestalim osobama većinom sadrže
objekte i krajolike.
Table 8. Photo Subject (relevant texts)
Frequency
Percent
only human subjects
55
72.3
only artefact/objects
13
17.1
both
8
10.5
Total
76
100
Table 9. Photo Subject (texts on missing persons)
Frequency
only human subjects
3
33.33
only artefact/objects
6
66.66
Total
9
100
Percent
U pogledu tema koje tekstovi obrađuju analiza je utvrdila kako se traumatični događaji
uglavnom strukturiraju oko tri makrotematska polja/ose: suđenja za ratne zločine,
komemoracije i nestale osobe. Izvještaji o suđenjima za ratne zločine dominiraju unutar
ovih triju makrotematskih polja (tabela 10 i grafikon u nastavku).
18
Table 10.
MacroTheme
Frequency
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Valid Percent
missing persons
15
12.4
12.6
12.6
war crime trials
70
57.9
58.8
71.4
commemoration
26
21.5
21.8
93.3
8
6.6
6.7
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
Others
Total
Missing
Percent
System
Total
2
1.7
121
100.0
ICTY procesi očekivano (zbog početka suđenja Radovanu Karadžiću) dominiraju u odnosu
na druge teme o suđenjima za ratne zločine (naredna tabela).
Table 11.
Reports on war crime trials
Frequency
Valid
ICTY trials
45
66.17
domestic trials
14
20.58
9
13.23
68
100.0
trials in ex-Yu countries
Total
Percent
19
Naredna tabela prikazuje zastupljenost pojedinih suđenja unutar ITCY sudskih procesa.
Table 12.
ICTY Cases
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Karadzic Case
19
42.22
Plavsic Case
13
28.88
Perisic Case
2
4.44
Tolimir Case
1
2.22
Mladic Case
3
6.66
Stanisic i Zupljanin Case
2
4.44
Delic Case
1
2.22
2
4.44
2
4.44
45
100.0
Milosevic Case
3
Others ICTY Cases
Total
Naredna tabela detaljno prikazuje teme koji su novinari obrađivali za vrijeme monitoring
perioda. Kategoriju 'nestalih osoba' zbog heterogenosti nismo raščlanili na manje
tematske jedinice.
Table 13.
Valid
3
Specific themes covered in media during monitoring
Frequ
ency
Percent
Karadzic Case
19
15.7
16.0
16.0
Plavsic Case
13
10.7
10.9
26.9
Perisic Case
2
1.7
1.7
28.6
Tolimir Case
1
.8
.8
29.4
Mladic Case
3
2.5
2.5
31.9
Stanisic i Zupljanin
2
1.7
1.7
33.6
Milosevic Case
2
1.7
1.7
37.0
Delic Case
1
.8
.8
37.8
Others ICTY Cases
2
1.7
1.7
35.3
Jurisic Case
9
7.4
7.6
52.1
Trusina Case
6
5.0
5.0
61.3
Klickovic Case
1
.8
.8
62.2
Valid Percent
Proces se odnosi na slučaj Dragomira Miloševića, a ne na slučaj Slobodana Miloševića.
20
Cumulative
Percent
WCT4 Institution
Capacity and Problems
6
5.0
5.0
67.2
Others Domestic Trials
5
4.1
4.2
73.1
Srebrenica
5
4.1
4.2
56.3
Kapija and Markale
8
6.6
6.7
44.5
Old Bridge (Mostar)
2
1.7
1.7
68.9
Others
Commemoration
9
7.4
7.6
94.1
Missing Persons
15
13.2
13.4
86.6
Others Themes
7
5.8
5.9
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
Total
Missing System
Total
2
1.7
121
100.0
Urednici i novinari bavili su se sljedećim traumatičnim događajima iz prošlosti:
•
Kapija Massacre (Tuzla) – 4 texts
•
Markale Massacre (Sarajevo) – 4 texts
•
Srebrenica Genocide (Srebrenica) – 5 texts
•
Trusina Massacre (Konjic) – 3 texts
•
Dračevice Battle Near Mostar – 1 text
•
Barim Massacre (Višegrad) – 1 text
•
Otoka Massacre (Sarajevo) – 1 text
•
Banja Luka Ethnic Cleaning (refugees) – 1 text
•
Gorice Commemoration (Brčko) – 1 text
•
Reconstruction of Destroyed Aladža Mosque (Foča) – 1 text
•
Reconstruction of Destroyed Mosques at Podvitez (Pale) – 1 text
•
Destruction of Stari most (Old Bridge) (Mostar) – 1 text
•
General Remembering on Death Soldiers – 3 texts
Tekstovi o nestalim osobama bavili su se ili novim ekshumacijama ili identifikacijama
osoba pronađenih na ranije otkrivenim ekshumacionim lokalitetima. U nastavku je lista 15
tekstova o nestalim osobama:
4
•
Eksuhmacija dvaju tijela (Višegrad)
•
Identifikacija posmrtnih ostataka (Srebrenica – Trebinje)
•
Identifikacija pet tijela (Foča – Višegrad – Goražde)
•
Eksuhmacija četiriju tijela (Višegrad)
•
Nova masovna grobnica (Brčko)
WCT je akronim za War Crime Trilas.
21
•
Provjera lokacije potencijalne masovne grobnice (Brčko)
•
Eksuhmacija sedam tijela (Sokolac)
•
Identifikacija osam tijela (Tuzla – Bratunac – Vlasenica)
•
Nova masovna grobnica Zalazje (Srebrenica)
•
Eksuhmacija kod Zalazja
•
Eksuhmacija kod Zalazja
•
Eksuhmacija kod Zalazja
•
Problemi u pronalasku nestalih osoba (Prijedor)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti Ureda za traženje nestalih (Sarajevo)
•
Ljudska priča o nestaloj osobi (Visoko)
U većini analiziranih tekstova novinari se najčešće javljaju kao autori teksta, što pokazuje
tabela u nastavku. Ipak, ovo pitanje trebalo bi detaljnije istražiti u kvalitativnoj analizi, jer
novinari nerijetko svoje izvještaje pišu na osnovu saopćenja PR ureda ili izvještaja
novinarskih agencija.
Table 14.
Authorship of the article
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
46
38.0
38.7
38.7
PR release
8
6.6
6.7
45.4
journalist
65
53.7
54.6
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
Frequency
Valid
news agency
Total
Missing
Total
System
2
1.7
121
100.0
Većina analiziranih tekstova u pogledu očekivanosti može se svrstati pod
planirane/očekivane događaje, što je i razumljivo, budući da suđenja za ratne zločine,
komemoracije, kao i ekshumacije, odnosno identifikacioni procesi, po svojoj su prirodi
unaprijed planirani i najavljeni događaji.
3.2. Rezultati istraživanja: Nezavisne novine
Dnevne novine Nezavisne novine u periodu monitoringa publicirale su ukupno 2.607
tekstova. Primjenjujući kriterije selekcije unutar ovog uzorka, istraživači su izdvojili ukupno
111 relevantnih slučajeva/tekstova, od kojih se na teme nestalih osoba odnosilo 18
slučajeva/tekstova. Iskazano u procentima, relevantni tekstovi su imali učešće od 4,15% u
ukupnom broju tekstova, dok tekstovi o nestalim osobama, slično kao i kod Dnevnog
avaza, ni jedan posto (0,69%), odnosno imali su nešto malo više od petnaest procenata
(16,21%) učešća u ostalim relevantnim temama koje su se odnosile na događaje
(post)ratnih trauma.
22
U pogledu veličine/prostora koji su urednici dodijelili relevantnim tekstovima analiza je
utvrdila sljedeća obilježja:
-
ukupna veličina tekstova: 15.377 cm2(aproksimativno 14 ½ stranice dnevnih
novina5),
-
maksimalna veličina teksta: 911 cm2 (oko 86% prostora na jednoj stranici)
-
minimalna veličina teksta: 34 cm2 (oko 3.2% prostora na jednoj stranici)
Ukoliko primijenimo istu proceduru kao i u slučaju Dnevnog avaza (prekodiranje u pet
kategorija), da bismo izbjegli asimetričnu distribuciju podataka, dobit ćemo da najveći broj
slučajeva (46,6%) potpada pod kategoriju manjih tekstova, kao što prikazuje tabela u
nastavku.
Table 15.
size categories
Frequ
ency
Valid
Total
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
extremely small texts
13
11.6
11.8
11.8
small texts
52
46.4
47.3
59.1
middle texts
35
31.3
31.8
90.9
large texts
4
3.6
3.6
94.5
extremely large texts
6
5.4
5.5
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
System
5
Originalni format Nezavisnih novina je 27,5 x 38,5cm (275 x 385mm). Pojedinačno izdanje obično
sadrži oko 50 stranica.
23
Analiza tekstova o nestalim osobama utvrdila je sljedeća obilježja u pogledu veličine
teksta:
-
ukupna veličina tekstova: 1.701 cm2 (aproksimativno 1 ½ stranica dnevnih
novina)
-
maksimalna veličina teksta: 239 cm2 (oko 23% prostora na jednoj stranici)
-
minimalna veličina teksta: 36 cm2 (oko 4% prostora na jednoj stranici)
Ukoliko ponovimo proceduru prekodiranja podataka u kategorije, dobit ćemo sljedeća
obilježja (naredna tabela i naredni grafikon):
Table 16.
size categories
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
1
5.6
5.6
5.6
11
61.1
61.1
66.7
6
33.3
33.3
100.0
18
100.0
100.0
Frequency
Valid
extremely small texts
small texts
middle texts
Total
Relevantni tekstovi javljaju se između prve i sedme stranice novina, bez posebne sklonosti
ka nekoj specifičnoj poziciji (Mean=4.8, Median=4, Mode 2 sa SD=3.2), kao i u slučaju
Dnevnog avaza. Tekstovi o nestalim osobama najčešće se javljaju između druge i šeste
stranice (Mean=4.8, Median=4, Mode 4 with SD=2.8).
24
Najveći broj relevantnih tekstova (94,6%) pripada unutrašnjopolitičkoj rubrici (tabela
ispod). Naspram toga, tekstovi o nestalim osobama sadržani su isključivo u
unutrašnjopolitičkoj rubrici.
Table 17.
Section
Frequency
Valid
Domestic affairs
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
106
94.6
96.4
96.4
Black chronicle
3
2.7
2.7
99.1
Human story
1
.9
.9
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
System
Total
Vijesti (51,8%) i izvještaji (43,8%) su među najfrekventnijim formama. Komentari (1,8%) i
kolumne (0,9%) su rijetki, dok intervjui u potpunosti izostaju (tabela ispod).
Table 18.
Format
Frequency
Valid
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
News
58
51.8
52.7
52.7
Reports
49
43.8
44.5
97.3
Comments
2
1.8
1.8
99.1
Columns
1
.9
.9
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
System
Total
Tekstovi o nestalim osobama isključivo se javljaju u formama vijesti (51,8%) i izvještaja
(43,8%).
Table 19.
Format
Frequency
Valid
News
Reports
Total
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
11
61.1
61.1
61.1
7
38.9
38.9
100.0
18
100.0
100.0
25
Većina relevantnih tekstova nije propraćena fotografijama (75%) ili sadrži samo jednu
fotografiju (19,6%).
Table 20.
Valid
Number of Photographs (relevant cases)
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
no photography
84
75.0
76.4
76.4
one photography
22
19.6
20.0
96.4
two photography
4
3.6
3.6
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Total
Missing
System
Total
Većina tekstova o nestalim osobama (88,9%) nije popraćena fotografijama. Samo dva
teksta sadrže fotografije.
Kao i u slučaju Dnevnog avaza, zbog velikog broja tekstova koji se odnose na suđenja za
ratne zločine, fotografije pretežno sadrže ljudske subjekte (80,76%). Suprotno tome,
tekstovi o nestalim osobama većinom sadrže fotografije objekata/krajolika.
Table 21.
Photo Subject (relevant texts)
Frequency
Valid
only human subjects
21
80.76
only artefact/objects
2
7.69
3
11.53
26
100.0
Both
Total
Percent
Izvještaji o suđenjima za ratne zločine, posebice oni koji se odnose na ICTY procese,
predstavljaju dominantno makrotematsko polje. Oni imaju 62,5% učešća u ukupnom broju
tekstova (tabela i prikaz ispod).
26
Table 22.
Valid
MacroTheme
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
missing persons
18
16.1
16.2
16.2
war crime trials
70
62.5
63.1
79.3
commemoration
15
13.4
13.5
92.8
8
7.1
7.2
100.0
111
99.1
100.0
others
Total
Missing
System
Total
1
.9
112
100.0
Više od polovine tekstova o suđenjima za ratne zločine odnosi se na ICTY proces (tabela
ispod).
Table 23.
Valid
Middle Theme
Frequency
Percent
ICTY trials
39
57.35
domestic trials
22
32.35
7
10.29
68
100.0
trials in ex-Yu countries
Total
27
Naredna tabela prikazuje zastupljenost pojedinih suđenja unutar ITCY sudskih procesa.
Table 24.
Valid
ICTY Case
Frequency
Percent
19
48.71
Plavsic case
6
15.38
Perisic case
1
2.56
Tolimir Case
2
5.12
Mladic Case
2
5.12
Stanisic i Zupljanin
4
10.25
Milosevic Case
2
5.12
Delic Case
1
2.56
Karadzic Case
Others ICTY cases
Total
2
5.12
39
100.0
Naredna tabela sadrži detaljniji pregled tema koje su bile predmet interesiranja urednika i
novinara Nezavisnih novina tokom monitoring perioda.
Table 25.
Specific themes covered in media during monitoring
Cumulative
Valid
28
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Percent
21
18.8
18.9
18.9
Plavsic case
6
5.4
5.4
24.3
Perisic case
1
.9
.9
25.2
Tolimir Case
2
1.8
1.8
27.0
Mladic Case
2
1.8
1.8
28.8
Stanisic i Zupljanin
4
3.6
3.6
32.4
Others ICTY
2
1.8
1.8
34.2
Milosevic Case
2
1.8
1.8
36.0
Delic Case
1
.9
.9
36.9
Kapija and Markale Case
4
3.6
3.6
40.5
Jurisic Case
6
5.4
5.4
45.9
Koricanske stijene Case
5
4.5
4.5
50.5
Srebrenica Case
2
1.8
1.8
52.3
Trusina Case
7
6.3
6.3
58.6
Klickovic Case
1
.9
.9
59.5
Karadzic Case
WCT institution capacity and
problems
3
2.7
2.7
62.2
Other domestic trials
5
4.5
4.5
66.7
18
16.1
16.2
82.9
Others commemoration
4
3.6
3.6
86.5
Others
9
8.0
8.1
94.6
Dudakovic Case
2
1.8
1.8
96.4
Commemoration of death
soliders
4
3.6
3.6
100.0
111
99.1
100.0
Missing persons
Total
Missing
System
Total
1
.9
112
100.0
U nastavku je lista komemorativnih događaja iz recentne prošlosti kojima su se bavili
urednici i novinari Nezavisnih novina:
•
Anniversary of the 5th Special Police Unit in Doboj (parastos to killed soldiers) – 1
text
•
Anniversary of the 6th Infantry Brigade Army of RS (parastos to killed soliders) – 1
text
•
Anniversary – defend west border cities (Kozarska Dubica) – 1 text
•
Shahidi commemoration – anniversary of 7th Muslim Brigade (Zenica) – 1 text
•
Commemoration at Papratnja Njiva near Foča (parastos to killed soldiers and
civilians) – 1 text
•
Commemoration Fishman House (Kip/Klis – Daruvar/Pakrac) – 1 text
•
Commemoration and parastos Bjelovac, Sikirić and Loznička Rijeka (Bratunac) – 1
text
•
Srebrenica Genocide – 2 texts
•
Kapija Massacre – 2 texts
•
Markale Massacre – 2 texts
•
General Remmebernig on Prisoners of Concentracion Camps – 2 texts
Tekstovi o nestalim osobama bavili su se ili novim ekshumacijama ili identifikacijama
osoba pronađenih na ranije otkrivenim ekshumacionim lokalitetima. U nastavku je lista 18
tekstova o nestalim osobama:
•
Dan nestalih osoba Republike Srpske (Banja Luka, Istočno Sarajevo)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti i problemi Ureda za traženje nestalih (Banja Luka)
•
Ekshumacije dvaju tijela (Trnovo)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti Ureda za traženje nestalih (Sarajevo)
•
Udruženje nestalih osoba RS
29
•
Nestale osobe iz Srebrenice (Tuzla)
•
Identifikacija osam tijela (Tuzla – Bratunac – Vlasenica)
•
Ekshumacija (Dvor na Uni)
•
Ekshumacija (Srebrenica)
•
Ekshumacija (Sanski Most, Sarajevo)
•
Ekshumacija (Dvor na Uni)
•
Ekshumacija (Bihać, Višna near Šekovići)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti i problemi Ureda za traženje nestalih (Tuzla)
•
Ekshumacija (Zalazje near Srebrenica)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti i problemi Ureda za traženje nestalih (Banja Luka)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti i problemi Ureda za traženje nestalih (Tuzla)
•
Ekshumacija (Zalazje near Srebrenica)
•
Institucionalni kapaciteti Ureda za traženje nestalih (Sarajevo)
Suprotno Dnevnom avazu, u slučaju Nezavisnih novina novinske agencije najčešće se
javljaju među autorstvom teksta (tabela ispod).
Table 26.
authorship
Frequency
Valid
Total
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
news agency
67
59.8
61.5
61.5
journalist
42
37.5
38.5
100.0
109
97.3
100.0
3
2.7
112
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
System
Kao i u slučaju Dnevnog avaza, većina relevantnih tekstova predstavlja događaje
očekivanog, najavljenog i planiranog tipa.
30
4. TV stanice
4.1. Uzorak istraživanja: selekcija, kolekcija i klasifikacija podataka
4.1.1. Populacija i uzorak
Prema istraživanjima različitih agencija,6 televizija je predominantni medij u Bosni i
Hercegovini i samo 2 % građana u BiH nikada ne gleda televiziju. Regulatorna agencija za
komunikacije izdala je dozvole za rad za 49 televizijskih stanica, od kojih su 3 TV stanice
javnih servisa.
TV stanice javnih servisa:
1. BHT 1
2. Federalna televizija – RTVFBiH
3. Televizija Republike Srpske – RTRS
Ostale TV stanice:
1. TV Kiss – privatna
24. Televizija Kantona Sarajevo – javna TV
stanica
2. Hercegovačka televizija Mostar – javna TV
stanica
25. TV Tuzla – javna TV stanica
3. Hrvatska televizija Oscar – C – privatna
26. Behar TV Int. – privatna
4. MTV Igman – privatna
27. Alternativna televizija - privatna
5. Nezavisna televizija Travnik – javna TV stanica
28. Televizija BN – privatna
6. Nezavisna televizija IC Kakanj – privatna
29. Televizija Rudo – javna TV stanica
7. Nezavisna televizija 99 – privatna
30. Televizija Vikom – javna TV stanica
8. Nezavisna televizija Amna – privatna
31. TV Bel Kanal – privatna
9. NTV Hayat – privatna
32. Televizija Kanal 3 – privatna
10. Nezavisna televizija Jasmin – privatna
33. Televizija Simić – privatna
11. TV OBN – privatna
34. Nezavisni TV-Studio "Arena" – privatna
12. Televizija Živinice – javna TV stanica
35. TV Slon extra – privatna
13. Televizija Bugojno – javna TV stanica
36. Televizija Džungla Doboj – privatna
14. Televizija Cazin – javna TV stanica
37. TV Hit – privatna
15. Televizija BPK Goražde – javna TV stanica
38. Televizija Prijedor – javna TV stanica
16. Televizija Maglaj – javna TV stanica
39. Televizija OSM – privatna
17. Televizija Mostar - privatna
40. Obiteljska televizija Valentino – privatna
18. Televizija Tuzlanskog kantona – javna TV stanica
41. Televizija Slobomir – privatna
19. Televizija Visoko – javna TV stanica
42. Televizija Alfa – privatna
20. Televizija USK – javna TV stanica
43. Televizija Pink – privatna
21. Televizija Zenica – javna TV stanica
44. Herceg TV – privatna
22. Televizija Vogošća – javna TV stanica
45. " Herceg radio-televizija" Trebinje – privatna
23. Nezavisna televizija 101 – privatna
6
GfK, Mareco index Bosnia etc.
31
U registru RAK-a 17 stanica su označene kao ostale javne TV stanice. Ova kategorija TV
stanica su stanice posebne kategorije koje se djelimično finansiraju iz općinskih ili
kantonalnih budžeta. Ove stanice su trebale biti privatizirane nakon formiranja javnih
servisa, međutim, još uvijek egzistiraju kao lokalna/regionalna glasila i služe manje-više
kao diseminacijski kanali komuniciranja lokalnih/regionalnih vlasti s ciljnim javnostima.
Televizijski sadržaj s najvećim uticajem na konstituiranje javnog mnijenja jesu informativni
sadržaji koji su, prema istraživanjima specijaliziranih agencija, najgledaniji programi javnih
TV stanica. Gledanost informativnih emisija komercijalnih TV stanica je nešto manja. Za
analizu sadržaja odabrane su 4 TV stanice: 2 TV stanice javnih servisa i 2 privatne TV
stanice, iz svakog entiteta po jedna javna TV stanica i po jedna komercijalna TV stanica.
Kriterij za odabir ovih stanica bila je njihova ukupna gledanost, te gledanost njihovih
centralnih informativnih emisija. Prema dostupnim podacima na web-stranici RTVFBiH
objavljenim nakon istraživanja koje je provela agencija Mareco Index Bosnia, najgledanije
TV stanice općenito su: RTVFBiH, RTRS, Pink TV, OBN, BHT1, RTVBN i Hayat TV.
Tabela 1
Najgledanije TV stanice u BiH: 1.1. – 31.12. 2010. (vremenski slot 24 h7)
Kako su najgledanije informativne emisije javnih emitera dnevnici RTVFBiH i RTRS-a, a
komercijalnih TV stanica dnevnik RTVBN-a i Hayat TV-a, ove su stanice selektirane za
analizu sadržaja u ovom istraživanju.
7
http://www.rtvfbih.ba/loc/template.wbsp?wbf_id=94 (pristup ostvaren 12. 4. 2011.)
32
Tabela 2
Najgledanije TV stanice u BiH: 1.1. – 31. 12. 2010. (vremenski slot 17 – 23h)
Najznačajniji sadržaj centralnih TV dnevnika jeste prvi slot, sastavljen od vijesti vezanih za
unutarnjopolitičke teme. Struktura dnevnika selektiranih TV stanica bila je slična: prvi slot
(unutrašnjopolitička rubrika) trajao je između 15 i 25 minuta, a u okviru ovih slotova
pojavljivale su se teme vezane za predmet istraživanja. Analizirano je po 20 dnevnika svake
TV stanice, ukupno 80 dnevnika u periodu oktobar – novembar 2009. godine.
4.1.2. Kriteriji za selekciju relevantnih podataka (tekstova/slučajeva)
Kao i kod printanih medija, i u odabiru relevantnih TV priloga postojala su dva generalna
kriterija: (1) prilog je trebao obrađivati događaje vezane za nestale osobe i (2) događaje
koji su po svom karakteru bili vezani za ratnu i postratnu traumu. Ovi su kriteriji
operacionalizirani u četiri kategorije: (1) nestale osobe (ekshumacije, identifikacije,
skupovi); (2) hapšenja i suđenja za ratne zločine (domaći sudovi); (3) hapšenja i suđenja za
ratne zločine (Haški tribunal), te (4) komemoracije (ukopi, protesti, ostali skupovi).
4.1.3. Prikupljanje relevantnih podataka iz baze podataka
Videomaterijal obezbijeđen je u saradnji sa MBG agencijom iz Tuzle, koja je u periodu
istraživanja snimala TV dnevnike selektiranih TV stanica.
4.1.4. Klasifikacija i kodiranje relevantnih podataka
Pri analizi snimljenog videomaterijala u okviru analize:
‐
prikupljeno je 112 snimaka TV dnevnika selektiranih TV stanica;
‐
selektirani su TV dnevnici za analizu relevantnih TV priloga;
-
kodirani su, organizirani i klasificirani prikupljeni podaci.
Istraživači su sačinili tabelarni prikaz uzorka i izdvojenih relevantnih priloga sa
odgovarajućim podacima koji se odnose na ukupan broj emitiranih priloga, ukupan broj
33
relevantnih priloga, dužinu trajanja svih emitiranih priloga, dužinu trajanja relevantnih TV
priloga sa kratkim opisom događaja obrađenog u analiziranom TV prilogu.
4.1.5. Uzorak i relevantni slučajevi/tekstovi: analiza distribucije
Nakon analize prikupljenog materijala, opće karakteristike uzorka koji se istraživao su
sljedeće:
-
80 analiziranih prvih slotova TV dnevnika sadržali su ukupno 827 priloga u
ukupnom trajanju od 1.529 minuta.
-
Od 827 priloga izdvojena su 84 relevantna priloga u ukupnom trajanju od 127,50
minuta.
-
Prilozi koji su se odnosili na nestale osobe zauzimali su 13 % od ukupno emitiranih
relevantnih priloga, dok se ostatak od 87 % odnosio na ostale teme vezane za
ratnu i postratnu traumu.
Sve TV stanice
RTVFBiH
Ukupan broj
emitiranih priloga
Relevantni prilozi
Prilozi o nestalim
osobama
203
31
6
RTRS
196
15
2
RTVBN
218
21
5
Hayat TV
210
17
2
Ukupno
827
84
15
Udio relevantnih tema u analiziranim TV sadržajima relativno je značajan, s obzirom na
aktuelnost ostalih tema koje su već spomenute i može se uočiti da je Javni servis
Federacije BiH emitirao dvostruko više relevantnih priloga, nego javni emiter Republike
Srpske. Ovo se odrazilo i na ukupno trajanje priloga, ali ne i u strukturi priloga, budući da
su isti događaji različito tematizirani i s aspekta dužine trajanja priloga i s aspekta načine
obrade teme.
4.2. Analiza sadržaja: uvodne napomene
Metodologija:
-
Prilikom analize, razvijeno je deset relevantnih kategorija sa preko pedeset varijabli za
mjerenje pojavljivanja bitnih obilježja odabranih slučajeva analize pomoću
deskriptivne statistike.
-
Kategorije i varijable istraživanja su potom kodirane i opisane pratećim protokolom
koji je sadržavao detaljnije SPSS kategorijske/varijabilne nazive i instrukcije, te su
sačinjeni kodni obrasci.
34
Pouzdanost i valjanost istraživačkih instrumenata:
-
Prije konačne studije, obavljeno je preliminarno (pilot) istraživanje na manjem uzorku
s ciljem testiranja pouzdanosti i validnosti istraživačkih instrumenata i kodera.
Analiza pojedinačnih TV stanica pokazala je sljedeće:
4.2.1. RTVFBiH
U periodu istraživanja u okviru prvog slota TV dnevnika TVFBiH emitirana su ukupno 203
priloga. Učestalost objave priloga po danima u sedmici ovisila je o događajima i nije bilo
posebnih tematskih priloga neovisno o događajima koji su se pojavljivali i u ostalim
analiziranim sadržajima.
Broj priloga po danima RTVFBiH
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Ukupno
Relevantni
Tabela 3.
U periodu istraživanja dogodila su se dva značajna događaja vezana za predmet
istraživanja: početak suđenja Radovanu Karadžiću, optuženom za ratne zločine, te
puštanje na slobodu Biljane Plavšić, osuđene za ratne zločine. Ova su dva događaja
značajno uticala na broj i dužinu trajanja priloga, ali i na medijski diskurs, što će biti
obrazloženo u zaključnom razmatranju.
Od ukupnog broja od 203 priloga, 31 prilog odnosio se na teme koje su predmet ovog
istraživanja, bilo da je riječ o nestalim osobama, hapšenjima ili suđenjima za ratne zločine
ili pak o komemoracijama, protestima, ukopima ili nekim drugim događajima koji su na
neki način vezani za nestale osobe i kolektivnu memoriju etničkih zajednica, ili pak društva
kao cjeline. Omjer od 13% relevantnih priloga u ukupnom broju priloga nije zanemariv, s
obzirom da su se u periodu istraživanja (a manje-više i u ostalim periodima nakon
okončanja rata) vodili intenzivni razgovori političkih stranaka o ustavnim promjenama, a
ekonomski podsistem prolazio je značajnu preobrazbu, s obzirom na uvođenje poreza na
dodanu vrijednost.
35
Broj priloga RTVFBIH
Trajanje priloga RTVFBiH
Relevantne
teme 11%
Relevantne
teme
13%
Ukupno
87%
Ukupno
89%
Grafikon 1
Grafikon 2
Teme koje su se odnosile na predmet istraživanja po trajanju su iznosile nešto malo više
nego deseti dio ukupnog vremena svih priloga emitiranih u prvom slotu. Upoređujući ovaj
procent sa procentom udjela u ukupnom broju emitiranih priloga, može se uočiti
podudarnost, što ukazuje na to da su relevantni prilozi producirani na sličan način kao
ostali emitirani prilozi (kombinacija kraćih i dužih autorskih priloga, te kratkih agencijskih
vijesti ili saopćenja različitih organizacija).
Sadržaj priloga uglavnom se odnosio na hapšenja ili suđenja za ratne zločine. Kako je već
spomenuto, u periodu istraživanja počelo je suđenje Radovanu Karadžiću, a na slobodu je
puštena Biljana Plavšić i dobar dio priloga (gotovo trećina) odnosili su se na ova dva
događaja. Mada se pri određivanju perioda istraživanja vodilo računa da to ne bude period
značajnih datuma iz neposredne prošlosti, ovi se događaji nisu mogli predvidjeti.
Međutim, interes medija za procese u Haškom tribunalu bio je stalno prisutan, bez obzira
da li je riječ o optuženim/osuđenim iz BiH ili iz susjednih zemalja. Hapšenja i suđenja za
ratne zločine u ingerenciji domaćih sudova također su predmet kontinuiranog medijskog
interesa, dok su teme vezane za nestale osobe bile nešto rjeđe. Medijska izvještavanja
uglavnom su se odnosila na ekshumacije tijela, te njihovu identifikaciju.
Struktura relevantnih priloga RTVFBiH
Komemoracije
6%
Nestale osobe
16%
Haški tribunal
35%
Domaći sudovi
43%
Grafikon 3
36
Dužina trajanja relevantnih priloga varirala je od vrlo kratkih priloga u trajanju od samo
desetak sekundi, pa do ekstremno dugačkih priloga u trajanju po više od 6 minuta. Dužina
trajanja ukazivala je na porijeklo priloga. Tako su prilozi od 30 sekundi sugerirali na najave
događaja ili kratke obavijesti čiji su izvor bile ili agencije ili PR odjeli različitih institucija i
organizacija. Budući da kod većine priloga ovi izvori nisu bili eksplicitno naznačeni, dužina
trajanja priloga implicitno je upućivala na ovaj zaključak.
Trajanje relevantnih priloga RTVFBiH
Preko 3 min
10%
Od 2 do 3 min
23%
Do 30 sec
32%
Od 30 sec-1 min
16%
Od 1-2 min
19%
Grafikon 4.
Dodatni pokazatelj izvora priloga bila je oprema TV priloga. Autorski prilozi bili su
opremljeni autentičnim, ažurnim snimcima, a u prilogu su bili naznačeni članovi TV ekipe
koja je pripremila prilog. Druga vrsta priloga bili su prilozi koji su sadržavali arhivske
snimke ili je videopozadina uključivala neku statičnu grafiku, što je indiciralo izvještavanje
nastalo temeljem agencijskih ili PR vijesti. I jedne i druge vrste priloga bilo je približno isto:
42% od ukupnog broja svih relevantnih priloga odnosilo se na autorske, a 58% na drugu
vrstu priloga. TV prilozi koji su se odnosili na relevantne teme u većini slučajeva su se
pojavljivali u prvih pet minuta emitiranja prvog slota TV dnevnika.
4.2.2. RTRS
U centralnom dnevniku RTRS u prvom slotu koji je obrađivao unutrašnjopolitičke teme
emitirano je ukupno 196 priloga, od kojih se 15 priloga odnosilo na teme vezane za nestale
osobe, hapšenje i/ili suđenja za ratne zločine, te ostale događaje vezane za konstituiranje
kolektivnog pamćenja na prostorima BiH. Nije se mogao uočiti kontinuitet u strukturiranju
ovakvih tema kao medijskih priloga.
37
Broj priloga po danima RTRS
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Ukupno
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Relevantni
Tabela 4
Trajanje relevantnih priloga bilo je 8% u ukupnom trajanju svih priloga emitiranih u
unutarnjopolitičkom bloku vijesti, a teme koje su dominirale u analiziranim prilozima
odnosile su na suđenje u Haškom tribunalu. Posebna pažnja u okviru programa RTRS
posvećena je početku suđenja Radovanu Karadžiću i puštanju na slobodu Biljane Plavšić.
Struktura relevantnih priloga RTVRS
Komemoracije
7%
Trajanje relevantnih priloga RTVRS
Nestale osobe
13%
preko 3 min
27%
do 30 sec
33%
2-3 min
7%
Haški tribunal
53%
Domaći sudovi
27%
1-2 min
13%
od 30 sex do 1
min 20%
Grafikoni 5. i 6.
U analiziranim programskim sadržajima RTRS dominirali su prilozi koji su trajali do 30
sekundi i uglavnom su se odnosili na saopćenja/suđenja za ratne zločine pred domaćim
sudovima i prema dužini trajanja i opremi priloga moglo se zaključiti da su nastajali na
osnovu agencijskih ili PR vijesti.
Kao i kod prethodno analiziranog javnog emitera, RTVFBiH, i u analiziranim prilozima RTRS
omjer autorskih priloga spram onih nastalih na osnovu agencijskih vijesti ili PR sadržaja bio
je približno isti: 53 % autorskih priloga spram 47 % priloga druge kategorije.
Relevantni prilozi u najvećem su se procentu odnosili na sudske procese vezane za Haški
tribunal, što se može protumačiti činjenicom da je u periodu istraživanja počelo suđenje
Radovanu Karadžiću, a na slobodu puštena Biljana Plavšić. Većina priloga odnosili su se
upravo na pokrivanje ovih dvaju događaja (i u obliku vezanih vijesti koje su iz različitih
38
uglova pokrivale ove događaje). Upravo zbog toga, gotovo trećinu relevantnih priloga čine
prilozi trajanja preko 3 minute.
Trajanje relevantnih priloga RTVRS
Struktura relevantnih priloga RTVRS
preko 3 min
27%
Nestale
osobe
13%
Komemoracije
7%
Haški
tribunal
53%
do 30 sec
33%
2-3 min
7%
Domaći
sudovi
1-2 min
13%
27%
od 30 sex do
1 min
20%
Grafikoni 7 i 8
4.2.3. RTVBN
RTVBN je komercijalna televizija i prema mjerenjima gledanosti već duži period je u vrhu
gledanosti TV stanica na području Republike Srpske.8 Centralna informativna emisija ove
TV stanice također je jedna od najgledanijih informativnih emisija na području Republike
Srpske.
Tabela 5
Broj priloga po danima TVBN
16
14
12
10
Ukupno
8
Relevantni
6
4
2
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
8
Prema mjerenjima Mareco Index Bosnia RTVBN je bila najgledanija TV stanica u Republici Srpskoj u
periodu 1.1.2001. – 17.4.2001. (www.rtvbn.com , pristup ostvaren 25.4.2001.)
39
Broj emitiranih relevantnih priloga u prvom slotu centralne informativne emisije u
analiziranom periodu iznosio je 9% od ukupnog broja emitiranih priloga, koliki je i udio
dužine trajanja relevantnih priloga u ukupnom trajanju analiziranog slota.
Broj priloga TVBN
Trajanje priloga TVBN
Relevantni
Relevantno
9%
9%
Ostalo
91%
Ostalo
91%
Grafikoni 9 i 10
Prema definiranim kriterijima, struktura relevantnih priloga bila je slična strukturi priloga u
prethodno analiziranim sadržajima javnih emitera, s tim da se značajan procent priloga
odnosio na nestale osobe, gotovo jedna četvrtina, a više od polovine emitiranih priloga bili
su autorski prilozi.
Vrsta priloga TVBN
Struktura relevantnih priloga TVBN
Komemoracije
19%
Haški tribunal
33%
Nestale osobe
24%
Arhivski
43%
Domaći sudovi
24%
Autorski
57%
Grafikoni 11 i 12
Najviše priloga trajalo je preko 3 minute i svi su se odnosili na početak suđenja Radovanu
Karadžiću i puštanje na slobodu Biljane Plavšić.
40
Trajanje relevantnih priloga TVBN
do 30 sec
14% od 30 sec-1
preko 3 min
19%
min
10%
2-3 min
24%
1-2 min
33%
Grafikon 13
4.2.4. Hayat TV
Hayat TV komercijalna je TV stanica osnovana 1991. godine i posljednjih godina u vrhu je
gledanosti u Federaciji BiH. Za razliku od većine komercijalnih televizija u BiH, ova TV
stanica njeguje informativni program kao brand, te su Vijesti u 7 (centralna informativna
emisija) među najgledanijim informativnim sadržajima u FBiH. Broj emitiranih relevantnih
priloga u prvom slotu dnevnika koji se odnosio na unutarnjopolitičke teme iznosio je 9%
od ukupnog broja emitiranih priloga.
Em itovanje po danim a Hayat TV
Ukupno
Relevantno
Grafikon 14
Dužina trajanja relevantnih priloga spram dužine trajanja svih ostalih priloga u
analiziranom bloku centralne informativne emisije Hayat TV: najveći procent priloga, 35%,
trajao je do 30 sekundi što indicira na agencijske vijesti ili PR saopćenja.
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Trajanje relevantnih priloga Hayat TV
Relevanti prilozi Hayat TV
Relevantni
7%
2-3 min
12%
1-2 min
29%
Ukupno
93%
preko 3 min
0%
do 30 sek
35%
30 sec do
1 min
24%
Grafikoni 15 i 16
Od ukupnog broja relevantnih priloga, 18% se odnosilo na nestale osobe. Prilozi vezani za
temu o nestalim osobama ticali su se otkrivanja masovnih grobnica i ekshumacije. Većina
priloga se, kao i kod ostalih TV stanica, odnosila na hapšenja i suđenja za ratne zločine, a
više od polovine tih priloga bili su vezani za početak suđenja Radovanu Karadžiću i
puštanje na slobodu Biljane Plavšić.
Struktura relevantnih priloga Hayat TV
Komemora
cije
6%
Haški
tribunal
35%
Nestale
osobe
18%
Domaći
sudovi
41%
Nestale osobe Hayat TV
Nestale
osobe
15%
Ukupno
85%
Grafikoni 18 i 19
4.2.5. Uporedna analiza
Upoređujući broj, strukturu i vrstu priloga emitiranih u analiziranim slotovima svih četiriju
televizijskih stanica, može se uočiti da je najveći značaj relevantnim temama pridavala
RTVFBiH, i to dvostruko više od drugog javnog emitera u RS-u, što se očitovalo i u dužini
trajanja priloga.
42
Relevantni prilozi sve TV stanice
Hayat TV
20%
Trajanje priloga sve TV stanice
Hayat TV
21%
RTVFBiH
37%
RTVBN
25%
RTVRS
18%
RTVFBiH
30%
RTVBN
29%
RTVRS
20%
Grafikoni 20 i 21
Struktura relevantnih priloga na svim televizijama bila je proporcionalno slična. Najveća
pažnja bila je posvećena suđenju Radovanu Karadžiću i puštanju na slobodu Biljane
Plavšić, kojima su sve TV stanice posvetile posebnu pažnju, što se očitovalo u broju priloga,
dužini trajanja priloga, te samom načinu strukturiranja sadržaja. Ove su teme obično
praćene nekoliko dana uzastopno, struktura im je općenito bila tipa vijesti u nizu, a prilozi
su bili najduži od svih emitiranih relevantnih priloga.
Struktura relevantnih priloga sve TV stanice
1
1-RTVFBiH,
Nestale osobe
2
3
2-RTVRS,
3-TVBN,
Domaći sudovi
Haški tribunal
4
4-HayatTV
Komemoracije
Grafikon 22
Većina ostalih priloga vezanih za ratne zločine (hapšenja, suđenja i služenja) uglavnom su
trajala do 1 minute, čak i kraće, što može indicirati i na važnost, ali i na izvor vijesti; obično
kratke vijesti počivaju na agencijskim kratkim vijestima ili PR sadržajima. Dugi prilozi,
posebno kao u slučaju Karadžić i Plavšić, u vidu vezanih vijesti ili tematskih priloga,
implicitno upućuju na važnost ovih događaja.
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Trajanje priloga sve stanice
1
1-RTVFBiH
do 30 sec
2
3
2-RTVRS
3-TVBN
d 30 sec do 1 min
od 1 -2 min
4
4-Hayat TV
od 2 - 3 min
preko 3 min
Grafikon 23
U ukupnom broju priloga sve stanice su emitirale svega 2% priloga koji su se odnosili na
nestale osobe.
Nestale osobe sve TV stanice
Nestale osobe sve TV stanice
Komemora
cije
11%
Nestale
osobe
19%
Haški
tribunal
40%
Domaći
sudovi
30%
Grafikoni 24 i 25
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Nestale
osobe
2%
Svi prilozi
98%
5. Zaključno razmatranje
Da bismo razumjeli suvremene paradigme i modele konstituiranja identiteta u uvjetima
tranzicijskih procesa, bitno je proučiti ukupni društveni kontekst u kojem se konstruiraju
kolektivni identiteti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ovakva analiza iziskivala bi multidisciplinarni
pristup i obimno, dubinsko istraživanje, ali je neupitno da je nacionalno pitanje jedno od
ključnih pitanja u konstituiranju kolektivne memorije, ne samo u BiH, već i u ostalim
državama koje su bile u sastavu bivše Jugoslavije. Neriješeno nacionalno pitanje na
području današnje Bosne i Hercegovine u modernoj povijesti se smatra i uzrokom i
posljedicom nasilja i prisile, što jest jedan od ključnih faktora u oblikovanju kolektivnog
pamćenja. Vodeća teoretska stanovišta o kolektivnom pamćenju tiču se proučavanja
institucionaliziranih oblika takve memorije kao mogućem, vidljivom postojanju memorije,
što podrazumijeva produciranje prepoznatljivih materijalnih i simboličkih obilježja
pamćenja. Mehanizmi konstituiranja takvih obilježja vrlo su složeni i uključuju niz faktora
različite naravi, a pojava mas-medija ovakvoj je produkciji dala jednu novu dimenziju.
Teoretičari koji su se bavili narativima kolektivnog pamćenja u BiH identificirali su neke
popularne narative koji sadrže zajedničke elemente sva tri etnosa koji se tiču neizbježnosti
ratova i nasilja na prostorima BiH. Takvi se narativi odnose na: zlo koje dolazi izvana,
balkanski primitivizam, krivnje za zlo nekoga drugoga izvan BiH (Daiagolo). Politička
floskula „Ne moramo živjeti zajedno, već jedni pored drugih“ medijski je često korištena i
kao tipičan stereotip posredovana do javnosti, a da se smisao ove poruke zapravo teško
može i protumačiti: da li je riječ o vječnom egzistiranju entiteta, nemiješanju nacija i
nacionalnosti u privatnoj sferi ili nešto treće. Bez obzira o čemu je riječ, vrlo opasna,
gotovo nacistička floskula, pretočena je iz javnog u privatni diskurs, pa se prilikom
anketiranja javnosti o nekim osjetljivim pitanjima vezanim za međunacionalne odnose ova
floskula često može čuti iz usta običnih ljudi kada komentiraju, naprimjer, rad Suda BiH u
domenu ratnih zločina. Analiza medijskog diskursa u ovom istraživanju pokazala je da se
ovi popularni narativi koji nastaju u javnoj komunikaciji polagano dopunjavaju narativima
koji se tiču zla iznutra, nemogućnosti suživota i zajedništva, već bitisanja zauvijek
podijeljenih etnosa jednih pored drugih i zla koje dolazi ne samo s vana, već i sada i
iznutra. Čak se unutarnje zlo sada promatra isključivo kroz prizmu etničkih podjela koje
podr(a)žavaju i politika, ali i mediji kao produžena ruka politike. Analiza medijskog diskursa
vezanog za kolektivno pamćenje konstituirano na temelju traumatičnih iskustava iz
recentne prošlosti mogla bi se promatrati kroz sljedeće narative:
1.
Povijesno pamćenje je moguće samo kao političko.
2.
Depersonalizacijom žrtve zamagljuju se uloge žrtve i krvnika.
3.
Ritualizacijom i banalizacijom ključnih povijesnih događaja vrši se selektivni
odabir ključnih mnemoničkih figura koje će pojavljivati u prostetičkoj (medijskoj)
memoriji.
1) Kontroliranje tokova informacija putem masovnih medija započelo je „zauzimanjem“
(rušenjem) RTV prijemnika pred rat u BiH, nastavljeno medijskom izolacijom i
manipulacijom i završilo podjelom medijskog prostora slijedeći političke i etničke podjele.
Kontrola nad medijima danas, zapravo, predstavlja moćno sredstvo kontrole nad
pamćenjem. Medijsko posredovanje tema vezanih za nestale osobe i traumu u Bosni i
45
Hercegovini u ovom je istraživanju analizirano u sadržajima medija sa najvećim tržišnim
udjelom. Tržišni udio morao se promatrati na entitetskim razinama, budući da izrazito
etnički polarizirana komunikacijska situacija nije stvorila uvjete za dominantni udio jednog
medija na cijelom tržištu.9 Bez obzira da li je riječ o komercijalnim medijima ili javnim
emiterima, njihova etnička orijentiranost odražavala se u medijskim sadržajima koji su
identificirani kao sadržaji koji utiču na konstituiranje kolektivnog pamćenja. Etnička
polarizacija medija uvjetovala je i preovlađujući diskurs i dominantne narative, a njihova
supstanca zapravo su bili politički diskursi. Prelijevanje politike utemeljene na etničkom
raslojavanju i polarizaciji u sve sfere javnog života u Bosni i Hercegovini tako se odrazilo na
konstituiranje kolektivnog pamćenja. Medijski (re)producirana traumatička personalna
iskustva pretaču se u kolektivno pamćenje u onim slučajevima kada su na neki način
vezana za dominantne političke ideologije. Vremenom, kao posljedica neumjerene
eksploatacije, ova iskustva gube značenja ili poprimaju nove konotacije u kompleksnom
semiotičkom procesu.
Primjer početka suđenja Radovanu Karadžiću pokazuje kako se u etničkim medijima
strukturiraju sadržaji koji korespondiraju s preovlađujućim političkim stavom. Ova tema
bila je top tema medija u periodu istraživanja. Narativni diskursi na fonu političkog razvijali
su se u procesima atribucije i selektivnog odabira činjenica. Atribucijama bivši predsjednik
Republike Srpske, pa čak i predsjednik RS dominirano je u medijima s većinskim tržišnim
udjelom na području Republike Srpske. Fokus izvještaja o početku suđenja prenosio se sa
suštinskih na pravna pitanja: da li Karadžić može da se brani sam ili ne može, koliko je
vremena potrebno za pripremu odbrane, koja dokumenta treba da se dostave odbrani itd.
Iz optužnice su selektirane samo pojedine tačke, a najava/naslovi priloga su implicitno
upućivali na željeni fokus. U medijima na području Federacije BiH ta se atribucija kretala
od ratni zločinac, krvnik, dželat, do haški optuženik, a iz optužnica su selektirane
najupečatljivije tačke s ključnim riječima genocid, zločin protiv čovječnosti, etničko čišćenje
itd. Kao sastavni dio priloga, česte su bile izjave predsjednica udruženja žrtava rata s
navođenjem imena i prezimena, kao i punih naziva udruženja. Slično je medijski pokriven i
slučaj puštanja Biljane Plavšić iz zatvora. Bivša predsednica RS, Biljana, gospođa Plavšić u
medijima iz RS spram haška optuženica, zatvorenica, majka genocida u medijima u FBiH.
Prilozi su i u jednim i u drugim medijima bili među najdužim/najobimnijim, ali je fokus
priča bio prepoznatljiv od državnice koja je svoju kaznu odslužila (mediji RS) do majke
genocida čija kazna ne može biti satisfakcija za hiljade nestalih, pobijenih i raseljenih
(mediji FBiH).
Kako su ove dvije teme dominirale u periodu istraživanja, ostalim je temama u kategoriji
ratnih zločina (hapšenja, suđenja) bilo posvećeno manje pažnje. Prilozi koji su obrađivali
suđenja za ratne zločine pred domaćim sudovima također su imali različitu dimenziju10 i
konotaciju u analiziranim medijskim sadržajima, ovisno o tome da li je medij bio iz RS ili iz
FBiH. Mediji u RS posebno su u fokus stavljali neravnopravan tretman i neuravnoteženost
9
Primjera radi, gledanost RTVFBiH, kao najgledanije u Federaciji BiH, u Republici Srpskoj je jedva 2%
i obrnuto.
10
Izvještavanja o nepravičnosti i pristrasnosti domaćih sudova za procesiranje ratnih zločina u BiH
vjerovatno su doprinijela pozitivnom stavu javnosti o referendumu na kome bi se građani RS izjasnili
o nametnutim zakonima od strane Visokog predstavnika, posebno onima koji se odnose na državni
Sud i Tužilaštvo. Ovu odluku usvojila je Narodna skupština RS 13. 4. 2011. godine.
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procesiranja etničkih zločinaca pred domaćim sudovima. U prilozima koji su emitirani
obično su procesirani označavali kao numeričko-etničke kategorije (dvojica Bošnjaka,
trojica Srba, dva Hrvata itd.), a u slučaju navođenja imena gotovo nikada nije izostajala
etnička pripadnost optuženog/osuđenog. Ovakva etnička kategorizacija zločina, bez
obzira o kojem je mediju riječ, zapravo je u funkciji ublažavanja čina prenošenjem težišta
sa čina na motiv. Stalnim forsiranjem etničkih oznaka zapravo se želi naglasiti da je zločin
bila nužnost, odbrana sebe od drugoga, odbrana nas od njih i da, kao takav, ne može imati
istu specifičnu težinu.
2) Posebno uočljiv trend u analiziranim medijskim izvještajima jest depersonalizacija žrtve,
što se posebice odražavalo u izvještavanju o nestalim osobama. Problem nestalih osoba u
Bosni i Hercegovini podijelio je i stručnu i opću javnost. Ovaj problem i u medijima je
zapravo slijedio osnovnu matricu javnog diskursa: depersonalizacija i svođenje nestalih na
brojke i statističke podatke koji su neminovno konfrontirani u političkoj ravni. Opet se
težište sa suštine prenosi na formu: čija institucija zarad čije politike skriva ili preuveličava
istinu o nestalim? Na ovakvom se fonu zadržava i medijsko praćenje događaja koji su
vezani za nestale osobe. Ekshumacije, identifikacije, komemoracije ključne su riječi priloga
koji su se bave problemom nestalih osoba i ponovo je isključivo riječ o etničkom,
numerisanom pripadniku (iz masovne grobnica su ekshumirana tijela osmorice Srba,
otkrivena nova sekundarna grobnica za koju se procjenjuje da krije tijela preko dvije
stotine Bošnjaka itd.). Posebno je uočljivo da su ovakve teme, gotovo po pravilu, na neki
način vezane za religijske odlike etničkih pripadnika: od klanjanja dženaza do služenja
parastosa i koncelebriranih svetih misa. Vizualna i grafička oprema priloga prepoznatljiva
je do stereotipa i eksploatirana do gotovo potpunog gubitka značenja: ekspertni timovi za
ekshumacije, iskopine, ljudske kosti u iskopanoj zemlji ili posložene u komemoracijskim
centrima. Depersonalizacija se produbljuje čak do dehumanizacije, a ljudski život svodi na
skelet, ili čak dijelove skeleta, numerisane i spremne za analizu. Depersonalizacijom žrtava
zapravo se nastoji konstituirati javni diskurs na fonu etničke (de)personalizacije i
udaljavanju od građanskog koncepta. Nužnost bivstvovanja u formi etničkog pripadnika
tako se prenosi i na žrtve koji u medijskom diskursu jesu Bošnjaci, Srbi, Hrvati, Romi, a ne
majke, očevi, sinovi, kćeri, prijatelji, susjedi, učitelji. Kao brojevi i količine žrtve se mjere u
kvantitetu i porede s drugim količinama: koliko je naših, a koliko njihovih? Mi i oni kao
osnovna vrijednosna kategorija bez konkretnog uporišta u realnome u medijskoj simulaciji
poprimaju odlike simulakruma trećeg reda.
3) Mediji masovnog komuniciranja s jedne strane doprinose produženom očuvanju
kolektivnog pamćenja, budući da trajno memoriraju događaje, pojave, spomenike, simbole
i mogu ih reproducirati uvijek i iznova. S druge strane, selektivnost i nova značenja nastala
u procesu spajanja pojedinačnih značenja ostavljaju mogućnost beskrajne manipulacije.
Manipulacija počinje raslojavanjem i stratificiranjem događaja pri čemu pojedini
događaji/naracije dobijaju gotovo epske dimenzije, dok se drugi marginaliziraju,
banaliziraju i vremenom prestaju biti simbol koji pobuđuje memorije vezane za
kolektivitet. Tako se u analiziranim sadržajima pojavljuju ikonični simboli poput Srebrenica,
Dobrovoljačka, Manjača, Sijekovac, Dvor na Uni, Ahmići itd., dok niz drugih događaja
blijede i nestaju i iz medijskog diskursa i iz kolektivne memorije. Tako se pored kolektivnog
pamćenja strukturira i kolektivna amnezija. Događaji iz prošlosti koji nisu u skladu sa
47
preovlađujućom ideologijom (diskursom) nastoje se potisnuti, te svojevrsnom kolektivnom
amnezijom ponekad potpuno negirati. Posebno su zanimljive takozvane bijele mrlje
prošlosti koje se manje-više pojavljuju kao dio kolektivne amnezije. Prešućivanje,
zataškavanje i potiskivanje u zaborav pojedinih događaja ili nekih momenata tih događaja
u bosanskohercegovačkim uvjetima se opet raslojava oko viđenja istih događaja kroz
etničke vizure. Tako se selektivnim odabirom leksičke, vizualne i oralne građe medijski
produciraju verzije prošlosti u kojima se nepoželjni dijelovi isijecaju ili se eufemizmima
ublažavaju. Nastradali Bošnjaci, ekshumacija ljudskih kostiju u Srebrenici ili događaj u
Dobrovoljačkoj, stradanje Srba u opkoljenom Sarajevu primjeri su kako se iz pojedinih
događaja selektivnim odabirom leksičke građe nastoji ukloniti elementi koji nisu u skladu
sa preovlađujućom ideologijom na osnovu koje se ponajviše konstituira kolektivna
memorija. Pri audio-vizuelnoj produkciji također se koriste odabrani isječci koji
korespondiraju osnovnoj ideji stvaranja bijelih mrlja. Po pravilu je riječ o ratnim zločinima i
motivima takvih zločina.
Mada je istraživanje pokazalo da u središtu medijskog interesa nisu bili događaji vezani za
traumatična iskustva iz recentne prošlosti, medijski diskurs(i) i narativi koji su bili
posreduju do javnosti i u reduciranom obliku predstavljaju faktor daljeg produbljivanja
razlika u viđenju prošlosti i stvaranja stanja nemogućnosti suočavanja s takvom prošlosti.
Medijskim sadržajima još uvijek dominira izrazito političko sjećanje, te diskurs žrtve u
kome se ne može razaznati ni žrtva ni mučenik, pa se u ovakvome diskursu zapravo dokida
razlika. Reinterpretacijom traumatičnih iskustava iz bliže, ali i dalje prošlosti, opravdavaju
se postupci za učinjeno, pa savremeni narativi s mitskom podlogom sistemski oblikuju
prošlost u razjedinjenim publikama. Ritualizacijom ključnih povijesnih događaja, njihovom
banalizacijom ili spekatkulacijom, ponekad i falsifikacijom, sistemski se konstruira prošlost
koja kao takva nastavlja cirkulirati u javnoj sferi, iznova se nudeći publici na proživljavanje,
poprimajući nova značenja i konstituirajući nove memorije kolektiviteta.
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Prof. dr. Jasmina Husanović
Prof. dr. Vedad Spahić
Doc. dr. Mirsad Kunić
Doc. dr. Azra Verlašević
Filozofski fakultet Tuzla, Univerzitet u Tuzli
Konstrukcija nacionalnog identiteta u bosanskohercegovačkoj književnosti – bošnjačka
komponenta
Unutar projekta:
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern
national projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina: multidisciplinary
perspectives from media and cultural production
SADRŽAJ:
1. Kulturalni okvir
2. Književnost – identitet – ideologija
3. (META)fizika identiteta u recentnom bh. filmu
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1. KULTURALNI OKVIR
Bošnjački kulturni identitet između principa moći i mira
Jedna stvar se može iskazati na najmanje dva načina: na način na koji
želimo da kažemo jednu stvar i samo nju; i na način na koji želimo dakako
da kažemo tu stvar, ali i da u isto vrijeme podsjetimo da je svijet mnogo
komplikovaniji širi i kontradiktorniji.
(Italo Kalvino)
Držimo na početku bitnim istaći da se pretpostavke ovog razmatranja temelje na
odbacivanju aksioloških apriorija i uvriježenih hipoteka pripisivanih trima ključnim
pojmovima iz podnaslovne teme – KULTURA, MOĆ i MIR. Naše je, dakle, polazište lišeno
premisa po kojima kultura i mir eo ipso sadrže afirmativne, a moć negativne atribute.
Metodološki je neophodno, stoga, ukazati na referentna uporišta teorijskog poimanja
kulture na osnovu kojih ćemo samjeravati povijesna i recentna iskustva jednog kulturološki
osebujnog prostora kakav je Bosna i Hercegovina. Posrijedi su, zapravo, dva danas
dominantna teorijska koncepta kulture – jedan tradicionalni, ali još uvijek prisutni,
liberalno-humanistički i drugi, koji u relevantnim savremenim promišljanjima preuzima
primat. Uz sve ograde nazvat ćemo ga poststrukturalističkim.
Liberalno-humanistička misao definira kulturu kao bezinteresno traganje za
duhovno-materijalnim savršenstvom radi dosezanja onog najboljeg i promicanja tog
najboljeg unutar socijalne vertikale. Nositelji Kulture su intelektualci (veliko slovo K
upotrebljavamo sukladno opoziciji Kultura – kultura koju predlaže Tery Eagleton u knjizi
Ideja kulture). Oni navode ljude da uoče pravu stvar i tako potiču sklad među njima. Baveći
se lijepim umjetnostima, ljudi mogu doći u doticaj sa vječnim vrijednostima koje su temelj
ljudskog života i morala. K tome, umjetnost oslobađa iskustvo kontingentnih povijesnopragmatičnih odrednica.
Drugi koncept shvata kulturu šire, kao cjelokupan način života (uključuje svakodnevna
umijeća, običaje, navike, predodžbe...), a ne samo kao korpus intelektualnih i
imaginativnih tvorevina. Kulturna proizvodnja odvija se na sjecištima vladajućih, nastajućih
i rezidualnih silnica i obilježena je njihovim dinamičkim antagonizmom i sukobom. Prostor
kulture je, dakle, raspršeno, pluralno polje stalne borbe za prevlast, u kome ničemu nije
garantirana dominantna pozicija. Pritom, kako uočava Renate Lachmann, ne može biti
prirodnog zaborava: u polju kulture postoje samo privremene neaktivnosti
(desemiotiziranosti) pojedinih zona, koje se potom opet aktiviraju (resemiotiziraju).
Koncept je poststrukturalistički po tom što su kulture shvaćene na način književnog teksta.
Kulture se, kao i tekstovi, ne daju fiksirati u jedinstvena, cjelovita i konačna značenja.
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Naše je „čitanje“ kontemporarne bosanske kulture, uz sav respekt prema
emancipatorskim projekcijama liberalnog humanizma, bliže konceptu kulture kao
sveobuhvatnije dinamičke strukture, premda bezrezervno ne prihvatamo ni sve aspekte
teorije permanentnog i slobodnog procesa kompetitivnih nadigravanja na kulturalnom
polju. Zapravo i kanimo razvijati tezu – donekle polemičku u odnosu na restitucijski
optimizam R. Lachmann – o bosanskoj kulturi kao entitetu u fazi intenzivne i prijelomne
semiotizacije, s još neizvjesnim ishodima, ali vrlo izvjesnim prirodnim entropijskim
pražnjenima i ireverzibilnim kontingentima zaborava, koji su izravni ili neizravni produkt
djelovanja vanjskih principa moći i unutarnjeg stanja nemoći da im se svrhovito i
osmišljeno parira. Štaviše, upitnom nam se ukazuje i praktična razložnost pružanja te vrste
otpora. Ne držimo, naime, tradicionalni kulturni identitet nekakvom sakrosanktnom vrijednošću nad kojom u eri globalizacije treba nostalgično lamentirati, niti vjerujemo da
pamćenje funkcionira za društvo poput sustava imunosti za tijelo, jednako kao što smo,
vice versa, skeptični prema bezrezervnoj prednosti koju neki teoretičari (R. Williams, npr.)
daju kulturalnim formama u nastajanju. Bosansko kulturalno polje s dosta jasnom
diferencijacijom naslijeđenih, dominantnih i nastajućih semiokulturnih area i relativno
predvidivim međusobnim prerazgraničavanjima u budućnosti, ostavlja bez odgovora
pitanje zašto bi bilo koji od konkurentskih kulturnih modela trebao valjanije od drugih
zastupati cjelinu, odnosno interes svih članova zajednice. Je li neki smjeran odnos
pamćenja i zaborava recept zdravlja pojedinca, naroda i kulture? Može li, uopće, neke
smjernosti biti u bosanskom kulturalnom polju? Prije ma kakvog odgovora, potrebno je,
barem u najosnovnijim crtama, preispitati šta sačinjava tradicijsku popudbinu i aktuelni
režim oblikotvornih modela bošnjačke (bosansko-muslimanske) kulturne komponente
unutar bosanskog multikulturnog ansambla i koji su učinci njihova sukobljavanja.
Prihvatom islama i uključivanjem u islamsko-orijentalni kulturno-civilizacijski krug Bošnjaci
raskidaju kontinuitet sa vlastitom predislamskom kulturnom tradicijom na svim planovima
diskurzivnog ispoljavanja kulturnog identiteta, izuzimajući maternji bosanski jezik,
upotrebu pisma bosančice (bosanske verzije ćirilice) i izvjesne elemente folklornoobičajnog predanja koje također doživljava zanimljive transformacije u dodiru sa
usvojenom islamskom vjersko- -kulturnom matricom. Premda se o tome može svjedočiti
sa suzdržanijim pouzdanjem, do promjena u strukturi etnomentaliteta po prilici dolazi u
manjoj mjeri, budući da i tokom osmanske vladavine, zahvaljujući liminalnom
geostrateškom položaju, u Bosni vlada stanje permanentne militarne napetosti i
nesigurnosti, a ratovanje predstavlja jednu od osnovnih profesionalnih djelatnosti
bosanskog čovjeka. Na periferiji, zaboravljeni, u dugom periodu dekadencije Carstva
prepušteni sami sebi, a stalno izloženi prijetnjama neprijateljskog okruženja, Bošnjaci su
prinuđeni djelovati situaciono, na svoju ruku, u rasponu od domišljanja do obijesti, što je
iskovalo jedan tvrdokorni ratničko-pustahijski mentalitet vjerno oslikan u usmenoj epskoj
pjesmi. Na pitanje čega se boji, epski junak Alija Bojičić odgovara: “Boga malo, cara baš
nimalo,/ a vezira ko dorata svoga.” S druge strane, Osmansko carstvo je u poznom
srednjem vijeku jedina država na teritoriji Evrope koja tolerira multikonfesionalnost mimo
primjene evropskog principa vjersko-teritorijalne delimitacije cuius regio illius religio,
prema kojem su podanici morali prihvatiti vjeru svojih zemaljskih gospodara. Ta će
činjenica za bosansku kulturu predstavljati akviziciju, koja uprkos svim potonjim
destruktivnim nastojanjima nije desemiotizirana, a i danas čini živ supstrat na kojem je
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možda moguće restituirati neku multikulturalnu budućnost. Bosanska multikulturalnost,
međutim, ironijom povijesti od raspada Osmanskog carstva, bila je i ostala jednom od
glavnih smetnji svim konceptima involviranja Bosne i Bošnjaka u evropski kulturno-civilizacijski krug, o čemu će u potonjem dijelu rada biti više riječi.
Konzervativne i zazorne prema svemu stranom i novom Bošnjake zatječe austrougarska
okupacija. Od tada, sve do danas, bošnjačka kultura intenzivno je suočena sa problemom
evropeizacije. Shvatimo li kulturni identitet u hegelovskom smislu kao rezultat prohoda
entiteta kroz sustav razlika, posljedica tog prohoda u bošnjačkom slučaju bit će jedan
izrazito nestabilan identitet. Na djelu je snažan otpor prihvatanju evropskih kulturnocivilizacijskih tekovina, a s druge strane administrativno se, u ime različitih politika, ciljeva i
interesa, implementiraju različite i često neprimjerene strategije evropeizacije.
Okupacijom Bosne i Hercegovine i preuzimanjem obaveze nad jednim muslimanskim
narodom, Austro-Ugarska svoju kulturnu politiku dizajnira kombinacijom orijentalističkih
stereotipa preuzetih iz iskustava u ophođenju drugih kolonijalnih sila s koloniziranim
muslimanskim narodima u Aziji i Africi i modernih emancipacijskih tekovina kojima se ovaj
prostor po sadržaju i načinu života trebao učiniti što priličnijim evropskim sredinama. Frustrirajuća činjenica da je nešto u isto vrijeme i evropsko i muslimansko (nešto približno
fenomenu “unutarnjeg drugog” o kome piše Marija Todorova u knjizi Imaginarni Balkan)
stavljala je stranu upravu pred teško rješivu enigmu. Austrijanci izlaz traže u formuli po
kojoj je orijentalizacija Bosne uslov njene evropeizacije. Pojam orijentalizacije pri tom
razumijevamo u značenju koje mu pridaje Edward Said: Orijent nije ono što jeste, Orijent
je diskurzivno-imaginacijska predodžba Zapada. Okupaciona uprava forsira štampanje
listova na turskom jeziku koji poznaje manje od 5% stanovništva, podižu se građevine u
tzv. pseudomavarskom stilu (sarajevska Vijećnica, npr.), bošnjačka književnost se “orijentalizira” ugledanjem na njemačke romantičare i njihove srpsko-hrvatske epigone, tradicionalna lirska narodna pjesma sevdalinka tekstualno i melodijski se bastardizira tursko-arapskim primjesama, pretvarajući se u tzv. novokomponovanu narodnu pjesmu koja i danas
hara bosanskim medijima. Ali, uporedo sa hegemonijskim, Bosna se upoznaje i sa
liberalno-humanističkim diskursom zapadne kulture (mada je, kako ukazuje Said, jedno od
drugog vrlo teško, ponekad i nemoguće, razgraničiti) – osnivaju se kulturna i naučna
društva, nova učilišta, pokreću časopisi, otvaraju muzeji… Već austrougarski period u
punoj mjeri razotkriva ambivalentnu prirodu tokova i procesa u dinamičnim kulturalnim
prostorima. Kultura djeluje kao snaga potčinjavanja, rastvaranja, razvlašćivanja matičnih
kulturalnih oblika isto, ili barem približno, koliko i produkcije, stvaranja, pospješivanja.
Upravo Edward Said ističe (a to reduktivne interpretacije njegove kritike orijentalizma
uglavnom prešućuju) da “povjerovati kako politika u formi imperijalizma samo pritišće
produkciju književnog, znanstvenog, društveno-teorijskog i historijskog pisanja,
neporecivo je jednako tvrdnji kako je kultura ponižena i ocrnjena stvar. Sasvim suprotno,
mi možemo bolje razumjeti trajnost i izdržljivost hegemonijskih sustava kada uvidimo kako
su njihove unutarnje stege nad piscima i misliocima bile produktivne, a ne jednostrano
zabranjujuće”.11 Rezultati austrougarske kulturne politike u Bosni su obuhvatni, višestruki,
dalekosežni i nadasve nedovršeni. Bosanska i bošnjačka kultura postale su u pravom
smislu kulture raskršća. Konzervativnost, ksenofobičnost i zazor smijenile su prijemčivost,
otvorenost, ponekad pretjerana podložnost i popustljivost. To stanje je i stalna inspiracija
11
Edward W. Said, Orijentalizam, Sarajevo 1999, 28.
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(dodiri i sukobi silnica različite kulturno-civilizacijske provenijencije urađaju osebujnim
ishodima, primjerice interliterarnim oplođenjima u književnosti, interestetskim prožimanjima u drugim umjetnostima itd.), ali i teški usud razapetosti između spornog i
maglovitog samorazumijevanja i suspektnog doživljaja u očima drugih. Nestabilni identitet
generiran paralelnim i traumatičnim procesima evropeizacije i zakašnjele nacionalizacije
dominantno je obilježje bošnjačkog mentaliteta. Dramatski slikovito opisan je u monologu
jednog od junaka Selimovićevog romana Derviš i smrt:
A mi nismo ničiji, uvijek smo na nekoj međi, uvijek nečiji miraz. Zar je onda čudo
što smo siromašni? Stoljećima mi se tražimo i prepoznajemo, uskoro nećemo
znati ni ko smo, zaboravljamo već da nešto i hoćemo, drugi nam čine čast da
idemo pod njihovom zastavom jer svoje nemamo, mâme nas kad smo potrebni,
a odbacuju kad odslužimo, najtužniji vilajet na svijetu, najnesretniji ljudi na
svijetu, gubimo svoje lice, a tuđe ne možemo da primimo, otkinuti a
neprihvaćeni, strani svakome, i onima čiji smo rod, i onima koji nas u rod ne
primaju. Živimo na razmeđi svjetova, na granici naroda, svakome na udaru,
uvijek nekome krivi. Na nama se lome talasi istorije kao na grebenu. Sila nam je
dosadila, i od nevolje smo stvorili vrlinu: postali smo plemeniti iz prkosa…
… Najzamršeniji ljudi na svijetu. Ni s kim istorija nije napravila takvu šalu kao s
nama. Do juče smo bili ono što danas želimo da zaboravimo. Ali nismo postali ni
nešto drugo. Stali smo na pola puta, zabezeknuti. Ne možemo više nikud.
Otrgnuti smo a nismo prihvaćeni. Kao rukavac što ga je bujica odvojila od majke
rijeke, i nema više ni toka ni ušća, suviše malen da bude jezero, suviše velik da
ga zemlja upije. S nejasnim osjećanjem stida zbog porijekla i krivice zbog
otpadništva, nećemo da gledamo unazad, zato zadržavamo vrijeme, u strahu od
ma kakvog rješenja. Preziru nas i braća i došljaci, a mi se branimo ponosom i
mržnjom. Htjeli smo da se sačuvamo, a tako smo se izgubili, da više ne znamo ni
šta smo. Nesreća je što smo zavoljeli ovu svoju mrtvaju i nećemo iz nje. A sve se
plaća, pa i ova ljubav. Zar smo mi slučajno ovako pretjerano surovi, raznježeni i
tvrdi, veseli i brižni, spremni uvijek da iznenadimo svakog, pa i sebe?
Premda Selimovićevu refleksiju ne treba baš uzeti kao uzorak općeg (hegelovskog
“pojedinačnog općeg”) znakovito je da unutar jedne kulture uopće postoji samosviještena
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misao o kontingentnosti i nestabilnosti njezina identiteta . Recentne kulturalne studije
12
Ovaj je problem bezmalo opsesivna tema bošnjačke književnosti. Na prste bi se mogli pobrojati
autori u čijim registrima tema i motiva ona nije tretirana. Pitanje identiteta za bošnjačkog
intelektualca je, kako piše Midhat Begić, “njegova čvorna nedaća, mučnina i problematika, koja
sigurno nije bivala manja pristajanjem uz druga nacionalna određenja, čak ni njegovim uklapanjem u
evropski civilizacijski stil i životni oblik”. Često se pri tom, kao svojevrsna paradigma, navode stihovi
pjesnika Hamze Hume:
Nazvaše me Hamzom
Kao što nazvaše hiljadama ljudi
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saglasne su u tome da kulture uglavnom njeguju umišljaj o transcendentalnoj neupitnosti
svojih autodistinktivnih sadržaja i vrednota. Etnolog Clifford Geertz ide čak dotle da tvrdi
kako su sve kulturalne odrednice tvorevinama pripisane, a ne iz njih izvedene, njihovo
značenje se ne otkriva nego stvara. Bilo kako bilo, ostaje činjenica da kritička
autorefleksivnost u odnosu na vlastitu kulturu nije svojstvena neteorijskim diskurzivnim
praksama. Proizvodio ju je u bošnjačkom slučaju atipično dug period nacionalizacije. Naša
je teza da bošnjačka kultura pod uticajem novonastajućih i importovanih kulturalnih silnica
tek treba da uđe u proces fikcionalizacije koherentnijeg nacionalno-kulturnog identiteta.
Period življenja u jugoslovenskoj zajednici predstavljao je u tom pogledu vrijeme
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odgađanja. Nipošto ne želimo reći da je to bio prazan hod , dapače aktuelno stanje
kulture uvijek je kaleidoskopski živopisan palijativni položaj koji se od prethodne i sljedeće
konfiguracije razlikuje po stupnju semiotiziranosti pojedinih konstitutivnih elemenata.
Jugoslovenska bajka samo je prolongirala neminovan neposredni susret drugih sa
Bošnjacima i Bošnjaka sa samim sobom. Raspadom Jugoslavije koja je fungirala kao
svojevrsni karantin naslijeđenih problema današnja se “ujedinjena” Evropa, između ostalog, suočava sa istom onom enigmom koja je nekad stajala pred austrougarskim
stratezima. U Evropi postoji jedna zemlja čija multikulturalnost i multikonfesionalnost
imaju hiljadugodišnji kontinuitet. U Evropi postoji jedan muslimanski narod koji živi
evropskim načinom života i koji želi biti punovažnim članom evropske zajednice naroda.
Rat 1992-95. bio je, međutim, cijena četiri stoljeća zakašnjele, a izgleda neizbježne,
kondicionalizacije – uspostave koncepta monokonfesionalne/mononacionalne države kao
ulaznice u evropsku povijest. K tome, Bošnjake je teško razuvjeriti da silina i dužina
trajanja toga sukoba nisu u vezi sa, najblaže rečeno, nesnalaženjem Evropljana pred
Iz pustinja divljih beduina,
Crnih građana vječno sunčanih gradova,
Hiljadama bakarnih Inda
Ljudi sa plantaža,
Hiljadama bakarnih Inda
I onih s pazarâ visokog Irana
Što prodaju ćilime
Biser, nakit, žene,
O čudno je to čudno
Da ovdje
U našoj zemlji kraj Evrope
Hamzom zovu mene
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S tim u vezi, među bošnjački intelektualcima i piscima (Skender Kulenović, Muhsin Rizvić, Enes
Duraković, Hadžem Hajdarević…) rado je korištena metafora ponornice, u značenju identiteta koji
jednim dijelom egzistira u nekom pozadinskom, netransparentnom planu (poglavito unutar
porodične intime), čekajući rijetke povoljne stjecaje da se objelodani i zatim ponovo mimikrira.
Nastala u sintezi nacionalno-emancipatorske i liberalno-humanističke paradigme metafora
ponornice prenaglašava blagotvornost ketmanske strategije na račun transparentnih i etabliranih
silnica u ex-jugoslovenskoj kulturalnoj mreži koje su, također, bitno sudjelovale u oblikovanju
bošnjačkog kulturnog identiteta.
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činjenicom će u novonastaloj državi muslimani biti većina. Više je nego jasno da Dejtonski
sporazum u tom smislu predstavlja tek sofisticiraniju, ali i licemjerniju, inačicu
Augsburškog mira (1555.) kojim je ustanovljeno načelo “čija zemlja njegova i vjera”. Osim
što je politički neodrživ na srednjovjekovnoj “magičnoj” formuli, zasnovan koncept unutarnje podjele Bosne proizvodio je njegovim inozemnim tvorcima paradoksalan povratni
efekat – intenzivirao je, naime, autoreferencijalni pogon upravo onih kulturalnih silnica
koje su predmet zazora i frustracije distributivnih centara globalne moći.
Prohodeći tako napregnutim sustavom razlika oblikovanje identiteta bošnjačke nacije u
ratnim i prvim poratnim godinama, doživjelo je manje-više neuspjeh u pokušaju
samoidentifikacije na način “otkrivanja sebe već prisutnom u vlastitoj tradiciji” (S. Žižek).
To je ujedno period kada žudnja za stabilnim identitarnim konstrukcijama doživljava svoj
vrhunac. Štaviše, njihovo nepostojanje prepoznaje se i kao jedan od uzroka posljednje
nacionalne katastrofe. Roman Zilhada Ključanina Šehid predstavlja svojevrsnu metaforu te
žudnje. Cilj autorov je da pred lice vlastitog naroda stavi ogledalo u kome bi se trebala
ozrcaliti dijagnoza identiteta i uzroci historijske sudbine kao primarno semiotički problem.
Prema narodnom predanju, mjesto na kome junak spusti vlastitu odrubljenu glavu
posvećeno je mjesto kolektivne samospoznaje. Riječ šehid znači svjedok – njegov je čin
inicijalan, svi potonji (hodočasnici) svjedoče i potvrđuju viktimološki mit kao odanost
vlastitim identitarnim ishodištima. U romanu šehid će spustiti svoju odrubljenu glavu onda
kada povrati izgubljeno ime, a njegov narod zaboravljeno umijeće čitanja povijesnih i
Božijih znakova, o koje se naivno oglušivao dovodeći u pitanje svoj opstanak. S druge
strane, mozaički niz priča o žiteljima sela Trnova bespoštedna je, čas dirljiva čas autoironična i satirična, demistifikacija mentaliteta jednog etnosa koji plaća danak zapletenosti u
svoj nakaradni znakovni sustav. Najveći dio toga sustava čine, doduše, benigna “mala
vjerovanja koja je Svemogući spuštao smrtnicima da im olakša život”. Zapleti grotesknih
razmjera, na kolektivnom planu, proizlaze iz karikaturalnog prizemljenja temeljnih kategorija i vrijednosti. Tako uz pomoć Kur’ana Ćeman-efendija organizira “pacifizirani način
odbrane”. Učenjem prigodnih ajeta i sura šest puta opasuje selo. U semiotički rašomon
uključena je i kategorija šehida koja u pučkoj intepretaciji biva devalvirana galopirajućom
inflacijom pripisanih joj značenja, tako da su se praktično svi umrli ili ubijeni Trnovljani
našli unutar živopisne nomenklature od trideset i tri poznate vrste šehida. Zadaća pravog
šehida da ustabili semiotički sustav i zaustavi proliferaciju entropijskog znakovlja literarna
je metafora nemoguće misije kreiranja čvrstog i neupitnog identitarnog konstrukta, ali i
svojevrsni alarm kojim se ukazuje na nužnost izbalansiranijeg odnosa varijabilnih
sastavnica unutar aktuelnog presjeka identitarne morfologije.
Na istom tragu okretanje samima sebi nužno se odvijalo potenciranjem vjerske
komponente kulturnog identiteta, no u isto vrijeme proces reislamizacije konstantno je
blokiran za sekularizirani populus previsokom etičkom i formalno-praktičnom
zahtjevnošću islamskih vjerskih propisa, kompromitacijama kroz rigidnu vjersku promidžbu
od strane dijela uleme (klera) i političkog vodstva, neprimjerenošću načina života i
ponašanja koje su prakticirali humanitarni službenici i vojni dobrovoljci iz islamskih
zemalja, privlačnošću
civilizacijsko-tehničkih blagodati koje nudi zapadni životni
standard, političkim djelovanjem Zapada direktno ili preko ovlaštenih predstavnika u Bosni
i Hercegovini, naposljetku utemeljenim ili paranoičnim strahom od ugroženosti i
autsajderstva u svijetu u kome se redistribucija moći – poslije 11. septembra to je sasvim
55
bjelodano – ponovo konstelira na antagonizmu kršćanstva i islama. Je li posljedica svega
da nekonjunkturno naslijeđe, sukladno teoriji Renate Lachmann i omiljenoj metafori
bošnjačke intelektualne elite, opet privremeno ponire ili se pak stanovite forme i sadržaji
kulture entropijski bespovratno gube? Bliži smo procjeni da će bošnjačka kultura u budućnosti gubiti svoje raskrsno obilježje: oblici pučke, trivijalne i popularne kulture neumoljivo
se vesterniziraju i do neprepoznatljivosti bastardiziraju (tzv. novokomponovana narodna
muzika, npr.), bošnjačka gradska porodica (nakon rata više od 75 % naroda satjerano je u
gradove) nema više podlogu koja bi održavala maticu ponornog toka i čuvala tradicijske
vrijednosti, javni informativni mediji i školski sistem prema projektu međunarodne
zajednice anacionalno su dizajnirani, uticaj formi tzv. visoke kulture manji je nego ikad, u
izdavaštvu vlada diletantizam, institucije kulture (muzeji, akademije, znanstveni instituti)
bukvalno preživljavaju, sadržaji drevne običajnosti se komercijaliziraju (godišnje vjersko
hodočašće Ajvatovica, npr.). Ovu sumornu sliku ne treba, međutim, shvatiti tragično.
Kultura je uvijek proces odnosno učinak sukobljenih diskurzivnih režima. Radije vidimo u
svemu onu vrstu krize koja karakterizira prijelaz iz nestabilnog u stabilniji kulturni
identitet, semiotizaciju koja se odvija pod gravitacijom hegemonijskih sustava spremnih
prihvatiti određeni entitet samo kao “pripitomljenu drugost”. Bez ikakve nostalgije ipak
ostajemo pri uvjerenju da i “nepripitomljeni” Bošnjaci nisu nikome opasnost i smetnja.
Stereotipi, međutim, ne poznaju izuzetke.
56
2. KNJIŽEVNOST – IDENTITET – IDEOLOGIJA
Nevolje sa izmještenim identitetom
Poklič da se sačuva i odbrani identitet kruži
svijetom. Svuda odjekuje njegov plačljivi ili pomamni
lelek. To je polet koji svaku svijest podvrgava gorljivoj
želji, neodoljivom htijenju koje objavljuje: radije
umrijeti nego ne biti to što jesmo.
(Fethi Benslama)
HH sindrom
Svojevremeno je Alois Schmaus bošnjačku usmenu epiku nazvao Pepeljugom
južnoslavenske usmene tradicije; on ju je vidio kao posljednju u nizu, neželjenu i omraženu
u svom užem, ali željenu i traženu u širem okruženju. Možda bi se ta zgodna metafora
mogla proširiti i na identitarni plan, jer i Bošnjaci kao narod u procesu nacionalne
identifikacije dolaze posljednji u nizu, sa istim ili sličnim relacijama prema užem i širem
okruženju, premda će mnogi reći da taj proces kod njih još uvijek traje. To nije slučajno, jer
je znano da je u tom procesu jednu od ključnih uloga odigrala (a kod Bošnjaka i danas igra)
upravo usmena epska tradicija, zahvaljujući ulozi koju su joj namijenili još njemački
romantičari (Vahtel 2001: 46).14
Postoje, međutim, nesuglasice oko ključnog pitanja nacije – šta ona jest i kako je nastala –
a da bismo se mogli komotno kretati moramo se odrediti spram tog pitanja. Na jednoj
strani nalaze se tradicionalne sociološke teorije o naciji kao jednoj od završnih faza
društvenoga razvoja, pri čemu se akcenat stavlja na unutarnje evolutivne razloge, a na
drugoj novije teorije o naciji kao produktu eksterne volje odaslane iz nekog centra moći.
Dok Benedict Anderson tvrdi da se nastanak nacije usko veže za pronalazak štamparije i
ekspanziju knjige u doba zrelog kapitalizma (print-capitalism) i da je, zbog toga, nacija
kulturni proizvod par excellence (cultural artefact of a particular kind) (Anderson 1983:
13), dotle drugi teoretičari njenu pojavu vežu uz rađanje ideologije i politike, a to opet
pada u približno isto doba. I print-kapitalizam, i kultura, i ideologija i politika, u najširem
smislu, jesu imanentni društvu, pa ih kao takve ne moramo posmatrati kao izvana
nametnute, već kao unutardruštveni „proizvod“.
Nasuprot ovim koliko-toliko uobičajenim razumijevanjima pojma nacije pojavili su se u
novije vrijeme radikalni stavovi o naciji kao o nepostojećoj/izmišljenoj kategoriji.15 Gotovo
svi oni, svjesno ili nesvjesno, polaze od Ničeove teze o pravljenju istine, koja se,
14
Ovdje se želim suprotstaviti jednom stereotipu – epski kod – koji se poteže kada treba
obezvrijediti romanesknu pripovjednu matricu ili kada se treba ustremiti na muškocentričnu kulturu,
pri čemu ta sintagma „epski kod“ nema nikakve veze sa epskom tradicijom Bošnjaka.
15
Na mnoge od njih poziva se Snježana Kordić u, za naše uslove, dosta provokativnoj knjizi Jezik i
nacionalizam.
57
jednostavno, može svesti na danas toliko prisutnu floskulu o ponavljanju laži sve dok ne
postane istina. Pravljenje istine zapravo se odnosi na pravljenje nacije, za šta se razlozi ne
nalaze ni u društvu ni u prirodi, niti u bilo čemu drugom, izuzev ideološko-političke volje
centra moći. „Nacija se famozno definisala kao društvo koje samo sebe obmanjuje o svom
porijeklu i dijeli zajedničku mržnju prema svojim susjedima. Zato veza koja okuplja naciju
zavisi od lažnog sjećanja (obmana) i mržnje prema onima koji joj ne pripadaju.“ (Margalit
2002: 76) Stvorena ni iz čega, neovisna od jezika, teritorije, rase, religije niti bilo čega
drugog, (Kordić 2010: 186) ona je ipak tu, spremna da svoje slijepe sljedbenike u svakom
trenutku žrtvuje zaradi sebe same.
Ako na početku svega stoji laž (naslov jedne rasprave glasi Nationsbildung als kulturelle
Lüge; Zorić 2005.), onda je za opstajanje i snaženje ideje trebalo isto pogonsko gorivo.
Tako je nastao čitav sistem razrađenih obmana i laži koji je služio samo jednom cilju –
snaženju ideje nacije. Benslama tvrdi da se tu, zapravo, u filozofskom smislu, radi o
„izgonu iz sopstva“, a da se izvedbeni mehanizmi svode na diskurse i akte, „koji potanko
određuju i ustanovljuju smisao izbacivanja, razrješavanja ili bijega“. (Benslama 2002: 8)
Upravo su naracije ti diskursivni izvedbeni mehanizmi zaduženi za izmišljanje i snaženje
nacije. Stuart Hall prepoznaje i izdvaja pet narativnih aspekata u tom procesu: (1)
predstavljanje nacije u književnosti, historiografiji, medijima i popularnoj kulturi, (2)
naglašavanje porijekla, kontinuiteta, tradicije i svevremenosti nacije, (3) izmišljanje
tradicije, (4) mit o porijeklu i (5) izmišljanje predodžbe o čistom, izvornom narodu. (Hall
2004: 613-615) Nije baš sasvim jasno koja je razlika između naglašavanja tradicije (2) i
izmišljanja tradicije (3), između naglašavanja porijekla (2) i mita o porijeklu (4) ili između
mita o porijeklu (4) i izmišljanja predodžbe o izvornom narodu (5). S druge strane, svi bi se
Hallovi aspekti naracije mogli podvesti pod onaj prvi – predstavljanje nacije u književnosti,
historiografiji, medijima i popularnoj kulturi. Možda bi jedna drugačija klasifikacija mogla
imati veću upotrebljivu vrijednost: (1) priče o nastanku/izmišljanju i (2) priče o čuvanju i
snaženju izmišljene nacije, pri čemu se oba korpusa naracija služe pobrojanim medijima
(književnost, historiografija, mediji, popularna kultura) i pobrojanim narativima (o
porijeklu, kontinuitetu, tradiciji, svevremenosti, čistoći i autentičnosti nacije). Kako bilo,
čini se da nema dvojbe oko toga da je nacija fiktivna kategorija i da različite diskursivne
prakse rade na snaženju njenog ega:16 na izmišljanju i mitologizaciji njenog porijekla,
kontinuiteta i tradicije, te njene rasne autentičnosti i čistoće. „Poklič da se sačuva i odbrani
identitet kruži svijetom“, upozorava Benslama.
One su, dakle, izmišljene/napravljene i zaposjele su svakodnevnu i svaku drugu zbilju,
historiografiju, književnost i, posebno u novije doba, medije. Gore navedena Hallova
deskripcija aspekata nacije kao da, međutim, nije računala na balkanski galimatijas, prije
svega zbog ključnog momenta u nastanka i razvoju balkanske nacije – a to je rat. Oružana
borba je, barem na Balkanu, stajala na početku procesa pravljenja nacije, borba za
oslobođenje od Austro-Ugarske (Hrvatska, Slovenija) i Osmanlija (Srbija, Crna Gora,
Makedonija, Rumunija, Bugarska i Grčka) kao borba za stvaranje nacije. Bojna polja puna
sukobljenih vojski, natopljena herojskom krvlju nacionalnih heroja, ali i poraženih
neprijatelja nacije, početne su tačke te velike priče.
16
Govoriti o egu nacije ima smisla upravo zbog toga što je nacija, kako je ranije zaključeno, novo
stanište subjektovog sopstva.
58
Međutim, Balkan ne dozvoljava pretjerana uopćavanja, već kod treće premise stvari
počinju da se razilaze. Marija Todorova je pokušala da razobliči uobičajene stereotipe i
ponudi unutrašnje razumijevanje Balkana kao „unutrašnje drugosti“ Evrope. (Todorova
2006.) Novi termini, kao balkanizacija i balkanizam tretiraju se kao pandani Saidovim
široko prisutnim terminima orijentalizacija i orijentalizam. Naše upozorenje ide još i dalje
želeći ukazati na opasnost teorijske stereotipizacije, odnosno, na nemogućnost apriorne
aplikacije teorijskih postulata na predmet, jednostavno zbog toga što je Balkan isuviše živa
materija da bi se mogao loviti uobičajenim teorijskim premisama. Američka je predodžba
Balkana možda pragmatičnija (a i kakva bi drugačija bila u Americi?!) a može se svesti na
floskulu: „Too much history in the small space.“ Ona stoji naspram američkog manjka
dragocjenog historijskog sadržaja na velikom prostoru. Ne samo da je previše historije, već
i tradicije, naroda i nacija, država, kultura, identiteta na tako malom prostoru. Dijagnoza je
jednostavna: Balkan pati od HH sindroma – „hendikepa heterogenosti“17. Sve je u
konstantnom previranju, isuviše živo i dinamično da bi se moglo zaustaviti, a teorija je u
suštini misaona djelatnost koja stvari zaustavlja, ne trpi kretanje, dinamiku. Marija
Todorova je, možda, dala, ili tek pokušala dati, recept kako pristupiti Balkanu kao temi:
iskreno i s ljubavlju. Međutim, da li je to moguće, da li se istovremeno može voljeti i misliti
voljeni predmet? Ja želim da vjerujem da jest – Balkan trebamo misliti mi koji ga živimo i
(valjda?) volimo.
Simultanizacija historijske i književne zbilje
Kada utihnu borbe na bojnim poljima, one se onda prenose u knjige, to su dva pola koja se
stalno smjenjuju. Sa prvobitnih činova uspostave prelazi se na priče o ugroženosti
izmišljene nacije, na taj način stalno se upumpava nova energija u tijelo nacije, priča o
neprijateljima je uvijek poželjna. Kada ponestane municije i kada se heroji umore, borbu
nastavljaju pisci, rat se sa bojnog prenosi na književno polje. Umjesto ratnih, razrađuju se i
ispisuju narativne strategije. U bošnjačkome nacionalnom diskursu proteže priča o
zakašnjelom i još uvijek postojećem procesu nacionalne identifikacije. Stoga se fokusiramo
na primjere uzete iz recentne književne produkcije, pri čemu atribut „recentna“
protežemo na posljednjih dvadesetak godina.
Knjiga Adema Kahrimana napisana Nedžadom Ibrišimovićem Bosancem nudi zanimljivu
narativnu strategiju isticanjem simultanog postojanja dviju zbilja – književne i
svakodnevne. Dok u prvoj odjekuju topovske granate, a poneka zna zalutati i u drugu, iz
druge se želi intervenirati u prvu, i to, uglavnom, retroaktivno, uz miris baruta koji se širi sa
obiju strana. Bijeg iz prošlog vremena, započet još u davnoj prošlosti (prije svega romana),
završava se ovim ateriranjem u sadašnje – pripovjedno i ispripovijedano vrijeme,
definitivno se izjednačavaju, smještaju u istu ravan. Ali, šta čin supozicioniranja dviju zbilja
znači za našu priču o naciji? Ako se zna da se dramatični susret dviju zbilja odvija u još
dramatičnijem trenutku postojanja nacije, onda je i odgovor tu. Nacija se našla u
presudnom trenutku svoga postojanja, stoga, treba promptno djelovati.
Međutim, iza te pragmatične potrebe za akcijom, krije se ipak nešto sofisticiraniji narativni
postupak Nedžada Ibrišimovića. Njegov junak je Adem Kahriman, pisac koji pokušava
napisati knjigu. Dakle, junak je pisac, a radnja je – pisanje. Dok se u svakodnevnoj zbilji
17
Sintagma u navodnicima je preuzeta od Josepha Rouceka (Roucek 1948.).
59
vodi pravi rat za opstanak nacije, dotle se u književnoj odvija čin pisanja knjige. Kakve
knjige? Knjige koja bi spriječila zločine koji su se već dogodili: On hoće da napiše knjigu
kojom bi spriječio zločine koji su se već dogodili. (Ibrišimović 1994: 7) Ibrišimoviću nije
dovoljno ni to što je izjednačio vremena, što se dvije zbilje gotovo miješaju međusobno,
on knjizi (književnosti) namjenjuje ulogu vremenske mašine: snagom riječi utjecati u
pozitivnom smislu na negativne događaje iz prošlosti. Ne samo da pokazuje namjeru da iz
književne intervenira u svakodnevnoj zbilji (uostalom, odavno je, valjda, postalo bjelodano
da književna zbilja vrši povratan utjecaj na svakodnevnu)18, već da tu intervenciju obavi u
prošlom vremenu svakodnevne zbilje. Naime, intervencija se odnosi na zločin koji se desio
nad Bošnjacima 1942. godine u Foči, a po njegovom dubokom uvjerenju (što je jedan od
stereotipa), isti zločini nad istim narodom ponavljaju se i te 1992. godine. Opisati zločin iz
prošlog vremena znači, putem mehanizama utjecaja književne na svakodnevnu zbilju,
ostvariti intervenciju u sadašnjem i spriječiti sadašnji zločin.
Ova prilično zamršena strategija ima jedan cilj – zaštititi ugroženu naciju. Istu funkciju
imaju i druga pripovjedna sredstva, koja se uglavnom svode na popis zločina učinjenih
vlastitoj naciji. Balkan, koji „boluje“ od neizlječivog HH sindroma, osuđen je na vječite
ratove, koje uglavnom vode nacije (pa i zajednička država nam se raspala na nacije), a u
ratovima se, po pravilu, događaju zločini i zvjerstva. Evo nekih od tih zločina:
1.
Godine 1942. hadžiji Tahiroviću iz Foče četnici su oderali kožu s leđa, prebacili mu
je preko glave i stavili natpis: „Muslimanka s feredžom“. (Ibrišimović 1994: 9)
2. Ali početkom aprila 1992., četnici su ponovo napali Foču, a dr. Vojislav Vojvodić,
čovjek koji također piše knjige, 21. aprila 1992. u selu Tabaci, poviše Foče, nogom
je šutnuo ljudsku glavu. Dr. V. Vojvodić je bio u Sarajevu, pa je otišao u Foču i
postao četnik; možda je bio četnik i u Sarajevu, ali se to nije vidjelo. (Ibrišimović
1994: 9)
3. A zaklali su ga i zato što hoćē da u gradovima niz rijeku Drinu žive samo Srbi. Tu
zamisao zamislili su književnici koji pišu knjige u Beogradu. A zamisao kao
zamisao je nevidljiva. Onaj ko je nema ne zna gdje je. Tako su dva Srbina u
Bratuncu naišla na Muslimana koji je mrtav ležao na zemlji. Ta dva Srbina ne pišu
knjige. Prepoznali su mrtvog Muslimana, jer su ga znali od ranije; noževima su mu
urezali krstove i CCCC, iskopali oči, odsjekli ruku, a tijelo objesili na drvo i zapalili.(
Ibrišimović 1994: 11)
4. Jednog lijepog proljetnog jutra, na obroncima Crepoljskog kod Sarajeva, stajala je
grupa partizana, nekoliko Srba i jedan Musliman po imenu Mustafa Dovadžija.
„Hajde, druže naš mili, s nama“, rekoše mu Srbi-partizani prijazno.
Mustafa pođe, nikakvo zlo ne sluteći, a ti Srbi, samo što su zamakli, premetnuše se u
četnike i Mustafu Dovadžiju živog nabiše na kolac. Bilo je to 2. maja 1942.(Ibrišimović
1994: 21)
Svi ovi primjeri mogu se svrstati u drugu grupu naracija o čuvanju i snaženju nacije, samo
što balkanski HH sindrom sve to smješta u ratni kontekst i pretvara ih u priče o ugroženosti
nacije.
18
I u ovoj knjizi postoji mjesto koje svjedoči o tome: Niko nije vjerovao da će se četnici opet pojaviti,
nakon što su u filmu Neretva, na čelu s Orsonom Velsom, do nogu potučeni. (Ibrišimović 1994: 10)
60
Posljednjim primjerom nabijanja na kolac autor se sa historijskog prebacuje na
književnohistorijski plan, ne odustajući od namjere da, ovaj put u literarnoj produkciji
drugih naroda, pronalazi nove primjere atakovanja na ugroženu naciju. Naime, poslije
kratkog saopštenja o nabijanju na kolac, slijedi vrlo detaljan opis tog čina, preuzet od Ive
Andrića, ali bez znaka navoda.19
... tu je ležao hrastov kolac, dugačak oko dva i po metra, kako treba
zašiljen, na vrhu pokovan gvoždem i sasvim tanak i oštar, a cio namazan dobro
lojem, drveni malj za nabijanje, konopci i sve ostalo.
Kad su Mustafi naredili da legne, on obori glavu a četnici mu priđoše i
stadoše s njega da svlače gunj i košulju. Ne govoreći ništa, partizan leže kako mu je
naređeno, okrenut licem prema zemlji.
Četnici priđoše i vezaše mu prvo ruke na leđa, a potom za svaku nogu, oko
članaka, po jedan konopac. Zategnuše svaki na svoju stranu, široko mu raskrečiše
noge. Za to vrijeme jedan četnik, Jovan, položi kolac na dva kratka obla drveta,
tako da mu je vrh došao žrtvi među noge. Zatim izvadi iza pojasa kratak, širok nož,
kleknu pred ispruženog i nagnu se nad njim da mu rasiječe sukno od čakšira među
nogama i da proširi otvor kroz koji će kolac ući u tijelo. Pri tom najstrašnijem dijelu
krvnikova posla vezano tijelo mučenika zadrhta od kratkog i neprimjetnog uboda
nožem, podiže se do pasa,kao da će ustati, ali odmah ponovo pade natrag i tupo
udari o zemlju.
Čim je to svršio, Jovan skoči, dohvati drveni malj sa zemlje i stade njime da
udara donji tupi dio koca, laganim i odmjerenim udarcima. Između dva udarca
stao bi malo i posmatrao prvo tijelo u koje zabija kolac, a zatim dvojicu četnika,
opominjući ih da vuku lagano i jednomjerno. Tijelo raskrečenog grčilo se samo od
sebe; kod svakog udarca malja kičma mu se savijala i grbila, ali su ga konopci
zatezali i ispravljali. Čulo se kako nesretnik udara čelom o zemlju i pored toga
jedan drugi neobičan zvuk; ali to nije bio ni jauk, ni vapaj, ni hropac, ni ma koji
ljudski glas, nego je cijelo to rastegnuto i mučeno tijelo širilo od sebe neku škripu i
grohot, kao plot koji gaze ili drvo koje lome. Poslije svakog udarca Jovan je odlazio
do ispruženog tijelo, nadnosio se nad njega, ispitivao da li kolac ide dobrim
pravcem, i kad bi se uvjerio da nije povrijedio nijedan od najvažnijih živih dijelova
iznutrice, vraćao se i nastavljao posao.
U jednom trenutku kucanje prestade. Jovan je vidio kako se nesretniku pri
vrhu desne plećke mišići rastežu i koža odiže. On priđe brzo i prosiječe to ispupčeno
mjesto unakrst. Blijeda krv poteče, najprije oskudno pa sve jače. Još dva-tri udarca,
laka i oprezna, i na prosječenom mjestu stade da izbija gvoždem pokovani šiljak
koca. Udario je još nekoliko puta, dok vrh nije došao do u visinu desnog uha. Čovjek
je bio nabijen na kolac kao janje na ražanj, samo što mu vrh nije izlazio kroz usta
nego na leđa i što nije jače ozlijedio ni utrobu ni srce ni pluća. Tada Jovan odbaci
malj i priđe. Razgledao je nepomično tijelo, zaobilazeći krv koja je curila sa mjesta
gdje je kolac ušao i izašao, i hvatala se u malim mlakama. Dvojica četnika
okrenuše ukrućeno tijelo na leđa i stadoše da mu vežu noge pri dnu uz kolac. Za to
19
Evo kako je to opisao književnik Ivo Andrić, dobitnik Nobelove nagrade za književnost. (Ibrišimović
1994: 21)
61
vrijeme Jovan je gledao da li je čovjek živ i pažljivo posmatrao to lice koje je
najednom došlo podbuhlo, šire i veće. Oči su bile širom otvorene i nemirne, ali očni
kapci nepomični, usta rasklopljena i obje usne ukočene u grču; iza njih su bjelasali
stegnuti zubi. Pojedinim od ličnih mišića više nije mogao da vlada; stoga mu je lice
izgledalo kao maska. Ali srce je bilo muklo i pluća radila kratkim ubrzanim dahom.
Dvojica četnika stadoše da ga dižu kao brava na ražnju. Jovan je vikao na njih da
paze da ne drmaju tijelom; i sam je pomagao. Uglaviše donji debeli dio koca u
zemlju, zatim pozadi podupriješe kratkom žiokom koju prikovaše za kolac.
Kad i to bi gotovo četnici se izmakoše i pridružiše ostalima a na onom
praznom prostoru ostade sam izdignut za čitav metar od zemlje, uspravan, ispršen
i go do pojasa Mustafa Dovadžija na kocu. Iz daljine se samo naslućivalo da kroz
njega ide kolac za koji su mu vezane noge pričlancima, dok su mu ruke vezane na
leđima.
Tad četnici priđoše ponovo mučeniku i stadoše da ga zagledaju izbliza. Niz
kolac je tekao samo slab mlaz krvi. Bio je živ i svjestan. Slabine su mu se dizale i
spuštale, žile na vratu kucale, oči su kolutale sporo ali neprekidno. Kroz stisnute
zube naviralo je otegnuto režanje u kome su se teško razabirale pojedine riječi:
-
Četnici, četnici... – grcao je – ... da paski skapavate... paski
pomrete!... (Ibrišimović 1994: 21-24)
Navedeni opis, na koji se Ibrišimović poziva, nalazi se u Andrićevom romanu Na Drini
ćuprija, samo što tamo Andrić ne opisuje zlehudu sudbinu Mustafe Dovadžije, već seljaka
Radisava koji se protivio gradnji mosta i noću rušio ono što bi danju bilo izgrađeno. Osim
zamjene žrtava, napravljena je i zamjena neposrednih egzekutora ove surove kazne: kod
Ibrišimovića su četnici, kod Andrića Cigani, čiji je naredbodavac bio Abidaga – vezirov
povjerenik za gradnju mosta. Opis je, sa manjim izmjenama, preuzet iz romana Na Drini
ćuprija, a završava kletvom žrtve:
-
Četnici, četnici... – grcao je – ...da paski skapavate... paski pomrete!...
(Ibrišimović 1994: 24)
Turci, Turci... – grcao je čovek sa koca. – Turci na ćupriji... da paski
skapavate... paski pomrete!... (Andrić 1981: 56)
Ivo Andrić je od devedesetih godina do danas postao metom napada i odbrana upravo
zbog aktuelizirane važnosti identitarnih pitanja, a sve u vezi sa njim je, najblaže rečeno,
identitarno mistično. Pravili su se naučni skupovi20, pisale rasprave za i protiv,21 a
polemike ni danas ne jenjavaju. Jedna od ključnih teza koja mu se spočitava jeste izvjesna
količina animoziteta prema Bosni i Bošnjacima, a jedno od mjesta za elaboraciju te mržnje
jeste upravo navedeni opis nabijanja na kolac iz romana Na Drini ćuprija. U polemičkim
tekstovima, naime, tvrdi se da navedeni opis ne odgovara istini, da to jednostavno nije bio
metod obračuna otomanskih vlasti sa protivnicima, štaviše, da ga je Andrić preuzeo iz
20
Djelo Ive Andrića u historijskome i društvenom kontekstu, u organizaciji BZK „Preporod“ Tuzla, u
Tuzli 1999. godine. Kao rezultat skupa, 2000. godine u Tuzli objavljen je zbornik Andrić i Bošnjaci.
21
Muhsin Rizvić, Bosanski muslimani u Andrićevu svijetu, Sarajevo, 1995.
62
francuske knjige Mučenička smrt Sulejmana el-Halebija, u kojoj je detaljno opisano
nabijanje na kolac ovog egipatskog atentatora na Napoleonovog generala.
Epopeizacija narativa o identitetu
U istom smjeru kreće se i jedan potpuno nov roman objavljen 2010. godine: Dugo svitanje
Halida Kadrića. Ovaj zasigurno najobimniji roman ikada napisan u Bosni i Hercegovini (u
četiri toma) ima sve atribute romana-epopeje, poput sličnih u književnostima bližeg i
daljeg okruženja. U romanu se prati sudbina Bosne kroz njene najvažnije događaje i
najznačajnije ličnosti s jedne strane, i kroz nekoliko generacija povijesno anonimne
porodice Kadić s druge strane, od samoga početka pa do kraja dvadesetog stoljeća. Roman
počinje scenom okupljanja bošnjačkih prvaka u kući Ibrahim-bega Bašagića (što
neminovno podsjeća na sličnu scenu skupštine prvaka u, recimo, epu Ženidba Smailagić
Mehe), a završava pesimističnim razmišljanjima o kraju stoljeća.
Na preko 2.400 strana ispričana je nimalo vedra priča o zemlji Bosni koja cijelo dvadeseto
stoljeće prolazi kroz niz iskušenja i čeka svoje konačno svitanje. Unutar te priče o zemlji
smještena je priča o Bošnjacima, narodu sudbinski vezanom za svoju zemlju i, samim tim,
narodu koji prolazi kroz ista iskušenja zajedno sa svojom zemljom. Priča po sebi nije nova,
kao što ni strategija pravljenja priče nije ništa novija. Ova hronika Bosne i Hercegovine u
XX stoljeću pisana je oprobanim modelom romansiranja povijesti – kombinacijom
kolektivnog i individualnog plana: na kolektivnom planu prati se sudbina Bosne i Bošnjaka,
a na individualnom sudbina anonimne porodice Kadić iz Doboja. Istovremeno, slijedi se
model hronološkog obuhvata svih važnijih događaja, pri čemu se posebna pažnja
posvećuje važnim i znamenitim ličnostima. Roman se tako može čitati kao hronika
najvažnijih političkih (politička hronika), kulturnih (kulturna hronika), posebno književnih
(hronika književnih događaja), nacionalnih (nacionalna hronika), privrednih (gospodarska
hronika), porodičnih (porodična hronika), socijalnih (socijalna hronika), religijskih
(duhovna hronika) događaja.
Autor je tako, u skladu sa jasno naglašenom ambicijom, pokušao da obuhvati sve iole
važnije ličnosti i događaje za zemlju i naciju u XX stoljeću – i obuhvatio je, samo je ostalo
da lebdi pitanje literarnosti, ali, povremeno, i historičnosti obuhvaćenog. Ambicija da se
obuhvati sve, cjelina svijeta, epska je ambicija odavno već iščezla iz registra „dozvoljenih“
romansijerskih postupaka, ali povremeno još korištena u nekim romanima XIX stoljeća. U
ovom romanu ta se ambicija postiže kombinacijom dokumenata i fikcije, dokumenata – u
vidu brojnih povijesnih ličnosti, te citata iz časopisa, dnevnih i sedmičnih novina, političkih
dokumenata, a fikcije – uvođenjem potpuno novih likova, povijesnih anonimusa, ali i
dopisivanjem povijesnih biografija nepovijesnim detaljima.
Jedna za drugom, preko stranica ovo obimnog romana promiču manje ili veće priče o
Mehmed-begu Kapetanoviću Ljubušaku, Osmanu Nuriju Hadžiću, Safvet-begu Bašagiću,
Edhemu Mulabdiću, Musi Ćazimu Ćatiću, Ahmedu Muradbegoviću, Džemaludinu
Čauševiću, Mehmedu Spahi, Hamzaliji Ajanoviću, Aliji Izetbegoviću i drugima. U pojedinim
slučajevima autor je uspio od historijskih prototipova oblikovati žive literarne likove, kao u
slučaju sa pjesnikom Ćatićem, kojemu je, uprkos životnoj, udahnuo i literarnu tragičnost.
Sfera privatnosti, koja se, u tradicionalnom historiografskom diskursu, kod poznatih
ličnosti inače manifestira kao prazan prostor, bila je dovoljno izazovna za autora romana
63
Dugo svitanje da je ispiše svojom pričom o pjesnikovoj tragičnoj ljubavi prema Almasi
Begović, koja opet pripada grupi fiktivnih nepovijesnih ličnosti.
Kroz cijeli roman prati se sudbina Bošnjaka, njihov hod kroz tmine i bespuća XX stoljeća,
njihove muke i nesnalaženja u austrougarskom periodu, stradanja u Prvom i Drugom
svjetskom ratu, tlačenje u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije, nadanja i razočarenja u
socijalističkom periodu. Efekat zebnje i straha za vlastito nacionalno biće postiže se dvama
vrstama narativa: (1) citatima iz novina, časopisa ili nekih drugih medija, te (2) isticanjem
heroja nacije. Citatom iz novina najčešće se želi ukazati na primjere stradanja nacije:
Čitač uze drugi list pa nastavi: „... iz Puračića kraj Tuzle... dne 2. januara
t. g. dogovoren je napadaj Srba pravoslavnih na muslimanske kuće. U prvi suton
tog dana doveo je Marko Gavrić jednog srpskog vojnika zvanog Bogoljub i novog
žandarskom pomoćnika Nedeljka Pantića kući Asima Abadžića pa ga iz kuće
izazvali. Kad je Asim izašao iz kuće, srpski vojnik ga je dočekao uz psovku turskog
boga i majke ošamarivši ga nekoliko puta tako da mu je u lijevom uhu pukao
bubnjić. Zatim ga je oborio na zemlju, u času su mu i druga dvojica pomogli tukući
Asima nemilosrdno. Od ovog žalosnog prizora uplašila se žena i dijete Asimovo, te
su kroz prozor iskočili i jedva pobjegli u mahalu. Međutim, Asim je pao u nesvijest,
te ne zna koliko su ga puta udarili, ali se vide još i sada modrice po svemu tijelu.
Istu su noć spomenuti napali kuću Omer-age Čamdžića, unišli kroz žensku avliju te
ga na zločinački način zlostavljali. Iza toga su na silu odvukli iz radnje Agana
Šabanovića i Sadika Tinjića u srpsku školu, gdje su ih na mrtvo ime izubijali psujući
im sultana, reisa, muftiju, kadiju i njihove žene i kćeri te vjerske svetinje
prigovarajući im što neće da budu dobrovoljci kralja Petra po 5 kruna dnevno, kad
su mogli biti Franji Josipu po 3 krune i zato što su govorili da će ovo biti republika.
(Kadrić 2010: 12-13, II)
U romanu se govori o nekoliko heroja nacije, a centralno mjesto zauzima Adem-aga Mešić,
uspješan poduzetnik i mecena iz Tešnja, koji je, osim što je bio uspješan poduzetnik i
bankar, nesebično pomagao književnike, bošnjačka kulturna društva i časopise. Njegova se
sudbina prati kroz prva dva toma epopeje kao idealizirana priča o čovjeku bez
nedostataka, da bi njegova misija i prosvjetiteljski rad tragično skončali po završetku
Drugog svjetskog rata hapšenjem i smrtnom presudom zbog saradnje sa okupatorom.
Drugi veliki heroj XX stoljeća na koga se autor fokusira u romanu je Alija Izetbegović,
kojega se u priču uvlači po završetku rata kao mladomuslimanskog intelektualca,
zaokupljenog sudbinom svoga naroda, i prati se sve do posljednjih ratnih događanja na
kraju stoljeća. Od povijesnog marginalca postat će glavnim akterom događaja iz
devedesetih, a kroz njegovu prelama se sudbina naroda kojemu pripada. Sličnu sudbinu
proživljava i pisac Edhem Mulabdić, narodni prvak iz austrougarskog i međuratnog
perioda, a napušten i izolovan da umre u potpunoj samoći poslije Drugog svjetskog rata.
Narativ o bošnjačkom nacionalnom identitetu se konstruira na pojedinačnim sudbinama
heroja nacije, ali i kroz sudbinu Hamida Kadića, junaka iz reda povijesnih anonimusa, koji u
trećem i četvrtom tomu preuzima glavnu aktantsku poziciju. Naime, i kroz sudbinu
povijesnih heroja nacija i kroz njegovu (nepovijesnu outsidersku) sudbinu ispisuje se
narativ o bošnjačkom nacionalnom identitetu kao o izmještenom, ili u najmanju ruku
nestabilnom identitetu, pri čemu se svi napori junaka svode na savladavanje prepreka u
vraćanju izmještenog identiteta u vlastito nacionalno biće, odnosno u žuđeni konstrukt
čvrstog kolektivnog identiteta. Lik Hamida dat je prema uzusima bildungsromana, romana
64
o odrastanju i sazrijevanju glavnog junaka, a Hamidovo sazrijevanje je neposredno vezano
za identitarno sazrijevanje.
Sasvim u skladu sa teorijskim stereotipom o proizvodnji stereotipa, heroji nacije su samo
jedna opozitna strana, nasuprot koje u romanu stoje izdajnici nacije, čime se naglašava
njihova herojska, odnosno, izdajnička aura. U ove posljednje bi spadali pisci Skender
Kulenović i Meša Selimović, zbog toga što su se obojica „dušom i poslom (...) priklonili
drugom narodu“, što se Selimović čak i javno izjasnio kao srpski pisac: „Pripadam, dakle,
naciji i književnosti Vuka, Matavulja, Stevana Sremca, Borisava Stankovića, Petra Kočića,
Ive Andrića, a svoje najdublje srodstvo sa njima nemam potrebe da dokazujem.“ (Kadrić
2010: 464, III)
Od konstrukcije ka dekonstrukciji ili razaranje jedne naratološke matrice
Intrigantni Andrić mogao bi biti posebnom temom, ali ćemo se vratiti modelu
intertekstualnog prizivanja Andrića u kontekstu konstrukcije nacionalnog identiteta. U
romanu Zilhada Ključanina Vodeni zagrljaj sofisticiranim narativnim tehnikama uspostavlja
se složeniji odnos prema ovome piscu, posebno prema romanu Na Drini ćuprija. U
poglavlju „Priča o mostu“ pripovijeda se o uzaludnim pokušajima gradnje mosta između
predgrađa i grada S., „jednostavno, sve što bi se danju sagradilo, noću bi se srušilo“.
(Ključanin 2005: 41) Sama priča, kako kaže pripovjedač, „ima temelj u onim mnogobrojnim
legendama o gradnji građevina koje za svoju uspješnost traže ljudsku žrtvu“. (Ključanin
2005: 41) Već se ovom tvrdnjom stvari postavljaju u precizne relacije: gradnja mosta je
određena legendom, legenda o preprekama za gradnju i prinošenju žrtve prethodi gradnji
mosta. Nije sporna uloga legendi i predaja u životima ljudi koji su ih odnjegovali, niti
stepen povjerenja u njihovu istinitost.22 Međutim, i legenda i sama gradnja odvijaju se u
jednoj drugoj priči, one postaju instrumenti novih i širih narativnih strategija, na kojima
počiva Ključaninov roman. Stoga njihovu novu semantiku treba tražiti unutar postupka koji
uspostavlja nove odnose prema samoj legendi, ali i prema Ivi Andriću, koji je bio njen
najslavniji konzument i promoter, prije pojave romana Vodeni zagrljaj. Ključaninova
interpretacija legende u priči o bezuspješnoj gradnji mosta izgleda ovako:
Priča o mostu ima temelj u onim mnogobrojnim legendama o gradnji
građevina koje za svoju uspješnost traže ljudsku žrtvu. Prvi žitelji lijeve obale
mjesta S. krenuli su graditi drveni most, da spoje naselje s jedne i druge strane
rijeke. U početku, sve je išlo glatko: hrastovi kolci su bili čvrsti, a riječno dno je
držalo kolce kao rodna zemlja. Negdje, međutim, na sredini rijeke počele su se
događati nevolje. Jednostavno, sve što bi se danju sagradilo, noću bi se srušilo.
Graditelji su skupljali kolce, grede i daske po nizvodnim sedrama i vrbacima.
Gradili bi iznova, provjeravali čvrstinu izgrađenog, zadovoljno klimali glavama, i
odlazili na zaslužen i bogougodan počinak. Sutradan bi skupljali kolce... neki su
22
I dok je bajka ona vrsta usmenoknjiževnog izričaja koja nas u prvom redu zabavlja, koja ne traži ni
u jednom trenutku da vjerujemo u istinitost ispričanog, u kojoj se stvarno i nestvarno prepliću, u kojoj
osnovnu postavku da je sve moguće, pa i ono što znamo da je potpuno nemoguće, doživljavamo
samo i isključivo kao igrariju duha, predaja nastoji izvijestiti o stvarnom događaju ili stvarnoj ličnosti.
Uvjerenje u vjerodostojnost ispričanog kao jedna od bitnih odrednica predaje, nastoji se postići na
različite načine, naprimjer upotrebom uobičajenih formula. (Softić 2002: 17)
65
već sumnjali da neko noću ruši građevinu, pa su postavili straže. Neko, doista, ruši
most, izvijestili su stražari, ali ko je taj neko nisu znali reći. Iza ponoći sve se
jednostavno stropošta u rijeku. Potom se – pričali su svjedoci, ne bez pokoje bijele
dlake na glavi – čuje kratak, ali prodoran, dječiji plač. (Ključanin 2002: 41)
Dosta ležernim stilom, te ponavljanjem i posebnim isticanjem riječi „neko“ i
„jednostavno“, autor kao da je želio demistificirati i trivijalizirati uzvišenu patetiku
legende. Postupak demistifikacije i trivijalizacije posebno se može prenijeti na pisca kojega
je uvijek pratila nobelovska fama i uzvišena patetika nacionalnog klasika, a koji je koristio
istu legendu u svome romanu. U trivijalnom tonu nastavlja se priča o gradnji zaključkom
da se mora žrtvovati lijepa, stasita i bremenita djevojka Krupana, sa zavjetom na šutnju o
djetetovom ocu23. U predaji i u Andrićevu romanu činom žrtvovanja ispunjava se uvjet za
dalju gradnju, ali u Ključaninovom romanu nisu. Rijeka je ponovo srušila sagrađeni dio
mosta, što je za mještane trebao biti dobar znak: „Rijeka je primila svoj dar“. (Ključanin
2002: 42) Međutim, poslije još jednog pokušaja sve je srušeno i odneseno, „na njegovom
mjestu samo se otada svake noći čuo dug i bolan dječiji plač“. (Ključanin 2002: 42)
Postoje još neki signali koji nedvosmisleno upućuju na našeg nobelovca: sintagma
„hrastovi kolci“ asocira na isti hrastov kolac koji se kod Andrića koristi za brutalno
kažnjavanje Radisava. S druge strane, taj odnos prema nobelovcu poprima i drugačije
nijanse sa onim „produžetkom“ predaje/legende o žrtvovanju; čin žrtvovanja, u koji se kod
naroda bespogovorno vjeruje, ovdje je parodiran i obezvrijeđen, ovakva žrtva je izgubila
svoj smisao. Vjerovatno to i jeste bio cilj pisca romana Vodeni zagrljaj, da od sve te
patetične i mistične aure ostane tek prazna ljuštura, ispražnjena, na koncu, i od smisla i od
mogućih značenja. Rijeka koja razvaljuje most tako postaje autorov postupak parodijskog
razvaljivanja matrice legende i pisca, koji je često koristio tu legendu. Ovim činom
parodiranja kao da se željelo presjeći pupčanu vrpcu i simbolički raskinuti sa tradicijom
koju je sredina nametnula i vezala oko vrata.
Zašto je naš slavni pisac zaslužio ovakav tretman kod manje slavnog pisca? Koliko god se
izbjegavalo baviti Andrićem to je, u kontekstu sučeljavanja nacionalnih identiteta u Bosni i
Hercegovini, naprosto nemoguće. Američki teoretičar Sells u izvanrednoj knjizi Iznevjereni
most – nacionalizam i genocid u Bosni i Hercegovini progovorio je o onome o čemu se
ovdje kod nas gotovo pa ne smije, a da ne izazove lavinu reakcija od strane „branilaca“
Andrića. Kao pisac sa reputacijom nobelovca i kao najprevođeniji jugoslovenski pisac,
Andrić je zasigurno stvarao određene predodžbe o Bosni i „slao“ ih kao takve u svijet.
Štaviše, Sells tvrdi da su opisi odvođenja dječaka, opisi gradnje mosta, te opis nabijanja na
kolac Radisava bili sasvim konkretni potezi na proizvodnji stereotipa, prema kojima je
hrišćanska raja prikazana kao jedan opozitni par spram muslimana (koji se u romanu,
uzgred, nazivaju Turcima!) kao drugog opozitnog para. „Proizvodnja stereotipa u konačnici
uvijek zahtijeva stvaranje opozitnih parova tipa civiliziran – varvarin, čist – prljav, hladan –
topao, dakle, u svom najsvedenijem vidu, to je priča o 'crnom' i 'belom' ili svakom opozitu
i, na kraju, suštinska priča o našoj uslovljenosti 'jakim razlikovanjem', odnosno 'postojećim
registrima'.“ (Đerić 2005: 84) Kao Amerikanac, Sells svjedoči konzumentsku svijest
američkog čitaoca, spremnog da se uklopi u ponuđeni binarizam jakih razlika, pri čemu je
hrišćanska raja zauzimala stranu civliziranih, čistih, toplih i bijelih, a muslimani suprotnu
23
U Andrićevu romanu i u predaji o gradnji stare ćuprije u Mostaru (Palavestra 2004: 263) žrtvuje se
mlada majka sa dvoje djece koja se zovu Stojan i Stoja.
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stranu. Bilo bi, stoga, zanimljivo istražiti koliko su drugi pisci sa ovih prostora (poput
Sušića, Selimovića, Kulenovića) odoljeli ili podlegli zavodljivom zovu isticanja „jakih razlika“
i proizvođenju stereotipa.
U tom smislu Zilhad Ključanin u svom romanu Vodeni zagrljaj ne podliježe istom zovu i svoj
intertekstualni dijalog sa nobelovcem diže na višu razinu, ostajući tako u sferi čistog
„viteškog nadmetanja“. Umjesto odgovora istom mjerom, stereotipima na stereotipe,
Ključanin se sa nobelovcem „obračunava“ sofisticiranim naratološkim sredstvima.
O istome, II dio
Roman govori o historiji provincijskog gradića S., ili još uže, o historiji jednog predgrađa
istoimenog gradića u periodu od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata do posljednjeg rata
devedesetih godina prošloga stoljeća. Predgrađe nikada nije postalo sastavni dio grada, jer
nikada nije dobilo svoj most preko rijeke koja ga je dijelila od grada, predgrađe se uopće
nije mijenjalo, jer je uvijek imalo isti broj stanovnika i predgrađe je živjelo svoj tihi
provincijski život sve do kolektivne tragedije devedeset druge.
Hronika je u svojoj ukupnosti zbir pojedinačnih ljudskih sudbina u predgrađu
grada S., zbir sudbina pjesnika Zerija i njegove djevojke Ezi, bizarnih žitelja predgrađa sa
čudnim imenima O Sole Mio i profesor Muli, dviju nesretnih žena – gatare Gagi i Mihre, te
bezimenog apatrida i legionara nastanjenog u Marseju. Zajednički imenitelj njihovih
sudbina je potraga: Zeri traga za Ezijevim ocem i Mihrinim mužem, Ezi traga za slavom,
profesor Muli za svojim pronalazačkim čudima, O Sole Mio za izgubljenim sretnim
trenucima u prošlosti, Gagi i Mihra za ocem svoje djece, a bezimeni apatrid – za vječitim
smirajem u tuđoj zemlji. Njihove sudbine su pojedinačne sudbine, njihovi putovi su zasebni
putovi, ponegdje se dodiruju i ponekad ukrštaju, ali se opet razilaze svaki na svoju stranu.
Njihovi životi su određeni jednim slučajnim susretom, koji ostavlja dubok rez u njima i jaku
potrebu da krenu u potragu za propuštenom prilikom.
Potraga je ujedno jedan od gradbenih naratoloških principa koje autor ugrađuje u
pripovjedačku matricu svoga romana. Međutim, praktična realizacija odstupa od linearnog
pripovijedanja i, zapravo, ide ka njegovome razbijanju različitim inovativnim postupcima.
Jedan od takvih postupaka je uvođenje pripovijedanja unatrag, (rakovog pripovijedanja?!),
vođenog umetnutim priloškim odredbama tipa „prije toga“, a direktna posljedica je i
mogućnost čitanja unatrag (Ključanin 2005: 24, 25 i 26). Razbijanje uobičajene naratološke
matrice se dalje nastavlja upotrebom nekih nepripovjedačkih, prije svega pjesničkih
sredstava, kao što su razvijanje određenih motiva i pjesničkih slika, značenjsko
zgušnjavanje teksta te refrensko ponavljanje određenih cjelina.
Takav je motiv bijelog čaršafa prisutan do kraja romana, motiv ruže u različitim
varijacijama – od krvave mrlje na bijelom čaršafu, do vrta ruža bezimenog apatrida – motiv
rijeke kao vode koja dijeli predgrađe od ostatka grada i rijeke koja vezuje sudbine
stanovnika za sebe, motiv mosta kao stvarne potrebe za premošćavanjem rijeke, ali i kao
stalne čežnje za drugom obalom. Nakon što je dobro savladao prepreke između dva
diskursa koja se u osnovi ne trpe, autor uočava i koristi prednosti koje mu taj pokušaj nudi.
To se prije svega odnosi na sagledavanje određenih motiva i slika iz različitih perspektiva.
Tako će djevojka Ezi sliku malog ružinog pupoljka na bijelom čaršafu nositi u sebi kao
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skriveni razlog potrage za srećom sve do kraja života. Ruže, konačno, sanja i apatrid u
pustinji koja mu je pomogla da se saživi sa pijeskom i da se osjeća dijelom pustinje.
Možda je u svemu tome najzanimljivije značenjsko zgušnjavanje teksta postignuto
upotrebom figura značenja, posebno metafora i simbola. Metaforički i simbolički su
tretirana tri ključna motiva u romanu, to su motiv ruže, rijeke i mosta, tako da se na i oko
njih plete čitava mreža mogućih značenja. Pošto je metafora dominantno
pjesničko/stihovno sredstvo, ona je u pripovjedačkom okruženju nepoželjna gošća, jer
dolazi iz jednog izvanvremenskog i izvanprostornog okruženja u okruženje gdje se mora
računati upravo na kategorije vremena i prostora. Tako sa početka mali ružin pupoljak na
bijelome čaršafu najprije procvjeta u ružu na istome čaršafu, da bi na kraju prerastao u
pravi vrt ruža u apatridovom dvorištu u Marseju. Sve vrijeme metafora je vezana za
sudbinu junakinje Ezi i prati je na njenome putu od predgrađa iz kojega bježi u svijet do
grada koji voli svoje građane i u kome pronalazi svoga oca.
Na mikroplanu ta igra sa metaforama u vremenu i prostoru izgleda ovako: Ezi pita
legionara da li je ikada vidio vodeni pupoljak, on joj kaže da nije, ali bi volio da ga vidi. Tako
se lagano, iz tog prvog pitanja, iz pupoljka, razvija dalji razgovor, rascvjetava pravi dijalog.
Ista je stvar sa upotrebom metafore „ždrebica“ na početku romana, koja svoj puni smisao
dobija tek kasnije, kada Ezi postane igračica znamenitog pariškog lokala Crazy Horse.
Po svojoj lirskoj dimenziji i po intertekstualnim relacijama sa sevdalinkom i
baladom, roman stoji na vertikali koju ispisuju Humin Grozdanin kikot i Kulenovićeva
Ponornica. Po metaforizaciji pripovjednog diskursa slični su mu romani Nabokova,
posebno roman Bijeli oganj. Motiv žuđenog susreta drage i dragog, u romanu punoljetne
djevojke Ezi i pjesnika Zerija motiv je sevdalinke. Veza sa sevdalinkom proteže se sve do
simbolike bijeloga čaršafa, koji svojom crvenom mrljom na sredini, pušten niz rijeku,
svjedoči o radosti ljubavnog susreta. Koja semantička igra u sintagmi „deflorirana bjelina
čaršafa“, kada se zna da je mali ružin pupoljak na čaršafu i nastao kao rezultat defloracije i
da riječ „defloracija“ ima latinski korijen „flos, floris“, što znači „cvijet“! Istovremeno, taj
čaršaf plovi rijekom poput svadbenog vela i neminovno podsjeća na brojne nevjeste u
bošnjačkim baladama koje su svoje nesretne živote darivale rijekama. Upravo će
pripovjedač riječima „nevoljenima na kraju uvijek preostaje rijeka“ aludirati na sudbinu
utopljenih nevjesta. Ovdje se, zapravo, radi o uspostavljanju vrlo suptilnih intertekstualnih
i interžanrovskih relacija, koje zadiru u dubinske strukture romana i vode ka onome što
Bahtin naziva „preakcentuacijom žanra“, samo što za sada nema drugoga naziva za
preakcentovani žanr do naziva „lirski roman“.
Gotovo do iznemoglosti autor forsira (igra se!) upotrebu riječi i izraza tipa „pa
da“, „jednostavno“, „naravno“, „zaboga“, „pobogu“, „do sto vragova“, te ih od konteksta
do konteksta različito stilski boji i značenjski opterećuje. S obzirom na to da roman ispisuje
hroniku jednog predgrađa, onda se isforsirana upotreba modalnih riječi i izraza opravdava
zahtjevom za što vjerodostojnije slikanje banalnih ili čak bizarnih dimenzija toga svijeta.
Profesor Muli je djelimična parodija nedodirljivosti i uzvišenosti profesorske i znanstvene
profesije, s jedne strane, te provincijskog nerazumijevanja za znanost i znanstvenike, s
druge strane. O Sole Mio je gotovo nestvaran lik, jer sve što izgovara – izgovara pjevajući,
ali je i on ukotvljen u historijsku zbilju preko jedne epizode sa broda „Albatros“ na kojemu
je služio vojni rok. Očigledna je aluzija na predsjednički rezidencijalni brod „Galeb“, dok je
„Albatros“ istovremeno naslov jedne Bodlerove pjesme. Na tome brodu O Sole Mio imao
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je jednu smiješnu epizodu sa operskim pjevanjem, za šta je bio pohvaljen od samog
Predsjednika i ostao odlučan da u istom stilu nastavi svaki budući razgovor.
Ambivalentna romansijerska forma u sebe uvlači i leksikonske odrednice u poglavlju
Rječnik zatomljenih riječi, zatim podvodni monolog žrtvovane djevojke Krupane, monolog
koji djeluje začudno upravo zbog toga što i jedna žrtva nakon smrti dobija priliku da
progovori o svojoj sudbini, romana koji djelimice poprima osobine detektivske priče u
dijelovima kada Zeri traga za Ezijevim ocem, konačno, djela koje se većim svojim dijelom
lišava referencijalnih relacija prema zbilji. Upravo ova posljednja osobina čini roman
Vodeni zagrljaj tako nestvarnim a mogućim, izmišljenim a realnim. Možda je baš to ona
odrednica umjetnosti koja može u sebe sažeti i autorovu namjeru da se oslobodi potrebe
vezivanja ispripovijedanog sa zbiljskim. A i zašto bi kada je ono ispripovijedano ljepše od
zbiljskog. A nije ni nemoguće.
Susret mladoga pjesnika sa klasikom
Insistiranje na inovativnim naratološkim rješenjima sa naglašenim prisustvom lirskog,
metaforizacija narativa, prefinjeno „viteško nadmetanje“ sa nobelovcem Andrićem,
uspostavljanje kreativnog odnosa prema vlastitoj tradiciji baladesknog narativa – sve su to
sredstva koja prije mogu ići u ono što se zove dekonstrukcija, negoli konstrukcija
nacionalnog identiteta. Dekonstruktivne namjere posebno su vidljive u epizodi sa klasikom
K. i dodjeli književne nagrade u njegovom rodnom gradu P. Pjesnik Zeri je, naime, dobio
prvu nagradu za pjesmu Kišna djevojka i odlazi u mali gradić P., rodno mjesto klasika po
kojemu nagrada nosi ime: „Živi pjesnik dodjeljuje nagradu sa svojim imenom mladom
pjesniku – ima toga“. (Ključanin 2005: 99) Pjesnik po kojemu nagrada nosi ime, živi klasik
čiji se spomenik nalazi ispred hotela, centralna je ličnost ceremonije na kojoj se izvodi
recital na njegove stihove i dodjeljuje nagrada za mlade pjesnike: „Svi su se pogledi
ustremili prema stolu blizu bine, tamo je sjedio veliki pjesnik, smiješio se, slavljenički“.
(Ključanin 2005: 100) Niko nije gledao prema mladom pjesniku, on to nije ni očekivao,
prepuštajući se „dobro poznatim nacionalnim stihovima“.
„Dobro poznati nacionalni stihovi“ sintagma je koja, radi potpunijeg razumijevanja, traži
adekvatnu kontekstualizaciju. Hipotetički, sa visokim stepenom vjerovatnoće, dopisat
ćemo konkretna imena umjesto autorovih mistifikacija: živi klasik K. trebao bi biti Skender
Kulenović, mjesto rođenja klasika i dodjele nagrade gradić P. je Bosanski Petrovac, a
„dobro poznati stihovi“ – najpoznatija poema „živog klasika“ Stojanka majka Knežopoljka.
Kao nagradu mladi pjesnik dobija statuetu živog klasika sa „raširenim revolucionarnim
rukama“:
Veliki pjesnik je već stajao na bini, Zeri je primijetio da u ruci drži nekakvu
statuetu tek kad mu se posve približio, pružio ruku, digao glavu i pogledao ga – tu
izbrazdanu revoluciju – on se lecnuo, gotovo povukao pruženu ruku, naglo, kao da
te ruka historije odjednom prepušta ništavilu. (Ključanin 2005: 100-101)
Živi klasik je ujedno bio i revolucionar, učesnik NOR-a (Narodno-oslobodilačkog rata), pa je
sljedeći dan uslijedila uobičajena ekskurzija pod nazivom „Stazama revolucije“. Autobus bi
se zaustavljao da bi živi klasik održao govor o „pobjedničkom pohodu njegove brigade“, a
mladome pjesniku Zeriju, na svaki spomen brigade, „po jedna užarena kap znoja naglo bi
se hladila na njegovim leđima“. (Ključanin 2005: 101) Kada se veliki pjesnik umorio
upriličen je odmor, postavili su mu ležaljku u hladu, na koju je legao i brzo zaspao. Slijedi
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scena simboličkog suočenja mladog pjesnika sa živim klasikom, sa jedne strane, i poznatog
revolucionara i žrtve revolucije, sa druge strane. Naime, dok Zeri bulji u živog klasika, ovaj
se budi i iznenađen bunca „Pa... ti... ti si mrtav“, kreće prema šumi i pokazuje humku u
kojoj bi mladi pjesnik trebao da leži:
Zeri se primakao bliže, i – doista – ugledao tu humku – obraslu raslinjem,
prilično slegnutu, ali nedvosmisleno – humku. Imao je osjećaj da bi se poklopila s
njim, kad bi legao preko nje. Ili – kad bi ustao ispod nje. To bi bilo isto. (Ključanin
2005: 102)
Unatoč činjenici da oba pjesnika dijele isti nacionalni identitet, ova scena može simbolički
da se tumači kao susret očeva i sinova, klasika i mladih pjesnika, koji su međusobno oštro
suprotstavljeni. Otac i klasik ne znači isto što i heroj nacije, tako da se umjesto
afirmativnog i apologetskog pretpostavlja ignorantski odnos prema priči o identitetu.
Međutim, veliki pjesnik i klasik istovremeno je i heroj revolucije, a pošto je revolucija po
definiciji, nasilna promjena vlasti, to je onda neminovno podrazumijevalo na jednoj strani
heroje, na drugoj izdajnike, na jednoj pobjednike, na drugoj pobijeđene (žrtve). Očigledno
je da su se veliki klasik i mladi pjesnik u vrijeme revolucije našli na suprotnim stranama i da
je mladi pjesnik bio žrtva tog susreta. Ova relacija dodatno se rasvjetljava činjenicom da je
poznata poema velikog klasika Stojanka majka Knežopoljka pjevala o velikoj boli majke
Srpkinje za izgubljenim sinovima, a ne o patnjama i stradanjima bošnjačke majke. Time se
klasik i heroj revolucije, u stereotipnom identitarnom ključu, nedvosmisleno stavio na
stranu neprijatelja i izdajnika nacije, što se poklapa sa konačnim sudom u romanu Dugo
svitanje.
Trebalo bi se još jednom, na samome kraju, vratiti početnoj tezi o izmišljenim nacijama i
tezi da je to štaviše – laž. Potrebno je, međutim, pobliže odrediti termine „izmišljeno“ i
„laž“, kako bi se pokazalo da to i nisu sinonimi. Ne mora sve što je izmišljeno biti i lažno,
nacija je samo jedna od tekovina modernog evropskog društva. Da li se onda može povesti
sudski ili neki znanstveni postupak za dokazivanje njene lažnosti? Mogu li izmišljene nacije
voditi stvarne ratove? Očigledno da mogu, i to sa zapanjujućom snagom argumenata.
Imaginarna zajednica, kako je naziva Benedict Anderson, zaboravila je vrijeme i razloge
svoga nastanka, ona duboko vjeruje u svoju važnost i istinitost, posebno ovdje u ovom
balkanskom imaginariju. Ako je i izmišljena nacija je u samorazvoju svoje izmišljenosti
postajala sve stvarnija, da bi se danas potvrdila presudno važnom u oblikovanju naših
života, danas je, zapravo, isuviše stvarna, unatoč i uprkos načinu na koji je izmišljena.
Odgovor, možda, leži u onom izmještenom dijelu subjekta, u prenošenju dijela ili cijelog
subjektovog suvereniteta na nešto izvan sebe, nešto u čemu vidi izgubljenu snagu. Onu
istu snagu koju je imao dok je navodno bio neokrnjena cjelina i u jedinstvu sa prirodom.
Zato Goethe genijalno zaključuje da se procesom udaljavanja čovjeka od prirode pojavio
jaz između duha i tijela, a upravo taj izmješteni dio ili cjelina pomalo radikalno uzima se
kao laž.
U razmatranje smo uzeli tek nekoliko djela iz nemale produkcije u posljednjih dvadesetak
godina. Manje-više kod svih bi se mogli donositi isti ili slični zaključci. Andrić je, između
ostalog, i zbog svoje važnosti ostao u centru zbivanja, premda više do trideset godina nije
živ. Pisati, dotaknuti se na bilo koji način nacionalnog identiteta, podrazumijevalo je
razračunavanje sa Andrićem. Pokazali smo na dvama primjerima kojim taktikama i
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strategijama se pristupalo ovom nobelovcu: na jednoj strani, u Ibrišimovićevoj Knjizi
Adema Kahrimana, istim onim sredstvima zbog kojih ga se optuživalo, proizvođenjem
razlika, a na drugoj, u Vodenom zagrljaju Zilhada Ključanina – sofisticiranim narativnim
postupcima, koji idu više u dekonstruktivnom, nego konstruktivnom smjeru. Roman Halida
Kadrića Dugo svitanje, opterećen možda ambicijom koju je teško bilo pratiti, ponudio je
jedan zaboravljeni a zanimljiv narativ, a to je epopeizacija povijesti. Sa namjerom da se
obuhvati sve što je bilo važno za Zemlju i Naciju i sa praćenjem narativa o naciji na
kolektivnom i individualnom planu, Kadrić nije uspio pobjeći od prisutnih stereotipa o
ugroženom nacionalnom identitetu: nesretni hod nacije kroz cijelo XX stoljeće je, zapravo,
hod po mukama, pri čemu je krivnja bačena uglavnom na drugog.
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3. (META)FIZIKA IDENTITETA U RECENTNOM
BH. FILMU
Etnički identiteti su po svom postanku starije povijesne pojave od nacije i nacionalnih
identiteta kao masovnih kolektiviteta koji se vezuju za nastajanje i složene procese
modernizacije, integracije i transformacije ljudskog društva. Etnički nacionalizam, i kasnije
njegova prosvijećena forma – građanski patriotizam, pokretačke su svekolike snage svake
državne zajednice i suvereni generator identiteta. Njegova specifičnost na
bosanskohercegovačkim, i šire – balkanskim prostorima, je što nastaje u svojevrsnoj sprezi
racionalnog i iracionalnog, pa nacije, kao tekovine modernog društva, a u situaciji kad su
još uvijek u fazi nastajanja, (p)ostaju ideološki artefakti koji se u procesu imaginiranja
nacionalnog identiteta strasno kolektivno investiraju i manipuliraju povijesnim mitovima.
Tada ni formula identiteta nije više tako jednostavna, Heideggerovski kazano: A=A („...
svakom biću kao takvom pripada identitet, jedinstvo sa samim sobom...“), jer ovi novi
kolektivni nacionalni identiteti u procesu svoga integriranja počinju zadirati u mnoga
područja: jezika i jezičnih zajednica, jezičnog identiteta, kulture, političkog sistema,
socijalnih odnosa itd. Stoga, istraživanje izgradnje moderne nacije i nacionalnog identiteta
na ovom prostoru podrazumijeva njihova sagledavanja u međuovisnosti i sveprožimanju
ovih, često zavađenih aspekata. I općenito, nijedna povijesna pojava u prošlosti „nije
izazvala toliko ideoloških sukoba i neizvjesnosti kao što je određenje identiteta
(„osobnosti“) naroda i napose porijekla i izgradnje moderne nacije. S tim u vezi, ni o jednoj
povijesnoj pojavi u društvenim znanostima, (...) nije iskazano toliko istraživačkih lutanja
kao što je to učinjeno u proučavanju formiranja integracije moderne nacije, izgradnje
njezina višestrukog društvenog i nacionalnog identiteta (jezičnog, kulturnog, obrazovnog,
24
političkog, državnog, državno-pravnog, vjerskog itd.)...“
Gdje se u toj priči nalaze bosanskohercegovački nacionalni identiteti koji sebe žude
graditi/imaginirati – ostaje u sferi njihova vlastita promišljanja značenja toga pojma,
aksiomatski uvijek-već pretpostavljenog mantrom: Ja ne sumnjam, dakle postojim!
Kompatibilnost sa savremenim globalnim turbulencijama na bosanskohercegovačkom
političkom nebu – očita je. Bosanskohercegovačka politička praksa podupire tu žudnju, jer
„svatko se mora identificirati s nečime (s političkom ideologijom ili etničkom skupinom,
naprimjer) upravo zbog postojanja originarnog i nepremostivog nedostatka identiteta”
(Laclau). Šta usložnjava problem identifikacije i čini prijeko potrebnim njeno izučavanje?
Prije drugog – uvjerenje da su i nacionalna svijest i nacija kao kolektivitet i razni
nacionalizmi i nacionalni identiteti trajne i nepromjenjive povijesne pojave, stvorene
jednom za sva vremena. U tom se slučaju nalazimo na području ideologije, mita,
stereotipa i teorija iz 19. stoljeća, ali ne i na području znanstvenih istraživanja izgradnje
naroda i moderne nacije i nacionalnih identiteta. Savremeni svijet trendovski artikulira
važnost pitanjâ identiteta i multidisciplinarno usmjerava njegovo društveno-znanstveno
istraživanje, koje nije zaobišlo ni široko područje međunarodnih odnosa koje “svjedoči
bujanju interesa za identitet i formiranje identiteta” (Neumann).
24
Pogl. Petar Korunić, Nacija i nacionalni identitet, Zgodovinski časopis 57, Ljubljana 2003.
72
Bosanskohercegovačka identitetska metafizika, sama po sebi uvijek promjenjiva u
dinamičnom procesu nastajanja iz „horizontalnog odnosa” s identitetima drugih nacija,
nesposobna da nadomjesti zatureni nedostatak, čini se za svoj najveći uspjeh mora
priznati svoj konačni neuspjeh. U toj igri pobjednik je onaj koji ostaje bez karata u rukama,
postojanost pojedinih identifikacija žudi strastveno afektivno investiranje, koje potom
proizvodi mržnju, a pošto je “uvijek moguće povezati znatan broj ljudi u ljubavi (stvoriti,
drugim riječima, libidinalno prožetu zajedničku ‘identifikaciju’), dokle god ima drugih ljudi
koji će podnositi izražavanje njihove agresivnosti” (Freud), i agresivnost. Ova fantazija
obećava prevladavanje socijalnog antagonizma, a “podupire (je) uznemirujuća
paranoična fantazija koja nam kaže zašto su stvari krenule po zlu (...)“, pa „konstruira
scenu u kojoj se jouissance koje smo lišeni koncentrira u Drugome koji nam ju je ukrao”
(Žižek)25
A kada su zatureni povijesni korijeni na koje se identitetske jednadžbe mogu pozivati,
tada se „nacionalistička ideologija gotovo uopće ne poklapa sa stvarnošću i mora
sistematski iskrivljavati povijest kako bi opravdala sebe. (...) To što taj izgubljeni raj –
nacija, nacionalista – nikad nije bio opipljiva stvarnost, to ne predstavlja prepreku za
čovjeka nadarenog strašnim i veličanstvenim instrumentom mašte da je izmisli. (...)
Nacionalizam ima mnogo više veze s instinktom i strašću nego s inteligencijom, i njegova
snaga nisu ideje, nego uvjerenja i mitovi. (...) Zato (...) ni 'proroci nacionalizma', kako
primjećuje Ernest Gellner, kad se trebalo latiti razmišljanja, nisu igrali u prvoj ligi.“26
Poslijeratni bosanskohercegovački film ne može izbjeći ova ideologijska
promišljanja/sukobljavanja nacionalnog identiteta27, na način da omjeri zanimanja za
socijalna i etička pitanja u pojedinih autora bosanskohercegovačkog filma neće biti
jednaki, ali je moguće detektirati neka zajednička im svojstva koja će se različito reflektirati
u pojedinim filmovima i neće u istoj mjeri i u istom intenzitetu biti obuhvaćena. Žanrovski
uslovljen stanovitim stilskim eklekticizmom proizašlim iz opće poetičke pometnje
uvjetovane subjektivnim rediteljskim vizijama gdje se u bosanskohercegovačkoj kulturnoj
25
Svi citati u: Yannis Stavrakakis, Strasti identifikacije: diskurs, užitak i europski identitet, Politička
misao, Vol. XLII, (2005.), br. 3, str. 89–115.
26
Mario Vargas Llosa, Nacionalizam kao nova prijetnja, 2005. (cit. prema prikazu knjige Snježane
Kordić
(http://www.filozofijainfo.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=468&Itemid=57)
27
Nedžad Ibrahimović u članku Između naracije i kreacije /Bosanskohercegovački igrani film 19952008/, (Sarajevske sveske br.19-20, na str. 116-164) navodi karakteristike filmskih ideologema u
poslijeratnom bosanskohercegovačkom filmu koji su preživjeli sve kulturalne i ideologijske
turbulencije, a predstavljali su svojevremeno i dominantan okvir kulturalnim praksama bivše, nekada
zajedničke države:
a) (ratna) povijest se ciklički ponavlja (mitski koncept vremena)
b) zlo je stanovitu tlu i narodu/naciji/religijskoj pripadnosti imanentno
c) preferiranje mitologije ognjišta (majke domovine ili muške, ratničke otadžbine)
d) simbolika mraka i tunela kao eshatološkog staništa zlih sila i neprijateljskih ratnika
e) agonalno učestvovanje u osvetama (osvete su trajne unutar filmske i književne simbolike)
f) tjelesno, fizičko i psihičko uništavanje neprijatelja se preferira naspram oružanoga i od krvi
„ohlađenoga“ ubijanja.
73
priči treba naći film i kakve su mu referencijalne mogućnosti/ograničenja, te činjenicom da
producenti uvijek-već stoje na putu kreativnijoj autorskoj intenciji, čini se da se poetičke
odluke autora susreću na žanrovskoj matrici koja još uvijek uvažava estetiku. „S jedne
strane osjećaj (kao) da nikome ništa cinematički ne duguju, s druge pritisak osobne
odgovornosti (film se nužno oslanja o neku kulturnu tradiciju), stvara im nejasan i
neugodan osjećaj koji je na granici između provokacije ka apsolutnoj kreativnoj slobodi i
represivnog impulsa proizašloga iz činjenice da novostvorena realnost zahtijeva i neke
(populističke) odgovore od filma.“28
Bosanskohercegovačka filmska estetika je pokazatelj težnje bh. filma ka
samoostvarenju u etičkom smislu, a na tom putu i – ka susretanju s horizontom
očekivanja publike. Na tom tragu je i tendencija da kao autorski projekat ostane u
granicama tradicionalnih modernističkih procedura, koje se mogu prepoznati unutar
poetičkog modela psihološkog realizma i pseudorealizma koji imaju za ambiciju fingiranje
stvarnosti na sliku i priliku stvarnosti novoizgrađenih kulturnih prostora. Nedvojbeno je i
da savremeni bosanskohercegovački film nastoji uhvatiti korak s evropskim, ali i graditi
vlastitu filmsku estetiku u sublimiranju nedavne ratne i poratne stvarnosti. To, prije svega,
stoga što teško da se može naoružati evropocentričnim racionalnim principom u
elaboriranju teme, nego se prije priklanja njenu postamentiranju nečim što je iracionalno i
atavističko koje se zatječe na poprištu povijesti. Za tu svrhu na djelu je čitav arsenal
modernističkih alata: subjekt(ivnost), smisao – značenje, dubinska stvarnost,
interpretabilnost, potencija, narativnost, ireverzibilnost, Istina...
I bez obzira što filmski puristi teže izbacivanju i omalovažavanju fabule kao importiranog
„literarnog“ sastojka u filmskome djelu, smatrajući samo filmsko-stilske postupke „čisto
filmskim“ – suvremeni bh. film je narativan. Usvajajući narativnost kao estetički princip
„(...) predmnijeva se da je priča uvijek opća i kolektivna. Zbog toga je stanoviti
kolektivistički narativni konsenzus, kao armaturni sastojak bh. filmskih priča, vidljiv u
mnogim filmovima. (...) Drugačiji, nefabularni filmovi, filmovi „stanja“, tzv. art filmovi,
jednostavno nisu privlačni bh autorima!“29
A kako teče filmsko čitanje bosanskohercegovačke ratne priče Danisa Tanovića (Ničija
zemlja)30? U jednom intervjuu, Danis Tanović veli da kada misli na Ničiju zemlju, on misli
na Čekajući Godota, samo što u slučaju Ničije zemlje Godot se na kraju pojavljuje kao UNove snage (ili, kako ih Čiki naziva – štrumfovi).
U svom tekstu Čekanje Godota hrvatski filozof Mario Kopić navodi kako „veliki dio svoje
knjige Politike prijateljstva Derrida namjenjuje upravo polemici sa Schmittovim pojmom
političkog, s njegovom teorijom o suprotnosti prijatelj/neprijatelj kao suštini politike, a
time i nužnim uvjetom postojanja politike uopće. Schmitt, naime, prema analogiji da nema
28
Ibidem
Ibidem
30
Film govori o dvama protivnicima u bosanskohercegovačkom ratu koja su se zatekla u istom rovu i
međusobno argumentiraju cijelom lepezom duboko suprotstavljenih ideologiziranih stavova čije
iscrpljivanje traje do kraja priče – kada obojica ginu. Treći junak leži na mini koju je nemoguće
deaktivirati. „U narativnoj strukturi, on je neka vrsta lacanovskog „prošivnog boda“ (point de
capiton). (...) Kraj filma, jedna od najboljih „single shot scena“ u historiji filmske umjetnosti,
„sugerira da ovaj rat nije završen.“ Nedžad Ibrahimović, ibidem.
29
74
etike bez suprotnosti između dobra i zla, estetike bez suprotnosti između lijepog i ružnog,
religije bez suprotnosti između sakralnog i profanog, takvu suprotnost traži i nalazi i za
politiku. Budući da prijatelji obično nisu ili ne bi trebali da budu problem, sva se njegova
pažnja usmjerava na neprijatelja, na naglašavanje njegove uloge, iz čega proizlaze njegove
tvrdnje, tipa: društvo koje nije sposobno naći svojeg neprijatelja je nepolitičko društvo,
zapravo
pred-političko društvo. Narod koji ne zna evidentirati, zatim legitimirati i na
kraju likvidirati neprijatelja, nije vrijedan svoje političke egzistencije, ne može biti ili postati
nacija itd. (...). No, ne želimo li se ukopati u opoziciju svih opozicija, u Opoziciju
prezentnom svijetu, zajedno sa svijetom politike, nužan je izlazak iz jednostavnih shema
kao što je shema prijatelj/neprijatelj, izlazak koji se podudara s ulaskom u kompleksnije
razmišljanje. U suprotnom nas, pak, ostajanje u toj jednostavnoj shemi dovodi u situaciju
da se pri okretu naprijed odvratimo od svega iza sebe, posljedica čega jest da ćemo pred
sobom ugledati samo prazan prostor, nekakvu bjelinu na praznom platnu horizonta
budućnosti. I tada početi čekati Godota. Upravo je fascinantna neuobičajena gustoća,
prava inflacija riječi Događaj u tekstovima (od devedesetih godina XX stoljeća, nakon pada
komunizma) tako uglednih autora kao što su Derrida, Jean Baudrillard, Alain Badiou,
Claude Lefort, Ernesto Laclau, Slavoj Žižek... Riječ je o jako poželjnom i teško očekivanom
događaju, veoma velikom, odlučnom događaju, (...) zapravo posve praznom događaju.
Događaju bez imena. Nešto konačno treba učiniti, nešto se mora dogoditi! Ali što?31 Ne
uspijevajući pronaći izlaz iz „jednostavne sheme prijatelj/neprijatelj“ junaci na Ničijoj
zemlji postojanja iščekuju Događaj (budućnost) ovaploćen u UN-ovim snagama, željno
očekivanim znakovima (spasenja) ispražnjenih atributa (Soft izjavljuje: „Nađi mi kartu
Bosne!“), koji žive virtualnu stvarnost (medijski je proizvode – upisuju u fiktivni rasplet
drame). Događaj se pretvara u vlastitu suprotnost, a simulacija Događaja računa s
ciničkom i zavodničkom moći medijskog i informacijskog društva. Na djelu je „savršen
zločin“ bodrijarovske negacije/destrukcije stvarnosti u kojoj se ona pročišćava od
nesavršenosti svijeta. Iako njeni tragovi nastavljaju stvarati iluziju realnog, simulacija je
nadvladala istinu. Filmske slike postaju supstitucija stvarnosti. One kontrastiraju
sveprisutnoj historičnosti kolektivne/individualne drame, jer proizvode neprekinutu
sadašnjost iz koje je protjerana prošlost („historijsku amneziju“). U pokušaju da bude
stvarno, film koincidira jedino sa samim sobom.
Položaj u kojem su se našla tri vojnika simbolično je u jednom kadru predstavljen
paukovom mrežom: junak pokušava pronaći izlaz iz rova i dolazi do paukove mreže u kojoj
je uhvaćen plijen, ali pauka nema. Paukova mreža kao metafora idealtipske mreže,
ispletena je od materije onoga kojeg treba štititi, jednovremeno je dovoljno krhka i
dovoljno čvrsta, a u svojoj pravilnosti daje privid objektivnosti. Film Ničija zemlja tako
postaje parabola hvatanja u zamku protuslovnih imaginarija, (samo)zarobljavanja u mreži
idealtipskog sna o sebi/svijetu/Događaju, distopijska vizija po mjeri čovjeka kojom opisuje
svoj traumatični susret sa Realnim. A on proizlazi, prije svega, iz pokušaja da se odgoneta
identitet dinamičnih povijesnih pojava i procesa (rat) koji bjelodani svu složenost
međunacionalnih odnosa u njihovoj međusobnoj interakciji. Kako spoznati identitet
povijesnih procedura kada je i sam identitet proces. Film Ničija zemlja svjedoči o procesu
31
„Iza žudnje za Događajem (budućnosti) skriva se potisnuta žalost zbog pada komunizma, poraza
same marksističke ideje o komunizmu.“ Cit. Prema: Mario Kopić,
http://www.pescanik.net/content/view/5174/1226/
75
interaktivnog građenja identiteta u kojem se on uspostavlja kroz jedinstvo i različitost
kompleksnog identiteta prema formuli: A jeste A ali i ne-A, tj. identičan sam sebi, ali
ujedno i različit od sebe, jer se prepoznajem u razlici spram identiteta „drugoga“ – razlici
između „nas/naših“ i „njih/njihovih“. Konflikt se produbljuje na razini individualnog
identiteta – (etnički i nacionalni identiteti32 kojima se pojedinci kao individue svojevoljno
poistovjećuju s nekom etničkom grupom/zajednicom/nacijom i prihvaćaju njezine
vrijednosti) koji je u nesporazumu s grupnim (grupni identiteti – etnički i/ili nacionalni
identiteti kojima se etnička grupa poistovjećuje s nekom etnijom ili nacijom i prihvaća
vrijednosti, tradiciju itd.) i/ili kolektivnim identitetom (kojim se neki kolektiv poistovjećuje
s određenom etničkom zajednicom ili nacijom i prihvaća njene temeljne vrijednosti) i/ili
osporava identitet kolektiviteta – (identitet na razini poistovjećenja cijelog stanovništva s
nekom etničkom zajednicom ili nacijom).33
Za razliku od muškocentrične ratne priče Danisa Tanovića, Jasmila Žbanić se orijentira na
žensku ratnu priču – filmsku transpoziciju ženskog ratnog iskustva, inicirajući propitivanje
mjere u kojoj se u ratnim uvjetima iskustvo silovanja instrumentalizira za intenziviranje
mržnje i etničkih sukoba, mjere u kojoj je opravdano stajalište koje stavlja znak jednakosti
između spolnog/rodnog i etničkog/nacionalnog identiteta.
U međunarodnom humanitarnom pravu nije baš potpuno jasno je li silovanje zločin protiv
žena ili zločin protiv nacije i zajednice, te na kojem kriteriju je baziran kazneni progon.
Feministička vizura mu zamjera nedorečenosti rodnog aspekta zločina koje silovanje
tretira kao konflikt između muškaraca dviju ili više zaraćenih strana u kojem „tijelo
silovane žene... postaje ceremonijalno ratište, paradna staza pobjednika, pozdrava i
zastava. Čin koji je izvršen nad njenim tijelom ustvari je poruka muškarca muškarcu, živi
dokaz pobjede jednog, a neuspjeha i poraza drugog“ (Susan Brownmiller, 1995).34
Bassionijeva komisija (osnovana UN Rezolucijom 780/1992 koja je djelovala na području
BiH) sklona je razumijevanju ratnog silovanja kao isključivo političkog čina, usmjerenog
protiv određene etničke skupine, a ne kao zločina protiv žene/ženskog tijela. Tako se
masovna silovanja značajno politiziraju, te putem silovanih ženskih tijela politika
kontrolira/uspostavlja/homogenizira nacionalni identitet.
Ovo podređivanje ženskog subjekta etničkom, u jeziku, pravu, praksi po mišljenju
feminističkih teoretičarki – vjetar je u leđa sustavnom i široko rasprostranjenom ratnom
nasilju nad ženama. Dok Catherine A. Mackinnon, američka profesorica prava na
Sveučilištu Michigan,35 stavlja silovanje u kontekst etničkog konflikta, feministička
teoretičarka Susan Brownmiller ga stavlja u kontekst konflikta među muškarcima:
”Seksualni napad na ženu neprijatelja je jedno od zadovoljstava u procesu osvajanja, (…),
32
Značenja ovih pojmova se uveliko prepliću i stoga se termini često koriste kao sinonimi. Nacionalni
identitet podrazumijeva postojanje političke zajednice koja uključuje zajedničke institucije te skup
prava i dužnosti za sve članove društva, uključuje i definiranje teritorija s kojim se članovi
poistovjećuju. Pojam etničko akcentira rod i srodstvo, porijeklo nacije.
33
„Na stranu sad što je i taj Srbin Bosanac, ili što Bosanac nije samo Bosanac nego i Musliman
(Bošnjak) no, uvid u drugačija (zapadna, hollywoodska, imperijalna...) razumijevanja Balkana zna nas
probuditi i pomjeriti iz autentičnih (naših) pogleda na nas – i naš film.“ Nedžad Ibrahimović, ibidem.
34
Cit prema: http://www.women-war-memory.org/hr/Granice_medjunarodnoga_kaznenog_prava/
35
«Turning Rape into Pornography: Postmodern Genocide» u časopisu MS., Srpanj/kolovoz 1993.
str. 24-30.
76
jednom kad je slobodan da ubija, vojnik postaje mladi čovjek vođen nabojem adrenalina s
dozvolom da razbija vrata da bi uzimao, krao da bi dao oduška svom gnjevu protiv svih
žena koje pripadaju drugim muškarcima”.36
Je li silovanje spolni izraz agresivnog i/ili agresivni izraz spolnog? I je li šutnja žrtve
posljedična strahu od dezintegracije/gubitka subjektiviteta, jer ju je silovanje postavilo u
objektni položaj (nacionalnog) prenosioca poruke drugom muškarcu/naciji? Aktualizirajući
ovu temu u estetskom prostoru njena filmskog interpretiranja, Jasmila Žbanić u filmu
Grbavica otvara pitanje mogućnosti umjetničkog transfiguriranja traumatskog iskustva
silovanja iz intimnog/privatnog/realnog u javno/političko/simboličko.
Anela Hakalović u tekstu Nasilničke prakse tjelopisa postavlja pitanje: „Da li (...) represivni
oblik moći nacionalnog diskursa koji se u ovom slučaju manifestira u vidu
instrumentalizacije iskustva traume silovanih žena u trop uokviren nacionalnom
fantazmom, može biti foucaultovski produktivan i nasuprot diskursu moći otvoriti diskurs
otpora? Da li jedan od prostora moguće alternatizacije dominantnom ideološkom diskursu
može ponuditi i umjetnost? Umjetnost suočena sa jednom ovakvom temom upada u
procjep historijske odgovornosti i svoje fikcijske naravi. Ulazeći u prostor postraumatskog
interpretiranja, intencije umjetnosti se kreću u dvostrukom smjeru; s jedne strane,
naglašava se neuspjeh umjetnosti u suočavanju sa područjem ”stvarnog” traumatskog
iskustva, posebno u onim slučajevima kada trauma dobiva i kolektivno obilježje, a s druge
strane, naglašava se upravo potencijal umjetnosti, kao medija koji ne odslikava, nego
podražava stvarnost, da (re)prezentira iskustvo koje često u svojoj parcijalnosti i
fragmentarnosti izmiče riječima. Posttraumatsko interpretiranje podrazumijeva
pronalaženje figure koja će u nekom razumljivom obliku predočiti iskustvo traumatičnog, a
da pri tome ta figura operira sa određenom dozom transparentnosti koja će omogućiti
izbjegavanje manipulacije figuriranim sadržajima.“37
Recepcijski, medijske slike kao supstitucija stvarnosti sastavni su dio realnosti i nedvojbeno
utiču na oblikovanje političkog mišljenja, te je razumljiv oprez J. Žbanić u umjetničkoj
transpoziciji ove osjetljive društvene teme na filmsko platno. „Svjesna opasnosti da njezina
priča može da sklizne u moguću pseudopatriotsku patetiku, autorica cijelo vrijeme gleda
da suspregnutim filmskim izrazom i depatetizacijom konteksta osnovne priče razvije jedan
sasvim realistički okvir radnje.“38 Pritom, teško odolijeva iskušenju da pod pritiskom
kolektivne matrice vrijednosti u procesu postratne/postraumatske socijalizacije žene,
žrtvin glas/šutnju isfiltrira kroz nacionalni narativ, i u tom opresivnom položaju
simboličkom fantazmom nacionalnog identiteta „kastrira realnu poziciju ženskog iskustva
(...). Prostor ženskog tijela se u doslovnom i deleuzevskom smislu teritorijalizira,
izjednačavajući se sa prostorom zemlje koja svoj simbolički pandan pronalazi u figuri
nacije/domovine.“39 Autorica izbjegava zamku otkrivanja mjesta s kojeg govori o traumi
36
Vidi: http://www.susanbrownmiller.com/susanbrownmiller/index.html
37
http://www.sic.ba/rubrike/temat/anela-hakalovic-nasilnicke-prakse-tjelopisa/
Nedžad Ibrahimović, ibidem.
39
Cit prema http://www.sic.ba/rubrike/temat/anela-hakalovic-nasilnicke-prakse-tjelopisa/.
Autorica podrazumijeva Deleuze/Guattarijev pojam teritorijaliziranja kao način na koji svaki socijus
pokušava kontrolirati svoje polje. Ono određuje tokove želje, utvrđuje moguće tokove mišljenja.
Ilustrira ga Deleuzev/Guattarijev model šizofreničara koji deteritorijalizira kodirane tokove. Model
38
77
silovanja, i uključuje perspektivu žrtve koja osvješćuje spolnu/rodnu poziciju, kao i
perspektivu društva – ideološku matricu koja polarizira nacionalnu poziciju (simbolički
posredovano žensko tijelo).40 A je li uopće moguće u ovakvoj priči suprotstaviti realno i
simbolično, a ne zapasti u zamku mimetičkog legitimiranja potonjeg? I je li film „Grbavica“
više simbolički iskaz o traumi tijela ili je bliže realnom? Ili ipak govori o stanovitoj
nemogućnosti umjetničkog svjedočenja o iskustvu iz čije je mimetičke slike, u odabiru
označitelja koji će potcrtati prostor realnog, isključena perspektiva Drugog (silovatelja)?
S jedne strane autorica kolektivnu matricu presije „artikulira koristeći nacionalno-religijsku
simboliku pojma šehid (...). Šehid ima višestruko značenje. Ono je i sakralno i sekularno i, u
isto vrijeme, ono je kolektivno istodobno kada i osobno. Tu je sva cjelina tragedije koju
preživljava Sara (...) kada sazna da njen otac ne samo da nije šehid (sakralno), nego nije niti
obični čovjek (sekularno), već neprijatelj zajednice (kolektivno) i njezine majke
(osobno).“41
S druge strane, rodna perspektiva u filmu Grbavica svoj puni izraz dobiva u prisilnoj
trudnoći koja je
izravni napad na specifično žensko pravo – reproduktivnu
samodeterminaciju. Njeno kvalificiranje (genocid) na tragu patrijarhalnog definiranja
etniciteta (djeca nasljeđuju etnicitet oca) „potkrepljuje ideju o mogućnosti izvršenja
genocida masovnim silovanjem žena neprijateljske etničke skupine. Stoga, što su žene
smatrane simbolom obitelji, a obitelj temeljem zajednice, poniženje koja žena doživljava
rađanjem djeteta neprijatelja simbolizira destrukciju neprijateljske etničke zajednice“
(Turpin, 1998.)“.42
Kakve su mogućnosti mimetske transpozicije postraumatskog prostora u umjetnosti
općenito, kada ovaj uzima kolektivne razmjere? Film Gori vatra Pjera Žalice podliježe
interpretativnom modelu koji je razvio E. Said. Njegova dekonstrukcija zapadne slike
Orijenta, ideološka analiza zapadnog diskursa markira mjesto balkanske „simboličke
geografije“ „na mentalnoj mapi“ Zapada.43 „Na neki način Žalicin film bjelodano pokazuje
koliko je sam pojam „balkanskoga narativa“ u biti autoreferentan. On, dakle, nije samo
pogled Zapada na Balkan, već u sebe uključuje i strategiju autoreferencijalnoga
posmatranja. Na ključnim mjestima filmske naracije reditelj ne želi izmaći onoj čudnoj i
”šizofreničareve šetnje” autori postuliraju nasuprot ”neurotičarevog sjedenja na kauču. ”Neurotičar
ostaje smješten u rezidualnim ili vještačkim terotorijalnostima”, a šizofreničar ”svojim klecavim
korakom, u neprestalnom seljenju, lutanju, posrtanju, hrli uvijek dalje u deteritorijalizaciju”. (Žil
Delez/Feliks Gatari, Anti-Edip, Sremski Karlovci: Izdavačka knjižnica Zorana Stojanovića, 1990.)
40
„Društvo kao subjekt socijaliziranja žene pojavljuje se u poziciji terapeuta koji svoje fantazme
projicira u priču žrtve/pacijentice.“ Amela Hakalović, ibidem.
41
N. Ibrahimović, ibidem.
42
Cit prema: Ibidem.
43
Marija Todorova u predgovoru svojoj knjizi Imaginarni Balkan ovako definira shvatanje
balkanizma: „Zbog teškoća u modernizaciji i pratećih nacionalističkih aberacija, Balkan je sve više
postajao simbol za nešto agresivno, netolerantno, varvarsko, polurazvijeno, polucivilizovano,
poluorijentalno. Upravo sam tu metaforu i način na koji se ona koristi u realnoj svetskoj politici i
kritikovala u knjizi Imaginarni Balkan, i tvrdila da taj specifični diskurs, koji sam nazvala
balkanizmom, bitno određuje stavove prema Balkanu i radnje usmerene prema njemu.“ Cit prema:
Marija Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, Biblioteka XX vek, 2. izdanje 2006, 15.
78
prilično nejasnoj sili kojom se vlastita autsajderska pozicija proglašava superiornom i, u
krajnjem slučaju, „drskom“ reakcijom na marginalizirajući zapadnjački diskurs.44
A zapadna opsesivna zaokupljenosti Drugim i ideološki strah od uznemiravanja kroz
mantru nas poučava: „Drugi je prihvatljiv sve dok njegovo prisustvo nije napadno, sve dok
je Drugi stvarno drugi… Moja dužnost da budem tolerantan znači da mu ja ne bih smio biti
preveć blizu, inkorporirati se u njegov prostor.“ (Slavoj Žižek. On violence. Picador, New
York, 2008.) I tako sve dok potrošači ove mantre ne postanu – njeni proizvođači, i kao
vlastiti objekt (samobalkaniziranje) uruše se u karnevalski spektakl brisanja fiksiranih
razlika, performans ideološkog, etničkog, nacionalnog, viktimološkog ne-razlikovanja, i
počnu nestajati u vlastitim svjetovima. I dok Prvi vjeruje za sebe da je moćniji i suvereniji
od Drugog, Drugi vjeruje da je lukaviji, ciničniji u svojim strategijama i smicalicama –
svijetom počinju vladati halucinacija, blasfemija, opsjenost... Tako se Žalica prepušta
zavodljivosti stereotipnih, esencijalistički definiranih bosanskih kulturnih identiteta, i
prihvatajući ideju o bosanskom supstancijalno specifičnom identitetu, potcrtava kako je
odveć svjestan nemogućnosti da Zapad razumije njeno diskurzivno reprezentiranje na
nestereotipan način. Ovako samopredstavljanje je alternativa interiorizaciji tih stereotipa.
Autoironično idući recepcijski u susret horizontu očekivanja Zapada, Žalica potcrtava kako
pozitivni stereotipi o Bosni i Bosancima, iako nadomak kuće, ostaju zauvijek „izgubljeni u
prijevodu“ na mapi zapadnog uma. I ovo je varijanta balkanističkog diskursa koja otvara
mala vrata diskurzivnoj „debalkanizaciji“, jer samoeksploatacija koja artikulira zapadnjački
diskurs samo je korak od zamjene mjesta i tekstualne prezentacije Zapada i njegove
kulturne hegemonije.
Zaključak
Razumijevajući kulturu na osnovama poststrukturalističkog koncepta po kome ona
predstavlja cjelokupan način života (uključuje svakodnevna umijeća, običaje, navike,
predodžbe…), a ne samo korpus intelektualnih i imaginativnih djela, nastojali smo u
uvodnom dijelu ovoga rada preispitati osobenosti bošnjačkog kulturnog identiteta na
sjecištima vladajućih, nastajućih i rezidualnih kulturalnih silnica. Po našem mišljenju,
dominantno povijesno obilježje toga identiteta je nestabilnost. Pri tom je razvijana teza o
recentnoj bošnjačkoj kulturi kao entitetu u fazi intenzivne i prijelomne semiotizacije, koja
će ishoditi fikcionalizacijom jednog koherentnijeg nacionalno-kulturnog identiteta, s
izvjesnim entropijskim pražnjenjima i kontingentima zaborava, koji su izravni ili neizravni
produkt djelovanja vanjskih principa moći i unutarnjeg stanja nemoći (ili nepostojanja
razloga) da im se svrhovito i osmišljeno parira. Posrijedi je zapravo proces definitivne
evropeizacije jednog evropskog muslimanskog naroda koji mora platiti cijenu vlastitog
povijesnog usuda.
Konstrukcija nacionalnog identiteta u književnosti propitivana je iz polazišne teze o
nacijama kao izmišljenim kategorijama. Ali, ta je imaginarna zajednica zaboravila vrijeme i
razloge svoga nastanka, ona duboko vjeruje u svoju važnost i istinitost, posebno ovdje u
ovom balkanskom imaginariju. Ako je i izmišljena nacija je u samorazvoju svoje
izmišljenosti postajala sve više stvarna, da bi se danas potvrdila presudno važnom u
oblikovanju naših života, danas je, zapravo, isuviše stvarna, unatoč i uprkos načinu na koji
44
Ibrahimović, ibidem
79
je izmišljena. Odgovor, možda, leži u onom izmještenom dijelu subjekta, u prenošenju
dijela ili cijelog subjektovog suvereniteta na nešto izvan sebe, nešto u čemu vidi izgubljenu
snagu. Onu istu snagu koju je imao dok je navodno bio neokrnjena cjelina i u jedinstvu sa
prirodom.
Ni bosanskohercegovačka filmska estetika ne razumijeva nacionalni identitet kao gotov
proizvod, nego kao tok neprekidnog identitetskog integriranja koji nije imun na
stranputice. Kao umjetnički projekat, bh. film privilegira proces integriranja nacionalnih
identitetskih obrisa naspram nacionalističkih ideologema koje nacionalni identitet
amalgamiraju zgotovljenim pred/rasudnim faktorima njegova razumijevanja, preferira
horizontalno identitetsko mapiranje naspram vertikalnog, destratifikaciju i povezivanje
naspram hijerarhizacije i nepropusnosti. Tako bh. film usvaja svojevrsnu autonomiju
slobodnu od politike, religije, morala (ne ustručava se moralno, religijski, politički
suspektnih tema), pa nacionalnu identitetsku jednadžbu, u kojoj nijedan identitet
(nacionalni, rodni, vjerski, politički...) nije nesporno zadan, izvodi iz (nad/pre)govaranja, i
nerijetko oholog premještanja u polje Drugog. Recepcijski efekat ovog nerijetko bolnog
surfanja labirintima identitetske geografije je „nepodnošljiva lakoća postojanja“ koja
participanta observera zatvara u začarani krug pri/povijesti u kojoj prošlost ne dopušta da
bude skrajnuta, ma koliko zazorna bila.
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81
Vedada Baraković, PhD
Mirza Mahmutović, MA
Mirza Mehmedović
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Tuzla
Media construction of missing persons and the politics of witnessing to
trauma: the analysis of 'media economy' in the reproduction of collective
memories and identities in post-Dayton Bosnia
Within the Project:
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern national
projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina: multidisciplinary perspectives from
media and cultural production
82
Table of Contents
1.
Introduction ..............................................................................................
2.
Mass media in BH ......................................................................................
3.
Daily newspapers ......................................................................................
3.1.
Research sample: data selection, collection and classification ........................
3.1.1.
Population and sample .....................................................................................
3.1.2.
Criteria for relevant data (texts/cases) selection .............................................
3.1.3.
Collecting relevant data from the data base ....................................................
3.1.4.
Relevant data classification and encoding ........................................................
3.1.5.
Sample and relevant cases: distribution analysis .............................................
3.2.
Content analysis: ...............................................................................................
3.2.1.
Dnevni Avaz .......................................................................................................
3.2.2.
Nezavisne novine ...............................................................................................
4.
TV stations .................................................................................................
4.1.
Research sample: data selection, collection and classification .......................
4.1.1.
Population and sample ......................................................................................
4.1.2.
Criteria for relevant data (texts/cases) selection .............................................
4.1.3.
Collecting relevant data from the data base .....................................................
4.1.4.
Relevant data classification and coding.............................................................
4.1.5.
Sample and relevant cases: distribution analysis .............................................
4.2.
Content analysis: ...............................................................................................
4.2.1.
RTVFBIH .............................................................................................................
4.2.2.
RTRS ...................................................................................................................
4.2.3.
RTVBN ................................................................................................................
4.2.4.
Hayat TV ............................................................................................................
4.2.5.
Comparative analysis .........................................................................................
5.
Summary remarks ......................................................................................
83
1. Introduction
The role of the media in construing collective memory has been undeniable lately;
therefore, the research into this phenomenon most commonly includes research into the
role and importance of the mass media in the process. The prominent theorists in the field
noted that memory is inherently collective phenomenon enabled through dialogue, that
is, communication, and communication via mass media is characterized by specific form,
manner, level and intensity in conveying a symbol. Encounter with historical events,
represented in the media, is based on individual (personal) experiences, typically
authentic utterances, recordings, notes, photos, which, as media constructs, become draft
sketches of history. The construing of the past by the media rests on the logics behind
the media construction of reality. Selection of individual events and their dissemination,
interpretation and reinterpretation creates a media construct of reality which is in reality
characterized as fragmental and provisional and is in fact already a part of the past. In the
process of the construction of the collective memory by the media distinctive, individual
testimonies become prosthetic memory. Individual experiences from the past, typically
traumatic, selected on the basis of dominant ideologies, are offered to the public to
“experience” them. The long-term exploitation of the selected individual accounts
facilitates the role of the media in interfering in construing collective memory.
The shaping of the past by the media and their role in construing collective memory in
Bosnia and Herzegovina is done under the conditions of predominance of the ethnical
issue as the issue dominating over all other social issues. Political power centers (ab)use
traumatic experiences of citizens of BH in order to constitute a certain ideology of trauma
which serves as means for preserving the current state of matter and strengthening the
use of biopolitics of power in the region. For a while now in BH there has been a selective
choice of events from the past that are being transformed into symbols which, in the
consciousness of the ethnical collectivities, recall various feelings. The mechanisms of the
selective choice of only certain events and selective amnesia regarding some other events
(which do not fit into the dominant matrices) create key mnemonic memory figures and
dominant narratives which are then actually sublimed into political rather than historical
memory. Iconic victim figures, atrocities of an ethos, narratives based on the idea of
impossibility of coexistence and togetherness, blurring the distinction between the
executioner and the victim have been largely communicated through mass media today. It
can actually be said that the mass media in BH today are the most significant (and the
most efficient) channel for strengthening the already constituted ethnic discourses.
Although the international community and the civil sector have invested considerable
efforts to restrain nationalistic agenda of the mass media in BH, eradicate explicit hate
speech and prevent encouraging inter-ethnical intolerance, the problematic role of the
media in (de)constructing the community remains. The aforementioned tendencies of the
mass media initiated by “taking over” and demolishing the radio and TV transmitter, and
continued by media isolation and almost Gabel-like propaganda and rhetoric, have been
replaced by a new phase, with more subtle mechanisms of gatekeeping in different levels,
which construes and de-construes the presence, the future and the past.
What is the role of the mass media in BH in representing the past and constituting the
collective memory? What are the critical events in constituting collective memory that are
84
being represented in the media? What are the traumatic experiences that have been
transformed into collective trauma? What are the crucial mnemonic figures that dominate
the media discourse? What is the relation between the media and ethnic identities? What
are the narratives used to transform traumatic ideological experiences into a specific
ideology of trauma as a dominant ideological matrix in ethnically divided public sphere?
How do the media address the issue of missing persons? These are the questions we have
tried to answer to by analyzing relevant contents of the mass media in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
85
2. Mass media in BH
A complex political situation in the country which has been estimated to be the main
obstruction to progress in almost all areas is present in the media subsystem as well and
the media discourse, therefore, reflects political discourses of the ethnically divided
community. The intervention of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina
was, among other things, focused on mass media, particularly their role in incitement and
supporting/maintaining inter-ethnical intolerance and supporting public opinion on
impossibility of coexistence of ethnical groups in BH. The explicit hate speech which
included narratives with denotative elements which needn’t be interpreted has been
replaced in more subtle manner and with narratives with less explicit connotations and
symbolism typical of the reduced time and space frame. The complex gatekeeping
processes through which certain events and topics become the object of media reports
have thus became even more intricate and complex, particularly regarding sensitive issues
related to traumatic experiences from the recent or distance past. In BH these processes
are still mostly influenced by the political factors which, in media discourse create various
(re)interpretations of the past, especially of the contemporary critical traumatic
experience related to the war period from 1992 to 1995.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina there are 11 daily papers, 86 periodically print publications,
whereas 143 radio stations and 45 TV stations have broadcasting permission. The research
has focused on a selection of BH press and TV stations with the largest market share.
Special attention was paid to ethnically polarized audience and the selection of the media
with the largest market share in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika
Srpska was made. The press in Bosnia and Herzegovina is in private ownership and
commercial, while the electronic media situation is somewhat different. In addition to the
commercial sector of the electronic media in Bosnia and Herzegovina there is a public
radio and TV broadcasting sector financed from public funds. Therefore, the research has
selected commercial and public TV stations with the most significant market share. The
aforementioned criteria were applied in selection of the media used for content analysis
on the research:
a) press
- Dnevni avaz, daily paper with seat in Sarajevo, Federation of BH
- Nezavisne novine, daily paper with seat in Banjaluka, Republic Srpska
b) TV stations
- RTVFBiH, public broadcaster with seat in Sarajevo Sarajevo, Federation of BH
- RTVRS, public broadcaster with seat in Banjaluka, Republic Srpska
- RTVBN, commercial TV station with seat in Biljeljina, Republic Srpska
- Hayat TV, commercial TV station with seat in Sarajevo, Federation of BH
86
3. Daily newspapers
3.1. Research sample: data selection, collection and classification
This chapter defines the process applied in creating research samples, their characteristics
and criteria for the selection and classification of the relevant data (cases).
3.1.1. Population and sample
In Bosnia and Herzegovina there are currently 11 daily newspapers, which constitute the
research population. They are as follows:
12. Dnevni Avaz (Sarajevo)
18. Euro Blic (Banja Luka)
13. Oslobođenje (Sarajevo)
19. Večernji list (Mostar)
14. Dnevni list (Mostar)
20. Fokus (Banja Luka)
15. Nezavisne novine (Banja Luka)
21. Press RS (Banja Luka)
16. Glas Srpske (Banja Luka)
22. Tuzlanski list (Tuzla)
17. San (Sarajevo)
For the purposes of research into the role of the mass media in construing representations
of missing persons in the public sphere, that is, their role in shaping collective memories
and identities in post-Dayton BH, the following daily newspapers with the largest market
share were selected:
4.
Dnevni Avaz (Sarajevo)
5.
Nezavisne novine (Banja Luka)
6.
Dnevni list (Mostar)45
The data from the research sample were collected in the period from September 15th,
2009 to December 15th, 2009, on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.
3.1.2. Criteria for relevant data (texts/cases) selection
The selection of relevant texts from the samples was conducted following two general
criteria. In order for a text to be included as a relevant case and consequently included in
the analysis, it has to be topically related to (1) an event dealing with post/war trauma
(violence and loss), that is, (2) an even dealing with missing persons.
The two criteria were further defined by operational criteria of relevance, which identified
typical and specific thematic scopes of relevant texts. By the operational criteria the
relevant cases are those texts that deal with: (1) exhumation, identification and
commemoration of the missing persons; (2) war crimes, murders, massacres, genocide
and war crime trials; (3) involuntary labor, concentration camps and tortures; (4) rapes
45
The research initially included daily newspapers Dnevni list from Mostar. However, the authors
had to eliminate the sample since the data base used in the research (INFOBIRO data base from
Mediacentre, Sarajevo) did not contain the newspapers during the monitoring period.
87
and abused women; (5) deportation and prosecution; (6) sieges and destruction of towns
and cities; (7) destruction of cultural and historical monuments and buildings etc.
3.1.3. Collecting relevant data from the data base
Relevant data from the defined research sample of the daily newspapers were collected
through INFOBIRO, a Mediacenter Sarajevo digital data base. During the process of data
collection the authors used an archive of the contemporary press, with over 600,000 texts
from the most significant outlets in BH, in digital form (PDF documents).
3.1.4. Relevant data classification and coding
Applying the selection criteria in researching INFOBIRO daily newspapers data base, the
authors have:
‐
analyzed 78 issues of the selected daily newspapers with the total of 5257 texts,
‐
selected and saved 239 relevant texts (all in digital form)
‐
coded and organized all data in computer files (files ID and folders), and
‐
classified the data in register/data file
The authors also created an individual data register for each selected daily newspapers.
The records contain tables including samples and separate relevant cases with data on the
publication date, the total texts for respective outlets and relevant cases. In addition, the
authors created a detailed register for relevant cases which, due to the limited space of
publication, has not been presented.
3.1.5. Sample and relevant cases: distribution analysis
The analysis has shown that the research sample has the following features:
88
‐
78 issues of the research samples (not including Dnevni list) contained 5257 texts
in total,
‐
Of 5257 texts 230 relevant cases/texts were selected (events relating to post/war
trauma), representing 4,37% of all texts (chart 1)
‐
Of 230 relevant texts 33 cases/texts were on missing persons, representing
14,34% of all relevant cases/texts, that is, 0,62% of all texts. (charts 2 and 3)
Chart 3
Chart 4
Charrt 3
wn the following sample featuress:
In respective daily newspapers the analysis has show
a) Dnevni Avaz
-
o the research saample contained
d 2650 texts in total,
39 issues of
-
Of 2650 texts 119 relevvant cases/texts were selected (events dealingg with
t
representing 4,49% of all
a texts,
post/war traumas),
-
Of 125 relevant cases/textts 15 cases/texts were on missing
g persons, representing
6% of all texts.
12,60% off relevant cases/ttexts, that is, 0,56
ne
b) Nezavisne novin
-
39 issues of
o the research saamples contained the total of 260
07 texts,
-
Of 2607 111 relevant cases/texts were selected (eventss related to posst/war
traumas), with 4,15% partiicipation in total texts,
-
g persons, representing
Of 111 relevant cases/textts 18 cases/texts were on missing
/texts, that is, 0, 69%
6 of all texts.
16, 21% off relevant cases/t
n the content in the two outlets iss provided in the following table.
The comparison on
89
Table 1.
Total, relevant and texts on missing persons
Number of texts in
sample
Relevant texts
Texts on missing
persons
Dnevni Avaz
2650
119
15
Nezavisne novine
2607
111
18
Total
5257
230
33
Whether due to the lack of data or inability to compare the present situation to the
previous periods, the research cannot determine if the aforementioned dynamics in the
media represents positive or negative trends in terms of the coverage of these topics in
the newspapers. However, considering the conventional approaches which attribute
primary position and significant importance in the media to the events from the recent
past, the research illustrates that the events of post/war traumas, especially topics
dealing with missing persons, are being marginalized rather than focused on in the BH
print media discourse.
3.2. Content Analysis
The following section of the research illustrates the results of the quantitative daily
newspapers content analysis.
Methodology:
-
The authors established thirty relevant categories with over one hundred variable in
order to measure occurrence of the relevant features of the selected cases used in
the analysis, using descriptive statistics.
-
categories and variables used in the research were further coded in a separate
document (codebook) and described by the means of the coding protocol which
contained a detailed SPSS category/variable titles and instructions, and finally,
-
coding sheets were designed, first designed as drafts in MS Excel templates and then
as database in SPSS.
Reliability and validity of the research instruments:
-
prior to the final study a preliminary (pilot) research with lesser sample was published
with an aim to test reliability and validity of the research instruments and coders,
which eventually showed that certain categories (particularly those relating to the
text topic) were not matching the criterion of mutual exclusion, which was
consequently improved.
For the purposes of the research a coding sheet was designed, and served as a basis for
the daily newspapers content analysis.
90
3.1. Research results: Dnevni Avaz
In the monitoring period, the outlet Dnevni Avaz published the total of 2650 texts.
Applying the selection criteria on the sample the authors selected the total of 119 relevant
cases/texts, of which 15 cases/texts were on missing persons. In other words, relevant
texts represented 4,49% of the total number of texts, while the texts on missing persons
constituted less than one per cent (0,56%), or slightly over ten percent (12,60%)
participation in relevant topics (topics relating to post/war traumas).
In terms of the size/space that the editors allocated to the relevant texts the analysis has
defined the following:
-
total texts’ size: 25795cm2 (approximately 24½ pages in the daily newspapers46),
-
maximum text size: 755 cm2 (around 70% of space per page),
-
minimum text size: 35 cm2 (around 3.3% of space per page).
Due to a significant presence of extreme values which distort the normal distribution of
data (arithmetic middle and median proved to differ significantly), the authors, in order to
obtain as accurate picture as possible in terms of the text size, recoded the data in the
following categories (values represented in cm2):
-
35-50: extremly small texts
-
51-100: small texts
-
101-300: middle texts
-
301-500: large texts
-
501-800: extremly large texts
The analysis has shown that the most of the cases (41,3%) comprise the 'middle texts'
category, followed by the small texts (26,4%) and large texts (15,7%) categories.
Table 2.
Valid
Size categories
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
7
5.8
5.9
5.9
small texts
32
26.4
26.9
32.8
middle texts
50
41.3
42.0
74.8
large texts
19
15.7
16.0
90.8
extremely large texts
11
9.1
9.2
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
extremely small texts
Total
Missing
Total
System
2
1.7
121
100.0
46
Dnevni Avaz’s original format is 27, 5 x 38,5cm (275 x 385mm). A separate issue regualrly contains
50 to 60 pages.
91
The analysis of texts on missing persons has defined the following features in terms of text
size:
-
the total text size: 2634 cm2 (approximately 2½ pages in daily newspapers)
-
maximum text size: 475 cm2 (around 45% of space per page)
-
minimal text size: 49 cm2 (around 5% of space per page).
The data are not symmetrically distributed due to the presence of extreme cases which
distort the arithmetic middle. In case we repeated the procedure of recoding the data into
categories we would obtain similar features: the largest proportion of the cases monitored
belong to the ‘middle texts’ category (46.7%), while the extremely large texts are not
represented at all (table below, graph on the following page).
Table 3.
Valid
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
extremely small texts
2
13.3
13.3
13.3
small texts
3
20.0
20.0
33.3
middle texts
7
46.7
46.7
80.0
large texts
3
20.0
20.0
100.0
15
100.0
100.0
Total
92
size categories
The texts on post/war trauma are published between the first and the fifteenth page, with
no particular tendency towards a specific place within the papers (Mean=8.7, Median=8,
Mode 8 with SD=7.6). The texts on missing persons are typically published between the
sixth and the tenth page in the papers. (Mean=8.6, Median=8, Mode 8 with SD=2.7).
As expected, the analysis has shown that the largest proportion of the relevant texts
(90.9%) is placed within the section on domestic affairs (table on the following page). The
texts in missing persons, with an exception of one case that was published in section on
personal stories, were published in the section on domestic affairs.
Table 4.
Valid
Section
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
110
90.9
90.9
90.9
Human story
6
5.0
5.0
95.9
Culture
2
1.7
1.7
97.5
Sport
1
.8
.8
98.3
missing data
2
1.7
1.7
100.0
121
100.0
100.0
Domestic affairs
Total
News (46,3%) and reports (39,7%) are the most common format in which texts occur.
Comments and (3,3%) and interviews (1,7%) occur less frequently (table below).
93
Table 5.
Valid
Format
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative Percent
News
56
46.3
47.1
47.1
Reports
48
39.7
40.3
87.4
Comment
4
3.3
3.4
90.8
Interview
2
1.7
1.7
92.4
Feature
7
5.8
5.9
98.3
Other
2
1.7
1.7
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
2
1.7
121
100.0
Total
Missing
System
Total
Texts on missing persons mostly occur in news format (66,7%), then as reports (20%) and
features (13,3%), while other formats are not represented.
In terms of the accompanying photographs most of the texts either contain one
photography (45, 9%) or no photographs at all (35,2%).
Table 6.
Valid
Numbers of Photographs (relevant texts)
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
no photography
43
35.2
36.1
36.1
one photography
56
45.9
47.1
83.2
two photography
12
9.8
10.1
93.3
three photography
5
4.1
4.2
97.5
four or more photography
3
2.5
2.5
100.0
119
97.5
100.0
3
2.5
122
100.0
Total
Missing
Total
94
System
Similar features were noted in texts on missing persons as shown in the table below.
Table 7.
Valid
Numbers of Photograpy (texts on missing persons)
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
no photography
6
40.0
40.0
40.0
one photography
6
40.0
40.0
80.0
two photography
3
20.0
20.0
100.0
15
100.0
100.0
Total
Due to a large number od texts on war crimes most of the photographies contain human
subjects (55,1%). Contrary, the texts on mostly show buildings and landscapes.
Table 8.
Table 9.
Photo Subject (relevant texts)
Frequency
Percent
only human subjects
55
72.3
only artefact/objects
13
17.1
both
8
10.5
Total
76
100
Photo Subject (texts on missing persons)
Frequency
Percent
only human subjects
3
33.33
only artefact/objects
6
66.66
Total
9
100
In terms of the topics of the texts the analysis has shown that the traumatic events mostly
rest on three macro-thematic fields/axes: war crime trials, commemorations and missing
persons. The reports on war crime trials dominate among these three macro-thematic
fields (table 10 below and graph on the following page).
95
Table 10.
Valid
MacroTheme
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
missing persons
15
12.4
12.6
12.6
war crime trials
70
57.9
58.8
71.4
commemoration
26
21.5
21.8
93.3
8
6.6
6.7
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
Others
Total
Missing
System
Total
2
1.7
121
100.0
As expected (due to the beginning of Radovan Karadžić trial) the ICTY cases dominate
compared to other topics on war crime trials (table below).
Table 11.
Valid
Reports on war crime trials
Frequency
Percent
ICTY trials
45
66.17
domestic trials
14
20.58
9
13.23
68
100.0
trials in ex-Yu countries
Total
96
The following table illustrates the representation of the certain trials within ICTY court
proceedings.
Table 12.
Valid
ICTY Cases
Frequency
Percent
Karadzic Case
19
42.22
Plavsic case
13
28.88
Perisic case
2
4.44
Tolimir Case
1
2.22
Mladic Case
3
6.66
Stanisic i Zupljanin
2
4.44
Delic Case
1
2.22
2
4.44
2
4.44
45
100.0
Milosevic Case
47
Others ICTY cases
Total
The table below represents specific topics covered by the journalists during the
monitoring period. The category of ‘missing persons’ was not divided into smaller
thematic units in order to maintain heterogenic representation of the category.
Table 13.
Valid
47
Specific themes covered in media during monitoring
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Karadzic Case
19
15.7
16.0
16.0
Plavsic case
13
10.7
10.9
26.9
Perisic case
2
1.7
1.7
28.6
Tolimir Case
1
.8
.8
29.4
Mladic Case
3
2.5
2.5
31.9
Stanisic i Zupljanin
2
1.7
1.7
33.6
Milosevic Case
2
1.7
1.7
37.0
Delic Case
1
.8
.8
37.8
Others ICTY cases
2
1.7
1.7
35.3
Jurisic Case
9
7.4
7.6
52.1
Trusina Case
6
5.0
5.0
61.3
Klickovic Case
1
.8
.8
62.2
The process refers t o Dragomir Milošević Case not Slobodan Milošević Case.
97
WCT48 institution capacity
and problems
6
5.0
5.0
67.2
Others domestic trials
5
4.1
4.2
73.1
Srebrenica
5
4.1
4.2
56.3
Kapija and Markale
8
6.6
6.7
44.5
Old bridge (Mostar)
2
1.7
1.7
68.9
Others commemoration
9
7.4
7.6
94.1
Missing persons
15
13.2
13.4
86.6
Others themes
7
5.8
5.9
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
Total
Missing
System
Total
2
1.7
121
100.0
The editors and journalists covered the following traumatic events from the past:
•
Kapija Massacre (Tuzla) – 4 texts
•
Markale Massacre (Sarajevo) – 4 texts
•
Srebrenica genocide (Srebrenica) – 5 texts
•
Trusina Massacre (Konjic) – 3 texts
•
Dračevice battle near Mostar – 1 text
•
Barim Massacre (Višegrad) – 1 text
•
Otoka Massacre (Sarajevo) – 1 text
•
Banja Luka ethnic cleaning (refugees) – 1 text
•
Gorice commemoration (Brčko) – 1 text
•
Reconstruction of destroyed Aladža mosques (Foča) – 1 text
•
Reconstruction of destroyed mosques at Podvitez (Pale) – 1 texts
•
Destruction of Stari Most bridge (Mostar) – 1 text
•
General remembering on death soldiers – 3 text
Texts on missing persons dealt with new cases of exhumation or identification of persons
found in previously discovered exhumation locations. The list below contains 15 texts on
missing persons:
48
•
Exhumation of two bodies (Višegrad)
•
Identification of body remains (Srebrenica-Trebinje)
•
Identification of five persons missing (Foča-Višegrad-Goražde)
•
Exhumation of four bodies (Višegrad)
•
New mass grave (Brčko)
WCT is an acronym for War Crime Trials.
98
•
Examination of a possible mass grave site (Brčko)
•
Exhumation of seven bodies (Sokolac)
•
Identification of eight persons missing (Tuzla-Bratunac-Vlasenica)
•
New mass grave in Zalazaj (Srebrenica)
•
Exhumation in Zalazaj
•
Exhumation in Zalazaj
•
Exhumation in Zalazaj
•
Issues in finding missing persons (Prijedor)
•
Institutional capacities of offices for missing persons (Sarajevo)
•
A personal story on a missing person (Visoko)
In the largest proportion of the texts analyzed the most common authors are journalists,
as shown in the table below. However, this issue should be examined more thoroughly in
qualitative analysis since journalists often base their reports on PR office communiqués or
news agency reports.
Table 14.
Valid
Authorship of the article
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
46
38.0
38.7
38.7
PR release
8
6.6
6.7
45.4
journalist
65
53.7
54.6
100.0
119
98.3
100.0
news agency
Total
Missing
Total
System
2
1.7
121
100.0
Most of the texts analyzed, in terms of anticipation, can be categorized as
planned/expected, which is logical, since war crime trials, commemorations and
exhumation, that is, identification processes are by nature planned and announced in
advanced.
99
3.2. Research results: Nezavisne novine
In the monitoring period the outlet Nezavisne novine published the total of 2607 texts.
Applying the selection criteria on the sample the authors selected the total of 111 relevant
cases/texts, of which 18 cases/texts were on missing persons. In other words, relevant
texts represented 4,15% of the total number of texts, while the texts on missing persons,
similarly to Dnevni Avaz, constituted less than one per cent (0,69%), or slightly over fifteen
percent (16,21%) participation in other relevant topics referring to post/war trauma
events).
In terms of the size/space allocated by the editors to the relevant texts the analysis has
identified the following features:
-
total texts’ size: 15377 cm2 (approximately 14 ½ pages in the daily newspapers49),
-
maximum text size: 911 cm2 (around 86% of space per page)
-
minimum text size: 34 cm2 (around 3.2% of space per page)
If we were to apply the same procedure as with Dnevni Avaz (recoding into five
categories) in order to avoid asymmetric distribution of data, we would note that the
largest proportion of the cases (46,6%) belongs to the ‘small texts’ category, as shown in
the table below.
Table 15.
Valid
size categories
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
extremely small texts
13
11.6
11.8
11.8
small texts
52
46.4
47.3
59.1
middle texts
35
31.3
31.8
90.9
large texts
4
3.6
3.6
94.5
extremely large texts
6
5.4
5.5
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Total
Missing
Total
49
System
Original format of Nezavisne novine is 27,5 x 38,5cm (275 x 385mm). Individual issues usually
contain about 50 pages.
100
The analysis of the texts on missing persons has identified the following features in terms
of text size:
-
total texts’ size: 1701 cm2 (approximately 1 ½ pages in daily newspapers)
-
maximum text size: 239 cm2 (around 23% of space per page)
-
minimum texts size: 36 cm2 (around 4% of space per page)
If we repeat the recoding procedure we will obtain the following features: (table below,
graph on the next page):
Table 16.
Valid
size categories
extremely small texts
small texts
middle texts
Total
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
1
5.6
5.6
5.6
11
61.1
61.1
66.7
6
33.3
33.3
100.0
18
100.0
100.0
Relevant texts occur between the first and the seventh page of the newspapers, with no
specific tendency in terms of placing the text (Mean=4.8, Median=4, Mode 2 with SD=3.2),
as was the case with Dnevni Avaz. The texts on missing persons are mostly published
between the second and the sixth page (Mean=4.8, Median=4, Mode 4 with SD=2.8).
101
The largest proportion of the relevant texts (94,6%) is published in the section on
domestic affairs (table below). The texts on missing persons are published exclusively in
the section on domestic affairs.
Table 17.
Valid
Section
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
106
94.6
96.4
96.4
Black chronicle
3
2.7
2.7
99.1
Human story
1
.9
.9
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Domestic affairs
Total
Missing
Total
102
System
News (51, 8%) and reports (43,8%) are among the most frequent formats used. Comments
(1, 8%) and columns (0, 9%) are rarely used, while interviews are not represented at all
(table below).
Table 18.
Format
Valid
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
News
58
51.8
52.7
52.7
Reports
49
43.8
44.5
97.3
Comments
2
1.8
1.8
99.1
Columns
1
.9
.9
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
2
1.8
112
100.0
Total
Missing
System
Total
The texts on missing persons were presented exclusively as news (51,8%) and reports
(43,8%).
Table 19.
Valid
Format
News
Reports
Total
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
11
61.1
61.1
61.1
7
38.9
38.9
100.0
18
100.0
100.0
Most of the relevant texts do not contain photographs (75%) or contain only one
photograph (19,6%).
Table 20.
Valid
Number of Photographs (relevant cases)
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
no photography
84
75.0
76.4
76.4
one photography
22
19.6
20.0
96.4
two photography
4
3.6
3.6
100.0
110
98.2
100.0
Total
Missing
Total
System
2
1.8
112
100.0
103
Most of the texts on missing persons (88, 9%) do not contain photographs. Only two texts
contain photographs.
Similarly to Dnevni Avaz, due to a number of texts on war crime trials the photographs
mostly contain human subjects (80,76%). Contrary, the texts on missing persons mostly
contain photographs of buildings/landscapes.
Table 21.
Valid
Photo Subject (relevant texts)
Frequency
Percent
only human subjects
21
80.76
only artefact/objects
2
7.69
3
11.53
26
100.0
Both
Total
Reports on war crime trials, particularly those which refer to ICTY proceedings, constitute
a dominant macro-thematic filed, with 62,5% of total texts (table below).
Table 22.
Valid
MacroTheme
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
missing persons
18
16.1
16.2
16.2
war crime trials
70
62.5
63.1
79.3
commemoration
15
13.4
13.5
92.8
8
7.1
7.2
100.0
111
99.1
100.0
others
Total
Missing
Total
104
System
1
.9
112
100.0
More than half of the texts on war crime trials refer to ICTY proceedings (table below).
Table 23.
Valid
MiddleTheme
Frequency
Percent
ICTY trials
39
57.35
domestic trials
22
32.35
7
10.29
68
100.0
trials in ex-Yu countries
Total
The following table illustrates the representation of particular trials within ICTY
proceedings.
Table 24.
Valid
Total
ICTYCase
Frequency
Percent
19
48.71
Plavsic case
6
15.38
Perisic case
1
2.56
Tolimir Case
2
5.12
Mladic Case
2
5.12
Stanisic i Zupljanin
4
10.25
Milosevic Case
2
5.12
Delic Case
1
2.56
Others ICTY cases
2
5.12
39
100.0
Karadzic Case
105
The following table illustrates a detailed overview of the topics of interest to the editors
and journalists of Nezavisne novine in the monitoring period.
Table 25.
Specific themes covered in media during monitoring
Frequency
Valid
Karadzic Case
18.8
18.9
18.9
Plavsic case
6
5.4
5.4
24.3
Perisic case
1
.9
.9
25.2
Tolimir Case
2
1.8
1.8
27.0
Mladic Case
2
1.8
1.8
28.8
Stanisic i Zupljanin
4
3.6
3.6
32.4
Others ICTY
2
1.8
1.8
34.2
Milosevic Case
2
1.8
1.8
36.0
Delic Case
1
.9
.9
36.9
Kapija and Markale Case
4
3.6
3.6
40.5
Jurisic Case
6
5.4
5.4
45.9
Koricanske stijene Case
5
4.5
4.5
50.5
Srebrenica Case
2
1.8
1.8
52.3
Trusina Case
7
6.3
6.3
58.6
Klickovic Case
1
.9
.9
59.5
WCT institution capacity and
problems
3
2.7
2.7
62.2
Other domestic trials
5
4.5
4.5
66.7
18
16.1
16.2
82.9
Others commemoration
4
3.6
3.6
86.5
Others
9
8.0
8.1
94.6
Dudakovic Case
2
1.8
1.8
96.4
Commemoration of death
soliders
4
3.6
3.6
100.0
111
99.1
100.0
Total
Total
Cumulative
Percent
21
Missing persons
Missing
Percent Valid Percent
System
1
.9
112
100.0
The list below contains commemorative events from the recent past covered by the
editors and journalists of Nezavisne novine:
•
106
Anniversary of 5th Special Police Unit in Doboj (commemorating soldiers) – 1 text
•
Anniversary of 6th Infantry Brigade Army of RS (commemorating soldiers) – 1 text
•
Anniversary – defend west border cities (Kozarska Dubica) – 1 text
•
Shehid commemoration – anniversary of 7th Muslim Brigade (Zenica) – 1 text
•
Commemoration at Papratnja Njiva near Foča (commemorating soldiers and
civilians) – 1 text
•
Fishman House Commemoration (Kip/Klis – Daruvar/Pakrac) – 1 text
•
Commemoration and memorial servise at Bjelovac, Sikirić and Loznička Rijeka
(Bratunac) – 1 text
•
Srebrenica Genocide – 2 texts
•
Kapija Massacre – 2 texts
•
Markale Massacre – 2 texts
•
Memorial day commemorating prisoners of concentration camps – 2 texts
The texts on missing persons refer to either new cases of exhumation or identification of
the persons found in previously discovered exhumation sites. The following list shows 18
texts on missing persons:
•
Missing persons day in Republika Srpska (Banja Luka, East Sarajevo)
•
Institutional capacities and issues of the offices for missing persons (Banja Luka)
•
Exhumation of two persons missing (Trnovo)
•
Institutional capacities of the offices for missing persons (Sarajevo)
•
Missing persons association RS
•
Missing persons from Srebrenica (Tuzla)
•
Identification of eight persons missing (Tuzla-Bratunac-Vlasenica)
•
Exhumation (Dvor na Uni)
•
Exhumation (Srebrenica)
•
Exhumation (Sanski Most, Sarajevo)
•
Exhumation (Dvor na Uni)
•
Exhumation (Bihać, Višna near Šekovići)
•
Institutional capacities and issues of the offices for missing persons (Tuzla)
•
Exhumation (Zalazje near Srebrenica)
•
Institutional capacities and issues of the offices for missing persons (Banja Luka)
•
Institutional capacities and issues of the offices for missing persons (Tuzla)
•
Exhumation (Zalazje near Srebrenica)
•
Institutional capacities of the offices for missing persons (Sarajevo)
107
Contrary to Dnevni Avaz, in the case of Nezavisne novine news agencies most frequently
hold authorship over texts (table below).
Table 26.
Valid
authorship
Frequency
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
news agency
67
59.8
61.5
61.5
journalist
42
37.5
38.5
100.0
109
97.3
100.0
3
2.7
112
100.0
Total
Missing
Total
System
On the other hand, as was the case with Dnevni Avaz, the largest proportion of the
relevant texts refers to expected, previously announced and/or planned events.
108
4. TV stations
4.1. Research sample: data selection, collection and classification
4.1.1. Population and sample
According to the research conducted by various agencies50 television is the most popular
media in Bosnia and Herzegovina and only 2 % of the BH citizens never watch TV.
Communications Regulatory Agency (CRA) has issued licenses for 49 TV stations, 3 of
which are public broadcasters.
Public broadcasters’ TV stations:
1. BHT 1
2. Federalna televizija - RTVFBiH
3. Televizija Republike Srpske – RTRS
Other TV stations:
1. TV Kiss - private
24. Televizija Kantona Sarajevo – public TV station
2. Hercegovačka televizija Mostar – public TV
station
25. TV Tuzlanska – public TV station
3. Hrvatska televizija Oscar – C - private
26. Behar TV Int. - private
4. MTV Igman - private
27. Alternativna Televizija - private
5. Nezavisna televizija Travnik – public TV station
28. Televizija BN - private
6. Nezavisna televizija IC Kakanj - private
29. Televizija Rudo – public TV station
7. Nezavisna televizija 99 - private
30. Televizija Vikom – public TV station
8. Nezavisna televizija Amna - private
31. TV Bel Kanal - private
9. NTV Hayat - private
32. Televizija Kanal 3- private
10. Nezavisna televizija Jasmin - private
33. Televizija Simić - private
11. TV OBN - private
34. Nezavisni TV- Studio " Arena" - private
12. Televizija Živinice – public TV station
35. TV Slon extra - private
13. Televizija Bugojno – public TV station
36. Televizija Džungla Doboj - private
14. Televizija Cazin – public TV station
37. TV Hit - private
15. Televizija BPK Goražde – public TV station
38. Televizija Prijedor – public TV station
16. Televizija Maglaj – public TV station
39. Televizija OSM - private
17. Televizija Mostar - private
40. Obiteljska televizija Valentino - private
18. Televizija Tuzlanskog kantona – public TV
station
41. Televizija Slobomir - private
19. Televizija Visoko – public TV station
42. Televizija Alfa - private
20. Televizija USK – public TV station
43. Televizija Pink - private
21. Televizija Zenica – public TV station
44. Herceg TV - private
22. Televizija Vogošća – public TV station
45. " Herceg radio- televizija" Trebinje – private
23. Nezavisna televizija 101 - private
50
GfK, Mareco index Bosnia etc.
109
In CRA’s register 17 stations are registered as other public TV stations. This category of TV
stations comprises particular TV stations which are partially finances by municipal or
cantonal budgets. The aforementioned stations should have been privatized after forming
public broadcasters; however, they still operate as local/regional outlets and serve as
more or less dissemination channels that the local/regional authorities use in order to
reach their target audience. The most influential TV content in shaping public opinion are
informative programs which, according to the research conducted by specialized agencies,
are the most frequently watched programs on TV stations.
The viewership ratings of the informative programs in commercial TV stations are
somewhat lower. For the purpose of the analysis 4 TV stations were selected: 2 public
broadcasters’ TV stations and 2 private TV stations, one public and one private TV station
from respective entities. The criterion applied in selection was the respective stations’
total viewership rate the viewership rates related to their informative programs.
According to the data available on RTVBiH web site published after the research
conducted by the agency Mareco Index Bosnia, the TV stations with the highest
viewership rates are: RTVFBiH, RTRS, Pink TV, OBN, BHT1, RTVBN and Hayat TV.
Table 1.
TV stations with the highest viewership rates in BH – 1.1.-31.12. 2010.- timeslot 24 h51
The programs with the highest viewership rates are RTVFBiH and RTRS news in the
category of public broadcasters, and RTVBN and Hayat in the category of commercial TV
stations; consequently, these TV stations were selected for content analysis in the
research.
51
http://www.rtvfbih.ba/loc/template.wbsp?wbf_id=94 (accessed on April 12th, 2011)
110
Table 2.
TV stations with the highest viewership rates in BH – 1.1.-31.12. 2010.- timeslot 05:0011:00 pm
The most significant part of the central TV news is the first slot composed of items of news
relating to domestic affairs. The structure of the news of the selected TV stations was
similar: the first slot /domestic affairs/ lasts 15 to 25 minutes, during which the topics
relevant for the research were referred to. Twenty central news programs per each
respective TV station were analyzed, with the total of 80 central news programs in the
period October – November 2009.
4.1.2. Criteria for relevant data (texts/cases) selection
As was the case with the print media, in selecting relevant TV news items the authors
applied two general criteria: (1) the story referred to the missing persons and (2) events
relating to war and postwar trauma. The criteria were then divided into four categories:
(1) missing persons (exhumations, identifications, gatherings); (2) arrests and war crime
trials (national courts); (3) arrests and war crime trials (ICTY) and (4) commemoration
(funerals, protests, other gatherings).
4.1.3. Collecting relevant data from the data base
Video material was obtained in cooperation with agency MBG, Tuzla, which at the
monitoring period, recorded TV news programs broadcast by the selected TV stations.
4.1.4. Relevant data classification and coding
In analyzing the recorded video material the authors have:
‐
Gathered 112 recordings of news programs by the selected TV stations
‐
Selected TV news programs for relevant TV content analysis
‐
Coded, organized and classified the obtained data
111
Represented in the tables are samples and selected relevant news items with appropriate
data which refer to the total number of broadcast news items, the total number of
relevant news items, the length of all broadcast items, the length of relevant TV items
with brief description of the event analyzed in a given news item.
4.1.5. Sample and relevant cases: distribution analysis
After the analysis of the material obtained the general features of the sample analyzed
were as follows:
-
The analyzed first slots in the 80 TV news programs contained the total of 827
news items with the total duration of 1,529 minutes.
All TV stations
Total number of items broadcast
Relevant items
Items on missing persons
RTVFBiH
203
31
6
RTRS
196
15
2
RTVBN
218
21
5
Hayat TV
210
17
2
Total
827
84
15
The share of the relevant topics in the analyzed TV content is relatively significant
considering the current interest in other aforementioned topics: it can be noted that the
public broadcaster of the BH Federation broadcast twice as many of the relevant items
than the public broadcaster in Republika Srpska. The fact was reflected in the total
duration of the news items, but not in the structure of the items since the same events
were represented differently both in relation to the item duration and the aspect of the
topic analysis and representation.
4.2. Content analysis: introductory remarks
Methodology:
-
Ten relevant categories were designed in analysis, with over fifty variables for
measuring the occurrence of the important features in the selected cases, using
descriptive statistics
-
categories and variables of the research were then coded and described using the
complementary protocol which contained detailed SPSS category/variable titles and
instructions, and coding sheets were designed.
Reliability and validity of the research instruments:
-
112
prior to the final study a preliminary (pilot) research with lesser sample was
conducted with an aim to test reliability and validity of the research instruments and
coders.
The analysis of the respective TV stations has shown the following:
4.2.1. RTVFBiH
In the research period within the first slot of the news program TVFBIH broadcast the total
of 203 news items. The frequency of broadcasting the items per days in a week depended
on the events and there were no specific thematic items shown, regardless of the events
which occurred in the rest of the content analyzed.
Number of news items per day RTVFBiH
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Total
Relevant
Table 3.
In the monitoring period two important events occurred relating to the field of research:
the beginning of the trial of the accused war criminal Radovan Karadžić and war criminal
Biljana Palvšić’s release from prison. The two events significantly influenced the number
and duration of the news items as well as the media discourse, which will be elaborated
on in the summary remarks.
Of the total 203 news items, 31 items referred to the topics of interest for the research,
whether it be the missing persons, arrests or trials for war crimes or some other events
such as commemorations, protests, funerals or some other events in some way related to
the missing persons and collective memory in respective ethnical communities or the
society in general. The share of 13% of relevant news items in the total number of news
items is not negligible since at the period when the research was conducted (and more or
less in other periods after the end of the war) political parties’ representatives led intense
debates on Constitution changes and economic subsystem undergone a significant
transformation related to VAT introduction.
113
Number of news items RTVFBIH
Duratio of items RTVFBiH
Relevant
topics 11%
Relevant
topics
13%
Total
87%
Total
89%
Graph 1
Graph 2
In terms of duration the topics relevant for the research accounted for the tenth of the
total time of all items broadcast during the first slot. When compared to the share of all
broadcast news items it can be noted that there is accordance between the relevant
topics and the rest of the items broadcast, which illustrates that the relevant items are
produced in the similar manner as the other items (combination of longer and shorter
editorials, short news by news agencies or communiqués by various organizations).
The content of the items mostly referred to arrests or trials for war crimes. As was
mentioned before, in the research period the trial of Radovan Karadžić began and Biljana
Plavšić was released from prison, and a large proportion of news items (almost one third)
referred to one of the two events. Although in determining the research period the
intention was not to choose the period of important dates from the recent past, these
events could not have been anticipated. However, the interest expressed by the media in
ICTY proceedings was all-pervading, whether the events involved the convicts/accused
from BH or neighboring countries. Arrests and trials for war crimes under the jurisdiction
of the national courts were also of interest for the media, while the topics relating to the
missing persons were somewhat less frequent. Media reports were mostly related to
exhumations of the bodies and their identification.
Structure of relevant news items RTVFBiH
Commemoration
6%
Missing persons
16%
ICTY
35%
National courts
43%
Graph 3
The length of the relevant news items varied from very short stories not longer than ten
seconds to extremely long items lasting more than 6 minutes. The length of the items
114
revealed the background of the report. The items which lasted 30 seconds suggested
event announcements or short announcements, reported by the agencies or PR
departments from different institutions and organizations. Since the sources of most of
the items were not explicitly specified, the length of the item implicitly pointed to the
aforementioned conclusion.
Duration of the relevant news items RTVFBiH
Over 3 min
10%
Up to 30 sec
32%
2 to 3 min
23%
30 sec-1 min
16%
1-2 min
19%
Graph 4
Additional source indicators were the features in the TV content analyzed. The editorials
featured authentic, up-to-date recordings with credits naming TV crew members
participating in producing the item. Another category was composed of the items
featuring recordings from archives or their video background included statistical graphs
which indicated that the reporting was based on news provided by the agencies or PR
agencies. Both categories of items were rather equally represented: 42% of the total
relevant items were editorials and 58% other types of stories. In most of the cases TV
items relating to relevant topics were shown within first five minutes of the first slot of the
TV news.
4.2.2. RTRS
In the first slot of the central news program of RTRS which dealt with domestic affairs the
total of 196 news items were broadcast, of which 15 referred to topics on missing persons,
arrests and/or trials for war crimes and other events related to constituting collective
memory in BH. No continuity in structuring these topics as news items was noted.
115
Number of items per days RTRS
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Total
Relevant
Table 4.
Duration of the relevant items accounted for 8% of the total of all items presented in the
section dealing with domestic affairs, while the topics dominating the items analyzed
referred to ICTY trials. Special attention in RTRS broadcast programming was paid to
Radovan Karadžić trial and Biljana Plavšić’s release.
Duration of the relevant items RTVRS
Structure of the relevant items RTVRS
Commemoration
7%
ICTY
53%
Missing persons
13%
National
courts
27%
over 3 min
27%
Up to 30 sec
33%
2-3 min
7%
1-2 min
13%
30 sec to 1
min
20%
Graphs 5 and 6
In the analyzed RTRS program content the prevailing items lasted longer than 30 seconds
and mostly referred to arrests/trials for war crimes before national courts and based on
their duration and features it could be concluded that they were based on news released
by agencies or PR releases.
As was the case with the previously analyzed public broadcaster, RTVFBiH, the analyzed
items from RTRS showed that the editorials and items based on news released by agencies
or PR releases were represented almost equally, with 53% of editorials and 47% of items
belonging to the other category. The largest proportion of relevant items referred to court
proceedings in ICTY which can be accounted by the fact that at the period of research the
116
Radovan Karadžić trial began and Biljana Plavšić was released from prison. Most of the
items covered these two events (as connected news items covering the events from
different perspectives). Consequently, one third of the relevant news items was composed
of items which lasted over 3 minutes.
Structure of relevant items RTVRS
Duration of relevant news items RTVRS
Missing persons
13%
Commemoration
7%
over 3 min
27%
2-3 min
7%
National courts
ICTY
53%
up to 30 sec
33%
27%
1-2 min
13%
30 sec to 1
min
20%
Graphs 7 and 8
4.2.3. RTVBN
RTVBN is a commercial TV station and according to the viewership rates it has been the
most popular TV station in Republika Srpska.52 The central news program of this TV
station is also one of the informative programs with the highest viewership rates in
Republika Srpska.
Table 5.
Number of items per days TVBN
16
14
12
10
Total
8
Relevant
6
4
2
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
52
According to Mareco Index Bosnia RRTVBN was the TV station with the highest viewership rates in
Republika Srpska from January 1st to April 17th, 2001. (www.rtvbn.com , accessed on April 25th,
2001)
117
The number of relevant items in the first slot of the central news program in the period
analyzed accounted for 9% of the total number of the items broadcast, which is the same
proportion in terms of duration of relevant items compared to the total duration of the
analyzed slot.
Number of news items TVBN
Duration of items TVBN
Relevant
9%
Relevant
9%
Other
91%
Other
91%
Graph 9 and 10
The structure of the relevant items by the criteria defined was similar to the structure of
items previously analyzed in public broadcasters’ TV content; a large proportion of the
items referred to the missing persons, almost one quarter, while more than a half of the
items broadcast were editorials.
Category of items TVBN
Structure of relevant items TVBN
Commemoration
19%
Missing persons
24%
Archives
43%
ICTY
33%
National courts
24%
Editorials
57%
Graph 11 and 12
118
Most of the news items lasted over 3 minutes and all referred to the beginning of the
Radovan Karadžić trial and Biljane Plavšić’s release.
Trajanje relevantnih priloga TVBN
Up to 30 sec
14%
30 sec-1
min
over 3 min
19%
10%
2-3 min
24%
1-2 min
33%
Graph 13
4.2.4. Hayat TV
Hayat TV is a commercial TV station founded in 1991, and has been on top in termso f
viewership rates in BH Federation. Contrary to most of the commercial TV stations in BH,
Hayat TV has designed its informative program as a brand, and Vijesti u 7 (News at 7)
(central news program) is one of the news programs with the highest viewership figures in
FBH. The number of relevant items in the first slot of the news relating to domestic affairs
accounted for 9% of the total news items presented.
Broadcasting per days Hayat TV
Total
Relevant
Graph 14
The duration of the relevant news items in the total duration of all other items in the
analyzed section of the central news program in Hayat TV accounted for 7%. The largest
119
proportion of items, 35%, lasted up to 30 seconds, which suggested the source was either
news released by agencies or PR releases.
Duration of relevant items Hayat TV
Relevant items Hayat TV
Relevant
7%
2-3 min
12%
1-2 min
29%
over 3 min
0%
Up to 30 sek
35%
30 sec to
1 min
24%
Total
93%
Graph 15 and 16
Of total number of relevant items 18% referred to missing persons. Items relating to the
topic of missing persons referred to new mass grave sites and exhumation. As was the
case with the rest of the TV stations, most of the items referred to arrests and war crime
trials, and more than half of those were related to Karadžić trial and Biljana Plavšić’s
release.
Structure of relevant items Hayat TV
Commemoration
6%
ICTY
35%
Missing persons Hayat TV
Missing
persons
18%
National
courts
41%
Missing
persons
15%
Total
85%
Graph 18 and 19
4.2.5. Comparative analysis
Comparing the number, structure and type of the items shown in slots analyzed in all four
television stations it can be noted that the most significant attention to the relevant items
was paid by RTVFBiH – twice the value that the other public broadcaster in RS - which was
also evident in the duration of the items.
120
Relevant items all TV stations
Duration of items all TV stations
RTVFBiH
37%
Hayat TV
20%
RTVBN
25%
RTVFBiH
30%
Hayat TV
21%
RTVBN
29%
RTVRS
18%
RTVRS
20%
Graph 20 and 21
The structure of the relevant items in all TV stations was proportionally similar. Special
interest was expressed in Radovan Karadžić’s trial and Biljana Plavšić’s release and all TV
stations paid special attention to the two events, which was illustrated by the number of
items, their duration and the structure of the items. The topics were usually represented
consecutively, for a few days in a row, and the structure of news was generally that of
connected news items, with the longest item duration.
Structure of relevant items all TV stations
1
1-RTVFBiH,
Missing persons
2
3
2-RTVRS,
3-TVBN,
National courts
ICTY
4
4-HayatTV
Commemorations
Graph 22
The largest proportion of other items related to war crimes (arrests, trials and sentences)
mostly lasted for up to 1 minute, or even shorter, which can be accounted by the
relevance but also the source of the news item. Short news items are usually based on
short items released by agencies or PR contents. Long items, especially in Karadžić and
121
Plavšić cases, presented as connected news or thematic items, imply the importance of
these events.
Duration of items all stations
1
1-RTVFBiH
Up to 30 sec
2
3
2-RTVRS
3-TVBN
30 sec to 1 min
1 -2 min
4
4-Hayat TV
2 - 3 min
over 3 min
Graph 23
Of the total number of items all stations broadcast only two per cent of the items on
missing persons.
Missing persons all TV stations
Missing persons all TV stations
Commemorations
11%
ICTY
40%
Missing
persons
19%
National
courts
30%
Graph 24
122
Missing
persons
2%
All items
98%
5. Summary remarks
In order to understand the contemporary paradigms and models of constituting identity in
transitional processes it is important to study the overall social context in which collective
identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina are being construed. Such analysis would require a
multidisciplinary approach and extensive, thorough research. However, it is indisputable
that the national issue in the contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the crucial
issues in constituting collective memory not only in BH but also in other former
Yugoslavian states. In contemporary history the unresolved national issues in
contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina are considered to be the cause and effect of
violence and coercion, which is one of the critical aspects in shaping collective memory.
The leading theories on collective memory analyze institutionalized forms of memory as
possible, visible existence of memory, which includes production of recognizable material
and symbolic characteristics of memory. The mechanisms of construing such
characteristics are very complex and involve a number of elements of different nature,
while the mass media have added a new dimension to the process. Theorists who have
analyzed the narratives of the collective memories in BH have identified certain popular
narratives which exhibit common elements of all three ethnicities that relate to the
inevitability of wars and violence in BH. Such narratives include: the evil that comes from
the outside, Balkan primitivism, placing the blame on others outside BH (Daiagolo).
Political platitude “We do not have to live together, we can live one next to others” has
been used in the media frequently, and as a typical stereotype it has been often presented
to the public, even though the point of this message is not easy to understand: does it
refer to eternal existence of the entities, ethnic homogeneity in private sphere or
something completely different, it is not easy to tell. Whatever it may refer to, this
extremely dangerous, almost nationalistic cliché has moved from the public to the private
discourse and in the process of conducting opinion polls on certain sensitive issues related
to inter-ethnical relations this platitude was frequently used by the ordinary people when
commenting on the BH Court and war crime cases under its jurisdiction. The analysis of
the media discourse in this research has shown that the popular narratives created in the
public communication become gradually expanded by the narratives referring to the evil
from within, the impossibility of coexistence and togetherness, and insist on existence of
two perpetually divided ethnical entities, one next to the other, and the evil that comes
not only from the outside but also from the within. Furthermore, the evil from within is
now viewed primarily through the prism of ethnical divisions supported and initiated by
the politics and the media as the extended limb of the politics. The analysis of the media
discourse related to the collective memory constituted on the basis of traumatic
experiences from the recent past could be perceived through the following narratives:
4.
5.
6.
Historical memory is possible only as political
Depersonalization of the victim blurs the boundary between the victim and the
executioner
Creating rituals and trivializing the key historical events facilitates selection of key
mnemonic figures which will occur in the prosthetic (media) memory
123
1) Controlling the information flow via mass media began by “taking over” (destroying) the
radio and TV transmitter in BH, continued with media isolation and manipulation and
ended in media space division following the political and ethnical divisions.
The control over media today actually represents a powerful means of control over
memory. Media coverage of topics on missing persons and trauma in Bosnia and
Herzegovina was analyzed in the research only with respect to the content of the media
with the largest market share. The market share was determined in entity levels, since
extremely ethnically polarized communication has not created favorable situation for
dominance in market share of one media outlet in the entire market.53 Whether
commercial media or public broadcasters, ethnical agenda of the media outlets analyzed
was reflected in contents identified as contents which shape collective memory. Ethnical
polarization of the media has created a dominant discourse and narratives, based on
political discourses. Interference of the politics based on ethnical division and polarization
into all spheres of public life in Bosnia and Herzegovina has thus mirrored in constituting
collective memory. Traumatic personal experience (re)produced by the media become a
part of the collective memory in those cases which are in some way related to dominant
political ideologies. With time, as a consequence of the unbalanced exploitation, these
experiences lose their meaning or acquire new connotations in the complex semiotic
process.
The beginning of the trial of Radovan Karadžić illustrates how ethnical media structure the
contents corresponding to the dominant political attitude. Karadžić trial was the central
topic at the time the research was conducted. The narrative discourse at the political level
developed in the processes of attribution and selective choice of facts. Attributives former
President of the Republika Srpska and even the President of the RS dominated the media
with the largest market share in Republika Srpska. The focus of the reporting at the
beginning of the trial shifted from vital to legal issues: whether Karadžić can or cannot
represent himself in the court of law, how long will it take to prepare defense, which
documents should be delivered to defense attorney, etc. Only specific counts of
indictment were selected and headlines implicitly suggested the desired focus. In the FBH
media the attributives ranged from war criminal, executioner, and slayer to ICTY
defendant, and the most notable counts of indictment were selected, containing words
such as genocide, crime against humanity, ethnical cleansing, etc. the news items
frequently contained statements by the presidents of the war victims associations, stating
their names and names of the associations. Media coverage of Biljana Plavšić’s release
from prison was similarly conducted. She was reffered to as Former President of RS,
Mrs.Plavšić in the RS media and ICTY defendant, prisoner, the mother of genocide in FBH
media. Items in both enthities’ media were among the longest but the focus of the stories
differed significantly: state official who has served her sentence (RS media) and the mother
of genocide whose sentence cannot provide satisfaction to the thousands of missing, killed
and displaced persons (FBH media).
Since these two topics dominated in the research period, less attention was devoted to
other topics related to war crimes (arrests, trials). Items that dealt with war crime trials
53
For instance, the viewership rates related to RTVFBiH as the TV station with the highest figures in
Federation barely reacehed 2% in Republika Srpska and vice versa.
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before national courts also had different implications54 and connotations in the analyzed
media content, depending on whether the media was from RS or FBH. The RS media
particularly focused on unequal treatment and imbalance in processing ethnical criminals
before national courts. In the items presented the persons accused were referred to as
numerical-ethnic categories (two Bosniaks, three Serbs, two Croats, etc.), and in the cases
where their names were stated the ethnicity of the accused / convicted ones was almost
never omitted. Such ethnic categorization of crimes, regardless of the media involved, is
actually mitigating the act by shifting the focus from the act to the motive. Constant
insistence on ethnic labels emphasizes the fact that the crime was a necessity, selfdefense, the act of defending us from them and, as such, cannot have the same specific
weight.
Interference of the politics that rests on ethnic division and polarization into all spheres of
public life in Bosnia and Herzegovina thus reflected in the constitution of the collective
memory. in a complex semiotic process. Traumatic personal experience (re)produced by
the media become a part of the collective memory in those cases which are in some way
related to dominant political ideologies. With time, as a consequence of the unbalanced
exploitation, these experiences lose their meaning or acquire new connotations in the
complex semiotic process.
2) Particularly noticeable trend in the analyzed media reports is that which refers to
depersonalization of the victim, which is especially reflected in the reporting on missing
persons. The problem of missing persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina has divided the
public. Even in the media this problem has followed a basic matrix of public discourse:
depersonalization and reduction of the missing persons on numbers and statistics that are
inevitably confronted at the political level. The focus is thus once again shifted from the
content to the form: which institution serves whose policies for the sake of hiding or
exaggerating the truth about missing ones? On such ideology rests the media coverage of
events related to the missing persons. Exhumation, identification, commemoration are the
key words used in items on missing persons; and once again the focus is on the ethnic,
numbered members (the bodies of eight Serbs were exhumed from the mass grave, new
secondary graves were discovered, which are estimated to hide the bodies of more than
two hundred Bosniaks, etc). It is particularly noticeable that these topics are almost always
in some way related to the religious characteristics of ethnic members: from Muslim
funeral prayer to Orthodox memorial services and masses. Visual and graphic design of
the item is a stereotypical and exploited to the point of almost complete loss of meaning:
expert teams for exhumation, excavations, and human bones excavated from the ground
or stacked in commemorative centers. Depersonalization is further developed up to
dehumanization and the human life is reduced to skeletons, or even parts of the skeleton,
54
Reports on injustice and bias of the national courts in processing war crimes in BH probably
contributed to positive attitude of the public on referendum where the RS citizens would have the
opportunity to state their opinion on laws imposed by the High Representative, particularly those
relating to the State Court and Prosecutor's Office. This decision was adopted by the RS National
Assembly on April 13th 2011.
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numbered and ready for analysis. Depersonalization of victims actually aims at
constituting a public discourse on ethnic ideology of (de) personalization and moving away
from the civic concept. The necessity of being as an ethnic member is thus transmitted to
the victims that the media discourse represents as Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Roma people,
but not as mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, friends , neighbors, teachers. As numbers
and amounts the victims are measured in quantity and compared to other quantities: how
many of ours and how many of theirs? We and they as basic value categories without a
concrete foothold in the reality, take on characteristics of the third order of simulacra in
the simulation of the reality created by the media.
3) On the one hand the mass communication media contribute to the prolonged
preservation of the collective memory since they permanently memorize the events,
occurrences, monuments, symbols, and can be reproduce them over and over again. On
the other hand, selectivity and new meanings created in the process of merging the
individual meanings create the possibility of endless manipulation. The manipulation
starts by stratification of the events on which occasion some events / narratives acquire
almost epic dimensions while others become marginalized, trivialized and eventually
cease to be a symbol that evokes memories related to the collectivity. Thus, the analyzed
content contains iconic symbols such as Srebrenica, Dobrovoljačka, Manjača, Sijekovac,
Dvor na Uni, Ahmići etc. while a number of other events gradually fade and disappear
from the media discourse and the collective memory. Thus, in addition to the collective
memory, collective amnesia is developed as well. There is an attempt to suppress the
events of the past that are not in accordance with the prevailing ideology (discourse) or
completely deny them by collective amnesia. Of particular interest are the so-called white
spots of the past that more or less appear as part of the collective amnesia. Silence,
disguise and repression of certain events or moments of these events under complex BH
conditions lead to yet another process of disagreement on perception of the same
events.Thus, the selection of the lexical, visual and oral material the media produce
versions of the past from which the unwanted parts are cut out or alleviated by
euphemisms. Killed Bosniaks, exhumation of human bones in Srebrenica or event in
Dobrovoljačka, the suffering of Serbs in the besieged Sarajevo, are examples of how
individual events by the means of selective lexical structure become stripped of the
elements that are not in accordance with the prevailing ideology on the basis of which the
collective memory is constituted. The audio-visual production also uses selected clips that
correspond to the basic idea of creating white spots. As a rule, these deal with war crimes
and the motives of these crimes.
Although the research has shown that the focus of the media interest was not on the
events related to traumatic experiences from the recent past, the media discourse(s) and
the narratives that were in the focus and that were indeed presented to the public in a
reduced form, represent the main factor of further underlining the differences in
perception of the past and create a state of inability to cope with such past. The media
content is still principally dominated by the political memories and victim discourse in
which the victim cannot be told from the martyr, thus such a discourse actually abolishes
the aforementioned difference. Reinterpretation of traumatic experiences from the recent
past, and also the distant past, still justifies the acts done so that the contemporary
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narratives based on the mythical past systematically form the past for respective, divided
audiences. By creating rituals for key historical events, their trivialization, speculation, or,
sometimes even falsification, the past is systematically construed and as such it continues
to circulate in the public sphere once again offering to the audience to re-experience it
thus taking on new meanings and constituting new collective memories.
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Dr. Vedad Spahić, Full Professor
Dr. Mirsad Kunić, Assistant Professor
Dr. Azra Verlašević, Assistant Professor
Dr. Jasmina Husanović, Full Professor
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Tuzla
The Construction of National Identity in Bosnian and Herzegovinian Literature – the
Bosniak component
Within the Project:
Construing cultural identity and key developments within modern national
projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina: multidisciplinary perspectives from
media and cultural production
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CULTURAL FRAMEWORK
The Bosniak cultural identity between the principles of power and peace
One thing can be expressed in at least two ways: by saying that particular
thing and nothing more; and by saying that thing and simultaneously
remind that the world is far more complicated and contradictory than it
may seem.
(Italo Calvino)
It is important to emphasize at the very beginning that the hypotheses presented in the
paper are based on the rejection of the axiological a priori principles and the established
legacies ascribed to the three key concepts in the subtitle - Culture, Power and Peace.
Therefore, ours is a starting point deprived of the premises which claim that culture and
peace eo ipso bear affirmative features, contrary to power which always bears the
negative ones. In terms of methodology applied, it is thus essential to indicate to the
points of reference of the theoretical approaches to culture which serve as a basis for the
study of historical and recent experiences of a culturally distinctive area such as Bosnia
and Herzegovina. The paper rests on two dominant theoretical approaches to culture – a
traditional, nevertheless, rather well-represented, liberal –humanism and an approach
which is taking over the primacy in the contemporary theory. Distancing ourselves from
various possible interpretations, for the purposes of the paper we will refer to it as a
poststructuralist approach.
Liberal humanism defines culture as a disinterested pursuit of spiritual and material
perfection with an aim of reaching substantial potential and promoting it within the
vertical social structure. The bearers of Culture are intellectuals (capital letter C is used in
accordance with the opposition Culture - culture proposed by Terry Eagleton in his book
The Idea of Culture). They lead people into perceiving the right thing and thus encourage
harmony between them. Dealing with the fine arts allows people to get in touch with the
eternal values that are fundamental to human life and moral. Furthermore, the art
liberates the experience of the contingent historical pragmatic guidelines.
The other approach used for the purposes of the paper implies a more comprehensive
understanding of culture as a way of life (including everyday skills, customs, habits, ideas
...) and not simply as a corpus of intellectual and imaginative creations. Cultural
production takes place at the intersections of the ruling, emergent and residual forces and
is characterized by their dynamic antagonism and conflict. The area of culture is thus a
dispersed, pluralistic field of constant struggle for power, where dominant position can
never be guaranteed. Furthermore, as Renate Lachmann observes, there can be no
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natural oblivion: in the cultural field, there is only temporary inactivity (de-semiotization)
in certain zones, which are then activated again (re-semiotization). The concept is poststructural in it that it perceives cultures as literary texts. Cultures, as well as the texts,
cannot be fixed into unique, complete and definitive meanings.
Our "reading" of the contemporary Bosnian culture, with all due respect to the
emancipatory projections of liberal humanism, is closer to the concept of culture as a
comprehensive dynamic structure, although we do not accept unconditionally all aspects
of the theory of the permanent and free process of competitive power struggles in the
cultural field. The paper actually aims to develop a thesis - a somewhat polemical thesis in
relation to restitutional optimism offered by R. Lachmann - about the Bosnian culture as
entity in the state of intensive and crucial semiotization, with even more uncertain
outcomes, but a certain natural entropic discharge and irreversible contingents of oblivion
which result directly or indirecly from the external principles of power and internal state
of powerlessness to confront them purposefully and rationally. Moreover, it seems that
the practical reasonableness of this kind of resistance is rather questionable. In particular,
we do not perceive the traditional cultural identity as a sacrosanct value which should be
nostalgically lamented over in the era of globalization, nor do we believe that the memory
functions for a society like the immunity does for the body, just as we are, vice versa,
skeptical towards the unreserved advantage that some theorists (R. Williams, for example)
give to the cultural forms in the making. Bosnian cultural field with rather clear
differentiation between the inherited, dominant and emerging semiocultural areas and
relatively predictable internal re-organization of boundaries in the future, raises the
question of why should any of the competitive cultural models be more valid than others
to represent the whole, that is, to represent the interests of all members of the
community. Is there a specific proportion between the memory and oblivion that can be
prescribed for the wellbeing of individuals, nations and cultures? Could there be one
dominant tendency in the Bosnian cultural field? Before attempting to tackle such issues it
is necessary to examine, at least the basis of what constitutes a traditional save haven and
investigate the current regime of the state-shaping models of the Bosniak (Bosnian
Muslim) cultural component within the Bosnian multicultural context and define the
effects of their conflict.
The acceptance of Islam and inclusion into Islamic-Oriental cultural and civilizational
circles meant that Bosniaks terminated continuity with their own pre-Islamic cultural
tradition on all planes of the discursive expression of cultural identity, with the exception
of the native Bosnian language, Bosnian Cyrillic script use (the Bosnian version of the
Cyrillic alphabet) and certain elements of common-folk tradition, which also experienced
interesting transformation in contact with the adopted Islamic religious and cultural
matrix. Although it can be supported with restrained confidence, changes in the structure
of ethnic mentalities occurred to a lesser extent since, even during the Ottoman rule,
thanks to the liminal geo-strategic position, there was a state of permanent military
tension and uncertainty in Bosnia, and war waging represented one of the main
professional activities of the Bosnian people. On the margins, forgotten during the longterm decadence of the Empire, left on their own, and constantly exposed to threats of the
hostile surroundings, Bosniaks were forced to act opportunistically, on their own initiative,
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resorting to acts ranging from wittiness to wantonness, which ultimately forged a hardcore martial-brigandine mentality faithfully depicted in an oral epic poem. When asked
what an epic hero is afraid of, Alija Bojičić replied: "He is a little bit of God, not at all of the
emperor and of the viziers as his of own horse." On the other hand, in the late Middle
Ages the Ottoman Empire as the only state in the territory of Europe, which tolerated
multi-religiousness by the enforcing European principles of religious and territorial
delimitation of cuius regio illius religio, according to which subjects had to accept the faith
of their earthly masters. This fact reflected as the acquisition of Bosnian culture, which
despite all the latter destructive efforts has not been de-semiotized and even today
represents a substrate which may serve as a basis for restituting a multicultural future.
Ironically, ever since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire Bosnian multiculturalism was,
and still is one of the main obstacles to all concepts of including Bosnia and Bosniaks into
the European cultural and civilizational circle, which will be further discussed later in the
paper.
Conservative and abhorrent to all things foreign and new, the Bosniaks faced AustroHungarian occupation. Since then the Bosniak culture has been frequently confronted
with the issue of Europeanization. Understanding cultural identity in Hegelian terms as a
result of the movement of the entity through a system of differences points to the fact
that a consequence of such a movement in Bosniaks’ case is a highly unstable identity. On
the one hand, there is a strong resistance to the acceptance of European cultural and
civilizational heritage, and on the other hand, there is administrative implementation of
various and often inappropriate strategies of Europeanization, conducted for the sake of
various policies, political goals and interests. The occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
and taking over the Muslim people by the Austria-Hungary enabled the Empire to design
its cultural policies by combining Oriental stereotypes drawn from the experiences in
dealing with other colonial powers with the Muslim people in Asia and Africa and modern
emancipatory legacies to make this space as close as possible to European communities by
its content and lifestyle represented. The frustrating fact that something is both European
and Muslim (something close to the phenomenon of the “inner other” that Maria
Todorova writes about in Imagining the Balkans) posed a complex issue for the foreign
government. The Austrians thus turned to a formula by which Orientalization of Bosnia
represented the precondition of the country’s Europeanization. The term Orientalization
used for the purposes of the paper bears the meaning that Edward Said has attached to it:
the Orient is not what it is, the Orient is a discourse-imaginative representation of the
West. The occupation administration supported printing of the papers in Turkish, spoken
by less than 5% of the population, built venues in the so-called pseudo-Moorish style
(Sarajevo City Hall, for instance), the Bosniak literature was “Orientalized” resembling the
German Romantics and their Serbo-Croatian epigones, a traditional folk song lyric
sevdalinka was textually and melodically bastardized by Turkish-Arab sounds,
transforming into the so-called newly composed folk song that is still raging the Bosnian
media. However, along with the hegemonic Bosnia was faced with the liberal-humanist
discourse of the Western culture (although, as Said points out, it is often difficult to
differentiate one from another) - cultural and scientific societies were established, new
educational institutions, newspapers were run, museums were opened… The AustroHungarian period fully revealed the ambivalent nature of the flows and processes in the
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dynamic cultural spaces. Culture was the tool to the force of oppression, dissolving,
dispossessing inherent cultural forms to the same extent, or at least to similar extent as it
was to the force of production, creation, progress. Edward Said points out (while reductive
interpretations of his criticism of Orientalism generally ignore the fact) that “to believe
that politics in the form of imperialism bears upon the production of literature,
scholarship, social theory, and history writing is by no means equivalent to saying that
culture is therefore a demeaned or denigrated thing. Quite the contrary: my whole point
is to say that we can better understand the persistence and the durability of saturating
hegemonic systems like culture when we realize that their internal constraints upon
writers and thinkers were productive, not unilaterally inhibiting.”55.
The consequences of the Austro-Hungarian cultural policy in Bosnia are comprehensive,
multifaceted, far-reaching and mostly incomplete. Bosnian and Bosniak culture were
created in the true sense of cultural crossroads. Conservatism, xenophobia and aversion
were replaced by susceptibility, openness and sometimes exaggerated subservience and
deference. Such state is an eternal inspiration (the contacts and clashes between different
cultural and civilizational provenance produce a variety of outcomes, such as inter-literary
features, esthetically interwoven features in the arts, etc.) but also a burden of being torn
between the controversial and hazy self-awareness and the suspected perception of one
by others. The unstable identity generated by the parallel and traumatic processes of
Europeanization and late nationalization is a dominant feature of the Bosniak mentality. A
dramatic monologue of one of the heroes in Selimović’s novel Death and the Dervish
depicts this aspect vividly:
But we belong to no one, we’re always on some frontier, always someone’s
dowry. Is it then surprising that we’re poor? For centuries we’ve been trying to
find, trying to recognize ourselves. Soon we won’t even know who we are,
we’re already forgetting that we’ve been striving for anything. Others do us the
honor of letting us march under their banners, since we have none of our own.
They entice us when they need us, and reject is when we’re no longer any use
to them. The saddest land in the world, the most unhappy people in the world.
We’re losing our identity but we cannot assume another, foreign one. We’ve
been severed from our roots, but haven’t become part of anything else; foreign
to everyone, both to those who are our kin and those who won’t take us in and
adopt us as their own. We live at a crossroads of worlds, at a border between
peoples, in everyone’s way. And waves of history crash against us, as against
the reef. We’re fed up with those in power and we’ve made a virtue out of
distress: we’ve become noble-minded out of spite…
The most complicated people on the face of the earth. Not on anyone else has
history placed the kind of joke it’s played on us. Until yesterday we were what
we want to forget today. But we haven’t become anything else. We’ve stopped
halfway on the path, dumbfounded. We have nowhere to go any more. We’ve
been torn away from our roots, but haven’t become part of anything else. Like
55
Edward W. Said, Orijentalizam, Sarajevo 1999, 28.
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a tributary whose course has been diverted from its river by a flood, and no
longer has a mouth or a current; it’s too small to be a lake, too large to be
absorbed by the earth. With a vague sense of shame because of our origins,
and guilt because of our apostasy, we don’t want to look back, and have
nowhere to look ahead of us. Therefore we try to hold back time, afraid of any
outcome at all. We are despised both by our kinsmen and by newcomers, and
we defend ourselves with pride and hatred. We wanted to save ourselves, but
we’re so completely lost we don’t even know who we are anymore. And the
tragedy is that we’ve come to love our stagnant tributary, and don’t want to
leave it. But everything has a price, even this love of ours. Is it a coincidence
that we’re so overly softhearted and overly cruel, so sentimental and hardhearted, joyful and melancholy, always ready to surprise others and even
ourselves?
Although Selimović’s view should not really be taken as a sample of the general (the
Hegelian "universal and particular") it is significant that within a culture there is a self56
aware contingency and instability of its identity . Recent cultural studies agree that
cultures mostly nourish the notion of the transcendental indisputability of their autodistinctive contents and values. Ethnologist Clifford Geertz, takes a step further and claims
that all cultural determinants are attributed to production, but not derived from it, their
meaning is not discovered but created. Either way, the fact remains that the critical self56
This issue is almost an obsessive topic in the Bosniak literature. Rare are the authors whose
registers of themes and motifs do not refer to this particular topic. The issue of the identity of the
Bosniak intellectual, according to that Midhat Begić, rests on "his continual troubles, which certainly
have not been reduced by siding with the other national determinants, not even by its incorporation
into the European civilization and lifestyle." The verses by the poet Hamza Humo are often
mentioned in this respect as a kind of a paradigm:
Nazvaše me Hamzom
Kao što nazvaše hiljadama ljudi
Iz pustinja divljih beduina,
Crnih građana vječno sunčanih gradova,
Hiljadama bakarnih Inda
Ljudi sa plantaža,
Hiljadama bakarnih Inda
I onih s pazarâ visokog Irana
Što prodaju ćilime
Biser, nakit, žene,
O čudno je to čudno
Da ovdje
U našoj zemlji kraj Evrope
Hamzom zovu mene
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reflexivity in relation to one’s own culture is not typical for neo-theoretical discursive
practices. It was created, in the Bosniak case, by an atypically long period of
nationalization. Our thesis is that the Bosniak culture under the influence of the newly
emerging and imported cultural forces is yet to enter the process of fictionalization of a
coherent national-cultural identity. The period of living in the Yugoslav community
represented in this regard a period of the delay. We certainly do not argue that was an
idle period57, on contrary, the current state of culture is always a vivid kaleidoscope of the
palliative position differentiated from the previous and the following configuration by the
level of semiotization of the specific constitutive elements.
The Yugoslavian fairy tale simply prolonged the inevitable immediate encounter of the
other with the Bosniaks and of Bosniaks with themselves. Disintegration of Yugoslavia,
which functioned as a kind of a quarantine of the inherited problems contributed to the
state of the contemporary "united" Europe, which, among other things, faces the same
enigma that was posed in front of the Austro-Hungarian strategists. In Europe there is one
country whose multi-culturalism and multi-religiousness have existed continually for
thousands of years. In Europe there is a Muslim people leading European way life and
striving to be an accepted member of the European community. The war of the nineties
was, however, the price paid four centuries late, a consequence of the seemingly
inevitable conditionalization - the establishment of the concept of the mono-confessional
/ mono-national state as a ticket into the European history. In addition, is difficult to
convince the Bosniaks that the intensity and duration of this conflict is not related, to say
the least, to the Europeans’ awkwardness before the fact that Muslims will be the
majority in the newly created state. It is more than obvious that the Dayton Agreement in
this respect represents merely a more sophisticated, but also more hypocritical version of
the Augsburg Settlement (1555) guided by the policy "whose realm, his religion." Besides
being politically untenable, the Agreement, the Medieval “magic” formula-based concept
of the inner division of Bosnia, has produces to its foreign makers a paradoxical reverse
effect – in particular, it has intensified, the auto-referential drive of the very cultural
forces that are the subject of the resistance and frustration of the global power
distribution centers.
Undergoing an intense system of differences, the process of shaping the identity of the
Bosniak nation in war and immediate postwar years experienced, to some extent, a failure
in an attempt to establish self-identification in the way of " discovering one’s presence in
one’s own tradition" (S. Žižek). It was also the period when the desire for stable
constructions of identity reached its peak. Moreover, their non-existence is as one of the
57
Bosniak intellectuals and writers (Skender Kulenovic, Muhsin Rizvić, Enes Duraković, Hadžem
Hajdarević ...) frequently use metaphors of the underground river, which refers to the identity that
exists partly in a background, in a sort of a non-transparent plane (especially within the family
intimacy), awaiting the exceptional favorable conjunctions to appear on the surface and then
succumb to mimicry again. Formed as the synthesis of the national-emancipatory and liberalhumanistic paradigm, the metaphor of the underground river overemphasizes the beneficial Ketman
strategy at the expense of transparent and the established forces in the ex-Yugoslav cultural
network which played an important part in shaping the Bosniak cultural identity.
134
causes of the recent national catastrophe. The novel Shahid by Zilhad Ključanin represents
to some extent a metaphor of such a desire. The author attempts to place a mirror before
his own nation’s face and thus reveal the reflection of the diagnosis of the identities and
causes of historical destiny as a primarily semiotic issue. According to a popular legend the
place where the hero descends his severed head is a sacred place of collective selfawareness. The word shahid means witness - his act is motivational, all of the latter
(pilgrims) witness to and confirm the victimological myth as loyalty to their own identity
origins. In the novel, the shahid drops his own severed head when the name he has lost is
restored and his people learn the forgotten art of reading the history and God's signs,
which he naively ignored, thus endangering his own survival. On the other hand, the
mosaic series of stories about the inhabitants of the village of Trnovo was ruthless, at
moments touching, then self-ironic and satirical demystification of the mentality of one
ethnic group that pays the price for discomfort in their own hideous sign system. The
largest proportion of this system is composed of the benign "small acts of faith that the
Almighty has descended to the mortals to make their life easier." The grotesque plots, at
the collective level, result from the caricatural description of the basic categories and
values. Thus with the help of the Qur'an Ćeman Effendi organizes a "pacified act of
defense." Praying appropriate Qur’an verses and suras six times he protects the village.
The semiotic Rashomon includes the category of shahid, which in folk interpretation
becomes devalued by the galloping inflation of the meanings attributed to it, so that
virtually all those dead or killed from the village are eventually included into a colorful
categorization of the thirty-three known types of shahids. The task of the true shahid to
stabilize the semiotic system and stop the proliferation of entropic signs is a literary
metaphor for the impossible mission of creating a solid and indisputable identity
construction, but also a kind of alarm that indicates the necessity of well-balanced
relationship between the variable components within the current cross-section of
identitary morphology.
Along the same lines, the process of turning to themselves was necessarily conducted by
emphasizing the religious component of the cultural identity, but at the same time the
process of re-Islamization was constantly blocked for the secularized population by the
following: high ethical and formal and practical standards of the Islamic religious
principles, rigid religious promotion on the part of some ulemas (clergy) and political
leadership, the inappropriate lifestyles on the part of the humanitarian officials and
military volunteers from Islamic countries, the appeal of civilizational and technical
benefits offered by the Western standard of living, direct or indirect political influence of
the West, by the officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina, based on either realistic or paranoid
fear of vulnerability and being outsider in the world in which the redistribution of power quite obvious after September 11th - again constellates the antagonism of Christianity and
Islam. Does, as a consequence of it all, the heritage of the negative trends, based on
Renata Lachmann's theory and a favorite metaphor of the Bosniak intellectual elite,
temporarily sink once again or do certain forms and contents of the culture entropically
and irrevocably become lost? We are closer to belief that the Bosnian culture in the
future, is going to lose its complexity: forms of folk, trivial and popular culture are
relentlessly westernized and bastardized beyond recognition (the so-called newly
composed folk music, for instance), the Bosniak urban families (after the war, more than
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75 % of the people was driven into the cities) no longer has the background which would
maintain the mainstream of the sinking river and keep the traditional values, the public
media and educational system designed as non-national by the international community,
the impact of the forms of the so-called high culture is lower than ever, the publishing is
dominated by dilettantism, cultural institutions (museums, academies, science institutes)
barely survive, ancient customs are commercialized (the annual religious pilgrimage
Ajvatovica, for example). This bleak picture should not, however, be tragically understood.
Culture is always a process, that is, the result of the competing discursive regimes. Rather,
in the abovementioned, we see the crisis characterized by the transition from the unstable
to stable cultural identity, semiotization that takes place under the gravity of the
hegemonic system prepared to accept a particular entity only as a "domesticated
otherness." Without nostalgia, however, we believe that the "savage" Bosniaks are not a
danger and nuisance to anyone. Stereotypes, however, know no exceptions.
136
2. LITERATURE – IDENTITY – IDEOLOGY
Troubles with displaced identity
The cry to preserve and defend one's identity
is omnipresent in the world. Its lament echoes the
world. It's the force that to makes the awareness
succumb to the burning desire, irresistible eagerness
that says we’d rather die than not be what we are.
(Fethi Benslama)
HH syndrom
Alois Schmaus once called the Bosniak oral epic the Cinderella of the South Slavic oral
tradition; he perceived it as the last in the series, unwanted and hated in its immediate,
but desired and wanted in its wider environment. Perhaps such a convenient metaphor
could be extended to the identitary plain, because the Bosniaks, as a people in the process
of national identification come last in a row, with the same or similar relationships to their
immediate and wider environment, although many will say that the process for them is
still ongoing. It is no coincidence, because it is known that in this process one of the key
role was played by (and for Bosniaks still is), oral epic tradition, in accordance to the role
intended for it by the German Romantics (Vahtel 2001: 46). 58
There are, however, disagreements over the key national issue - what it is and how it was
established – in relation to which we have to take a stance in order to discuss this issue.
On the one hand, there are the traditional sociological theories of nation as one of the
final stages of social development, with emphasis placed on the internal evolutionary
reasons, while on the other hand there are recent theories about nation as a product of
the external will transmitted from a certain power center. While Benedict Anderson
argues that the emergence of a nation is closely connected to the invention of the printing
machine and expansion of book printing in the age of mature capitalism (print-capitalism)
and that, consequently, a nation is a cultural product par excellence (cultural artifact of a
particular kind) (Anderson 1983: 13 ), other theorists associated its occurrence with the
birth of the ideology and politics, which again belongs to more or less the same period.
Print-capitalism, culture, ideology and politics in the broadest sense, are inherent to the
society, and as such do not have to be seen as externally imposed, but as inner-social
'product'.
In contrast to these more or less common understandings of the concept of nation in
recent years the radical tendencies of perceiving nation as a non-existent / made-up
58
Here I want to challenge a stereotype – epic code – resorted to whenever a novelistic storytelling
matrix is to be devaluated or whenever male-centric culture is to be attacked, while the syntagm
'epic code' is by no means associated to the epic tradition of the Bosniaks.
137
category have emerged.59 Almost all of them, consciously or unconsciously, rest on
Nietzsche's thesis on the making of truth, which can simply be reduced to the
contemporary omnipresent platitude of repeating a lie until it becomes the truth. Making
the truth actually refers to the making of nation, for which reasons are not to be found in
a society nor in the nature, nor anything else, except in an ideological and political will of
the power center. "A nation has famously been defined as a society that nourishes a
common delusion about its ancestry and shares a common hatred for its neighbors. Thus,
the bond of caring in a nation hinges on false memory (delusion) and hatred of those who
do not belong." (Margalit 2002: 76) Made of nothing, independent of language, territory,
race, religion or anything else, (Kordic, 2010: 186) it still exists, prepared to sacrifice its
blind followers at any moment for its own sake.
If everything rests on a lie (the title of a discussion is Nationsbildung als "kulturelle Lüge;
Zorić 2005.), then the survival and encouragement of the ideas requires the same driving
force. That is precisely how the whole system of elaborate deceptions and lies was created
with a single aim – to reinforce the idea of a nation. Benslama argues that this, in fact, in
philosophical terms, represents an "exile from the self", with performing mechanisms
reduced to discourses and acts, "which thoroughly specify and establish the meaning of
expulsion, resolution or escape." (Benslama 2002: 8) It is precisely these narratives that
represent the discursive performing mechanisms responsible for inventing and
strengthening the nation. Stuart Hall identifies and distinguishes five narrative aspects of
in this process: (1) representation of a nation in literature, historiography, the media and
popular culture, (2) emphasis on origins, continuity, tradition and timelessness of a nation,
(3) invention of tradition, (4) the myth of origin and (5) inventing images of pure, original
people. (Hall 2004: 613-615) The difference between the emphasis on tradition (2) and
inventing traditions (3) , emphasizing the origin (2) and the myth of origin (4) or between
the myth of origin (4) and inventing images of the authentic people (5) is not clear.
However, Hall's narrative aspects could be subsumed under the first one - representing
the nation in literature, historiography, the media and popular culture. Perhaps a different
classification could have a more useful value: (1) the story about the creation / invention
and (2) the story about the preservation and strengthening the fictional nation, where
both narratives utilize the abovementioned media (literature, historiography, the media,
and popular culture) and narratives (about the origin, continuity, tradition, universality,
purity and authenticity of the nation). Nevertheless, it seems that there is no doubt about
the fact that nations is a fictional category and that different discursive practices serve it
by strengthening its ego: through the invention and mythologization of origin, continuity
and tradition, its authenticity and racial purity. "The battle cry to preserve and defend the
identity is present in the world," warns Benslama.
59
Snježana Kordić refers to many of them in a rather provocative book Jezik i nacionalizam
(Language and Nationalism).
138
They are, therefore, invented / created and took over the everyday and every other
reality, historiography, literature and especially in recent times, the media. The
aforementioned Hall's description of the nation, however, did not seem to count on the
Balkan mayhem, primarily due to a key moment in the emergence and development of
the Balkan nation – in particular war. Armed conflict, at least in the Balkans, appeared at
the beginning of the process of making the nation, as a struggle for liberation from the
Austro-Hungarian Empire (Croatia, Slovenia) and the Ottomans (Serbia, Montenegro,
Macedonia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece) and as a struggle for the creation of the
nation. Battlefields filled with clashing armies, imbued with the heroic blood of national
heroes, and the defeated enemies of the nation, represent the starting points of a great
story.
However, the Balkans does not allow over-generalization, with the very third premise the
things begin to diverge. Maria Todorova has attempted to differentiate between the usual
stereotypes and offer inner understanding of the Balkans as the "internal Otherness" of
Europe. (Todorova 2006). New terms such Balkanization and Balkanism are treated as
counterparts to Said’s widely accepted terms Orientalization and Orientalism. Our warning
goes even further trying to point to the danger of the theoretical stereotyping, that is, the
impossibility of an a priori application of the theoretical postulates in the matter, simply
because the Balkans is all too vivid matter to be included in the usual theoretical premises.
The American notion of the Balkans is perhaps more pragmatic (could it be any different in
America!) and can be reduced to a platitude: "Too much history in the small space," it
stands against the US shortage of the valuable historical content in a large area. Not only
is there too much history, but there are also too many traditions, peoples and nations,
countries, cultures, identities in such a small space. The diagnosis is simple: the Balkans is
suffering from the HH syndrome - "the handicap of heterogeneity"60. There is a constant
flux, everything is too lively and dynamic to be stopped, and the theory is essentially a
cognitive activity which actually stops these things, which does not allow the motion, the
dynamics. Marija Todorova may have given, or at least tried to give a recipe on how to
approach the Balkans as a theme: with love and sincerely. However, is it possible that you
could ever love and think of the loving subject at the same time? I want to believe it is –
we who live in the Balkans and we who (probably?) love it should think of it.
Simultanization of the historical and literary reality
When the fighting ceases on the battlefields, it is then transferred into books, those are
the two poles that are constantly alternating. The initial acts of establishment are followed
by the stories about threats to the imaginary nation, thus continuously providing new
energy for the body of the nation; the story of the enemies is always desirable. When you
run out of ammunition, and when the heroes are tired writers continue to struggle, the
war is transferred from the battlefield to the literary field. Instead of war strategies
narrative strategies are designed. In the Bosniak national discourse there is a story of late
and still ongoing process of national identification. Therefore, we focus on the examples
taken from the recent literary production, while the term 'recent' refers to the period of
the last twenty years.
60
The syntagm in quotation marks is adopted from Joseph Roucek (Roucek, 1948).
139
Knjiga Adema Kahrimana napisana Nedžadom Ibrišimovićem Bosancem (The Book of
Adem Kahriman written by Nedžad Ibrišimović the Bosnian) offers an interesting narrative
strategy by emphasizing simultaneous existence of two realities - the literary and everyday
reality. While the first echoes with cannon shells, which sometimes wonder off to the
other reality, the other wishes to intervene into the first, generally, retroactively, with the
smell of gunpowder, which extends on both sides. The escape from the past times,
initiated in the past (especially of the novel), ends by landing into the present – the
narrative and the narrated time definitely equate, being placed in the same plane. But
what does an act of co-positioning the two really mean for our story about the nation? If it
is known that the dramatic encounter of two really takes place in even more dramatic
moment of the creation of a nation, then the answer is obvious. The nation found itself at
a crucial moment of its existence; therefore, we must act promptly.
However, behind this pragmatic need for action, Nedžad Ibrišimović applies a somewhat
more sophisticated narrative method. His hero is Adam Kahriman, a writer who tries to
write a book. So, the hero is a writer, and the action is – the act of writing. While in
everyday life a real war is waged for the survival of the nation, the literary reality focuses
on the act of writing a book. What book? A book that would prevent the crimes that have
already happened: He wants to write a book that would prevent the crimes that have
already happened. (Ibrišimović 1994: 7) Ibrišimović is not satisfied that the two actions
take place at the same time, with two realities almost interwoven with each other, he
asserts the book (literature) with for the role of time machine: the power of words are to
influence in a positive sense the negative events of the past. Not only does he express the
intention to intervene in everyday reality from the literary one (after all, long ago, I guess,
it became clear that literature reality makes a reversible impact on everyday reality) 61, but
he also wants to make this intervention in the past tense of the everyday reality.
Specifically, the intervention is relating to the crime against Bosniaks that took place in
1942 in Foča, and he is convinced (which is one of the stereotypes), the same crimes over
the same people are happening again in 1992. To describe the crimes of the past involves
utilizing the influence of literature on everyday reality, in order to make an intervention in
and prevent the current crime.
This rather complex strategy has one goal – to protect the imperiled nation. The same
function is exerted by other narrative means, which are mainly confined to the list of
crimes committed to one’s own nation. The Balkans, 'suffering' from the incurable HH
syndrome, is sentenced to perpetual wars, which generally lead nations (our former state
disintegrated into nations), and in wars, as a rule, the crimes and atrocities frequently
occur. Here are some of these crimes:
5.
6.
61
In 1942 Chetniks skinned from the back of Hajji Tahirović from Foča, threw the
skin over his head and put the following inscription on him "Moslim woman with a
veil." (Ibrišimović 1994: 9)
But in early April 1992, Chetniks attacked Foca again; on April 21st 1992 in the
village Tabaci, doctor Vojislav Vojvodić, a man who also writes books, kicked a
human head. Dr. V. Vojvodić was in Sarajevo and then went to Foča and became
There is a particular part of the book that refers to the issue: No one believed that Chetnics would
come again, after being defeated in the movie Neretva starring Orson Wells. (Ibrišimović 1994: 10)
140
a Chetnik; perhaps he was a Chetnik while he was in Sarajevo, but it was not
evident. (Ibrišimović 1994: 9)
7. He was slaughtered because they wanted the cities down the river Drina to be
populated only by Serbs. But the project was made by the writers who write books
in Belgrade. But the project, being what it is, is invisible. The man who has no
project does not know where it is. Thus two Serbs in Bratunac came across a
Moslim, lying dead on the ground. The two Serbs do not write books. They
recognized the dead Muslim, for they had known him from before; they carved
the signs of the cross and the four S’s with their knives in his body and plucked his
eyes out, cut off a hand, hung his body on a tree and burned it. (Ibrišimović 1994:
11)
8. One beautiful spring morning on the hillsides of Crepoljsko near Sarajevo, a group
of partisans was standing: several Serbs and a Moslim named Mustafa Dovadžija.
"Come with us, our dear comrade," the Serbian partisans said kindly.
Mustafa did, not suspecting any evil, but those Serbsas soon as they started, turned into
Chetniks and imapled him alive. It happened on May 2nd, 1942. (Ibrišimović 1994: 21)
All of these examples can be classified into another group of narratives about the
preservation and strengthening of the nation, only the Balkan HH syndrome places them
in the context of war and turns them into stories about threats to the nation.
The author uses the last scene of impalement as the shift from the historical to literaryhistorical plan, with no intention of giving up this time on seeking for new examples of
attacks on the threatened nation in the literary production of other people finding. In
particular, after a brief announcement about the impalement, a very detailed description
of the action, taken from Ivo Andrić, but without the quotation marks follows:62
...there was an oak stake, about two and a half meters long, well pointed
ad iron shone at the tip, thin and sharp, and well greased, a wooden mallet, ropes
and other things.
When Mustafa was ordered to lie down, he bent his head still lower and
the Chetniks came up and began to strip off his cloak and his shird. Without
another word the prtisan laid down as he had been ordered, face downwards.
The Chetniks, approached and they first bound his hands behind his back
and then they attached a cord to each of his legs, around his ankles. They pulled
outwards and to the side, stretched his legs wide apart. Meanwhile, one of the
Chetniks, Jovan, placed the stake on two small wooden chocks so that it pointed
between the partisan's legs. Then he took from his belt a short broad knife, knelt
beside the stretched-out man and lent over him to cut away the cloth of his
trousers and to widen the opening through which the stake would enter his body.
At this most terrible part of the bloody task body of the martyr shuddered at the
short and unexpected prick of the knife, then half rose as if it were going to stand
up, only to fall back again at once, striking dully against the ground.
As soon as he had finished Jovan leapt up, took the wooden mallet and
with slow measured blows began to strike the lower bunt and of the stake lightly
and evenly. Between each blows he would stop for a moment and look first at the
62
This is how it was described by the author Ivo Andrić, a Nobel Prize winner. (Ibrišimović 1994: 21)
141
body in which the stake was penetrating and then at the two Chetniks, reminding
them ti pull slowly and evenly. The body, spread-eagled, writhed convulsively; at
each blow of the mallet his spine twisted and bent, but the cords pulled at it and
kept it straight. The wretched man could be heard beating with his forehead
against the ground, and, even more, another and unusual sound, that was neither
a scream, not a wail, nor a groan, nor anything human that stretched and twisted
body emitted a sound of creaking and cracking like a fence that is breaking down
or a tree that is being felled. At every second blow Jovan went over to the
stretched-out body and leant over it to see whether the stake was going in the
right direction and when he had satisfied himself that it had not touched any of the
more important internal organs he returned and went on with his work.
For a moment the hammering ceased. Jovan now saw that close to the
right shoulder muscles the skin was stretched and swallen. He went forward
quickly and cut the swallen place with two crossed cuts. Pale blood flowed out, at
first slowly then faster and faster. Two or three more blows, light and careful, and
the iron-shod point of the stake began to break through at the place where he
hadcut. He struck a few more times until the point of the stake reached level with
the right ear.
The man was impaled on the stake as a lamb on the spit. Only that the tip
did not come through the mouth but in the back and had not seriously damaged
the intestines, the heart or the lungs. Then Jovan threw down the mallet and came
nearer. He looked at the unmoving body, avoiding the blood which poured out of
the places where the stake had entered and had come out again and was
gathering in little pools on the ground. The two Chetniks turned the stiffened body
on its back and began to bind the legs to the foot of the stake. Meanwhile Jovan
looked to see if the man were still alive and carefully examined the face that had
suddenly become swollen, wider and larger. The eyes were wide open and restless,
but the eyelids were unmoving, the mouth was wide open but the two lips stiff and
concentrated and between them clenched teeth shone white. Since the man could
no longer control some of his facial muscles the face looked like a mask. But the
heart beat heavily and the lungs worked with short, quickened breath. The two
Chetniks began to lift him up like a sheep on a spit. Jovan shouted to them to take
care and not shake the body; he himself went to help them. Then they embedded
the lower, thicker end of the stake between two beams and fixed it there with
huge wooden nails and then behind, at the same height, buttressed the whole
thing with a short strut which nailed to the stake.
When that too had been done the Chetniks climbed down and joined the
others, and on that open space, raised, a full eight feet upright, stiff and bare to
the waist, Mustafa Dovadžija on the stake remained alone. From a distance it
could only be guessed that the stake to which his legs had been bound at the
ankles passed right through his body, while his hand were bound behind his back.
Then the Chetniks went up to impaled man and began to examine him
more closely. Only a thin trickle of blood flowed down the stake. He was alive and
conscious. His ribs rose and fell, the veins in his neck pulsed and his eyes kept
turning slowly but unceasingly. Through the clenched teeth came a long-drawn
groaning in which a few words could with difficulty be distinguished.
142
-
Chetniks, Chetniks,... – he moaned – ... may you die like dogs... like
dogs!... (Ibrišimović 1994: 21-24)
The above description refers to Andrić’s novel, The Bridge on the Drina, only Andrić does
not describe the dreadful fate of Mustafa Dovadžija but that of peasant Radisav who
opposed the construction of the bridge at night tore down what was built that day. In
addition to replacing the victims, the author made the replacement of direct executors of
this cruel punishment: in Ibrišimović’s novel the executors are the Chetniks, in Andrić’s the
Gypsies, under command of Abidaga - Vizier's commissioner for the construction of the
bridge. The description, with minor modifications, was taken from the novel The Bridge
over the Drina, and ends with the victim cursing:
-
Chetniks, Chetniks... –he moaned– ...may you die like dogs... like
dogs!... (Ibrišimović 1994: 24)
Turks, Turks... – cried the man from the pole. – Turks on the bridge...
may you die like dogs... like dogs!... (Andrić 1981: 56)
From the nineties on Ivo Andric has become the target of the attack and of the defense
precisely because of the importance of the identitary issues, and everything all related to
him is modestly speaking, identitary-mystical. Conferences have been organized63, debate
for and against have been written64, but the controversy continues to rage. One of the key
theses held against him is a certain amount of animosity towards Bosnia and the Bosniaks,
and one of the places for elaboration of this hatred is exactly the description of
impalement from the novel The Bridge over the Drina. In particular, the polemical texts
argue that the description does not correspond to the truth, it simply was not the method
of confrontation that the Ottoman government would use against its opponents,
moreover, they argue that Andrić had taken the description from the French book The
martyrdom of Suleiman al-Halabi, which described in detail the impalement of the
Egyptian assassin of a Napoleon general.
The epic in the narrative on identity
The same tendencies can be observed in a brand new novel published in 2010, Dugo
svitanje (The Long Dawn) by Halid Kadrić. This certainly the most comprehensive novel
ever written in Bosnia and Herzegovina (in four volumes) has all the attributes of the
novel-epic, similar to the ones in the literature of the immediate and wider environment.
The novel follows the fate of Bosnia through its most important events and significant
personalities on the one hand, and through several generations of historically anonymous
family Kadić on the other hand, from the beginning to the end of the twentieth century. It
63
Ivo Andrić's novel in historical and social context, organized by the BZK „Preporod“ Tuzla, in Tuzla
in 1999. As a result proceeding Andrić i Bošnjaci (Andrić and the Bosniaks) were published in 2000 in
Tuzla.
64
Muhsin Rizvić, Bosanski muslimani u Andrićevu svijetu (Bosnian Muslims in Andrić's world),
Sarajevo, 1995.
143
begins with the scene of gathering the Bosniak leaders in Ibrahim Bey Bašagić’s home
(which inevitably recalls the similar scene in the League Assembly in, for example, the epic
The Wedding of Smailagić Meho) and ends with pessimistic thoughts about the end of the
century.
Over 2400 pages tell not at all cheerful story of a country Bosnia faced with a series of
trials and awaiting for its final sunrise throughout the twentieth century. Embeded within
the story of the country is the story of the Bosniaks, the people connected to their land
and, therefore, people who are going through the same ordeal as their land. The story
itself is not new, just as the strategy of making the story is nothing new or recent. This
chronicle of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the twentieth century is written in a tested model
of novelistic approach towards history - a combination of collective and individual levels:
the collective plan follows the fate of Bosnia and the Bosniaks, while the individual one
follows the fate of an anonymous family Kadić from Doboj. At the same time, the model
follows the chronological coverage of all major events, with a particular attention paid to
important and famous people. The novel can thus be read as a chronicle of the most
important political (political chronicle), cultural (cultural chronicle), especially literary
(literary chronicle of events), national (national chronicle), economic (economic chronicle),
family (family chronicle), social (social chronicle), and religious (spiritual chronicle) events.
The author thus, in accordance with clear ambition, tried to cover all even remotely
important personalities and events in the country and the nation in the twentieth century
- and he succeeded in his attempt, the only unresolved issue is that of literariness, and,
occasionally, the historicity of the period covered. The ambition to cover it all, the whole
world, is the epic ambition long gone from the register of the 'allowable' novelistic
procedures, but occasionally used in some novels of the nineteenth century. In this novel,
this ambition is achieved by a combination of documents and fiction, documents - in the
form of numerous historical figures, and citations from magazines, daily and weekly
newspapers, policy documents, and fiction - by introducing entirely new characters,
historically anonymous, as well as adding non-historical details to the historical biography.
One after another the pages of this voluminous novel promote smaller or larger stories of
Mehmed-Bey Ljubušak, Nurija Osman Hadžić, Safvet Bey Bašagić, Edhem Mulabdić, Musi
Ćazim Ćatic, Ahmed Muradbegović, Džemaludin Čaušević, Mehmed Spaho, Hamzalija
Ajanović, Alija Izetbegović and others. In some cases the author has managed to shape the
historical prototypes into living literary figures, as is the case with the poet Ćatić, which, in
addition to real-life, assumed literary tragedy. The sphere of privacy, which, in the
traditional historiographic discourse, with the celebrities usually reflects as an empty
space, was challenging enough for the author of the novel to prompt him into writing his
story of the poet's tragic love for Almasa Begović, which in turn belongs to a group of
fictional unhistorical personalities.
The novel follows the fate of the Bosniaks, their journey through the darkness and the
wilderness of the twentieth century, their pain and confusion in the Austro-Hungarian
period, the suffering in the First and Second World War, oppression in the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia, hopes and disappointments in the socialist period. The effect of the anxiety
and fear for their own national identity is achieved by two kinds of narratives: (1)
quotations from newspapers, magazines or other media, and (2) focusing on the hero of
the nation. Quotes from a newspaper usually point to examples of the suffering of the
nation:
144
The reader turned another sheet and continued: "... from Puračić near Tuzla ... on January
the second that year the onset of Orthodox Serbs to the Muslim houses was agreed. On the
first evening of the day Marko Gavrić brought a Serbian soldier named Bogoljub and a new
assistant gendarme Nedeljko Pantić to Asim Abadžić’s house and it called him out. When
Asim stepped out of the house, the Serbian soldier greeted him cursing Turkish God and his
Turkish mother slapping him several times so that an eardrum burst in his left ear. Then he
was knocked to the ground, on which occasion the two men helped beating Asim
mercilessly. This miserable scene frightened Asim’s wife and his child who jumped out of
the window and barely escaped to the mahala. However, Asim fell unconscious and did not
know how many times they hit him, but even now his body is in bruises. The same night
they attacked the house of Omar Agha Čamdžić, entered through the yard and abused him
in the most violent way. After that they dragged by force Agan Šabanović and Sadik Tinjić
from the local store and took them to the Serbian school, where they were beaten to dead
cursing their sultan, Reis, mufti, qadi, and their wives and daughters, and religious shrines
for their refusal to volunteer for the king Peter for 5 crowns per day when they volunteered
for Franz Joseph for 3 crowns and because they said that this would be a republic. (Kadrić
2010: 12-13, II)
The novel mentions several heroes of the nation, while Adem Agha Mešić a successful
businessman and patron from Tešanj, who, besides being a successful businessman and
banker, selflessly helps writers Bosniak cultural societies and journals, occupies a central
place in the novel. His fate is traced through the first two volumes of an epic as an
idealized story of a man without flaws, whose mission and work of an Enlightener end
tragically at the end of the Second World War with his arrest and death sentence because
of cooperation with the invader. Another great hero of the twentieth century to whom
the author focuses on in the novel is Alija Izetbegović, drawn into the story after the war
as Young Muslim intellectual, immersed in the fate of his people, and followed until the
last war at the end of the century. From the historically marginal figure he becomes the
main stakeholder in the events of the nineties and his fate reflects the fate of the people
he belongs to. Similar fate was that of the writer writer Edhem Mulabdić, a national hero
in the Austro-Hungarian and the inter-bellum period, who was deserted and left to die
isolated after World War II. The narrative of the Bosniak national identity is construed on
the individual fates of the heroes of the nation, but also on the fate of Hamid Kadić, a
historically anonymous hero, who in the third and fourth volume takes a main actantial
position. In particular, in the fate of the historic national heroes and his own (nonhistorical outsider’s) fate is inscribed the narrative of the Bosniak national identity as a
displaced, or at least unstable identity, where all the efforts made by the heroes become
reduced to overcoming obstacles in restoring their own displaced identity to national
being, that is, in a desired construct of a solid identity of the collective. The character of
Hamid is describe with accordance to the principles of bildungsroman, a novel about
growing up and maturing of the main character, and Hamid’s maturation is directly related
to the maturation of identity.
In accordance with the theoretical stereotype on the production of stereotypes, national
heroes represent only one, positive side in the novel, as opposed to traitors to the nation,
which highlights their heroic or treacherous aura. The latter would include writers Skender
Kulenović and Meša Selimović, because they both in their "soul and work (...) sided with
another nation," with Selimović even publicly declaring himself as a Serbian writer: "I
145
belong, therefore, to the nation and literature of Vuk Matavulj, Stevan Sremac, Borisav
Stanković, Petar Kočić, Ivo Andrić, and my deepest affinity to them, I not need not prove."
(Kadrić 2010: 464, III)
From construction to deconstruction or deconstruction of a narrative matrix
Intriguing Andric could be a separate topic to discuss, but we will turn to the model of
intertextually invoking Andrić in the context of the construction of national identity. In the
novel Vodeni zagrljaj (Water Embrace) by Zilhad Ključanin, sophisticated narrative
techniques establish a complex relationship towards this writer, especially with respect to
the novel The Bridge over the Drina. The chapter "The Story of the Bridge" tells the story
about the futile attempts of building a bridge between the suburbs and the city, "simply,
everything that would be built during the day, would collapse at night." (Ključanin 2005:
41) The story itself, the narrator says, "is based on various legends about the construction
which require human sacrifice." (Ključanin 2005: 41) This statement alone actually sets
precise relations with regards to the issue: building a bridge is determined by the legend,
the legend of the obstacles to the construction and sacrifices which precedes the
construction of the bridge. The role of legends and traditions in the lives of people who
cultivated them is not disputed, nor is their trust in their truthfulness challenged.65
However, the legend and the construction itself takes place in another story, they become
instruments of new and broader narrative strategies, underlying Ključanin’s novel.
Therefore, their new semantics should be sought within the process that establishes a
new relationship to the legend itself, but also to Ivo Andrić, who was its most famous
consumer and promoter, before the advent of novel Vodeni zagrljaj. Ključanin’s
interpretation of the legend in the story of unsuccessful construction of the bridge is as
follows:
The story of the bridge has a basis in numerous legends about the
constructions whose success requires human sacrifice. The first inhabitants of the
left bank of the village S. have started building a wooden bridge to connect the
village on both sides of river. At first, everything went smoothly: oak poles were
fixed, and the river bottom held the stakes firmly. Somewhere, however, in the
middle of the river troubles started occurring. Simply, everything built during the
day, would collapse at night. Builders were collecting the stakes, beams and
planks on the downstream tufas and streams. They would build them again,
checking the strength of the part of the bridge built, happily nodded their heads,
and went off to a well-deserved rest. The next day they’d be collecting stakes ...
Some have already suspected that someone was destroying the bridge at night
and set the watch. Someone, indeed, did destroy the bridge, according to the
65
The fairytale represents the form of the oral literary expression that primarily entertains, which
does not require us to believe in the truthfulness of the narrated, in which real and unreal
intermingle, which rests on the assumption that everything is possible, even the things we know are
impossible, which we experience exclusively as playful, the narrative strives to inform us of the real
event or a real personality. The belief in the truthfulness of the story told as one of the main features
of the oral narrative is accomplished in various manners, for instance by applying the usual formulae.
(Softić 2002: 17)
146
guards, but who is was they could not say. After midnight all would dimply
stumble into the river. Then - as told by witnesses, not without occasional white
hair on their head – you’d hear a brief but penetrating, children cries. (Ključanin
2002: 41)
In a rather easy-going style, and by repeating and emphasizing the word "some" and
"simple", the author seems to want to demystify and trivialize the sublime pathos of the
legend. The process of demystification and trivialisation can be particularly transferred to
the writer who has always been followed by the Nobel fame and sublime pathos of the
national classics, and who used the same legend in his novel. In the trivial tone the story
continues, with a conclusion that one must sacrifice a beautiful, stunning and pregnant
girlfriend Krupana, with a vow of silence on the child's father. In the legend and Andrić's
novel the act of sacrificing meets a requirement for further construction, but the same is
not true in Ključanin’s novel. The river again tore the bridge down, which for residents
should be a good sign, "the river has received your gift." (Ključanin 2002: 42) However,
after another attempt everything was destroyed and carried away, " since then in its place
every night one could hear long and painful cries of the baby." (Ključanin 2002: 42)
There are some signals that unambiguously refer to our Nobel Prize winner: the phrase
"oak stakes" associated with the same oak stake which in Andrić’s novel is used to brutally
punish Radisav. On the other hand, the attitude towards the Nobel Prize winner takes on
different shades and with that 'extension' of the tradition / legend of the sacrifice, the act
of sacrifice, in which the people unquestioningly believe, is here parodied and devalued,
thus the sacrifice has lost its meaning. That was probably the goal the author wanted to
achieve, to strip the pathetic and the mystical aura of its sense and possible meanings so
that only an empty shell would remain. A river that destroys the bridge thus becomes the
author's process of breaking the parody of the matrix of the legend and the writer, who
has often used this legend. This act of parodying seems to cut the umbilical cord and
marks a symbolic break with the tradition imposed and tied around the neck by the
environment.
Why has our famous writer deserved such a treatment from a less famous writer? As
much as avoiding dealing with Andrić, in the context of the debates of national identity in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is simply impossible. American theorist Sells spoke in the most
extraordinary book The Bridge Betrayed - Nationalism and Genocide in Bosnia and
Herzegovina about what is here almost forbidden to talk about without evoking an
avalanche of reaction from the 'defenders' of Andrić. As a writer with a reputation as a
Nobel laureate and the most translated writer of Yugoslavia Andrić certainly created a
certain image of Bosnia and as such 'sent' them to the world. Moreover, Sells argues that
the descriptions of the abduction of boys, descriptions of the construction of the bridge
and a description of impalement of Radisav were quite specific actions aimed at the
production of stereotypes, according to which the Christian people are presented as an
opposite pair against Muslims (which are, incidentally, called the Turks in the novel!) as
the other item of the opposite pair. The production of stereotypes in the end always
requires the creation of opposite pairs such as civilized - barbarian, clean - dirty, cold warm, "therefore, in its most reduced form this is a story about the 'black' and 'white' or
147
any opposite and, ultimately, it is the essential story of our conditionality by 'strong
differentiation' that is 'the existing registry'. " (Đerić 2005: 84) As an American, Sells
testified to consumer consciousness of the American reader, ready to fit into binary
system which offered strong differences, where the Christian people belonged to the
civilized, clean, warm and white, while Muslims belonged to the other side. It would
therefore be interesting to explore how other writers from this area (such as Sušić,
Selimović, Kulenović) resisted or succumbed to the seductive call of highlighting the
"strong differences" and the production of stereotypes.
In this sense Zilhad Ključanin does not succumb to the same call in his novel Vodeni
zagrljaj and takes his intertextual dialogue with the Nobel prize winner to a higher level,
thus remaining in the sphere of the pure 'knightly competition'. Rather than responding in
the same manner, stereotypes against stereotypes, Ključanin takes on the Nobel Prize
winner 'charged' with sophisticated means of narratology.
On the same issue, part 2
The novel tells the story about the history of the provincial town S, or even more
narrowly, about the history of an eponymous suburban town in the period since the end
of WWII until the last war of the nineties. The suburb has never become an integral part of
the city, because it never got its bridge over the river that separated it from the city, the
suburb never changed, because it always had the same number of residents who lived
their quiet provincial life all the way to the collective tragedy in ninety ninety-two.
The Chronicle in its totality, represents the collection of individual human
destinies in the suburb of the city S, the stories of the fate of the poet Zeri and his
girlfriend Ezi, the bizarre inhabitants of the suburbs with strange names O Sole Mio and
professor Muli, the two miserable women fortune tellers Gagi and Mihre and nameless
loner with no homeland, legionnaire in Marseille. The common denominator of their
destiny is the search: Zeri is looking for Ezi’s father and Mihra’s husband, Ezi is looking for
fame, professor Muli for his inventive wonders, O Sole Mio for lost happy moments from
the past, and Gagi ynd Mihra for the father of their children, the nameless loner - for
perpetual peace in a foreign land. Their destinies are individual, their paths are separate
paths, sometimes touching and occasionally intersecting with each other, but again
diverging each to its own side. Their lives are defined by a chance encounter, which leaves
a deep cut in them and a strong urge to search for missed opportunities.
The search is also one of the constitutive narrative principles that the author uses
in the narrative matrix of his novels. However, a practical implementation deviates from
the linear storytelling and, in fact, tends to break it by various innovative methods. One
such procedure is the introduction of the non-chronological storytelling
(backward/cancer-like storytelling?), emphasized by the inserted adverbs such as
"before", and a direct consequence of the possibility of non-linear reading (Ključanin 2005:
24, 25 and 26). Breaking the conventional narrative matrix is further utilized as nonnarrative, mostly, poetic means, such as the creation of certain motifs and poetic images,
semantic coloring of the text and repeating certain sections in refrains.
Such is a motif of white bed sheet present until the end of the novel and the
motif of rose in different variations - from blood stains on the white bed sheet to a rose
148
garden of the nameless man - the motif of the river as the water that divides the suburbs
from the rest of the town and the river that connects the fates of the inhabitants, the
motif of the bridge as realistic need for bridging the river as well as a constant longing to
reach the other shore. Removing the obstacles between the two fundamentally opposing
discourses helps the author identify and take the advantage offered in the process. This
primarily refers to the analysis of certain motifs and images from different perspectives.
Thus, the girl Ezi carries a photo of a small rose buds on white bed sheet as a hidden
reason for the pursuit of happiness until the end of her life. Even the stateless man
dreams of roses in the desert, which helped him to learn to live with sand and become a
part of the desert.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect is the semantic enrichment of the text
achieved by using literary figures of speech, especially metaphors and symbols. The three
key motifs in the novella are represented metaphorically and symbolically with a use of
the motifs of rose, the river and the bridge, so that they themselves create an intricate
network of possible meanings. Since the metaphor is a dominant poetic / lyrical means it
is an undesirable guest in the narrative environment, because it comes from an out-oftime and out-of-space environment into an environment where they one must rely just on
the categories of time and space. That is why at the beginning a small rose bud on white
bed sheet, the first blossoms into a rose on the same sheet, only to eventually grow into a
rose garden in the backyard of the loner in Marseille. Throughout the novel the metaphor
is tied to the fate of the heroine Ezi and follows her on her way from the suburbs she
escapes from into the world to a city that loves its people and in which she finds her
father.
On a micro-level the use of metaphors of space and time looks as follows. Ezi asks
the legionnaire whether he had ever seen a water bud, he tells her that he hadn’t but
would love to see one. And thus, effortlessly, from this first issue, the bud, develops a
further discussion, blooms a true dialogue. The same thing occurs with the use of
metaphor "filly" at the beginning of the novel, which gets its full meaning only later, when
Ezi becomes a player at the famous Crazy Horse in Paris.
In its lyrical dimension and intertextual relations with the sevdalinka (traditional
folk song) and the ballad, the novel stands on a vertical structure inscribed with Humo’s
Grozdanin kikot (Grozdana’s Giggle) and Kulenović’s Ponornica (Underground Stream).
The metaphoric character of the narrative discourse of the novel makes it similar to the
novels by Nabokov, especially Pale Fire. The motif of the long desired encounter of the
beloved ones, a young girl Ezi and the poet Zeri is the motif common for sevdalinka. The
connection with the song extends through the symbolism of the white bed sheet, which,
with its red stain in the middle, thrown down the river, bears witness to the joy of a love
encounter. What an intricate semantic game hides in the phrase "deflowered whiteness of
the bed sheet" when one knows that the little rosebud in the sheet was created as a result
of defloration and that the word "defloration" has a Latin root "flos, floris," which means
"flower"! At the same time, the bed sheet floats down the river as wedding veil, inevitably
reminiscent of many brides in the Bosniac ballads that have given their unhappy lives to
the rivers. The narrator creates an allusion to the fate of the drowned brides by saying
“the unloved will always have the river". The author thus establishes very subtle and intergenre intertextual relations, which touch upon the deep structure of the novel and lead to
what Bakhtin called "re-accentuated genre," only no other name for such term is coined
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than the "lyrical novel." Almost to exhaustion, the author focuses on (plays with!) the use
of words and phrases such as "well", "simply", "of course", "hell", "for God's sake," "to the
devil" and depending on the context applies different styles and semantic features on
them. Since the novel is a chronicle of a suburb, the frequent use of these words and
phrases can be justified by the request for an authentic description of the banal or even
bizarre dimensions of this world. Professor Muli is a partial parody of the untouchability
and the greatness of a teacher and his profession, on the one hand, and provincial
misunderstanding of science and scientists, on the other one. O Sole Mio is almost an
unreal character, for everything he says – he says by singing it; but he also is anchored into
the historical reality in an episode at the boat "Albatross" on which he served military
service. There is an obvious allusion to the presidential residential boat "Seagull", while
the "Albatross" also represents the title of a Baudelaire’s poem. On this ship O Sole Mio
had a funny episode with the opera singing, for which he was praised by the President
himself and thus became determined to continue to speak in the same manner.
The ambivalent novelistsic form comprises lexical guidelines in the chapter
Glossary of the repressed words, an underwater monologue of the sacrificed girl, Krupana,
a monologue which seems extraordinary precisely because it offers a dead victim a chance
to speak out about her fate, features of a detective novel since Zeri searches for Ezi’s
father, and is thus mostly deprived of the referential relation to reality. Perhaps it is
precisely this quality that makes Vodeni zagrljaj unreal but possible, made up and real at
the same time. Perhaps that is the very determinant of art that can contain in itself the
author's intention to get rid of the need of associating the narrated to the real. And why
shouldn’t he when the narrated is more beautiful than real. And it's not impossible.
The encounter of a young poet with an established poet
Insisting on innovative narrative solutions with an emphasized presence of the lyrical, the
use of the metaphor in the narrative, sophisticated 'chivalrous competition' with Nobel
Prize winner Andrić, establishing a creative relationship with one’s own tradition in the
narrative of the ballad represent the means that belong to what is called deconstruction
rather than construction of national identity. Deconstructive intentions are especially
visible in the episode with the writing legend K. and the act of awarding literary prize in his
hometown P. when the poet Zeri, won first prize for the song Rainy girl and left for the
small town of P., the birthplace of the well-known poet after which the award is named
"The poet awarded the prize with his name to a young poet – there’s something to it."
(Ključanin 2005: 99) The poet, after which the award was named, is a living legend whose
monument is located in front of the hotel; he is a central figure in the ceremony which
includes the recital of his poems and awarding prizes to young poets: "All eyes were on
the table near the stage, there the great poet sat smiling, celebratory. " (Ključanin 2005:
100) No one looked at the young poet, he did not expect it, enjoying the "well-known
verse of the national".
"The well-known verse of the national" syntagm is the one which requires an adequate
contextualisation for a fuller understanding. Hypothetically, with a high degree of
probability, we will ascribe particular names for the codes the author uses: the poet K. is
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Skender Kulenović, his birthplace of the town of P. where the award is presented is
Bosanski Petrovac, and a "well-known poem" - the most famous poem of "living poet" is
Stojanka Majka Knežopoljka. The young poet receives the award in the form of the
statuette representing the poet "revolutionary arms wide open":
The great poet was already standing on the stage, Zeri noted he was
holding a statuette of a kind only when he approached him closely, as he
extended his hand, raised his head and looked at him – the wrinkled revolutionary
– he shuddered, almost pulled back the outstretched hand, suddenly, as if the
hand of history suddenly pushed him into the void. (Ključanin 2005: 100-101)
The writer was also a revolutionary, a soldier in the NOR (National Liberation Army), thus
the following a field trip, "Paths of the Revolution", was organized. The bus would stop in
order for the poet to make a speech about the "victorious march of his brigade"; at every
mention of the brigade "a fiery drop of sweat would suddenly go cold on the back" of the
young poet Zeri, (Ključanin 2005: 101) When the great poet grew tired, they would have a
break, set the chair in the shade, on which he would lay and fell fast asleep. The scene is
followed by a symbolic confrontation between the young poet and the writer, on the one
hand, and the famous revolutionary and a revolution victim, on the other one. In fact,
while Zeri stares at the writer, he wakes up surprisingly ranting "Well ... You ... You're
dead," and runs for the forest and to show him the grave in which the young poet is
supposed to lie:
Zeri moves closer, and - indeed – sees the grave – covered with the
vegetation, quite settled, but unequivocally – a grave. He had the feeling that it
would cover him completely if he laid down over it. Or – if he stood under it. That
would be the same. (Ključanin 2005: 102)
Despite the fact that both poets share a common national identity this scene can be
interpreted symbolically as an encounter between fathers and sons, the established and
the young poets, fiercely opposed to each other. The father and the recognized member
of the community do not denote the same thing as the hero of the nation, so instead of
the affirmative and apologetic the novel assumes the stance of ignorance of the story of
identity.
However, the great poet is at the same time the hero of the revolution, and since the
revolution, by its definition, stands for a violent change of government, then it is
necessarily implies the existence of the heroes on the one hand and traitors on the other
hand; that is, the winner on the one and the defeated (victim) on the other hand. It is
obvious that the great poet and his young counterpart at the time of the Revolution found
themselves on opposite sides and that the young poet was a victim in this encounter. This
relation is further illuminated by the fact that the famous poem by the great poet Stojanka
Majka Knežopoljka described the pain of a Serbian mother great for her lost children, not
about the suffering of a Bosniak mother. Thus, the great poet and a hero of the revolution,
in the stereotypical identitary fashion, becomes placed unambiguously on the side of the
enemy and traitor to the nation, which coincides with the final conclusion in the novel.
It is worth turning back to the initial thesis on the made-up nations, and the thesis that it
is indeed - a lie. It is necessary, however, to specifically define the terms "fictitious" and
"lie" to show that these are not synonymous. Not everything fabricated is necessarily a lie;
the nation is just one of the acquisitions of the modern European society. Can court
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proceedings or a scientific process then prove its falsehood? Can made up nations wage
real wars? Apparently they can, with impressive force of arguments. The imagined
community, as Benedict Anderson calls it, has forgotten the time and the reasons for its
own creation, but it believes strongly in its importance and truthfulness, especially here in
the Balkans imaginary. Even if fictional, in the process of its self-development nation
became more real, only to be reaffirmed today as crucially important in shaping our lives.
In fact, nowadays it is all too real, in spite of and despite the way in which it was invented.
The answer, perhaps, lies in that relocated part of the subject, in the transference of a
part or all of the entity's sovereignty to something outside of it, something that holds the
strength lost. That same power it had when it was allegedly an undamaged whole, one
with the nature. Goethe therefore brilliantly concludes that the process of distancing
ourselves from the nature creates a gap between the mind and the body, and it is
precisely this removed part that is perceived as a lie.
The paper analyses only a few novels from quite a rich productions in the last twenty
years. However, the same or similar conclusions could be made in almost all of the cases.
Andrić, inter alia, because of his importance has remained in the focus of the attention,
though he died more than thirty years ago. To write, to touch upon national identity in any
way possible implied confrontation with Andrić’s work. We have shown in two examples
some of the tactics and strategies applied in approaching the Nobel Prize laureate: on the
one hand, Ibrišimović’s Knjiga Adama Kahrimana, applied the same means for which the
writer was accused, by producing differences, on the other, Vodeni zagrljaj by Zilhad
Ključanin – applies sophisticated narrative devices, that tend to move to deconstructive
than constructive direction. The novel Dugo svitanje by Halid Kadrić, perhaps burdened by
the ambition that is difficult to follow, offers an interesting and long forgotten narrative,
that is, the process of turning history into epic. With the intention to cover all that was
important for the Country and the Nation, by the following the narrative of the nation at a
collective and individual level, Kadrić failed to escape the omnipresent stereotypes about
the endangered national identity: an unfortunate journey of the nation throughout the
twentieth century is, in fact, the journey of torture, in which guilt is passed largely onto
the other.
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3 (META)PHYSICS OF IDENTITY IN
CONTEMPORARY BH FILM
Ethnic identities, by their origin, are older historical phenomena than nation and national
identities as mass collectivities that are associated to the appearance of the modern
society and complex processes of modernization, integration and transformation of the
human society. Ethnic nationalism, and later its civilized form – civil patriotism – are the
driving forces of every community and supreme generator if identity. Its specificity on the
territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and beyond – on the territory of the Balkans, is the
fact that it appears in a specific combination of the rational and irrational. Therefore
nations, as the achievements of the modern society, in the situation when they still
emerge, become/remain ideological artifacts which, in the process of imagination of
national identity, passionately collectively invest and manipulate historical myths. Then,
not even the identity formula is that simple, as according to Heidegger: A=A (“…. every
being as such belongs the identity, its unity with itself…”), since these new collective
national identities in the process of their integration start affecting many fields: language
and language communities, language identity, culture, political system, social relations
etc. Therefore, the study of the construction of modern nation and national identity on
this territory includes their understanding in interdependence and omnipresence in these,
often confronted aspects. Generally, not a single historical phenomenon in the past
caused so many ideological conflicts and uncertainty as did the determination of the
identity (“personality”) of one people and finally the origin and appearance of the modern
nation. Regarding that, never has a single historical phenomenon in social sciences, (…)
resulted in so many research wandering, as it has been done in studying the formation of
the integration of modern nation, the development of its multiple social and national
66
identity (language, culture, education, politics, state, legal, religion etc)…”
Where in all that are the national identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina that yearn
to develop/imagine themselves – remain in the sphere of their own analysis of the
meaning of that phenomenon, through axiomatically always-already set mantra: I do not
doubt therefore I exist! The compatibility with modern global turbulences in the political
sky in Bosnia and Herzegovina is obvious. BiH political practice supports this yearning since
“everybody must identify with something (with a political ideology or ethnic group for
example), precisely due to the existence of the authentic and the insurmountable lack of
identity” (Laclau). What makes the problem of identification more complex and thus
makes it necessary for research? Primarily – the belief that all: national consciousness and
nation as collectivity, various nationalisms and national identities are permanent and
unchangeable historical phenomena, made for all time. In that case, we are on the
territory of ideology, myth, stereotypes and theories from the 19th century, but not on the
territory of scientific research in the development of a people and modern nation and
national identities. The modern world articulates the importance of the identity as a
trend, and multidisciplinary directs its social-science research, which has not passed the
66
Pogl. Petar Korunić, Nacija i nacionalni identitet, Zgodovinski časopis 57, Ljubljana 2003.
153
wide scope of international relations which “gives evidence to the increasing interest into
identity and identity formation” (Neumann).
It seems that BiH identity metaphysics, by itself always changeable in dynamic process of
emerging out of the “horizontal relation” to the identities of other nations, incapable to
make up for the lost fault, has to confess that its greatest success is its final failure. In that
game, the winner is the one with no cards in his hands, the persistence of individual
identifications yearn for passionate affective investment which then produces hatred, and
since it is “always possible to connect a significant number of people in love (in other
words to create the mutual ‘identification’ pervaded by libido), as long as there are other
people who would endure the expression of their aggression” (Freud) aggression as well.
This fantasy promises overcoming social antagonism, and “ (is supported) supports by a
disturbingly paranoid fantasy which tells us why things went wrong “…)”, and then it
“constructs the scene in which the jouissance we were deprived of concentrates in the
Other who stole it from us (Žižek)67
And when the historical roots that the identity equation can invoke are mislaid, then
the “nationalist ideology hardly corresponds to reality and it must systematically distort
history to justify itself. […] The fact that this paradise lost - a nation of nationalists – was
never a tangible reality, presents no obstacle for a man gifted with the amazing and
magnificent instrument of imagination to nevertheless invent it. […] Nationalism has a lot
more to do with instinct and passion rather than intelligence, and its powers are not ideas,
but beliefs and myths. […] Therefore […] not even 'the prophets of nationalism', as noted
by Ernest Gellner, had not played in first division, when it came down to thinking.” 68
The post-war Bosnian film cannot escape these ideological considerations / conflicting
national identity,69 in a way that the scope of interest in social and ethical issues by certain
67
All quotes from: Yannis Stavrakakis, Strasti identifikacije: diskurs, užitak i europski identitet,
Politička misao, Vol. XLII, (2005.), No 3, pp 89–115
68
Mario Vargas Llosa, Nationalism as an Emerging Threat, 2005 (cit. according to the book review
authored by Snježana Kordić
(http://www.filozofijainfo.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=468&Itemid=57)
69
In his article Between Narration and Creation /Bosnia and Herzegovina films 1995-2008/
(Sarajevske sveske No.19-20, pgs. 116-164), Nedžad Ibrahimović enumerates characteristics of film
ideologemes in the post-war Bosnia film which survived all cultural and ideological turbulence and
which at the time, were a predominant framework for cultural practices of the former, once united,
country:
a) (war) history repeated in cycles (mythological time concept)
b) Evil is immanently inherent to a territory and people/nation/religious group
c) Preference for hearth and home mythology (mother country or male, warrior homeland)
d) Symbolism of darkness and tunnels as the eschatological habitat of evil forces and enemy
warriors
e) Vengeance on the death’s doors (vengeance being persistent in film and literary
symbolism)
f) Preference for bodily, physical and mental destruction of enemies instead of armed and in
blood “steeped” killings
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Bosnian filmmaker will not be identical. It is however possible to detect some common
features that will be reflected differently in different films and will not be covered to the
same extent and intensity. Genre-conditioned by certain stylistic eclecticism arising from
the general poetic confusion caused by subjective directorial vision about the position of
film in the Bosnian cultural story and its referential abilities / limitations, alongside the
fact that producers are always and already standing in the way of a more creative author's
intention, it seems that the author’s poetic decisions are still found on the matrix of
genres that still values aesthetics. “On the one hand, a sense (as if) they do not owe
anything to anyone in cinematic terms, and on the other, the pressure of personal
responsibility (the film necessarily relies on a cultural tradition), causes an ambiguous and
uncomfortable feeling in them, on the border between a provocation to the absolute
creative freedom and the repressive impulse resulting from the fact that the newly
created reality requires some (also populist) responses from the film.”70
Bosnian-Herzegovinian cinematic aesthetics is an indicator of aspirations of the Bosnian
film towards self-realization in the ethical sense, and along those lines, to meet the
horizon of audience expectations. The tendency for the creation to remain within the
limits of traditional modernist procedures is on the same track. These limits are
identifiable within the poetic models of psychological realism and pseudo-realism, which
have the ambition of feigned reality that mirrors the reality of the newly built cultural
spaces. It is undoubted that the modern Bosnian film tries to catch up with the European,
but also to build its own cinematic aesthetics through sublimating the recent war into
reality. This is primarily owing to the fact that it can hardly be armed with Eurocentric
rational principle in the elaboration of the topic, but it rather inclines towards setting its
bases with something that is irrational and atavistic, found at the scene of history. For this
purpose, there is a whole arsenal of modernist tools in place: the subject (ivity), meaning,
in-depth reality, interpretability, power, narrative, irreversibility, the Truth, etc.
Regardless of the tendencies of cinematic purists to disdain and belittle the story as an
imported "literary" ingredient in cinematic work, considering the film-style methods as
“purely cinematic”, contemporary film in Bosnia and Herzegovina is narrative. Adopting
the narrative as an aesthetic principle, “... the presumption is that the story is always
general and collective. Therefore, certain collectivist narrative consensus, as a
reinforcement component to Bosnian film stories, is evident in many films. […] Otherwise,
non-story films, films of “conditions”, or the so-called art-movies, are simply unattractive
to Bosnian authors!”
And what is the cinematic interpretation of the Bosnian war story by Danis Tanovic (No
Man's Land)? In an interview, Danis Tanović said that when he thinks of No Man's Land,
he has Waiting for Godot in mind, save for the fact that in the case of No Man's Land,
Godot ultimately emerges as the UN forces (or, as Čiki calls them – the Smurfs).
In his article titled Waiting for Godot, Croatian philosopher Mario Kopić argues that “a
significant portion of Derrida’s book titled The Politics of Friendship is dedicated to
debating the Schmitt's concept of the political, his theory of friend-enemy opposites as
the essence of politics, and thus the necessary condition of the existence of politics in
general. In fact, according to analogy that there is no ethical conflict between good and
evil, aesthetics without a difference between beauty and ugliness, religion without conflict
70
Ibid.
155
between the sacred and the profane, Schmitt searches and finds such opposites for
politics as well. Since friends are usually not or should not be a problem, all his attention is
focused on the enemy, to emphasize his role, hence his arguments, for example: a society
which is unable to find its enemy is a non-political society, or rather a pre-political society.
Nations lacking knowledge to label, identify, and eventually liquidate the enemy are
unworthy of their political existence, cannot be or become a nation […] But should we
wish to bury ourselves in the opposition of all oppositions, the Opposition to the world as
it is, together with the world of politics, it is necessary to have a way out of a simple
scheme such is the friend-enemy scheme, a departure that that coincides with entry into
complex thinking. Otherwise, remaining even in this simple scheme leads us into a
situation that in our frontward turn, we turn back to everything behind. As a result,
whatever we see before us is merely an empty space, a kind of whiteness on a blank
canvas of the future horizon. And then to start waiting for Godot. It is fascinating to see an
unusual density, a true inflation of the term Event in texts (from the nineties of the last
century, after the fall of Communism) by prominent authors such as Derrida, Jean
Baudrillard, Alain Badiou, Claude Lefort, Ernesto Laclau, Slavoj Žižek ... This is a highly
desirable and hardly possible event, a major, decisive event […] but actually quite an
empty event. An occurrence without a name. Something has to be done ultimately,
something has to happen! But what would that something be? Failing to find a way out of
“simple friend/enemy schemes”, the heroes in No man's land existence await for the
Event (future) incarnated in the UN forces, the eagerly anticipated signs (of salvation) of
emptied attributes (Soft states: “Find me the map of Bosnia!”), who live in a virtual reality
(the media product - enter it into a fictional drama unfolding). The Event has turned into
its own opposite, while the simulation of Events counts on the cynical and seductive
power of media and information society. The “perfect crime” is in place, of Baudrillardian
negation / destruction of reality in which the reality cleanses itself from the imperfections
of the world. Although its traces continue to create the illusion of real, simulation has
overcome the truth. Film images become a substitution to reality. They contrast the everpresent historicity of collective / individual drama, for they produce a continuous present
with its past expelled from it (“historical amnesia”). In an attempt to be real - the film
coincides only with itself.
The position in which the three soldiers found themselves in one shot is symbolically
presented with a spider web: the hero is trying to find a way out of the trench and comes
across a spider's web with a prey caught, but no spider around. Spider web as a metaphor
for an ideal type web, woven from the substance of the one who should be protected,
sufficiently fragile and sturdy at the same time, gives the illusion of objectivity in its
regularity. The movie No Man's Land becomes a parabola of trapping contradictory
imagery, (self)capture the web of an ideal type dream of self/the world/the Event, a
dystopian vision of the man describing his traumatic encounter with the Real. And it stems
primarily from trying to decipher the identity of the dynamic historical phenomena and
processes (the war), that displays the entire complexity of interethnic relations in their
mutual interaction. How is it possible to know the identity of historical procedures when
the identity itself is a process? No Man's Land is a testimony about process of interactive
construction of identity in which the identity is established through unity and diversity of
complex identity according to the formula: A is A, but it is also a non-A, that is, identical to
itself, but also different from itself, for I recognise myself in the difference towards the
156
identity of the “other” - a difference between “us/our” and “them/their”. The conflict
deepens at the level of individual identity - (ethnic and national identities71, whereby
individuals voluntarily identify themselves with an ethnic group / community / nation, and
accept its values), which is in collision with the group one (group identities - ethnic and/or
national identities whereby an ethnic group is identified with one ethnic group or nation
and embraces the values, traditions, etc.) and/or collective identity (whereby a collective is
identified with a particular ethnic community or nation, and accepts its fundamental
value) and/or challenges the identity of the collectivity - (identity at the level of
identification of the entire population with an ethnic community or nation).72
Unlike Danis Tanović's androcentric war story, Jasmila Žbanić is focusing on a female war
story – an on-screen transposition of female war experience, initiating the questioning of
how rape in war conditions is instrumentalized in order to intensify hate and ethnic
conflict and up to which point is it justified to equalize sex/gender and ethnic/national
identity. It is unclear in terms of International humanitarian law whether rape is a crime
against women or against a nation or community and which criteria the criminal/penal
procedure is based upon. Feminist perspective criticizes the understatement of the gender
related aspect of the crime by which rape is treated as a conflict between a man and a
woman of two parties at war where «the body of a raped woman…becomes a ceremonial
war theater, a parade line of winners, salutes and flags. The act done upon her body is
actually a message of man to man, living proof of victory on one side and of defeat on the
other» (Susan Brownmiller, 1995).73 Bassioni Commission (established by the UN
Resolution 780/1992 applied to the territory of B&H) is prone to interpreting war rape
exclusively as a political act directed against a certain ethnic group and not as a crime
against a woman/ female body. Mass rapes thus become significantly politicized allowing
the control/establishment/homogenization of national identity through politics by means
of raped female bodies.
According to feminist theorists, such subordination of female subject to the ethnic one in
language, law and practice encourages systemic and widely present war violence against
women. Whereas Catherine A. Mackinnon, law professor at the University of Michigan74,
USA places the rape in the context of ethnic conflict, feminist theorist Susan Brownmiller
interprets it in the context of conflict between men: « Sexual attack on the enemy's
woman is one of the pleasures in the process of conquest,(…) once he is free to kill, a
soldier becomes a young person guided by an adrenaline rush with a license to break
71
The meanings of these terms largely overlap and therefore the terms are often used
interchangeably. National identity implies the existence of a political community that includes a set
of common institutions and the rights and duties for all members of society, including defining the
territory to which members are identified. The term ethnic emphasises gender and kinship, origins
of a nation.
72
“Notwithstanding that this Serb is also a Bosnian, or that the Bosnian is not just a Bosnian, but a
Muslim too (a Bosniak), and insight into different (Western, Hollywood, imperialistic ...)
understandings of the Balkans can wake us up and take us from the authentic (our) views of us and
our film.” Nedžad Ibrahimović, Ibid.
73
Qtd according to: http://www.women-warmemory.org/hr/Granice_medjunarodnoga_kaznenog_prava/
74
«Turning Rape into Pornography: Postmodern Genocide» in MS magazine, July/August 1993. pg.
24-30.
157
doors in order to take, steal in order to relieve his anger towards all women who belong to
other men». 75
Is the rape a sexual expression of the aggressive or/and aggressive expression of the
sexual? Also, is the victim's silence a consequence of the fear from disintegration/loss of
subjectivity, since the rape placed her in the objectified position of a (national) transmitter
of message to another man/nation? Making this topic actual in the esthetic space of her
film interpretation in Grbavica, Jasmila Žbanić opens up the question of the possibility of
artistic transfiguration of traumatic rape experience from the intimate/private/real to
public/political/symbolic.
In her paper Violent practices of writing the body, Anela Hakalović asks „can (...) the
repressive form of the power of national discourse, expressed in this case as an
instrumentalization of the experience of traumatized raped women in the trope framed
within national phantasm, be Foucaultianly productive and open up a resistance discourse
in opposition to the discourse of power? Can art offer one potential space of alternative to
the dominant ideological discourse? Faced with a subject like this one, art falls into the
split of historical responsibility and its fictional nature. Entering the realm of posttraumatic interpretation, the intentions of art move in two directions: on one hand, the
failure of art to face the «real» traumatic experience is accentuated, especially in the
cases when trauma becomes collective, whereas on the other hand, it is the potential of
art that is stressed as a medium that does not reflect the reality but stimulates the reality
to (re)present an experience often too partial and fragmented to be expressed in words.
Post-traumatic interpretation comprises the detection of figures which will represent
traumatic experience in some kind of comprehensible form, while also containing a
certain dose of transparency in order to avoid the manipulation of the content
represented». 76
In terms of reception, media images as a substitution are an inherent part of the reality
and undoubtedly affect the shaping of political opinion. Therefore, the caution of Jasmila
Žbanić in transposing this sensitive social issue to the screen is understandable. “Aware of
the danger that her story might slip into pseudo-patriotic pathos, the author aims at all
times to use the suppressed expression and de-pathetization of the context to develop a
completely realistic action framework” 77. In doing so, pressured by the collective matrix of
values in the process of post-war/post-traumatic socialization of women, she, with
difficulty, resists the temptation to filter the victim's voice/silence through the national
narrative, and in such an oppressive position, through the symbolic phantasm of national
identity, “perform the castration of the real position of female experience (…) The space of
female body is literally and in the Deleuzeian sense territorialized, equalizing itself with
the space of a country the symbolic counterpart of which is in the figure of
nation/homeland.” 78 The author avoids revealing the position from which she is speaking
75
See: http://www.susanbrownmiller.com/susanbrownmiller/index.html
76
http://www.sic.ba/rubrike/temat/anela-hakalovic-nasilnicke-prakse-tjelopisa/
Nedžad Ibrahimović, ibidem
78
Qtd acc. to http://www.sic.ba/rubrike/temat/anela-hakalovic-nasilnicke-prakse-tjelopisa/. The
author comprises Deleuze/Guattari concept of territorialization as the manner in which every socius
attempts to control his/her field. It determined the flow of desires, possible opinions and is
77
158
about the rape trauma, and includes the perspective of a victim who is becoming
conscious of her sex/gender position as well as the perspective of the society – ideological
matrix that polarizes national position (symbolically mediated female body)79. However, is
it at all possible to confront the real and the symbolic in such a story without falling onto
the trap of mimetically legitimizing the latter? Is the film Grbavica more of a symbolic
expression of the bodily trauma or is it closer to the real? Or does it speak about a certain
impossibility of artistic witnessing to an experience of the mimetic picture which excludes
the perspective of the Other (rapist) by choosing the denominator to stress the space of
reality?
On one hand, the collective matrix of oppression is “articulated using the
national/religious symbolism of the term šehid/ shahid (…) Shahid has multiple meanings
that are sacral and secular at the same time, it is collective as well as personal. Herein lies
the totality of the tragedy survived by Sara (...) when she discovers that not only her father
isn’t shahid (sacral) nor a normal individual (secular) but that he is the enemy of the
community ( collective) as well as of her mother ( personal)” 80
On the other hand, the gender perspective in Grbavica expresses itself to the fullest in a
forced pregnancy, which is direct attack on a specifically female right – reproductive selfdetermination. Its qualification (genocide) tracing the patriarchal definition of ethnicity
(children inherit the ethnicity of the father) “supports the idea about the possibility of
performing genocide through mass rapes of women from enemy ethnic group. Women
were therefore perceived as the family symbol, the family as the symbol of the
community, the humiliation a woman suffers by giving birth to a child fathered by the
enemy symbolizes the destruction of the enemy ethnic community” (Turpin, 1998). 81
What are the options of mimetic transposition of post-traumatic space in art generally
when it is of collective scope? Film Gori vatra by Pjer Žalica conforms to the interpretative
model developed by E. Said. His deconstruction of the western image of the Orient,
ideological analysis of the western discourse marks the spot of “symbolic Balkan
geography” “ on the mental map of the West” 82 In some way, Žalica’s film demonstrates
illustrated by Deleuze/Guattari model of a schicofrenic who deterritorializes coded flows. The model
of a schicofrenic's walk is postulated by the authors in opposition to a «neurotic's sitting on a
couch». Neurotic remains situated in residual or fake territorialities, whereas schicofrenic hurls
further into de-territorialization by his every step, constantly moving, wandering, falling». (Žil
Delez/Feliks Gatari, Anti-Edip/ Gilles, Deleuze/Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, Sremski Karlovci:
Izdavačka knjižnica Zorana Stojanovića, 1990)
79
„The society as a subject of women's socialization appears in the position of a therapeutist
projecting its phantasms into the sotry of the victim/patient». Amela Hakalović, ibidem
80
N. Ibrahimović, ibidem
81
Qtd acc. to: Ibidem
82
In preface to her book Imaginary Balkans, Marija Todorova defines the perception of the
Balkanism in such way: „ Due to difficulties in modernization and accompanying nationalistic
aberrations, the Balkans were becoming more and more a symbol for something aggressive,
intolerant, barbaric, semi-developed and semi-oriental. It is exactly this metaphor and its use in
existing world politics that I have criticized in Imaginary Balkans, claiming that specific discourse,
naming it Balkanism, significantly determines the relationships towards the Balkans and actions
towards it». Qtd from Marija Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan/Imaginary Balkans. Biblioteka XX vek, 2.
edition 2006, 15.
159
how the term “Balkan narrative” is in itself auto-referential. It implies not only the view of
the West but includes a strategy of self-referential observation. In key places of the film’s
narrative, the director does not want to avoid that strange and rather unclear force by
which personal outsider position is proclaimed superior and finally “ an insolent” reaction
to the marginalizing western discourse.83
Western obsessive preoccupation with the Other and ideological fear of disturbance teach
us the following chant: “The Other is acceptable as long as its presence isn’t aggressive, as
long as the Other is really other…. My duty to be tolerant means that I shouldn’t be too
close to it, become incorporate into its space“ (Slavoj Žižek. On Violence. Picador, New
York, 2008.) And so, until this chant’s consumers become its producers, and as their own
object (self-balkanization) fall into the carnival spectacle of erasing fixed differences, the
performance of ideological, ethnical, national, victimological non-difference, and begin to
disappear in their own worlds. As long as the First believes himself to be more powerful
and sovereign then the Other, the Other believes he is more cunning, cynical in his
strategies and pranks – hallucinations, blasphemy, obscenity begin to rule the world….
Žalica thus surrenders to the seductive stereotypical, essentially defined Bosnian cultural
identities, and by accepting the idea of a substantially specific Bosnian identity, stresses
his awareness of the impossibility that the West could understand its discursive
representation in a non-stereotypical way. Such self-representation is an alternative to the
interiorization of such stereotypes. Meeting the expectations of the West self-ironically,
Žalica accentuates that positive stereotypes about Bosnia and Bosnians, although close to
home, always remain “lost in translation” for the western mind. This also is a version of
the Balkan discourse, which opens a small door for a discursive “de-balkanization”
because the self-exploitation articulating the western discourse is only a small step away
from switching places and the textual presentation of the West and its cultural hegemony.
83
Ibrahimović, ibidem
160
Conclusion
Understanding the culture on the basis of the poststructuralist concept by which the
culture represents a whole way of life (including everyday skills, habits, customs, ideas ...)
and not only intellectual and imaginative body of work, in the introductory part of this
paper, we have tried to examine the idiosyncrasies of the Bosniak cultural identity at the
intersections of dominant, emergent and residual cultural forces. In our opinion, instability
is the dominant historical feature of this identity. Along with that, the theory about the
recent Bosniak culture as an entity in the process of intensive and fracturing semiotization
has been developed, which will result in fictionalization of a single coherent nationalcultural identity, with a certain entropy discharges and contingents of forgetfulness as
direct or indirect product of external principles of power and internal state of
powerlessness (or lack of reason) so as to reflect on them efficiently and diligently. What
is at stake here is the process of utter Europeanization of a European Muslim people who
has to pay the price of their own historical destiny.
The construction of national identity in literature has been examined by starting with the
thesis of nations as imagined communities. But such an imagined community has
forgotten both time and reasons for its commencement; it deeply believes in its
importance as truth particularly here in this Balkan imaginary. Imagined as it may be, the
nation in developing its imagined-ness has become ever more real so as to confirm itself
today as most important in shaping our lives. Today, it is all too real despite the manner in
which it has been imagined. The answer then perhaps lies in the dislocated part of the
subject, in the transference of part or the whole of the subject’s sovereignty onto that
which is external, that which is the locus of the lost strength – the very strength the
subject possessed which it was allegedly an untarnished whole being as one with nature.
Bosnian and Herzegovinian film aesthetic does not view the national identity as a
complete product but rather as a flow of a ceaseless identity integration not unfamiliar
with taking byroads.
As an art project BH film privileges the process of integration of national identity marks
over nationalist ideologies which fuse the national identity with ready-made pre-judicial
factors of its reflection; prefers the horizontal identity mapping over the vertical one;
disstratification and li9nkage over hierarchlization and hermetic state. Thus, BH film
adopts autonomy free from politics religion and morality (whilst not eschewing moral
religious and political laden topics. Therefore, it draws an identitarian matrix where in no
single identity (national, gender, religious, political) is not a given draws the matrix from
multifaceted negotiations and very often cruel dislocation in the field of the Other. The
effect of this very often painful surfing of the labyrinths of the identitarian geography on
the reception is an unbearable lightness of being which locks the participant – observer in
a vicious circle of history where in the past would not be pushed aside no matter how
abject it may be.
161
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