A Late Antique Christian king from Z.af¯ar, southern Arabia

A Late Antique Christian king from
Z.afār, southern Arabia
Paul Yule∗
Southern Arabia was an important trading
partner for the Roman world but owing
to geography and politics its archaeology
has been less intensively studied than that
of neighbouring regions. A succession of
kingdoms rose and fell in the last centuries BC
and first centuries AD, but in the late Roman
period the dominant power was H
. imyar, with
its capital at Z.afār. In 2008 a relief sculpture
was discovered at the site depicting a crowned
Sana’a
ruler accompanied by symbols of office. This
study reviews the arguments surrounding the
Zafār
·
date of the sculpture, but more importantly
N
throws light on the cultural and political
connections that it embodies. The proposal is
that it represents an Aksumite puppet-ruler of
the sixth century, at a key moment in the history of the H
. imyarite kingdom. The crowned king
of Z.afār is significant not only in itself but also in helping to delineate the cultural and political
stage on to which Islam was shortly to emerge.
0
km
500
Keywords: Arabia, Yemen, Z.afār, H
. imyar, Aksum, Christianity, crowned figure
Supplementary material is published online at http://antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/yule338/
Introduction
The ancient site of Z.afār is located in the al-Nuǧūd highlands of the Yemen, close to the
modern village of Qaryat Z.afār (14◦ 12 40 N, 44◦ 24 13 E, GPS). On the south-western
slope of the mountain site 500m to the north is the substantial structure known as the Stone
Building (Figure 1 and Figure S1 in the online supplement). It was here during excavation in
2008 that the upper half of a relief crowned figure with musnad letters (Old South Arabian)
was discovered (Figures 2 and 3). In the previous season, four registers of reliefs 9m in length
had been revealed in situ in the same building (Figure 4). The standing relief figure of 2008,
designated z607, was situated in the courtyard of the building at the southern end of the
*
Department of Languages and Cultures of the Orient, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg, Schulgasse 2,
D-69117 Heidelberg, Germany (Email: [email protected])
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Paul Yule
c i3mainz, C. Hilbrig & P. Yule).
Figure 1. Plan of the Stone Building in Z.afār (
eastern wall (Figure 5). A nearly identical but fragmented relief followed a year later. A range
of potential historical associations came to mind in seeking to identify and contextualise
the new figure, which measured 1.7m high. The subject of this paper is the dating of the
sculpture. From a wide range of possibilities (Yule 2009, 2012) it is argued that the likely
age range can be narrowed to the short period between the Aksumite victory over H
. imyar in
AD 525 and the downfall of Z.afār and the decline of the H
imyarite
kingdom
from
around
.
AD 541–543.
Z.afār was the traditional capital of the H
. imyarite tribal confederacy and the centre of an
empire which, together with its allies, dominated 2.5 million square kilometres of Arabia
(an area about three-quarters the size of Western Europe) for some 250 years (Gajda 1998;
Müller 2007). It is the second-largest archaeological site in Arabia, although considerably
smaller than Ma’rib, the core of which alone is larger than the entire mapped rectangle surface
of Z.afār. H
. imyarite tribes appear first at the end of the last century BC in an inscription in
the defences in the Wadi al-Bana which protected the entrance to H
. ad.ramawt from the port
of Qāni’. During the second quarter of the first century AD the anonymous Periplus Maris
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A Late Antique Christian king from Z.afār, southern Arabia
Erythraei, and at about the same time
Pliny’s Natural History, make further note
of H
. imyar (Natural History 6.161; Healey
1991). These sources also briefly describe
Z.afār (Sapphar), which is “. . .nine days’
march inland from the Red Sea, the
residence of Charibael, the legitimate king
of the two nations, namely of the Homerite
and Sabaean” (Periplus Maris Erythraei 23;
Casson 1989; Müller 2001).
During and after its meteoric rise to
Figure 2. The crowned man relief; excavation context z607
power
in the late third century AD H
c C. Yule).
(
. imyar
encountered vicissitudes from without and
within, as illustrated by the interregna in the royal calendar and a growing list of royal
territorial titles (Yule 2007: 49). Great member tribes vied with each other continually for
position, as in more recent times in the Yemen. In the wider geographical context, H
. imyar
was caught between the world power of Christian Byzantium and the Sasanian empire,
locked in a deadly struggle. Judaism had been adopted by the H
. imyarite upper class before
the early fourth century AD through the prestige of Jerusalem and its omnipotent paternal
god (Yule 2013a: 48). Then, as now, politics intertwined inextricably with religion. The
Byzantines and Aksumites sought influence in agriculturally rich south-western Arabia, and
the local Jewish gentry were threatened by a flood of Christian Habašites, that is, Aksumites.
War broke out in AD 523 and resulted 18 months later in the defeat of the tribal coalition of
the H
. imyarite king Yūsuf As’ar Yath’ar, the ‘Lord of the Curls’ of Arabic tradition. Following
their victory, the Aksumites probably set about to break the power of the Jewish aristocracy
of the H
. imyarite tribes and their allies.
As Christian Robin (2006) has observed, the H
. imyarite Age has, until recently, been
poorly understood; its late pre-Islamic inhabitants being purportedly poor, isolated, illiterate,
lacking a stable political system and living as nomads in the desert. Patchy textual sources
which often lapse into partisanship were the only available evidence for the history of
Christianity in Z.afār and H
. imyar. Conservative studies, written at a time when little material
was available, denigrated the H
. imyarite period and its culture as decadent (e.g. Schmidt
1997–98). Recent research contradicts this value judgement. Since the 1970s, the tempo of
research in Old South Arabia (OSA) has accelerated, and with new archaeological studies
there has come a general reinterpretation of H
. imyar as a crucible of Judaism, Christianity
and the nascent Islam.
Archaeology, layout and site structure
Ten seasons of excavation by a Heidelberg University team at Z.afār targeted the H
. imyarite
Empire period (AD 270–525) and the Late/Post Empire period (AD 525–c. second quarter
of the seventh century). This second chronological term refers to the situation following AD
525 when H
. imyar became subordinate to Aksum after the latter’s victory. The H
. imyarite
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state, however, continued to exist culturally
until, at an unknown point, it was
incorporated into the Islamic state.
Z.afār, with precipitation of around
500mm per year, lies on the edge of the
zone that has the highest precipitation in
all of Arabia (1000mm per year in Ibb).
During the period of the H
. imyarite empire,
depletion of finite fragile environmental
resources probably chronically exceeded the
point of replenishment. Over-population,
over-grazing, complete deforestation and
chronic soil erosion destroyed the productivity of this rocky environment (cf.
Brunner 1999). The present desolation
of the rocky highlands results from
uncontrolled exploitation during and after
the H
. imyarite period.
Ancient Z.afār is located in the mountains
of southern Yemen and lies apart from
other large sites and from the main trading
routes and ports, despite numerous pottery
imports that have been found there. It
is most easily accessible from the plains
immediately to the west. During Antiquity,
unpaved roads facilitated communication
through the circuitous valleys and highland
plains. The site straddles a curving chain of
extinct volcanoes extending some 1000m
north–south. The recent excavation project
has designated the three mountains within
the site area as Z.afār South, H
. us.n Raydān
and Raydān North; the last of these
c
Figure 3. The crowned man relief, 3D scan (
is also known in the local dialect as
J. Lindenbeck & P. Yule).
al-Gus.r (standard Arabic: al-Qas.r—the
castle). Densely packed ruins occur on all
three mountains and indicate a population centre large enough to support the military and
political activities of the H
. imyarite capital known from historical records.
Construction and significance of the Stone Building
The Stone Building was selected for investigation in the hope of finding good preservation
and a representative building from the later historic phase of occupation at Z.afār. This period
is poorly known and in need of illumination. The ruins visible today date from around the
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A Late Antique Christian king from Z.afār, southern Arabia
c J. Lindenbeck). For a more detailed image see online
Figure 4. The eastern interior wall of the Stone Building, 3D scan (
supplementary material.
c P. Yule)
Figure 5. Cross section of the crowned man in situ looking north (
end of the last millennium BC/beginning of the first millennium AD. Of the preceding
so-called Black Stone Building, named after its building material, only traces survive. With
the exception of the reliefs and architecture encountered in situ, most of the finds from
the Stone Building derive from the H
. us.n Raydān mountain which overshadows it to the
north-east, and slipped downslope into the building after it went out of use. Excavations
were also undertaken at a 30 × 30m structure on top of H
. us.n Raydān in what must have
been the palace centre, but were limited by the poor preservation. It is unclear whether the
famous Raydān palace lay solely on top of the mountain or also included the structures on
its flanks. Erroneously at the beginning of our excavations, we suspected the Stone Building
to be the remains of the Hargab palace. This identification rested on a lengthy inscription
(siglum zm1) of the king Shurah.b’iı̄l Ya‘fur (AD 448–457 or 453–462), who described the
renovation of this palace (Müller 2010: 75–76). The inscription was subsequently shown not
to derive from the Stone Building. Inscriptional and architectural evidence indicate indeed
that this structure with its large court is neither clearly a temple nor a palace. Animal bones
(150kg, mostly of cattle) on and below the floor show it to have been used for slaughtering
livestock.
The ‘crowned man’, which came to light in the eastern wall of the inner courtyard, dates
to the very end of the Stone Building’s life, shortly before it fell out of use (Figures 1 and
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5). This relief is skilfully fitted into the existing relief cycle, but it rests deeper below the
pavement than the other older ashlar blocks. Toward the east (to the right in Figure 5) the
upper edge of the courtyard wall is capped with white mortar. The pavement stones were
pulled up and re-laid to fit snugly against the relief figure following its insertion in the wall.
Two theories underlie the dating of the Stone Building which contained the crowned
man: 1) the destruction of this major edifice was contemporary with the demise of the entire
city; 2) its destruction in the fourth–fifth centuries, as suggested by 14 C dates (Yule 2013b:
249–50), is too far in advance of the decline of the city and is more likely part of a more
general late episode of destruction.
The new reliefs
The reliefs from the eastern inner wall of the Stone Building are unique (Figure 4). From
top to bottom they include a band of alternating leaf-crosses and rosettes, paradisiac animals
including gryphons, alternating grape bundles and leaves, and frontal bovine heads. These
are attributed to the original Stone Building, which now appears to date to around the time
of Christ. Initial doubts about the contemporaneity of the crowned man to the adjacent
four relief bands arose from the former’s reddish, splotchy limestone and Late Antique style
in contrast with the whitish colour of the adjacent relief bands.
Given the absence of Aksumite sculpture and other H
. imyarite royal images, it is not
surprising that parallels for the different attributes of the crowned figure (Figure 3) are
rare or imprecise. A casual perusal of contemporary Aksumite and Byzantine images reveals
commonalities which result from their contemporaneity and the shared Christian religion.
Since 2000, numerous new H
. imyarite sculptural types have come to light at Z.afār. Of
these, nearly 40—both small and large—are closely related typologically to the crowned
man (e.g. Figure 6). These demonstrate both the means and the need to differentiate
social distinctions and express kingship, which have only recently become known for
H
. imyar.
Inscription
On the upper edge of the relief appear the OSA letters (right) wd and (left) b, ‘Wadd is
father’: a warning against any untoward actions in the presence of God the father. The
inscription appears at first to identify the subject as polytheist, hypothetically predating
AD 380 (M. Maraqten pers. comm.), but palaeographic criteria point to the fifth century
(Kitchen 2000: pl. LXIII). One text is known (RES 1900–1905: no. 5064) in which this
pagan invocation applies seemingly anachronistically together with the monotheistic name
RH
. MN (Kitchen 2000). It appears, however, that the third line naming this deity is a
subsequent addition written in a different style (W. Müller pers. comm.). RH
. MN is taken
not to be a personal name but rather to designate ‘god’ in the literal sense (W. Müller
pers. comm.). The incongruity of this polytheistic formula in a monotheistic context has
nonetheless been noted (C. Robin pers. comm.). At the H
. imyarite site of Naǧrān more than
eight such inscriptions appear on public buildings, but all elude precise dating (J. Zarins
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pers. comm.). This inscription does not
lower the date of the relief figure, and
palaeography is not as precise an indicator
of date as is the style of the crowned man
relief.
Bodily proportions, composition
and hairstyle
A large head and large eyes, a moustache
and beard rest on a stubby body. Cast
in Late Antique style, these provide the
first step toward establishing the dating.
The figure is forced unnaturally into a
compositional frame as seen also with the
ivory Byzantine Boethius image dated to
AD 476 (in the Museo Civico Cristiano,
Brescia; Kitzinger 1977: 46, fig. 81). Strict
frontality is clearly evidenced in Parthian
but also Early Byzantine art. However, the
moustache, curly hairstyle and the narrow
Figure 6. Relief 07 192, excavated from the Stone Building,
torso have other parallels of wider date.
one of several closely related to the crowned man.
Comparable moustaches are seen on the
second–third century AD Hatraean statue of Sanat.rūq II (Ghirshman 1962: 94, fig. 105;
Sommer 2003: 24, fig. 28); others excavated from Z.afār are not precisely datable. Reliefs
such as Figure 6 form a style group to which the crowned figure belongs. These potentially
again lower the date of the crowned figure and indicate its local origin. The moustache
is un-Ethiopian, and points toward Byzantine and Lombardic coin images (D. Phillipson
pers. comm.). The figure’s right foot is posed en face, the left one in profile. Both are bare,
presumably an expression of piety and submission, as known from depictions of Coptic
saints: “Take your sandals off your feet, for the place whereupon you stand is holy ground”
(Exodus 3: 5).
Jewellery and sword
Two pendulous necklaces hang from the neck, and a baldric decorated with a running spiral
hangs from the right shoulder. The figure’s suspended sword is straight with an unusual
cross-bar pommel. One would not expect a priest to bear a sword, but rather a deity or a
king.
Garment
A long, elaborately folded outer garment drapes the figure. In the pelvic area a leaf-cross
rendered in a quadrangular field adorns it. Beneath, the figure wears a gaily patterned,
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possibly embroidered tunic-shirt. These are
unique but perhaps are inspired by the long
tunic over which the early Byzantine upper
classes wore a chlamys-gown. Such elaborate
embroidery figures prominently in Late
Antique elite fashion (Figure 7). Above and
to the right of the figure a second leaf-cross
field appears—a motif reaching from early
medieval Spain through Constantinople
down to Z.afār. It also occurs in conjunction
with rare palaeographically late inscriptions
(cf. Jamme 1962: pl. B). The tight curls of
the figure z607 and the leaf-crosses match,
among others, those of the aforementioned
Byzantine Boethius image.
An ambassador of Justinian relates an
eye-witness account of the Aksumite king
Kaleb Ella Asbeha. His words, recorded
by John Malalas (for the sources see
Munro-Hay 1991: 153) are embellished
but illustrate the kind of pomp and
the elaborate garments associated with
Figure 7. H
. imyarite-period relief fragment from H
. addat
these rulers. Kaleb arrives in a carriage
Ġulays near Z.afār, showing a shoulder with a richly
c Blome & P. Yule).
embroidered garment (I.
decorated with golden wreaths and drawn
regally by four elephants. The procession is
accompanied by music, pomp and circumstance to confirm his power and status. He wears
a linen garment embellished with gold work, evidently some kind of tunic or kilt decorated
with appliques sewn with pearls, as well as much jewellery. His headgear is decorated with
gold; four streamers or pendants hang down from each side. Such elaborate textiles bring to
mind royal garments of contemporary Sasanian and Byzantine rulers.
Crown
The figure wears what appears to be a cylindrical five-spiked crown with eight square
panels, six of which contain circular protrusions. This crown is neither the mural crown
(embattlement) of the fate-deity Tyche nor the laurel wreath which adorns Greek and Roman
heroes as a token of victory or honour. Its height and elaborate decoration convey a rank
which distinguishes the wearer from his contemporaries. The high cylindrical polos brings
to mind those of the Late Roman tetrarch statue group in Venice, which are comparable in
basic form (L’Orange 1995: 57–59, figs. 16–17), although missing the metallic applications.
Unlike contemporary elaborate Sasanian crowns, the polos crown is austere in its basic form.
It also recalls the small hanging cylindrical crowns of the seventh century Visigothic king
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Recceswinth on display in Paris and
Toledo, with their recesses each containing
a globular jewel. The crown bears a
coincidental resemblance to the national
insignia which appeared on Ethiopian flags
from 1887 to 1974. On the other hand,
it bears no resemblance to the modern
Ethiopian crowns housed in the Maryam
Tseyon Cathedral in Aksum (Munro-Hay
1991: 263, fig. 67).
Closer parallels exist in the jewelled
crown worn by the kings of Aksum, as
known from their bronze, gold and silver
coins (Figures 8–10). Kings from Aphilas
to Hataz wore a similar tiara (Munro-Hay
Figure 8. Obverse of a coin of King Armah. of Aksum with
& Juel-Jensen 1995: types 4–138) from
c P. Yule).
a staff cross (Munro-Hay 1999, type 573) (
c. AD 300 to post 525 (R. Stupperich
pers. comm.). The spikes, circular forms and
square fields are shared by both the relief and coin images. Unfortunately, frontal depictions
of such crowns are rare (Figure 10, no. 441; Munro-Hay 1999: types 440–42). Small
and inevitably conditioned by the engraving technique, many coin depictions of crowns
nonetheless appear closely similar. Comparable crowns are lacking from H
. imyarite coin
imagery, and such a crown may most plausibly be dated in Z.afār to the period after the war
of AD 525 and the establishment of the new Aksumite-H
. imyarite regime.
Bundle held in the left hand
The crowned figure bears a bundle of three leafy twigs in its left hand, bound in a torsional
grip. The barsom, or sacred bundle of twigs (or ‘slender wands’) is a ritual implement
which played an important part in Zoroastrian religious practices. The bundled branches
of the crowned figure at first might seem to derive from this same sphere, but its dress is
not Iranian, and a Zoroastrian identification is unlikely (D. Potts pers. comm.). They may
alternatively be interpreted as a bouquet of branches, a rare Christian symbol that appears
(though not identical in form) on late Aksumite coin images (Munro-Hay 1999: types
420–37). Despite differences, the available parallels hence derive from Christian contexts.
Stylised laurel (bay) leaves serve as a symbol of victory in war or the accomplishment
of peace with a secondary funerary symbolism that is common in Late Antiquity (B.
Hamarneh pers. comm.). It is unclear how this symbol harmonises with neighbouring
motifs.
A staff cross?
In its right hand the figure holds a staff with a short cross member near the top. Six parallel
lines form the point. This kind of rendering also occurs in the crown and sword hilt. The
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cross member is slightly tapered in
the direction of the figure. Numerous
Mediterranean rulers were posed standing
holding a spear or staff in semiphoric
posture, but none to my knowledge hold
one with a cross member (e.g. an image
from Nemrud Dagh shows Antiochos and
Herakles Verethragma (69–34 BC), the
king holding a sceptre (Ghirshman 1962:
66, fig. 79)). This form of staff does not
cite Roman vexillae, sceptrae, hastae or other
Roman insigniae, such as the more common
knobbed Roman and Byzantine staff, but is
a different sign of authority. The church
adopted the cross as a symbol around the
Figure 9. Obverse of a coin of King Kaleb of Aksum
early fourth century AD (Ries 2003: 161–
(Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde München, 92-316
62), which coincides closely with the dating
c P. Yule).
820) (
of the first Christian symbols painted on
amphorae of ‘Aqaba type and the cross of the crowned man excavated from Z.afār (Yule
2013b: fig. 6.2). If only fortuitously, the Z.afār staff cross resembles that of the Russian
Orthodox church (W. Raunig pers. comm.).
Many late Aksumite coin types depict a cross mounted on a staff, but all differ somewhat
from that of the crowned man (Munro-Hay 1999: types 568–628). Most depict an elongated
Maltese or Latin cross with splayed ends. While not a Latin cross, that of the crowned figure
closely resembles the thin crosses from the sixth-century mosaics at Madaba (Jordan), more
specifically from the eastern hall outside the border of the Hypolytus hall (Piccirillo 1993:
23–24, 57, fig. 10). The present author does not consider these crosses on staffs to be merely
a technical convention of mosaic. The three Christian personifications of the cities Rome,
Madaba and Gregoria all hold this same distinctive emblem. It is not the case that there are
no crosses in Old South Arabia, inasmuch as several have been published in inscriptions and
images (Zarins et al. 1983: pl. 39A & B; Yule 2007: 106, fig. 69; Robin pers. comm.). They
are most numerous as dipinti painted on transport vessels (e.g. Paribeni 1907: figs. 59 &
60; Yule 2013a: fig. 63). Maltese crosses fixed on a similar narrow staff have come to light in
early medieval Central Asia (Klimkeit 1990: 84, fig. 39). A mere coincidental resemblance
to the main Christian symbol in this time frame is not an acceptable explanation. Although
the iconography of Madaba seems pagan at first glance, Late Antique Christian imagery
c P. Yule).
Figure 10. Crowns depicted on Aksumite coin types (redrawn from Munro-Hay 1999) (
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A Late Antique Christian king from Z.afār, southern Arabia
itself evolves from pagan imagery. In this Late Antique Christian context the resemblance
to a Christian cross can hardly be accidental. This is all the more so since such crosses and
later staff crosses on coins dominate during the period under discussion (Figure 8).
Conclusions
The relief image of the crowned man from Z.afār adheres roughly to early Byzantine or
Aksumite stylistic canons. Contemporaries would probably have deemed a clear resemblance
with the crown of Justinian I (AD 527–565) to be inappropriate. Nor does the crowned
figure wear Byzantine jewellery, a sign of patronage and rank. It seems to be a hybrid
of H
. imyarite-Aksumite origin inspired by distant Byzantine vestments. There can be no
question that Byzantine rulers such as Justinian I actively sponsored missionary activity and
sent materials and skilled labourers in order, for example, to build the early cathedral in S.an‘ā’
(al-T.abarı̄ I, 2, 935; de Goeje 1897–1901). If one accepts the Christian association for the
crowned man relief, then its dating becomes more certain. After the Aksumites vanquished
the H
. imyarites in AD 525 they attempted to establish a Monophysite Christian regime
at Z.afār. Evidence for Aksumite reconstruction of Z.afār comes in the form of inscriptions
written in Old Ethiopic (Ge‘ez) found on the site (Müller 2012). These occur in southern
Arabia only after the Aksumite victory. Christian imagery and the fertility imagery of the
twig bouquet are consonant with what one would expect for a coronation depiction in an
agrarian society.
During the fifth and sixth centuries, settlement and population in Arabia decreased
drastically in size (Schiettecatte 2011: 293, fig. 140; Yule 2013b: 252). The ‘Justinian’
pandemic of 541–543 decimated Arabia and seems to have been the final element that led
to the downfall of the H
. imyarite kingdom and essentially terminated the dominance of
Z.afār. Between the Aksumite victory of 525 and the pandemic lies the regency of Sumūyafa
‘Ashwa’ (c. 531–535). This puppet king would have had to represent both royalties—
Aksumite and H
. imyarite. An attribution of the crowned man to his successor, Abraha, is
less likely because he moved the capital to S.an‘ā’ at the cost of Z.afār—a sign of disfavour
with the latter. While the foregoing arguments cannot prove the date of the relief, they
arguably provide the best fit for the available evidence. An alternative terminus is far less
clear, but would lie perhaps a century earlier.
Acknowledgements
Thanks go to the German Research Society which supported the fieldwork from 2006 to 2011, and the Fritz
Thyssen Foundation (2002 to 2005). The General Organisation of Antiquities and Museums enabled the
fieldwork. A variety of colleagues served as discussion partners: Nadia Ali (Aix-en-Provence), Sabina Antonini
(Perugia), Werner Daum (Berlin), Rodolfo Fattovich (Naples), Barbara Finster (Bamberg), Rachel Hachlili
(Tel Aviv), Basema Harmaneh (Bergama), Sarah Japp (Berlin), Alexei Lidov (Moscow), David Phillipson
(Cambridge), Daniel T. Potts (Sydney), Walter Raunig (Munich), Christian Robin (Aix-en-Provence), Sabine
Schrenk (Bonn), Piotr Scholz (Lodz), Irfan Shahid (Washington, D.C.), Reinhard Stupperich (Heidelberg),
Steffen Wenig (Berlin) and Stephan Westphalen (Heidelberg). The travelling exhibition H
. imyar—ein vergessenes
Reich in Südarabien (H
. imyar—a forgotten empire in South Arabia) resulted from a two-semester seminar which
provided an opportunity to explore questions with the participants such as the comparisons discussed above. I
am deeply grateful for this opportunity. Walter Müller (Marburg) kindly corrected the linguistic aspects and is
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Paul Yule
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Received: 16 November 2012; Accepted: 4 January 2013; Revised: 15 February 2013
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heartily thanked for his sustained support. The two anonymous referees for Antiquity did much to improve a
variety of aspects, for which I am beholden to them.