2009-10 MARRAKECH BOOK.indd

Transcription

un-common city
diploma unit 2
year book 2009-10
school of architecture
and the visual arts
university of east london
School of Architecture and the
Visual Arts (AVA)
University of East London (UEL)
4-6 University Way
London E16 2RD
UK
Publication June 2010
www.diploma-unit2.blogspot.com
In collaboration with the
MA Urban Design at UEL
www.ma-ud.blogspot.com
www.avaarchitecture.org
Un-Common City
Diploma Unit 2
Year Book 2009-10
3
4
Tutors
Christoph Hadrys
Stephanie Schultze-Westrum
Students
4th Year
Desario Ademaj
Koldobika Albistegui Sojo
Sara Alidadi
James Barrett
Zoya Boozorginia
Ibrahim Buhari
Khedidja Angeline Carmody
Xingrong Chen
Peter Dagger
Tyra Lea Dokkedahl (March 2010)
Donal Egan
Karl Enright (March 2010)
Salvatore Noviello
Joshua Philips
Hee Jyung Sohn
Kevin Widger
5th Year
Stephanie Bryan
Angela Constantinou
Sam Fleming
Darren Lee
Marina-Andromachi Markides
Andrew Ozioro
Daniel Rees
Effrosyni Rogan
Tendeseko St Francis
With Thanks to
Mark Hayduk (UEL)
Raphael Lee (UEL)
Lucile Gache (in Marrakech)
Francoise Gache (in Marrakech)
Robert Stercq (in Marrakech)
Will Lindley
Dean Ho See Swan
Rob Houmoller
Uwe Schidt-Hess (UCL Bartlett)
Robert Mull (London Met)
Carsten Jungfer (Oxford Brooks)
Gesa Schenk (Nottingham University)
Johannes Hoffmann
Sabah Ashiqu
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6
List of Contents
Introduction
09
Morocco
General Information
13
13
Marrakech
Geography
Climate
History
Demographics
20
20
21
22
25
Marrakech Urban Form
General
UNESCO World Heritage
28
22
32
Medina
City Wall
Jema El Fna Square
Souk
Funduk
Street/ Derb
Dar and Riad House
Hamam
Mosque
Maderasa
Palace
Islamic Ornamentation
Irrigation/ Khettaras
38
38
40
42
44
46
52
60
64
68
72
76
80
Gueliz/ 20th Century
84
Construction Techniques
Rammed Earth
Mud Brick
Timber Construction
Tadelakt
86
60
91
93
95
Unit 2 in Marrakech
From London to Marrakech
Accommodation
96
96
102
The Three Sites
Palmeraie
Tanneries
Sidi Youssef
112
114
123
130
7
Introduction
This academic year, our design investigation focused on the city of
Marrakech in Morocco. The field trip to this North-African city was from
the 13th - 24th of November. During that time, we engaged in a series
of intensive workshops, and focused on three major sites, which capture
the diversity of recent urban dynamics.
This YEAR BOOK is based on a TRAVEL BOOK that the Unit compiled
before our trip. It enabled us to gain access to information that a
group of architects would require, prior to working in such uncommon
conditions. It served as a kind of contract of a group with a city.
Through a combination of research and creative practice, we proposed
interventions, which respond to urban challenges and introduced
elements of cultural and imaginative vigour. We explored extremes of
interrelated scales, from urban geographies through to the immediate
and personal.
Un-Common City
We engaged in Marrakech, as an uncommon territory and culture that
is undergoing critical change. We carefully explored diverse existing
spatial practices and engaged in a design dialogue to develop responsive
and imaginative proposals. Within this process, we explored ways in
which conditions of urban inhabitation and common spaces can be part
of synergetic urban life.
Marrakech is located in the plains north of the Atlas Mountains and the
Sahara Desert. The city fabric is centred on an old Medina and expands
with French colonial quarters and other more recent urban forms. For
many centuries, it has been a major trading and craft-based city. In
recent years, improved local conditions have brought tourism and other
economic activities to the city. This in return has redirected inner African
migration to the city.
The social and spatial dynamics are reflected in diverse forms of urban
change. Nevertheless, the new sources of income have left a majority of
the population fairly poor and marginalised in this process.
“Perhaps more than ever before,
we are becoming consciously aware
of ourselves as intrinsically spatial
beings, continuously engaged in
the collective activity of producing
spaces and places, territories and
regions, environments and habitats.
This process of producing spatiality
or ‘making geographies‘ begins with
the body, with the construction and
performance of the self, the human
subject, as distinctively spatial entity
involved in a complex relation with
our surroundings.“
Ed Soja, Postmetropolis (2000) p 6.
Uncommon City – Induction Exercises
To prepare for uncommon spatial conditions and to introduce Unit
specific methodologies, we explored diverse cases of vernacular
architecture, described in Bernard Rudofsky’s book Architecture
without Architects.
By extracting architectural qualities, this served as a source of inspiration
for a small design exercise of an Urban Room. It is a space that may be
part of a pattern or situation, where sharing and living together demands
unusual spatial solutions.
“There is much to learn from architecture
before it became an expert‘s art. The
untutored builders in space and time
demonstrate an admirable talent for
fitting their building into the natural
surroundings. Instead of trying to
‘conquer‘ nature, as we do, they
welcome the vagaries of climate and
the challenge of topography“
Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture Without
Architects (1964) Preface.
Marrakech Aerial Photo
Credit: Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture
Without Architects (1964) image 54.
9
Common City - Main Project
During our time in Marrakech, we engaged in a series of intensive
walks, workshops, drawing exercises, site analysis and conversations
to explore the city. We focused on three major sites, which capture the
diversity of recent urban dynamics.
“The neatness of architecture is its
seduction; it defines, excludes, limits
separates from the ‘rest‘ - but it also
consumes. It exploits and exhausts
the potentials that can be generated
finally only by urbanism, and that only
the specific imagination of urbanism
can invent and renew.“
Rem Koolhaas, SMLXL (1995) p 967.
The first site is in the north of the city. Here diverse hybrids between
European planning and North African urban cultures are rapidly
expanding. By eating more and more into arable land and a vast palm
grove, the urban expansion opens questions of sustainability and
demands unusual responses.
The second site is in and next to the old Medina. This part of the city
is a close knit meshwork of alleyways and courtyard houses, loosely
structured around public spaces, such as squares, mosques, palaces,
defence systems etc… The focus was around the Tannery community in
the east of the Medina.
The third site ‘Sidi Youssef‘ is in the south east of the city and is an
outcome of migration related urban growth. Here the city has been
extended with fairly loose planning frameworks in a self build manner.
These informal areas resemble the density of the medina, but not its
quality.
Work
Back in London, we engaged in collaborative works, comprising 1:500
Site Models and the collection of information gathered in Marrakech, as
well as individual proposals.
Like the city itself, the Models are puzzles of individual pieces and form
a collective entity. The model was made in plaster, demanding intensive
engagement with the complex urban fabric.
The focus on urban inhabitation and common spaces has a series of
reasons. More recent approaches to inhabitation are either speculative/
market driven or simply to cover basic needs. The current limitation of
open or enclosed common spaces derives from the way smaller scale
communities used to work within the confinement of the Medina. With
a strong increase in population size and a much larger urban territory,
very unusual spaces and functions might be relevant to sustain and
invigorate communities.
The sites and their contexts, as well as guiding research set the tone for
distinct strategic interventions in a range of scales, from urban through
to building qualities and their immanent details. The unit continued
to develop student’s skills, intuition and judgement for a vigorous,
yet crafted culture of space. Using urban design methodology, the
individual projects focusd on sited buildings, by invigorating existing
and imagining new, creating schemes that are both, sustainable and
enjoyable.
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Agendas
The student design projects are thinking and making tools to explore
unknown urban territories, where conventional thinking struggles to respond
to uncertainties and the necessity for imagination. We aim at developing an
open minded approach to unfamiliar spatial practices and environmental
conditions. As such, we research design by designing and proposals
expand on existing dynamics or open new and invigorating questions.
Students engaged with the unexpected to be able to develop very unique
proposals out of the context and place, the very essence of spatial
practices and students‘ self-defined objectives.
1. Need
Urban drivers, considering an existing interrelated range of scales URBAN, BUILDING and DETAIL
2. Brief
URBAN INHABITATION and COMMON SPACES, which respond to urban
conditions and elevate the culture of place.
3. Resources
Local availability of resources - social, material and technical
4. Constraints
Local urban practice - social and spatial context
5. Making it Happen
Necessary application of an ‘Economy of Means‘
6. Post- Completion
The city takes care of itself
Notions
Cityness - Cities are our critical starting ground and ongoing territory.
Cityness is hereby a form of being together and it is expressed in a
matrix of cultural, political, social, spatial, environmental and time
based layers. By sharing space and spatial habit, it is more than the sum
of its parts.
Technique - To be able to understand, link and connect parts and
factors together, with a degree of fit. It is methodology and craft of
both, the physical, technical and environmental propositions, as well
as judgment and articulation of integrative programmes and cultures in
social environments.
Process - Refers to both, the practice of urban design and the inherent
processes of the build environment. The way of doing things has a
relationship with what we do and produce. Cities, human environments
and subsequently urban designs are subject to different temporal modes
and change.
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12
Map to the left:
Morocco and Marrakech in 1830
Image source: www.lib.utexas.edu
(accessed 25.05.2010)
Map to the right:
Africa/Europe and Morocco
Image Source: http://en.wikipedia.org
(accessed 23 October 2009)
Morocco
“Morocco 1, officially the Kingdom of Morocco, is a country located in
North Africa with a population of nearly 32 million and an area just under
447,000 square kilometres (173,000 sq mi). Its capital is Rabat, and its
largest city is Casablanca. Morocco has a coast on the Atlantic Ocean
that reaches past the Strait of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean Sea. It is
bordered by Algeria to the east, Spain to the north 2 and Mauritania to
the south via its Western Saharan territories.
Several dialects of Arabic and Berber are spoken in Morocco. However,
this linguistic diversity doesn‘t affect the ethnic situation as the
population is largely homogenous.“ 3
[1] Medieval Arab historians and
geographers used to refer to Morocco
as Al-Maghrib al Aqsá “The Farthest
West“
[2] “a water border through the Strait
and land borders with three small
Spanish enclaves, Ceuta, Melilla, and
Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera“
[3] Source: ‘Wikipedia - Morocco‘,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morocco
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History
The area of present-day Morocco has been inhabited since Neolithic
times (at least since 8000 BC, as attested by signs of the Capsian
culture). In Mesolithic ages the geography of Morocco resembled to a
savannah more than the present day arid landscape.
Beginning with the Phoenicians in 500 BC, many foreigners were
drawn to Morocco. Romans, Vandals, Visigoths, and Byzantine Greeks
successively ruled the area. Arab forces began occupying Morocco in
the 7th century AD, bringing their civilization and Islam. The Alaouite
dynasty, which has ruled Morocco since 1649, claims descent from the
Prophet Mohammed.
Morocco‘s location and resources led to early competition among
European powers in Africa, beginning with successful Portuguese efforts
to control the Atlantic coast in the 15th century. France began showing
an interest in Morocco from around 1830. France‘s influence in Morocco
was recognised by the UK in 1904, and following the Algeciras Conference
in 1906, policing of Morocco was entrusted to France and Spain jointly.
The Treaty of Fez in 1912 made Morocco a protectorate of France.
Nationalist political parties, which subsequently arose under the French
protectorate, based their arguments for Moroccan independence on
such World War II declarations as the Atlantic Charter (a joint US-British
statement that set forth, among other things, the right of all people to
choose the form of government under which they live). A manifesto of
the Istiqlal (Independence) Party in 1944 was one of the earliest public
demands for independence.
Flag of Morocco
Image Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Morocco (accessed 23 October 2009)
[1] Text Sources: ‘Wikipedia - Morocco‘,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morocco
‘A Short History of Morocco‘,
www.abacci.com/atlas/history
France‘s exile of the highly respected Sultan Mohammed V in 1953 and
his replacement by the unpopular Mohammed Ben Aarafa, whose reign
was perceived as illegitimate, sparked active opposition to the French
protectorate. France allowed Mohammed V to return in 1955, and the
negotiations that led to Moroccan independence began the following year.
The Kingdom of Morocco recovered its political independence from
France on March 2, 1956. Through agreements with Spain in 1956 and
1958, Moroccan control over certain Spanish-ruled areas was restored.
The internationalized city of Tangier was reintegrated with the signing
of the Tangier Protocol on October 29, 1956. The Spanish enclave of Ifni
in the south became part of Morocco in 1969. Spain, however, retains
control over the small enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla in the north.
Morocco annexed the Western Sahara during the 1970s after demanding
its reintegration from Spain since independence, but final resolution on
the status of the territory remains unresolved.
Political reforms in the 1990s resulted in the establishment of a
bicameral legislature in 1997. Morocco was granted Major non-NATO
ally status by the United States in June 2004 and has signed free trade
agreements with the United States and the European Union.
Politics
“Morocco is a de jure constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament.
The constitution grants the king extensive powers; he is both the
secular political leader and the “Commander of the Faithful“ as a direct
descendant of the Prophet Mohammed. He presides over the Council of
14
Ministers; appoints the Prime Minister following legislative elections,
and on recommendations from the latter, appoints the members of the
government. While the constitution theoretically allows the king to terminate
the tenure of any minister, [...] the only time this happened was in 1965.
Economy
Morocco‘s economy is considered a relatively liberal economy governed
by the law of supply and demand. Since 1993, the country has followed
a policy of privatization of certain economic sectors which used to be in
the hands of the government.
Government reforms and steady yearly growth in the region of 4-5%
from 2000 to 2007, including 4.9% year-on-year growth in 2003-2007
helped the Moroccan economy to become much more robust compared
to a few years ago. Economic growth is far more diversified, with new
service and industrial poles, like Casablanca and Tangier, developing.
The agriculture sector is being rehabilitated, which in combination with
good rainfalls led to a growth of over 20% in 2009.
The services sector accounts for just over half of GDP and industry,
made up of mining, construction and manufacturing, is an additional
quarter. The sectors who recorded the highest growth are the tourism,
telecoms and textile sectors. Morocco, however, still depends to an
inordinate degree on agriculture. The sector accounts for only around
14% of GDP but employs 40-45% of the Moroccan population.
Demographics
Morocco is the third most populous Arab country, after Egypt and
Sudan. Most Moroccans practice Sunni Islam and are of Berber, Arab or
mixed Arab-Berber stock. Berbers comprise about 60% of the Moroccan
population“1
Berber and Arabic
Image Source: wikipedia.org
15
Topography
“The geography of Morocco spans from the Atlantic Ocean, to
mountainous areas, to the Sahara (desert). A large part of Morocco is
mountainous. The Atlas Mountains are located mainly in the center and
the south of the country. The Atlas Mountains run down the backbone
of the country, from the south west to the north east. Most of the
south east portion of the country is in the Sahara Desert and as such is
generally sparsely populated and unproductive economically. Most of
the population lives to the north of these mountains, while to the south
is the desert.
The Rif Mountains are located in the north of the country. Both ranges
are mainly inhabited by the Berber people.
Climate
[1] Text Source: wikipedia.org
Morocco Topography and Roads
Source: atlas.geo.cornell.edu/people/
weldon/morocco (accessed 23 October
2009)
16
The climate is Mediterranean, which becomes more extreme towards
the interior regions where it is mountainous. The terrain is such that
the coastal plains are rich and accordingly, they comprise the backbone
for agriculture.
In mountainous areas (like the Atlas range) temperatures often drop
below zero and mountain peaks remain snow-capped throughout most
of the year. Northern Morocco gets very wet and rainy during the winter,
whereas in the south, at the edge of the Sahara, it gets bitterly dry and
cold. In Marrakech the average temperature in summer is 38°C (100°F).“
In winter, its around 21°C (70°F).“1
Statistics
Morocco
Statistics
UK Comparison
Names: Morocco, Kingdom of Morocco, Al Mamlakah al Maghribiyah, Al
Maghrib
Capital city: Rabat
Population: 34,343,220
Population density: 66.46 per km2
Immigrant population: 0.4139%
Birth rate: 21.31 per 1000
Death rate: 5.49 per 1000
Population growth rate: 1.505%
Urban population: 17,708,660 54,023,170
Urban population growth: 2.38% annually
Population: 60,943,912
Population density: 244.69 per km2
Immigrant population: 8.982%
Birth rate: 10.65 per 1000
Death rate: 10.05 per 1000
Population growth rate: 0.276%
Urban population: 54,023,170
Urban pop. growth: 0.72% annual.
Languages spoken Arabic (official), Berber dialects, French
Ethnic Groups: Arab-Berber 99.1%, Other 0.7%, Jewish 0.2%
Religions: Muslim 98.7%, Christian 1.1%, Jewish 0.2%
Area 446,550 km2
Natural resources: Phosphates, iron ore, manganese, lead, zinc, fish, salt
Arable lan: 19%
Forested land: 6.8%
Area: 243,610 km2
Labour force Agriculture 40%,
Industry 15%
Services 45%
Armed forces personnel: 198,000
(2.26% of labour force)
Labour force: Agriculture 1.5%,
Industry 19.1%
Services 79.5%
Armed forces personnel: 212,000
(0.71% of labour force)
Currency: Dirham DH
Exchange rate (20/10/09) 1DH = £0.08
GDP: $57,306,730,000
GDP per capita: $1879 per capita
National debt: $19,910,000,000
Unemployment: 11.2% of labour force
£ GBP
1£ = 12.5 DH
GDP: $2,345,015,000,000
GDP per capita: $38,850 per capita
National debt: $10,450,000,000,000
Unemployment: 4.6% of labour force
Government type: Constitutional monarchy
Government type: Constitutional
monarchy
Status: Democracy
Status: Democracy
Chief of state: King Mohamed VI (since 30/07/99)
Female parliamentary seats: 1%
Corruption rating: 3.2 (0=highly corrupt, 10=highly clean)
CO2 Emissions: 33,236,000 metric tonnes
Carbon efficiency:
0.91 metric tonnes per $GDP
Arable land: 23.23%
Forested land: 11.6%
Female parliamentary seats: 17.1%
Corruption rating: 8.6
CO2 Emissions: 558,225,000 mt
Carbon efficiency:
1.17 metric tonnes per $GDP
Environmental issues: Land degradation (soil erosion resulting from
farming of marginal areas, overgrazing, destruction of vegetation), water
supplies contaminated by raw sewage, siltation of reservoirs, oil pollution
of coastal waters.
Mains voltage: 220V
Telephone code: +212
Mains voltage: 230V
Telephone code: +44
Source: Nationmaster – Morocco‘,
www.nationmaster.com/country/momorocco (accessed 19 October 2009)
17
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19
Marrakech
Geography
Marrakech is located in arid plains north of the Atlas Mountains, called
the Haouz. The greater conurbation is covering an expansive area of
31,160 km².
The geographical positioning of Marrakech is 1:
31° 36´N latitude
8° 01´W longitude
460m above the sea level (altitude)
Geologique du Maroc
Previous page image source:
www.ipgp.fr (accessed 30.10.2009)
Marrakech et le Haouz
Image Source: Wilbaux Quentin,
La Medina de Marrakech (Paris:
L‘Harmattan, 2001) p 20
[1] Text source: www.asiarooms.com/
travel-guide/morocco/marrakech
(accessed 30.10.2009)
20
The ground condition is the result of sedimentation from water
descending from the High Atlas mountains. The process has enriched
the otherwise arid land creating vast possibilities for inhabitation and
cultivation.
The map below explains the immediate relation that the High Atlas has
with the top soil formation of the Haouz.
The primary and distinctive quality of Marrakech is the city layout and
it‘s ground, of which it is constructed. Buildings are largely build of
soil. The high iron content gives the city its red appearance and typical
character. The soil‘s hygroscopic abilities allow buildings to stay cool
during the day, due to evaporation and warm in the night.
Marrakech et le Haouz
L‘Harmattan, 2001) p 20
Land uses in the city are well defined by the economic needs, in fact it
spans from arid land for the drying of leather to vast plantation of palm
oil defined by the city boundaries.
The Tensift river passes close to the city of Marrakesh and has its outlet
into the Atlantic Ocean. It‘s water discharge changes according to
rainfall; it is one of the ten major rivers of Morocco, but frequently can
be waded through even close to its outlet.
Marrakech agriculture relies on the irrigation system that departs from
the river Tensift and groundwater. This intricate undergoround system
of canals called Khettaras is the main source of water for the jardins of
the city.
Climate
Rainfall/ Temperature in Marrakech
Image source: www.wordtravels.com
(accessed 23 October2009)
“The weather in Marrakech is sunny nearly all year round, with pleasantly
warm summers and mild winters. The hottest months of the year are
July, August and September, but there is no humidity so temperatures
are generally bearable. Winter can bring heavy downpours of rain, which
leave the streets of the old town very muddy, and winter nights can be
cold. Because of its proximity to the High Atlas Mountains and its direct
subjection to the chilly mountain breezes, Marrakech can get very cold
in winter.“ 2
[2] Text source:
www.worldtravelguide.net
21
Urban History
“Marrakesh’s fortunes have depended upon the tastes of the
ruling dynasties. It was beautiful by the Almoravids, Almohads and
Saadians, ignored by the Merenids, but found favour again under
Hassan II and Mohammed VI.” 1
1062: The Almoravids (a powerful Berber tribe led by Yusuf ben
Tashufin and his wife Zeinab) establishes the military and trading
outpost of Marra Kouch, which means “Land of the Kouch-men” 2 , kouch
was the name given to warriors with black complexion from modern
Mauritania. It is chosen for it’s strategic location between the desert,
mountains, sea and the Tensift river. A 5m high wall and ramparts
are then built around the encampment stretching 16km long, and an
innovative ‘khettara’ underground irrigation system is set up. Under
Tashufins watch, houses are built and a mosque is begun. Tashufin.
“Marrakech was the capital of the Almoravid Empire that covered a
vast area from Maghreb to Europe. Now, along with the Berber, the
Andalusia influence was born.” 3
Their location also gives them control of the Saharan trade routes and
this Islamic city becomes a launch pad for their conquests to North
Africa and Europe.
1147: Marrakech is laid siege to by the Almohads (Berber people).
This lasts for two years and eventually the Almovids are defeated. The
city is razed to the ground and all religious and civil buildings are
destroyed. Yacoub al-Mansour and his architects construct impressive
monuments, such as the Koutoubia and Kasbah Mosques, the Qissarias
(covered markets), and the Menara and Agdal Gardens, all of which
dominate today‘s Marrakech. The cities urban planning was designed
to reinvent Marrakesh as an Almohad Capital and Learning centre to
rival Fez and Scholars and philosophers of the time congregate in the
city.
1269: The Merenids (also Berber) take control over Marrakech
through strategic military manoeuvres. During their reign, Marrakesh
begins on a downward spiral and is reduced to its humble origins as
a provisional outpost and the northern city of Fes becomes the new
capital.
1274: Caravan routes are moved, depriving Marrakech of central
sources of income. This results in serous period of decline for the city‘s
economy.
1348: The bubonic plague strikes Mediterranean North Africa and
Merenid alliances and kingdoms crumble.
1498: A huge wave of European Muslims and Jews escape to find shelter
in Marrakech from the church inquisitions.
1549: Saadians take control over Marrakech and prosperity and
former grandeur returns. The new dynasty expands their territory
across the Sahara. This era also becomes a pinnacle time for Moroccan
crafts, attracting many artists and sculptures whose work can still be
seen today. The city also attracted many Islamic holy men who were
eventually buried within the city’s magnificent tombs.
22
“Sugar made life sweet again when the Saadians made Marrakesh the
focal point of their lucrative sugar trade route. Sultan Moulay Abdallah
created a Jewish quarter (the Mellah) outside the Kasbah in1558 and a
trading centre for Christians. With the processes, the Sultan rebuilt the
Almoravid Ali ben Youssef Mosque and Medersa. His successor, Ahmed
el-Mansour Eddahbi (the Victorious and Golden), had more worldly
ambitions, paving the Badi Palace with gold and precious stones, and
taking opulence to the grave with the sumptuous Saadian Tombs.” 4
End of 16th century: Marrakech is restored to former glory, and
becomes the culturally and economically leading city of Morocco. By the
turn of the century, Marrakech has about 60,000 inhabitants.
[1] Text source: Dorothy Stannard
& Charlie Sheperd, Insight Guides:
Marrakesh Step by Step, p 26.
[2] Looklex encyclopaedia http://
i-cias.com/e.o/marrakech.htm
(accessed 21/10/2009).
[3] Journey Beyond Travel http://
www.journeybeyondtravel.com/
travel/morocco-features/index_
files/marrakesh-history.html
(accesses 29/10/2009).
[4]
Alison
Bing,
Marrakech
Encounters, p 148.
[5]
Alison
Bing,
Marrakech
Encounters, p 149.
1668: Marrakech is captured by the sultan of the Alaouites. Once again
it falls into disrepair. Their second ruler, Moulay Ismail is a brutal
but effective ruler, reined for 55 years and ‘personally‘ killing 30,000
people.
Mid 1700’s: Mohammed III restores most of Marrakech. It remains
largely unchanged until 1917
Plan de Marrakech, 1935
www.lib.utexas.edu
(accessed 20.09.2009)
23
Roofscape Marrakech, 1912
Imafe
source:
Claude
Michel,
Marrakech d‘un Siecle a l‘Autre
(Paris: La Maison et la Rose, 2003).
[6] Andrew Humphreys, Top Ten
Marrakech.
“Marrakech entered its Wild West period, when big guns vied for
control over local trades in goods and slaves. Those who prevailed built
extravagant riads, but the Medina walls were left to crumble, once-grand
gardens filled with garbage and much of the population lived hand to
mouth in crowed fondouks (rooming houses).” 5
1866: Sultan Moulay Hassan builds the Bahia Palace, costing Marrakesh’s
tax payers a fortune.
1912: The French and Spanish Treaty of Fes makes Morocco France’s
protectorate, during this time the French start building a French-styled
‘new city’ outside the walls of the medina.
1918: Tribal warlord, Thami Elthe Glaoui (Pasha of Marrakech) is put into
the administration of the city under French protection with immunity to
do as he wishes. He rules for a bitter 37 years before succumbing to
cancer. “The self styled ‘Lord of the Atlas’, known for his cruel ways,
ruled the city with an iron fist. After the French withdrawal in 1955, the
citizens took to the streets against his regime.” 6
1956: With the coming of Moroccan independence, the exiled Sultan
Mohammed V returns to be crowed King. The Glaoua family is removed
from power and its wealth confiscated. With the new monarchy, the
capital was moved to Rabat.
1975: The Green march. 350,000 unarmed Moroccans claim the Spanish
Western Sahara for Morocco.
The 1990’s marked a new global popularity for Marrakesh as Europeans
became aware of its cheap property prices, leading to a boost in tourism
through high class hotels and budget holidays.
Today’s Marrakesh is still and important provincial city, rich in its Islamic
roots as well as European influences through its French occupation,
though at its core it is still very much a city of its ancient origins.
24
Marrakech Today and Demographics
Marrakech or Marrakesh, known as the ‘Red City‘, is Morocco’s third
largest city and has a population of 1,070,838, in as 2004. It is the
capital of the mid-southwestern economic region of Marrakech-TensiftAl Haouz.
Early estimates of the city’s population are extremely sketchy and range
from 20,000 in the late seventeenth century to about 50,000 – 70,000
inhabitants in the early twentieth century.
The growth of Marrakech can be broadly divided into three periods: first
the pre-protectorate period, which may be subdivided in the epochs
of the five dynasties that ruled the city from the end of the eleventh
century until the beginning of the twentieth century, second the period
of the protectorate from 1912 to 1956, and third the period since
independence.
Although Arabic speaking, the indigenous population of Marrakech is
almost entirely composed of Berber.
Marrakech Demographics
L‘Harmattan, 2001) p 32.
25
Marrakech
googleearth (accessed 19.09.2009)
26
27
Marrakech Urban Form
Medina Urban Growth
Environs Marrakech, 1915
Image source left: Claude Michel,
Text sources: Dorothy Stannard
and Charlie Shepherd, Insight Step
by Step Marrakesh (Singapore: APA
GmbH & Co., 2008) pp 31-51.
Paul Clammer et. al., Morocco
(Melbourne:
Lonely
Planet
Publications Pty Ltd, 2009) pp 296300.
Like most Arabic influenced urban forms, Marrakech has a walled old
part of the city, called the Medina. The city walls, dating back to around
1100, confined urban growth for almost 800 years. The Medina has a
typical layout of winding streets and courtyard buildings. The underlying
urban hierarchy is the outcome of adaptation and expansion.
Initial stages show a concentration around two areas. In the central
part of the Medina, neighbourhoods clustered around the area that is
nowadays known as the Souks or central market area. The diagrams
show the tanneries in the east as initially isolated, located at the edge
of the medina in the direction of the prevailing wind and close to a water
supply. As the population increased and the medina became denser the
rest of the city came into proximity with the tanneries and resorted to
built form to separate them from the undesirable industry.
The second area is around the main palace and the Kasbah in the south
of the Medina. The Kasbah is a densely settled area, directly connected
to functions of the palace. Whilst the streets around the Kasbah are as
warren-like as the Souks, houses in the south are built around these
dominant features while the rest of the city exists in more loosely
defined neighbourhoods. The growth diagrams (below) show a relatively
static urban form when compared to the craft focused north and east.
In between the two areas is an open area to the west, within the city walls.
This area connects with the Jama El Fna square to the settled part of the
Medina. It was the main trading ground for goods, a kind of harbour for the
city.
The west of the medina is also dominated by the Koutoubia mosque, begun
by the Almohad sultan Abdel Moumin in 1158 and completed by Yacoub
el Mansour. The surrounding parks and gardens have created the lowest
density within the medina.
In first part of the 20th century, Marrakech expanded mainly towards
the north-west and south-east beyond the boundaries of the Medina. The
image two the right shows Gueliz in its very initial stages in 1915, with
rough outlines of radiating streets. Such an urban form was common
in French colonies, since the mid 19th century. To the south-east is the
urban area of Sidi Youssef Ben Ali. It is often referred to as a Modern
Medina. Slightly unplanned, it expands the Medina‘s urban form.
28
29
Marrakech Urban Growth
Image Source: Richard Stevenson
Marrakech Urban Areas
Image source right: Brian Mallon
In the second half of the 20th century, Marrakech grow considerably
with increasing speed, dwarfing the old Medina in relationship (see
growth map above).
Main recent urban developments are located towards the west and north
east. Four areas have a distinct character and dynamic (see area map to
the right).
Gueliz marked the beginning to much larger expansions. The French
planning of axis, squares and radiant streets gave a certain structure
to adjacent urban areas. To the west of Gueliz is the main station and
station area. Furthermore, a small mountain ridge gives this part of the
city topographical and formal identity.
To the south-east is Menara Airport. Rapid urban expansion is sprawling
around the airport site. Developments are largely commercial and
apartment based.
In the north is the Palmeraie. It is a palm grove and forms a natural
boundary for the city. In recent years, urban expansion is pushing against
this unique and original landscape. Also here, urban developments are
largely commercial and apartment based. Nevertheless, some smaller
villages and informal settlements have been pre-existing and contrast
more recent developments.
To the north-east is the Circuit de Palmeraie a very low density urban area
with large villas and urban plots. It is evidence of very sharp contrasting
social inequalities in Marrakech.
Marrakech is growing very little towards the east and south-east.
Nevertheless, formal and informal urban developments have expanded
the city on a small scale. The area of Sidi Youssef Ben Ali continued
growing, but has distinct boundaries nowadays.
30
31
Medina of Marrakech as a UNESCO World Heritage Site
Date of Inscription: 1985
Criteria: (i)(ii)(iv)(v)
Property : 1107.0000 ha
Province of Marrakesh
N31 37 53.004 W7 59 12.012
Ref: 331
[1,2] UNESCO World Heritage
Source: whc.unesco.org/en/list/331
(accessed 26.11.2009)
[3,4] ICOMOS Report on the Medina
of Marrakech, 1984.
(accessed 26.11.2009)
Image source to the right:
MA-331unesco whc.unesco.org
(accessed 26.11.2010)
“To be included on the World Heritage List, sites must be of outstanding
universal value and meet at least one out of ten selection criteria.
These criteria are explained in the Operational Guidelines for the
Implementation of the World Heritage Convention.“ 1
“Selection criteria:
i. to represent a masterpiece of human creative genius;
ii. to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of
time or within a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture
or technology, monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design;
iii. to bear a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural
tradition or to a civilization which is living or which has disappeared;
iv. to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural
or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant
stage(s) in human history;
v. to be an outstanding example of a traditional human settlement,
land-use, or sea-use which is representative of a culture (or cultures), or
human interaction with the environment especially when it has become
vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change;
vi. to be directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions,
with ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding
universal significance. (The Committee considers that this criterion
should preferably be used in conjunction with other criteria)“ 2
ICOMOS
The justification of ICOMOS (International Council On Monuments
and Sites in 1984) clarifies the world heritage status of The Medina of
Marrakech.
Recommendation - “That the cultural property be included on the World
Heritage List on the basis of criteria I, II, IV, and V.“ 3
Justification - “Marrakesh was founded in 1071 - 1072 by Youssef ben
Tachfin on the site of the camp which Abou Bekr had left him in charge
of. From that point forward, Marrakesh was no longer an occasional
stopping place for the Almoravides. It became the true capital of these
conquering nomads when succeeded in stretching their empire from the
Sahara to the Ebro and from the Atlantic to the Kabylia.
The original layout of the medina dates back to the Almoravide priod from
which there still remain various monumental vestiges (ruins of the socalled Abou Bekr Kasbah, of the Youssef ben Tachfin mosque and those
fo the Ali ben Youssef palace, not far from the Koutoubia, the pool and
the ‘koubba‘ of the Ali ben Youssef mosque which were discovered in
1955 and the Bab Aylan gate, etc). The walls of the medina were built in
1126-1127 following the order five by Ali ben Youssef. The planting of the
palm groves which at present still covers a surface area of roughly 13.000
hectares to the east of the city, has also been credited to the Almoravides.“4
32
33
“When in 1147 this dynasty bowed to the attacks of the Almohades
which were led by Abd el Mou‘men, the task of purification which was
carried out did not spare the monuments which, for most part were
destroyed by the victors. Nevertheless, Marrakesh remained the capital.
Under the Almohade rulers (1147-1269), Marrakesh experienced new
and unprecedented prosperity.
Between 1147-1158, Abd el Mou‘men had the Koutoubia mosque built
upon the ruins of the Almoravide foundations. Its incomparable 77
meter high minaret, a key monument of Muslim architecture, is one of
the major features of the cityscape and is the actual symbol of the city.
The ruler‘s successors, Abou Yacoub Youssef and especially Yacoub el
Mansour, were the ones who truly renovated the capital. They built new
quarters, extended the city wall, fortified the Kasbah (1185-1190) which
was a prolongation of the city to the south with its own ramparts and
gates (Bab Agnou, Bab Robb), its mosque, its palace, its market, its
hospital, its parade-ground and its gardens. These leaders strenghened
their control over their domains by planting crops (Menara to the west)
and by civil engineering achievements the best known of which are the
Tensift bridge and the kettara network (underground water channels) in
the palm groves.
The decline of Marrakesh, which began during the conquest of the
city by the Merinides in 1269, never went beyond the point of no
return, as illustrated by a number of non-negligible constructions (Ben
Salih mosque and minaret, not long after 1321). The re-birth of the
capital under the reign of the Saadian rulers (1510-1659) led to a new
blossoming of arts, a fact which is borne out by the ruins of the el Badi
Palace and teh Saadian tombs, whose precious architecture is isolated
from the rest of the Kasbah by a wall. Some of the elements making
up these refined and sumptuous constructions came from afar, such
as the marble columns from Carrara which Montaigne observed being
cut in Tuscany ‘for the king of Morocco in Berberia‘. also dating back
to the Saadian period are the restoration of the Ben Youssef Maderasa
and the building of several fountains decorated with gypsum work and
woodwork (Mouassine, Chrob ou Chouf and Bab Doukkala Fountains).
Under the reign of the Alaouite dynasty Marrakesh, the temporary capital,
was graced with new mosques, maderasas, palaces and residence which
were harmoniously integrated into the homogenous unit of the old town
which was surrounded by ten kilometres of clay and lime beaten cob
ramparts. Beyond the walls were the great traditional areas of greenery:
the palm groves, the Menara and, to the south, the Agdal gardens which
were re-designed by Moulay Abd er Rahman (1822-1859).
ICOMOS Proposal
After having reviewed the file presented by the Kingdom of Morocco,
ICOMOS welcomes the opportunity to examine a proposal which makes
such a rich addition to the World Heritage List. The inclusion of such a
proposal is fully justified on the basis of criteria I, II, IV and V.
Criterion I. Marrakech possesses an impressive number of architectural
and artistic master pieces (monumental ramparts and gates, Koutoubia,
Saadian tombs) each of which alone would justify inclusion on the List.
34
Criterion II. The capital of the Almoravides and the Almohades played a
decisive role in the development of medieval urban planning. Fez, the
capital of the Merinides, which was included in the World Heritage List
in 1981, is an adoption of the older urban model of Marrakesh.
Criterion IV. Marrakesh - which gave its name to the Moroccan Empire
- is a textbook example of a large Islamic capital in the Western World.
Criterion V. With its maze of narrow streets, its houses, its souks
(markets), founduks, its traditional crafts and trade activities, its medina
of 700 hectares, this ancient habitat, which has become vulnerable due
to population growth, constitutes an eminent example of a vibrant
historic city.
In view of the exceptional value of the property presented, of the
critical situation of recent years, but also of the growing awareness
demonstrated by the development plans drawn up in 1981 and the
formation of a safeguard association in 1985, ICOMOS would like to
make the following comments and recommendations:
1) As for the ramparts which have an obvious intrinsic value, all of the
passages cut in the ramparts recently for traffic purposes should be
eliminated and no construction should take place in their immediate
proximity (the Bab Doukkala bus station detracts from the beauty of the
old town).
2) As for the medina strictly speaking where deterioration of the habitat
is already well under way (gradual disappearance of gardens which are
replaced by constructions, the building of overhanging structures in the
streets, cutting of windows, replacement of traditional style gates with
metal curtains etc.) protection measures of a more permanent nature
must be adopted and brought together in a specifications.
3) As for the surrounding of Marrakesh: bearing in mind the positive
indications contained in the development plans, the undivided attention
of the relevant authorities should be focused upon the need to protect
the vegetation in the palm groves, the Menara and in the Bab Djedid
adn Agdal gardens. Any poorly thought out changes in these zones
(opening of roads, building of detached houses and residences, or
infrastructure facility works, etc.) would of the short term, irreversibly
modify the appearance of Marrakesh, thereby depriving the city of its
unique historical and ecological context.”1
[1] ICOMOS Report on the Medina of
Marrakech, 1984.
(accessed 26.11.2009)
UNESCO - Committee: Report of 9th Session, Paris 1985
“Morocco 331 The Medina of Marrakesh C (i)(ii) (iv)(v)
The Committee recommended that the Moroccan authorities ensure that
Marrakesh conserve its exceptional character as a fully preserved historic
town. In this connection it would be advisable to avoid any breaching of
the ramparts, to protect carefully the medina and especially the facades
[...] of its buildings and its gardens, and also to ensure the protection of
the surroundings of Marrakesh, in particular the palm grove, the Menara
and the gardens of Bab Djedid, by strictly enforcing the management
plan adopted in 1981.”2
[2] UNESCO Report of the 9th Session,
Paris 1985
repcom85 UNESCO year 1985
(accessed 26.11.2009)
35
36
37
Medina
The medina of Marrakech was founded as the capital of the Almoravid
dynasty on the crossroads of trading routes. A whole series of distinct
architectural and urban are the expression of a very distinct form of
living.
City Wall
The entire central area of Marrakech is enclosed within tall solid walls,
finished with local red mud.
The city walls date from the 1120s when, under threat of attack
from the Almohads of the south, the ruling Almoravid sultan, Ali Ben
Youssef decided to encircle his garrison town with fortifications. The
walls he had built were up to 9 m high and formed a circuit of 10 km ,
punctuated by some 200 towers and 20 gates. Despite changes made
in the 20th century to accommodate motor vehicles, the walls remain
largely unchanged.
Marrakech‘s walls are often full of square holes. The main reasons
for these perforations are to control the ventilation of the city. The
city is protected from the strong winds and at the same time has a
sophisticated medieval air-conditioning system.
Walking a circuit around the outside of the walls can be tiring and
unpleasant as they are edged by major roads.
38
Bab er-Robb, plan and section
Marrakech wall and gardens
Image source left page: Wilbaux
Quentin, La Medina de Marrakech
(Paris: L‘Harmattan, 2001).
City wall to the west
Image source left page: Wilbaux
Quentin (2001) p 168.
City wall and gates 1912
City wall contemporary use
Image source left: Claude Michel,
Text sources: Marrakesh City Walls
www.virtualtourist.com/travel/Africa
(accessed 23.10.2009)
Marrakech-Touch the History of
Morocco Today
www.rhodeschoolofcuisine.com/
moroccan (accessed 23.10.2009)
Marrakech: City Walls and Gates
traveldk.com/marrakech
(accessed 23.10.2009)
39
Djemma El Fna Square
‘Without the Djemaa el Fna, Marrakesh
would become just another Moroccan
city‘
Paul Bowles.
Djemaa el Fna is considered to
be a ‘Masterpiece of the oral and
intangible heritage of humanity’ as
described in the UNESCO list.
Djema El Fna Square
Image credit on the right page:
www.fineartamerica.com
www.api.ning.com
(accessed) 20.09.2009
The Djemaa el Fna square is the focal point of the city of Marrakesh,
providing a large public open space amongst the souks and alleyways
of the old Medina district. The square is situated with the souks running
along the east boundary, where the traditional North African food
market is situated. The west edge is lined with cafes and hotels. Banks,
the Central Post Office and Police Station are also all located around the
square (see plan).
The square seems to have played its present role since the city’s earliest
days. Historically it has provided a space for political and religious
protests and riots, which lead to the square being once closed down and
the activities moved out of the city walls. This plan proved unpopular
both with tourists, and removed an important social meeting place in the
city, as well as eliminating a perhaps necessary expression of the past.
The translation of ‘Djemaa el Fna’ remains in question. In Arabic it
means ‘assembly of the dead’ which could relate to the executions
which took place there in the past. Though ‘djemaa’ also translates as
mosque which could be perceived as ‘place of vanished mosque’, this
is explained as there is an abandoned Saadian plan to build a grand
mosque on the site.
During the day the square is a market inhabited by orange juice stalls
(though Christoph recommends against), snake charmers and acrobats. It
is during the evening/ night the main crowds gather to take in the ‘carnival’
atmosphere, listening and watching the musicians, storytellers, dancing
boys (chleuh). While after-dark people dine at the vast range of food stalls.
The square, even though it is expressed as an important factor for
tourism, apart from the snake charmers looking for photographs the
square has done little to compromise itself for outsiders. This keeps the
atmosphere, charm and traditions of the square very much un-touched.
The story tellers and dancers attract more local Moroccan men than
tourist so it is very much a focal point of the city for its inhabitants both
socially and in terms of entertainment.
40
41
Souks
Souks of Marrakech
Image source: Wilbaux Quentin,
Souks of Marrakech
www.panoramio.com
(accessed 30.10.2009)
Marrakech has extensive souks (equivalent Iranian term is Bazaar).
According to dictionary definition, a souk is a market, part of a market,
alley way or part of a square devoted to specific crafts or goods. They
are a common build form amongst the Arabic influenced world.
Often, they are not purposely built markets, but covered streets and
public roads that got turned into public markets.
Different souks specialise in different products and they are sub-divided
into areas with specific uses and different “clients”. The souks are
divided by categories or crafts. As shown on the map below there are 4
main crafts, Textile Shoes (Cuir), Metal (Metaux), and Plants (Vegetal).
Some people enjoy the hassle or the experience and some others that
actually that need to be there.
42
43
Wekala and Funduk in North Africa
In his book Arabic-Islamic Cities, Besim Selim Hakim describes these
building typologies and functions mainly for Tunisia as a typical North
African example. Terms and meanings may slightly vary in Marrakech.
Wekala
“Wekala - The term is a relatively recent version of the much older
Kaysariyya. It was originally the name of a large system of public buildings
laid out in the form of cloisters with shops, workshops, warehouses and
frequently rooms for accommodation. According to some historians the
Kaysariyya was originally distinguished from the Suq (Iranian term is
Bazaar) by having covered galleries around an open courtyard, while
Suq consists only of a single gallery. In recent times the term Kaysariyya
has an identical meaning to the Persian Karawansaray or Caravanserai,
which first came into use in the tenth century AH/ sixteenth century
AD.
Of interest is the usage of the word Kaysariyya in Egypt, where some
historians believe that the concept of this facility originated in Alexandria
which was especially rich in covered market places and halls. In Cairo
al-Makrizi, in his description of the city, indicates a large number of
Kaysariyyas. The term Wekala gradually replaced Kaysariyya.
[1, 2] Text source: Besim Selim
Hakim, Arabic-Islamic Cities (London:
Routledge, 1986) pp 84-85.
Interiour of Funduks - Image
source below www.marocantan.com
(accessed 30.05.2010)
Image source right lh5.ggpht.com
(accessed 30.05.2010)
Two types of Wekala: The merchants Wekala which is usually a two-storey
structure planned around a courtyard. It is designed to accommodate
travelling businessmen or merchants, particularly from other Muslim
regions, for the export-import business.
The workers’s Wekala which is designed to accommodate male immigrant
workers from distance towns or villages... The buildings are also two
storey structures, but with both floors allocated for rooms. The gate of
the building is left shut and unlike the merchant’s Wekala, it’s privacy
is valued”1
Funduk
“Funduk or Fundouk - This term is particularly used in North Africa to
denote a hostelry where foreign - non Muslim - merchants, would lodge
to display and sell their products. The equivalent term of Persian origin,
in the eastern regions of the Islamic world, is Kahn. These hostelries are
planned around a courtyard, where the ground floor is generally used
to house the animals (camels and/or horses from the caravan) and when
necessary, for storage of merchandise until the consignee takes delivery
of it. On the upper floor (usually there is only one or maximum two),
small rooms face a surrounding gallery for access where merchants are
accommodated. The main gate to the building is large enough to allow
fully loaded animals to pass through. This, in fact, is a distinguishing
exterior feature of the Funduk as compared to the Wekala.
In the middle ages it often occurred that in cities open to international
trade, Funduks were places at the disposal of European merchants on a
‘national’ basis. For example, in Tunis there was one for the French, in
Cairo on for the Venetians, and so on. In general Funduk belonged to
the administration of religious estates (Hubus or Awkaf) which rented
them to various merchants or artisans, or to a concessionaire in the
case of a hostelry. Funduks for storage or workshops are found in the
industrial or trading quarters, while Funduks functioning as hostelries
are usually located near the main gates of the city.”2
44
45
Streets and Derbs
There are two very contrasting styles evident in the modern Marrakech.
The old town within the city walls is the Medina where the urban structure
is dense and seemingly chaotic. The newer parts, Guilez, Ville Nouvelle
and Hivernage, adopt a much more open and grandeur scale, influenced
by the French.
The former style of architecture and urbanism is quite typical of North
African cities and the Middle East. With the dominant religion being
Islam, the cities were very much constructed around specific beliefs and
their own culture. The convoluted paths and seemingly chaotic nature of
the streetscape was intended to subdivide space into relative quarters.
Medieval European towns were equally devoid of right angles and
through streets; they also were subdivided into potentially organisable
subpockets. Nevertheless, they are quite different in physical pattern
and were quite different in social organisation from the medieval Arab
City.
[1] Text source: J. McGuinness,
Footprint Marrakech & the High Atlas
Handbook, First Edition, Footprint
handbooks (2001) p 275.
[2] P.Clammer et al, Morocco, Lonely
Planet (Feb 2009) p 295.
[3] J Abu-Lughod, “The Islamic City:
Historic Myths, Islamic Essence,
and
Contemporary
Relevance”,
International Journal of Middle East
Studies (1987) cited in R T LeGates
& F Stout, The City Reader, (Third
Edition, 2003), Routledge P. 176.
[4] G T. Petherbridge, The house
society,
cited
in
G.
Mitchell,
Architecture of the Islamic world,
(Thames and Hudson, 1978).
Islamic villages, towns and cities rarely conform to the geometric
symmetry of urban planning that is characteristic of cultures who
conceive their settlements as images of an ordered cosmos, a
cosmological diagram. However, Islamic settlements are neither
fortuitous nor amorphous in their organisation, and reveal a consistent
underlying order of hierarchical sequences of access and enclosure
responding to patterns of social intercourse an allegiance particular
in Islamic society.
The main public areas of the town are those of the central bazaars,
lined with open booths and workshops, with associated major mosques,
caravanserais, cafes and hammams. this is the domain of men, with the
emphasis on accessibility and unrestricted contact. Off the wider bazaar
street, usually bordered by relatively low buildings, branch the central
streets of the different quarters, bordered by buildings taller than those
of the commercial centre; off these streets, in turn, branch the narrow,
blank-walled alleys and cul-de-sac, or so called derbs, onto which open
the doorways of individual dwellings.
Streets in the Medina
Le Derb de Tizougarine
Image
source
above:
Wilbaux
(Paris: L‘Harmattan, 2001) p 78.
Souks, Derbs and covered Derbs
Image source right page
(accessed 30.10.2009):
www.pbase.com
www.pbase.com
www.back2mine.net
The medina in Marrakech is famed for its labyrinth of streets, winding its
way from residential quarters and eventually leading to the main square
(Djemaa el-fna). The visitor to Morocco quickly has to learn to navigate
through the narrow streets of the medina or old towns to reach the
monument or museum to be visited. Today’s visitor will immediately be
struck by the external walls in pisé (sundried clay, gravel and lime mix).
Disorientation due to narrow alleys and high walls sets in later, perhaps
after leaving the main souks.
The Médina of Morocco do however obey a logic, satisfying architectural
requirements arising from climatic and religious factors. The climate is
hot in summer, but often very cold in winter. In the coastal towns, damp
ocean mists roll in, while inland there are hot summer winds from the
South. The city therefore has to provide protection from this climate, and
networks of narrow streets are the ideal solution. Streets could be narrow
as there was no wheeled transport, there being plenty of back animals
for carrying goods around. and narrow streets also ensured that precious
building land within the city walls was not wasted.
From the moment you arrive in Marrakech, you’ll get the distinct feeling
you’ve left something behind – a toothbrush or socks, maybe? But no, what
you’ll be missing in Marrakech is predictability and all sense of direction.
46
Never mind: you’re better off without them here. Marrakesh is too packed
with mind-boggling distractions and labyrinth alleyways to adhere to
boring linear logic. If you did have a destination, you’d only be waylaid by
snake charmers, out of control donkey carts, trendy silver leather poufs
and ancient berber cures for everything from relationships to rent.
The New City
The newer parts to Marrakech are built in a very contrasting way, the
streets are formed in a ordered and designed manner, wide avenues and
boulevards are lined with trees and give a sense of grandeur. The plan
of the new city is influenced by the French. The contemporary Moroccan
city is very much an early 20th century achievement, the work of two far
sighted people, Marechal Lyautey and urban planner Henri Prost.
Prost’s plan was characterized by a number of features that seemed
particularly adaptable to the Moroccan context. Old walls were not
demolished and re-used as redevelopment land, but kept as part of a
buffer zone between old and new. The new areas had large open spaces
planted with regular rows of trees, while a system of avenues within the
city enhanced existing monumental buildings and linked in to a system
of highways leading in and out of the city. The crucial point on which
Prost focused was the preservation of the aesthetic face of the city without
totally cutting it off from new forms of transport and infrastructure.
Spatial Diversity
The contrasting styles give Marrakech a distinct spatial experience;
the dense network of streets create dark and narrow light conditions,
sometimes sharp light cascades down through to the street at other times
light is filtered through covered streets. Streets seem unordered and side
streets may often lead to dead ends. The visitor often enters the Medina
excited and eventually leaves relieved that they were able to make out
the other side. In contrast to this the new city areas are open, bathed in
sunshine and feel like a whole new world. Wide boulevards allow for traffic
and wide paths.
47
Public Space - Islamic Planning Principles
[1,3] Text source: Besim Selim
Routledge, 1986) pp 146-152.
[2] Text source: Besim Selim Hakim,
Arabic-Islamic
Cities
(London:
Routledge, 1986) p 21 ff.
For public and also for private urban space, Islamic planning principles
are based on the need to mediate between individual and collective
interests. This is very similar to Western planning law.
Streets and Minimum Width
Image source below: After Besim
Selim Hakim, Arabic-Islamic Cities
(London: Routledge, 1986) p 21 ff.
Image to the right: Medina www.
flickr.com (accessed 26.11.2009)
Image following page right: C. Hadrys
According to the book Arabic-Islamic Cities by Besim Selim Hakim2
(following descriptions), there are two classifications of streets:
“Do not harm others or yourself, and others should not harm you or
themselves” Ahmad and Ibn Majah (Selected Saying of the Prophet)1
1. The Shari or Tariq Nafidh, which defines an open and continuous street.
2. The Derb or Cul-de-sac for streets with a dead end, which is not public
and belongs to residents of the street in a co-ownership
Streets - General guidelines
Width - This rule was established by the Prophet and states the width of
a public street of 7 cubits (3.23-3.50m). For streets of the primary use of
cattle and sheep it should be 20 cubits. If one is not sure of the usage of
a passage way, it should be handed over to the residents to decide.
“If you disagree about the width of a street, make it seven cubits” AbuHurairah (Selected Saying of the Prophet)3
Height - The height of a street is depending on the height of a fully
loaded camel with a rider, or in a case of a woman travelling, with a riding
box. This rule was agreed between Fuqaha (religious teachers) and has
been tested in different regions of the Islamic world.
List of things, which are not allowed in streets
• Planting of a tree in a public way
• Building columns or pillars in a public way
• Obstructing the movement on a street for storage of items such as
wood, food and various loads. Unloading is allowed as long as it does
not cause any problem for pedestrians.
• Keeping animals on a street for a long time with harming noise levels
• Slaying of an animal in front of a butcher’s shop in the Suq area and
polluting the street with blood. It is only allowed with the butcher’s
permission.
• Throwing garbage and items in the street, which might cause problems
for pedestrians to move, such as watermelon skins, spraying water.
• Drainage and water outlets in narrow streets (less than 7 cubits), which
causes splashing on the pedestrians. This is allowed in wider streets.
• Sweeping has to be done by all the residents of the street. If water leaks
to the street from a house, it is the owner’s duty to resolve the problem.
48
49
Derbs or Cul-de-Sac - General guidelines
Width
4 cubits (1.84-2.00m) or narrower, depending on the purpose and
decisions of the first residents of the street. A fully loaded camel should
be able to pass through the street without any problem.
Height
Follows the restrictions of Sabats (air right structure over a street), with
the minimum height being approximately 7 cubits (3.23-3.50m).
Guidelines for the Use of Derbs
The cul-de-sac is owned by all the residents on a shared basis. To enhance
privacy, each entrance door to a house is offset to the opposite door.
Every matter, which affects the nature and usage of the street, should be
discussed in the group.
Every resident is entitled to enter the street from its entrance (mouth to
the Derb). In the case of someone living at the end of the cul-de-sac, he is
allowed to move his door forward and create a Driba to his house, if it is
not obstructing other doors. This movement is only possible in only one
direction that is from the end towards the entrance.
The houses at the entrance of the street, who have their main entrance on
the public road, can have a side door opening to the cul-de-sac, and use
it in case of an emergency.
Related Street Elements – Al Fina
The term Al Fina describes the internal courtyard of a house and also
the exterior space immediately next to the external wall of the house.
Regarding the Caliph Omar b. Al-Khattab, the use of the Finas belong
to their owners and can be used for sitting, parking of animals and
temporary street sellers to place and sell their products.
Finas should not be integrated into the adjacent buildings and should not
be walled around.
Recognizing the width of a Fina
• Splashing of the rainwater from the drainage pipes should occur within
the boundaries of the Fina.
• In a case of closely adjacent building or in a small square or cul-de-sac,
Finas are jointly shared and one person’s use should not disable the
use for the other ones.
Policing of planning regulations
The Arabic-Islamic city had a self-policing system in terms of informing
the authorities of any unlawful activities or any wrong actions being done
on a city scale. Any passer-by or neighbour could alert the authorities, in
a case of not obeying the general rules or of harm. In Tunis there were
cases of sending a consultant of a ruler to observe the city and report
back to the ruler of any unlawful actions (14th century, Kadi Abdul-Rafi).
50
51
Dar and Riad Houses
Historically the courtyard house is probably one of the oldest known
urban house types in the western hemisphere. Three factors seem to
have contributed to the popularity of this housing format over the years:
first the relatively economical use of land, as this house type does not
require large building sites; second, the courtyard house guarantees,
even in crowded urban conditions, maximum security and privacy; and
third this house type, which frequently has a planted courtyard, is well
adapted to the hot conditions of hot, dry climates.
Today the Moroccan urban population distinguishes between two types
of courtyard house: the dar which has a small paved courtyard (oust-addar), and its larger counterpart, the raid, which always has an interior
garden. In basic layout and organization these two house types are
very similar. However compared with the dar, the riad has on average
more rooms, better quality finish, and more expensive furniture. It goes
without saying that the inhabitants of a riad usually belong to the upper
income groups.
All the rooms open onto the central courtyard or garden. The rooms
are usually long and narrow, their width being determined by the length
of timber beams available on the local building material market for the
construction of roofs and/or ceilings. The position of the various types
of rooms grouped around the courtyard are fairly uniform. The main
living, sleeping, and reception rooms are always placed alongside the
courtyard or interior garden, while the corners of the house are reserved
for such rooms as kitchens, stores, toilets, bathrooms, entrance halls,
and staircases. The plane, nearly windowless elevations of most houses
that face the narrow alleyways or streets contrast pleasantly with the
enchanting atmosphere of their interiors. In Marrakech, as in many
other traditional Moroccan cities, courtyard houses vary greatly in size
and appearance, but their basic characteristics are always the same.
House pattern of Marrakech
Text and Image (right page) Source:
Schwerdtfeger Friedrich, Traditional
Housing in African Cities (Wiley &
Sons: Chichester, 1982) pp 215 ff.
52
53
Overlooking and Privacy
Besim S. Hakim outlines issues of privacy in the book Arabic-Islamic Cities.
“The Qur‘an teaches the virtues and importance of privacy, the right to
it, and respect of it. The family is the main concern in visual privacy,
particularly the importance of protecting female members from the
eyes of male strangers. Accordingly, a context that facilitates visual
overlooking is considered harmful and is therefore an offence in Muslim
law, and must be avoided.” 1
Arabic-Islamic
Cities
(London:
Routledge, 1986) p 33.
[1-6] Text source: Besim Selim
Routledge, 1986) pp 172 ff.
“Muslim Architecture which features “High density and Low/medium
rise character with narrow twisting lanes and exterior building façades
with minimal openings which are typical of the Muslim community
throughout history. The introverted aspect of the individual dwellings
is manifested in both the courtyard and the roof terrace which facilitate
the maintenance of privacy for family life which is so important to
Muslim tradition. The large interior courtyards found in most dwellings
emphasize the “inward” character of these dwellings as well as the
necessary accommodation to climate conditions” 2.
Image below to the left, courtyard in
the Dar Touyir and to the right Riad
Sahara Nour. Image credit C. Hadrys.
“Protection of neighbours‘ privacy, as well as that of the building
residents, was of prime concern. Design of window and door openings
was expected to pay due respect to the privacy of surrounding buildings.
Direct visual corridors into the private domains of others were avoided.
For example, doors were not situated directly across from one another
and no windows overlooked a yard or roof terrace. For security reason
openings in traditional buildings are restricted to doors at street level
and small slot or square windows above eye level.” 3
54
Entrance Door
“When opening a door on a street or thoroughfare there are three main
conditions such as: a) the street is 7 cubits or more wide b) the door
does not overlook on the neighbour’s skifa (entry room) c) it is aside
from the opposite door at an adequate distance unless the street is wide
enough to obstruct attention.“ 4
When entering a private house, a direct view into the courtyard is
intentionally obstructed, to preserve a higher level of privacy within the
house. The entrance space (Skifa) off-sets access to a courtyard due to
its zigzag shape.
Windows
Houses have very few windows onto the street within the Medina. Quite
often they are just small openings. Besim Selim Hakim outlines one
main principle concerning the positioning of windows. “The sill height
should be above eye level of a person on the street to ensure a passer
by, with no harmful intention, has not got a view inward.” 5
Courtyards
Traditionally, rooms are centred around private courtyards and have
windows and doors onto them. Here, the room interiors are a lot more
exposed and private life is shared on various levels. Nevertheless, many
courtyard houses are overcrowded, nowadays and several families
share a dar or riad within the Medina. The immediate juxtaposition
and adjacency perverts the system of privacy, contributing to the
unpopularity of courtyard houses amongst people in Marrakech. Often
apartment buildings that open onto a street are more popular, offering
less exposure.
Image above: Besim Selim Hakim,
Arabic-Islamic Cities (London: Routledge, 1986) pp 24-26.
Roofs
“Every roof of a house that is actively used has to be screened with
parapets to prevent overlooking the private domain of neighbors. Refer
to image to the right, the cluster of houses on the right show adequate
screening, on the left though the roofs are of a row of shops, which are
not used thus they do not require any screening.
In the event of a new building there are limitations regarding the roof
access, which should not face the neighbours. In both events there is no
limitation for the height of the parapet.” 6
Robert Sterq from Dar Touyir wrote on the 07.11.2009: “The roof terrace
is a ‘private space‘ but as ‘open space‘ has a ‘public space‘ behaviour
status... Each Medina‘s Derb (street) is a kind of little village. Our guests
will be, de facto, short time members of this little community. Please
respect non written social and moral rules.“
55
Dwelling in Islamic Context
Arabic-Islamic
Cities
(London:
Routledge, 1986) pp 146 ff.
Besim Selim Hakim outlines ‘Selected Sayings of the Prophet’ in relation
to Islamic planning principles in his book Arabic-Islamic Cities 1. Most
of them are of practical nature and one can find them in some form also
in Western planning.
Images to the right, from the roof of
Riad Sahara Nour by Andrew Ozioro
at night, 2009.
Settlement and Squatting - “Somebody who gives life to a dead land can
claim it, and no tyrant has rights to it.” Abu Dawood and al-Darqetni via
Ben Zubair
Privacy - “If a man pushes aside a curtain and looks inside without
permission, he has then reached a point which he is not allowed to
reach” Ahmad and al-Termedhi
Neighbours - “Do you know the rights of the neighbour... you must not
build to exclude the breeze from him, unless you have his permission...”
Ibn Adi and al-Kharati
Party Walls - “A neighbour should not forbid his neighbour to insert
wooden beams in his wall” Abu Hurairah
Ornamentation and Rendering - “God did not order us to cover stone or
clay” Muslim via Zaid Ben Khalid al-Juhaini via Abu Talha al-Ansari
56
57
58
Typology Study by Brian Mallon MA UD
59
Hammam
[1] Text source: Robert Owen Allsop,
The Turkish Bath (1890).
Hamam Interior
Imges source right page: Martin Dow,
The Islamic Baths of Palestine (British
School of Archaeology in Jerusalem,
Oxford University Press, 1996), p 25,
p 59 and p 61.
Hammam al-Basha in Palestine
A. Summer undressing room
C. Winter undressing room
E. Washing room
D. Warm washing room
G. Four side chamber, containing
water basin
H. Hot room
Hammam is the Arabic term for steam bath (means ‘to heat‘), which
can be categorised relatively as sauna in western culture. They are the
ultimate place to relax, Massage and cleanse the body. Turkish bath is
another similar version of the oriental hammam, but most prominent to
European minds .
Hammams are an important part of Moroccan culture. Apart from their
socio-cultural meanings, they also have important therapeutic benefits;
professional masseurs work in them and can help your body make the
transition from the hot to cold baths.
Initially, hammams were reserved only for the upper class of Moroccan
society. Nowadays, people from all social groups use them.
Social/Cultural Aspects of Hammam
Most hammams were located in densely populated areas near the
local bazaar with its local mosque. Often they were constructed on the
grounds of Madrasas or hospitals supported by a “waqf” (endowment for
financing religious institutions).
The main reason why hammams became an integral part of mainly
Islamic cultures was religion. According to the Koran, washing is not
only an important, as cleanliness is an essential prerequisite of religious
activities. ‘Minor ablutions‘ must be performed before each of the five
daily prayers, and ‘major ablutions‘ are de rigour after disease, sexual
intercourse, and other defilements.
Gradually, hammam became a social place to meet and interact rather
than a place for Washing. It was intimately bound up with everyday life,
a place where people of every rank, rich and poor could come freely.
Women as well as men made use of the hammam, although of course
at separate hours. Hammams were among places where women could
socialize in their restricted lives outside the closed doors of their houses.
Even the most wealthy women, who had their own private hammams in
their houses, dropped by the hammam in their district once a month.
As mentioned previously hammams were also a means of finding a
partner. Mothers asked friends if they knew any suitable girls for their
sons, or even checked the girls out while they were bathing. Young
girls sometimes deliberately showed themselves off in hammams for
this very reason. Then there were “wedding hammams,” just before the
wedding, which resembled modern bachelor parties. Women generally
are accompanied by their children, a relative or a friend and they take
their own utensils. Men also are with somebody, but carrying fewer
luggage. The hammam is an appropriate place for introducing children
in sexual education and familiarizing them with their own body.
Hamam Structure and Shape
Traditional hammams were built with mud-brick lined with tadelakt
(hard polished limestone plaster, which traps moisture).
A typical hamam consists of three interconnected basic rooms similar
to its Roman ancestors:
1. The sicaklik (or hararet -caldarium) which is the hot room (H)
2. The warm room tepidarium, which is the intermediate room (D)
3. The sogukluk which is the cool room (A+C)
60
These rooms are surrounded by other separated spaces for dressing,
massage, relaxation, and refreshment. The sicaklik usually has a large
dome decorated with small glass windows that create a half-light; it also
contains a large marble stone at the centre that the customers lie on,
and niches with fountains in the corners. This room is for soaking up
steam and is the coolest room in the whole building.
The warm room is used for washing up with soap and water and the
sogukluk is to relax, dress up, have a refreshing drink, sometimes tea,
and where available, nap in private cubicles after the massage.
In old ‘medinas“ (cities), old hammams still keep into operation some
of those baths of traditional architecture, which are entirely covered by
tiles (‘zei-lig“), with a central fountain through which the water flows.
The modern ones are simpler, although some of them want to imitate
the same craft characteristics. They consist of three main rooms that
gradually immerse the bather into different temperatures environments,
which are higher each time. In the last room, a little reservoir receives a
boiling and a cold water stream that make to overflow the level of it.
Therapeutic Effects
The Hammam draws on the benefits of steam and sweat. The act of
sweating will improve physical strength:
1. To cleanse the blood of impurities
2. To loosen the dead scales of the scarf-skin, that spreads itself
everywhere over the true skin.
3. Pores of the skin that have been swelled and opened by the high
temperatures
Respecting the highly precious water reservoir in this hot/dry region, the
Once-a-week hammam ritual will provide the same cleanliness feeling
as in a shower, but with considerably less water consumption. So the
system of communal hammams is giving the hygienic opportunity to
every single city citizen, at the same time acting very consciously about
their resources.
The trick, called the exfoliating
treatment, consists in pouring hot
water on different parts of the body
until the skin pores are dilated and,
before applying any type of gel or
soap, you must scrub yourself with
a rough sponge or a pumice stone
(kessa-rough textured glove) in
order to eliminate dead toxins. Then
you may use a type of traditional
soap (black/palm soap) to treat the
skin after irritation. Sometimes it is
necessary a bit of cold water.
61
Traditional way of Using a Hammam
There existed some special accessories of which some are still used at
modern hamams such as:
• The pestemal (a special cloth of silk and/or cotton to cover the body)
• Nalın (wooden clogs that would prevent the wearer from slipping on
the wet floor, often decorated with silver
• Kese (a rough mitt for massage)
• Jewel boxes
• Gilded soap boxes
• Mirrors
• Henna bowls
• Perfume bottles,etc.
The routine ritual of going to the hammam means arriving with towel,
brush, henna, kohl, Cretan soap, pearl-engraved patterns and if possible
servants. This ritualistic preparation was necessary as not just a couple
of hours, but almost a whole day would be spent in the hammam.
Hammam‘s users give massages and rub their backs to each other until
they irritate their skin. Always in an environment of modest shame
that not allow to show off beyond the discretion. The staffs also exist
for helping bathers, if they want, rubbing or giving massages. There
are „Tebbayas“ for women or ‘Dellaks‘ for men. A Tebbaya or Dellaks
perform the essential ritual.
Hexagonal tiles in undressing room
in Hammam al-Basha
Open Perspective (right page)
Imges source right page: Martin
Dow, The Islamic Baths of Palestine
(British School of Archaeology in
Jerusalem, Oxford University Press,
1996), p.61.
Hamam in Useage (right page)
Image source: sha3teely.com/wpcontent/uploads/2006
(accessed
30.10.2009)
Over time, the washing aspect of going to hammams became secondary.
People came to bring food, their pets, and invite friends, musicians and
belly dancers to hammams. Following a bath and a massage, women,
with only a linen cloth around them, fixed their eyebrows, coloured their
hair with henna and waxed themselves.
Moroccan women, in order to enhance their natural charms, used to
plaster their bodies with strange traditional remedies. The hammam is
turned into a beauty salon where women can waxing, get the tangles out
of their hair and comb it. For the hair washing they use soapy clay which
is called „ghasul“, dissolved in rose and orange blossom water. They
use the traditional henna for dying and clearing their hair up, which
they take away when they are in the hammam after being spread in their
heads during hours even days.
Before coming out to the street, Moroccans, who are extremely
apprehensive with draughts and temperature changes, take their time
to grow cold inside the relaxation room. Women wrap their heads up in
a scarf, men wrap their heads up in a towel, and they go home happily,
giving a clean smell off. At the end, a delicious snack is served, that
generally consists of cooked eggs, almonds, sweets, fruit juices and the
irreplaceable mint tea. Traditional women, back at home, wait attractive
the arrival of their husbands, wearing their caftans, beads and perfumed.
The magic of beauty treatment and the ritual of the hammam is not only
because if the feeling of being reborn but also for being themselves the
agent of this revival .
62
Guidance to Use a Hammam
As a tourist you may bring your own
belongings, some of them can be
bought in the hammam itself, but
not all of them. This includes:
• A special mitten for the peeling
session. These can be purchased in
the souks in the Medina, in the typical local grocer‘s shops (in which, at
the end of the day, we pretty much
find everything) or at the chemist‘s.
They can also be bought from street
vendors. These special mittens are
apparently regular and harmless,
inoffensive mittens, usually black,
which constitute the basic element of
pleasure/torture in the hammam.
• A pair of thongs or flip-flops, in
order to avoid slips and the possible contagion of foot fungus. In any
case, most hammams have excellent
hygienic conditions.
• A plastic mat to be put on the floor
to sit or lay down on. Some people
prefer to bring a small plastic stool.
Both things can be found in big supermarkets, at the chemist‘s or in
shops specialised in plastic, which
are quite common in Marrakech.
• Black soap, this kind of soap is
a special dark paste that can be
bought in many shops in the souks.
Sometimes, shopkeepers will give it
out as a present to good clients. It is
also found at the chemist‘s or at the
hammam‘s ticket office.
• Towel or bathrobe (in the hotel hammams these are usually not
need).
• Our clean clothes
Different Types of Hammam
• Hammams located in luxury hotels,
where the entrance will cost 150 dirham or more
• Local hammam, a lot more authentic, without aromatic oils but much
cheaper, and as relaxing as the other
ones. Entrance usually costs 30 to 50
dirham
Names of Hammams in Marrakesh
•
•
•
•
•
Hammam Bab Doukkala
Hammam Dar el Bacha
Bain d’or
Les Doux tour Hammam
Les Palais Rhoul Hammam
63
Mosque
[1] Text Source: www.morocco.
com/attractions/koutoubia-mosque/
(accessed 22.10.2009).
[2] Paul Clammer, Lonely Planet:
Morocco, p 74-75.
[3]
Source:
lexicorient.com/e.o/
mosque. (accessed 23.10.2009).
[4]
Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Mosque (accessed 23.10.2009).
[5] Source: www.sacred-destinations.
com/morocco/marrakesh-koutoubiamosque (accessed 22.10.2009).
[6] Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Koutoubia_Mosque
(accessed
22.10.2009).
Mosque of Uqba in Cairo, Plan
Image source: www.upload.wikimedia.
org (accessed 30.10.2009).
Mosque of Mehemet Ali in Cairo
Image source: www.chestofbooks.
com (accessed 30.10.2009).
A Mosque is a place of worship for people who practice the Islam
religion and worshipers come to the mosque five times a day to pray. In
a mosque there is no furniture, photographs or images. Worshippers
prostrate themselves on the floor facing a mark in the wall called a
mihrab that indicates the direction of prayer, called the qibla. The
direction is always towards the Ka’aba in Mecca, no matter where in the
world the mosque is situated. This means that the orientation of every
mosque is very specific and is very much dependent on its location in
relation to Mecca.
A mosque is symbolically very important to Muslims, being a humble
way for humans to recreate pure divine presence on earth. But mosques
are not built according to divine patterns (as is alleged by many
other religions) — they are simply divinely guided. The main religious
texts provide no clear rules as to what a mosque should look like.
In Marrakech, they provide a composed juxtaposition with the often
rather frenzied nature of the city, ultimately encapsulating a spiritual
hub that brings together communities. Unfortunately, non-Muslims are
prohibited from entering mosques (with the exception of the Rabat’s
Hassan II Mosque).
“Mosques provide moments of sublime serenity in chaotic cities and
busy village market days, and though non-Muslims are not allowed to
enter (except in Rabat’s Hassan II Mosque), even passers-by can sense
their calming influence. Towering minarets not only aid the acoustics of
the call to prayer, but provide a visible reminder of God and community
that puts everything else – spats, dirty dishes, office politics – back into
perspective.”
Mandatory elements for a mosque include that it should point the
direction to Mecca (this direction is called qibla). The area in front of
the mihrab must be roofed. In the wall of the mihrab there can be no
doors. As for the other walls, there can be as many doors as the builders
want.
There are 2 types of mosques: the main mosque is called jama‘a, and is
the one where the Friday prayer is recited. In English, the term jama‘a
is rarely used, „Friday Mosque“ or „Great Mosque“ being the common
term.
The other type of mosque is called masjid, and is the local and smaller
mosque. While these can be richly adorned, they can seldom be compared
to the jama‘as.
Masjid is a word meaning ‚place for prostration‘ and they were used
by the early Muslims for houses of worship, even at times for other
religions.
Those within the mosque are required to remain respectful to those in
prayer. Loud talking within the mosque, as well as discussion of topics
deemed disrespectful, is forbidden in areas where people are praying.
In addition, it is disrespectful to walk in front of or otherwise disturb
Muslims in prayer. Muslims are also discouraged from wearing clothing
with distracting images and symbols so as not to divert the attention of
those standing behind them during prayer. In many mosques, even the
carpeted prayer area has no designs, its plainness helping worshippers
to focus.
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Orientation of Mosques in Marrakech
Islamic law requires men and women to be separated in the prayer hall;
ideally, the women must occupy the rows behind the men. Muhammad
preferred women to pray at home rather than at a mosque, and according
to the hadith Muhammad said: „The best mosques for women are the
inner parts of their houses“, although Muhammad told Muslims not to
forbid women from entering mosques.
The Koutoubia Mosque is the largest mosque in Marrakech, Morocco
and arguably the most significant. The minaret was completed under
the reign of the Almohad Caliph Yaqub al-Mansur (1184-1199) and was
used as the model for the Giralda of Seville and for the Hassan Tower
of Rabat.
Construction on the Koutoubia mosque began shortly after the Almohad
conquest of Marrakesh, around 1150. Built on the site of an 11th-century
Almoravid mosque, it was completed during the reign of Sultan Yacoub
el Mansour (1184-99).
The name is derived from the Arabic al-Koutoubiyyin for librarian, since
it used to be surrounded by sellers of manuscripts. It is considered the
ultimate structure of its kind. The tower is 69 m (221 ft) in height and
has a lateral length of 12.8 m (41 ft). Six rooms (one above the other)
constitute the interior; leading around them is a ramp by way of which
the muezzin could ride up to the balcony.
There are 19 Mosques in Marrakech
The 5 Mosques that are located
outside the Medina are
Hassan II Mosque
Sidi Ben Slimane El Jazouli Mosque
Sidi Bel Abbes Mosque
Cadi Ayad Mosque
Sidi Yossouf Ben Ali Mosque
14 Mosques located in the Medina
Ben Youssef Mosque
Bab Doukkala Mosque
Eloussta Mosque
Azebed Mosque
Sidi ben Salah Mosque
Sidi Ishak Mosque
Mouassine Mosque
Quessabine Mosque
Sidi Moulay El Ksour Mosque
Koutoubia Mosque
Sidi Es Souneili Mosque
Kabah Mosque Berrima Mosque
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Experience of the Koutoubia Mosque, Friday 20th November 2009
By Ibrahim Buhari
Before coming to Marrakech and having read about the Koutoubia
mosque, I was most intrigued by this grand structure and its cultural
and historical significance in its urban context of Marrakech’s Medina.
All pieces of writing I had read about the place hailed it as this almost
magical structure, which set the precedent for all other buildings of its
kind. As a Muslim and with this being my first time in Marrakech, it was
only right that I took advantage of this unique opportunity. Especially due
to the fact that non-Muslims are prohibited from entering the mosque, I
felt a responsibility towards the unit to share the experience.
Upon walking to the Koutoubia Mosque from the hotel, I noticed that I
did not receive any strange stares from the local people, mostly because
I was dressed in traditional attire and also because it is not uncommon
to see people of my skin complexion in Marrakech. This was rather
refreshing and made a change from the usual alienating stares I had
previously received from a lot the native people.
Upon my arrival at the mosque, I walked along its north façade and
entered through one of the series of doors lined up along this walkway
and into the grandeur of this more than quadruple height space. I would
estimate the internal height of this space to be about 10 meters high. I
removed my shoes (as it is mandatory to do in any mosque) and placed
them into a plastic bag, which was provided at the entrance in baskets.
The interior was this vast open plan space, which was broken up by a
rhythm of arched coloumns every ten or so meters. I walked the length
of the space (north-south) to get a better sense of its scale and found
that the space was actually longer than I initially thought. I would guess
that in was at least 50 meters long and I felt rather overwhelmed by the
magnitude of this, as it was by far the largest mosque I would pray in.
Despite the vastness of the space, the interior was adorned with
intricately detailed Islamic patterns and on the dark coloured timber
roof. The mosque was arranged in such a way that all of the men were
situated in the larger space facing east and the women were situated
behind the men in a slightly smaller space, but a vast space non-the
less. A timber screening divided these two spaces, but all entrances to
both spaces were located on either side of the building as a series of
doors.
Before prayer, it is obligatory for Muslims to wash themselves in a special
way called ‘Wudu’. This process involves the washing of particular body
parts (hands, mouth, nose, ears etc.) in a repeated sequence where each
body part is washed three times. I had already done this before I left the
riad and as such I was ready for prayer.
I sat down amongst the congregation of men and women and listened to
the Imam recite prayers in Arabic over the speakers before I heard the call
to prayer, which was being broadcasted through speakers outside to the
surrounding people. This echoing sound silenced the congregation and
put a halt to the low murmuring sound of people who were individually
praying. The congregation and I waited for the repeated call to prayer
to end, which would indicate to the Imam to begin the reciting of the
main prayer. Once the Imam said “Allah hu akbah” (Allah is the greatest)
this signalled the congregation to stand, facing east in organised
rows with no gaps in-between people. It is believed that Satan moves
between gaps and distracts Muslims during prayer and for this reason
the congregation is encouraged to stand close together, toe to toe.
66
The Imam began to recite the main prayer over the speakers and by this
time, this huge enormity of space had filled up with Muslims as far as
the eye could see. As a congregation we all prayed together, performing
sequential moves of bowing and kneeling as and when it was necessary
and according to the prayer being said. Then there was a moment in
the prayer when the congregation responded to the Imam by saying “Ameen” (amen) at the same time. When this happens I always get a sense
of being a part of a larger whole because of the volume of the sound
that this creates. This instance was no exception. The combined sound
and its volume resonated in the space and from this I was able to gain
another understanding of the enormous number of people who were
taking part in this collective and spiritual experience. My understanding
through sound was possibly clearer than my visual comprehension.
Once the prayer had finished, I was greeted by several members of the
congregation with a handshake and the Islamic greeting, “salamu alaikum”
(peace be upon you). I was no longer a stranger in a foreign country who
was intruding on a very personal way of living, but now a member of
the community and a part of their cohesive network. I always feel I am a
part of a larger community when I visit any mosque and this is because
Islam teaches Muslims that we are brothers and sisters. However, on
this occasion, this feeling of inclusion was massively intensified due to
the mass of people taking part and their accommodating and friendly
behaviour.
Images from top left to right:
Koutoubia Mosque minaret, praying
room and plan (Meunite-Terrasse,
1952)
Image source: Hoag John D., Islam
(Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt,
1986) p 53.
67
Maderasa
“Madrasah is the Arabic word for any type of educational institution,
whether secular or religious (of any religion).
[1,2] Text source www.wikipedia.org
(accessed 30.10.2009)
La Mosquee e la Mederasa Ben Youssef,
Plan avant la Demolition de la Kissaria
Maderasa Ben Youssef Courtyard
Image source (right page): www.
farm3.static.flickr.com
(accessed
30.10.2009).
Lightwell, Corridor and Rooms
Image source (right and following
pages): C Hadrys 10.09.2009.
The word madrasah is derived from a [root term], which relates to
learning or teaching, through the wazn (form/stem), meaning ‘a place
where X is done.‘ Therefore, madrasah literally means ‘a place where
learning/teaching is done.‘
In the Arabic language, the word madrasah simply means the same as
school does in the English language, whether that is private, public or
parochial school, as well as for any primary or secondary school whether
Muslim, non-Muslim, or secular. Unlike the understanding of the word
school in British English, the word madrasah is like the term school
in American English, in that it can refer to a university-level or postgraduate school as well.“ 1
Ben Youssef Maderasa
“The Ben Youssef Madrasa was an Islamic college in Marrakech and was
named after the amoravid sultan Ali ibn Yusuf (reigned 1106–1142),
who expanded the city and its influence considerably. The college was
founded during the period of the Marinid (14th century) by the Marinid
sultan Abu al-Hassan and allied to the neighbouring Ben Youssef Mosque.
The building of the madrasa, as it is now, was (re-)constructed by the
Saadian Sultan Abdallah al-Ghalib (1557–1574). It is the largest Medrasa
in all of Morocco. In 1565 the works ordered by Abdallah al-Ghalib were
finished, as confirmed by the inscription in the prayer room. Its 130
student dormitory cells cluster around a courtyard richly carved in cedar,
marble and stucco. The carvings contain no representation of humans
or animals as required by Islam, and consist entirely of inscriptions and
geometric patterns. This madrasa was one of the largest theological
colleges in North Africa and may have housed as many as 900 students.
One of its best known teachers was Mohammed al-Ifrani (1670-1745).
Closed down in 1960, the building was refurbished and reopened to the
public as an historical site in 1982.“ 2
68
69
70
71
Palaces
El Badi Palace - meaning the incomparable palace
The palace was built by Sultan Mansour who took to the throne after the
Battle of Three Kings (1578), in which the Moroccans vanquished the
Portuguese. Great wealth was accrued from the ransom of Portuguese
captives. These riches were poured into building the Badii Palace.
Text sources: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
El_Badi_Palace
(accessed 30.10.2009)
Footprint - Marrakech & the High
Atlas Handbook
El Badi Palace, Plan
Image source: Eyewitness Travel, Top
10 Marrakech
1. Sultan Ahmed El Mansour
2. The Gatehouse
3. Basins and Gardens
4. A Sinister Omen
5. Pavilion of 50 Columns
6. Mosque Minbar
7. Underground Passages
8. Rooftop Terrace
9. Storks
10. Khaysuran Pavilion
72
It reputedly took armies of labourers and craftsmen 25 years to complete
The Badii Palace. When it was finished, it was said to be among the most
magnificent palaces ever constructed , with walls and ceilings encrusted
with Gold and a pool with an island flanked by four sunken gardens.
The grand folly survived for all of a century before another came along
and stripped the place bare and carted the riches to his new capital at
Meknes . All that survived today are the denuded mudbrick ruins.
The construction of this sumptuous palace lasted from 1578 to 1603.
It was a lavish display of the best craftsmanship of the period, using the
most expensive materials, including gold, marble and onyx.
The sinister Omen
No austere royal fortress, the Badii Palace was probably a palace for
audiences and it was at one of these great court ceremonies that the
building’s fate was predicted. Among the crowds taking part at the
banquet was a visionary who, at the time enjoyed a certain reputation
for his saintliness.
“What do you think of this palace”? asked the Sultan Al Mansour in
jest.
“When it is demolished, it will be a big pile of earth” replied the
visionary.
El Ifrani, a historian writing in the early 18th century , noted the
inauspicious numerical meaning of the palace’s name. The value of its
letters is 117 exactly the number of lunar years the palace remained
intact.
73
Bahia Palace
Text sources:
www.virtualtourist.com
www.archnet.org
(accessed 30.10.2009)
Footprint - Marrakech & the High
Atlas Handbook
Bahia Palace, Image source:
(Top right) Khedidja Carmody
(bottom right) C Hadrys
Bahia Palace, Plan
Image source: Eyewitness Travel, Top
10 Marrakech
1. Entrance Courtyard
2. Reception Room
3. Grand Riad or Moorish Garden
4. Petit Riad
5. Apartments of Favourite Wife
6. Patio (Courtyard)
7. Grand Courtyard
8. Council Chamber
74
Bahia meaning brilliant, generally packed with tour groups, the palace
is a maze of corridors, passageways and empty chambers with painted
ceilings.
The Bahia Palace of Marrakech was constructed within the Qasba of
Marrakech between 1894 and 1900 for Ahmed Ibn Moussa, the son of
the grand vizier of the Alawid ruler Muhammad IV, Abd al-Rahman.
The palace was designed by the architect Muhammad al-Mekki of
Marrakech and is set within extensive gardens. Its large, rambling plan
includes a mosque in addition to several tiled courts surrounded by
lavishly decorated reception halls and private quarters. Following the
death of Bou Ahmed, the Palace was ransacked, restoration work is still
ongoing.
The Palace follows the patterns of typical Islamic architecture, with
central courtyards, having rooms leading off, with doorways that are
placed so that you can‘t see beyond thus providing privacy. Fountains
and gardens are also typical features, along with the decorative carved
stucco panels, carved and painted woodwork and glazed ceramic tiles.
These elements visually connect the palace to themes and techniques
adapted from the Nasrid palace architecture of Spain and elaborated in
Moroccan architecture.
75
Islamic Ornamentation
“Basically speaking, Islamic art (ornamentation) encompasses the visual
arts produced from the 7th century onwards by people (not necessarily
Muslim) who lived within the territory that was inhabited by culturally
Islamic populations. Typically, though not entirely, Islamic art has
focused on the depiction of patterns and Arabic calligraphy, rather than
on figures because it is feared by many Muslims that the depiction of
the human form is idolatry and thereby a sin against Allah which is
forbidden in the Qur‘an.
Islamic art (ornamentation) is an art not so much of form but as of
decorative themes that occur both in architecture and in the applied
arts, independently of material, scale and technique. There is never one
type of decoration for one type of building or object; on the contrary,
there are decorative principles that are pan-Islamic and applicable to all
types of buildings and objects at all times (whence comes the intimate
relationship in Islam between all the applied arts and architecture).
Islamic art must therefore be considered in its entirety because each
building and each object embodies to some extent identical principles.
Though objects and art differ in quality of execution and style, the
same ideas, forms and designs constantly recur. Due to the fact that
little furniture is traditionally used for daily life in Islam, decoration
contributes to the creation of a sense of continuous space that is a
hallmark of Islamic architecture.
[1] Text sources: Jones D. Architecture
of the Islamic World; Islamic Arts and
Architecture Organisation
[2] www.salaam.co.uk
(accessed 30.10.2009)
Islamic Pattern
Image source: www.istockphoto.com
(accessed 30.10.2009)
Window Detail
Images
source
(right
page)
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_ar
(accessed 30.10.2009)
Islamic design may seem restricted to two dimensions but that the very
character of Islamic design implies three-dimensional possibilities.
Through the use of reflecting and shining materials and glazes, the
repetition of designs, the contrasting of textures and the manipulation
of planes, Islamic decoration becomes complex, sumptuous and
intricate. It is an art of repose where tensions are resolved. Regardless
of form, material or scale, this concept of art rests on a basic foundation
of calligraphy, geometry and, in architecture, the repetition and
multiplication of elements based on the arch. „Allied and parallel to
these are floral and figural motifs,“ Jones writes. Water and light are
also of paramount importance to Islamic architectural decoration as
they generate additional layers of patterns and just as happens with
surface decoration they transform space. Space is defined by surface
and since surface is articulated by decoration, there is an intimate
connection in Islamic architecture between space and decoration. It is
the variety and richness of the decoration, with its endless permutations,
that characterizes the buildings rather than their structural elements,
which are often disguised. Many devices typical of Islamic architectural
decoration, for example, muqarnas (a honeycomb decoration that
can reflect and refract light) are explained by a desire to dissolve the
barriers between those elements of the buildings that are structural
(load-bearing) and those that are ornamental (non-load-bearing).“ 1
Geometry
Islamic artists developed geometric patterns to a degree of complexity
and sophistication previously unknown. These patterns exemplify the
Islamic interest in repetition, symmetry and continuous generation of
pattern. The superb assurance of the Islamic designers is demonstrated
by their masterful integration of geometry with such optical effects
as the balancing of positive and negative areas, interlacing with fluid
overlapping and under passing strapwork, and a skilful use of color and
76
tone values. More than any other type of design (geometric patterns)
permitted an interrelationship between the parts and the whole of a
building complex, the exterior and the interior spaces and their furnishings.
Floral patterns
Islamic artists reproduced nature with a great deal of accuracy. Flowers
and trees might be used as the motifs for the decoration of textiles,
objects and buildings.
The arabesque (geometricized vegetal ornament) is characterized by a
continuous stem which splits regularly, producing a series of counterpoised,
leafy, secondary stems which can in turn split again or return to be
reintegrated into the main stem. This limitless, rhythmical alternation of
movement, conveyed by the reciprocal repetition of curved lines, produces
a design that is balanced and free from tension. In the arabesque, perhaps
more than in any other design associated with Islam, it is clear how the
line defines space, and how sophisticated three-dimensional effects are
achieved by differences in width, colour and texture. The underlying
geometric grids governing arabesque designs are based on the same
mathematical principles that determine wholly geometric patterns.
77
Water Canals and Storage
[1] Text sources: ‘Beyond Domestic’ www.
irc.nl/content/download , p 120-136
(accessed 29.10.2009).
“In the semi-arid and arid climate of Morocco, irrigation is vital for
agriculture. Large dams each of more than 150 mio m3 storage capacity,
have been constructed for irrigation, of which eight also serve for
municipal water supplies. However, development of rural water supplies
has received little attention compared with urban water supplies.
Dam Locations in Morocco
water.gov.ma (accessed 29.10.2009)
The semi-arid North-East of Morocco is one of the many parts of the
country where water for domestic purposes is stored in subterranean
tanks. Originally designed for the storage of rainwater, the tanks are
now often filled with water from irrigation canals, Seguias.
Rudimentary Irrigation System
Image
source
(right
page):
commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:
Rudimentary_irrigation_system_
Morocco (accessed 29.10.2009)
Most inhabitants depended on the irrigation system to provide them
with all the water they need. Individual households and communities
stored this water in the small (5-400 m 3) tanks, locally known as Jboub.
The tanks were filled by diverting canal water or by collecting it from the
nearest canal in tanker trucks. A full tank could provide a household with
water for periods ranging from one week to more than two months.
Most of the old Jboub were constructed before the modern irrigation
system. These could be easily recognised by their design and construction
material, usually stones and mud mixed with straw, while the recent
ones were made of cement. Most of the Jboub were partly or entirely
subterranean and some tanks were placed on top of the house.
The water was used for different domestic purposes including drinking,
usually after simple treatment, as well as for productive activities such
as watering livestock, small-scale brick making and tree nurseries. The
stored water is used with or without treatment for various domestic
purposes, such as laundry, bathing, drinking and cooking. The water
was treated mostly with commercial chlorine, though occasionally
crushed limestone was used.
People in the Zaio region were very conscious of the quality of water from
different sources, as was demonstrated by the extra effort they took to
collect drinking water from taps, springs or a well. Flowing surface water in
canals was perceived as the second best water source in terms of quality.
Though this water has also been stored (at the large dam), it was considered
of better quality than water stored in the Jboub, which is believed to
deteriorate with prolonged storage. Nevertheless, water from Jboub was
also used in mosques for ablutions, which reflects the perception of people
that even stored irrigation water is “purifying and clean”. Even so, many
Jboub owners (41%) considered water quality a problem. For some of them
this was a reason not to use it for drinking, while others treated the stored
water, or at least the quantity used for drinking.
The most important productive use of Jboub water was the watering
of livestock, for which canal water was the almost exclusive source.
This was reflected in the large number of cattle in the irrigated area,
whereas smaller animals such as goats and donkeys dominated in the
rain-fed area. Some farmers in the Zebra irrigation system used their
water allocation entirely for dairy or poultry farms, a highly profitable
alternative to growing irrigated crops, which was not envisaged in the
planning of the irrigation system. As a result, farmers in the irrigated
areas had higher income from their livestock, sometimes in addition to
benefiting from higher value crops. The irrigation water stored in the
tanks was also used for commercial tree nurseries and construction.
The latter mainly encompassed small-scale brick making.“1
78
79
The Khettara – Ground Water System in Marrakech
[1] Text sources: ‘Khettara‘ jorf.sagya.
org/english/thekhettara.htm
(accessed 30.11.2009)
“Khettaras are gravity fed over and under ground channels, which
transport ground water to a desired source. Arabs introduced the
technique, which first appeared in Iran in the 10th century, to Morocco
at the time of their conquests.
Khettaras Maps of Marrakech Region
L‘Harmattan, 2001) pp 142-148.
Farmers decided to adopt this system in Marrakech to provide their
arid land with a sustainable water supply. The khettaras construction
required little financial expenditure and utilised the constant melt-water
running off from the Atlas Mountains. This melt-water is transported
underground (to prevent sediment build up and minimises evaporation)
to the Haouz Plains into great decantation pools on the outskirts of the
city. From there it is distributed via open-air channels to the olive/palm
groves and market gardens.
Khettaras Section (Region and Detail)
Image
source
(below):
Wilbaux
(Paris: L‘Harmattan, 2001) p 140.
Khettara System
The primary channel is known as the Mesref, the sections of tunnel
between each shaft or hasi is called a guntra. The part of the Khettara
that runs underground is the guntarat which is literally the plural of
guntra. The part of the Khettara that is above ground is knows as a
mshaq.
Water is gathered in mshaq and not disturbed until it has reached the
first lochna a fork in the channel that starts the process of feeding water
into particular areas, water is then taken from the primary „Mesref“ to
secondary mesref.
All these part are collectively known as the Khettara, which in Marrakech
spans for up to 20km and runs solely on gravity pulling the water
through the system. Each underground channel needs to be maintained
annually by hand that was once done by a specially skilled tribe from
the Sahara.
Channels would be constructed large enough to allow underground
maintenance with the depth of each source -shaft varying from 10 to
25 meters. The distance between consecutive shafts would depend on
the stability of the terrain and varied between 10 and 15 meters. This
system allows a flow rate from 2 to 20 litres per second.“
80
81
Process of Construction
The construction of the khettara is an ongoing process. The Initial channel
was excavated to a level that accessed the ground water source, but
when the water table drops the channel is extended further to remains
at the surface water level. Over the centuries many such extensions
have taken place to a point where the khettara are kilometres in length.
For example over a 30 year period the Elkabira khettara was extended
45 times by a distance of 20m each time. In total the length of the
khettara was increased by 900m.
The ongoing maintenance of the khettara is carried out by its owners.
Where the channel is underground the work is done in teams of four
each working from one shaft upstream to the next. In the picture you
can see the mounds of earth that have been excavated over time from
each ‘guntra‘ the tunnels joining each ‘hasi‘.“ 1
Management of Water
[1] Text sources: ‘Khetteras’ jorf.sagya.
org/english/thekhettara.htm
(accessed 29.10.2009).
Khettaras Section and Detail in
Marrakech
Image source (below and right page):
Wilbaux Quentin, La Medina de
Marrakech (Paris: L‘Harmattan, 2001)
p 162 and p 301.
Constructing/ Maintining Khettaras
Image source (right page 1-4): jorf.
sagya.org/english/thekhettara.htm
(accessed 29.10.2009)
82
“The management of the water conveyed by a khettara usually obeys
laws of distribution called ‘Right of Water‘. These rights are governed
by common law. Originally this would have been based on the workload
provided by an owner during the construction of khettara. This volume
of work is converted into shares called „Nuba“ which corresponds to 12
hours of irrigation. The ‘Nuba‘ can be divided into fractions for example
a quarter or eighth of a ‘Nuba‘.
For example, in the ElBoushabia khettara there are 44 ‘Nuba‘ which
equates to a cycle of 22 days of irrigation. An owner with 1 ‘Nuba‘ will
irrigate for 12 hours on alternate nights and days every 22 days. The
‘Nuba‘ also govern the contribution of work given by an owner to the
maintenance and funding of the khettara. For example an owner with
1 ‘Nuba‘ must contribute a worker every day while work is ongoing; an
owner with an eighth must contribute a worker only every 8 days. With
regard to the funding of the khettara, for example to purchase a ‘turno‘,
each owner contributes money, the contribution is known as ‘Ferdia‘,
relative to the number of ‘Nuba‘ they own.
The distribution of water is quite exact with allowances given for the
length of time it takes the water to travel from a given point to the intended
area or irrigation. A ‘Nuba‘ can be bought, sold or borrowed.“1
83
Guilez
Contrasting to the Medina the Guilez is the most modern part to
Marrakech. The area was developed when France colonised south
Morocco (which was considered the useful part of morocco in contrast
to the north). Guilez is divided by Avenue Mohammed V from Koutoubia
to the range of hills, the Guilez. The General of the time of French
colonisation was General Lyautey, who strongly believed in the retention
of the cultural areas of the city. It was out of this belief that he chose
to build adjacent to the existing Medina, just outside the city walls. The
layout of the streets was designed by the French architect and planner
Henri Prost. Prost implemented a grid and boulevard system similar to
that in Paris and this system was first used by the French armies who
had set up a base outside the city and then it became part of what we
now know as the Guilez area of Marrakech.
The area now plays host to the wealthy Moroccans and Europeans who
come to live in Marrakech. With its wide streets and tree lined boulevards
this has become quite a hotspot of growth outside of the city walls.
Marrakech 1916
Image by Henri Prost, in Tafuri Dal
Co, Classical Modernism, 1988.
[1] Text sources: ‘Guilez’ enzinearticles.
com/The-Guilez-Neighbourhood-InMarrakech (accessed 29.10.2009).
Avenue Mohammed V
franceatlas.com/upload/grande
(accessed 29.10.2009).
Crossroads
Image source (right page): static.
panoramio.com/photos
(accessed
29.10.2009).
84
”Architecture-wise, Guilez is quite a varied neighbourhood, where a
few colonial buildings, structures from the 1980s, small houses and
new luxury apartment buildings coexist in a strange monochromatic
harmony. It is the best area in the city for shopping European products.
Although one may find virtually anything in the souks in the Medina, you
will not find Zara shops or McDonald‘s restaurants. We could say that, in
this sense, Guilez is a sort of ‘European relief‘ to the French colonizers.
The atmosphere is rather metropolitan and modern, and traffic is simply
infernal during rush hours. There are not too many green areas, besides
the beautiful El Harti Park. You can access Guilez easily by taxi or bus
and there are plenty of hotels for all kinds of budgets. If you are looking
for a pleasant place to rest from the frantic busyness of the Medina,
Guilez offers excellent places, such as the legendary Café de la Poste,
the oldest café in Marrakech, built during the time of the protectorate.
There, you can have lunch or enjoy an ice cream or a delicious mint tea.
The treatment given by the staff is charming, and it is an ideal place
to go with children. Same as with hotels, there are restaurants for all
budgets, from fast-food bistros to enormously elegant restaurants that
offer dinner-shows with belly dancers and variety shows or vaudevilles.
In the evening, Guilez is probably the best area to visit if you do not
have your own vehicle. There are numerous pubs and venues with live
music. African‘Chic, Montecristo, and Music Hall are some of the most
fashionable places for young people. Be careful with prices, as they can
be higher than in Europe. In this kind of places, you can drink alcohol,
so it is not uncommon to find inebriated people in the small hours, so
be careful with cars.“1
85
Traditional and Local Construction Technology
Over centuries, Morocco developed its own very unique way of making
architecture. This has to do with the local climate, availability of
materials, local Berber culture and Islamic influence from the East.
Rammed earth, mud bricks, timber structures and tadelakt are some
of these predominant construction techniques. Remarkably, almost the
entire Medina of Marrakech is made of rammed earth. This gives local
vernacular architecture a very distinct appearance. Most traditional
techniques are still in use on a fairly large scale.
Nevertheless, more ‘contemporary’ ways of making buildings have taken
over, in recent years. Nowadays, one can find the latest methodologies,
materials and techniques in and around Marrakech. Large construction
companies and developers from Morocco, Spain or France expand this
trend rapidly. On our trip to Marrakech, we could see vast development
areas. Unfortunately, non of them offered an architectural, aesthetic
and climatic experience like the Medina. Leaving Western construction
techniques aside, this section focuses on traditional as well as more
informal techniques in Morocco.
Rammed Earth
Most traditional urban and rural Moroccan architecture uses rammed
earth construction techniques. As such, it is strong part of a distinct
regional culture and identity.
Material Properties
“Rammed earth is a technique used in the building of walls using the raw
materials of earth and gravel. It is an ancient building method that has
seen a revival in recent years as people seek more sustainable building
materials and natural building methods. Because of the nature of the
materials used, it is thermally massive and very strong. It also has the
added advantage of being a simple way to construct walls.” 1
Section Rammed Earth Building
Image source (above): Naji Salima, Art
et Architectures du Berberes du Maroc
(Casablanca: EDDIF, 2001) p 91.
Ramming Earth
Image source (right page): Naji Salima,
Art et Architectures du Berberes du
Maroc (Casablanca: EDDIF, 2001) p
80.
[1-6] Text sources: www.wikipedia.org/
engl (accessed 29.10.2009).
86
“Like brick and concrete, rammed earth provides a good thermal mass,
which implies good heat storage and absorption. The density and
thickness of rammed earth means cold temperature penetration has
a slow rate of thermal conductivity. Warmth takes almost 12 hours to
work its way through a 14-inch (360 mm) thick wall. This helps keep
indoor temperatures stable, particularly in regions with dramatic daily
temperature changes. The half-day rate of heat transfer and thermal mass
of the material makes rammed earth a particularly suitable material for
passive solar buildings. Rammed earth has been a popular choice for
buildings where temperature fluctuations need to be kept to a minimum.”2
Rammed earth also controls humidity and can hold much higher levels of
humidity, than for example concrete. As such rammed earth can absorb
and store humidity at nightime and release it during the daytime. This
allows for natural cooling, as the walls loose energy through evaporation.
As a consequence, rammed earth heats up slowly, during the daytime
and releases its warm temperature during the evening. This can even
out daily temperature variations further and reduces the need for air
conditioning. “In contrast, when cement is used, these effects are not
present, and ecological benefits may not be realized. In addition, cement
adds to the global carbon dioxide burden at a rate of 1.25 tonnes per
tonne of cement produced.” 3
“The raw material is a damp mixture of earth that has suitable proportions
of sand, gravel and clay. Because rammed earth structures utilize locally
available materials, they typically have a low embodied energy rating
and generate very little waste. Earth used for building is a widelyavailable resource and harvesting it for use in construction has minimal
environmental impact. The soils used are typically subsoils, retaining
organic topsoil for agricultural use. Ideally, soil from the site where the
construction takes place can be used, further reducing cost and energy used
for transportation. The materials are often inexpensive or free, making it
highly affordable and a viable building material for low-income builders.”4
Beside its positive properties, “rammed earth is not a good insulator.
Like brick and concrete, rammed earth is often insulated in colder
climates.” 5 In addition, it needs protection from heavy rain, as this can
substantially weaken load bearing wall structures.
Construction
Constructing a rammed earth wall is a well refined process in Morocco.
A standard wooden formwork is used for construction and as a kind
of tool throughout Morocco. It consists of a set of reusable wooden
elements that can be assembled according to varying requirements and
locations. The formwork is flexible enough to work for a standard wall
as well as a corner situation. The standard formwork has dimensions
of approximately 150 x 80 x 40 cm (length x height x width). It is light
enough to be man-handled by two people and it is spacious enough for
one person to stand inside to ram and compact loose earth.
The formwork can be placed right on the ground or on a foundation. If
it is placed on the ground, for example rocks are laid out on the bottom
to reduce dampness from the ground. In addition the distance to the
ground helps to protect the wall from splashing rainwater.
One person pours loose soil into the wooden formwork and the other
one compacts it with a wooden tamper to around 50% of its original
height. First the sound is low. When the soil is compacted, the sound
is decisively higher and one can feel the vibration of the compact soil
on the feed. Trained builders can compact soil within a standard sized
wooden framework within 15-20 min.
After compressing the earth, the formwork can be immediately removed.
Construction can continue beside it. In this case, builders move the
formwork further and start the same process again. Usually, a wooden
formwork can be used like a tool and as such it can last several building
constructions.
“The rammed earth walls require an extent of warm dry days after
construction to dry and harden. The structure can take up to two years
to completely cure, and the more it cures the stronger the structure
becomes. When the process is complete it is much like constructing a
handmade wall of solid rock.” 6
Rammed earth walls are very stable and can carry heavy loads. This
allows building structures of up to 20 m height. Traditionally, floors
and roofs are made of timber work and rest on the rammed earth wall.
Usually, cross sections are cone shaped, meaning that they are thinner
on top and wide on the bottom. With each floor, walls step back and
become thinner. The thinnest dimension is about 40 cm and the widest
dimensions can be up to 120 cm.
87
Building a Rammed Earth Wall
During our trip to Morocco, the owner
of the Dar Touyir, Robert Sterq, invited
us to his guest house and garden
outside Marrakech. The place, Jnane
Tihihit, offered a number of buildings
and small agricultural facilities. The
applied construction techniques and
agricultural methods expanded on
local techniques in a sustainable way.
Robert showed us the construction
of a small playground with rammed
earth walls. The students were
invited to build a small section of
the walls, allowing us to study and
understand implied techniques better.
It was a most enjoyable and revealing
experience. The designer of things
should also understand the making of
things. Our contribution was humble
and certainly not as good as the local
builders, who build with impressive
speed and precision. We hope the Unit
2 piece still exists as a trace of our
engagement.
Constructing the formwork, laying
stones on the ground (James Barrett
and Daniel Rees) and compacting the
surface (from top left anti-clockwise)
Drawings: 5th year student Daniel Rees
Photo image source: C. Hadrys.
88
89
Rammed Earth Wall, Jnane Tihihit
Image source (above): C. Hadrys,
2009
Rammed Earth Remains of a Building
Image source (below): Naji Salima,
Art et Architectures du Berberes du
Maroc (Casablanca: EDDIF, 2001) p
81.
Mud Bricks
Image Source (right page): Zerhouni
S.
Guillard
H.,
‘L’architecture
de Terre au Maroc’ (ACR Edition
Internationale, 2001).
[1] Text source: www.yourhome.gov.
au/technical (accessed 10.12.2009).
90
The ideal building material would be ‘borrowed’ from the environment
and returned after use. If maintained properly, rammed earth structures
can last for several centuries. If not, they just decay and return to their
original state and become soil again.
It is no conicidence that earth construction is often referred to as ‘adobe’
which is an Arabic and Moroccan Berber word brought by Spaniards to
the Americans, where it was adopted into English.
Mud Brick Construction
Beside rammed earth, mud brick constructions are common and well
established in Morocco.
At its simplest, mud brick making involves mixing earth with water,
placing the mixture into moulds which, after initial drying, are removed
to allow the bricks to dry slowly in the open air. Moulds can be made from
timber or metal – anything that can be shaped to provide the desired
size for the bricks. Straw or other fibres that are strong in tension are
often added to the bricks to help reduce cracking. Mud bricks are joined
with a mud mortar and can be used to build walls, vaults and domes.
After a lifetime of use, the bricks break back down into the earth they
came from.
The appearance of mud bricks reflect the material they are made from.
They are thus earthy, with colour determined by colour of clays and
sands in the mix. Finished walls can express the brick patterns very
strongly or be made into a smooth continuous surface.
With thick enough walls, mud brick can create load bearing structures
up to several stories high. Vaults and domes enable adobe to be used
for many situations other than vertical walls. The mud brick may be used
as infill in a timber frame building or for load-bearing walls, although its
compressive strength is relatively low.
A well-built adobe wall has very good sound insulation properties. In
fact, it can be almost equivalent to a monolithic masonry structure in
its capacity for sound attenuation. Since earth does not burn, and earth
walls do not readily provide habitat for vermin, mud brick walls generally
have excellent fire and vermin resistance. Adobe walls are capable of
providing structural support for centuries but they need protection from
extreme weather (eg. with deep eaves) or continuous maintenance. As a
general rule, adobe needs protection from driving rain and should not
be exposed to continuous high moisture.
The materials for making mud bricks are readily available in most areas
and may be sourced directly from the site of the building in some cases.
Commercially produced mud brick construction can be as expensive,
or even more expensive, than brick veneer. The clay content of adobe
can range between 30 and 70 per cent. A typical standard mud brick
is between 300-375mm long, 250-300mm wide and 125mm high and
can weigh up to 18kg. Mud bricks can be made in a range of sizes and
moulds and can be made in special shapes for fitting around structural
elements and accommodating pipes and wires.
After brushing to get a fairly even surface, the final finish is a mud
slurry, typically finished by hand. This slurry may also be the final
waterproofing coat (eg. A mud and cow dung mix) or it may have a
further clear coat of proprietary waterproofing material. Linseed oil and
turpentine can be used to provide a final finish. 1
91
Timber Construction
In traditional Islamic architecture, there is a certain mastery and care
in the execution of timber structures and decoration, seen in the
courtyards, roofs, doorways, floors and and windows.
Due to the climate in North Africa, timber sections and spans are smaller
than in continental Europe. This has structural implications.
Wooden Door
Image source (above): Naji Salima, Art
Wooden Roof
Image Source (right): Naji Salima, Art
92
“Larger roofs or ceilings are supported by a system of masonry or
wooden columns and wooden I-beams. The columns generally have a
quadrangular, with an octagonal or round base.
In other cases the system is formed by parallel or diagonal beams
directly embedded in the wall and supported by brackets.
The parallel beams rests on the load bearing structure (see image to
the right. The I-beam (qantra) will determine the dimensioning of the
structure and its length will usual stretch to a maxium of 4m to avoid
bending. The beams are arranged symmetrically to the axes of the
room.
The diagonal or 45degree beams are directly embedded in the wall and
acts as support for the secondary beams. These ‚qantras‘ would usually
be covered with decoravite wood bearing floral motifs or lettering.
I-beams, rafters and brackets are the basic components identified in the
structures of traditional Moroccan architecture.” 1
Generally the typical Moroccan facades only break in uniform through
the placement of external doors and windows. The woodwork of the
door includes both the door itself and the large surrounding frame. It
rotates on rounded pins formed from the verticals and protected by a
metal fascia. Doors in this design vary from around 2 to 2.5m in height
Wooden Ceiling in the Riad Sahara
Nour.
Image source (above): C. Hadrys, 2009.
[1-3] Text source: Alessandra Grillo,
‘Traditional Building Techniques in
Fes: Environmental Design‘ Journal
of the Islamic Environmental Design
(1988) p 38.
and a are usually quite wide at approximately 1.5m. The opening that
is usually used on a daily basis is a smaller door inset within the larger
one and is a swing door set on hinges. 2
Courtyard windows have standardized shapes, either rectangular or
arched. Sizes are dependant on the size of the courtyard itself. They
vary in frame, parapet, bay opening and grating. The connecting
structure would usually be treated with wood or stucco. The arched
openings are often placed over the main doors to rooms (allowing air
and light to circulate when the doors are closed) and are decorated with
wood carvings. At ground and upper floors, large rectangular window ar
found, capped with painted beams and supported by double brackets. 3
93
Tadelakt
[1] Text source: A little piece of
Morocco: www.alittlepieceofmorocco.
com
Tadelakt: www.tadelakt.co.uk
Tierrafino: www.tierrafino.com
[2] Cedar Rose Guelberth and Dan
Chiras, The natural plaster book –
earth, lime and gymsup plasters for
natural homes (2003) p. 161-207.
[3] See note 1
[4] Cedar Rose Guelberth and Dan
Chiras, The natural plaster book –
earth, lime and gymsup plasters for
natural homes (2003) p. 14 - 16.
[5] Herbert Ypma, Modern Morocco
(1996) p 25 - 26.
Tadelakt Process
Image source (right): www.lamandiermaroc.com (accessed 18.04.2010)
Tadelakt is a Moroccan render technique, a version of lime plaster,
which is produced with the limestone around Marrakech. It is commonly
used in in bathrooms and on roofs. 1
As one the world’s oldest building materials, lime plaster dates back
to ancient times. The first known building where lime plaster is used
is 6000 years old, located in Turkey. The use of lime plaster has been
common in a large part of the world such as North America, Great Britain,
Mexico etc., relating to the widely spread resources of limestone. 2
In Morocco Tadelakt is said to be used since the middle age, originally
introduced by the Berbers to waterproof earthen cisterns for a hygienic
storage of drinking water. Later, it was used as coating in the hammams
to secure the walls from mold and deterioration, and furthermore the
use of it expanded to the domestic spaces mainly in the bathrooms
and on the roofs. The word ‘Tadelakt’ comes from the Moroccan verb
‘dellekt’, which means to kneed, to caress or squash. 3
Limestone is extracted from mines and after being crushed, burned at
very high temperature and slacked with water it becomes as putty lime.
Then, the mixture of putty lime with fine sand and water will produce
the lime plaster. Eventually, when lime loses water it carbonates by
absorbing the C0 2 from the atmosphere. In this process it absorbs some
of the CO2, which was released during the manufacturing process and
the material gets stronger as it strives to come back in its original form
as rock. 4 The lime of Marrakech has a special composition of minerals
such as alumina, iron oxide and sulphur which result in a high density
and thereby a highly water resistance – especially when it is combined
with the compressions technique.
The process of applying Tadelakt is lengthy but straightforward. First,
walls usually made of mud bricks are towelled in a plaster of powdered
limestone with a small amount of coloured dust mixed in to provide the
desired colour. After the plaster has set, it is painstakingly polished
with flat river stones approximately the size of a hand. The polishing, a
backbreaking chore, makes the plaster as hard as marble. Then, to seal
the material further, the surfaces are painted with egg white to glaze
them. Finally, the walls are polished with a cake of locally made black
soap – the soap is high in oil content and fills up minute fissures which
could otherwise let moisture through. It also adds character, highlighting
faults in the way that the grain of timber is accentuated by staining.5
Tadelakt applies and renders very well on walls made of natural
materials for example clay, mud and earth, whether it is rammed or
built by bricks. It is breathable and allows the earth or mud to give off
damp, heat and humidity. Despite its resistance to water from inside,
it allows the excessive water and steams to be released towards the
outside surfaces and dries the damp.
Visually and textually Tadelakt has several qualities. It can be mixed
with color pigment and depending on the render technique can appears
rough or smooth, matt or glossy. Tadelakt surfaces are alive and changes
over time and its appearance varies depending on daylight and artificial
lightning. The color is irregular and will depend on the application,
the darker the harder compressed. It is said to appear as strong as
marble, yet as smooth as silk. Tadelakt can be made of different range
of traditional powdered colures.
94
95
Unit 2 in Marrakech
”To prepare the academic work, I travelled to Marrakech in September
2009. A number of friends and colleagues recommended the city and
of course there was an air of fascination... the people, the Medina, the
Atlas Mountains, Africa to name just a few.
Once I arrived in Marrakech, it was an unpredictable journey and a whole
array of issues and places unfolded and just by pure chance. I found
the most unusual people and locations. I imagined the opportunities
that the potential sites would offer and the actual locations exceeded
my expectations by far. On my search for a suitable accommodation, I
walked the little allyways in the Medina and just knocked on doors. When
the door of Riad Sahara Nour opened, I knew that I finnaly arrived and
the Unit 2 work in Marrakech was not something abstract anymore.”1
Once the academic year started, we prepared a Travel Book with a series
of urban and architectural information. It enabled us to gain access to
information that a group of architects would require, prior to working
in such uncommon conditions. It served as a kind of contract of a group
with a city.
The field trip to Marrakech was from the 13th - 24th of November. During
that time, we engaged in a series of intensive workshops, and focused on
three major sites, which capture the diversity of recent urban dynamics.
Only one student has been to Marrakech before. Arrival was very early
on Friday morning.
The following extract is from Tendy St Francis’ essay “From London to
Marrakech”.
[1] Text source: C. Hadrys
[2] Text source: Kevin Lynch, The
Image of the City (London: The MIT
Press, 1997) p 3.
Image source (right): title
collage Tendy St Francis.
page,
“In preparation for our trip to Marrakech we armed ourselves with
research on the Arab city’s historical socio-cultural development.
New terms were introduced to us, replacing the urban terminology of
London. Words like derb, souk, dar, riad and hammam were explained
in terms of physical qualities as well as sociocultural connotation. But in
my mind’s eye the mental imagery created was based on second hand
images and my own autobiographical catalogue of spatial and material
perceptions. All of this information, along with maps, contact details
and an itinerary were collated into a booklet and we set off.
Day 1. Step out of the cool shade of the airport, into the intense heat
and blinding bright. Eyes struggle to readjust and skin sizzles as it
changes its strategy for body temperature control. From the safety
of the mini bus eyes strain taking in soil colour, strange yet familiar
trees and building types. Cars and donkeys share the road. Memories of
Zimbabwe and Ghana click in.
Almost as soon as we arrive in an alien environment we look for clues
on how to anchor ourselves. ‘Many kinds of clues are used; the visual
sensations of colour, shape motion or polarisation of light, as well as
other senses such as smell, sound, touch...sense of gravity and perhaps
of electric and magnetic fields’ 2. Some of these processes take place on
a molecular level. For the purposed of continuity we shall focus on the
perceptual processing of input from the five senses.
96
Schemas are auto biographical. In day to day life their connection to
your past barely enters the conscious mind. It is only when we are faced
with the unknown that begin to fully penetrate our awareness. As I took
in my first glimpse of Marrakesh my mind fought to make sense of this
new world. The schemas built up over years of London life only loosely
connected. As I looked around, I took in the common urban language
of cars as a motor powered vehicle for transporting people and tarred
roads as manmade tracks for the use of many cars. The difference was
quickly filled by schemas created during my childhood in Zimbabwe.
The flowers and plants found a name, texture and even taste. The red
soil became a permanent tint on my clothes and fire ant mounds. The
visual stimulation pushed further still and suddenly i knew the smell of
the soil in the rain and how it would ooze between my fingers and toes
when wet.
As we travelled closer to the city began to read its structure and
organisation. The formal planting, manicured green verges and
signs making proclamations of unity and justice were very similar to
the experience of entering Harare and Accra from the airport. These
elements of conceived space are utilised by municipalities of these
cities to create the sense of entering place of importance, a place of
power and wealth. Whilst the journey created a sense of a nostalgic
return, it also depend the feeling of apprehension. I sensed that, as with
previous experiences, beyond these well manicured verges would be far
less ordered urban language.
As we entered through Marrakech’s front door, the schemas created
in Harare and Accra had already begun to set up expectations of built
form, building to street relationships, street life and socio-spatial
conduct. My mind jostled between the researched Marrakech and my
preformed material and schematic data bank, distorting the perception
of the city.
Light also plays an important role in how we initially located ourselves
and our sense of direction. As we arrived the Marrakech sun sat high in
the sky, derailing the London set sense of orientation. We not only
97
relate to the sun’s position at different times of the day but to the level
of light. As dusk approaches our senses become muted as our internal
clock begins to wind down. The intensity of the light in Marrakech over
stimulated the senses. I had a feeling of seeing everything in ‘technicolor’
minute detailing. This over stimulation of visual input also affected the
other senses, intensifying the perceptual processes of initial contact.
Day 2. After the first day’s jet lagged walk we left the riad feeling quite
confident of the day’s task: starting at Jemma El-fna walk east, observe
and record. Navigating from the narrow derb of our base to the local
shops is already becoming familiar. Although we spent a few minutes
arguing which way from that point...everyone seems to have different
memories of yesterday’s route. In the end both options merge into the
wide paved road everyone remembered. I’m still really intimidated by the
main tarred road... I keep regressing and looking for a hand to hold...
we walked on confident, half looking at the map and noticing landmarks
like the ‘big bronze door’, the building ‘little narrow bricks’ and where
we bought water yesterday. We entered the souks and suddenly no
98
one was quite sure which way, no matter which way we went someone
remembered the route. Feelings of frustration move from navigation
to needing space to think and physically be...feeling the fringes of the
trauma of displacement of self...after an hour we realised the map would
of little use. It seemed as the vendors where working together to keeps
us forever lost in this labyrinth. The streets that seemed straight often
led you back to the same point. As we walked past the stall with brightly
coloured leather sandals again, you could be sure if it was the same one
or yet another one. The direction of light heavily diffused by the street
covering simply added to the feeling of being cocooned in a nutshell that
contained the universe. Relying heavily on perceived direction we gave
in and continued happy for now, to be lost.
Press, 1997) p 4.
[2,3] Lonely Planet, Morocco, p. 336.
Derb at Night
Image source (left): Andrew Ozioro
‘To become completely lost is...a rare experience...in the modern city.
We are supported by the presence of others and by special way finding
devices; maps, street numbers, route signs [and] bus placards’ 1. The
first few days in a new environment you become child like. The shock of
a new urban setting is not singular in nature; it takes the form of many
small shocks as habitual ways of doing, seeing, interacting again and
again fail to create the desired outcome. The complexity and subjective
nature of schemas and their reaction to the new mean the extent and
longevity of shock varies greatly. Individuals with more fixed schemas
(like the elderly) may feel disorientated and emotionally off balance for
years.
Marrakech’s medina has a very subtle conceived space. Signs are a rarity
and are often created by individuals. This makes the city very difficult to
read for a newcomer. Tourist guide books advise that ‘however torturous
the lanes become, the first rule of navigation applies – keep to the main
streets, following the flow of people and you will eventually arrive at a
landmark or a city gate’ 2. But this fails once faced with reality. Main
road are at a scale read as lanes. Following the flow of crowds in the
souks only seems to lead you round and round the souks or the crowd
simply dissipates and you are left following a few to private derbs. The
confusion of many small shop units makes each rout feel like the next.
At their most intense, these small shops have no doors, windows or
signs and merchandise forms the walls of the shops and street. Street
coverings permit defused light, while the sun remains hidden from view
lost to the orientating senses.
The street formation works against the gridded logic of most metropolitan
cities. As we walked in what we perceived to be a straight line we often
ended up back where we began, or so it seemed. Some routes appeared
to turn one way only to present you with a dead end or private entrance.
After managing to transverse the Medina and out of the tannery gate
we were greeted with intense heat and openness. After the physical and
mental exhaustion of the medina we stopped to regroup and decided
to return ‘home’. Through the day’s orienteering we had had a good
underrating of our only fixed point of reference’s relation to the rest
of the medina. However the complexity and intensity of the perceptual
experience was still fresh and unsettled within our mental orientation
map and we found it difficult to visualise a route back. ‘In the process
of way finding the strategic link is the environmental image...a clear
image enables one to move about easily and quickly’ 3. Instead we opted
for the longer, heat exposed journey around the outskirts of the medina
wall. Here things had the more familiar language of multilane tarred
roads with white lines, housing blocks, shopping arcades and the space
to perceive and simply be.
99
Press, 1997) p 12.
[2] Besim Selim Hakim, Arabic-Islamic
Cities (London: Routledge, 1986) pp
18-19.
Infrastructure
Image source
Dokkedahl.
(right):
Tyra
Lea
Day 6. I led them through the souks. Each souk differentiating itself
through wares, each with a different atmosphere dictated by the type
of street covering and amount of light filtering through, at times harsh,
reminding you of the heat out there, the soft, ethereal, lending a magical
quality to the colours and textures of the wares. The private life of the
souks remained hidden only the odd closed door hints at the private
lives beyond. Through and out to the open square of the Ben Youssef
mederasa... our pivot point as we turn down the street of luxury hotels,
restaurants and galleries. Futher still as a whiff in the air assures of
the correctness of the route. Hot square/car park...then the crowded
neighbourhood souk, the only source of public shade around, creating a
sense of entrance to the tanneries...back to the heat.
‘By repeated experience the entire pattern of perception is changed,
and the observer need no longer consciously...add new data to an old
framework...[The] achieved image will operate successfully in the new
situation, seeming natural and right’1. Through repeated interaction the
apparent chaotic nature of the medina began to disseminate creating
new rules for navigation. I had developed the ability to read the crowd
and could flow and weave through when necessary. I began to read
beyond the apparent chaos and see part of the city’s underlying forces.
The covered shopping areas and street arches became gates delineating
a shift in urban language or neighbourhood ownership. The shopping
streets revealed private entrances between the multitudes of small
shops. Through the souk covering the building heights and hints of
roof life were brought to the fore. Without labels the reading of the
physicality of the city felt more attuned the sociospatial conduct of its
inhabitants. Subtleties in the relation of public and private intensified
the feeling of being taken in by the city rather than dictated to.
In the souks among the shops and booths you could see the products for
sale being made, a rarity in the modern world as we are now so removed
from the process of making. Here the craft of making is intensely public,
displayed as proudly as finished goods. Even the private hidden life of
the city is open to glimpses from the public realm.
The medina reads like a city of many makers with a shared vision of
self provision without detriment to others. B. Hakim says of the growth
and development of the medina: ‘Citizens’ decisions were of a micro
nature, with less discernable effects than the decisions of the rulers, but
their aggregate impact on the city was ultimately more significant, and
affected the view of most people directly’ 2.
Through the selection of a second navigational anchor point, the
tanneries, interaction with the city became more meaning full. The
relation of multiple sites mentally eased the process of orientation.
Walking increased speed at which navigational schemas were created,
direct interaction with the ground and built form meant you could
quickly relate to socio-spatial practices. In turn, these practices
where learnt and became habitual through interaction with the local
inhabitants.
Back in London
Upon returning to London the new schema created is pushed back to the
subconscious and the old patterns reengaged. A sense of disorientation
is felt resulting in a sense of longing and loss. As the old habitual
100
patterns settle they become tinted by a sense of difference. Human
beings are naturally differentiating creatures. We utilise difference in
organising objects, sites and even people. Internally we use difference
to develop a sense of self. The sense of difference that remains from
the Marrakech developed schemas connects with the London schema
creating a new level of understanding. Perceptions previously taken for
granted now highlighted forces previously unseen. The blasé attitude
has faded somewhat and I re-appropriated my sense of relation to
London ground and my fellow urbanites. Whilst physical practices have
changed very little, I perceive more and more of the underlying forces
within east London.
My sense of orientation has expanded beyond the physical conceived
space to the socio-spatial practices of the many cultures of the urbanites
and new comers of East London. They colour the controlled space, subtly
rebelling against prescribed practice.”
101
Accommodation
For accommodation, we rented to old courtyard houses right inside the
Medina. The Riad Sahara Nour and the Dar Touyir are located just across
a little neighbourhood street in the Bab Doukkala area. The houses
offered us a calm place to work and the owners Lucile and Françoise
Gache, as well as Carole and Robert Stercq offered us great support and
insight.
102
Riad Sahara Nour
118, Derb Dekkak
Bab Doukkala, Médina
40 000 - Marrakech
Maroc
103
104
Presentations at Riad Sahara Nour
Image source (left page): C. Hadrys
Dar Touyir Rooftop
(this page)
Dar Touyir
132, Derb Dekkak
Bab Doukkala, Médina
40 000 - Marrakech
Maroc
105
106
107
Jnane Tihihit Garden and Village
Image credit (this page bottom and
page right): Zoya Boozorginia
Jnane Tihihit (One Day Trip to a
House outside Marrakech, owned by
Carole and Robert Sterq)
Douar Makhfamane,
Par le Barrage de Lalla Takerkoust
108
109
Friday
13 Nov 2009
Arrival Airport
9.35
Introduction
Police Cards
Payment
Rooms etc.
First Task in
Groups of 3:
Walk randomly
within the
Medina only and
find a spatial
condition of
interest.
Saturday
14 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Sunday
15 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Monday
16 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Tuesday
17 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Wednesday
18 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Second Task in
Groups of 3:
Radial walks out
of the Medina,
starting at the
Jemma El-Fna.
Walk to the
Mederasa Ben
Youssef
Walk to the
Bahia Palace
To be decided
Form new
Groups of 3
North-West
North-East
South-East
Individual work:
Draw carefully
key spatial
qualities, as
plan, section,
perspective
and/or diagram
etc.
Visit one of your
sites of interest
once more
Individual work:
Draw carefully
key spatial
qualities, as
plan, section,
perspective
and/or diagram
etc.
Take Photos
Take Photos
Careful
observations
and recordings.
What is your key
interest in the
site?
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Draw the spatial
condition with
very careful
precision, plan,
section and
perspective
(vanishing point
or axo) each
student just one
A 4 drawing
Draw a Colour
Section and a
Texture Plan of
your walk, as
two separate
maps (same
scale).
You may want
to stick a series
of paper
together
Form groups of
3 for the next 3
days.
The groups
from the
previous day
continue.
The groups
from the
previous day
continue.
To be decided
Visit another 1
site only in
Groups of 3:
Visit another 1
site only in
Groups of 3:
Start careful
observations
and recordings.
What could be
your interest in
the site?
Start careful
observations
and recordings.
What could be
your interest in
the site?
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner
Where you want
Meeting SN
20.00
Meeting SN
20.00
Free
Meeting Jemma
El-Fna
20.00 – 22.30
Meeting SN
20.00
Free
Pin-up at 21.00
Layout of all
maps together,
forming 2
subjective city
maps (one plan
one section).
As a group,
map your walk
on one A 3
paper.
Ten group
works
Presentation
and discussion.
110
Visit 1 site of
your choice in
Groups of 3:
Start careful
observations
and recordings.
What could be
your interest in
the site?
NonCompulsory
Group Tutorials
Decide for
TWO SITES of
interest
Tutorials
Thursday
19 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Friday
20 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
New Groups of
3
Focus areas
within the sites
Visit the other
second site of
interest once
more
Workshop on
A1 to find
common
interest and
groups.
Saturday
21 Nov 2009
Breakfast
9.00 am
Meeting SN
10.00
Free
Relax your
mind
Sunday
22 Nov 2009
Breakfast
9.00 am
Meeting SN 9.30
The Groups of 3
from the
previous day
will go to the
site. Individually
design a
building or
building
pattern.
Use drawing
techniques to
communicate
your ideas.
Monday
23 Nov 2009
Breakfast
8.30 am
Meeting SN 9.30
Site Work in
Groups of 3
minimum, all
Day
This is the last
chance to look
at the sites. Use
the time
carefully and
efficient.
Careful
observations
and recordings.
What is your key
interest in the
site?
Each site offers
further focus of
1ha for 3
students
minimum.
Working Lunch
at SN 13.30
Working Lunch
Sahara Nour
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Lunch
Where you want
Meeting SN
14.30
Workshop
continues
Focus areas and
design work:
Design a key
architectural
quality and
synergetic
spatial
programme
Lecture on Riad
and Dar
Housing
Typologies,
Site Work, all
Day
Focus Workshop
Decide for
ONE SITE only
Form Groups of
3 or more and
go to the sites/
focus areas.
organised by
Françoise
Urban – Building
– Detail
Review at 16.00
Start systematic
site recordings
of your focus
area. Plan,
Section,
Perspectives,
Dimensions,
Photos
(landscape,
cityscape) etc.
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner - With
the whole group
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner
Where you want
Dinner - With
the whole group
Meeting SN
20.00
Dinner at the
location of your
choice, to say
good bye to
Stephanie.
Meeting
Djemma El-Fna
19.30 – 22.30
Meeting SN
20.00
Dinner at the
location of your
choice, to say
good bye to
Marrakech.
Describe your
personal
interest and site
dynamics
visually
Model Work
Pin-up your
work and
describe your
strategic
considerations
in a range of
scales
FINAL SITE
DECISION
NonCompulsory
Group Tutorials
Pin-up your
work and
describe your
considerations:
strategic in a
range of scales,
building design
and programme
with models
and drawings
Tuesday
24 Nov 2009
Breakfast
6.45 am
Departure to
Airport 7.30 (at
the cars, sharp)
We have to be
at the airport at
7.45-8.00
Flight to London
10.00 am
111
The Three Sites
The three sites and research areas capture the diversity of urban dynamics.
The Palmeraie
The first site is in the north of the city. Here diverse hybrids between
European planning and North African urban cultures are rapidly
expanding. By eating more and more into arable land and a palm forest,
the expansion opens questions of sustainability and demands unusual
responses.
Students: Sara Alidadi, James Barrett, Xingrong Chen, Karl Enright,
Darren Lee, Marina Andromachi Markides, Daniel Rees
The Tanneries
The second site is in the old Medina. This part of the city is a close knit
meshwork of alleyways and courtyard houses, loosely structured around
public spaces, such as squares, mosques, palaces, defence systems etc…
The focus is around the Tannery community in the east of the Medina.
Students: Desario Ademaj, Koldobika Albistegui Sojo, Zoya Boozorginia,
Peter Dagger, Tyra Lea Dokkedahl, Salvatore Noviello, Joshua Philips,
Hee Kyung Sohn, Angela Constantinou, Sam Fleming, Effrosyni Rogan,
Tendseko St Francis
Sidi Youssef
The third site ‘Sidi Youssef‘ is in the south east of the city and is an
outcome of migration related urban growth. Here the city has been
extended with fairly loose planning frameworks in a self build manner.
These informal areas resemble the density of the medina, but not its
quality.
Students: Ibrahim Buhari, Khedidja Angeline Carmody, Donal Egan,
Kevin Widger, Stephanie Bryan, Andrew Ozioro
112
113
The Palmeraie
[1] Text sources: www.gardenvisit.com/
garden/palmeraie_palm_garden
(accessed 29.10.2009).
Further text sources: ezinearticles.
com/The-Palmeraie-in-Marrakech
and
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Palmeraie
(accessed 29.10.2009).
The Palmeraie is located in the north of Marrakech. The length is
approximately 15km and the width is approximately 2 km. It is a large
natural palm grove, partly containing planted date palms and some
ornamental plants, including jasmine, roses and honeysuckle. It is
irrigated by means of underground water channels and the river Tensift.
There are approximately 13,000 hectares of orchard with 100,000 trees
amongst. It is the only palm grove of its kind north of the High Atlas
mountain range.1
The eastern part is well developed with luxury hotels and golf courses.
The Palmarie Gardens include Dar Asseraf, Dar Gunz, Dar Rachad,
Palmeraie Golf Palace, Tikida Garden and Villa Schubnel. Over the past
few years has deteriorated on a large scale 1. The Palmeraie has become
one of the most glamorous and fashionable places for higher income
classes.
Aerial Photo
Image
source
(right
page):
googleearth (accessed 29.10.2009).
Site Photos
Image source (following 4 pages): C
Hadrys, 10.09.2009.
Our area of interest is located in the western part. It has developments that
are fragmented and poorly planed. Over time there has been excessive
deforestation of the palm trees and this has resulted in the implementation
of law to prevent further damage. Nevertheless, rapid expansion onto
arable land and the lack of integrating existing communities opens
pressing questions and demands unusual responses.
The emerging building typologies are a result in incoherent piecemeal
planning policies. The developed area appears indifferent to the palm
forest to the north of the site. Most of the developments face inwards
creating a strained relationship between neighbourhoods and between
built-form and nature.
1. Palm grove with sparse palm trees. Irrigation systems and small scale
farming allows this open land to be lush green.
2. This community was one of the first in the area. Buildings are rarely
higher than 2 storeys. The overall layout is largely informal, build
with traditional mud techniques and simple concrete post and beam
constructions. There are a few farm houses in immediate proximity of
the palm grove. In addition it has some retail units in the east, serving
a number of different people.
3. This area is an organised informal settlement and has a very strong
sense of community. A formal street pattern provides a framework for
bottom-up developments, while maintaining strong vistas through the
neighbourhood. The 2-4 storey buildings are simple concrete post and
beam structure.
4. A rigid street pattern provides a strong
developments. Buildings have 3-5 stories and a
diverse designs, side by side. What appears to
photo is largely build up, showing the speed of
framework for formal
plot system allows very
be unbuild in the areal
recent expansion.
5. The area is recently build. It has 4-5 storey apartment developments
with a very high density and planned street layout. Nevertheless, it has
almost no street life.
6. This gated community is under construction. It is surrounded by tall
walls and allowing no interaction with other communities. Although
planned, this settlement has no formal relationship with the Palm forest.
114
1
4
4
2
3
6
5
115
116
117
118
119
120
100 m
The Palmeraie
121
The Tanneries
“Morocco‘s imperial cities of Marrakesh
and Fez maintain a link with a bygone
era. Nowhere is this truer than in their
tanneries where, for hundreds of years,
tight-knit family cooperatives have
produced some of the world‘s finest
leather. Amid honeycomb canyons of
stone vats, tanners toil in searing heat
assailed by the putrid stench of pigeon
dung, working to maintain a reputation
that stretches back to the middle Ages
and the foundation of their majestic
cities.”1
“Sheep, cow and goat leather articles
are all on sale, but sadly, various skins
of rarer or endangered species may be
on display and should not be bought,
for legal as much as ethical reasons.”2
The tanneries themselves are repeatedly
described as “perhaps not as impressive
as the tanneries of Fez.”3
[1] Text sources: www.accessmylibrary.
com.
[2] Mark Ellingham, The Rough Guide To
Morocco (Penguin books 2007) p 632.
[3]www.marrakech.world-guides.com/
marrakech_attractions.
[4] www.accessmylibrary.com.
[5]www.trazzler.com/trips/tannery-inmarrakech-morocco.
[6]www.podfeed.net/episode/
Tanneries+and+water+-+meandering+thr
ough+Morocco.
(accessed 29.10.2009).
Aerial Photo
Image source (right page): googleearth
(accessed 29.10.2009).
Tanneries Community
Image source (next two pages)
www.planetware.com and farm3.static.
flickr.com (accessed 31.08.2009)
Site Photos, outside City Wall
Image source (following 4 pages):
C Hadrys, 10.09.2009.
122
The tanneries are situated within the eastern edge of the Medina. The
main drying and curing areas are sited beyond the Medina walls. The
community draws their necessary water supplies alongside the Issil River.
“It is thought that the tanners were the first to settle in what is now
Marrakech, after the city‘s foundation in 1062.”4 “The leather tanneries
are towards the east where the wind blows away from the city, on account
of their smell. Leather is cured in cattle urine and pigeon droppings-and
for the proximity to a ready supply of water”.5 Yet Still begin to reveal
the processes which have remained similar throughout the centuries, the
power of handcrafted process allows an insightful experience.
Active work and lifestyle in the tannery is extremely poor. “To work in a
tannery in Marrakech is to work under some of the harshest working
conditions. Not only are you exposed to the blazing sun, but you are soaked
in blood, animal bodily fluids and parts, pigeon excrement, and get paid
appallingly. If you want to be a tanner, you need to be born into it, and only
men are allowed. Many suffer from arthritis and are forced into an early
retirement. And it has been reported that in places such as Bangladesh,
up to half a million people are at risk of serious health issues due to their
tanneries emitting toxic chemicals such as sulphuric acid “6 The tanneries
act in this area as a staple means of employment for the local community
and provide a vast natural craft base and resource to the local economy.
1. They use hundreds of concrete vats to process animal skins which are
bought locally in the souks. The skins mainly sheep, goat and cow are
treated far differently to the way leather is treated in other parts of the
world as the process clings to its ancient traditions. Hair and flesh are
removed by soaking the skins in quicklime (Calcium Oxide formed when
limestone - calcium carbonate - decomposes) and water. After this, the
skins are placed in a vat of water and blood, then separated and rung
out, before being coloured using a few natural products: Pomegranate
for yellow; Olive oil for shininess; Bark for various colours, presumably
brown; Saffron for golden yellow; Henna for red/orange; Poppy for many
other colours including white, pink, yellow, orange, red and blue.
2. Living Qarters of the Tanneries community. The Primary building typology
is residential and contains mainly dars or riads. As the aerial photo shows,
they are closely spaced and the streets become intricately narrow, therefore
making access almost impossible for cars, transport is mainly by carriages,
bikes and scooters or by foot. The street pattern seems almost organic
possibly shaped by movements through the city over time. A number of
mosques face the main west-east orientated street. A grammar school and a
neighbourhood street market are located to the west of the community.
3. The skins are stretched out and left to dry for over 20 days. This area
seems to be subject to urban expansion plans as roads are already build.
4-5. This is an informal settlement that is related to the Tanneries
community. As inequality has caused tension, the area marked as 5
should be avoided at day and night.
6. City wall, main road Route des Remparts, River Issil and cemetary.
7. The Ben Youssef Mosque and Maderasa are located here.
8. This is the core area of the Souks of Marrakech.
5
3
6
4
2
3
1
1
7
2
6
2
8
123
124
125
126
127
128
100 m
The Tanneries
129
Sidi Youssef
[1] Text sources: www.ilovemarrakech.
com/marrakesh/history
(accessed 29/10/2009).
[2] Quentin Wilbaux, Marrakesh the
Secret of Courtyard Houses, p108.
Housing Growth - Sequence
Image source (below and right
page): Wilbaux Quentin, La Medina
de Marrakech (Paris: L‘Harmattan,
2001) p 83.
Aerial Photo
Image
source
(right
page):
googleearth (accessed 29.10.2009).
Site Photos
Image source (following 4 pages): C
Hadrys, 10.09.2009.
The area of Sidi Youssef Ben Ali is in the south east of the Medina and
is an outcome of a rapid population increase and urban growth in the
20th century. The area grew from the medina outwards, from the 1920s
onwards. Here the city has been extended with fairly loose planning
frameworks in a self build manner. The informal nature of the area
resembles the density of the medina, but not its quality.
The urban form of the area could also be described as a ‘Modern
Medina‘.
The local population is of lower income. The occupation in the area is
rather crafts, small scale manufacturing and service based.
The urban area got its name from the name of a religious Saint Sidi
Youssef Ben Ali whose tomb is at present in the area.
In the 12th century, “The city grew quickly with the coming of Sidi Youssef
Ben Tachfine’s son, who added more to the city and was dedication
to prayer, fasting and construction projects which did wonders for the
city’s architecture and irrigation systems.“ 1
“Sidi Youssef Ben Ali, or known as Abou Yaakoub Youssef Ben Ali, of
Yemeni origin, was the brilliant pupil of the Sheik Abou Asfour. Being
very ill from leprosy he passed his life in the leper-house located at
Bab Aghmat. This terrible disease killed him in 1196 (an unshakeable
faith). The Ben Youssef mosque was devoted to him in the almoravide
origin.“ 2
1. This housing area is the core urban development of Sidi Youssef Ben
Ali. Buildings are rarely higher than 3-5 storeys. The overall layout is
largely informal, build with traditional mud techniques and simple
concrete post and beam constructions. There are a few major roads that
give the informal layout clearer structure and orientation. For Example,
the Avenue Msalla runs east-west and the Rue El Gabse runs north-south
(see main roads on the areal photo). The area has some retail units in
the west and along major roads, serving a number of different people.
Nevertheless, there are only a few public spaces in Sidi Youssef Ben Ali.
2. This area, called Siba I and II, extends the core development with a
slightly more planned urban pattern and with a slightly lower density.
3. To the west is Tacaltant, a rather planned housing development
(commercial developers). The area has a slightly higher income
population.
4. Market for the local community.
5. To the west of the core development is a long strip of educational
developments. The tall walls make this a barrier within the urban network.
Furthermore, large open areas are undefined and remain unused.
6. Sidi Youssef Football Stadium.
7. Area along the City Wall and the Jardins de L‘Aguedal. The open space
outside the wall maintains a critical distance between city and garden.
8. The city has a very distinct boundary to it‘s hinterland here. The city
stops abruptly and open fields and farmland begins.
130
8
1
5
7
3
4
6
2
5
8
131
132
133
134
135
136
100 m
Sidi Youssef
137

2009-10 MARRAKECH BOOK.indd

Transcription

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