pdf, 10 MB - SFB 632 - Universität Potsdam

Transcription

Lokale Organisatoren & Organisatorinnen
Leitung
Heike Wiese, Malte Zimmermann
Organisatoren/Organisatorinnen (alphabetisch)
Flavia Adani, Maria Balbach, Frauke Berger, Jutta Boethke, Juliane Burmester, Ulrike Demske, Ralf Ditsch, Nikos Engonopoulos, Gisbert Fanselow, Kathleen Freymann, Konstantina Garoufi, Susanne Genzel, Nicole Gotzner, Stella Gryllia, Barbara Höhle, Anja Kleemann-Krämer, Claudius Klose, Alexander Koller, Frank Kügler, Jane Kühn, Anke Lüdeling, Katharina
Mayr, Hans G. Müller, Arne Neumann, Ines Rehbein, Agata Renans, Antje
Sauermann, Sören Schalowski, Anna Theresa Schmidt, Christoph Schroeder,
Ulyana Senyuk, Radek Šimík, Bernadett Smolibocki, Katharina Spalek, Manfred Stede, Maja Stegenwallner-Schütz, Thuan Tran, Luis Vicente, Isabell
Wartenburger, Marta Wierzba, Amir Zeldes, Sabine Zerbian, Anne ZimmerStahl, Florian Zipser
Studentische Assistenten/Assistentinnen (alphabetisch)
Monique Brzezinki, Tobias Busch, Burak Dalkilic, Joseph De Veaugh-Geiss,
Verena Ehrenberg, Constanze Fleczoreck, Anne Fritsch, Lydia Gornitzka,
Andre Herzog, Carolin Jäckel, Helena Jank, Elena Karvovskaya, Johannes
Koch, Stella Krüger, Franziska Machens, Sara Mamprin, Constanze Otto,
Marianna Patak, Simone Pfeil, Sarah Pötzl, Nadja Reinhold, Elina Rubertus, Eva-Maria Saur, Rike Schlüter, Svenja Schuermann, Anne Schumacher,
Emil Visser
i
Die Organisatorinnen und Organisatoren bedanken sich herzlich bei den folgenden Sponsoren:
ii
Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität
Potsdam
Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,
herzlich willkommen zur 35. Jahrestagung der
Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft
an der Universität Potsdam! Wir freuen uns, im
Jahr 2013 Gastgeber der größten linguistischen
Fachtagung Deutschlands zu sein.
Eine Besonderheit der Potsdamer Linguistik stellt der Sonderforschungsbereich 632
„Informationsstruktur: Die sprachlichen Mittel der Gliederung von Äußerung, Satz und
Text“ dar, dessen Potsdamer Teilprojekte aus
dem Department für Linguistik und dem Institut für Germanistik gemeinsam die diesjährige Tagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für
Sprachwissenschaft ausrichten. Der Sonderforschungsbereich (SFB), 2003 unter Beteiligung der Humboldt-Universität zu
Berlin eingerichtet und nun auch unter Beteiligung der Freien Universität Berlin in der letzten Förderperiode, ist derzeit der einzige SFB im Land Brandenburg. Getragen von Instituten der Humanwissenschaftlichen und der Philosophischen Fakultät ist der SFB ein hervorragendes Beispiel für eine fruchtbare fakultätsübergreifende Zusammenarbeit. Besonders erfreulich sind außerdem der hohe Frauenanteil sowie der Anteil an beteiligten Nachwuchswissenschaftlerinnen und Nachwuchswissenschaftlern.
Das Department für Linguistik feiert dieses Jahr sein 20-jähriges Bestehen. Aufgrund der kognitionswissenschaftlichen Ausrichtung der Linguistik
an der Universität Potsdam ist das Department für Linguistik seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 1993 an der Humanwissenschaftlichen Fakultät angesiedelt,
welche sich mit ihrem Exzellenzbereich Kognitionswissenschaften durch ein
iii
Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität Potsdam
breites Angebot interdisziplinärer Studiengänge und Promotionsprogramme
auszeichnet.
Mit 10 Professuren zählt das Department zu den größten Linguistik-Instituten Deutschlands und deckt ein breites Spektrum von sprachwissenschaftlichen Ansätzen in Lehre und Forschung ab: von Grammatiktheorie über
Psycho- und Neurolinguistik zu Computerlinguistik – sowohl von einem angewandten als auch von einem theoretischen Standpunkt aus. Die Professuren
in den Einzelphilologien der Philosophischen Fakultät (Germanistik, Romanistik, Anglistik, Slawistik) mit ihren vielfältigen Forschungsansätzen und
-schwerpunkten unterstreichen den hohen Stellenwert der Linguistik an der
Universität Potsdam nachdrücklich.
In der Philosophischen Fakultät ist seit 2009 das „Zentrum Sprache, Variation und Migration“ angesiedelt, das einen Schwerpunkt am Germanistischen Institut hat. Das Zentrum untersucht Sprache und Sprachvariation im
Kontext von Migration, ein Thema von zentraler Bedeutung in modernen
(Bildungs-)Gesellschaften. Es verbindet drittmittelstarke Forschungsschwerpunkte an der Universität und bietet ein in der Region einzigartiges Betreuungsprogramm für den wissenschaftlichen Nachwuchs an. In einem bundesweiten Zusammenschluss „Sprache, Variation und Migration“ wird die Vernetzung mit thematisch verwandten Forschungsverbünden in Deutschland gefördert.
Ein prominentes Mitglied dieses Netzwerks ist das im Oktober 2011 gegründete neue Forschungszentrum für Mehrsprachigkeit (Potsdam Research
Institute for Multilingualism, PRIM), das als erstes deutsches Forschungsinstitut psycholinguistische und neurokognitive Untersuchungstechniken anwendet, um Abbildung und Abläufe mehrerer Sprachen im menschlichen Gehirn nachzuweisen. Leiter des PRIM ist Prof. Harald Clahsen, der mit der
Alexander von Humboldt Professur, dem höchsten Preis für internationale
Forschung in Deutschland, ausgezeichnet wurde. Es handelt es sich hierbei
um die erste Alexander von Humboldt Professur in den neuen Bundesländern.
Die Universität Potsdam dehnt sich mit dem Neuen Palais im Park Sanssouci, mit dem Berlin nahen Griebnitzsee und mit dem Campus Golm über
drei Standorte aus. In Golm ist in den vergangenen Jahren der größte Wissenschaftspark der Region entstanden, dort haben sich neben der Humanwissenschaftlichen und der Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät
der Universität Potsdam zahlreiche außeruniversitäre Forschungseinrichtungen angesiedelt. Sie sind herzlich eingeladen, sich während Ihrer Tagung in
Golm, aber auch an den anderen Standorten der Universität Potsdam umzuiv
sehen und uns bald wieder zu besuchen.
Ich wünsche Ihnen eine interessante und erkenntnisreiche Tagung und
einen schönen Aufenthalt in Potsdam!
Prof. Oliver Günther, PhD.
v
Inhaltsverzeichnis
vi
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Informationen
Informationen zur Tagung
Anreise
iii
ix
x
xv
Lageplan und Raumverteilung
xvii
Essen und trinken
xix
Programmübersicht und AG-Programme
1
Programmübersicht
2
AG-Programme
5
Arbeitsgruppen und Abstracts
29
Plenarvorträge
30
Arbeitsgruppe 1
Prosody and Information Status in Typological Perspective
35
Arbeitsgruppe 2
Information Structural Evidence in the Race for Salience
61
Arbeitsgruppe 3
NP Syntax and Information Structure
85
vii
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Arbeitsgruppe 4
Parentheses & Ellipsis: Crosslinguistic & Theoretical Perspectives
111
Arbeitsgruppe 5
The Syntax and Semantics of Pseudoincorporation
137
Arbeitsgruppe 6
Interaction of Syntactic Primitives
161
Arbeitsgruppe 7
Usage-Based Approaches to Morphology
185
Arbeitsgruppe 8
Linguistic Foundations of Narration in Spoken and Sign Languages
205
Arbeitsgruppe 9
Specific Conditions in Language Acquisition
225
Arbeitsgruppe 10
Modellierung Nicht-Standardisierter Schriftlichkeit
257
Arbeitsgruppe 11
Interface Issues of Gestures and Verbal Semantics and Pragmatics
281
Arbeitsgruppe 12
Perspectives on Argument Alternations
299
Arbeitsgruppe 13
Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die Schule
315
Arbeitsgruppe 14
Workshop on the Visualization of Linguistic Patterns
327
Postersession der Sektion Computerlinguistik
345
Tutorium der Sektion Computerlinguistik
377
Lehrerinformationstag
379
Index
381
Stundenpläne der Arbeitsgruppensitzungen
387
viii
Informationen
i
Tagung
35. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für
Sprachwissenschaft – Informationsstruktur
Veranstalter
Universität Potsdam
Homepage
www.sfb632.uni-potsdam.de/dgfs-2013
Kontakt
Prof. Dr. Heike Wiese
Institut für Germanistik/SFB 632
Am Neuen Palais 10
14469 Potsdam
[email protected]
Prof. Dr. Malte Zimmermann
Department Linguistik/SFB 632
Karl-Liebknecht-Str. 24-25
14476 Potsdam
[email protected]
Anmeldung
https://dgfs.hostingkunde.de/jtanmeldung/index.php
Tagungsgebühren
Zahlungseingang bis 31.1.2013
DGfS-Mitglieder mit Einkommen
DGfS-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen
Nicht-Mitglieder mit Einkommen
30e
20e
50e
x
Nicht-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen
Zahlungseingang ab 1.2.2013
DGfS-Mitglieder mit Einkommen
DGfS-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen
Nicht-Mitglieder mit Einkommen
Nicht-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen
Teilnahme am Buffet
Bankverbindung
Kontoinhaber
Kontonummer
Bankleitzahl
IBAN
BIC/SWIFT
Verwendungszweck 1
Verwendungszweck 2
Hotelreservierung
xi
25e
35e
25e
55e
30e
25e
UP Transfer GmbH
350 201 29 29
160 500 00
Mittelbrandenburgische
Sparkasse
DE52 1605 0000 3502
0129 29
WEL ADE D1P MB
Name
DGfS-Tagung 2013
Wir haben in ausgewählten Hotels in Potsdam
Zimmerkontingente (teilweise mit Vergünstigungen) reserviert. Geben Sie dafür bei der Buchung
das Passwort DGfS Tagung 2013 an. Beachten
Sie bitte, dass die Kontingente höchstens bis Ende Januar 2013 geblockt sind. Eine Liste der
ausgewählten Hotels mit weiterführenden Informationen finden Sie hier: http://www.sfb632.unipotsdam.de/dgfs-2013/downloads/Hotels.pdf
i
i
Taxi
+49 (0) 331 29 29 29
Kinderbetreuung
In Zusammenarbeit mit dem Studentenwerk der
Universität Potsdam bieten wir für die Zeit der
35. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für
Sprachwissenschaft (Dienstag bis Freitag) eine
Kinderbetreuung für Kinder der KonferenzteilnehmerInnen an. Die Registrierung muss bis zum
25. Februar erfolgen. Bitte senden Sie eine E-Mail
an Jane Kühn ([email protected]) und teilen Sie
mit, wann das Kind betreut werden soll, sowie
Alter und Sprache (Deutsch/Englisch) des Kindes, das Sie anmelden möchten. Verbesserungsvorschläge sind herzlich willkommen!
Erste Hilfe
Haus 6, Raum S13 (Tagungsbüro)
Barrierefreiheit
Die Räumlichkeiten der Konferenz sind barrierefrei
xii
i
Anreise
Anreise nach Potsdam
Potsdam liegt im Südwesten der Metropolregion Berlin/Brandenburg. Für die
meisten der Teilnehmenden empfiehlt sich deshalb eine Anreise nach Berlin. Von dort ist Potsdam mit öffentlichem Nahverkehr zu erreichen. Berlin
hat zwei Flughäfen: Tegel (TXL) für große Airlines und Schönefeld (SXF)
für kostengünstige Airlines. Die gemeinsame Website beider Flughäfen lautet berlin-airport.de.
Alternativ verbindet der Hauptbahnhof Berlin mit vielen Städten in Deutschland und dem benachbarten Ausland. Beide Flughäfen und der Hauptbahnhof sind durch zahlreiche U- und S-Bahnlinien sowie Busse angebunden. Für
nähere Informationen zu öffentlichem Nahverkehr siehe unten. Die offizielle Website der Taxizentrale in Berlin/Brandenburg ist taxiverband-berlin.de.
Der Tarif beträgt 3,20e plus 1,65e für die ersten 7 Kilometer und 1,28e für
alle weiteren Kilometer.
Anreise zum Tagungsort
Der Campus Griebnitzsee ist sowohl von Berlin als auch von Potsdam aus
erreichbar. Die Verbindungsmöglichkeiten sind nachfolgend aufgeführt.
Von Potsdam:
• Bus 694 Richtung Stern-Center/Gerlachtstraße: Alle 20 min ab Potsdam Hbf
• Zug RB22 Richtung Griebnitzsee: Alle 30 min ab Potsdam Hbf, Gleis
4
• S7 Richtung Ahrensfelde: Alle 10 Minuten von Potsdam Hbf, Gleis 6
&7
xiii
Anreise
i
Von Berlin:
• S7 Richtung Potsdam Hbf. Alle 10 min von verschiedenen Bahnhöfen
in Berlin, u.a Alexanderplatz, Friedrichstraße, Hauptbahnhof, Zoologischer Garten, und Charlottenburg.
Öffentlicher Nahverkehr in Berlin und Potsdam.
Sowohl Berlin als auch Potsdam verfügen über ein dichtes Netz von Nahverkehrsverbindungen. Wir empfehlen die Website http://www.bvg.de zur Reiseplanung. Smartphonebenutzer können einen Routenplaner unter mobil.bvg
erreichen. Alternativ gibt es die Gratis-Apps FahrInfo Berlin (iPhone) oder
Öffi (Android) zum Download.
Berlin und Potsdam haben beide mehrere Tarifzonen, die sich teilweise
überlappen. Der Ort der Tagung, Griebnitzsee, liegt in der Zone C des Berliner Nahverkehrs und in der Zone B in Potsdam. Weder der Berliner noch der
Potsdamer Nahverkehr bieten Tickets für einzelne Tarifzonen an, deshalb ist
für die Fahrt von Potsdam ein AB-Ticket, für die Fahrt von Berlin ein ABCoder ein BC-Ticket nötig. Die Preise einiger Tickets sind nachfolgend aufgeführt.
Berlin
BC
ABC
Kurzstrecke
1,40
Einzelfahrt
2,70
3,00
Tageskarte
6,60
6,80
7-Tageskarte 27,20 28,00
Potsdam
Kurzstrecke
Einzelfahrt
Tageskarte
7-Tageskarte
AB
1,30
1,80
3,90
11,90
Eine Kurzstrecke berechtigt zur Fahrt für drei S- oder U-Bahnstationen bzw.
bis zu sechs Bus/Tramstationen. Einzelfahrscheine sind 60 Minuten (Potsdam)/ zwei Stunden (Berlin) gültig und erlauben beliebiges Umsteigen innerhalb des jeweiligen Nahverkehrsnetztes. Das Tages- und 7-Tages-Ticket
erlauben unbeschränkte Nutzung während der Gültigkeitsdauer.
xiv
i
Lageplan und Raumverteilung
Die Tagung findet am Campus Griebnitzsee der Universiät Potsdam statt, direkt am gleichnamigen S–Bahnhof gelegen. Alle Workshops finden in Haus
6 statt (siehe Karte). Die Raumaufteilung ist die folgende:
Arbeitsgruppen
AG1
AG2
AG3
AG4
AG5
AG6
AG7
AG8
AG9
AG10
AG11
AG12
AG13
AG14
xv
Prosody and Information Status in Typological
Perspective
Information structural evidence in the race for salience
NP syntax and information structure
Parentheses and ellipsis: Crosslinguistic and
theoretical perspectives
The syntax and semantics of pseudoincorporation
Interaction of syntactic primitives
Usage-based approaches to morphology
Linguistic foundations of narration in spoken and
sign languages
Specific conditions in language acquisition
Modellierung nicht-standardisierter Schriftlichkeit
Interface issues of gestures and verbal semantics
and pragmatics
Perspectives on argument alternations
Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die Schule
Workshop on the visualization of linguistic patterns
Raum S12
Raum S14
Raum S15
Raum S16
Raum S17
Raum S18
Raum S27
Raum S21
Raum S22
Raum S23
Raum S24
Raum S24
Raum S25
Raum S25
Lageplan
i
Sonstiges
Koffer
Tagungsbüro
Plenarvorträge
Pressekonferenz
V & B Sitzung
Postersession CL
Doktorandenforum
DGfS-Mitgliederversammlung/
Vorstandswahl
Cl-Mitgliederversammlung
Statistiktutorium CL
Raum H02
Raum S13
Räume H03/H04
Raum S26
Räume S15–S19
Raum S21
Raum S 19
Raum S22
Räume H03/H04
Raum S26
Haus 1, Raum 1.65a
Lageplan Campus Griebnitzsee
xvi
i
Essen und trinken
Die folgende Liste gibt einen Überblick über die Restaurants in Potsdam
und Griebnitzsee. Angegeben sind zu erwartende Durchschnittspreise für ein
Hauptgericht. Die meisten Restaurants befinden sich in der Innenstadt von
Potsdam.
xvii
Name & Adresse
Preis
Art der Küche
Albers am Griebnitzsee
Rudolf-Bretscheid-Str. 201
Lindencafé
Rudolf-Bretscheid-Str. 47
Athos
Zeppelinstr. 152
Potsdamer Kulturcafé
Benkertstr. 23
Filmcafé Potsdam
Breitestr. 1A
La Madeleine
Lindenstr. 20
My Keng
Brandenburger Str. 20
Matador
Sakura Sushi Lounge
Friedrich-Ebert Str. 85
Zum Fliegenden Holländer
Benkertstr. 5
<10e
deutsch
<10e
deutsch, französisch
<10e
Greek
<10e
Fisch, vegetarisch
<10e
libanesisch
<10e
Creperie, französisch
<10e
Sushi, kambodschanisch
<10e
amerikanisch, Steaks
10–15e
Sushi, japanisch
10–15e
Fisch, deutsch
Essen und trinken
i
Name & Adresse
Preis
Art der Küche
Piazza Toscana
Rudolf-Breitscheid-Str. 177
Café Kieselstein
Hegelallee 23
Alter Stadwächter
Schopenhauerstr. 33
Fischrestaurant "Der Butt"
Gutenbergstr 25
Brasserie zu Gutenberg
Jägerstr. 6
Noidue
Lindenstr. 6
Café Heider
Friedrich-Ebert-Str. 29
Café Hundertwasser
Burfürstenstr. 52
Pfeffer & Salz
Juliette
Jägerstr. 39
Restaurant Ma Cuisine
Hebbelstr. 54
Massimo 18
Mittelstr. 18
ca. 15e
italienisch
ca. 15e
vegan/vegetarisch
ca. 15e
deutsch
ca. 15e
Fisch, deutsch
ca. 15e
deutsch, französisch
ca. 15e
italienisch, Gourmet
ca. 15e
deutsch
ca. 15e
deutsch, mediteran
>17e
italienisch
>17e
französisch
>17e
französisch
>17e
italienisch, Gourmet
xviii
Programmübersicht und
AG-Programme
Programm
Programmübersicht
Dienstag, 12. März
09:00–20:00
10:00–17:00
10:00–18:00
15:30–18:00
15:15–16:45
ab 20:00
Tagung Arbeitskreis Linguistische Pragmatik und Vollversammlung ALP
DGfS Doktorandenforum
CL-Tutorium (Sektion Computerlinguistik)
Lehramtsinitiative: Plenarvorträge
Warming Up im Restaurant “Der Hammer”
Mittwoch, 13. März
09:30–09:45
09:45–10:45
10:45–11:15
11:15–11:30
11:30–12:30
12:30–14:00
13:00–14:00
14:00–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–18:30
ab 19:00
Begrüßung
Plenarvortrag: Pia Quist (Copenhagen)
Kaffeepause
Preisverleihung “Wilhelm-von-Humboldt-Preis”
Plenarvortrag: Ian Roberts (Cambridge)
Mittagspause
Mitgliederversammlung der DGfS-Sektion Computerlinguistik
Arbeitsgruppensitzungen
Kaffeepause
Geselliger Abend
2
Programmübersicht
Donnerstag, 14. März
09:00–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–13:00
13:00–14:30
13:00–14:30
14:30–18:30
19:30–21:30
Kaffeepause
Mittagspause
Poster und Demos der Sektion Computerlinguistik
DGfS-Mitgliederversammlung
Empfang der Stadt Potsdam im Stadthaus
Programm
Freitag, 15. März
09:00–10:00
10:00–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–14:00
Plenarvortrag: Laurence Horn (Yale)
Plenarvortrag: Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky (Marburg)
Kaffeepause
3
Programm
AG-Programme
AG1
Prosody and Information Status in Typological Perspective
Stefan Baumann and Frank Kügler
Haus 6, Raum S12
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
Topic: Overview
14:00–14:30 Stefan Baumann and Frank Kügler
Introduction
14:30–15:00 Arndt Riester, Moritz Stiefel and Kerstin Eckart
Investigating Focus Projection in Corpus Data
15:00–16:00 Daniel Büring
Givenness, Contrast & Topic
Topic: Information status from different perspectives
16:30–17:00 Annika Herrmann
The marking of information status in German Sign Language
17:00–17:30 Marina Snesareva
Speech Tempo Variation as a New Information Marker in
Modern Irish
17:30–18:00 Olga Lovick and Siri G. Tuttle
Prosodic marking and information status of postverbal material in Alaskan Athabascan
5
Programm
AG-Programme
18:00–18:30
Programm
Elisabeth Verhoeven and Frank Kügler
Accentual preferences and the degree of contribution to the
common ground: Evidence from an acceptability study on
German
Donnerstag, 14.3.2013
Topic: Typology and language (varieties) comparison
09:00–09:30 Aslı Gürer
Prosody of Contrastive Focus and Discourse New Constituents in Turkish
09:30–10:00 Michael J. Harris and Viola G. Miglio
A Comparison of Mexican and Chicano Spanish Encoding
of New & Given Information
10:00–10:30 Karin Görs
Kōrero Māori: Intonation patterns of Māori read speech
10:30–11:00 Rachel Burdin, Cynthia Clopper, Sara Phillips-Bourass,
Judith Tonhauser and Murat Yasavul
Variation in the prosody of contrastive focus in head– and
edge–marking languages
11:30–12:00 Maria del Mar Vanrell, Antonio Stella, Barbara GiliFivela and Pilar Prieto
The importance of universals in the expression of contrast
12:00–12:30 Yasuko Nagano-Madsen
Prosodic manifestation of focus–comparison of accent vs
accentless dialects of Ryukyuan
12:30–13:00 Jörg Peters
The phonetic realization of focus in Dutch, West Frisian,
Low Saxon, and German
Freitag, 15.3.2013
Topic: Syntax–Prosody
11:30–12:00 Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie, Ingo Feldhausen and Cédric
Patin
Accounting for the prosodic phrasing of Clitic LeftDislocations in Romance and Bantu
6
AG-Programme
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–13:30
13:30–14:00
AG2
Cíntia Antão, Pablo Arantes and Maria Luiza Cunha Lima
Interrelation between subjecthood, referential status and
prosody
Nele Salveste
The prosodic and syntactic means of marking information
status in Estonian
Susanne Genzel, Shinichiro Ishihara, Sara Myrberg, Fabian Schubö, Balázs Surányi and Ádám Szalontai
The prosodic realization of broad and narrow focus in
Hungarian
Stefan Baumann and Frank Kügler
Outroduction & Discussion
Programm
Information Structural Evidence in the Race
for Salience
Anke Holler and Miriam Ellert
Haus 6, Raum S13
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
Tom Roeper (Invited Speaker)
What should a theory of interfaces tell us about the acquisition path for discourse coherence?
Augustin Speyer
Reference Resolution in Historic Texts
Klaus von Heusinger and Annika Deichsel
Indefinite dies und discourse salience
Coffee Break
Stefan Hinterwimmer
Demonstrative Pronouns as Bound Variables?
7
AG-Programme
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:00
Programm
18:00–18:30
Frédéric Landragin
Physical salience and cognitive salience
Alexander Haselow
Information structure and final particles
Milena Kuehnast, Winfried Menninghaus and Thomas Jacobsen
Talking about emotions – an experimental study of participles as information structure devices
09:00–10:00
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
Jeffrey Runner (Invited Speaker)
Syntactic structure, information structure, and lexical effects on null and overt subject comprehension in Spanish
Clare Patterson
The effect of local discourse coherence on pronoun resolution: an eye-tracking study
Israel de la Fuente and Barbara Hemforth
The role of information structure on object pronoun resolution in Spanish: topic vs. focus
Coffee Break
Petra Schumacher and Manuel Dangl
Demonstrative pronouns, referential function and discourse progression
Simone Falk
Salience cues during spoken discourse comprehension
Miriam Ellert and Anke Holler
How salient is salience in reference resolution?
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:30
8
Mary Carroll, Monique Flecken and Christiane von Stutterheim
Introduction of referents – A crosslinguistic study on language specific organisation of information
AG-Programme
12:30–13:00
13:00–13:30
13:30–14:00
AG3
Gerda Haßler
Topic markers and their role in the race of salience and
anaphora resolution: the case of Romance languages
Sonja Gipper
Salience on the test stand: Referential choice in Yurakaré
and Quichua
Duygu Özge, Umut Özge and Klaus von Heusinger
Turkish optional case marking as an indicator of discourse
salience
Programm
Eleonore Brandner, Andreas Trotzke, Barbara Sonnenhauser, and Martina Werner
Haus 6, Raum S15
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:30
17:30–18:00
Giuliana Giusti and Rossella Iovino
Latin as an Articleless DP-language
Manuela Ambar
From DP to Sentence: Information Structure and Clause
Typing
Manuela Gonzaga
Adjectives in European Portuguese: Contribu-tions to the
Definition of the DP Structure and its Similarity with the
Sentence Structure
Coffee Break
Cecilia Poletto
Scrambling Phenomena in the Old Italian DP
Mihaela Tanase-Dogaru
Topics and Foci in Romanian Double-DP Qualitative Constructions
9
AG-Programme
18:00–18:30
Boban Arsenijević and Sabina Halupka-Rešetar
On the Topical Nature of Non-restrictively Used Relative
Pronouns
Programm
09:00–10:00
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:30
12:30–13:00
Norbert Corver
Affective Information Packaging in the Nominal Domain
Dorian Roehrs
The Left Periphery of the German DP: Two Pre-nominal
Positions for Possessives
Marit Westergaard and Merete Anderssen
Word Order and Information Structure within the Norwegian DP: Vulnerable Domains in Bilingual Acquisition and
Attrition
Coffee Break
Ulrike Demske
Discontinuous Noun Phrases in Early New High German:
Evidence for Information Structure?
Rosemarie Lühr
Discontinuous Syntax
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–13:30
10
Julie Goncharov
P-doubling in Split Scrambling: A Renaissance Analysis
Emily C. Wilson
Predicate Inversion in the Colloquial Slovenian DP
Urtzi Etxeberria and Aritz Irurtzun
The Effect of Focus in Narrowing Down Potential QP Interpretations
Maksim Kudrinski, Daria Popova, Svetlana Toldova, and
Alexandra Simonenko
Emerging Information Structure Effects: Clitic Particles in
Khanty
AG-Programme
AG4
Parentheses and Ellipsis: Crosslinguistic and
Theoretical Perspectives
Marlies Kluck, Dennis Ott, and Mark de Vries
Programm
Haus 6, Raum S16
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:30
14:30–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:00
18:00–18:30
Marlies Kluck, Dennis Ott, and Mark de Vries
Introduction to the workshop
Sandra Döring
Parentheticals are – presumably – CPs
Julia Bacskai-Atkari
Parenthesis and comparative operator deletion
Natalia Korotkova
How do you think? Apparent wh-scope marking in Russian
Coffee Break
Matthew Barros and Jeroen van Craenenbroeck
Tag questions and ‘pseudo’-ellipsis
Bradley Larson
The inherent syntactic incompleteness of Right Node Raising
Tracy Conner
Overt functional heads license ellipsis: a unified account
of VP-ellipsis and ellipsis in possessive DPs
Yiqin Qiu
The negation in VP-ellipsis in Mandarin Chinese
09:00–10:00
Stefan Schneider (invited speaker)
Remarks on parenthesis and incompleteness phenomena in
the Romance languages
11
AG-Programme
10:00–10:30
Programm
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
Werner Frey and Hubert Truckenbrodt
On the prosody and interpretation of some non-integrated
constituents
Güliz Güneş
Limits on the syntax-prosody mapping: finite and nonfinite clausal parentheticals in Turkish
Coffee Break
Gunther Kaltenböck and Bernd Heine
On theticals: a ‘rootless analysis’ of I think.
James Griffiths
Amalgamation in mitigator constructions
Frédéric Gachet
Syntactic analysis of que-deletion in French
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–14:00
12
Nicholas LaCara
Inversion, deletion, and focus in as-parentheticals
Ivan Sag, James Collins, Daria Popova, and Thomas Wasow
Sluicing and salience
Gabriela Bîlbîie
Verbless relative adjuncts as incidental fragments
Luis Vicente (invited speaker)
A structural paradox with respect to parentheticals inside
coordinate structures
AG-Programme
AG5
The Syntax and Semantics of PseudoIncorporation
Olga Borik and Berit Gehrke
Programm
Haus 6, Raum S17
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:30
14:30–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:30
Olga Borik and Berit Gehrke
Introduction
M. Teresa Espinal
Pseudo-incorporation in Romance at the syntax-semantics
interface
Bert Le Bruyn
Why have-predicates can take bare nominals
Ana Aguilar Guevara
Weak nouns, weak verbs, and stereotypicality
Coffee break
Florian Schwarz
Weak Definites and Kinds of Events
Natalia Serdobolskaya
Direct Object marking in Mari: Unmarked DOs or
pseudoincorporation
Veneeta Dayal
Standard Complementation, Pseudo-Incorporation, Compounding
13
AG-Programme
09:00–10:00
Programm
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
Henriëtte de Swart
Constructions with and without an article
Stavroula Alexandropoulou, Maartje Schulpen, and Henriëtte de Swart
Modification of bare nominals across languages and constructions
Lidia Bogatyreva
Cognate Intensifiers in Russian
Coffee break
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin and Marcelo Ferreira
Amounts of objects and pluralities
Fereshteh Modarresi
Quasi-incorporation and number marking in Persian
Michael Barrie and Audrey Li
The Semantics of (Pseudo)Incorporation and Case
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–14:00
14
Olav Mueller-Reichau
Pseudo-incorporation in Russian? Aspectual competition
and bare singular interpretation
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin
Types of kind-referring BSs and pseudo-incorporation
Werner Frey
Pseudo-Incorporation in German
General discussion
AG-Programme
AG6
Anke Assmann, Doreen Georgi, Philipp Weisser, and Timo
Klein
Haus 6, Raum S18
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:30
14:30–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:00
18:00–18:30
Philipp Weisser, Timo Klein, Doreen Georgi, Anke Assmann
Introduction
Klaus Abels
Feeding and transparency
Dalina Kallulli
CP-Extraction feeds complementizer agreement
Coffee Break
Marc Richards
‘Repair by ellipsis’ = ‘damage by transfer’
Leah Bauke
What small clause (sub)extraction in Russian reveals about
the properties of merge
Joost Kremers
Cross-modular interaction
Martin Salzmann
Rule ordering in verb cluster formation
09:00–10:00
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
Ellen Woolford
A hybrid approach to agreement typology: MP+OT
Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou, and Christina
Sevdali
Dative as a mixed Case: Agree meets m-case
Heidi Klockmann
Phi-defective numerals in Polish: bleeding and default
agreement
15
Programm
AG-Programme
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
Programm
12:00–13:00
Coffee Break
Doreen Georgi
Opaque Interaction of Merge and Agree: On Two Types of
Internal Merge
Winfried Lechner
Notes on the Duke of York
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:30
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–14:00
AG7
Jeroen van Craenenbroeck and Marjo van Koppen
Object movement feeds subject doubling: an antiintervention effect in the Dutch dialects
Alastair Appleton
Operation ordering in head-final languages
Thomas Graf
The price of freedom: why adjuncts are islands
Edwin Williams
Simultaneous Derivation of Form and Meaning
Amir Zeldes and Anke Lüdeling
Haus 6, Raum S27
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:30
14:30-15:30
16
Anke Lüdeling and Amir Zeldes
Introduction
Geert Booij (Invited speaker)
The relation between I-language and E-language in morphological theory: A constructionist perspective
AG-Programme
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:00
18:00–18:30
Holden Hartl and Sven Kotowski
Phrasal vs. compound structure building: Two separate cognitive routes?
Coffee Break
Sabine Arndt-Lappe
Synchronic and diachronic analogy in suffix rivalry: the
case of -ity and -ness in English
Alice Blumenthal-Dramé
How usage variables affect the relationship between derivatives and their bases: An fMRI masked priming study
Klaus-Michael Köpcke and Verena Wecker
The L2-Acquisition of the German plural – Evidence for
usage based models of language Acquisition
Karin Madlener
Does skewed input facilitate the incidental acquisition of
a morphosyntactic construction by instructed adult second
language learners?
09:00–10:00
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
12:30–13:00
Stefan Th. Gries (Invited Speaker)
A quantitative corpus-linguistic perspective on usagebased
morphology
Sabine Arndt-Lappe and Ingo Plag
Phonological variability in English blends
Pia Bergmann
The phonetic implementation of morphological structure
in spontaneous speech - The case of affixoids
Coffee Break
Ingo Plag and Melanie J. Bell
Compound stress, informativity and analogy
Martin Haspelmath
Corpus-based universals research: Explaining asymmetries in number marking
17
Programm
AG-Programme
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
Programm
12:00–12:00
12:30–13:00
13:30–14:00
AG8
Vsevolod Kapatsinski
Schema induction in usage-based morphophonology
Roland Schäfer
From prototypes to constructions: Inflectional alternations
in German weak nouns
Anne-Kristin Cordes
Children’s ability to learn novel morphological constructions from the input
Anke Lüdeling and Amir Zeldes
Closing discusssion
Linguistic Foundations of Narration in Spoken and Sign Languages
Annika Hübl, Markus Steinbach
Haus 6, Raum S21
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:30
14:30–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
18
Annika Hübl & Markus Steinbach
Narration across modalities
Sonja Zeman
What’s a ’narration’? A linguistic perspective on a basic
narratological concept
Anita Fetzer
Narration in (spoken) political discourse
Svetlana Petrova
Prospectivity in discourse
Coffee
AG-Programme
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:30
Emar Maier
Fictional Discourse Representation
Regine Eckardt
As time goes by – temporal links between free indirect
speech and narrative frame
Philippe Schlenker
Role Shift, Context Shift and Formal Iconicity
09:00–10:00
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
Christiane v. Stutterheim: Grammatical foundations of narrative structures – a cross-linguistic study
Monique Lambert: Role of subordination in the information structure of a narrative: comparison between French
and English
Naoko Tomita: Language-specificity in the logic of coherence and language structure
Coffee
Thomas Weskott & Susanna Salem: Effects of Free Indirect
Discourse on Language Comprehension
Franziska Köder: The relation between reported speech,
pretense and metarepresentation: A developmental perspective
Choonkyu Lee: Story time, salience, and situation model
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–13:30
Nina-Kristin Pendzich & Annika Herrmann: Between narrator and protagonist in fables of German Sign Language
(DGS)
Gemma Barberà & Josep Quern: Contrastive topics and
role shift in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) narratives
Silva H. Ladewig, Jana Bressem & Cornelia Müller: Ways
of constructing action in multimodal communication
Vadim Kimmelman & Anna Sáfár: Manual holds: an analysis of two sign languages and two genres
19
Programm
AG-Programme
13:30–14:00
14:00–14:30
Programm
AG9
Ronnie Wilbur & Evie Malaia: A new technique for assessing narrative prosodic effects in sign languages
Christian Rathmann: Perspective Shift, Discourse Modes
and Temporal Interpretation in Sign Languages
Flavia Adani, Johannes Hennies, Eva Wimmer
Haus 6, Raum S22
09:00–09.30
09.30–10.00
10.00–10.30
10.30–11.00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
20
Stavroula Stavrakaki
Specific Language Impairment in light of other developmental disorders: Evidence from morphological and syntactic investigations
Monika Rothweiler
The acquisition of subject-verb-agreement in German monolingual children with SLI and in successive bilingual
children without and with SLI
Rabea Schwarze, Magdalena Wojtecka, Angela Grimm &
Petra Schulz
Subject-Verb-Agreement in Early Second Language Learners with and without SLI: Evidence from Elicited Production in German
Vasiliki Chondrogianni & Theodoros Marinis
Production of definite articles in English-speaking sequential bilingual children and children with SLI
Coffee
Elma Blom, Nada Vasić & Jan de Jong
Verb inflection errors in Dutch SLI: Impairment of the linguistic system, performance deficit ... or both?
AG-Programme
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
Maria-José Ezeizabarrena, Maialen Iraola & Amaia Munarriz
Subject marking in Basque language of early simultaneous
and successive bilinguals
Chiara Cantiani, Maria Teresa Guasti, Paolo Perego &
Maria Luisa Lorusso
Impaired inflectional morphology in children with Developmental Dyslexia: converging evidence from behavioral
and electrophysiological measures
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–13:30
13:30–14:00
Alternate
Gregory J. Poarch & Janet G. van Hell
Cross-linguistic interaction in early L2 learners, bilinguals
and trilinguals
Vikki Janke & Alex Perovic
Interpreting infinitives: an insight from high functioning
autistic individuals
Marion Krause-Burmester
Narrative performance in German children with Down
Syndrome
Sarah Breitenstein, Nivedita Mani, Barbara Höhle & Ovidiu König
Phonological processing in hearing impaired children
Kristin Hofmann & Solveig Chilla
The oral language development in hearing children of deaf
parents as early bilingualism
Natalia Gagarina, Katrin Reichenbach & Antje Skerra
Acquisition of story structure in German: a comparison of
typically developing monolinguals and bilinguals with SLI
children
21
Programm
AG-Programme
AG10
Modellierung Nicht-Standardisierter
Schriftlichkeit
Michael Beißwenger, Stefanie Dipper, Stefan Evert, Bianka
Trevisan
Programm
Haus 6, Raum S23
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:30
14:30–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:00
18:00–18:30
22
Michael Beißwenger, Stefanie Dipper, Stefan Evert & Bianka Trevisan
Introduction
Felix Bildhauer
Majuskelschreibung in Webkorpora: Verteilung und Funktion
Ulrike Sayatz & Roland Schäfer
Klitika und Apostrophschreibung in Webkorpora zwischen
Graphematik und Registerklassifikation
Klaus Geyer
Dialektgraphien in Mundart-Ausgaben von AsterixComics: Systematische, kreative und Mündlichkeitsaspekte in Interaktion
Coffee
Sandra Waldenberger
Schriftsprachliche Variation und emergenter Standard im
übergang zur nhd. Orthographie
Michael Piotrowski
Towards Computational Graphemics
Ines Rehbein, Sören Schalowski, Nadja Reinhold & Emiel
Visser
Äh... Ähm... Filled Pauses in Computer-Mediated Communication
Stella Neumann, Paula Niemietz & Tatiana Serbina
Linguistic Annotation of Text Fragments in a Keystroke
Logged Translation corpus
AG-Programme
09:00–10:00
10.00–10.30
10.30–11.00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
12:00–12:30
12:30–13:00
Jennifer Foster (invited speaker)
#hardtoparse: The Challenges of Parsing the Language of
Social Media
Markus Dickinson, Mohammad Khan & Sandra Kübler
Towards Parsing YouTube Comments
Marc Reznicek & Heike Zinsmeister
Why Learner Texts are Easy to Tag. A Comparative Evaluation of Part-of-Speech Tagging of Kobalt
Coffee
Aivars Glaznieks, Egon Stemle, Andrea Abel & Verena Lyding
Herausforderungen bei der Erstellung eines L1Lernerkorpus: Lösungsvorschläge aus dem Projekt
”KoKo”
Thomas Schmidt
Orthographische Normalisierung und PoS-Tagging von
Transkriptionen gesprochener Sprache
Meikal Mumin
Explaining the Unexplainable – On the Challenges of
Transliterating Arabic Based Script
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:30
12:30–13:00
13:00–13:30
Christian Mair (invited speaker)
From Transcribed Speech to Visual Ethnolinguistic Repertoires in Four Stages: Writing Pidgin and Creole Languages in Diasporic Web Forums
Thomas Bartz & Angelika Storrer
Korpusbasierte Analyse internetbasierter Kommunikation:
Phänomene und Herausforderungen
Kay-Michael Würzner, Lothar Lemnitzer, Alexander Geyken & Bryan Jurish
Linguistische Annotation von Dokumenten internetbasierter Kommunikation- eine explorative Analyse
23
Programm
AG-Programme
13:30–14:00
Programm
AG11
Christa Dürscheid & Simone Ueberwasser
(Kein) liberaler Umgang mit der orthographischen Norm.
Empirische Befunde zur schriftlichen Alltagskommunikation
Interface Issues of Gestures and Verbal Semantics and Pragmatics
Cornelia Ebert, Hannes Rieser
Haus 6, Raum S24
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14.00–14.30
14.30–15.00
15.00–15.30
15.30–15.45
15.45–16.00
16.00–16.30
16.30–17.00
17.00–17.30
24
Hannes Rieser
Introduction: Speech-gesture Interfaces. An Overview
Gianluca Giorgolo
Gestures at the Semantcs-Pragmatics Interface
Andy Lücking
Interfacing Speech and Co-verbal Gesture: Exemplification
Silva Ladewig
Creating multimodal utterances: The syntactic and semantic integration of gestures into speech
Carolin Kirchhof & Jan de Ruiter
The audiovisual integration of speech and different gesture
types
Kaffeepause
Julius Hasseme
Towards a Typology of Gesture Form: Results from Gesture Analysis and a Motion–Capture Study
Jana Bressem
Gestural repetitions and the construction of multimodal utterance meaning
AG-Programme
17.30–17.45
17.45–18.00
18.00–18.30
AG12
Catherine Davies & Hannah Sowden
Does gestural and verbal redundancy speed reference resolution in five–year–olds?
Insa Röpke, Florian Hahn & Hannes Rieser
Interface Constructions for Gestures Accompanying Verb
Phrases
Henning Holle
Identifying linguistic and neural levels of interaction between gesture and speech during comprehension using EEG
and fMRI
Ljudmila Geist, Giorgos Spathas, Peter de Swart
Haus 6, Raum S24
09:00–09:10
09:10–10:00
10:00–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:00–11:30
11:30–12:00
Ljudmila Geist, Giorgos Spathas & Peter de Swart
Begrüßung
Jean-Pierre Koenig
Why (certain) verb semantics matters to valence alternations?
Alexandra Spalek
Semantically restricted alternations for change of state
verbs
Leonard H. Babby & James E. Lavine
Impersonalization as an alternation
Coffee
Kerstin Schwabe
Semantic and syntactic effects of alternative direct and oblique argument realizations
25
Programm
AG-Programme
12:00–12:30
Programm
12:30–13:00
Alexis Dimitriadis & Martin Everaert
Characterizing reflexivization: Semantic and syntactic perspectives
Florian Schäfer & Fabienne Martin
Marked and unmarked anticausatives do not differ in meaning: a French case study
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:00
12.00–12.30
12.30–13.00
13:00–13:30
13:30–14:00
Martin Haspelmath, Iren Hartmann & Andrej Malchukov
Argument alternations: a large-scale comparative study
Saartje Verbeke
Alternating subject constructions in Nepali
Zhanna Glushan
Context sensitive unaccusativity in Russian and Italian
Ryan Dux
The English rob/steal alternation and its German equivalents
Daniel Hole
Der Himmel hängt voller Geigen – The Stative Locative
Alternation
Alternates
1
2
26
Tibor Laczko
On Hungarian particle verbs: semantic and argument structural issues
from an LFG perspective
Albert Ortmann
Semantic restrictions on argument alternations with nouns
AG-Programme
AG13
Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die
Schule
Maria Averintseva-Klisch, Corina Peschel
Programm
Haus 6, Raum S25
09:00–09:30
09:30–10:30
10:30–11:00
11:30–12:30
12:30–13:00
Maria Averintseva-Klisch & Corinna Peschel
Einführung in den Themenbereich: aktuelle linguistische
und didaktische Fragestellungen
Ludger Hoffmann
Informationsstruktur und Wissen
Laura Basch
Mit Schülerinnen und Schülern gemeinsam die kommunikative Gewichtung entdecken – ein funktionaler, in der
praxis entwickelter Ansatz
Franziska Patzig
Kohärenz als Brücke zwischen Produktion und Rezeption
– Evidenzen aus anaphorischen Wiederaufnahmestrukturen in Schülertexten
Katharina Turgay
Pronominale Informationsstruktur in Schülertexten
Freitag, 15.3.2013
11:30–12:30
12.30–13.00
13.00–13.30
Björn Rothstein Hanna Kröger-Bidlo, Anke Schmitz, Cornelia Gräsel & Gerhard Rupp
Textkohäsion als Bedingung des Textverstehens am Beispiel der Verarbeitung expositorischer und literarischer
Texte
Magdalena Steiner
Die Anwendung fragebasierter Textbeschreibungsmodelle
im Deutschunterricht
Maria Averintseva-Klisch & Corinna Peschel
Resumé und Ausblick
27
AG-Programme
AG14
The Visualization of Linguistic Patterns
Annette Hautli, Thomas Mayer
Programm
Haus 6, Raum S25
Mittwoch, 13.3.2013
14:00–14:10
14:10–15:00
15:00–15:30
15:30–16:00
16:00–16:30
16:30–17:00
17:00–17:30
17:30–18:00
18:00–18:30
28
Annette Hautli, Thomas Mayer
Introduction
Christopher Culy
Invited talk: Tackling a grand challenge in the visualization
of language and linguistic data
Kris Heylen, Thomas Wielfaert and Dirk Speelman
Tracking change in word meaning. A dynamic visualization of diachronic distributional semantic model
Alena Anishchanka, Dirk Speelman, Dirk Geeraerts
Seeing it in color: visualization of color term reference
Coffee
Verena Lyding, Lionel Nicolas, Egon Stemle
interHist – an interactive visualization for statistically enhanced query structures
Agnia Barsukova, Daniil Sorokin
Visualizing toponym clusters on an interactive map
Daniela Henze, Sebastian Bank, Jochen Trommer, Eva
Zimmermann
Visualizing morphological patterns in inflectional paradigms
Michael Cysouw, Iren Hartmann
Visualising valency alternations
Arbeitsgruppen und
Abstracts
Plenarvorträge
PV
Stylistic variation among multilingual youth in
Scandinavia
Pia Quist / U. of Copenhagen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 09:45–10:45
The last 10 to 15 years a great deal of research has focused on urban multilingual youth (e.g. Auer 2003; Cheshire, Kerswill, Fox & Torgersen 2011;
Kern & Selting 2012; Quist 2008; Quist & Svendsen 2010). Some study the
phonetic, grammatical and lexical consequences of the new contact situations where majority languages like German, Danish and Swedish are used in
combinations with new immigrant languages such as Turkish and Arabic (e.g.
Bodén 2004; Cornips 2008; Ganuza 2008; Quist 2000; Wiese 2009). Others
have their primary focus on identity aspects of the practice of combining languages and constructing new linguistic styles (e.g. Jørgensen & Møller 2008;
Kallmeyer & Keim 2003; Quist 2012), and yet others look at stylisations
and mediatizations of minority youth styles in public media (e.g. Androutsopoulos 2007; Quist & Jørgensen 2007). Common to all of the studies is a
wish to describe, understand and discuss the effects of the dynamic and vibrant contact zones (Pratt 1987) on language use and structure, ideologies
and social life. In my talk I shall give special attendance to the Scandinavian research in the field. The case of Scandinavia is interesting for various
reasons. Compared to other European countries, Scandinavian linguists were relatively early in carrying out studies on the emergence of new linguistic
practices in urban areas characterized by large amounts of migrants (notably, the Swedish sociolinguist Kotsinas’ path-breaking studies from 1980s
(Kotsinas 1988)). The Scandinavian countries are comparable with respect to
urban organization and developments, and the languages are relative similar
in grammar and vocabulary. Furthermore, the parallel socio-demographic developments of the three Scandinavian welfare states offer comparable sociopolitical backgrounds for young people in the ethnically mixed areas of the
30
Plenarvorträge
larger cities. In my talk I present an overview of the results of the Scandinavian research from the ethnically mixed urban neighborhoods of the cities
of Oslo, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Malmø, Gothenburg and Århus. In the first
part, I present a set of syntactic, morphological and lexical variables that are
recognized as co-occurring in the speech of adolescents across Scandinavia,
and I discuss briefly to what extent it is reasonable to talk about these variables as parts of new Scandinavian varieties or even dialects. In the second
part of my talk I focus on stylistic aspects of the linguistic practices among
Scandinavian multilingual youth. Despite discussions and disagreements on
how to term and conceptualize new linguistic practices we find some striking
parallels across the Scandinavian countries.
References: Androutsopoulos, J. (2007) Ethnolekte in der Mediengesellschaft. Stilisierung und Sprachideologie in Performance, Fiktion und Metasprachdiskurs. In: C.
Fandrych & Reinier Salverda (eds.) Standard, Variation und Sprachwandel in germanischen Sprachen. Tübingen: Narr. 113-155. • Auer, P. (2003) Türkenslang – ein jugendsprachlicher Ethnolekt des Deutschen und seine Transformationen. In A. Häcki
Buhofer (ed) Spracherwerb und Lebensalter (pp. 255-264). Tübingen/Basel: Francke. • Bodén, P. (2004) A new variety of Swedish? In S. Cassidy., F. Cox, R. Mannell and S. Palethorpe (eds) Proceedings of the Tenth Australian International Conference on Speech Science and Technology (pp. 475-480). Sydney: Australian Speech
Science and Technology Association. • Cheshire, J., P. Kerswill, S. Fox and E. Torgersen (2011) Contact, the feature pool and the speech community: The emergence of
Multicultural London English. Journal of Sociolinguistics 15/2: 151-196. • Cornips,
L. (2008) Loosing grammatical gender in Dutch: The result of bilingual acquisition and/or an act of identity? International Journal of Bilingualism, vol. 12, 1 & 2,
1005-124. • Ganuza, N. (2008) Syntactic variation in the Swedish of adolescents in
multilingual urban settings. Subject-verb order in declaratives, questions and subordinate clauses. PhD thesis, Stockholm University. • Jørgensen J. N and J. Møller (2008)
Poly-Lingual Languaging in Peer Group Interaction. Nordand, vol. 3, nr. 2, 39-56. •
Kallmeyer, W. and Keim, I. (2003) Linguistic variation and the construction of social
identity in a German-Turkish setting. A case study of an immigrant youth group in
Mannheim, Germany. In J. Androutsopoulos and A. Georgakopoulou (eds) Discourse
Constructions of Youth Identities (pp. 29-46). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Kern,
F. and M. Selting (eds.) (2012) Ethnic Styles of Speaking in European Metropolitan
Areas. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Kotsinas, U-B. (1988) Immigrant children’s
Swedish – A new variety? Journal of multilintual and multicultural development 9,
129-141. • Pratt, M L. (1987) Linguistic utopias. N. Fabb, D. Attridge, A. Durant
& C. MacCabe (eds.): The Linguistics of Writing. Manchester: Manchester University
Press. 48-66. • Quist, P. (2000) Ny københavnsk ‘multietnolekt’. Om sprogbrug blandt
unge i sprogligt og kulturelt heterogene miljøer [New Copenhagen ‘multiethnolect’.
On language use among youth in linguistically and culturally heterogeneous environ-
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ments]. Danske Talesprog 1, 143-212. • Quist, P. (2008) Sociolinguistic approaches to
multiethnolect: Language variety and stylistic practice. International Journal of Bilingualism 12 (1 & 2), 43-61. • Quist, P. (2012.) Stilistisk praksis. Unge og sprog i den
senmoderne storby [Stylistic Practice. Youth and language in the late modern city].
Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum. • Quist, P. and J. N. Jørgensen (2007) Crossing negotiating social boundaries. In P. Auer and L. Wei (eds): Handbook of Multilingualism and Multilingual Communication. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 371-389. • Quist,
P. & B. A. Svendsen (eds.) (2010) Multilingual Urban Scandinavia. New Linguistic
Practices. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. • Wiese, H. (2009) Grammatical innovation
in multiethnic urban Europe: new linguistic practices among adolescents. Lingua 119,
782-806.
Formal and Functional Explanations: New Perspective
on an Old Debate
Ian Roberts / U. of Cambridge
Mittwoch, 13.3., 11:30–12:30
As discussed by Newmeyer (1998), the debate between “formal” and “functional” approaches to explanation in linguistics has a long pedigree, and in
some respects the two perspectives may seem almost irreconcilable. Here I
suggest that, taking seriously certain aspects of Chomsky’s Minimalist Programme and, in particular, building on ongoing work proposing non-UGspecified, emergent parameter hierarchies (Roberts 2011, and work collected
at http://www.mml.cam.ac.uk/dtal/research/recos), it becomes apparent that
the old dichotomy is a false one. There is a small, irreducible formal core to
Universal Grammar (Merge and a schema for formal features) which interfaces with aspects of cognition which are related to the functional aspects of
language (expression/communication of thought and action). Both aspects of
this “broad” design of language are required in order to account for almost
any linguistic phenomenon of interest, and so the old debate dissolves simply
into the question of which aspect of the overall design (form or function) is
of most immediate interest for researcher; no real issue of substance hinges
on the issue. I will illustrate this by arguing, following Biberauer, Holmberg,
Sheehan & Roberts (2009) and Biberauer, Roberts & Sheehan (2013) that this
kind of approach to cross-linguistic variation offers a suitably restrictive theory of the nature and limits of syntactic variation. My focus is one aspect of the
proposed parametric hierarchies, the so-called Mafioso Effect by which certain formal parametric options are simply ‘irresistible’ for broadly functional
reasons.
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Exhaustivity and focus
Laurence Horn / Yale U.
Freitag, 15.3., 09:00-10:00
To study information structure it helps to know what constitutes information. This determination may appear (relatively) straightforward in the case of
what is said, whether this is understood in an intuitive sense or in Grice’s
(1968: 225) “favoured and maybe in some degree artificial sense of ‘said”’
that has become familiar in work he inspired. But developments over the last
half-century, since Grice (1961) first distinguished conversationally implicated and conventionally implicated material from each other and from what is
said, have demonstrated the complexity of the nature of information and of
its transfer among interlocutors within a conversational context.
One locus of interaction between information structure and implicature is
in the treatment of focus phenomena, where a persistent dispute has involved
the question of whether clefts and their fellow structural (“identificational”)
focus markers entail or merely implicate exhaustivity. From It’s α that φ ’s
and its crosslinguistic analogues, can we infer semantically (Szabolcsi 1981,
É. Kiss 1998, 2010) or just pragmatically (Horn 1981, Vallduví 1992, Wedgwood 2005, Onea & Beaver 2009) that nothing distinct from α (within the
relevant contextual domain) φ ’s? Can we empirically confirm or disconfirm
the claim that structural focus constructions assert and entail exhaustivity?
For a variety of linguistic phenomena, ranging from polarity licensing and
inversion to the tendency of material to scope outside higher emotive factives
like It’s too bad that . . . , the crucial factor is not what is (or is not) entailed but
rather what counts (or does not count) as assertoric or at-issue meaning from
a pragmatic perspective. We find that when exhaustivity is directly at issue,
as in the nuclear scope of overt exclusives, upper-bounders, and exceptives
(only DP, at most DP, nobody but DP), negative polarity items are licensed in
the nuclear scope even in the presence of an inert positive entailment. When
no dedicated exhaustivity marker is present, as with (bare) clefts and definite
descriptions, the implication of exhaustivity or uniqueness is insufficient to
license NPIs.
But as shown by the relation of only clauses to their prejacents (Horn
2002), to show that exhaustivity isn’t asserted in clefts is not to show that it
isn’t entailed. To this end, we examine the behavior of the exhaustiveness implication with respect to contexts of cancellation and question-answer pairs,
as investigated in recent work by (among others) Onea Beaver (2009) and
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Destruel (2009). Based on these studies and on earlier arguments summarized in this presentation, we can conclude that the derivation of exhaustivity
in focus constructions is a pragmatic phenomenon not linked to the truthconditional contribution of clefts and related constructions.
PV
References Destruel, Emilie (to appear). The French c’est-cleft : an empirical study
on its meaning and use. To appear in C. Piñon (ed.), Empirical Issues in Syntax and
Semantics 9. • É. Kiss, Katalin (1998). Identificational focus versus information focus.
Language 74: 245-273. • É. Kiss, Katalin (2010). Structural focus and exhaustivity.
In M. Zimmermann C. Féry (eds.), Information Structure: Theoretical, Typological,
and Experimental Perspectives, 64-88. Oxford: Oxford U. Press. • Grice, H. P. (1961).
The causal theory of perception. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary Volume 35: 121-52. • Grice, H. P. (1968). Utterer’s meaning, sentence-meaning,
and word-meaning. Foundations of Language 4: 225-42. • Horn, Laurence (1981). Exhaustiveness and the semantics of clefts. NELS 11: 125-42. • Horn, Laurence (2002).
Assertoric inertia and NPI licensing. CLS 38, Part 2, 55-82. • Onea, Edgar and David
Beaver (2009). Hungarian focus is not exhausted. In Proceedings of SALT XIX. • Szabolcsi, Anna (1981). The semantics of topic-focus articulation. In J. Groenendijk et
al. (eds.), Formal Methods in the Study of Language, 513-540. Amsterdam: Mathematisch Centrum. • Wedgwood, Daniel (2005). Shifting the Focus. Amsterdam: Elsevier.
• Vallduví, Enric (1992). The Informational Component. New York: Garland.
Towards a neurobiologically plausible model of
sentence and discourse processing
Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky / U. of Marburg
Freitag, 15.3., 10:00–11:00
Language as a communicative medium is undoubtedly a product of the human
brain. It thus appears likely that the characteristics of human language(s) are
shaped - at least to a certain degree - by basic principles of brain organisation
and function. Nevertheless, and in spite of the rapidly increasing availability
of language-related neuroscientific data, models of language production and
comprehension are typically based on cognitive rather than neurobiological
concepts. Here, I describe initial efforts to develop neurobiologically plausible models of speech and language and discuss how these might be extended
to apply to the domain of sentence and discourse processing. I will argue
that an approach that combines basic insights from neurobiology (including
findings from non-human primates) with results from cross-linguistic investigations may prove particularly fruitful.
34
Arbeitsgruppe 1
Prosody and Information Status in
Typological Perspective
Stefan Baumann
Frank Kügler
Workshop description
Many languages employ prosodic strategies to express information structure,
e.g. different types and sizes of focus domains, encoded by changes in phonetic parameters such as intensity, duration and fundamental frequency but also
by differences in pitch register scaling of tones or phrasing. Recent studies
on West-Germanic languages suggest that also the information status of referential expressions (ranging from brand-new to fully given; e.g. Prince 1981)
is encoded by fine-grained prosodic differences, e.g. by varying the type of
pitch accent or by exploiting both tonal and non-tonal prominences (Röhr and
Baumann 2010, Baumann and Riester, submitted). Since the growing body
of studies investigating the prosodic expression of focus show considerable
cross-linguistic variation (Kügler 2011), a comparable amount of typological
variation can be expected with regard to the information status of discourse
referents.
The goal of this workshop is to gain new data, in particular from lesserstudied languages that add to the diversity of prosodic means for the expression of information structure and that may at the same time challenge and/or
extend existing phonological and/or semantic models. We would thus like to
invite researchers working on the interfaces between semantics, pragmatics
and prosody, in particular from a typological perspective and with a view to
data from lesserstudied languages.
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Investigating Focus Projection in Corpus Data
Arndt Riester, Moritz Stiefel, and Kerstin Eckart
IMS Stuttgart
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30–15:00
AG1
We present a study of focus projection phenomena in the DIRNDL corpus of
German radio news (Eckart et al. 2012). Focus projection theory (e.g. Gussenhoven 1984; Selkirk 1995) predicts which words in a focussed constituent
may remain unaccented – in particular, predicates adjacent to their argument.
The precise constraints governing focus projection are difficult to verify purely by introspection. One unsolved issue is, for instance, the differentiation
between nuclear and prenuclear accents, which has been largely ignored in the
debate. In our corpus investigation we select the following syntactic patterns
expected to feature focus projection: (1-a) clause-final sequences of a DP plus
infinitive: [V P [DP (D)(A*)N] Vin f (Vaux )], (1-b) clause-final sequences of a
finite verb and a DP argument: [V P V f in [DP (D)(A*)N]], and (1-c) DP arguments of nominal heads. (Capitals mark the expected nuclear pitch accent in
an all-new context.)
(1)
a.
b.
c.
[. . . ] [ein ErGEBnis erzielen]F .
[. . . ] [vernichteten ARbeitsplätze]F .
[. . . ] [dem Ziel einer FuSION]F [. . . ]
A first query yielded 82 instances of the syntactic pattern in (1-a) (we ignore
complex, e.g. nested, argument phrases). An immediate observation is that,
against our expectation, the (clause-final) predicate is only deaccented in less
than a third of the cases (28 times). Therefore, in most cases, the nuclear
pitch accent falls on the predicate (some of these “accents” might actually be
postnuclear prominences). Referential information status (Baumann & Riester 2012) has an (indirect) influence on the accent pattern. Sequences with
an argument labeled r-given or r-generic showed a deaccented predicate in
44% of the cases. The ratio was lower, for instance, for r-new and r-unused
arguments (i.e. more accented predicates in these cases) – presumably an indicator of narrow, contrastive focus on the former ones.
Concerning pattern (1-b), the expected lack of accent on the predicate
could be observed in 30 of 51 cases (59%). The predicates in the remaining
21 cases carried a prenuclear accent (37%), or even a nuclear pitch accent
(4%). At first glance, the results seem to be independent of the information
status of the clause-final DP.
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The final pattern, (1-c), occurred 169 times (considering only the simplest
possible constructions). In 24 (14%) of the cases, the embedded DP was realized prosodically weaker than the nominal predicate (the argument DP was
rarely ever deaccented but mostly carried a non-nuclear accent belonging to a
subsequent prosodic phrase). The highest ratio of such weakened arguments
surprisingly did not occur with r-given arguments (13%) but with those labeled r-bridging (22%). The nominal predicate on the left hand side of the
phrase was deaccented in only 4 cases, carried a prenuclear accent in 29 cases, while the remaining 140 instances carried a nuclear pitch accent of their
own, thereby making no use of focus projection.
References Baumann & Riester (2012). Referential and Lexical Givenness. In: Elordieta & Prieto (eds.) Prosody and Meaning. • Eckart et al. (2012) A Discourse Information Radio News Database for Linguistic Analysis. In Chiarcos et al. (eds.) Linked
Data in Linguistics. • Gussenhoven (1984) On the Grammar and Semantics of Sentence Accent. • Selkirk (1995) Sentence Prosody. In Goldsmith (ed.) The Handbook
of Phonological Theory.
Givenness, Contrast & Topic
Daniel Büring / U. Wien
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00–16:00
It is regularly proposed in the literature that the same semantic or pragmatic
notion of contrast is relevant in characterizing topic as well as focus phenomena (‘contrastive topic’, ‘contrastive focus’). But a satisfactory formal
approximation of the concept has proven difficult to provide. Similar remarks
apply to notions such as ‘topical’, ‘aboutness’, ‘given’, etc. which, too, form
key ingredients to theories of (non-contrastive) topic and focus (or its complement: background).
This talk attempts to provide some clarification of concepts and their interrelation. I point out a number of cases where the lumping of ostensibly
different phenomena under the same label has hindered a clear characterization of basic concepts. A particular point of attention is the question to what
extent concepts like ‘topic’, ‘contrast’, ‘given’ etc. require allusion to an intermediate level of discourse structure (question under discussion, discourse
trees etc.).
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The marking of information status in German Sign
Language
Annika Herrmann / Georg-August-U. of Göttingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
AG1
As a universal phenomenon, prosodic structuring of discourse is attested in
both spoken and signed languages. Instead of tonal changes, sign languages
use manual (hands) and nonmanual means (body, head, and face, e.g. facial
expressions) to mark information status in discourse. Research on information
structural issues and prosody in American Sign Language (ASL) and Israeli
Sign Language (ISL) has shown that there are prosodic strategies to mark topics, focus, and elements categorized as shared information, for instance (cf.
Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2006, Wilbur 1994, Dachkovsky & Sandler 2009).
Recent studies on the prosodic structuring of German Sign Language
(DGS) - confirming many of the findings for ASL and ISL - have revealed
that various articulatory cues are used to mark prominent parts of the signing
stream (cf. Herrmann 2010, 2012). In this talk, I particularly discuss the marking of new information in relation to focus particles. The narrow focus constituent in focus particle sentences is consistently indicated by markers such
as head and eyebrow movements. There is, however, no clear individual focus
marker that is always associated with new information. It often depends on
the surrounding signs which strategy the signers use, how the focus constituent is marked or whether the given material of the utterance is deaccented.
The picture is more clear when it comes to the marking of accessible information such as shared or retrievable information and the marking of reference
to the common ground. Similarly to ISL and Swedish Sign Language (SSL),
accessibility in DGS is marked by squinted eyes. This specific nonmanual
feature simultaneously accompanies the relevant signs and compositionally
contributes to the meaning of the utterance.
The results are based on annotated corpus data of elicited video material
and show that prosodic marking of information status is not limited to the
modality of spoken languages. DGS is the native language of deaf people in
Germany and despite increasing empirical, experimental, and theoretical sign
language research, it is still a typologically understudied language that may
shed new light also on spoken language theories.
References Dachkovsky, Svetlana and Wendy Sandler (2009): Visual intonation in
the prosody of a sign language. Language and Speech 52 (2/3), 287-314. • Herrmann,
Annika (2010): The interaction of eye blinks and other prosodic cues in German Sign
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Language. Sign Language and Linguistics 13:1. 3-39. • Herrmann, Annika (2012):
Prosody in German Sign Language. In: Prieto, Pilar and Gorka Elordieta (eds.): Prosody and Meaning. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 349-380. • Sandler, Wendy and Diane
Lillo-Martin (2006): Sign Language and Linguistic Universals. CUP. • Wilbur, Ronnie
(1994): Foregrounding structures in American Sign Language. Journal of Pragmatics
22. 647-672.
Speech Tempo Variation as a New Information Marker
in Modern Irish
Marina Snesareva / Moscow State U.
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
There exist various prosodic means of expressing the type of information in
the communication process, speech tempo changes being one of them. This
phenomenon has already been described by modern scholars (Trouvain 2003),
but as for the Irish language, the speech tempo and its functioning in communication has remained so far beyond the scope of investigation.
Most researchers tend to agree that speech tempo consists of the so-called
articulation rate, or a number of syllables articulated per unit of time, on
the one hand, and pausing, i.e. the amount of pauses used within a chunk
of speech, on the other hand. Speech tempo does not remain unchanged in
the process of speaking, otherwise the speech would be considered monotonous and somewhat unnatural. It should be noted here that such changes do
not occur spontaneously; they are closely related to the content plain of the
utterance. As Chafe (1994) has pointed out, all information exchanged during
communication can be regarded as either ‘new’ or ‘given’, depending on the
listener’s background knowledge. To ensure the audience can follow him and
interpret the reported information correctly, the speaker tends to use some
additional means to bring out important information in the flow of speech,
tempo variation being one of them (Tomlin et al 1997:70).
If we now turn to speech tempo changes in Irish dialects, here it is pausing
that immediately comes to the fore. It is accounted for by the fact that spontaneous speech in Modern Irish is marked by the extensive use of pauses, both
filled and unfilled ones. Although there are cases where pauses can be described as a hesitation phenomenon only, in a large number of instances their
use is closely connected with the information status, new data being enhanced
and brought out by the pause.
This paper is an outcome of an investigation conducted on the material
of spontaneous speech samples in Irish, analysed descriptively with the help
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AG1
of Praat, a computer programme designed for speech analysis. This helped to
measure articulation rate and the duration of pauses as well as to define their
boundaries more precisely. During the analysis the subject of conversation
and information type were being taken into account as well, which resulted
in a number of preliminary conclusions that may present some interest. Thus,
not only did the tempo change mark new information, but also there appeared
to be a tendency to increase the overall speech tempo when various clichés or
frequently used phrases were introduced.
In the present paper the connection of pausing and slowing down the
speech tempo with the information structure of an Irish sentence will be further investigated, the special attention being given to the way the listener perceives tempo variation and reacts on this change. Furthermore, a number of
examples will be adduced to illustrate the specific use of pauses, especially
the filled ones, in spontaneous speech in Modern Irish.
References Chafe, W., Discourse, Semantics, and Time. Chicago, 1994. • Tomlin,
R.S. et al, Discourse Semantics, in Discourse as structure and process (ed. T.A. van
Dijk), 63-111. London, 1997. • Trouvain, J., Tempo Variation in Speech Production.
Saarbrücken, 2003.
Prosodic marking and information status of postverbal
material in Alaskan Athabascan
Olga Lovick / First Nations U. of Canada
Siri G. Tuttle / U. of Alaska Fairbanks
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
In the Alaskan Athabascan languages Dena’ina, Ahtna, Lower Tanana, and
Upper Tanana, most lexical material (excepting conjunctions and phrasal enclitics) precedes the verb. We find however in all these languages that there
is a significant amount of postverbal material as well. Preliminary analysis
shows differences between the languages in the frequency and category of
postverbal material. We find that not all postverbal phrases are ’additions’ to
the clause as argued by Rice (1989) for Slave or by Jung (2000) for Apachean, or add only old information, as shown by (Thompson 2000) for Koyukon. Based on a comprehensive survey of narrative texts in these languages,
we observe that there are three functions associated with postverbal material:
focus , antitopic, and afterthought. In this way, our findings resemble those of
Herring (1994) and Herring and Paolillo (1995) for Tamil.t’
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Following Lovick and Tuttle (2012), we assume that narrative texts in
Alaskan Athabascan consist of informational units that are marked by final
lowering (story units) and by final lengthening without lowering (intonation
units). We compare the prosody of units containing postverbal material with
that of units in which verbs are final. Post-verbal focus phrases often lack
a preceding pause, never follow the final low, and do not contain their own
peak. They are thus in the same intonation unit as the verb. Phrases containing
old information frequently follow significant pauses and are in an intonation
unit of their own which sometimes has a high peak; afterthoughts also tend to
follow the story-unit-final low, can usually be considered to form their own
story unit and are usually consistently low. We thus find that not only is new
material marked differently, but that different types of old material are marked differently as well.
References Herring, Susan C. 1994. Afterthoughts, Antitopics, and Emphasis: The
syntacticization of postverbal position in Tamil. In Theoretical perspectives on word
order in South Asian languages, eds. Miriam Butt & Tracy Holloway King, 119-152.
Stanford: CSLI. • —–, & John C. Paolillo. 1995. Focus position in SOV languages.
In Word order in discourse, eds. Pamela Downing & Michael Noonan, 163-198. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Jung, Dagmar. 2000. Word order in Apache narratives. In
The Athabaskan languages: Perspectives on a Native American language family, eds.
Theodore B. Fernald & Paul R. Platero, 92-100. Oxford: Oxford University Press. •
Lovick, Olga, & Siri G. Tuttle. 2012. The prosody of Dena’ina narrative discourse.
International Journal of American Linguistics 78 (3):293-334. • Rice, Keren. 1989. A
Grammar of Slave. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. • Thompson, Chad. 2000.
Iconicity and word order in Koyukon Athabascan. In The Athabaskan languages: Perspectives on a Native American language family, eds. Theodore B. Fernald & Paul R.
Platero, 228-251. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Accentual preferences and the degree of contribution
to the common ground: Evidence from an
acceptability study on German
Elisabeth Verhoeven / HU Berlin
Frank Kügler / U. Potsdam
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
New information may vary as to the degree of its contribution to the common
ground, ranging from information that is highly expected in a particular environment to information that is highly unpredictable. Compare the contrast in
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(1): the verb dance is highly expected in the context of a ballerina, but not so
in the context of a teacher.
(1)
AG1
a.
b.
A ballerina danced.
A teacher danced.
Even if both utterances present new information in a particular context, they
involve an asymmetry in terms of meeting or not the expectations of the hearer. This asymmetry has an impact on sentential prosody. If the verb is expected with the given subject, see (1a), then a prosodic realization of the utterance with early nuclear stress, i.e. stress on the subject and a deaccented
verb is felicitous in all-new contexts. If the verb is not expected, as in (1b),
the optimal prosodic realization predicts late nuclear stress, i.e.stress on the
(here unergative) verb following a syntactically based mapping with sentence
prosody.
In this presentation, we confirm this hypothesis with data from an acceptability study on German (performed by 32 native speakers). We show that the
contrast of the predictability of a verb as introduced by (1) applies to unergative verbs, but not to unaccusatives and passives. The experimental results
demonstrate that a verb’s predictability significantly interacts with early vs.
late nuclear stress in simple sentences with unergative verbs but not in sentences with unaccusative/passive verbs. This result is expected for unaccusatives/passives given that a syntactically based prosodic realization of simple
sentences with these verbs already involves early nuclear stress. The interaction effect with unergative verbs clearly shows that (lexical) predictability
influences syntactically determined prosody. Our findings have repercussions
for the assumptions about the syntactic differences between the intransitive
verb classes of unaccusative and unergative verbs and their mapping on prosodic structure (see e.g. Kahnemuyipour 2009, Kratzer & Selkirk 2007). Moreover, the study empirically examines previous claims in the literature that
trace back the variation in the realization of the nuclear stress to asymmetries
in the contribution of several verbs to the utterance (see Krifka 1984, Birner
1994). With respect to the main questions of this workshop, this presentation
will address the core issue, which (sub)categories of information status influence prosody and in particular we will show that in the presented task hearer’s
expectations can be shown to have a strong impact on prosodic structure.
References Birner, B. J. 1994, Information status and word order: an analysis of English Inversion. Language 70.2, 233-259. • Kahnemuyipour, A. 2009, The syntax of
sentential stress. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Kratzer, A. & Selkirk, E. 2007,
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Phase theory and prosodic spellout: the case of verbs. The linguistic review 24, 93-135.
• Krifka, M. 1984, Fokus, Topik, syntaktische Struktur und semantische Interpretation. Ms., Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin.
Prosody of Contrastive Focus and Discourse New
Constituents in Turkish
Aslı Gürer
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–09:30
In the literature the prosodic properties of contrastive focus, discourse new
and given constituents have been investigated extensively and the analyses
are divided into two lines in that focus is analyzed to have an effect either on
phonetic prominence (Fery and Ishihara 2009, Selkirk and Katz 2011, Ishihara 2011) or on phonological phrasing (Truckenbrodt 1995, Frascarelli 1997).
In this study, we will show that in Turkish, contrastive focus constituents are
not marked as phonetically more prominent than discourse new constituents
but the prosodic properties of structures with contrastive focus constituents
are in line with rephrasing analysis.
This experimental study explores how information structure is mapped
onto prosody of Turkish comparing structures within sets of minimal contexts
(1-2). The target structures are embedded in dialogues and elicited from 6
native speakers of Turkish. Discourse new constituents are elicited as answers
to wh- questions while contrastive focus constituents are elicited as answers
to alternative disjunctive questions or through corrective statements both of
which assert the truth-value of one of the members in the set.
(1)
Target structures
a. given-discourse new-given
b. given-contrastive focus-given
c. contrastive focus-given-given
(2)
Control structures
a. discourse new-discourse new- discourse new
b. given-given-given
In order to compare discourse new and contrastive focus in medial position
the peak value of the pitch accents and the minimum pitch value of the following and preceding syllables were measured to find out pitch excursion. With
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the aim of determining whether discourse new and contrastive focus constituent in medial position has a prosodic effect on the pre-nuclear domain, the
peak value of the H- boundary tone is chosen as target measurement point. Finally, in the final post nuclear domain the minimum pitch value of the initial
syllable of the verb is measured to find out post-focal deaccentuation pattern.
We have found out that when surrounded by given constituents in medial position (i) in terms of the pitch height of the accented syllable, discourse new
constituents have higher pitch value than contrastive focus constituents, (ii)
in terms of pitch excursion, the rise ratio before the accented syllable is higher with discourse new constituents but the fall ratio following the accented
syllable is larger with contrastive focus constituent, (iii) in the initial domain
the peak value of the accented syllable of the given constituent and the prenuclear H- boundary tone is higher when followed by discourse new constituents in the medial domain and finally (iv) the pitch value at the beginning
of the verb in the final domain is lower when followed by contrastive focus
constituents as illustrated in figure (1). These findings indicate that contrastive focus has compression effect not only in the post-focal domain but also in
the initial domain on pre-nuclear H- boundary tone.
When contrastive focus constituent is in utterance initial position followed by given constituents (1c), the measurement points are the peak of the
accented syllable and the minimum pitch value of the preceding and following
syllables. In medial position the same points are measured namely the height
of the accented syllable and the minimum pitch values of the preceding and
following syllables and in the final VP domain the minimum pitch value of the
first syllable of the verb is measured. We have found out that when contrastive
focus is in initial position, the initial domain shows the prosodic properties of
nuclear domain suggested by Kamali (2011) in that (i) H- boundary tone at
the right edge of the initial domain which appears in all pre-nuclear domains
does not surface, (ii) when contrastive focus constituent is lexically accented
the fall starts earlier as in figure 2 and when it is finally stressed word the fall
starts with the beginning of the new domain. Finally, one of the control structures of given-given-given context (2a) induced focus on the predicate and
the domains preceding the verb show the prosodic properties of pre-nuclear
domain and surface with H- boundary tone at the right edge as illustrated in
figure 3.
To conclude we suggest that when contrastive focus is in medial position, phonetically it is not more prominent than discourse new information but
yields compression in the initial and final domains, but when contrastive focus is in initial or final position rephrasing applies and contrastive focus forms
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the nuclear domain irrespective of its position in the sentence.
Figure 1: pitch track of a given-contrastive focus-given sentence, speaker OG
Figure 2: pitch track of a contrastive focus-given-given sentence, speaker ET
Figure 3: pitch track of a sentence in given-given-given context with predicate focus, speaker Nİ.
References Fery, C. and Ishihara, S. (2009) How Focus and Givennes Shape Prosody.
In Zimmermann, M. Fery, C. (eds.) Information Structure from different perspectives.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. 36-63. • Frascarelli, M. (1997) The phonology of Focus and Topic in Italian. The Linguistic Review, 14, 221-248. • Kamali, B.
(2011) Topics at the PF Interface of Turkish. PhD Dissertation, Harvard University. •
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Selkirk E. and Katz, J. (2011) Contrastive Focus vs. Discourse-New: Evidence from
Phonetic Prominence in English, Language. • Ishihara, S. (2011) Japanese focus prosody revisited: Freeing focus from prosodic phrasing, Lingua, 121 (2011) 1870-1889.
• Truckenbrodt, H. (1995) Phonological phrases: Their relation to syntax, focus, and
prominence. Doctoral thesis, Massachussetts Institute of Technology.
A Comparison of Mexican and Chicano Spanish
Encoding of New & Given Information
Michael J. Harris and Viola G. Miglio
U. of California, Santa Barbara
Donnerstag 15, 09:30–10:00
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Intonational patterns are constrained by the architecture of our speech production system, but such constraints can be manipulated by the speakers and
their speech communities, and become grammaticalized [1]. Therefore, while
intonation is based on physical, phonetic correlates (F0, duration, intensity),
it is also part of the phonological system, and as such it is subject to variation
and change. Likewise for information structure in communication: all languages have a way of encoding ‘new’ information (information the speaker thinks
the hearer does not know), as well as ‘given’ (or ‘old’) information, i.e. (information the speaker thinks the hearer already knows [2][3]). The methods by
which such differences in information structure are encoded, however, may
well be language-specific. We set out to assess dialectal variation in the prosodic encoding of information structure in Mexican and Chicano Spanish in
California.
In this study, we analyzed the language-specific use of the ‘Production
Code’ (the tendency for energy to ‘decline’ from the beginning to the end
of an utterance, through a gradual drop in intensity & pitch [1][4:471]). We
assessed whether the correlations between highly energetic beginnings and
new topics are indeed universal and therefore hold also in the different Spanish dialects we analyzed. Our hypothesis was that findings would in general
corroborate those in Röhr & Baumann [5], but that there could be measurable
dialectal differences in how given-new information was encoded. Independent variables, such as speaker type, pitch excursion/contour, and intensity
are analyzed in a multifactorial regression model to predict giveness (the dependent variable), thus quantifying the effects of these variables and their
relevant interactions.
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Ten subjects per dialect were recorded in semi-directed interviews, so as
to obtain more naturalistic language patterns (as compared to reading). As in
[5], our preliminary results reveal that relatively higher pitch frequencies signal new information, and that items encoding new information also exhibit
proportionally longer stressed and unstressed vowels, than those encoding given information. We do, however, find cross-dialectal variation between monolingual Mexican speakers and Chicanos: the intonation contours of Mexican Spanish speakers are flatter for given information (L-L) and rising (L-H)
for new information, whereas in the case of Chicano speakers they are H-L
for both given and new information, but new information is marked by overall higher pitch values, longer vowel duration and more ’wavy’ intermediate
contours.
Our preliminary findings therefore corroborate Gussenhoven’s theory [1]
that some aspects of intonation are shared cross-linguistically (longer vowel
length & higher pitch for new info), whereas others are encoded languagespecifically and vary even across dialects (pitch contours).
References [1] Gussenhoven, C. 2002. Intonation and Interpretation: Phonetics and
Phonology. Proceedings 1st Int. Conference on Speech Prosody. Aix-en-Provence. 4757. • [2] Haviland, S. & Clark, H. (1974). What’s new? Acquiring new information
as a process in comprehension. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 13,
512-521. • [3] Prince, E. F. 1981. Toward a Taxonomy of Given-New Information.
In: Peter Cole (ed.), Radical Pragmatics, New York: Academic Press. 223-256. • [4]
Bolinger, D. 1978. Intonation across Languages. In Greenberg. J. H. (ed.), Universals
of Human Language 2 (Phonology). Stanford University Press, 471- 524. • [5] Röhr,
C.T. & Baumann, S. 2010. Prosodic marking of information status in German. Proc.
Speech Prosody Chicago, 100019, 1-4.
Kōrero Māori: Intonation patterns of Māori read
speech
Karin Görs / Christian-Albrechts-U. Kiel
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
This paper presents an analysis of the intonation patterns in Māori, an Eastern Polynesian language, spoken in New Zealand by about 150,000 native
speakers. Recordings of news items in TV broadcasts - and hence of a high
standard reading style - were acoustically analysed using PRAAT. Since the
intonational phonology as well as major parts of the prosodic system of Māori
are still widely unknown [1], the acoustic analysis was performed at a purely
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descriptive level on the basis of breath-group units. Nevertheless, the preliminary results of the descriptive analysis yielded interesting insights into
the intonational characteristics of Māori read speech. For example, intonation patterns are closely coordinated with syntactic structures in the sense that
syntactic constitutes are spanned by global peaks or valleys (depending on the
speaker) whose scaling is closely oriented towards a fairly narrow F0 range
at a medium level. Embedded in these global contours are local accent peaks
that show a phonetically belated alignment compared e.g. with pitch accents
of Northern Standard German (cf. [2]). The narrow mid-level F0 range tends
to be broken through only for three reasons: (a) for indicating the beginning
of a (news) topic by an extended phrase-initial F0 movement, (b) for indicating the end of a topic by a low falling phrase-final F0 movement, and (c) for
marking new/important information by higher scalings (rather than by different alignments) of accent peaks. Compared with many other languages like
German, Dutch, or English from a cross-linguistically perspective, phrasefinal lengthening seems to be only marginal in Māori. However, the dynamics of F0 movements seems to decrease successively throughout a phrase.
This includes that the accent contours become broader shapes and flatter peak
maxima the later the accents occur within a phrase.
Figure 1: Example of a news item, produced in three breath groups by a male
speaker.
References [1] Harlow, R. 2007. The phonology of Māori. Maori. A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge: CUP. • [2] Niebuhr, O. & G.I. Ambrazaitis 2006. Alignment of
medial and late peaks in German spontaneous speech. Proc. 3Rd International Conference of Speech Prosody, Dresden, 161-164.
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Variation in the prosody of contrastive focus in headand edge-marking languages
Rachel Burdin et al. / Ohio State U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
This study explores the prosodic realization of contrastive focus in four typologically unrelated languages: K’iche’ Maya, Moroccan Arabic, Paraguayan
Guaraní, and American English. English and Guaraní mark prominence culminatively on the head of the prosodic unit (Clopper & Tonhauser, in press;
Jun, 2005), whereas Moroccan Arabic and K’iche’ mark prominence demarcatively on the right edge of the prosodic unit (Benkirane, 1998; Nielsen,
2005).
To allow for cross-linguistic comparisons, the same elicitation task was
used for all four languages in their respective countries. Each experimental session was conducted with two native speakers of the target language:
a director and a follower. The director was asked to tell the follower which
colored objects to put into which boxes (e.g., Put the red dog into box 1).
Utterances were elicited in which the color-denoting adjective, the objectdenoting noun, or the noun phrase consisting of the adjective and the noun
was contrastively focused. Data from 10 directors from each language have
been annotated phonologically, using an autosegmental-metrical approach,
and analyzed acoustically using language-specific measurements.
In English, rising pitch accents occurred more frequently on focused than
non-focused expressions and deaccenting was observed only for non-focused
expressions. These results are consistent with the previous literature on American English prosody and confirm that the task was appropriate for eliciting
the intended utterances. In Guaraní, the noun was more likely to be deaccented in the adjective focus condition than the noun focus condition, similar to
the English pattern. However, focused expressions were also longer in duration than non-focused expressions and NP focus was marked by phrase-final
lengthening. In Moroccan Arabic, focused expressions were also longer in
duration than non-focused expressions and NP focus was marked by a rising
boundary tone. In K’iche’, focused expressions were longer in duration than
non-focused expressions, but no differences in boundary tone realization were
observed.
These results suggest that the prosodic realization of contrastive focus is
orthogonal to the distinction between head-marking and edge-marking languages. English and Guaraní, the head-marking languages, share deaccenting
as a means for marking non-focused expressions, and Moroccan Arabic and
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K’iche’, the edge-marking languages, share duration cues to contrastive focus. However, Guaraní also shares duration and phrasing cues with Moroccan
Arabic, despite their structural prosodic differences.
References Benkirane, T. (1998). Intonation in Western Arabic (Morocco). In D. Hirst
& A. Di Cristo (eds.), Intonation Systems: A Survey of Twenty Languages (pp. 345359). Cambridge: CUP. • Clopper, C. G., & Tonhauser, J. (in press). The prosody of
focus in Paraguayan Guaraní. International Journal of American Linguistics. • Jun, S.A. (2005). Prosodic typology. In S.-A. Jun (ed.), Prosodic Typology: The Phonology
of Intonation and Phrasing (pp. 430-458). Oxford: OUP. • Nielsen, K. (2005). Kiche
intonation. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, 104, 45-60.
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The importance of universals in the expression of
contrast
M. M. Vanrell1 , A. Stella2 , B. Gili-Fivela3 , and P. Prieto4
1 U. Autónoma de Madrid, 2 U. degli Studi di Padova, 3 U. del
Salento, 4 ICREA-U. Pompeu Fabra
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
Though the proponents of the biological codes ([1], [2]) have assumed that
paralinguistic meaning is universal since it is biologically-based and that it is
generally true that languages tend to follow the form-function relations found
in the paralinguistic domain, they also point out that it is important to keep in
mind that grammaticalisation may involve unnatural and arbitrary forms ([2]).
Evidence for these mismatches is found in languages which mark statements
through final rises, as in Belfast English or Chickasaw ([2]), or in languages
which mark questions by means of falls, as in Roermond Dutch ([4]). Yet
another piece of evidence that some languages do not always follow the general biological patterns is the fact that not all languages express prominence
through an increase in pitch. For example, languages such as Akan ([4]) express contrastive focus through lower realizations of both high and low tones.
In this study, we address the question of how the informational interpretation of the Effort Code ([2]) is found in the expression of contrastive focus
in closely-related languages (Catalan, Italian, and Spanish). To this end, we
conducted a production experiment in which the data obtained by means of
question-answer pairs for the two focal conditions (i.e., Melania_L+H* verrà
domani ‘Melania will come tomorrow’ for the non-contrastive condition and
MELANIAH*+L verrà domani ‘Melania will come tomorrow’ for the contrastive condition) and the three languages were analyzed acoustically and
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a perception experiment in which we tested the specific contribution of tonal alignment, duration, and tonal scaling to the identification of both focal
conditions. In production, the three languages exhibit an important effect of
focal condition on the alignment of the H target. Syllables bearing contrastive
accents tend to be longer in the three languages too. With respect to scaling
features, Italian speakers are the only ones to use the tonal scaling of the H target in a systematic fashion: contrastive peaks are lower than non-contrastive
ones. The production results are mirrored at the perceptual level, although the
three languages have their own specific preferences for particular prosodic
parameters. The Italian scaling results are interesting in terms of the linguistic universals, since they contradict the general predictions described by the
Effort Code ([2]). We interpret that the Italian results are caused by a mechanical limitation related to the complexity of the tonal movement for Italian
contrastive accents (rising-falling). At the same time, in the absence of an
increase in pitch, a complex movement (a rising-falling movement is more
effortful than a simple movement, just falling or rising) is used as a substitute
to mark a specific constituent as ‘strong’ from an informational point of view.
Prosodic manifestation of focus in Ryukyuan typological approach
Yasuko Nagano-Madsen / U. of Gothenburg
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00–12:30
Ryukyuan is an endangered sister language of Japanese spoken in the Ryukyu
Islands south mainland Japan. Ryukyuan has an interesting grammatical system where the focus and sentence type is marked by a complex combination
of particles and verb-final mood suffixes as shown in the table below. Within
Ryukyuan linguistics, intonation is one of the least studied areas and thus far
only a basic description is available for Shuri Ryukyuan (Nagano-Madsen
2011, to appear).
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Focus type
new
new
WhWh- +extra focus
No focus
No focus
Topic
Contrastive
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Sentence type
D(eclarative)
Q(uestion)
Q
Q
D
D
D/Q
D/Q
Particle
du
ga
_
ga
_
_
ya
ga
Mood suffix
+ru
+ra
+ga
+ra
+N
+mi
+N, +mi
+N, +mi
The goal of this paper is partly to introduce the grammatical system of
focus in Ryukyuan, and partly to examine how phonetic cues, such as F0,
pause, and duration, are exploited to mark focus in this language. We will do
this by contrasting two dialects of Ryukyuan (Shuri and Miyako Irabu) that
differ in lexical pitch accent typology. Shuri dialect has an H*L pitch accent
like Tokyo Japanese while Miyako Irabu is accentless. Miyako Irabu has presumably lost its lexical pitch accent at some time in its history and became
accentless. The basic intonation unit in Miyako Irabu is a phrase component
with initial F0 rise, which is then followed by a slight F0 declination. The test
material consisted of sentences that include various types of focus particles
shown above, which were read by speakers of both dialects.
The results showed that the two dialects differ greatly in the use of F0,
pause, and duration. In the Shuri dialect, focus sentences including Wh-questions
have a typical focus intonation where the focused phrase has an F0 expansion
and the post-focal phrase had a strongly compressed F0. The focus particle
has an L tone. When a focus particle is combined with Wh-questions, it is
manifested as extra high F0 in the Shuri dialect. The difference between Topic and contrastive focus can be accounted for as a difference in the number
of intonation phrase. In contrast, Miyako Irabu accentless dialect lacks such a
global organization of F0, and focus is manifested only locally by the prominent H tone of the focus particle that follows the focused phrase. A systematic
insertion of pause as well as shortened post-focal phrase was also observed in
the Miyako Irabu dialect. In sum, Shuri manifests focus chiefly by F0 while
Miyako Irabu manifests focus by a combination of the phrase final H tone +
pause + temporal compression. It is conjectured that the lack of the global organization of F0 (expansion/compression) in Miyako Irabu in focus contexts
is due to the lack of H*L pitch accent in this language.
References Nagano-Madsen, Y. 2011. Intonation in Ryukyuan with reference to modality, syntax, and focus. In Language Documentation and Description, vol 10 :178-
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207. London: SOAS. • Nagano-Madsen, Y. (to appear). Intonation in Okinawan. In
Handbook of the Ryukyuan Languages. Berlin: Mouton-de Gruyter.
The phonetic realization of focus in Dutch, West
Frisian, Low Saxon, and German
Jörg Peters / Carl von Ossietzky U. Oldenburg
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
Focus is one of the main sources of variation in West Germanic intonation. It
determines the distribution or identity of pitch accents, and in addition may
affect the phonetic realization of the intonation contour. We report the effects of focus type and of focus constituent size on the phonetic realization
of nuclear falling accents in varieties of continental West Germanic. Speakers
were drawn from six populations along the coastal line of the Netherlands and
Northwestern Germany, covering Zeelandic Dutch, Hollandic Dutch, West
Frisian, Dutch Low Saxon, German Low Saxon, and Northern High German.
Our findings suggest that focus structure has systematic effects on segmental durations, the scaling and timing of the accentual f0 gesture, and on the
alignment of f0 targets relative to the beginning of the accented word. However, the difference between neutral focus and corrective focus has more
systematic effects than variation in the size of the focused constituent with
corrective focus. In addition, speakers from different places were found to
adopt different strategies in signaling these focus structures. Speakers of Hollandic Dutch and West Frisian expanded the pitch span on the accented word,
whereas speakers of Low and High German rescaled single targets of the accentual f0 gesture. Speakers of Zeelandic Dutch and Dutch Low Saxon mixed
both strategies.
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Accounting for the prosodic phrasing of Clitic
Left-Dislocations in Romance and Bantu
Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie / U. Paris Diderot
Ingo Feldhausen / U. Paris Diderot, U. Paris 3, U. Frankfurt
Cédric Patin / U. Lille
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
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Clitic Left-Dislocations (CLLD) are characterized by expressing the informational status of givenness across (non-polysynthetic) languages (e.g. López
2009). This special syntactic configuration is very common in Romance and
Bantu languages. However, the prosodic marking of CLLD is quite diverse in
these language families. While Romance languages typically display a prosodic boundary after the CLLD constituent, Bantu languages strongly differ
in the obligatoriness of that boundary. In a first step, the paper examines the
prosodic phrasing of CLLD in different Bantu and Romance languages. In a
second step, an analysis of the phrasing patterns is presented in an OptimalityTheoretic (OT) version of the edge-based framework, in which the constraint
A LIGN T OPIC,R (Feldhausen 2010 - which requires the alignment of the right
edge of a left-dislocated topic phrase to the right edge of a prosodic phrase)
plays a fundamental role.
Left-Dislocations are “characterized by the presence of a phrase in the
first position of the clause [bold letters in (1)] which is connected with that
clause through the intermediary of some anaphoric element [italic letters in
(1)]” (Alexiadou 2006:668).
(1)
(La lámpara)H (la regalamos a unos vecinos)
‘The lamp, we offered some neighbors.’
[Spanish]
The Spanish example in (1), illustrates the typical phrasing pattern of
CLLD objects in Romance. In simple clauses, the CLLD constitutes a prosodic phrase of its own (phrasing is indicated by parentheses), and the prosodic boundary at its right edge is marked by a high edge tone H (see DelaisRoussarie et al. 2004 for French, Astruc 2005, Feldhausen 2010 for Catalan,
Frascarelli 2000 for Italian, and Feldhausen 2012 for Spanish).
In Bantu languages, there are three phrasing patterns: (a) CLLD displays
an obligatorily boundary at its right edge, similar to Romance languages (see
Jokweni 1995 for Xhosa, Downing et al. 2004 for Chichewa, and Patin 2007
for Shingazidja), (b) CLLD obligatorily phrases with following material (cf.
(2), see Zerbian 2006 for Sotho), and (c) the right boundary is optional (cf.
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(3), see Cheng & Downing 2009 and Downing 2011 for Zulu). In both Sotho
and Zulu, penultimate lengthening marks the prosodic boundary at the right
edge.
(2)
(mo-sádi
ke a mmó:na)
CL1-woman 1st - A - OC 1-see
[Sotho]
‘The woman, I see her.’ (Zerbian 2006:252)
(3)
a. (ámá-bhayiséki:li) (si-wá-ník-ê:
ábá-ntwa:na)
6-bicycle
we-OM6-give-TAM 2-child
‘The bicycles, we gave them to the children.’
b. (ama-thíkíthí [e]si-tímel’ u-wa-théng’ e-m-shín-i:-ni)
6-ticket
7-train
you-OM6-buy Loc-9-machine
‘The train tickets, you buy them from the machine.’
[Zulu]
In our analysis, we argue for a reranking of A LIGN T OPIC,R together with
different constraints that are generally relevant for prosodic phrasing (such as
A LIGN -XP,R (Selkirk 1995), *P-P HRASE (Truckenbrodt 1999), and M AX B IN (Selkirk 2000, Sandalo & Truckenbrodt 2002). By ranking the constraint
A LIGN T OPIC,R either high (Romance, Xhosa) or low (Sotho) or in the middle range (Zulu) in interaction with the other constraints, we explain the different groupings of CLLD structures in these languages. The arising ’factorial
typology’ does not only match the different prosodic patterns, it also provides
evidence for the universal status of A LIGN T OPIC,R.
Interrelation between subjecthood, referential status
and prosody
Cíntia Antão, Pablo Arantes, and Maria Luiza Cunha Lima
U. Federal de Minas Gerais
Freitag, 15.3., 12:00–12:30
We investigated how syntactic position affects the prosodic prominence of
given and new referents in Brazilian Portuguese. Discursive saliency comes
from different sources. One of them is giveness, syntactic position is another:
new referents are viewed as more salient than given ones [1] and subjects
are regarded as more syntactically salient than objects [2]. Whereas the role
of prosody as a correlate of giveness has received attention ([3], inter alia)
it remains an open question how the combination of syntactic saliency and
giveness influence referents’ prosodic form. We used 24 target words to create two-sentence narratives. All experimental items were Subject-Verb-Object
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sentences, following Brazilian Portuguese canonical word order. Each target
word appeared in the four conditions created by two variables with two levels
- giveness (new and given) and syntactic position (subject and object) -, comprising 96 narratives. Four Brazilian Portuguese native speakers recorded two
repetitions of the stimulus list. We measured target words’ acoustic duration,
mean F0 and standard deviation and compared time-normalized F0 contours
in the different conditions.
Results suggest a syntactic position effect. Prosodic contrast between new
and given is maximal when referents are in subject position: new referents are
longer, have higher F0 mean and standard deviation than given ones. Given
F0 contours are flattened while new have a rising NP-initial tonal movement.
Contrast is minimal when both referents are objects. In this case, regardless
of givenness, contours are similar: NP-initial movement is neither as flat as in
given-subjects nor rises so high as in new-subjects.
References [1] Gundel, J., N. Hedberg & R. Zacharski (1993) Cognitive status and the
form of referring expressions in discourse. Language 69: 274-307. • [2] Gordon, P., &
Hendrick, R. (1998). The representation and processing of coreference in discourse.
Cognitive Science, 22: 389-424. • [3] Baumann, S. & Grice, M. (2006). The Intonation
of Accessibility. Journal of Pragmatics 38: 1636-1657.
The prosodic and the syntactic means of marking
focus in Estonian
Nele Salveste, Ludwig-Maximilian-U. Munich
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
The current investigation is concerned with the relation of syntax and prosody for communicating focus in Estonian, a language with flexible word order. The more specific question to be addressed is whether focus perception
in Estonian depends primarily on syntax, or whether prosody has an equally
important function in this regard. In order to do so, sentence-final position,
which has been shown to be a salient marker of focus in Estonian (Lindström, 2006), was tested against prosodic prominence for its effectiveness in
communicating focus.
A perception experiment as a forced choice task with manipulated speech
was carried out. Sentences with varying word order and accent placement
were presented in pairs to listeners. The test-sentences consisted of verb (V)
and varied order of adverb (A) and object (O): VAO and VOA respectively.
The pitch contours were manipulated so, that only one highly salient pitch
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peak occurred pro sentence. The first vowel of either A or of the O carried
the pitch peak with a rise of 100 Hz and a fall of 105 Hz. The verb carried a
non-prominent pitch peak with a rise of 10 Hz in the first syllable. The pitch
in non-pitch-accented constituent was level. Each pair was presented with a
context that implied focus either in the O (‘What we’re going to paint in the
yard?’) or in the A (‘Where we’re going to paint the boat?’) and the task
of the listener was to judge which of the two test-sentences presented in a
pair matched the best with the presented context. The 23 subjects assigned 12
different stimulus sentences in 6 pairs with 2 different contexts.
The results from this experimental setup suggest that the pitch accent has
a prominent role in eliciting focus perception and it overrides the pragmatic
information carried by the sentence-final position. Shifting the location of the
pitch accent elicits two different meanings in segmentally same sentences.
VAO* and the VA*O (asterisk indicates the location of the pitch accent) have
different meanings: in the former the O, in the latter the A is in focus. The
same difference in meanings holds for the VOA* and VO*A as well; either
O or A that is pitch-accented is in focus. Though, the VO*A also elicited
focus perception in A slightly over 50%. Therefore the tentative supposition
that the word order and the syntactic role of the constituent might interact in
focus expression will be discussed. It seems that like in Georgian (Skopeteas
et al. 2009) there might be word orders in Estonian that carry a stronger pragmatic meaning than others and they cannot be overridden by the prosody.
References Lindström, L. (2006). Infostruktuuri osast eesti keele sõnajärje muutumisel. Keel ja Kirjandus, 11, 875-888. • Skopeteas, S., Féry C., Rusudan A. (2009).
Word order and intonation in Georgian. Lingua, 119, 102-127.
The prosodic realization of broad and narrow focus in
Hungarian
3
1,5
Susanne Genzel , Shinichiro Ishihara , Sara Myrberg1,4 ,
Fabian Schubö1 , Balázs Surányi2 , and Ádám Szalontai2
1 Goethe-U. Frankfurt, 2 Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 3 U.
Potsdam, 4 Stockholm U., 5 U. Stuttgart
Freitag, 15.3., 13:00–13:30
Introduction: Hungarian routinely marks focus in its syntax by fronting the
narrow focussed constituent to an immediately pre-verbal position. This syntactic position coincides in an unmarked prosodic representation with the position of default sentence-level prominence (É. Kiss 1994, 2002). Hungarian
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AG1
is thus a syntactic adjustment language in the sense of Büring (2010). Under
the assumption that focus wants to be maximally prominent (Truckenbrodt
1995, Büring 2010), constituent ordering is employed to make sure that the
focus surfaces in a position to which prosodic prominence is assigned by
default (Szendrői 2003). The main question of interest is whether in Hungarian narrow focus is nevertheless realized prosodically different from broad
focus. We further investigated whether contrastive narrow focus has an additional prosodic effect and whether the discourse status of the background
affects the prosodic realization.
Experiment: The production experiment was based on sentences in (1),
where YP and ZP are postverbal constituents, and XP_VM is a so-called verbal modifier (VM) that must occupy an immediate preverbal position in a
broad focus sentence that does not contain a verbal particle (=Prt). In sentences with a narrowly focused XP_VM a Prt was present in a post-verbal
positon, functioning as an unambiguous surface syntactic cue indicating that
the pre-verbal element is a narrow focus.
(1)
Topic XP_VM V (Prt) YP ZP
e.g. Ilona lábon lövi meg Adélt a film végén
‘Ilona shoots Adel on the leg at the end of the movie.’
Each target sentence was inserted in five different contexts, either in a broad
focus context (all new), which serves as baseline for comparison, or one of
four different contexts eliciting the information structures/status displayed in
(2).
(2)
[Background TOP] [Focus VM] [Background V . . . ]
+/-given
+/-contrastive +/-given
In total 640 sentences were recorded (8 (speakers) x 4 (items) x 4 (repetitions) x (5 conditions)).
Results: In broad focus, Topic (TOP) and the verbal modifier (VM) were
realised with a plateau (H* H*L) or two falling accents (H*L H*L) in 57%
of all cases. In 28% TOP was unaccented (Ø H*L) and in 15% VM (H*L
Ø). The H tones in the two accents pattern stand in a downstep relationship.
Narrow focus on VM, contrastive or not, leads to a higher percentage (72%)
of unaccented TOP. In 23% two falling accents (H*L H*L) were realised
which stand in an upstep relationship. Constrastive focus does not have an
effect on acceent distribution. Givenness on TOP results in a decrease of H*L
H*L usages (23% - 6,3%); duration decreases significantly. Giveness in the
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Haus 6, Raum S12
post VM area leads to higher percentages of unaccented constituents.
Discussion: The results show that Hungarian realizes narrow focus prosodically different from broad focus. Pre-focal deaccentuation of one word
topics is the common strategy to mark focus on VM. If accents are maintained they show an upstep relation which points to a difference in prosodic
phrase structure. Giveness on TOP leads to shortening but not necessarily to
deaccentuation, hence it can occur independent of giveness.
AG1
59
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Arbeitsgruppe 2
Information Structural Evidence in the Race
for Salience
Anke Holler
Miriam Ellert
Several linguistic devices may signal differences in the information structure: intonation, word order, particles, and anaphoric expressions. Interestingly, studies on pronoun resolution have so far in general understood these devices as resolution cues, i.e. subject antecendents being preferred over object
antecedents (grammatical role) or first-mentioned antecedents being preferred over second-mentioned antecedents (position) with the possible explanation that they elevate the degree of salience of the antecedent. Information
structure was understood as one cue among this set (topic vs. non-topic). However, understanding grammatical role, position and anaphoric expressions
all as linguistic devices marking information structure calls for the need to take a different perspective in future studies and to discuss possible methods to
experimentally address these issues. Moreover, since resolution studies usually manipulated antecedentanaphor relationships on the two-sentence level, it
may be asked how information structural effects come into play in a discourse
richer context.
The aim of this working section is to bring together researchers from the
two fields of research and to discuss the link of information structure and anaphora resolution. We particularly welcome contributions (in English or German) from researchers who theoretically focus on anaphora resolution incorporating effects of information structure, or from experimentalists who are interested in the interplay of linguistic devices encoding information structure,
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and anaphora resolution. We are also interested in contributions which understand anaphora resolution in a discourse richer context, or which approach the
topic cross-linguistically, historically or from an acquisitional perspective, or
which have used different empirical methods to access these issues.
Strict Interfaces, Overbinding and the Acquisition
Challenge
Tom Roeper / U. of Massachusetts Amherst
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:00–15:00
AG2
The addition of interfaces to UG presents an immediate learnability problem.
One of the advantages of the theory of autonomous modules (the autonomy
of syntax) was that it restricted the set of possible grammars allowed by UG.
In principle, interfaces allow a geometric increase in the set of possible grammars. Therefore, the notion of Strict Interfaces (Roeper, 2011) states that the
connection point between modules will be minimal and highly restricted.
Discourse appears to open the floodgates to excessive connections, hence
the principles behind anaphora resolution are both a learnability and a theoretical challenge.
Early proposals were (Karmiloff-Smith, 1992) that children allowed free
inference in linking to context. Moore (1999) showed that 85% of 3-yr-old
children were able to reject a contextual (he = Ernie) referent when given the
scenario, calling for binding with Bert:
Bert plays basketball [picture], Does he play baseball [picture of Ernie
playing baseball]
Nevertheless, the DSLT (Seymour, Roeper, deVilliers, 2005) showed that
many children, particularly disordered ones, allowed a reference between pronoun and quantifier across a sentence boundary:
John saw every child. [picture of man and three children]
He played the piano. [picture of man playing piano or picture of each
child playing piano]
Significant numbers of children from 1200 examined allowed the link to
the every child, which we call overbinding. The theory of “telescoping” (Roberts, 1987; Fox, 1999) suggests a sophisticated effort to incorporate information as a restrictor in discourse. We argue that children do this and adults
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gradually restrict this effect. Rodriguez (2010) argues for similar phenomena
as a form of co-relative.
We will further explore children’s overgeneralization of ellipsis as a related phenomenon.
References Roeper, Tom (2011): Strict Interfaces and three kinds of Multiple Grammar. In: Rinke, Esther and Tanja Kupisch (eds.): The Development of Grammar: Language acquisition and diachronic change. In honour of Jürgen M. Meisel. • KarmiloffSmith, Annette (1992): Beyond Modularity: A Developmental Perspective on Cognitive Science. • Seymour, Harry N., Roeper, Tom & de Villiers, Jill G. (2000, unpublished). Dialect Sensitive Language Test (DSLT). San Antonio TX: The Psychological Corporation. • Craige Roberts, Modal Subordination, Anaphora and Distributivity (January 1, 1987). Electronic Doctoral Dissertations for UMass Amherst. Paper
AAI8710499. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI8710499. • Fox, Danny (1999): Focus, Parallelism and Accommodation. SALT 9.
Factors determining salience in Old High German
Augustin Speyer / U. Göttingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00–15:30
Old High German (OHG) is a partial pro-drop language: A subject pronoun
may be realized by a zero pronoun (1a), a personal pronoun (1c) or a demonstrative pronoun (1b). While it is feasible to assume that the choice is
influenced by salience - the more salient the referent is, the less substantial is
the referring expression (cf. e.g. Ariel 1990) - it is not clear what the factors
determining salience are. Factors that are under discussion in general range from discourse or information structural parameters such as centerhood,
discourse coherence on a more general level, discourse topichood (Bosch &
Umbach 2007), or matrix versus subordinate quality of the clause containing
the referring expression to semantic properties of the referent or other expressions in the clause such as verb type, thematic role or animateness of the
referent (Bittner & Kuehnast 2012).
(1)
a.
Tho sin githígini
zi imo ríaf, tho ér in themo
When his band-of-warriors to him called when he in the
skífe sliaf, irwágtun Ø thuruh fórahta: tho er thaz zéichan
ship slept waked.3. PL through fear
then he the sign
worahta.
worked
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b.
c.
AG2
‘When his disciples called to him, while he slept in the ship, and
waked him, frightened, then he wrought the miracle.’ (Otfrid, Ev.
3, 14, 59-60)
Thaz mári ward ouh mánagfalt ubar Júdeono lant,
ubar
the tidings was also multifarious over Jews’ country over
líuti manage. Thie fúaraun al zisáme
people many these went all together
Sie gérotun al bi mánne inan zi rínanne
They desired all by man him to meet
‘The tidings (=that Jesus was there) became widely known throughout Judea and to many people. They went all together (sc. to see
him). They all desired to meet him, one by one.’ (Otfrid, Ev. 2,14,
5-7)
The present study attempts to determine the role the factors identified above
have on the choice of referential expression in OHG. To this end an analysis of parts of Otfrid’s Evangelienbuch - which is the only long original (i.e.
non-translation) OHG text available to us; the fact that it is not in prose is
irrelevant for the question at hand - was undertaken. One result is that semantic factors have more weight than hitherto assumed. Especially a version
of animacy plays a role: nomina sacra are treated differently from ’normal’
animate referents in that they are referred to by expressions associated with
higher salience than they actually have. This effect interacts with discourse
topichood.
References Ariel, Mira (1990): Accessing NP antecedents. London: Routledge. • Bittner, Dagmar & Milena Kuehnast (2012): Comprehension of intersentential pronouns
in child German and child Bulgarian. First Language 32, 176-204. • Bosch, Peter
& Carla Umbach (2007): Reference determination for Demonstrative Pronouns. In:
Bittner, Dagmar & Natalia Gargarina (eds): Intersentential Pronominal Reference in
Child and Adult Language. ZASPiL 48. Berlin: ZAS, 39-51.
Indefinite dies and discourse salience
Klaus von Heusinger / U. zu Köln
Annika Deichsel / U. Stuttgart
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
German indefinite dies is assumed to have the same main properties as English indefinite this: it behaves like a referential indefinite determiner (Prince
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1981, Ionin 2006). Prince (1981) argues that the function of indefinite this
(as opposed to the unmarked indefinite article a(n)) is to signal to the hearer
that ‘more information about the referent introduced is coming’ - this is also
referred to as “secondary topic”.
In a story continuation study we investigated if there is a difference with
respect to the discourse salience between referential indefinite dies and the
specific reading of the indefinite article ein. Their discourse salience is empirically measured by adopting three parameters: (i) referential persistence or
the number or anaphoric re-mentions of the referent in the subsequent discourse after its introduction (Gernsbacher & Shroyer 1989), (ii) topic shift
potential or the likelihood of a referent to be re-mentioned as a topic at all
(counts only the first time, when a referent is re-mentioned as a topic) and
(iii) topic persistence or the overall number of anaphoric re-mentions as a
topic in the subsequent discourse (Givón 1983).
The study was designed as a story continuation experiment (written version of Gernsbacher & Shroyer (1989)). The participants (n=24) read mini
discourses and were asked to produce 6 coherent continuation sentences. The
form of the critical referents in the trigger discourses was manipulated, resulting in two conditions: (i) indefinite-dies NPs vs. (ii) simple indefinite NPs
marked with specific ein. The construction of the test items (n=10) forced an
unambiguously specific interpretation (in terms of wide-scope interpretation)
on the critical referents: they were embedded under a verb of propositional
attitude, and anaphorically picked up by a pronoun in the next sentence - one
of the main indicators for a (scopally) specific reading of the indefinite. (Peter will nächste Woche diese/eine Spanierin besuchen. Er hat sie letztes Jahr
in Barcelona kennengelernt. ‘Peter wants to visit this/a Spanish girl next
week. He met her in Barcelona last year.’) The continuations received by the
participants were then coded with respect to the three parameters introduced
above.
The main results show that (i) referential persistence, (ii) the topic shift
potential, and (iii) the topic persistence of the referents of the specific noun
phrases headed by indefinite dies is significantly higher compared to the values with respect to the three parameters of the referents headed by specific
noun phrases with ein (for all three parameters p<0,0001 in the Wilcoxon two
sample rank sum test).
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referential persistence
topic persistence
topic shift potential
all 720 sent.
dies
ein
596
152
315
34
119
33
average p. story (= 6 sent.)
dies
ein
5,0
1,3
2,6
0,3
1,0
0,3
Table 1: Referential persistence, topic persistence and topic shift potential of
critical referents, total values in 120 stories/condition (10TI x 12 participants
in each condition), with 6 sentence of each story (720 sentences)
Indefinite dies significantly raises the salience of the associated discourse referent. This result indicates that notions like referentiality or topicality,
which are defined in terms of sentence semantics, are also crucial for building
up the salience structure of a discourse.
AG2
References Gernsbacher, Morton Ann & Suzanne Shroyer (1989): The Cataphoric
Use of the Indefinite ‘this’ in Spoken Narratives. Memory and Cognition 17, 536540. • Givón, Talmy (1983): Topic Continuity in Discourse: An Introduction. In:
Givón, Talmy (ed.): Topic Continuity in Discourse. A Quantitative Cross-Language
Study. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1-41. • Ionin, Tania (2006): This is Definitely Specific: Specificity and Definiteness in Article Systems. Natural Language Semantics
14, 175-234. • Prince, E. (1981): On the Inferencing of Indefinite-this NPs. In: Joshi,
Aravind, Webber, Bonnie & Ivan Sag (eds.): Elements of Discourse Understanding.
Cambridge, 231-250.
Demonstrative Pronouns as Bound Variables?
Stefan Hinterwimmer / U. Osnabrück
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
Bosch and Umbach (2006) have shown that German demonstrative pronouns
(henceforth: D-pronouns) such as der/die/das in contrast to personal pronouns
have a strong bias against being resolved to discourse topics (Prince 1992),
where discourse topics are in the default case (but not necessarily) realized as
grammatical subjects. In this talk I focus on cases where D-pronouns seem to
function as variables bound by quantificational DPs. In contrast to personal
pronouns, D-pronouns are subject to two constraints in such environments:
First, they cannot be bound by quantificational DPs with a covert restrictor,
such as jeder/keiner. Secondly, they cannot by bound by DPs functioning as
grammatical subjects.
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From these observations, I draw the following conclusions: First, D-pronouns in contrast to personal pronouns can never function as bound variables
(Wiltschko 1999). Rather, they are always definite descriptions with a covert NP, where the covert NP denotes a free variable ranging over predicates.
The value of the respective variable is determined on the basis of contextual
information (cf. Elbourne’s 2005 analysis of donkey pronouns). Now, in order for D-pronouns to receive readings according to which their value varies
with the value of the variable bound by a quantificational DP (i.e. what seem
to be bound-variable-readings), two conditions need to be fulfilled: (a) The
predicate variable needs to be resolved to the predicate denoted by the NPcomplement of the respective quantificational determiner, which is impossible if there is no such NP-complement. (b) The D-pronoun needs to contain a
situation variable that is bound by the respective quantificational DP.
Now, in order to account for the contrast between the anti-topicality bias
in the coreferential cases and the anti-subject bias in the (indirect) binding
cases, I assume that D-pronouns come with a constraint against the free predicate variable they are associated with being resolved to the currently most
salient predicate, but that in the two cases different strategies apply in determining the most salient predicate: In the coreferential cases, where there is no
particular structural relation required to obtain between pronoun and antecedent, discourse relations are crucial. In the binding cases, in contrast, there is
a structural relation between the D-pronoun and the quantificational DP, since
the former contains a situation variable to be bound by the latter under (LF) ccommand. Therefore, what counts as the most salient predicate is determined
in purely structural terms, namely as the predicate denoted by the NP contained in the structurally most prominent DP, which is the grammatical subject.
References Bosch, Peter & Carla Umbach (2007): Reference Determination for Demonstrative Pronouns. In: Bittner, Dagmar & Natalia Gargarina (eds.): Intersentential
Pronominal Reference in Child and Adult Language, ZAS Papers in Linguistics No
48. Berlin, 39-51. • Elbourne, Paul (2005): Situations and Individuals. Cambridge,
Massachusetts. • Wiltschko, Martina (1998): On the Syntax and Semantics of (Relative) Pronouns and Determiners. In: The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics
2(2), 143-181.
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Physical salience and cognitive salience
Frédéric Landragin / U. Paris
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
AG2
Salience phenomena put an element from a linguistic or visual message forward (“pop-up” effect). By confronting works resulting from various research
fields, and with the aim to apprehend salience as a general cognitive mechanism, we propose a classification of the factors that make an entity salient in
a linguistic utterance or in a visual scene. The factors cover prosodic, lexical,
syntactic, semantic, as well as pragmatic aspects. Therefore, salience covers
several markers, several linguistic notions (e.g. notions from the information
structure), and grows up as a multifaceted notion. With our classification, we
emphasize the links between salience and topic, salience and focus, etc.
Some of these factors depend only on the physical characteristics of the
message and its context. We then talk about physical salience (P-salience).
Other factors depend on the subject’s specificities, intentions, and cognitive
processes. We then talk about cognitive salience (C-salience). We show that
P-salience and C-salience concepts do not rely on the modality (linguistic
or visual) to which they apply. This allows us to lay the foundations for a
generic characterization of salience: we show that visual salience and linguistic salience are two facets of the same concept, and that a multidisciplinary
confrontation is able to give some light to problems dealing with salience
definition and scope.
Moreover, the diversity of salience features as well as the diversity of
salience-oriented linguistic analyses leads us to think about several salience
hierarchies that work together. Unlike Centering Theory and similar approaches that consider only one Centre (one salient entity) at any time, we explore
several dimensions of analysis in order to apprehend several simultaneous saliencies. That leads us to a composite model of salience in discourse.
References Alshawi H. (1987) Memory and Context for Language Interpretation,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. • Grosz B. J., Joshi A. K., Weinstein S.
(1995) Centering: A Framework for Modelling the Local Coherence of Discourse,
Computational Linguistics, 21:2, pp. 203-225. • Lambrecht K. (1994) Information
Structure and Sentence Form, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. • Landragin
F. (2004) Saillance physique et saillance cognitive, Cognition, Représentation, Langage, 2:2, http://corela.edel.univ-poitiers.fr/index.php?id=603. • Stevenson R. J. (2002)
The Role of Salience in the Production of Referring Expressions, In van Deemter K.,
Kibble R. (Eds.) Information Sharing, Stanford, CSLI Publications, pp. 167-192.
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Information structure and final particles
Alexander Haselow / U. Rostock
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
In present-day English and German a number of lexemes can be used utterancefinally, i.e. outside the syntactic structure (or syntactic “field”) of an utterance,
in order to create anaphoric reference to the immediately preceding discourse
segment (i.e. an utterance with a particular propositional content) and to organize the information flow in ongoing conversation. These lexemes, which
have the status of particles, have important information structural effects as
they mark an utterance as noninitial, i.e. as reactive to some prior discourse
segment that functions as antecedent, and change the information status of
the prior segment in a particular way, i.e. into an implied conditional protasis
(final then), a conditional concession (anyway) or they reduce the information status of that segment to various degrees, including the cancelling of its
propositional content (final though in self-corrections) (see (1)).
(1)
a.
b.
c.
197 A: uhm well there’s no seats in the morning
198
do you want me to check the afternoon
199 B: yeah check the afternoon then [ICE-GB s1a-074]
= if p1 , as is the case: p2
67 A: so she was trapped into staying at home and mangling the
shirts
68 B: I think she would have stayed at home and mangled the
shirts anyway [ICE-GB s1b-046]
= even if/even though p1 or any px : p2
169 A: we haven’t done that
170
well I did it once though only once [ICE-GB s1a-068]
= although p1 was produced: delete p1 since p2
As these examples from English show, final particles are important devices
for structuring information in unplanned speech production, where each new
speaker needs to integrate his/her utterance into the emerging context, thereby
establishing an implicit anaphoric relation to the propositional content of the
prior utterance (see Haselow 2012). Based on corpus data from the spoken
component of the International Corpus of English (ICE - Great Britiain) and
from the Korpus für gesprochene Sprache (IDS Mannheim) I will show that in
English and German final particles are minimal devices for conversational activities that target both the information content of a prior utterance (anaphoric
reference) and that of the current utterance. Moreover, final particles can be
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used to compress implied information into the utterance they accompany, i.e.
they create a link between a non-verbalized proposition that is assumed to be
at hand by the speaker, and the current utterance. This property, which coincides with that of German modal particles (e.g. Diewald 2006), represents a
new dimension in structuring information since in these cases anaphoric reference is made to a unit outside the discourse world, i.e. the antecedent must
be reconstructed by the hearer.
References Diewald, Gabriele (2006): Discourse particles and modal particles as grammatical elements. In: Fischer, Kerstin (ed.): Approaches to discourse particles. Amsterdam, 403-425. • Haselow, Alexander (2012): Subjectivity, intersubjectivity and
the negotiation of common ground in spoken discourse: Final particles in English. In:
Language & Communication 32(2), 182-204.
Talking about emotions - an experimental study of
participles as information structure devices
Milena Kuehnast / Freie U. Berlin
Winfried Menninghaus / Freie U. Berlin
Thomas Jacobsen / Helmut-Schmidt-U. Hamburg
AG2
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
In linguistic theory information structure is a term to address the topic-focus
configuration of sentences and discourse units with respect to morpho-syntactic
and intonation markers of given and new information, referents and propositional attitudes. In this paper we’ll approach information structure in terms
of the underlying mental situation models, as we believe that the basic goal
of linguistic communication is to achieve appropriate updates and synchronisation of situation models represented in the interlocutors’ minds. As they
denote subjectively experienced affective states, emotion verbs conspicuously instantiate the manifold alternatives of structuring sentences to highlight
specific bits of information.
Verbs like admire and astonish are understood as closest synonyms, basically referring to the same affective state, but exhibiting different syntactic behaviour. With respect to the proto-typical argument realisation of thematic roles they represent the classes of Experiencer-Subject (admire) and
Stimulus-Subject verbs (astonish). The different argument structures and the
availability of reflexive and passive constructions have been accounted for
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in terms of causal attribution (Pesetsky1995) but this analysis has been challenged on theoretical and psycholinguistic grounds (Jackendoff, 2007; Härtl,
2001).
Taking a cognitive approach to the peculiarities of emotion verbs, we pursue the idea that speakers may refer to different aspects of a given emotion
concept. As concepts are formed through the accumulation of personal episodic experiences, the represented event structure or relevant aspects thereof
should be prominently reflected in lexical choice (admire vs. astonish) and
derived forms (astonishing vs. astonished). The different aspectual properties
of past and present participles allow a closer look at the event structure of
emotion verbs streaming our attention to different elements of the represented situation. The results of a large free word association study (995 native
speakers) investigating the conceptual structure of present and past participles of emotion verbs in German freely lend themselves to the proposed line
of reasoning. The associative patterns revealed through metric MDS plots are
feasible in terms of psychologically pertinent factors like arousal and inherent
pleasantness. The data also provides evidence that present and past participles differ as information structure devices by focussing attention on features
of the eliciting situation, and on feeling qualities and other properties of the
experienced emotional state, respectively.
References Jackendoff, R. (2007). Language, consciousness, culture. Essays on mental structure. Cambridge: MIT Press. • Härtl, H. (2001): Cause and change. Thematische Relationen und Ereignisstrukturen in Konzeptualisierung und Grammatikalisierung. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. • Pesetsky, D. (1995). Zero Syntax: Experiencers and
cascades. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Syntactic structure, information structure, and lexical
effects on null and overt subject comprehension in
Spanish
Jeffrey T. Runner / U. of Rochester, New York
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–10:00
With graduate student Alyssa Ibarra, I have been examining the factors that
affect the choice of overt and null subject pronoun use in Spanish. Our research takes as its starting point Carminati’s (2002) observation that in Italian,
null subjects are preferably understood to refer to a preceding subject NP
while overt pronoun subjects are preferably understood to refer to a preceding object NP. This generalization, the “position of antecedent hypothesis,”
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(PAH) was tested by Alonso-Ovalle et al. (2002) in Spanish examples like
(1).
(1)
AG2
Juan pegó a Pedro. (Él) Está enfadado.
Juan hit Pedro (He) is angry.
‘Juan hit Pedro. He is angry.’
They found that while null subjects showed a strong bias for a preceding
subject antecedent (consistent with the PAH), overt pronoun subjects showed
no strong preference (i.e., the subject bias exhibited by the null pronominal
was neutralized).
In a series of written production (sentence completion), written comprehension, and visual world eye-tracking studies, we manipulate a variety of
factors–syntactic structure, information structure, lexical bias–to further test
the preferences of null and overt pronominal subjects in Spanish. Our goal is
to understand the degree to which the PAH holds–that is if particular information structural, syntactic structural, or lexical manipulations can influence the
null and overt pronominal subject biases. Preliminary results using written
materials suggest that the subject bias of the null subject can be modulated
by verb implicit causality and subject vs. object focus; on-going visual world
eye-tracking studies further testing these manipulations using auditory stimuli will provide information about these preferences as different information
becomes available over time (see also Pyykkönen & Järvikivi 2010).
References Alonso-Ovalle, L., S. Fernández-Solera, L. Frazier and C. Clifton, Jr.
(2002). “Null vs. Overt Pronouns and the Topic-Focus Articulation in Spanish.” Rivista di Linguistica 14.2: 151-169. • Carminati, M.N. (2002). The Processing of Italian
Subject Pronouns. Ph.D. Dissertation, UMass-Amherst. • Pyykkönen, P. and J. Järvikivi (2010). Activation and Persistence of Implicit Causality Information in Spoken
Language Comprehension. Experimental Psychology 57(1):5-16.
The effect of local discourse coherence on pronoun
resolution: an eye-tracking study
Clare Patterson / U. Potsdam
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
The effect of local discourse coherence on pronoun resolution: an eye-tracking
study It has long been acknowledged that discourse information plays a role
in pronoun resolution, and that pronouns tend to refer to discourse-prominent
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entities. Researchers have exploited ideas from Centering Theory (CT) (Grosz
et al. 1995) to evaluate the relative prominence of different entities. This experiment tested whether principles of CT can be applied to a complex discourse
containing two antecedents in subject position.
32 native English speakers read 24 experimental items and 48 fillers while
their eye movements were recorded. Items consisted of three sentences: context (i), critical (ii) and wrap-up.
(i) The queen/the soldiers felt really quite uneasy about the squadron parade.
(ii) Every soldier who knew that the queen was watching intently was absolutely convinced that he/she should wave as the parade passed.
Alternation of the context sentence subject and the pronoun’s gender produced four conditions. In congruent context sentences, the context sentence
subject matched the pronoun (e.g. The queen...she). In incongruent context
sentences, it mismatched.
According to CT, pronouns are preferentially linked to the most prominent (highest ranked) antecedent. In congruent conditions the highest ranked
antecedent matches in gender with the pronoun. In incongruent conditions
the highest ranked antecedent mismatches in gender with the pronoun, which
should produce processing disruption (longer reading times). The results in
fact reliably showed the opposite effect; regression-path times at the pronoun
were longer in the congruent condition.
While the results cannot be accounted for under standard assumptions
about highly ranked antecedents, it is possible that more subtle discourse factors played a role; for example the repetition of the antecedents in the critical
sentence may have disturbed the coherence of the discourse, pushing the repeated antecedent down the prominence ranking.
While CT (and other models) offer a useful toolset for describing prominence, further work needs to be done to capture how subtle alterations in
coherence can alter the prominence of entities within a discourse during pronoun resolution.
References Grosz Barbara, Joshi Aravind & Scott Weinstein (1995): Centering. A
framework for modelling the local coherence of a discourse. In: Computational Linguistics 21, 203-226.
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The role of information structure on object pronoun
resolution in Spanish: topic vs. focus
Israel de la Fuente and Barbara Hemforth / U. Paris Diderot
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
AG2
The present study investigated if two fore-grounding devices (topicalization
and focusing) had the same effect on participants’ antecedent choices for ambiguous object clitic pronouns in a questionnaire in Spanish. The results show
that while topicalization increases the number of attachments to topicalized
antecedents, focusing has the opposite effect (an “anti-focus effect”). These
results challenge previous theories of reference interpretation and accessibility.
Previous psycholinguistic work has shown that pronouns are more likely
to refer back to prominent antecedents (e.g. Ariel, 1990) and that one factor that affects antecedent prominence is its informational status in the sentence. Interestingly enough, recent studies on the role of information structure
on pronoun resolution have yielded contradictory results (e.g. Cowles et al.,
2007, for English; Colonna et al., in press, for French and German).
Unlike previous studies that focused almost exclusively on subject pronouns, the present study investigated the effects of topicalization and focusing
on object pronoun resolution in Spanish. Thirty-seven participants completed
a questionnaire in which they were to select an antecedent for an ambiguous
object pronoun in sentences like Alejandro golpeó a Alfonso antes de que
Julia lo llamara ‘Alejandro hit Alfonso before Julia called him’. The results
show a general object antecedent preference in a baseline condition. Crucially, however, subject and object antecedent attachments increased significantly
with respect to the baseline condition when these were topicalized, evidencing a clear effect of topicalization. Focusing, on the other hand, had the opposite effect: antecedent attachments decreased significantly when these were
in a focalized position, which evidences an anti-focus effect also attested in
French and German subject pronoun resolution (cf. Colonna et al., in press).
These results can be explained in terms of the discourse functions that topicalization and focusing serve: referring to a topicalized antecedent guarantees the continuity of discourse topics and contributes to discourse coherence
(Givón, 1983); referring back to a focalized antecedent, which might constitute potentially new information (Erteschik-Shir, 1997), violates continuity
and seems to be dispreferred, at least in intra-sentential anaphora. Crucially,
the discrepancy between these two fore-grounding devices challenges the general idea that antecedent prominence is the single most important factor in
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pronoun resolution. Additionally, the preference to attach object pronouns to
preceding object antecedents goes against the hypothesis that discourse coherence stems from topic-continuity. The notion of discourse coherence in
terms of resemblance (parallel) relations between two clauses (Kehler, 2002)
might better account for our results. Comparative studies with clitic pronouns
in French and full pronouns in German are currently underway.
Demonstrative pronouns, referential function and
discourse progression
Petra B. Schumacher / Johannes Gutenberg-U. Mainz
Manuel Dangl / U. zu Köln
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:00
Personal pronouns and demonstratives contribute differently to the management of information in discourse. While (unstressed) personal pronouns are
the default means to indicate coreference with a salient discourse entity and
function to maintain a discourse topic, demonstratives are used to refer to a
less salient entity and serve to indicate topic shift. In the present investigation,
we wanted to examine the time course of processing personal and demonstrative pronouns in German (er vs. der) and assess the impact of two salience
features of the antecedent, thematic role and sentential position.
We examined processing patterns of personal pronouns and demonstratives following context sentences containing two potential antecedents. In addition to the factor pronoun type, we varied the verb type (active accusative
verbs (1) vs. dative experiencer verbs (2)) and the word order (canonical (a)
vs. non-canonical (b); cf. Haider, 1993) in the context sentences to manipulate
the antecedent’s saliency.
(1)
a.
b.
(2)
a.
b.
Der Feuerwehrmann will den Jungen retten, (. . . ). Aber er / der
...
Den Jungen will der Feuerwehrmann retten, (. . . ). Aber er / der
...
Dem Journalisten ist der Politiker aufgefallen, (. . . ). Aber er / der
...
Der Politiker ist dem Journalisten aufgefallen, (. . . ). Aber er / der
...
Previous research utilizing time-sensitive ERP measures has identified two
core signatures during referential processing: i) an N400 reflecting deman75
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ds involved in linking referential expressions with prior discourse, modulated
by various salience features; ii) a Late Positivity reflecting discourse updating
costs (Schumacher, 2009). Time-locked to the onset of the pronoun, the current ERPs revealed a biphasic N400-Late Positivity for demonstratives over
personal pronouns. There were also subtle effects associated with the two
salience features. The findings indicate that linking pronouns to previous discourse is intimately related to the antecedent’s saliency - here modulated by
thematic role and canonicity. Access to less salient entities (as assumed for
demonstratives) results in linking costs. The additional topic shift signaled
by demonstratives requires reorganization of the discourse-internal structure,
which engenders discourse updating costs. Thus, while pronouns respond to
anaphoric salience, demonstratives are involved in both anaphoric linking and
discourse progression.
AG2
Salience cues during spoken discourse comprehension
Simone Falk / Ludwig-Maximilians-U. München
Mittwoch 14, 12:00–12:30
Understanding spoken discourse is a complex task that implies monitoring
and memorizing of relations between important discourse units. Discourse
comprehension has therefore been described as a process entailing a continuous competition between attention and memory resources for the sake of
discourse structure building (e.g. Gernsbacher 1990, Givon 1992). In this process, salient discourse units will easier get the attention of the listener (Chiarcos et al. 2011). Consequently, they will be encoded and memorized in more
detail in subsequent discourse (i.e., more semantic features will be available),
thus shaping expectancies in the process of comprehension. In my talk, I will
outline an experimental setting in order to investigate how linguistic cues interact to shape the salience of spoken discourse units and how their interplay
facilitates lexical access. The main idea is that the effect of salience cues in
discourse comprehension is gradual. This will be reflected by the competition
between attentional resources to these cues during online processing. In a series of experiments, the interplay of syntactic position, semantic prominence
and prosodic cues are investigated with respect to anaphor resolution. The
experiments presented are cross-modal priming experiments (e.g. Swinney
1979, Nicol et al. 1994). While listening to a spoken text excerpt, participants
do lexical decision tasks on occasionally appearing written words that are semantically related or unrelated to words occurring in the spoken text. In a
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first step, it will be examined how the resolution of a categorical anaphor that
constitutes a discourse topic (like Geschirr) is influenced by gradual semantic
relatedness of its antecedent (more vs. less representative hyponyms of the
category, like Teller or Platte) and its syntactic position (prefield vs. middlefield) in German.
Example of a critical test passage (embedded in further context):
[. . . ] Den Teller stellte der Diener zwischen die Platte und den Zettel auf
die oberste Ablage des Servierwagens. Das Geschirr zitterte stark in seinen
Händen, [. . . ]
It is hypothesized that prominent syntactic position (prefield) and typicality of the hyponym will enhance the salience of the discourse referent and
therefore have an advantage in processing during anaphor resolution. In comparison, the same referent in the middlefield and less typical hyponyms in the
same syntactic positions should show less or no priming effects. Experiments
and analyses are still ongoing. However, preliminary results of a first experiment with 32 participants suggest an effect of typicality/syntactic position as
formulated in the hypothesis.
References Chiarcos, Christian, Claus, Berry & Michael Grabski (2011): Introduction: Salience in Linguistics and Beyond. In: Chiarcos, Christian, Claus, Berry &
Michael Grabski (eds.): Salience. Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Its Function in
Discourse. Berlin/New York, 1-30. • Gernsbacher, Morton Ann (1990): Language
comprehension as structure building. Hillsdale. • Givón, Talmy (1992): The grammar of referential coherence as mental processing instructions. Linguistics 30, 5-55. •
Nicol, Janet, Fodor Janet Dean & David Swinney (1994): Using cross-modal lexical
decision tasks to investigate sentence processing. In: Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning Memory and Cognition 20, 1229-1238. • Swinney, David (1979):
Lexical access during sentence comprehension: (Re)consideration of context effects.
In: Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior 18, 645-659.
How salient is salience in reference resolution?
Miriam Ellert and Anke Holler / U. Göttingen
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
Previous research has identified several factors influencing reference resolution. For example studies on ambiguous pronoun resolution have found that
following sentences as in (1), personal pronouns are preferably resolved towards NP1 (the doctor) due to its positional property (first-mentioned vs.
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second-mentioned entity), to its grammatical role (subject vs. object) or due
to its information structural status (topic vs. non-topic). Theories of reference
have explained this co-reference relationship in terms of salience: the above
mentioned factors mark NP1 as a more salient antecedent than NP2, therefore
it is more accessible to speakers and hearers and more prominent to be chosen
as a co-referent candidate for lexically less richer referential forms, such as
personal pronouns (e.g. Ariel, 2001).
(1)
AG2
The doctor frightened the cook, because he . . .
Moreover, other linguistic factors have been identified to at least interact with
the above influencing factors, such as the implicit causality underlying the
verb and coherence relations as encoded by the semantic type of connector
used which may push resolution preferences to NP2 (the cook) as in (2) (e.g.
Pyykkönen & Järvikivi, 2010; Kehler et al., 2008). In sentences (1) and (2),
the pronoun following the causal connector because is resolved in the direction of the causality bias encoded by the verb (NP1 in (1), NP2 in (2)).
(2)
The doctor feared the cook, because he . . .
(NP2 biasing verb)
However, when the pronoun follows a contrastive connector as in (3), this relationship is reversed due to the denial of expectation character of the connector but. As Umbach & Stede (1999) have argued (for German), but may furthermore be used to signal incausality relationships. This in line with traditional claims according to which German aber may not only be used to mark
a contrastive but also a concessive reading.
(3)
The doctor feared the cook, but he . . .
(NP2 biasing verb, connector but)
In the current talk, we would like to discuss how these different functions of
the connector but influence the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns. We will
present data from a German sentence completion experiment which shows
that the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns highly depends on the type of
verbs used and the semantics of the connector. On this basis we would like to
discuss the question in which ways concepts of salience may explain the findings, and how these different linguistic means are used to signal information
structure.
References Ariel, M. (2001). Accessibility theory: An overview. In T. Sanders, J.
Schilperoord & W. Spooren (Hg.) Text representation, linguistic and psycholinguistic
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aspects (S. 29-87). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. • Kehler, A., Kertz,
L., Rohde, H. & Elman, J. (2008). Coherence and Coreference Revisited. Journal
of Semantics, 25 (1), 1-44. • Pyykkönen, P. & Järvikivi, J. (2010). Activation and
Persistence of Implicit Causality Information in Spoken Language Comprehension.
Experimental Psychology, 57 (1), 5-16. • Umbach, C. & Stede, M. (1999). Kohärenzrelationen: Ein Vergleich von Kontrast und Konzession. In Ch. Habel (Hrg.). Beiträge aus dem DFG-Schwerpunktprogramm Sprachproduktion. KIT-Report 148, Technische Universität Berlin.
Introduction of referents
A crosslinguistic study on language specific
organisation of information
Mary Carroll, Monique Flecken, and Christiane von
Stutterheim
U. Heidelberg, Donders Centrum, Nijmegen
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:30
The introduction of a referent to the domain of discourse is one of the general
tasks which has to be solved in the context of language production. While all
languages provide means for serving this function, the means used, however,
vary across languages and so do the semantic implications for the construction of discourse. In our presentation we will compare English, French and
German with respect to patterns observed in reference introduction. German
speakers introduce new referents and link them to old information by different
means, often placing it in focus position before the nonfinite verbal element:
In der Landschaft fliegen Papiere (newly introduced) umher. English speakers prefer to introduce a new referent by means of the existential there is:
There are papers flying around. French speakers have the option to use a left
dislocation structure with il y a with a relative clause referring to the actual
situation the entity is involved in: Il y a des feuilles de papier qui évoluent
dans ce paysage.
Based on a corpus of spoken narratives for the three language groups we
will first give empirical evidence for how the different structures are used
and how they differ in their consequences for the construction of discourse.
We will then discuss the theoretical status of these structures with a particular focus on nominal versus verbal strategies in building informational units.
In conclusion, we show how the specific structures used in the introduction
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of referents are in accordance with language-specific patterns of information
organization at discourse level.
Topic markers and their role in the race of salience and
anaphora resolution: the case of Romance languages
Gerda Haßler / U. Potsdam
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
AG2
This paper shall show that there is a link between topic markers as means of
information structure and anaphora resolution. It shall explore whether topic
markers always allow the identification of the nominal reference element. A
historical perspective has been chosen to study and compare the development
of topic markers in four Romance languages (Spanish, Portuguese, French,
Italian). The comparative analysis of the data shall aid in showing the different obligatory usage and functionality of the corresponding structures in
Romance languages.
Nominal topics must be taken up by a pronoun in the sentence, whereby
it is possible to place the topic after the pronoun as anti-topic. Topic markers
usually take a position outside of the sentence, have no pivotal importance for
the truth value, and function pragmatically, i.e. they are viewed as something
“extra-grammatical”. Topic markers like the fr. quant à, span. en cuanto a,
port. quanto a are usually used today to topicalize a nominal element, thus
contributing to anaphora resolution.
In earlier stages of language development, however, one cannot always
speak of a contribution to the identification of the antecedent of anaphora.
Moreover, different parts of speech were topicalized. For example, the development of quant à to a common topic marker of the subject and to the
dominance of the initial position first occurred in Middle French. In the 14th
century, in still half of the cases, elements appeared which played no syntactic
role in the succeeding sentence, whereas in the 15th century the subjects took
first place in combination with quant à.
The topicalized and dislocated element with quant à can function as a preposed complement of the sentence. The topicalized element may also have a
thematic and semantic relation to a reference point in the sentence, but not be
an argument of the sentence. Finally, a non-syntactic relation is also possible,
which is based on the pragmatic relation of the relevance of the topic for the
content of the sentence.
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This paper shall explore why this diversity of topicalized elements from
Middle French until today was made uniform to a great extent, and how parallel developments in other Romance languages are to be interpreted. One
approach to an explanation can be seen in the increasing adoption of the function of anaphora resolution, which does not appear possible when there is a
strong and regular variance of topicalized elements.
References Combettes, Bernard & Catherine Schnedecker & Anne Theissen (éds.)
(2003): Ordre et distinction dans la langue et le discours. Actes du Colloque international de Metz (18, 19, 20 mars 1999). Paris : Honoré Champion éditeur. • Dufter,
Andreas (2009): “Clefting and discourse organization: Comparing Germanic and Romance”. Focus and Background in Romance Languages (Studies in Language Companion Series 112). Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 83-122. • Haßler, Gerda (2011) :
“Grammatikalisierung oder Lexikalisierung ? Zur Entwicklung von Topik- und Fokusmarkern in romanischen Sprachen”. Sprachkontakte, Sprachvariation und Sprachwandel. Festschreift für Thomas Stehl zum 60. Geburtstag. Hrsg. von Claudia Schlaak
und Lena Busse. Tübingen: Narr Verlag, 49-68.
Salience on the test stand: Referential choice in
Yurakaré and Quichua
Sonja Gipper / U. zu Köln
Freitag, 15.3., 13:00–13:30
In this paper it is shown that salience does not explain the choice of referential expressions in all discourse genres in all languages. To support this claim,
discourse data from two South American languages are presented, Yurakaré
(Central Bolivia, unclassified) and Quichua (Ecuador, Quechuan). Cognitive
theories of reference (e.g. Ariel 2001, Givón 1983) assume a form-function
mapping of referential expressions on the basis of salience. They predict that
fuller forms such as full NPs are used for cognitively less salient referents,
while less full forms such as zero pronouns are used for cognitively highly
salient entities. Pronominal forms are predicted to be in the middle of this
scale. These predictions are not confirmed for the use of referential expressions in mythological narratives in Yurakaré and Quichua. In this discourse
genre, both languages make frequent use of full NPs for highly accessible
topical referents that were mentioned in the previous sentence. This suggests
that salience is not the factor that determines referential choice in this discourse genre these two languages. Furthermore, pronouns occur very infrequently
in Yurakaré and Quichua. When pronouns are used, they can refer to the topic
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of the preceding clause, but their use is not restricted to such sentence-topical
referents. It will be argued that for naturally occurring discourse, the notion of discourse topic may have greater explanatory power than the notion of
sentence topic alone. Another point of this paper is that choice of referential
expressions is genre-specific. For Yurakaré, mythological narrative data are
compared to natural conversations. In natural conversations, we find that the
pattern is more similar to the distribution expected by theories of reference
based on salience. Thus, referential choice is not only a language-specific,
but also a genre-specific phenomenon.
References Ariel, Mira (2001): Accessibility theory: An overview. In: Sanders, Ted,
Schilperoord, Joost & Wilbert Spooren (eds.): Text representation, linguistic and psycholinguistic aspects. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 29-87. • Givón, Talmy (1983): Topic
continuity in discourse: A quantitative cross-language study. Amsterdam/Philadelphia.
Turkish optional case marking as an indicator of
discourse salience
AG2
Duygu Özge / U. Stuttgart
Umut Özge / U. Stuttgart
Klaus von Heusinger / U. zu Köln
Freitag, 15.3., 13:30–14:00
In Turkish, preverbal indefinite direct objects are optionally marked with accusative case. Previous studies attributed backward-looking discourse effects
to the marker, which takes the form of discourse-linking or partitivity.[1] Yet,
various contexts do not produce these effects,[2] where it is hardly possible
to characterize the contribution of the marker at sentence level semantics,
calling for a global discourse perspective.
It has been attested in Romanian that optional pe-marking contributes to
the salience and thereby to the likelihood of re-mention of the object in the upcoming discourse.[3] Turkish accusative might have similar saliency effects.
For instance, topical arguments, which are by definition salient, obligatorily receive the marker. However, it is yet to be investigated whether optional
accusative on an indefinite object, compared to its zero-marked version, increases the likelihood of its anaphoric re-mention in the upcoming discourse.
We report a story-completion study addressing this question. We constructed news-extracts composed of two sentences. Sentence-1 set the context and Sentence-2 introduced two referents: NP1-Subject and NP2-Object.
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The case-marking on the NP2-Object was manipulated between accusative
versus zero. All verbs were agent-theme-goal verbs (e.g., host somebody in a
program, assign somebody to a position). However, due to the nature of the
phenomenon some verbs assigned more causal power to the agents, thereby rendering the arguments semantically less reversible (e.g., an editor bringing a reporter to a post) while others allowed more reversible ones (e.g., an
academician suggested a soldier as the council president). Thirty-three adult
participants were asked to add one-sentence continuations[c.f.,4] to 30 newsextracts.
The responses were coded as to which Referent-Type was chosen in the
upcoming discourse (NP1-Subject, NP2-Object, Both, Other). As a measure
of the discourse prominence, we calculated the proportion of each ReferentType in all references. ANOVA with CaseXReferent-TypeXVerb-Type revealed a Case by Verb-Type interaction [F(1,32) = 4.73,p<.05]. NP2 was mentioned more often when NP2 in Sentence-2 was accusative-marked rather than
zero-marked [F(1,5) = 29.55,p<.003] only for non-reversible verbs.
The accusative-case significantly increased the probability of NP2-Object
to be re-mentioned in the upcoming discourseonly in semantically nonreversible conditions. This corroborates the discourse effects of optional case marking is not absolute but may depend on verb type in some languages.[5] We
suggest this pattern is observed because the indexing function of the case
marker is not needed since theta-roles can be assigned on the basis of world
knowledge, which allows the accusative to increase the discourse salience of
the object. Wewill report a comprehension study with similar results and discuss the relation between the information structural notion of topicality and
the salience of discourse referents.
References [1] Enç, M. (1991). Linguistic Inquiry. 22(1): 1-25. • [2] von Heusinger,
K. & Kornfilt, J. 2005. Turkic Languages 9, 3-44. • [3] Chiriacescu, S. & von Heusinger, K. 2010. International Review of Pragmatics 2(2), 298-332. • [4] Arnold, J.E.
(2001). Discourse Processes, 31(2), 137-162. • [5] von Heusinger, K. & Kaiser, G.A.
2011. Morphology 21(1), 593-617.
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TELL
Textbooks in English
Language and Linguistics
Arbeitsgruppe 3
Eleonore Brandner
Andreas Trotzke
Barbara Sonnenhauser
Martina Werner
Research on the internal structure of nominal expressions (including prepositional phrases) in a variety of languages has revealed that there are parallels
between clausal and nominal complexity and that the nominal domain also encodes informationstructural properties such as focus and topic (Giusti
1996). Recently, research on NP syntax and information structure has received some attention again (Aboh et al. 2010), especially by investigating nonstandardized variants (dialects and former diachronic stages) that may invoke
alternative realizations which are not so easily observable in the standardized
written languages. Our workshop addresses the question of how far the parallels between the nominal and clausal domain in the context of information
structure can be pushed and which restrictions can be observed with respect
to the availability of such alternative realizations. We aim at bringing together
researchers (working in a functional or formal framework) that deal with the
above mentioned aspects, preferably from (but not limited to) a microvariational perspective.
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Latin as an articleless DP-language
Giuliana Giusti and Rossella Iovino / U. Ca’Foscari of Venice
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:00–15:00
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From Longobardi 1994 onwards, the DP layer is taken to be the syntactic
counterpart of argumenthood, definiteness and referentiality. In this respect,
the existence of articleless languages like Latin poses the problem of whether
the same syntax - semantics mapping can be maintained assuming a null article. An obvious alternative is a parameterized theory of functional structure
which considers lack of articles as the result of lack of the upper functional
DP layer (Chierchia 1998, Bošković 2005, 2010 inter alia).
Bošković’s proposal is of particular interest for the numerous facts it derives from the presence or absence of the DP projection in a given language.
In this paper, we focus on four properties predicted of articleless languages
which can be easily checked in Latin (a) left-branch extraction (LBE); (b) adjectival morphology of determiners; (c) relatively NP-internal free adjectival
order; (d) transitive nominals with only one genitive. As for (a), LBE is notably a property distinguishing Latin from Romance languages (Bolkenstein
2001). As for (b), lack of DP forces a language to categorize elements that
are usually taken to be occupants of DP to be categorized as APs therefore
having adjectival morpho-syntactic properties. And this is clearly the case of
Latin demonstratives and possessives. As for (c), lack of functional structure
above NP also implies that adjectives are adjoined to NP, leading to a certain
degree of freedom in relative order. Latin is usually considered a champion of
flexibility of word order including the adjectival order (cf. Marouzeau 1922,
Devine & Stephens 2006). Finally, as for (d), it derives from the fact that subject genitives are assigned at the DP-level. But, contrary to what is expected,
Latin displays a clear tendency for prenominal subject genitives and postnominal object genitives (Gianollo 2007, Devine and Stephens 2006, Giusti and
Oniga 2007).
In this paper, we start from these observations and show that in Bošković’s
system, Latin must be considered as an articleless DP language. We further
argue that Latin has a split DP. This derives a number of otherwise unexpected facts on Latin freedom of modifier order, which goes beyond the semantic
hierarchy assumed by Bošković, but is nonetheless not at all unconstrained:
(a) when present, DEM is the highest modifier in the unmarked case but not
in all cases, contrary to what a bare NP structure constrained by the semantic
approach would predict; (b) when DEM is in second position, we can find any
class of modifier preceding it. This is captured by the assumption that the left
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periphery hosts discourse features and is a sort of A-bar position; (c) only one
element at a time can precede DEM. This supports the proposal that we are
dealing with a syntactic and not phonological rearrangement of the elements;
(d) N precedes DEM only if no other modifier is present. This analysis provides a promising path towards an explanation of the fact that all Romance
languages developed definite and indefinite articles. This is due to the fact
that the mother language already had the DP structure.
References Bolkestein, A. M. 2001. Random Scrambling? Constraints on Discontinuity in Latin Noun Phrases. In C. Moussy (ed.) De lingua Latina novae quaestiones, Actes du Xe Coll. intern. de Linguistique Latine, 19-23 Louvain-Paris, Peeters. • Bošković, Ž. 2005. On the locality of left branch extraction and the structure of NP. Studia linguistica 59:1-45. • Bošković, Ž. 2010. Phases beyond clauses
http://web.uconn.edu/boskovic/papers.html. • Chierchia, G. 1998. Reference to Kinds
across Languages. Natural Language Semantics 6:339-405. • Devine, A. M. and L.
D. Stephens. 2006. Latin Word Order. Structure Meaning and Information. OUP. •
Gianollo, C. 2007. The Internal Syntax of the Nominal Phrase in Latin. A Dyachronic
Study. In G. Purnelle and J. Denooz (eds), 65-80. • Giusti, G. and R. Oniga. 2007.
Core and Periphery in the Latin Noun Phrase. In G. Purnelle and J. Denooz (eds) 8195. • Longobardi, G. 1994. Reference and Proper Names : A Theory of N-Movement
in Syntax and LF. Linguistic Inquiry 25: 609-665. • Marouzeau, J. 1922. L’ordre de
mots dans la phrase latine. I: Les groupes nominaux. Paris, Champion. • Purnelle,
G and J. Denooz (eds) Ordre et cohérence en Latin. Communications présentées au
13◦ Colloque International de Linguistique Latine, Bruxelles-Liége, 4-9 avril 2005.
Genève, DROZ.
From DP to Sentence - information structure and
clause typing
Manuela Ambar / U. Lisboa
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00–15:30
In different languages a given type of structures with an exclamative-flavor
exhibits the form of a DP with a relative clause: see (1) for European Portuguese (Ambar 2000) and (2) for English (Zanuttini & Portner 2003:26).
These constructions are frequently called nominal exclamatives. Considering
nominal exclamatives on par with clausal exclamatives is supported by the
existence of exclamatives where a simple DP may occur (3). But even in
this case, restrictions on the form of the DP lead to the suspicion that something else underlies the so-called nominal exclamatives, which clearly have
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a clausal exclamative force. Moreover, the existence of nominal exclamatives is at least strange if we look at other clause types. Neither declaratives
nor interrogatives can be formed by DPs, acquiring the clausal declarative or
interrogative force (cf.(4)-(5)).
The question we will address is why the DP in (1) without the illocutionary exclamative force needs a predicate to become a declarative sentence as
in (4), or an interrogative (5), whereas in its exclamative use it doesn’t, as in
(1).
Assuming the ‘quest for symmetry’ (Aboh et al. 2010) as an important
task to pursue, following different authors (Giusti 1996, Szabolcsi 1994 a.o.),
we will claim for the symmetry in the internal structure of DP and CP, on the
one hand, and in clause typing, on the other. Supposing a left periphery, we
will consider that: (i) clause typing, or the illocutionary force of a sentence, is
accomplished in the highest activated projection and that its interpretation is
compositional; (ii) a clause underlies exclamatives of type (1) where the DP
originating as object has moved to the projection (EvaluativeP) where exclamatives check their evaluative features, another relevant property of exclamatives -factivity (Grimshaw 1979, Obenauer 1994)-, being checked before in a
lower projection (Ambar 2000); those two projections plausibly form a phase, according to a proposal by Speas and Tenny (2003) on Ambar’s proposal;
(iii) factivity is checked by que, complementizer/relative (Kayne 1982,2010).
We will compare EvaluativeP to ForceP (Rizzi 1997).
(1)
O livro que ele comprou!
the book that he bought!
(2)
The things he eats
(3)
Que/*o
livro!
What a/the book!
(4)
O livro que ele comprou *(é bom).
the book that he bought *(is good).
(5)
As coisas que ele come *(são boas)?
the things
he eats *(are good)
References Aboh, Enoch et al. 2010. DP-internal information structure: Some introductory remarks. Lingua 120. 782-801. • Ambar, Manuela. 2000. Wh-questions and
wh-exclamatives - unifying mirror effects. RLLT 2000 Claire Beyssade et al. (eds.),
Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 15-40. • Giusti, Giuliana. 1996. Is there a FocusP and a
TopicP in the Noun Phrase structure? University of Venice Working Papers in Lingui-
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stics 6.105-128. • Obenauer, Hans-Georg. 1994. Aspects de la syntaxe A-barre: Effets
d’intervention et mouvements des quantifieurs. PhD thesis, Université Paris VIII. •
Szabolcsi, Anna. 1994. The Noun Phrase. Syntax and Semantics 27: The syntactic
structure of Hungarian, F. Kiefer and K. Kiss (ed.), 179-274. New York: Academic
Press. • Zanuttini, Raffaella and Paul Portner (2003) Exclamative Clauses: At the
syntax-semantics interface. Language 79 (1):39-81.
Adjectives in European Portuguese
Contributions to the definition of the DP structure
and its similarity with the sentence
Manuela Gonzaga / U. Lisboa
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
This paper discusses the place adjectives occupy inside the NP/DP and the
similarities with adverbs’ distribution in the clause in European Portuguese
(EP). We argue that there are different types of adjectives, merging in different
sites, accordingly. Likewise it has been argued that adverbs may be merged
in a low position, if they apply to the VP, and in a high position, if they
have scope over the whole sentence; we defend that there are low adjectives,
merged in the split NP, and high adjectives, merged in a projection in the left
periphery of DP. Moreover adjectives are assumed to be maximal projections,
merged in Spec positions.
Concerning the order of adjectives within NP/DP, we argue that there are
four types of adjectives:
adjectives always in post-nominal position
(azul, ‘blue’, alemão, ‘German’, sintáctico, ‘syntactic’);
(ii) adjectives always in pre-nominal position
(mero, ‘mere’, suposto, ‘supposed’);
(iii) adjectives in pre or in post-N position with the same meaning
(bom, ‘good’, bonito, ‘beautiful’, simpático, ‘nice’);
(iv) adjectives in pre or in post-N position with different
meanings in each position
(verdadeiro, ‘true’, interessante, ‘interesting’).
(i)
Assuming Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005), we defend the existence
of two types of semantic entities (individuals and properties instantiated in
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individuals). Because of the relation established between nouns and adjectives, (some) adjectives merge inside NP. However the four classes comprise
different properties.
Assuming proposals by Cornilescu (1993), Giusti (2005), Aboh, et al.
2010, a.o., that there are distinct layers in the DP structure, we argue that
low adjectives are merged in the lexical layer (core predicate in Aboh et
al. (2010)), once they contribute to the definition of the lexical reference of
the NP/DP conveying ontological properties. The high adjectives translate a
speaker’s point of view, being thus merged in the peripheral layer (discourselinked in Aboh et al. (2010)). The low adjectives that may occur in pre and in
post-N position, with no difference in meaning in both locations, are moved
from the base to an upper position where they check an Event feature (in P).
Adjectives in pre and post-N position, with different meanings in both,
are merged in a low position, thus conveying the ontological meaning, (a
casa grande, ‘the house big’), but they move afterwards to a peripheral position (EvaluativeP, Gonzaga (2004)) where speaker’s opinion is transmitted (a
grande casa, ‘the big house’ (meaning magnificent, previously announced or
conveying irony)). We also deal with adjectives that, being merged in the NP,
end up in the periphery of DP with different meaning.
Adjectives that only occur in pre-N position are merged directly in EvaluativeP in our analysis.
References Aboh, et al. 2010. “DP-internal information structure.” Lingua 120. 782801. • Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005). “A Syntax-based Analysis of Predication.”
E. Georgala and J. Howell (eds.). SALT XV. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. • Giusti
(2005). At the left periphery of the Romanian Noun Phrase, On Space and Time in
Language, CLUJ, Clujum, Anversa. • Gonzaga (2004). “The Structure of DP in European Portuguese”. Harvard WPL, Vol. X.
Scrambling phenomena in the Old Italian DP
Cecilia Poletto / U. Frankfurt
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:30
In this work I investigate a phenomenon which up to now has gone completely
unnoticed in the literature, namely scrambling within the DP in Old Italian
(OI). I will show that the phenomenon is captured by the (by now) standard
assumption that the structure of the DP is parallel to the one of the CP ina
straightforward way: OI has a V2-like property which manifests itself both
in the CP and in the DP layer, allowing for orders in both layers that are not
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possible in modern Italian. The empirical basis of this work is the online data
base of the OVI corpus containing all texts for Old Florentine (i.e. Old Italian)
from 1200 to 1350.
I will discuss four phenomena: a) PP preposing to the left edge of the DP,
as in (1), b) preposing of an adjective modified by the adverb molto ‘much’ c)
prenominal restrictive adjectives as in (3) d) prenominal genitive of ‘costui’
(4):
(1)
Facestilo tu per dare di me esemplo alle genti? (B.G. 2,1) Did it you
for give of me example to the people?
(2)
li quali fuoro molto bella gente (Paolino Pieri, 45) Who were very
beautiful people
(3)
Mi parve sentire uno mirabile tremore incominciare nel mio pecto dalla sinistra parte
me seemed to-hear a wonderful tremble start in.the my breast from-the
left side (Vita Nuova 71, 3)
(4)
Al costui tempo (Doc. Fior, 90,1) To.the of.whom time ‘In his time’
The first two examples can be assimilated to one and the same phenomenon,
as in both cases the preposed constituent (either a PP or an ADjP modified
by molto) never cooccurs with the definite determiner. This is so, because the
preposed constituent targets the SpecDP position, blocking the realization of
the Dř head in virtue of a requirement that bans the lexical realization of a
head and of a specifier of the same projection as in what used to be called
the ‘doubly filled comp filter’. Evidence in favor of a movement analysis is
provided by cases where only part of the postnominal constituent is preposed:
(5)
e di gentile aspetto molto and of kind appearance very (Dante, Vita
Nuova, cap. 8, par. 1, v. 11)
Assuming Cinque’s (2005) analysis of the DP and Giusti’s (2006) structure
of its left periphery I will argue that the structure of cases like (1) and (2) is
illustrated in (6):
(6)
[DP [AdjP molto grande] [Dř .][. TopP .[OpP ] [ dP filosofo [AgrP [SpecAgrP
molto grande] filosofo . . . [NP [N filosofo ] ]]]]]
Here the modified AdjP moves to SpecDP, (which corresponds to ForceP in
the nominal domain) banning the realization of the determiner, while the head
noun moves to the head of a lower projection d, (which corresponds to Finř).
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The movement of N to d is parallel to the movement of V to Fin in V2 contexts (see Benincà (2006) a.o.) and is also a reflex of the parallel between the
CP and the DP. Cases like (3), which are extremely frequent in the corpus
but completely impossible in modern Italian, cannot be analyzed in the same
way as (1) and (2) because it does not respect the ban against the occurrence
of the definite determiner. According to Cinque (2005), restrictive adjectives
originate in a Specifier higher than non restrictive ones in the structure of
DP, as the basic order is + restrictive ADj followed by - restrictive, as in the
Germanic languages. Hence, the occurrence of restrictive adjectives in postnominal position after -restrictive ones in languages like Italian is completely
unexpected. Cinque claims that the reason why prenominal restrictive adjectives are impossible in modern Italian and why they must occur postnominally
after -restrictive ones has to do with the obligatory movement of the whole
AgrP containing the head noun and non restrictive adjectives to the SpecDP
position, which leaves the +restrictive adjective stranded behind. In the talk
I propose that restrictive adjectives can be found in a prenominal position in
OI because they can be moved to a Topic position in the left periphery of the
DP, while the head noun targets dř as illustrated in (7), thus banning the movement of the whole AgrP proposed in Cinque (2005). As for the last type of
preposing, which only involves the genitive elements like ‘costui’ ‘colui’, I
will argue that here the left periphery of the DP is not involved at all, and that
the genitive raises to the corresponding position in the DP that is occupied by
the nominative subject in the IP.
Topics and foci in Romanian Double-DP qualitative
constructions
Mihaela Tanase-Dogaru / U. Bucharest
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
1. Aim. The paper claims that information structure in Double-DP binominal
qualitative constructions in Romanian (1 - henceforth DDPQs) is articulated
on the topic-focus pattern. DDPQs are a distinct category of binominal qualitatives or N de N constructions, which have only recently been given special
attention in the literature (Tănase-Dogaru 2011), analyses of binominal qualitatives focusing as a rule on Single-DP qualitatives (2).
2. Background. Qualitative constructions are known to always entail an emotive element, i.e. they express positive or negative evaluation with respect
to the speaker’s attitude. While researchers have linked ’emotiveness’ to degree operators and scalarity, the paper claims that the semantic peculiarities
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of qualitatives derive from their being periphery constructions that check Pfeatures like [+c(ontrast)] or [+(a)naphoric] (Lopez 2009, Cornilescu and Nicolae 2012) in an outer D. Since phases are quantificational domains, notions
like ’scalarity’ or ’degree operators’ applied to qualitative constructions find
a much more economical explanation.
3. Analysis. In Romanian, DDPQs allow strong pronouns and wh-in situ elements (3). This suggests that N1 in DDPQs is not a focus, but a contrastive
topic, which, unlike contrastive foci, which are not checked in situ, is realized
by means of quantificational elements appearing at the left periphery. Further
support for this analysis comes from examples such as (4), where the postnominal demonstrative is a focalization marker (see Manoliu-Manea 1994), the
first DP in the structure being a topic.
(1)
a.
b.
c.
Am vorbit cu prostul ăla de frate-tău
(I) have talked with stupid-the that of brother-your
‘I have talked to that stupid of brother of yours’
bietul de tine
poor-the of you
‘poor you’
sărmanul de copilul ăla de la ţară
pitiable-the of child-the that from at countryside
‘that poor child from the coutryside’
(2)
that idiot of a doctor
(3)
a.
b.
c.
(4)
AG3
Proasta
de mine nu şi-a
dat
/ mi-am
fool-the-fem of me not refl.3sg.have realized / refl.1sg.have
dat
seama că . . .
realized that
‘I’m such a fool that I haven’t realized that . . . ’
Prostul
de el nu şi-a
dat
seama că . . .
fool-the-masc of him not refl.3sg.have realized that
‘He’s such a fool that he hasn’t realized that . . . ’
N-ai vorbit cu
idiotul ala
de care primar?
not have.2sg talked with idiot-the of which mayor?
‘You haven’t talked to the idiot of which mayor?’
idiotultopic de profesorul ăstafocus (care m-a
picat)
idiot-the of professor-the this
(who me-has flunked)
‘that idiot of a professor who flunked me’
References Manoliu-Manea, M., 1994, Gramatică, pragmasemantică ši discurs, Bu-
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cureşti, editura Litera. • Tănase-Dogaru (2011). Single-DP and Double-DP Qualitative Constructions in Romanian (2011). Revue Roumaine de Linguistique, volume LVI,
nr. 2 / 2011, 115-135. • Villalba, X., & A. Bartra-Kaufmann, 2010, “Predicate focus
fronting in the Spanish determiner phrase” in Lingua, 120(4): 819-849.
On the topical nature of non-restrictively used relative
pronouns
Boban Arsenijević / U. of Niš
Sabina Halupka-Rešetar / U. of Novi Sad
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
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A number of competing analyses have been presented for the syntactic differences between restrictive (RRCs) and non-restrictive relative clauses (NRRCs).
We roughly classify them into four groups: 1. those with identical structures
in syntax and differences only at LF (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 2000), 2. those
modeling the difference in terms of the attachment site, e.g. RRCs attaching
to NPs, and NRRCs to DPs (Jackendoff 1977, Demirdache 1991), 3. those
applying a raising analysis for RRCs and a matching analysis for NRRCs
(Resi 2011) and 4. those hypothesizing an underlying personal pronoun in
the structural position taken by the relative pronoun (de Vries 2006).
Among the six rules governing reference assignment in discourse Hajièová et al. (1990) include the following: weak pronoun preceding topic. The
fourth type of analyses above (de Vries 2006), in which the relative pronoun
stands for a weak personal pronoun predicts that the relativized constituent
in an NRRC will always be topical. Moreover, it explains the use of a relative pronoun in place of a clausal conjunction and a personal pronoun. Being
the most recently mentioned semantic content, the head of a relative clause is always locally topical. In a conjoined clause with a topical constituent
co-referential with and adjacent to a constituent of another clause, the referential relations stay unaffected if the topical constituent and the conjunction
are substituted by a relative pronoun.
We have tested De Vries’ prediction that the relative pronoun in an NRRC
is always topical on a large number of examples excerpted from the corpus
numerous sentences designed to counter the prediction. A sentence can have
more than one topical constituent and the referent of the relative pronoun
necessarily belongs to the respective set of sentence-topical constituents.
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(1)
Juče
je
Jovan, koga Petar još
nije ni upoznao,
yesterday AuxJ whom P
yet NegAux even met made
napravio problem kakvom se Petar
nije nadao.
problem how.Inst Refl
P NegAux hoped
‘Yesterday, Jovan, whom Petar hasn’t even met yet, made a problem
of the kind Petar hadn’t expected.’ (Top = Jovan, Petar)
We have applied two tests: paraphrasing with the as for construction, and
qualification, as in (2) a., b. respectively.
(2)
a.
b.
As for Jovan and Petar/Jovan/Petar, Petar hasn’t even met Jovan
yet.
The NRRC tells us about Jovan and Petar/Jovan/Petar that Petar
hasn’t met Jovan yet.
The prediction was confirmed, thus providing an argument in favor of de
Vries’ analysis of NRRCs.
References Bianchi, V. 2000. The raising analysis of relative clauses: a reply to Borsley, Linguistic Inquiry 31, 123-140. • Demirdache, H. 1991. Resumptive chains in
restrictive relatives, nonrestrictives and dislocation structure. PhD dissertation, MIT. •
Hajièová, E. et al. 1990. Hierarchy of salience and discourse analysis and production.
COLING 1990, 144-148. • Resi, R. 2011. The position of relative clauses in German. Lingue e Linguaggio 1, 87-118. • Sauerland, U. 1998. The Meaning of chains.
Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. • Vries, M. de. 2006. The syntax of appositive relativization:
On specifying coordination, false free relatives and promotion. Linguistic Inquiry 37,
229-270.
Affective information packaging in the nominal domain
Norbert Corver / U. Utrecht
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–10:00
“Ideation reigns supreme in language, [. . . ] volition and emotion come in
as distinctly secondary factors.” With these words, Edward Sapir (1921:217)
claimed that language is primarily a tool for the expression of thought (ideas).
The expression of affect is only secondary. This secondary role is reflected in
the form of language: “[T]he emotional aspect of our psychic life is but meagerly expressed in the build of language” (Sapir ibidem). Roman Jakobson
(1960) acknowledges the supremacy of the expression of thought but emphasizes “[. . . ] that this supremacy does not authorize linguistics to disregard the
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’secondary factors’.” Jakobson argues that “[I]f we analyze language from
the standpoint of the information it carries, we cannot restrict the notion of
information to the cognitive aspect of language.”
The aim of this talk is to examine the “meager” formal expression of affective information in the build of human language by closely considering
and analyzing a number of “affect-related” phenomena within the nominal
domain, that are manifest in varieties of Dutch and languages closely related
to Dutch. Starting from Pos’s (1933/34:328) intuition that the expression of
affect involves the “inverse use” of functional material (“Mais la fonction logique des particules n’est pas la seule qui leur appartienne. Elles ont un autre
emploi qui suit un sense inverse: l’usage émotif et affectif.”), I will propose
an analysis in which this “inverse use of functional information” is implemented by means of the displacement property. Crucially, displacement here
is not operative in (narrow) syntax but after syntax, in the sense of Embick
& Noyer (2001). More specifically, I will argue that functional material (e.g.,
the categories D or Deg) is reordered by means of Local Dislocation, a morphological merger operation that operates on a linear string and inverts the
order of two adjacent elements: i.e., [X * [Z * Y]] is changed into [[Zo Z+X]
* Y]. Inversion yields a “structurally augmented” head (i.e., Z is turned into
[Zo Z+X]). As we will show, in many varieties of Dutch, the augmenting affix surfaces phonologically as the sound ’schwa’, which may be considered a
’default/dummy sound’ which spells out the augmentative part Z.
As an illustration of this linguistic encoding (“packaging”) of affective
information, consider the data in (1), drawn from Katwijk Dutch (Overdiep
1937). As indicated, the quantity designating noun in pseudoparitive constructions can be augmented by means of e (schwa), yielding an affective
“flavor” (suprise, astonishment).
(1)
a.
b.
96
Toe krege we ’n hoop waeter, en toe riep
de skipper
then got we a lot water, and then shouted the boatsman
...
(neutral)
...
Toe krege we-n-om
’n uur of drie toch ’n hoope waeter,
then got we-n around an hour or three PRT a lot-E water,
man! (affective)
man
‘Oh man, around three o’clock we really got a lot of water in our
boat!’
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It will be argued that the augmented form hoope results from displacement
(Local Dislocation (sometimes involving copying)) of the functional category
D onto the measure noun hoop, yielding the augmented head [N+D], which
spells out as hoop+e. It will be shown that this strategy of augmentation is
attested in different structural environments in varieties of Dutch. If time permits, it will further be shown that besides schwa, also other functional material is used for structure augmentation at the Syntax-PF interface; e.g. indefinite
articles, as in Groningen Dutch n schrikkelken bult geld!, a terrible-a amount
money; Ter Laan 1953:37). In sum, Sapir’s claim that the expression of affect in language is secondary is formally implemented in this paper in terms
of the secondary use of functional material at the Syntax-PF interface. PFdisplacement yields an augmented structure, which surfaces phonologically
(in different guises) and contributes “affective color” to a linguistic object
expressing “thought”.
The Left Periphery of the German DP: Two
Pre-nominal Positions for Possessives
Dorian Roehrs / U. of North Texas
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
Inspired by certain Bulgarian data in Giusti (1996), this paper discusses three
types of pos-sessive constructions in German that all involve syntactic constituents: Possessor Doubling constructions (PDC), Saxon Genitives (SG), and
von-possessives. Consider (1a-c), respectively:
(1)
a.
b.
c.
dem Peter sein Auto
Peters Auto
von Peter das/sein/ihr Auto
Grohmann & Haegeman (2003) propose that the possessor (dem Peter) in
(1a) moves to the left periphery leaving behind a resumptive pronoun (sein).
At first glance, there are good reasons to interpret the “doubling” possessive pronominal as a resumptive pronoun: in contrast to (1c), it must be coindexed/co-refer with the preceding element and it cannot receive contrastive
stress. These differences between (1a) and (1c) follow if we assume that DPs
leave behind a resumptive pronoun but PPs do not.
There are also some issues: the doubling pronoun agrees in case with the
possessum noun/larger DP rather than with the possessor: dem Peter sein Wagen ‘Peter-DAT his-NOM car’. More importantly, the pronoun cannot be left
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out (*dem Peter (der) Wagen) and as such, it is not “doubling” but indicates possession like other elements: Maria-s Wagen. In fact, the PDC is more
similar to SG than to von-possessives.
In contrast to von-possessives, PDC and SG are in complementary distribution with definite articles. As for indefinite elements, PDC and SG take
inflected ein with duality-partitive semantics, which presupposes another son,
(2a-b). Von-possessives take uninflected ein, (2c) (inflected ein-e is possible
with a preceding definite determiner):
(2)
AG3
a.
b.
c.
Peter sein einer Sohn
Peters einer Sohn
von Peter (ei)n Sohn
These differences follow if PDC and SG are lower in the structure (Spec,DP)
but von-possessives are higher (Spec,TopP). In order to determine the inner
structure of posses-sives, it is important to note that they can also occur postnominally (with (1a) being out due to the independently motivated assumption that sein consists of a possessive element and ein in D). This and the
above-mentioned similarities follow if we make the theoretically desirable
assumption that all possessives have the same basic internal make-up.
Like adjectives, possessives build an extended projection where the functor POSS takes the Possessor as a complement (cf. Anderson 1983-84):
(3)
[XP X [POSSP POSS [ Possessor ]]]
POSS is spelled out differently: simplifying a bit, if the Possessor in (3)
remains in-situ, POSS surfaces as von, cf. (1c); if the Possessor moves to
Spec,XP, POSS is spelled out as s+ein with a preceding phrasal Possessor,
(1a), or as ’s with a preceding head-like Possessor, (1b) (cf. Krause 1999).
Contrasts of possessives with non-theta vs. eventive head nouns are suggested to follow from von-possessives being base-generated in Spec,TopP (cf.
Aboh et al 2010: 793).
References Anderson, M. 1983-84. Prenominal Genitive NPs. The Linguistic Review
3: 1-24. • Grohmann, K. & L. Haegeman. 2003. Resuming Reflexives. Nordlyd 31: 4662. • Krause, C. 1999. Two Notes on Prenominal Possessors in German. MIT Working
Papers in Linguistics 33: 191-217.
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Word order and information structure within the
Norwegian DP: Vulnerable domains in bilingual
acquisition and attrition
Marit Westergaard and Merete Anderssen
CASTL/U. of Tromsø
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
Possessive constructions are relatively complex in Norwegian, in that they
may be pre- or postnominal (1a, b), while English possessives are always
prenominal (1c). The distinction between the two word orders in Norwegian
is dependent on information structure (IS): the prenominal adds contrastive
stress on the possessor, while the postnominal is neutral. Furthermore, postnominal possessors co-occur with a noun in the definite form.
(1)
a.
b.
c.
min stol
my
chair
‘MY chair’
stol-en min
chair-DEF mine
‘my chair’
my chair
AG3
These structures allow us to consider factors such as frequency, complexity, and structural similarity: Postnominal possessives are more frequent than
prenominal possessives (75%), but also more complex, involving definiteness
marking and syntactic movement (Anderssen & Westergaard 2010). Monolingual Norwegian children are shown to have a preference for the prenominal
possessives early on, which indicates that children do not simply pay attention
to frequency, but choose the less complex construction.
We investigate the use of possessives in bilingual English-Norwegian children and Norwegian heritage speakers in the US. Our hypothesis is that the
influence from English should make the prenominal possessives even more
preferred. The results reveal that the bilingual children have a stronger preference for prenominal possessives than the monolinguals, while the heritage speakers almost exclusively use postnominal possessives. We thus argue
that the lack of complexity makes prenominal possessives the preferred order
in acquisition, while the high frequency of the postnominal possessor construction protects it against attrition. This suggests that frequency is a more
important factor in attrition than complexity or structural similarity.
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The processes we see inside the DP and the factors involved are thus the
same as what we see in the clausal domain in acquisition and attrition. First
of all, in grammars where the syntax allows word order variation, IS typically
makes a distinction between the two. This is similar to word order variation found at the clausal level, e.g. object shift or V2/non-V2 in Norwegian
dialects (Anderssen, Bentzen & Rodina 2012, Westergaard 2009). Secondly,
acquisition studies of these clausal phenomena show that children relatively
early master the relevant IS distinctions. Third, complexity is a crucial factor
both in the clausal and the nominal domain, in that children at an early stage
are shown to avoid syntactic movement. Finally, it has recently been found
that these clausal phenomena are not vulnerable in Norwegian heritage language, indicating that frequency is a more important factor than complexity
in language attrition.
References Anderssen, M. & M. Westergaard. 2010. Frequency and economy in the
acquisition of variable word order. Lingua 120. 11, 2569-2588. • Anderssen, M., K.
Bentzen & Y. Rodina. 2012. Topicality and complexity in the acquisition of Norwegian object shift. Language Acquisition, 39-72. • Westergaard, M. 2009: The Acquisition of Word Order: Micro-cues, Information Structure and Economy. [Linguistik
Aktuell 145], Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
AG3
Discontinuous Noun Phrases in Early New High
German: Evidence for Information Structure?
Ulrike Demske / U. Potsdam
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:30
The non-standardized written varieties of Early New High German (=ENHG)
are known to be far less restricted with respect to word order than the written
varieties of Modern Standard German. Word order within the verbal complex, for instance, exhibits significant variation. Relative freedom of word
order also holds for noun phrases where we likewise observe discontinuous
noun phrases giving rise to the question whether their occurrence can be analyzed in terms of information structure as has been suggested for instances
of discontinuous noun phrases in a wide variety of languages (Fanselow and
Féry, 2006). In this talk, I will provide evidence for at least two patterns of
discontinuous noun phrases in ENHG where discontinuity can be motivated
by information structure: The first pattern, split topicalization, is likewise attested in Modern German (De Kuthy, 2002) and Slavic languages such as Polish (Siewierska, 1984) and Croatian (Fanselow and Cavar, 2002). As shown
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Haus 6, Raum S15
in (1), the first subconstituent of the noun phrase figures as a contrastive topic,
while the second subconstituent is focal.
(1)
[Dis-er
undanckbaren leüt] findt man noch [seer vil __ ]
these-PL . GEN ungrateful
people finds one still very much
(Wickram, Rollwagenbüchlein 69.25)
In ENHG however, there is no evidence that both subconstituents are NPs
in their own right as suggested by Fanselow and Cavar (2002) for Modern
German to allow for conflicting grammatical features (Motorräder hat er nur
eines >bikes has he only one<). Split topicalization patterns in ENHG are true
discontinuous noun phrases insofar as they establish a single referent as their
continuous counterparts do and their inverted order also occurs in continuous
NPs. The second pattern associated with information structure is provided
by thetic utterances (Demske, 2001), where discontinuous noun phrases are
used to introduce new information to the discourse, cf. Schultze-Berndt and
Simard (2012). The first part of the noun phrase denotes the nominal head, the
second part the modifier. Discontinuity in (2) cannot be ascribed to distinct
information structure values.
(2)
wilch nit [ein geringe schmach] ist [all-er
Christenheit]
what not a small disgrace is all-SG . GEN Christendom
(Luther, An den Adel 433.4)
The ENHG data suggest that word order is a linguistic means to indicate information structure values also on the level of noun phrases, thus establishing
a parallel between the nominal and clausal domain in terms of information
structure.
References De Kuthy, K. (2002). Discontinuous NPs in German: a Case Study of the
Interaction of Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications.
• Demske, U. (2001). Merkmale und Relationen: Diachrone Studien zur Nominalphrase des Deutschen. Studia Linguistica Germanica 56. Berlin: De Gruyter. • Fanselow, G. and D. Cavar (2002). Distributed deletion. In A. Alexiadou (Ed.), Theoretical
Approaches to Universals, pp. 65-109. Amsterdam: Benjamins. • Fanselow, G. and
C. Féry (2006). Prosodic and morphosyntactic aspects of discontinuous noun phrases - a comparative perspective. Unpublished Manuscript, University of Postdam. •
Schultze-Berndt, E. and C. Simard (2012). Constraints on noun phrase discontinuity
in an Australian language: the role of prosody and information structure. Linguistics
50, 1015-1058. • Siewierska, A. (1984). Phrasal discontinuity in Polish. Australian
Journal of Linguistics 4, 57-71.
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Discontinuous Syntax: Hyperbaton in older
Indo-European Languages
Rosemarie Lühr / U. Jena
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
A hyperbaton is the reversal of the standard word order by separating words
which syntactically belong together, words such as noun and attribute, etc. In
Classical Latin, the hyperbaton is considered as grammatical, if that kind of
separation is possible in an elevated prose style “without creating the impression of artificiality”: “One can even speak of a propensity of elevated prose
(and even more so of poetry) to separate words if this informally possible
without creating an impression of artificiality” (Menge). The insertion of enclitics such as pronouns is considered to be a point in case, but also the use of
conjunctions such as autem, enim, igitur, quoque, -ne in the second position
in the sentence, all of which are actually instances of Wackernagel particles. But in principle, any kind of word can be placed between words which
syntactically belong together:
(1)
Tuis incredibiliter studiis delector
your-Abl incrediblyAdv studies-Abl I’m made happy
‘I’m made incredibly happy by your studies’ [Cicero, fam. 3,9,3]
AG3
That way we arrive at sentences such as:
(2)
a. *Which has he invited friend to dinner?
which go against Ross’s Left Branch Condition. In focus constructions in
English, moreover, the right branch of a noun phrase cannot remain in situ:
(2)
b. *The RED he bought car last week, the BLUE he has had car for
years. (Devine and Stephens 2000: 4f.)
The separation of words that belong together within an NP is, in contrast to
English and German, supposed to be a feature of inflecting languages. In fact,
this phenomenon occurs in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. However, a contrastive
analysis is still to be done. The purpose of the oral presentation is to discuss
the role that information structure plays in discontinuous NP syntax by reference to the languages mentioned before. The following questions are to be
clarified:
1. Which attributes cannot, for grammatical reasons, be separated from
the nouns to which they belong?
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Haus 6, Raum S15
2. How does the Wackernagel position interact in the case of discontinuous NP syntax?
3. How does information structure (focus - background - structure) change
within the NP if the attribute - noun order is replaced by the noun - attribute order?
4. How does discontinuous NP syntax, in terms of information structure,
contribute to the whole sentence?
The analysis will be conducted by using methods of corpus linguistics,
thus delivering data that are statistically reliable. The data material is taken
from annotated corpora of the DFG projects “Information Structure in the
Oldest Indo-European Languages” (2009-2013) and “Information Structure
in Complex Sentences - Synchronic and Diachronic” (2011-2014), both of
which can be searched in the ANNIS data base.
References Devine, Andrew & Stephens, Laurence D. 2000: Discontinuous syntax.
Hyperbaton in Greek, New York & Oxford: OU.
P-doubling in split scrambling: a Renaissance analysis
Julie Goncharov / U. of Toronto
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
This paper is a contribution to the study of split scrambling constructions, focussing on split PPs in Russian. Based on new data concerning the (im)possibility
of preposition doubling in some split PPs, cf. (1) with (2), I argue that we need
to reconsider the uniform treatment of split scrambling, which is usually assumed in the literature (see Franks 2007 for an overview). At least two different
phenomena - contrastive-split (c-split) and topicalization-split (t-split) - must
be distinguished, each of which has a distinct prosody, information structure
and, as I propose, syntactic derivation. This observation supports the idea that
syntax is sensitive to the properties encoded in the information structure.
(1)
Iz caski
ja pila *(iz) krasnoj.
from cup-f.gen I drank from red-f.sg.gen
‘As for cups, I drank from a red one.’
(2)
Iz caski
ja pila (*iz) krasnoj
(ne iz stakana).
from cup-f.gen I drank from red-f.sg.gen not from glass-m.gen
‘It is from the red CUP that I drank, not from the glass.’
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AG3
Haus 6, Raum S15
The core proposal is that, in t-split, the two subparts must be entirely split,
whereas this is not the case for c-split. That is to say, in t-split, as opposed
to c-split, the two subparts are completely disjoint, so that both subparts need
an independent case and theta-role assigner. The analysis I propose for tsplit in (1) is a revival of the old idea that (in some cases) sub-extraction
is impossible unless a ’readjustment’ takes place breaking up a constituent
from which we wish to extract (see Chomsky 1977). I use Kayne’s (1998
and subsequent works) proposal that prepositions merge above VP, making it
possible to split the complement of V via a sequence of remnant movements,
see (3). C-splits, on the other hand, have a simple derivation such as the one
proposed by Androutsopoulou (1997) for split scrambling in Greek, see (4).
(3)
[from2 cupk K tl ]m. . . [[drank ti ] j from1 [red tk ]i R t j ]l tm
(4)
[ FocP [ PP from [ SC tred cup ]] [ Foc [ ScrP [ VP drank tPP ] [Scr [
FP [ AP red ] [F tV P ]]]]]]
In addition, I propose spell-out rules for P-doubling, which are speci?c neither
to Russian nor to P-doubling, but rather are attributable to general principles
of the grammar.
AG3
References Androutsopoulou, A. 1997. Split DPs, Focus, and Scrambling in Modern
Greek. WCCFL 16: 1-16. • Chomsky, N. 1977. On wh-movement. In Culicover, P. W.,
Wasow, T. and A. Akmajian (eds.) Formal syntax, 71-132. New York: Academic Press.
• Franks, S. 2007. Deriving Discontinuity. In Marušic, F. and R. Žaucer (eds.) Studies
in Formal Slavic Linguistics, 103-120. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. • Kayne, R. S. 1998.
’A Note on Prepositions and Complementizers’, ms. Chomsky Virtual Celebration
(http://mitpress.mit.edu/celebration).
Predicate Inversion in the Colloquial Slovenian DP
Emily C. Wilson, CUNY Graduate Center
Freitag, 15.3., 12:00-12:30
This paper offers a new account of the syntax of nominal phrases in Colloquial Slovenian (CS) that contain the unstressed particle ta. I will show that
that the apparently wide range of semantic contributions of ta can be reduced
to information structural (IS) factors.
The so-called ‘adjectival definite article’ in CS is unusual among definite
articles cross-linguistically, in that it cannot appear with an unmodified noun
(1a) and it can appear inside of an indefinite DP (1c), as well as in ‘doubledefinite’ constructions (1d).
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Haus 6, Raum S15
(1)
a.
b.
c.
d.
(*ta) avto
the car
(ta) nov avto
the new car
en (ta) nov avto
a the new car
moj/tá (ta) nov avto
my/this the new car
I argue that ta is a copula-like functional head or Linker (den Dikken, 2006)
that signals predicate inversion (PI) within the DP. In the case of an indefinite
construction such as (1c) the result of PI is a ‘type’ reading of the adjective:
there is a presupposition that a certain type or class of ’new cars’ is familiar
to the speaker and the hearer. In (1d) either a type reading or a discourseanaphoric reading is possible.
The structure I propose for (1d) is illustrated in (2).
(2)
[DP moj/tá D . . . [LP [AP=Pred nov ] R+L=ta [RP [NP=Subj avto ] <R>
<AP> ]]
The surface word order, with ta to the left of the modifier, is not directly
delivered by the syntax in (2) but is straightforwardly predictable based on the
particle’s phonological status as a clitic. The placement of ta in the nominal
domain exactly parallels that of copular clitics in the clausal domain in CS, i.e.
it is pronounced on the left edge of an intonational phrase, with the restriction
that it cannot precede material in Spec, DP.
Because of these PF constraints, the surface position of the clitic is almost
always identical in its contrastive and non-contrastive uses, making it difficult
to identify any difference in the underlying syntactic structure. New evidence
from constructions in which ta is associated with a possessive pronoun in the
absence of (other) adjectives (3) helps to tease these structures apart because
the word order comes out differently for the two kinds of IS in these cases.
(3)
a. ?moj ta telefon
‘my (type of) phone’
b. Tole je ta moj telefon - ne ta tvoj!
‘this is MY phone - not yours!’
The existence of (3a) is predicted by my analysis. I propose that contrast in
(3b) is the result of inverting a null-headed NP with the possessive adjecti105
AG3
Haus 6, Raum S15
ve. The Linker is pied-piped by the possessive’s movement into Spec, DP,
resulting in its spell out at the left edge of DP.
The analysis of ta as a Linker allows for an account of the syntax and IS
function of the particle which has broader empirical coverage than previous
accounts and enhances our understanding of the role of PI in constructing
information structure across languages.
The effects of focus in narrowing down potential QP
interpretations
Urtzi Etxeberria and Aritz Irurtzun / CNRS-IKER
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
AG3
The puzzle: Sentences like (1a), with the French QP ‘toutes-N’ in subject
position and the indefinite ‘un-N’ in direct object position, can obtain two
different interpretations. Contrary to (1a), in the sentence (1b), the focalization of the Q of the QP subject removes the collective reading allowing only
the distributive interpretation.
The analysis: The analysis is based on the semantic composition of QPs and
their plural denotation in terms of contextual covers (Schwarzschild 1996,
Brisson 1998), and the ‘Alternative Semantics’ of focus proposed by Rooth
(1985, 1992). According to Schwarzschild (1996) (see also Brisson 1998,
2003), plural DPs are associated with contextual covers that divide the set
denoted by the plurality in different lattices. For instance, the sentence in
(2a) will have the LF offered in (2b). This LF, depending on the contextual
assignment of the cover for the plurality filles permits making reference to all
the covers exemplified in (3): (i) atomic individuals when the context assigns
I to Covi (Distributive); (ii) total plurality when the context assigns K to Covi
(Collective); (iii) subpluralities when the context assigns to Covi J (Dist nonmax), or L (Coll non-max).
The lexical force of the universal Q in (1a) introduces a maximality effect
that only allows the I (Distributive maximal interpretation) and K (Collective
Maximal interpretation) possibilities. The focalization of the Q in a sentence
like (1b) eliminates the value K (Collective Maximal interpretation) for the
cover only permitting the I value, where we necessarily get the Distributive
Maximal interpretation which forces each member of the set of ‘girls’ to be
the agent of one event. Our proposal is that obtaining only the Distributive
Maximal interpretation for the agent is due to a mismatch among the Ordinary
Semantic Value and the Focus Semantic Value given the semantics of Focus
in Rooth (1985, 1992).
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Haus 6, Raum S15
(1)
a.
b.
(2)
a.
b.
Toutes les filles ont chanté une chanson.
all
D.pl girl
sing one song
XDistributive XCollective
‘All the girls sang one song.’
[TOUTES LES FILLES]F ont chanté une chanson.
all
D.pl girl
sing one song
XDistributive * Collective
‘ALL the girls sang one song.’
Les filles ont chanté une chanson. ‘The girls sang one song’
∀x[x ∈ [[Covi ]] &x ⊆ [[the girls’]] → x ∈ [[sing one song’]]]
Cover Possibilities:
(3)
[[les filles’]] = {a, b, c}
I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}}
J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}}
(4)
I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}}
J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}}
(5)
I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}}
J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}}
K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}}
L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}}
[[φ ]]O = {
(6)
iff
(7)
K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}}
L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}}
I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}}
J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}}
K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}}
L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} }
K ∝ J-L,
then
K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}}
L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}}
[[φ ]]F = {
AG3
I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}}
J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}}
K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}}
L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} }
I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}}
J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}}
K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}}
L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}}
References Brisson, 1998, Distributivity, Nonmaximality, and Floating Quantifiers,
PhD: Rutgers. • Carlson, 1998, Thematic Roles and the Individuation of Events, in
Events and Grammar, pp. 35-51, Kluwer. • Rooth, 1985, Association with Focus,
PhD: UMass. • Rooth, 1992, A theory of Focus interpretation, NLS 1. • Schwarzschild, 1996, Pluralities, Dordrecht. Kluwer.
107
Haus 6, Raum S15
Emerging Information Structure Effects: Clitic
Particles in Khanty
1
2
Maksim Kudrinski , Daria Popova , Svetlana Toldova3 , and
Alexandra Simonenko4
1 Moscow State U., 2 Stanford, 3 Russian State U. for the
Humanities, 4 McGill
Freitag, 15.3., 13:00–13:30
AG3
1 In this work we show that Khanty (Finno-Ugric) makes use of two particles
which realize functional heads in the left periphery of the extended NP and
extended VP and that can give rise to semantic effects of novelty, familiarity,
and uniqueness.
Descriptively, particles pa and s’i can be either pro- or enclitics on the
noun. In Nikolaeva (1999) proclitical and enclitical instances are treated as
separate lexical entries on the grounds of their differing semantics. Our account derives the meaning differences from the interaction of the denotation
of a particle (which stays constant) with its syntactic position.
Pa-proclitic means ‘one more’, (3), while pa-enclitic ‘also’, (4). S’i-proclitic
translates as ‘that’, (5), and on its enclitical use it conveys a contrast, (6).
2 We argue that pa can realize Add(itive)Foc(us) head in the left periphery of
the extended NP or the extended VP. It denotes a function which takes a property and an individual-type argument, and returns truth in case the property
holds of the individual. Crucially, it introduces a presupposition that in addition to the individual in question at least one more individual in the anaphoric
context has the relevant property:
(1)
[[pa]]c = λ P . λ x : ∃y[y∈f(c) & P(y) & y6=x] . P(x)
f is a function that returns a set of individuals mentioned in the anaphoric
context c.
2.1 The reading ‘one more’ corresponds to the nominal AddFoc. The denotation of NumP is the first argument of [[pa]], and the second argument
eventually undergoes existential closure. This configuration introduces a novel referent.
2.2 The reading ‘also’ obtains in case AddFoc is part of the clausal left periphery. The complement of AddFoc is CP (type <t>). The Subject moves to
SpecTop(ic)P. As a result of lambda-abstraction over Subject’s trace an expression of type <e,t> is created – a suitable argument for [[pa]]. The second
108
Haus 6, Raum S15
argument is filled by the expression in SpecTopP, which gives rise to the familiarity effect.
3 The denotation of s’i, realizing Foc(us), differs only in the presuppositional
part: that there be no individual in the anaphoric context different from the
individual in question that has the relevant property.
(2)
[[s0 i]]c = λ P.λ x : ¬∃y[y ∈ f (c)&P(y)&y 6= x].P(x)
3.1 The ‘that’ reading obtains when [[PossP]] is the first argument of [[s’i]],
while the second argument undergoes existential closure, creating a uniqueness effect.
3.2 Merge of Foc up in the clausal left-periphery is responsible for the contrastive reading.
4 That the adnominal particles in Khanty create semantic effects comparable
to those of Indo-European articles points to a more general conclusion that
natural languages can use different syntactico-semantic strategies to achieve
similar pragmatic effects.
(3)
Petja pa=vuLi veL-s.
Petja ADD=deer kill-PST
‘Petja killed one more deer.’
(4)
Petja=pa vuLi veL-s
Petja=ADD deer kill-PST
‘Petja also killed a deer.’
(5)
Petja s’i=vuLi-@L
veL-s-@LLe.
Petja FOC=deer-3SG kill-PST-3SG.SG
‘Petja killed that deer.’
(6)
Petja vuLi=s’i veL-s.
Petja deer=FOC kill-PST
‘Petja killed a deer {not a rabbit}.’
AG3
References Horn, L. 1969. A presuppositional analysis of only and even. • Krifka,
M. 1998. Additive particles under stress. • Nikolaeva, I. 1999. Ostyak.
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Arbeitsgruppe 4
Parentheses and Ellipsis: Crosslinguistic and
Theoretical Perspectives
Marlies Kluck
Dennis Ott
Mark de Vries
This AG intends to bring together scholarship on parenthesis and incompleteness phenomena (ellipsis), and especially the interplay between the two.
In addition to ‘regular’ types of ellipsis (sluicing, VP ellipsis) in parenthetical contexts, various types of parentheses have been argued to be inherently
incomplete and/or contain an empty operator: the missing object in comment
clauses (Schneider 2007), the implied subject plus copula in appositions (Heringa 2011), covert clausal structure in identificational afterthoughts (Ott &
De Vries 2012), etc.
We are interested in empirical differences and similarities between (unrelated) languages in this domain, as well as theoretical approaches to incomplete parenthesis. Since incompleteness is often contingent on informationstructural properties, and since parentheses appear to be in a different informational dimension than the ‘at issue’ content of an utterance (Potts 2005),
one expects the intersection of these two domains to reveal interesting facts
and generalizations (for instance, concerning the cross-linguistically variable
expression of focus).
Thus, we can ask questions like the following:
• To what extent can parentheses be incomplete? Is this similar to regular
ellipsis, deaccenting, or various ‘drop’ phenomena?
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• What are cross-linguistic similarities and dissimilarities with respect to
ellipsis and parenthesis? (Factors may be word order patterns, case and
morphology, prosody, etc.)
• How does information structure influence incompleteness phenomena?
Does this work differently in parenthetical contexts, and if so, what are
the theoretical implications?
Parentheticals are – presumably – CPs
Sandra Döring / U. of Leipzig
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30–15:00
In the literature, the discussion on parentheticals mostly focusses on their
external syntax, i.e., on the question on how parentheticals are syntactically integrated (if at all) into their anchor clause (see among others Haegeman
1988, Espinal 1991, de Vries 2007). In contrast, the internal syntax of parentheticals has received much less attention so far. One reason for this may be
that, superficially, parentheticals appear in categorially different shapes. For
instance, in English, parentheticals seem to be realizable as clauses 1[a], as
PPs 1[b], as adverbs 1[c], or as NPs 1[d].
(1)
a.
b.
c.
d.
AG4
Usain Bolt – this has to be admitted – is the fastest man in the
world.
Usain Bolt – for sure – is the fastest man in the world.
Usain Bolt – undoubtedly – is the fastest man in the world.
Usain Bolt – a Jamaican – is the fastest man in the world.
In my talk, I focus on the internal syntax of parentheticals in German. I argue
that, despite superficial appearance, the categorial identity of parentheticals is
actually not as heterogeneous as it seems to be. I propose that, underlyingly,
parentheticals are clausal, i.e., CPs. The proposal, thus, assimilates parentheticals to other phenomena analyzed by ellipsis, such as sluicing (Ross 1969,
Merchant 2001), fragment answers (Merchant 2004), split questions (Arregi
2010), amalgams (Kluck 2011), and left dislocation (Ott 2012).
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Parenthesis and Comparative Operator Deletion
Julia Bacskai-Atkari / U. Potsdam
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00-15:30
The aim of my talk is to provide a theoretical approach towards parenthetical constructions in Hungarian introduced by mint ‘as/than’, examining their
relation to true comparative subclauses introduced by the same element. The
focus will be on the deletion of the comparative operator, which is optional
in comparatives but – if mint is not eliminated – impossible in parenthetical
clauses. This will be shown to be due to the presence of a null operator in parenthetical clauses corresponding to the implied subject or the missing object
(cf. Schneider 2007), ruling out the co-occurrence of another operator. Hungarian comparative subclauses are introduced by mint ‘than/as’, which can be
followed by an operator optionally taking an AP:
(1)
Peti magasabb, mint amilyen (magas) az apja.
Peter taller
than how-Rel. tall
the father-Poss.3.Sg.
‘Peter is taller than his father.’
In parenthetical clauses introduced by mint, the expectation is that the operator is optional. This seems to be largely valid:
(2)
A teknősök, mint (ahogy) tudjuk,
szeretik a rákot.
the turtles
as how-Rel. know-1.Pl. like-3.Pl. the shrimp-Acc.
‘Turtles, as we know, like shrimp.’
Here mint is followed by ahogy, other operator-like elements behave differently:
(3)
Peti, (*mint) amilyen magas, be
fogja
verni a
Peter as
how-Rel. tall
PREV Aux.Fut.3.Sg. hit the
fejét.
head-Poss.3.Sg.
‘Peter, tall as he is, will hit his head.’
Here the QP containing the operator is the predicate of the parenthetical subclause. The question is the following: what is it that prohibits the co-presence
of mint and amilyen but does not rule out that of mint and ahogy?
Building on the split CP (Rizzi 1997), I will show that the reason behind
this is that while amilyen is part of an argument and lands in the operator position via wh-movement, ahogy in parenthetical clauses is a grammaticalised C
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head. Hence mint and ahogy may co-occur as two C heads and the null operator (the implied subject – Op.) may also be present. As for amilyen, it cannot
occupy the lower [Spec; CP] position, and it cannot move to the higher [Spec;
CP] either as that would violate the DFCF. However, if mint is not present in
the structure, amilyen can move up to the higher [Spec; CP], satisfying the
[EDGE] feature of the higher (null) C head.
I will show that all this has two major theoretical implications: first, the
impossibility of true, overt operators in the lower [Spec; CP] in cases like (6)
and (7) provides additional evidence for the existence of a null operator there. Second, the prediction that argument operators (such as amilyen) do not
grammaticalize into C heads while adjuncts (such as ahogy) may is in line
with the general mechanism of operators being reanalysed into C heads.
References Rizzi, Luigi (1997) The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery. In: Haegeman, Liliane (ed.), Elements of Grammar. Dordrecht: Kluwer. 281-337. • Schneider,
Stefan (2007) Reduced Parenthetical Clauses in Romance Languages: A Pragmatic
Typology. In: Nicole Dehé and Yordanka Kavalova (eds.), Parentheticals. Amsterdam:
John Benjamins. 237-258.
How do you think? On the apparent wh-scope
marking in Russian
Natalia Korotkova / UCLA
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
AG4
This paper explores properties of the Russian kak-construction consisting of
two interrogative clauses, a kak-clause with the fronted wh-adverbial kak
‘how’ and a wh-clause with a fronted wh-phrase:
(1)
kak ty
duma-esh,
otchego ljud-i
ne
how you(sg.nom) think-2sg.pres why
people-nom.pl neg
leta-jut?
fly-3pl.pres
‘What do you think, why don’t people fly?’
This construction was analysed as an instance of Wh-Scope Marking (Stepanov 2000). However, it shows a range of puzzling properties: 1) no binding
relations between the two clauses, 2) no further embedding of the entire kakconstruction, 3) almost any linear position of the kak-clause, 4) strong preference towards second person subjects and present tense in the kak-clause, 5)
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the kak-clause is limited to five verbs that do not constitute a natural syntactic class. Pieces of this puzzle come together if the kak-clause is treated as
a parenthetical, whose determining characteristic is structural independence
(Dehe & Kavalova 2007).
Dayal (2000) provides a unified semantic analysis for all scope marking
constructions and puts cross-linguistic variation solely in syntax. The parenthetical behaviour of the kak-construction does not pose a problem for this
account, where both clauses are treated as regular questions within Hamblin semantics and the scope marker functions as an existential quantifier over
propositions.
Yet the choice of predicates available in the kak-clause does not match
that of other scope marking languages nor does it follow from any syntactic
constraints on clausal complements in Russian. The locus of variation has to
be shifted to semantics. Besides that, the Russian kak does not function as a
quantifier over propositions outside of the kak-construction. To ask ‘What do
you think?’ Russian uses chto ‘what’, not ‘how’, while ‘what’ cannot be used
in the kak-construction in kak’s stead.
These facts demonstrate that Russian demands an alternative account on
the semantic side as well.
I propose an approach wherein the kak-clause is a parenthetical and neither of the clauses is syntactically subordinate. In the spirit of Potts’s (2002)
analysis of English As-parentheticals, I develop a semantics wherein the whclause denotes an at-issue question and the kak-clause triggers a Conventional
Implicature ‘The speaker wants to know the addressee’s opinion about that
question’. Extra empirical support comes from kak’s being the most common
way to introduce parentheticals throughout the language.
Kak-parentheticals outside of interrogatives are not limited to any particular predicate, subject or tense. I suggest that the Russian kak-clause grammaticises one narrow class of questions frequently met in discourse, namely, inquiries about addressee’s, hence the second person, current, hence the
present tense, belief state, hence only very general and neutral predicates of
thinking.
Plain questions often ask about this, the kak-clause just makes it explicit.
Absence of restrictions on tense, person and predicates would result in a further departure from the initial at-issue question and would add significantly
more information to the question conveyed by the wh-clause. Neither these
restrictions nor their possible explanation are predicted by any scope marking
approach.
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References Dayal V. 2000. Scope marking: Cross-linguistics variation in indirect dependency. In Lutz et al. (eds), 2000. Wh-Scope Marking. John Benjamins. • Dehe
N. & Y. Kavalova (eds.) 2007. Parentheticals. • John Benjamins. Potts C. 2002. The
syntax and semantics of As-parentheticals. NLLT 20:3, 623-689. • Stepanov A. 2000.
Wh-scope marking in Slavic. Studia Linguistica 54, 1-40.
Tag questions and ‘pseudo’-ellipsis
Matthew Barros and Jeroen van Craenenbroeck
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
Recent work on ellipsis supports the existence of various kinds of ‘pseudoellipsis’, where the E(llipsis)-site is not syntactically isomorphic to its antecedent, being instead a cleft or copula clause (e.g. Sczcegielniak 2008, Rodrigues et al. 2009, van Craenenbroeck 2012).
(1)
AG4
Sally likes someone, but I wonder who.
a. . . . who <it is>. (non-isomorphic)
b. . . . who <she likes>. (isomorphic)
What is missing in this literature is a good way of determining whether a given
E-site is isomorphic or not. We introduce a new diagnostic, the interaction
between tag questions and ellipsis, which gives us a direct window into the
degree of isomorphism in the E-site. The surprising and novel conclusion this
diagnostic leads us to is that E-sites are, by default, non-isomorphic.
Dependent tag questions (DTQs) are polar questions with VP-ellipsis
(Sailor 2011). As (2-5) show, a DTQ and its host clause must be isomorphic.
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
XJack talked to Sally, didn’t he <VPE talk to Sally>?
*Jack talked to Sally, wasn’t it <VPE Jack>?
XIt was Jack, wasn’t it <VPE Jack>?
*It was Jack, didn’t he <VPE talk to Sally>?
Sentence Fragments, derived via ellipsis (Merchant 2004), may also host DTQs; since DTQs and their hosts are isomorphic, we can use DTQs to test the
structure of elided hosts to see if they, in turn, are isomorphic to their antecedents.
In (6), B’s fragment is derived by A’-movement of the fragment followed
by TP ellipsis. The data in (6)/(7) show that a DTQ consistent with a nonisomorphic host is possible ((6a)/(7a)), and that a DTQ consistent with a non116
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isomorphic host is more natural than an isomorphic one ((6b)/(7b)), i.e. nonisomorphism is the default.
(6)
A: Bill met a member of the Linguistics Department.
B: (a) XYes, Ken Safir <TPE . . . > wasn’t it?
TPE = It was Ken Safir, wasn’t it?
(b) ??Yes, Ken Safir <TPE . . . > didn’t he?
TPE = Bill met Ken Safir, didn’t he?
(7)
A: Who can Bill talk to?
B: (a) XKen Safir <TPE . . . > isn’t it?
TPE = It’s Ken Safir, isn’t it?
(b) ??Ken Safir <TPE . . . > can’t he?
TPE = He can talk to Ken Safir, can’t he?
We also show it is possible to force an isomorphic parse, by independently ruling out cleft E-sites. Because of exhaustivity associated with clefts,
clefted XP’s cannot be modified by ‘too’. Fragments modified with these are
incompatible with cleft DTQ’s, and isomorphic-DTQ’s are acceptable:
(8)
A: Jack likes Sally.
B: (a) Christine too, doesn’t he?
(b) *Christine too, isn’t it?
The data above lead us to following generalization:
(9)
Default Non-Isomorphism (DNI): If a fragment could have come from
a non-isomorphic source, it must have.
This generalization is novel in that it contradicts most if not all of the existing
literature on this topic, where the consensus is that non-isomorphic ellipsis
sites are the exception (e.g. Fox 1999, van Craenenbroeck 2010). We derive
(9) by analyzing clefting as a form of redundancy reduction (Rooth 1992),
just like ellipsis. Given that two forms of redundancy reduction are better than
one, eliding a non-reduced isomorphic structure is more costly than eliding
a reduced non-isomorphic structure. This approach has the added benefit of
explaining why it is only clefts that show up in non-isomorphic E-sites, and
not one of the many conceivable alternatives.
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The inherent syntactic incompleteness of RNR
Bradley Larson
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
Aim: I argue for an account of Right Node Raising (RNR) in which the ‘shared’ material only exists syntactically in the final conjunct. That is, in example
(1) there is nothing in the underscored gap position. The interpretation in the
gap position of the underlined shared material only arises post-syntactically.
The ‘shared’ material is argued to be old information and thus presupposed
and inferred into the first conjunct. There has been no movement from that
position, no deletion, nor is the shared material related to the gap via multidominance.
(1)
James bought and Jane sold boxes of collectables
Background: There are three current analyses of RNR: ATB rightward movement of the shared material [1], phonological deletion of the shared material
in the first conjunct [2], and multidominance of the shared material, linearized
to the right [3]. Each of these analyses runs into problems already noted in
the literature and cannot alone be the correct analysis. For example, the movement account fails to predict the acceptability of the shared element being
the object of a preposition (5) because these cannot move rightward in English. The deletion analysis also fails to predict the acceptability of (2) because
objects of prepositions cannot elide.
AG4
(2)
James talked about, and Jane talked to, the man with the parrot
The multidominance account fails to predict (among other things) the lack of
binding principle restrictions between the first conjunct and the shared material (6). The co-indexed pronoun in the first conjunct does not seem to ccommand the shared material and does not violate principle C, against the
prediction of multidominance.
(6)
He hopes that she won’t, but she knows that she will, fire John
Further, [4] shows that these analyses cannot account for the data by working
in concert either. The result is that it must be the case that none of these is
a correct account of RNR and that a new account must be proposed. Basic
Proposal: One remaining logically possible way to derive the first conjunct’s
gap is to posit that there is literally nothing there in the syntax and that the
first conjunct is incomplete. There is no syntactic relation between the first
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conjunct and the shared material. The verb bought in (1) fails to take an internal argument (I assume a syntax without c-selection, otherwise syntactic
incompleteness would be grammatically impossible) and the shared material
is c-commanded only by lexical items in the second conjunct. The example
in (6) is thus predicted (he does not c-command John).
References [1] Sabbagh, J. 2007. Ordering and linearizing rightward movement. NLLT
25:349-401. • [2] Hartmann, K. 2000. RNR and gapping: Interface conditions on prosodic deletion. • [3] Wilder, C. 1999. Right Node Raising and the LCA. In Proceedings
of WCCFL 18. • [4] Larson, B. 2012. A Dilemma with Accounts of Right-node raising. LI 43. 1.
Overt Functional Heads License Ellipsis: A Unified
Account of VP-Ellipsis and Ellipsis in Possessive DPs
Tracy Conner / U. of Massachusetts Amherst
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
In this paper I present new evidence from verb phrase ellipsis and ellipsis in
possessive DPs in African American English (AAE) showing that the ellipsis
licensors in I and D must be overt. AAE is particularly important to establish
this generalization due to the fact that the possessive ’s morpheme and auxiliary be are both typically optional, yet they are required in elliptical contexts.
Previous work by Lobeck (1995) presents a unified account of ellipsis licensing in the government and binding framework for sluicing, VP-Ellipsis
(VPE) and NP-Ellipsis (NPE), which relates ellipsis licensing to the presence
of strong agreement features on functional heads C, I, and D. She suggests
that these features can either be spelled-out on the head, or on the phrase that
agrees with that head. In the current theory, Merchant (2001) extends her analysis to propose that a feature, E, on a functional head licenses ellipsis as it
contains relevant syntactic, semantic and phonological information necessary for ellipsis to be carried out at PF. Licensing of VPE specifically has also
been attributed to the presence of an overt Aux in the highest functional projection. While feature based accounts of ellipsis licensing typically result in a
phonologically realized head in the examples that have been discussed in the
literature, it has not been concretely stated that these elements in a functional
head must be overt.
In this paper, I will show that optionality in possessive marking in prenominal possessive environments as in (1) in AAE is blocked in elliptical
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contexts as in (2) - which is ungrammatical under the reading where Nannette
is a possessor - if overt ’s morphology is unexpressed.
(1)
Carmen’s/ø dog is mean and feisty, so I’ll keep [Nannette’s/’ø dog]
any day.
(2)
Carmen’s/ø dog is mean and feisty, so I’ll keep [Nannette’s/*’ø _] any
day.
I argue that this alternation is due to a requirement for an overt ellipsis licensor
(’s) in Do. Since, possessive morphology is optional prenominally in AAE but
required only in elliptical contexts, these facts demonstrate that overtness of
the morpheme is imperative to licensing of ellipsis. The same alternation is
also possible in the IP domain for auxiliary be in AAE. In (3) the auxiliary
can be optionally expressed while the ungrammaticality of the zero-form in
(4) illustrates that this element must also be overt in elliptical constructions.
AG4
(3)
Jenny ain’t cracking jokes, but Cindy [is/ø cracking jokes].
(4)
Jenny ain’t cracking jokes, but Cindy [is/*ø _].
To this end, we can see evidence from AAE that NPE and VPE pattern the
same - both require an overt head licensor for ellipsis.
Ultimately, I extend this analysis of overt head-licensing to other instances of ellipsis, and make the case that sluicing (an instance of licensing in
absence of an overt head) is not a general ellipsis process, and thus is subject
to different licensing criteria.
References Lobeck, Anne (1995). Ellipsis. New York: Oxford University Press. •
Merchant, Jason (2001), The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, Islands, and the Theory of
Ellipsis, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
The Negation In VP-Ellipsis in Mandarin Chinese
Yiqin Qiu
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
It has been argued by Huang (1991) that verbs undergo V-to-v movement
in Mandarin Chinese (MC). Following this proposition, we distinguish two
types of VP-ellipsis in MC. The V-Stranding VP-Ellipsis (VSVPE) in which
the V projection is deleted after the verb was moved from V to v (cf. 1a); and
the canonical VP-Ellipsis (VPE) of shi ‘be’-support (cf.1a) which is pointed
out to be a deep anaphora occurrence by Ai (2006) according to the deep and
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surface anaphora distinction of Hankamer and Sag (1976). It has also been
argued that the auxiliary verb shi ‘be’ is actually a pro-VP (Li, 1998) and the
negation of it (cf. 1b) in the target clause should be recognized as an instance
of Stripping rather than a canonical VPE as its counterpart in English (Ai,
2006). However, I would like to demonstrate that neither the strong nor the
weak pragmatic control can sustain this statement. In fact, both the positive
and negative shi ‘be’-support construction in MC is a case of canonical VPE.
(1)
a.
Zhangsan xihuan ta-de mama, Lisi ye xihuan/shi
Zhangsan like his mother Lisi also like/BE
‘Zhangsan likes his mother, Lisi does, too.’
b. ?Zhangsan hen xihuan ta-de mama, (danshi) Lisi que bu shi.
Zhangsan very like his mother but
Lisi yet Neg. BE
‘Zhangsan likes his mother very much, (but) Lisi doesn’t.’
Xu (2003) claimed that “shi ‘be’ cannot be used to replace a verb phrase
when either the first or the second clause is negative in form”. This is also a
particularity that differentiates shi ‘be’ from the modal verbs in VPE in MC.
However, this is not what the distribution of negation in VPE tells us. The
distinctive tolerance two negative morphemes, bu and mei, in MC regarding
different types of verbs shows that there is an hierarchy of the negative projections in the VPE (cf.2). The two negative morphemes have to be posited at
different levels in the syntactic structure to account for the two possible target
clauses in (2b).This study also shed light on the whole hierarchy of adverbs
in MC, as the analysis has to account for the fact that the adverbs as conglai
‘always’ in the antecedent clause somehow affect the grammaticality and the
interpretation of the target clause (cf. 2).
(2)
a.
b.
Zhangsan ?(conglai) bu shanghai bieren, Lisi ye shi.
Zhangsan always
Neg hurt
others Lisi also BE
‘Zhangsan will never hurt the others, neither will Lisi.’
Zhangsan ?(conglai) mei shanghai guo bieren, Lisi ye mei
Zhangsan always
Neg hurt
Exp. others Lisi also Neg
you /
Lisi ye shi.
HAVE Lisi also BE
‘Zhangsan never hurt anyone, neither did Lisi.’
References Ai, R.-X. R. 2006. Elliptical Predicate Constructions in Mandarin, PhD
diss., Harvard University. • Hankamer, J. et Sag, I. 1976. “Deep and Surface Anaphora”, Linguistic Inquiry 7 :391-426. • Xu, Liejiong. 2003. “Remarks on VP-Ellipsis in
Disguise”, Linguistic Inquiry, 34, p. 163-171.
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Remarks on parenthesis and incompleteness
phenomena in the Romance languages
Stefan Schneider / Karl-Franzens-U. Graz
Mittwoch, 13.3., 09:00–10:00
AG4
The lecture discusses “reduced parenthetical clauses” (Schneider 2007), e. g.
Fr. “je crois” ‘I think’, It. “mi sembra” ‘it seems to me’, “complete parenthetical clauses”, e. g. Fr. “je l’espère” ‘I hope’, Sp. “digámoslo así” ‘let’s say
it like that’, as well as parenthetical constructions in general. Interestingly,
the difference between complete vs. incomplete parenthesis has always been
an issue (especially in French linguistics; cf. Cornulier’s [1978] distinction
between “incises” and “incidentes”). There is no doubt, however, that the discussion about completeness vs. incompleteness is strongly biased towards a
‘sentential’ view of grammar. Recent approaches take a broader perspective
(Kaltenböck, Heine and Kuteva 2011).
At the outset, I present some basic thoughts on parenthesis. The decision
to put an information in a parenthetical position is caused by specific pragmatic motivations (thematic aside, speech reporting, phatic signal, speaker
commitment, etc.) and has fundamental consequences, most importantly the
break-up of linearity and the extra-propositional status. The prototypical parenthesis is a specialised discourse device enabling the speaker to combine two
speech acts within one utterance. However, since parentheticals are considered to be thematic interruptions or deviations, the space they can occupy is
restricted. Parentheticals are constructions produced under time pressure and
with limited memory and articulatory resources, which partly explains why
they are subject to incompleteness phenomena.
The various types of parentheticals are then discussed and reviewed according to their distance from what I assume to be the prototypical parenthetical
construction. In the majority of cases, the grammatical form of a parenthetical
can be attributed to the specific pragmatic motivation that originated it.
The following section reviews various types of incompleteness phenomena, e. g. ‘regular’ ellipsis, ‘drop’-phenomena, plain incompleteness. In a
second step, several parenthetical constructions are discussed in the light of
their behaviour regarding incompleteness.
The final part of the lecture investigates the extent to which parenthetical
constructions can be incomplete. Apart from the syntactic type and the pragmatic motivation of the construction, other factors must be involved, among
them the spoken vs. written channel and probably also diachronic development. In fact, data of an ongoing research on parentheticals in Old and middle
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French suggest that, in older stages of French, parenthetical incompleteness
was more restricted (Schneider, in print).
References Cornulier, Benoît de 1978. L’incise, la classe des verbes parenthétiques
et le signe mimique. Cahiers de Linguistique de l’Université de Québec 8, 53-95. •
Kaltenböck, Gunther, Bernd Heine, Tania Kuteva 2011. On thetical grammar. Studies
in Language 35, 852-897. • Schneider, Stefan 2007. Reduced parenthetical clauses
as mitigators. A corpus study of spoken French, Italian and Spanish. Amsterdam Philadelphia: Benjamins. • Schneider Stefan, in print. Parenthetische Teilsätze in mittelfranzösischen Texten des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 129.
On the prosody and interpretation of some
non-integrated constituents
Werner Frey and Hubert Truckenbrodt / ZAS Berlin
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
The separate prosody of parentheticals and appositives has previously been
described in terms of intonation phrase boundaries (Selkirk 2005). We look
at it in terms of the strongest stress of such an intonation phrase, sentence
stress, with the requirement in (1a). Thus, the root clause in (1b), excluding
the parenthetical, must carry sentence stress. This requirement cannot be satisfied on the parenthetical in (1c), since it is not part of the root clause.
(1)
a.
b.
c.
AG4
Root clauses must contain sentence stress.
John will not have TIME, I think.
John will not have time, I THINK.
We argue that the elliptical constructions of right dislocation (RD) and afterthought (AT) in German (Avarintseva-Klisch 2006) similarly show exclusion
from the root clause, and differ in this from extraposition:
(2)
a.
b.
Ich habe sie GESEHEN die Maria RD (one intonation phrase)
Ich habe sie GESEHEN – die MARIA
AT (two intonation phrases)
c. *Ich habe sie gesehen die MARIA
I have her seen
the Maria
shows via (1a) that Maria not part of r.cl.
d. Ich habe ein Buch t gelesen von MARIA.
I have a book read
by Maria
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extraposed constituent part of root clause
We then discuss when an excluded element requires sentence stress of its
own.
(3)
a.
b.
Stress-deletion hypothesis: Missing sentence stress on an excluded elliptical element reflects deletion of sentence stress in the
ellipsis process.
Root-clause hypothesis: Missing sentence stress on an excluded
element reflects lack of root-clause status in the sense of (1a) of
the excluded element.
The stress-deletion hypothesis is supported by correlations of stress-assignment
on RD and AT ellipsis remnants and stress-assignment on their assumed source structures before deletion.
The root-clause hypothesis is developed with final perpheral adverbial
clauses (Haegeman 2004, Frey 2011). These show root-clause like properties
insofar they can host modal particles as in (4). The obligatory sentence stress
on the root clause suggests that the adverbial clause is outside of the rootclause.
(4)
AG4
Hans ist heute zu Hause geblieben (obwohl er (doch) sonst spazieren
geht)
‘Hans stayed home today (while he (MP) otherwise takes a walk).’
However, the stress on the adverbial clause is not obligatory, unlike in other
cases of continuative root-clauses. Following up on Frey (2011) we argue that
root-clauses in the sense relevant for (1a) do not include potential speech acts
(which license modal particles) but must be actual speech acts. This hypothesis refines suggestions in the literature about a connection between speech
acts and intonation phrase formation.
References Avarintseva-Klisch 2006. The ‘separate performative’ account of the German right dislocation. Sinn und Bedeutung 10. • Frey 2011. Peripheral adverbial clauses, their licensing and the prefield in German. In: Breindl et al. (eds.), Satzverknüpfung (. . . ) de Gruyter. • Haegeman 2004. The syntax of adverbial clauses (. . . ), Antwerp Papers in Linguistics. • Selkirk 2005. Comments on intonational phrasing in
English. In: Frota et al. (eds.), Prosodies. Mouton.
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Syntax-Prosody Mapping in Turkish: The case of
Parentheticals
Güliz Güneş / RUG
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
Prosodic constituency is determined by syntactic constituency. (Selkirk 1978
et seq.) The Match Theory (Selkirk 2009) states that (i) clauses are mapped
as intonational phrases (?s), (ii) sub-clausal constituents are mapped as phonological phrases (Fs) in the prosodic representation. In this theory, parentheticals are parsed as ‘?’s for two reasons: (i) clausal parentheticals are parsed
as ‘?’s since syntactic clauses are matched as ‘?’s, and (ii) parentheticals are
extra-sentential, and syntactically isolated structures are parsed as ‘?’s (Selkirk 1986, Bolinger 1989, among others). The existence or lack of any ?-level
cues aligned with a parenthetical is indicative of that parenthetical’s prosodic
isolation or prosodic integration respectively.
This study investigates Turkish parentheticals. It shows that the assumptions of the Match theory appear inadequate for the case of Turkish parentheticals. Günes (2012) observes that, in Turkish, parentheticals are not isolated as
independent ‘?’s but are integrated and parsed as independent F of the ? that
is introduced by their host clause. She concludes that syntactically clausal or
not, parentheticals are parsed as independent ‘F’s but not ‘?’s. Therefore, they
are prosodically integrated.
This paper tests the validity of Günes’s conclusions on an expanded data
set. Specifically, the prosody of Turkish parentheticals that are syntactic clauses (finite or non-finite clauses such as (2) and (3)) and parentheticals that
are syntactically phrases (XP parentheticals such as (1)) were compared with
experimental data. Acoustic properties of parentheticals and surrounding host
clause parts were compared to corresponding F and ? boundaries within and
across root clauses without parentheticals. Pre-boundary vowel lengthening,
pitch range variation, speech rate difference and mean intensity values were
investigated. The results show:
(i) In line with Günes (2012), phrasal parentheticals are prosodically integrated. (1)
(ii) Clausal parentheticals show variation:
(a) Finite clausal parentheticals are isolated. (2)
(b) Non-finite clausal parentheticals are integrated. (3)
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In conclusion, parsing of parentheticals in Turkish contradicts with the
assumptions of syntax-prosody mapping theories and accords with the observations of Günes (2012). Contra Selkirk (2009), not all syntactic clauses are
mapped as independent ‘?’s. This study shows that prosody in Turkish does
not reflect narrow syntactic constituency, but surface-level representations.
Integrated phrasal; NP apposition:
(1)
[(Boray-lar-i)F (dayi-m-in
ogl-u-nu)F
(ova-lar-da)F
B-PL-ACC
uncle-POSS-GEN son-POSS-ACC hill-PL-LOC
(yil-lar-dir)F (gör-mü-yor-um.)F]?
year-PL-for see-NEG-PRG-1SG
‘I have not seen Boray my uncle’s son in the hills for years.’
Isolated finite clausal; finite clausal insertion:
(2)
[(Neriman)F [(el-i-nde)F
(bavul-lar var-di)F]?
N.
hand-POSS-LOC suitcase-PL exist-PAST
(yegen-ler-i-ni)F
(Nuray’lar-a ugurla-di)F]?
cousin-PL-POSS-ACC N.-PL-DAT send-off-PAST
‘Neriman there were suitcases in her hand sent off her cousins to
Nuray’s.’
Integrated non-finite clausal; nominalized non-restrictive relative clause:
(3)
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[(Nedim)F (yenil-en Hülya-ya)F (hediye-ler-le)F (moral
N.
lose-NOM H.-DAT
present-PL-INST morale
ver-iyor.)F]?
give-PROG
‘Nedim consoles Hülya who lost (the game) with presents.’
References Güneş, G. 2012. Prosody of parenthesis and prosodic integration: A study
in Turkish. Ms. Groningen. • Selkirk, E. 2009. On clause and intonational phrase in
Japanese: the syntactic grounding of prosodic constituent structure. In Gengo Kenkyu
136, 35-74.
On theticals: A “rootless” analysis of I think
Gunther Kaltenböck and Bernd Heine
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:00
Reviewing a wide range of different linguistic approaches, Newmeyer (2012)
argues that the English information unit I think in all examples of (1) is an
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“apparent main clause”, that is, a main clause taking a subordinate clause
at some point in its analysis. With this hypothesis, which he calls a “root”
analysis, he takes issue with alternative approaches, referred to by him as
“rootless” (or non-root) analyses. According to the latter approaches, I think
is classified as something else, be that a different kind of syntactic constituent
or no syntactic constituent at all.
(1)
a.
b.
c.
I think we should leave as soon as possible.
We should leave, I think, as soon as possible.
We should leave as soon as possible, I think.
The main purpose of the present paper is to argue in favour of a rootless
analysis according to which apparent main clauses, at least those in (1b-c) are
syntactically independent. We do so, first of all, by critically reviewing some
of the evidence presented in favour of a root analysis and then by presenting
an alternative, rootless account.
The critical discussion of arguments in favour of a root analysis focuses
on the ones presented by Newmeyer 2012, especially his rejection of the idea
that parentheticals are invisible to syntactic operations. He provides a number
of structural tests, such as the question test, the behaviour of negative comment clauses, and VP ellipsis, which, we argue, offer at best inconclusive evidence. Particular emphasis will also be given to two more general questions,
viz. the type of evidence used to arrive at decisions of linguistic taxonomy
and the question of isomorphism, i.e. whether there are systematic structural
correlations between different components of grammar.
Our alternative approach to I think builds on the notion of Thetical Grammar (Kaltenböck et al. 2011). We argue that parenthaticals such as I think,
or theticals more generally, are created by ‘cooptation’. This is an instantaneous cognitive-communicative operation which lifts an information unit
out of Sentence Grammar and presents it as a syntactically and prosodically
autonomous unit, whose meaning is consequently shaped by its function in
discourse. Using the framework of Discourse Grammar (Heine et al. forthc.)
it is further hypothesized that I think in (1b-c) does not constitute an isolated
phenomenon but rather belongs to a large pool of theticals (or parentheticals),
which also include information units such as formulae of social exchange, imperatives, vocatives, and interjections.
References Heine, Bernd, Gunther Kaltenböck, Tania Kuteva, and Haiping Long.
forthc. “An outline of Discourse Grammar”. In Bischoff, Shannon and Jeny, Carmen
(eds.). Reflections on Functionalism in Linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. • Kal-
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tenböck, Gunther, Heine, Bernd & Tania Kuteva. 2011. “On thetical grammar”, Studies in Language 35 (4): 852-897. • Newmeyer, Frederick J. 2012. Parentheticals,
‘fragments’, and the grammar of complementation. Plenary talk given at ‘Les verbs
parenthétiques: hypotaxe, parataxe ou parenthèse?’ Université Paris Ouest Nanterre,
24 May 2012.
Amalgamation in mitigator constructions
James Griffiths / U. Groningen
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00–12:30
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‘Mitigators’ such as “I think” in (1a) and (1b) can be interpreted as mitigating the speaker’s responsibility for the truth of an assertion, as in (1a), or as
mitigating the speaker’s responsibility for choosing the correct definite description from a contextually relevant set, as in (1b), where “Bill” is chosen
from a set of possible accompaniers of “John”. As well as displaying a dissimilar range of semantic scope, (1a) and (1b) display dissimilar syntactic
properties. The mitigators in (1a) may be optionally headed by “so” (2a), and
license semantically opaque negation (3a), while the mitigators in (1b) cannot
(see (2b) and (3b)).
To account for these dissimilar syntactic properties (and others), and to
explain the dissimilar ranges of scope, I propose that (1a) and (1b) display
radically different syntactic derivations. I claim that the mitigators in (1a) are
parenthetical adverbial clauses whose empty object position is filled by a referential element that co-refers with the clause into which the mitigator interpolates. This operator A’-moves to SpecCP of the mitigator and is optionally
spelled-out as “so” (following Corver & Thiersch 2001).
I claim that the mitigators in (1b), on the other hand, share a similar derivation to Horn-Amalgams such as (5a). According to Kluck (2011), the ‘interrupting clause’ of Horn-Amalgams is composed of a null indefinite element that is parenthetically coordinated with an it-cleft whose cleft-clause
is obligatorily elided ((5b), where ‘e’ represents an indefinite element akin
to “someplace”, and triangular brackets represents ellipsis). I propose that
Horn-Amalgams and constructions in (1b) differ only with respect to the type of clause that is coordinated with ‘e’. In Horn-Amalgams such as (5a),
an it-cleft is coordinated with ‘e’, whereas in constructions such as (1b), a
canonical embedding clause is coordinated with ‘e’ (6a). The surface order
observed in constructions such as (1b) is derived by remnant-fronting + TPellipsis of the type observed in sluicing constructions (compare the ellipsis in
(6b) to that in (7)).
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I aim to show that, by appealing the analysis outlined above, one can
account for the differing properties listed in (2) and (3) (and more). Furthermore, I aim to illustrate that the analysis I advance confers other conceptual
benefits that its predecessor - Corver & Thiersch (2001) - does not.
(1)
a.
b.
John and Bill are I think coming to the party.
John and [I think BILL] are coming to the party.
(2)
a.
b.
John will (so) they say be late.
Between [(*so) they say TILBURG] and Amsterdam the road is
closed.
(3)
a. John and Bill aren’t coming to the party, I don’t think.
b. *[I don’t think NOT JOHN] but Bill aren’t coming to the party.
(4)
[John will [Op/so(i) [he claims t]] be late](i).
(5)
a.
b.
John is going to I think it is TILBURG on Sunday.
John is going to [ e [I think it is Tilburg <that John is going to t
Sunday>]] on Sunday.
(6)
a.
John is going to [ e [I think John is going to Tilburg on Sunday]]
on Sunday.
John is going to [ e [I think [Tilburg [<John is going to t on
Sunday>]]] on Sunday.
b.
(7)
John kissed someone, but [I don’t know [who [<John kissed t>]].
References Corver, N. & Thiersch, C. 2001. Remarks on parentheticals. In Progress in
grammar, van Oostendorp, M. & Anagnostopoulou E., ed. Utrecht: Roquade. • Kluck,
M. 2011. Sentence Amalgamation. PhD thesis, University of Groningen.
Syntactic analysis of que-deletion in French
Frédéric Gachet / U. de Fribourg
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
A traditional issue about parenthetical verbs in English is the so-called thatdeletion. In French, que-deletion is less frequent (and quite different) but it
exists nonetheless (Avanzi 2011), in spoken and informal written language:
(1)
je crois j’ai mal lu la phrase rires [o, pfc, 75xmm1tg_59817]
(2)
Je crois on peut s’acheter un decodeur TNTSAT et mettre sa carte vers
la TV et en principe ca devrait marcher
[http://www.tvnt.net/forum/que-peut-on-recevoir-sur-un-tv-avec-dvb]
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My contribution would like to deal with the syntactic analysis of sentences
like je crois il va faire beau. In a possible analysis, il va faire beau could be
considered as a complement clause governed by je crois in spite of the absence of que. I suggest another analysis. It should be noticed that parenthetical verbs (je crois, je pense, il paraît) share some features with some sentence
adverbs (peut-être, probablement, apparemment), especially their pragmatic
function (mitigating) and their distributional positions. Thus, it is conceivable that, through a process of analogy, parenthetical verbs acquire the initial
position without que that is typical of adverbs.
Adverbs
Il va faire beau, probablement.
Probablement qu’il va faire beau
Probablement il va faire beau →
Parenthetical verbs
Il va faire beau, je crois.
Je crois qu’il va faire beau
Je crois il va faire beau
One can presume that, in this initial position, parenthetical verbs and adverbs share also the same peripheral syntactic function. An important clue
supporting this analysis is given by utterances like paraît-il que P or paraît-il
P, typical of the French spoken language:
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(3)
paraît-il que déjà au bout de deux trois fois ça va mieux [o, pfc,
42amg1 M]
(4)
paraît-il ils ont des infirmiers là-bas et des brancardiers... [Céline]
According to French linguistic norms, a subject clitic pronoun can occur after the verb only in a parenthetical clause. Sentences like paraît-il que P and
paraît-il P obviously break this rule. My explanation is that, through a process of analogy, the verbal form paraît-il, frequent in parenthetical clauses,
is reanalyzed as an adverb; it can thus remain unchanged in initial position
(followed or not by que) like the mitigating sentence adverbs.
References Blanche-Benveniste Claire & Dominique Willems, 2007, “Un nouveau
regard sur les verbes faibles”, Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Paris 102/1, 217254. • Avanzi, Mathieu, 2011, L’interface prosodie / syntaxe en français, Thèse de
doctorat, Universités de Neuchâtel et Paris Nanterre. • Thompson, Sandra A. & Anthony Mulac, 1991, A Quantitative Perspective on the Grammaticization of Epistemic
Parentheticals in English, Approaches to Grammaticalization (vol. 2: Focus on Types
of Grammatical markers), Traugott, Elisabeth Closs & Bernd Heine (éds), Amsterdam / Philadelphie, Benjamins, 313-329. • Thompson, Sandra A. & Anthony Mulac,
1991b, The discourse conditions for the use of the complementizer that in conversatio-
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nal English, Journal of Pragmatics 15, North-Holland, 237-251. • Gachet, Frédéric,
2012, Incises de discours rapporté et autres verbes parenthétiques : une étude grammaticale, Thèse de doctorat, Université de Fribourg.
Inversion, deletion, and focus in as-parentheticals
Nicholas LaCara
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
In this talk, I provide a syntactic analysis of English inverting as-parentheticals,
exemplified in (1). This parenthetical construction, briefly noted in Potts 2002,
has hitherto received little attention in the formal literature. The construction
exhibits several odd syntactic properties, and I argue that a full understanding
of it relies on both ellipsis and discourse factors. Most strikingly, inverting asparentheticals lack any overt verb phrase, and their logical subjects (‘Mary’
in (1)) appear after any auxiliaries.
(1)
John has kissed a pig, *as has Mary*.
First, I show that an elliptical operation is involved in the derivation of asparentheticals, contra Potts (2002). Potts claims that the missing VPs in asparentheticals are due to phonologically null VP pro-forms, but I provide evidence that they are actually deleted at PF. I argue that this deletion operation is essentially the same as comparative deletion (Bresnan 1973, Kennedy
2002). Following Kennedy’s analysis of comparative deletion, I argue that the
missing VPs as-parentheticals move into the left periphery of the as-clause,
where they are deleted under identity with the VP to which the parenthetical
adjoins.
I then show that the construction falls into the class of VP inversion structures like (2) discussed by Birner (1994): Although some examples of inverting as-parentheticals look as if they exhibit normal subject-auxiliary inversion (SAI), it can be shown that the logical subject of the as-clause moves
rightward (Feria 2010). In particular, I argue that the inversion is a way of
postposing discourse-new information.
(2)
Resting in the barn will be a horse.
If inverting as-parentheticals do not contain SAI, however, then it would appear that the construction violates the EPP – nothing seems to pass through
SpecTP.
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Crucially, there is evidence that the preposed VPs in examples like (2)
behave as though they are in a subject position. I propose that the same
thing happens in inverting as-parentheticals. First, I take it that subjects in
as-parentheticals begin their lives internal to the missing VP, and I propose
that the postposed subjects in inverting as-parentheticals are moved out of the
VP to adjoin to the clause in a process like pseudogapping. Since the subjects
do not move to SpecTP, some other element must do so to satisfy EPP. In this
case, the VP moves to SpecTP. This approach also captures the observation
that inverting as-parentheticals do not exhibit expletive subjects: The VP moves into the position where the expletives would normally appear before it is
elided.
In summary, inverting as-parentheticals appear to share properties with
other discourse-related inversion structures in English. In both cases the postposed subject is focused, discourse-new information. The analysis provided
here links the syntax of these kinds of constructions. The difference is that inverting as-parentheticals are anaphorically dependent on other linguistic material. The unusual word order facts fall out if we assume that the underlying
structure of the as-clause is the same as in other VP preposing cases and that
the missing material in the as-parenthetical undergoes ellipsis.
Sluicing and Salience
Ivan Sag, James Collins, Daria Popova, and Thomas Wasow
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Freitag, 15.3., 12:00–12:30
Sluicing is a kind of ellipsis requiring semantic redundancy of the ellided
clause (Merchant 2001). Additionally, Anderbois (2010) suggests that the
sluicing antecedent clause must raise an issue, which he characterises in terms
of the Inquisitive Semantics (IS) framework (Ciardelli et al 2012). In IS, issues are raised by inquisitive propositions, that is, propositions which update the
common ground with two or more alternatives. Anderbois posits that appositives are non-inquisitive (‘collapsing’ any existing alternatives) and therefore
unable to serve as antecedents for sluicing. He therefore predicts that examples such as (1) are unacceptable.
(1)
Joe, who once killed a man in cold blood, doesn’t even remember
who.
We conducted controlled studies of the acceptability of such sentences, finding that sluicing is not categorically precluded when the antecedent is an
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appositive clause. Our study included stimuli such as (1) which were judged
as being as acceptable as counterparts where the sluicing antecedent is a matrix clause. Examples like (2) were also given high acceptability ratings by
our subjects.
(2)
My brother Joe, who knows he drank something awful last night, can’t
remember what.
Based on these data, the assertion that appositives never raise issues is too
strong. While preserving the insights behind the IS framework, we supplement a theory of appositives with insights from research in the Questions
Under Discussion (QUD) framework (e.g. Ginzburg 2012, Ginzburg and Sag
2000), which allows us to model the variable discourse behavior of appositives.
Also explicable in terms of QUD is the possibility of exophoric uses of
sluicing discussed by Ginzburg and Sag and Culicover and Jackendoff (2005):
(3)
Where to? What floor? How many? How many more? What else?
Guess who!
These arise when the extralinguistic context is rich enough to introuduce a
QUD into a discourse without an overt utterance.
References Anderbois, S. 2010. Sluicing as Anaphora to Issues. SALT 20. • Ciardelli,
I., J. Groenendijk & F. Roelofsen. 2012. Inquisitive Semantics. NASSLLI 2012 Lecture
Notes. • Culicover P. & R.S Jackendoff. 2005. Simpler Syntax. OUP. • Ginzburg, J.
2012. The Interactive Stance: Meaning for Conversation. OUP. • Ginzburg, J. & I.
Sag. 2000. Interrogative Investigations. CSLI Publications. • Merchant, J. 2001. The
Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, Islands, and the Theory of Ellipsis. OUP.
Verbless relative adjuntcs as incidental fragments
Gabriela Bîlbîie / U. Paris Diderot
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
Both French and Romanian have verbless constructions, exemplified in (14), whose syntactic form is reminiscent of relative clauses. Those constructions always have a fronted phrase containing either a WH-form (French lesquel(le)s and Romanian care) (1,3,4) or the form DONT in French (2). We
label those constructions Verbless Relative Adjuncts (henceforth VRAs) because of their formal resemblance with relative clauses.
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(1)
Trois personnes, [parmi lesquelles Jean], sont venues.
Three people.FEM, [among which.FEM John], AUX come
‘Three people have come, among which John.’
(2)
Trois personnes sont venues, [dont une
hier].
Three people.FEM AUX come, [dont one.FEM yesterday]
‘Three people have come, one of them yesterday.’
(3)
Au venit trei persoane,
[printre | între care Ion].
AUX come three people.FEM, [among
which John]
‘Three people have come, among which (also) John.’
(4)
Au venit trei persoane,
[dintre care una
ieri].
AUX come three people.FEM, [among which one.FEM yesterday]
‘Three people have come, one of them yesterday.’
VRAs are characterized by three properties: (I) they are incidental adjuncts;
(II) they have a non-restrictive semantics while belonging to the asserted content of the utterance, and (III) they have a partitive semantics and express
set-subset or set-element relations. The third property allows us to distinguish between two kinds of VRAs: exemplifying VRAs (which name elements belonging to the original set) (1,3) and partitioning VRAs (which partition the original set into subsets based on additional restrictions) (2,4). In
French and Romanian, VRA constructions can be either compatible with
both exemplifying and partitioning semantics (French DONT and Romanian PRINTRE/INTRE CARE) or with only one of the two (French PARMI
LESQUELS with exemplifying VRAs, and Romanian DINTRE CARE only
with partitioning VRAs).
VRAs are usually referred to as elliptical relative clauses, lacking the verbal head. An elliptical analysis based on syntactic reconstruction is of interest
if, and only if, (I) one can reconstruct a relative clause from any VRA in a regular fashion, and (II) the semantic properties of VRAs are the same as that of
relative clauses. Crucially, we argue that none of these conditions are verified.
Therefore, we analyse VRAs as fragments, by using semantic reconstruction
and parallelism constraints, which allow us to account for all properties of
VRAs.
References Abeillé A., Godard D. & Sag I. A. (2003). French relative clause constructions. Manuscript. • Arnold D. (2004). Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses in Construction Based HPSG. In Müller, S. (ed), Proceedings of the HPSG04 Conference.
Stanford: CSLI Publ. • Gheorghe M. (2004). Propozitia relativa. Ed. Paralela 45. •
Gheorghe M. (2005). Constructii cu propozitii relative. In Gramatica limbii române.
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Editura Academiei Române. • Ginzburg J. & Sag I. A. (2000). Interrogative Investigations: the form, meaning, and use of English interrogatives. Stanford: CSLI Publications. • Grevisse M. (1993). Le Bon Usage. 13th edition by André Goosse, de Boeck
Duculot.
A structural paradox with respect to parentheticals
inside coordinate structures
Luis Vicente / U. Potsdam
Freitag, 15.3., 13:00–14:00
This talk revolves around the class of sentences first described in Collins
(1988), which I will call Collins Conjunctions. He noticed that the second
member of a DP conjunction can be modified by a speaker-oriented evidential/evaluative adverb (1). Additionally, many languages also allow modification by verbal predicates with an equivalent meaning. (2) illustrates this possibility for Spanish, but similar sentences are also found in Polish, Hungarian,
Czech, French, Portuguese,. . . Note that all these languages, unlike English,
German, or Dutch, allow a complementizer mediating between the modifier
and the second DP.
(1)
Alice and {possibly/allegedly/perhaps/. . . } Bob have visited Canada.
(2)
Andrés y parece ser que Beatriz han visitado Canadá.
Andrés and seems be that Beatriz have visited Canada
(3)
Alice and it seems (*that) Bob have visited Canada.
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These structures have an array of properties that suggest different, mutually incompatible structures. On the one hand, it might seem that (1) and (2)
are cases of Right Node Raising —i.e., “Alice and possibly Bob” is part of
a clausal coordination, with “have visited Canada” shared across conjuncts.
This is supported by the fact that the class of modifiers allowed in Collins
Conjunctions necessarily take a clausal complement, both syntactically and
semantically. Thus, the second conjunct must be something like “and possibly Bob has travelled to Canada”. By the Law of Coordination of Likes, the
first conjunct must also be clausal, so we derive a clause-level coordination.
Additionally, note that examples like (2), with a complementizer, are only
possible in languages that allow embedded fragments with a complementizer (4)–(5), suggesting that the second conjunct might contain an elliptical
clause.
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(4)
Quién ha visitado Canadá? — Parece ser que Beatriz.
who has visited Canada
seems be that Beatriz.
(5)
Who has visited Canada? — ?* It seems that Bob.
On the other hand, “Alice and possibly Bob” also shows the behavior of a
regular DP coordination. First, it triggers plural agreement (1)/(2); (ii) it can
be under the scope of other clausal quantifiers; (iii) it obeys Barwise and
Cooper’s (1981) restrictions on the coordination of generalized quantifiers
(data not shown for (ii)/(iii)).
In conclusion, the paradox is that Collins Conjunctions appear to be simultaneously clausal coordinations and DP coordinations. I will suggest that
the DP coordination analysis is the optimal one. This takes care trivially of all
the properties mentioned in the previous paragraph. To account for the clausal
coordination diagonoses, I will suggest that “possibly” and “parece ser que”
are parentheticals that take a complex silent structure, which itself takes the
event of the sentence as its antecedent (cf. the analysis of VP ellipsis in Elbourne 2008).
References Barwise, Jon, and Robin Cooper. 1981. Generalized quantifiers and natural language. Linguistics & Philosophy 4(2):159-219. • Collins, Christopher. 1988.
Conjunction adverbs. Ms., MIT. • Elbourne, Paul. 2008. Ellipsis sites as definite descriptions. Linguistic Inquiry 39(2):191-220.
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Arbeitsgruppe 5
The Syntax and Semantics of
Pseudoincorporation
Olga Borik
Berit Gehrke
In recent years, a number of works have been dedicated to the phenomenon of
pseudoincorporation in various languages, such as Niuean, Hindi, Hungarian,
Spanish, Catalan (Massam 2001, Farkas & de Swart 2003, Espinal & McNally 2011, Dayal 2011). Pseudoincorporation involves the use of a bare noun in
internal argument position, which shares some semantic properties with syntactically incorporated nouns (e.g. German radfahren ‘ride a bike’), such as
obligatory narrow scope, inability to introduce discourse referents, or number
neutrality. On the other hand, pseudo-incorporated nouns have more syntactic
freedom than syntactically incorporated ones (cf. Mithun 1984, Baker 1988,
van Geenhoven 1998, Chung & Ladusaw 2003): strict adjacency to the verb
is not (always) required, the noun can be marked for case, the verb can show
agreement with the noun, certain types of modification may be allowed.
The aim of this workshop is to bring together research on the semantics
and syntax of pseudoincorporation. Particular topics to be addressed include
but are not limited to the following: Which lexical restrictions apply to nouns
and verbs that participate in pseudo-incorporation? Do these restrictions hold
cross-linguistically? Can we make more precise the intuition that pseudoincorporation involves reference to some institutionalized activity? Can only
nouns in internal argument position be the target of pseudo-incorporation (as
is commonly assumed) or do we also find this phenomenon in other argument
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positions, for example with PP arguments (e.g. go beach; cf. Gehrke & Lekakou 2012)? Is number neutrality a defining feature of pseudo-incorporation or
should it rather be explained on the basis of the aspectual properties of predicates involved (Dayal 2011)? Should pseudo-incorporated nouns be analyzed
as predicate modifiers or as uninstantiated arguments? The nouns that take
part in pseudoincorporation share defining properties with weak definites (cf.
Carlson et al. 2006), which have been analyzed as kind terms by AguilarGuevara & Zwarts (2011); are pseudoincorporated nouns and weak definites
just two ways to express the same semantic relation, or are there fundamental
differences between the two?
Pseudo incorporation in Romance at the
syntax-semantics interface
M. Teresa Espinal / U. Autònoma de Barcelona
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30–15:00
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The term semantic pseudo incorporation (PI) has been proposed in the recent
literature to account for the fact that certain types of nominal expressions (not
only nouns) form a semantic but not a syntactic unit with the V they occur
with, and function as predicate modifiers (Dayal 2003, 2011).
In this paper I will focus on two topics: (i) what sort of syntactic restrictions apply to nominal expressions that participate in pseudo incorporation, and
(ii) what is the correspondence between “fake” arguments and event modifiers. I will basically analyze data from Spanish (Dobrovie-Sorin et al. 2006).
The hypothesis that will be argued for is that morphosyntactic defectiveness of nouns and clitics (but not semantic proto-typicality of predicates) is a
necessary condition in Romance in order to identify formally those nominal
expressions that are to be interpreted not as arguments but as predicate modifiers. Semantically, these nominal expressions show the properties of being
scopally inert and discourse opaque.
The postulated defectiveness is based on the fact that bare nominals (llevar
reloj (de cuarzo) ‘to wear a (quartz) watch’) are unmarked for number, definiteness and specificity; weak definites (mirarse al espejo ‘to look (at oneself)
in the mirror’) are DPs unmarked for definiteness; and the Mexican Spanish
clitic affix le (correrle ‘to perform running’) is not only unmarked for person, number, gender and case, but is the head of a defective High Applicative
projection (Cuervo 2003) that takes only a complement, identified with the
whole VP. Being morphosyntactically defective implies that all these expressions have neither a referential interpretation nor an argument status from a
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semantic point of view, but still impose some semantic restrictions on the set
of predicates they combine with: bare nominals denote properties of kinds
(not of individual objects) that modify event arguments of a restricted class
of HAVE-predicates (Espinal 2010, Espinal & McNally 2011); and clitic le
encodes an intensive property that classifies eventualities as actions (Navarro & Espinal 2012). In this talk I will further extent this approach to weak
definites which will be argued to also denote properties of kinds (not kind
entities, contra Aguilar & Zwarts 2011) that modify event arguments of a restricted class of predicates. I will base this argumentation on crosslinguistic
variation on the presence of what I will take to be an expletive Determiner,
on similarities between weak definites and bare nominals based on adjectival
modification, and on relevant semantic differences with so-called definite generics/kinds (Borik & Espinal 2012).
References Aguilar Guevara, A. & J. Zwarts. 2011. Weak definites and reference
to kinds. In Proceedings of SALT 20, 179-196. • Dayal, V. 2011. Hindi pseudoincorporation. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29.1:123-167. • Espinal, M.T.
& L. McNally. 2011. Bare nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan.
Journal of Linguistics 47, 87-128. • Navarro, Õ. & M.T. Espinal. 2012. Le-predicates
and event modification in Mexican Spanish. Lingua 122, 409-431.
Why have-predicates can take bare nominals
Bert Le Bruyn / UiL-OTS
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00–15:30
For Norwegian (Borthen 2003), Spanish/Catalan (Espinal & McNally 2011),
Brazilian Portuguese (Cyrino & Espinal 2011) and Greek (Lazaridou-Chatzigoga
2011), it has been argued that verbs having a ‘have’ component are special in
the sense that they can take bare singular objects. Most analyses provide an
answer to the question what the semantics/syntax of ‘have’ verb + bare noun
should be like but do not address the more fundamental question what it is
that makes ‘have’ verbs special.
The goal of this talk is to (a) raise the latter question, (b) provide an answer by bringing together the literature on ‘have’ verbs and the literature on
existential ‘have’ (Landman & Partee 1987, Partee 1999, Landman 2004, Saebo 2009), (c) look beyond the verbal domain into the prepositional domain
(Le Bruyn, de Swart & Zwarts 2010, Oltra-Massuet, Pérez-Jiménez 2011,
Castroviejo, Oltra-Massuet & Pérez-Jiménez 2012) and the coordination do-
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main (Le Bruyn & de Swart 2012).
References Borthen, K. (2003). Norwegian bare singulars (Doctoral dissertation, Norwegian University of Science and Technology). • Espinal, M. T., & McNally, L.
(2011). Bare nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan. Journal of
Linguistics, 47(01), 87-128. • Castroviejo, Elena, Oltra-Massuet, Isabel, & PérezJiménez, Isabel (2012). Bare sin-PPs: Pseudoincorporation and Gradability. Talk at
Lycc Seminar, Madrid. • Cyrino, Sonia, and M. Teresa Espinal (2011). “Object BNs in
Brazilian Portuguese. More on the NP/DP analysis.”, talk at CSSP, Paris. • Landman,
Fred (2004). Indefinites and the Type of Sets. Blackwell Pub. • Landman, Fred, & Partee, Barbara H. (1987). Weak NPs in HAVE sentences. In Draft abstract. University of
Massachusetts, Amherst. • Lazaridou-Chatzigoga, Dimitra (2011). “The distribution
and interpretation of bare singular count nouns in Greek”, talk at the SUB Weak Referentiality Workshop, Utrecht. • Le Bruyn, Bert & Henriëtte de Swart (2012). Bare
coordination: the semantic shift, ms. Utrecht University. • Le Bruyn, Bert, de Swart,
Henriëtte & Zwarts, Joost (2009). Bare PPs across languages. talk at Workshop on
Bare nouns, Paris. • Oltra-Massuet, Isabel & Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel (2011). La interacción contabilidad-gradabilidad en los SSPP escuetos. Cuadernos de la ALFAL, 3,
138-158. • Partee, Barbara H. (1999). Weak NPs in HAVE Sentences. • Sæbø, Kjell
Johan (2009). Possession and pertinence: the meaning of have. Natural language semantics, 17(4), 369-397.
Weak nouns, weak verbs and stereotypicality
Ana Aguilar-Guevara / Utrecht U.
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
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Weak definites (e.g. Marie went to the hospital) do not refer to uniquely identifiable individuals [Carlson and Sussman, 2005]. Additionally, they display
other peculiarities. One of them is that the range of nouns occurring in weak
definites (weak nouns) and the range of verbs governing weak definites (weak
predicates) are both restricted.
Aguilar-Guevara and Zwarts [2010] (A&Z) analyze weak definites as
kind-referring expressions which combine with individual-level predicates by
means a lexical rule which lifts object-level predicates to kind-level predicates. In the lifted predicates the U relation is incorporated, which represents
stereotypical usages associated with kinds. According to A&Z, a verb-definite
combination does not trigger any weak definite reading because there is an
empty intersection between the set of events corresponding to the verb and
the set of events corresponding to U.
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In this talk, I examine in more detail the lexical meaning of weak nouns
and verbs. My aim is to identify a common feature to all the members of
each category, which enables us to better understand why both categories
are restricted and thus motivate empirically the way A&Z account for the
restrictions. The talk is organized in four parts.
Part 1 examines the meaning of weak nouns. The main generalization is
that the common property to all weak nouns is that they designate objects associated with a function, a telic role [Pustejovsky, 1995]. This generalization
covers all the instances of weak nouns including apparent counterexamples
such as nouns designating natural objects and professions. However, this generalization is weak as not every noun designating a functional object can
occur in a weak definite.
Part 2 discusses the meaning of weak verbs. The main conclusion is that
the property these verbs have in common is that they support telic roles. This
generalization, although accurate, also overgenerates as not every verb supporting a telic role can be a weak verb.
Part 3 builds on the previous generalizations by discussing the effects of
stereotypicality on the emergence of weak readings. Two more generalizations are drawn. The first one is that weak nouns designate functional objects
which are associated with stereotypical usages. The other generalization is
that weak verbs designate activities that support stereotypical usages. Both
generalizations cover all and only weak nouns and verbs. Furthermore, they
motivate A&Z’s postulation of the U relation.
Part 4 discusses the question whether weak nouns and verbs constitute
classes of words lexically well defined. The conclusion about weak verbs is
that, as their enriched kind-level denotation is the result of the application of
a lexical rule, it is not necessary to assume that these verbs constitute a lexical
class. In contrast, the conclusion about weak nouns is that they do constitute
a class whose members’ lexical meaning specifies an association with stereotypical usages.
References Aguilar-Guevara, A. & Zwarts, J. (2010). Weak Definites and Reference
to Kinds. Proceedings of SALT, volume 20, pages 179-196, Ithaca, New York. CLC
Publications. • Carlson, G. & Sussman, R. (2005). Seemingly indefinite definites.
Linguistic evidence: Empirical, theoretical, and computational perspectives, pages
71-85. • Pustejovsky, J. (1995). The generative lexicon. MIT press, Cambridge, MA.
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Weak Definites and Kinds of Events
Florian Schwarz / U. of Pennsylvania
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
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I explores two accounts of Weak Definites (WDs) (Carlson et al. 2006) that assume them to involve a regular definite article, namely 1) the option of seeing
WDs in light of covarying definites more generally, which I argue against,
and 2) a formal proposal that analyzes WDs as regular definites that occur in
verb phrases involving reference to kinds of events. The latter accounts for
the core properties of WDs and relates them directly to incorporation.
WDs quite generally allow for covarying interpretations. It is thus tempting to relate them to covarying interpretations of regular definites, e.g., in
bridging cases (Schwarz 2009), along the lines suggested by Ašic and Corblin (2012) and Bosch and Cieschinger (2010). However, the two cases differ
in ways that I argue speak against such an analysis. First, regular covarying
definites exhibit a dependence on contextual support that is not present for
WDs. Secondly, regular covarying definites display what we might call relativized uniqueness.
I propose an alternative analysis that sees WDs as definites appearing in
verb phrases denoting kinds of events. This relates them directly to semantic incorporation, as well as to the notion that incorporation involves ‘typical
activities’ (e.g., Carlson 2006, Axelrod 1990). My proposal adapts Dayal’s
(2011) analysis of incorporation by proposing verb denotations that take properties as their argument. However, I propose that the resulting denotation is
a kind of event, which then combines with an external subject via a rule of
‘Derived Argument Saturation’.
Crucially, the formal analysis evaluates the definite relative to the event
variable used to characterize the kind of event under consideration. For read
the newspaper, for example, this kind consists of the plurality including every
event in which the unique newspaper that is part of that event is being read.
Uniqueness is then (almost) trivially satisfied at the level at which the definite is interpreted. But since the top level events in the predicate are part of
pluralities, the account is also compatible with multiple objects meeting the
description being involved (as in taking the train, allowing multiple trains;
Carlson et al. 2006). Embedding this analysis in a situation semantics accounts for covariation phenomena with WDs. Lack of support for anaphora
also follows, because ∃ and ι occur deeply embedded in the verbal denotation. To the extent that kind reference requires the existence of an established
kind, the account may also explain semantic enrichment with WDs. Finally,
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the distributional restrictions on WDs also relate to restrictions on established
kinds well-known from kind reference in the nominal domain.
This analysis captures the key properties of WDs and transparently relates
them to incorporation, while assuming a unified meaning for definites. Many
details remain to be explored, not the least with respect to the relation between issues concerning number marking (Dayal 2011) and hidden reflexes
of uniqueness with WDs. Hopefully, the present proposal provides a fruitful
basis for exploring these issues in greater depth.
Direct Object marking in Mari: unmarked DOs or
pseudoincorporation
Natalia Serdobolskaya / Russian State U. for the Humanities
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
The paper presents a case-study of Differential Direct Object (DO) marking
(accusative vs. unmarked noun) in Eastern Mari (Uralic, Finno-Ugric). I propose to consider this phenomenon in terms of pseudoincorporation. The data
of the research comes from fieldwork. The work is supported by grants 20121.2.1-12-000-3004-9859 and RFH 12-34-01345, 11-04-00282.
Omission of the DO marker in Mari is restricted by the following rules.
1. It is only possible in non-finite clauses.
2. It has to be verb-adjacent.
3. It cannot take presupposition triggers as modifiers.
4. Presupposition triggering nouns only rarely head unmarked DOs.
5. It is impossible if the DO is headed or modified by indefinite expressions.
The rules 2, 3 and 5 seem to be easily explained if we assume that Mari
Direct Object marking presents an example of incorporation. However, the
following facts contradict this hypothesis.
A. Unmarked DO can be modified by various types of adjectives/pronouns
(excluding rule 3). Cf. van Geenhoven 1998, West-Greenlandic; Muravyova 1994, Turkish.
B. Unmarked DOs can be conjoined.
C. Unmarked DOs can host numerals, quantifiers and plural markers.
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D. Unmarked DOs can be headed by proper nouns and nouns with possessive markers.
Considered constructions yield to the features of pseudoincorporation, excluding the number neutrality condition. This notwithstanding, I propose to
analyze the Mari unmarked DOs in terms of pseudoincorporation, which solution is grounded on their semantic properties.
Reference grammars state that accusative is obligatory on definite DOs,
indefinites can remain unmarked (Galkin 1964, Tuzharov 1984). (Toldova,
Serdobolskaya 2002) shows that definiteness is not the main factor. The information structure of the sentence is more important: if the whole VP belongs
to the same information structure unit (topic or focus), it can be unmarked.
Else the accusative is obligatory.
This is not the sufficient condition of the omission of the accusative. Most
often, unmarked DOs are observed if the VP describes “institutionalized activity” (wash the hands, sweep the floor etc.). In those cases, even the nouns
marked with the possessive can appear without the accusative. Hence, both
from the point of view of information structure and lexical semantics, the
verb and the unmarked DO have to form one and the same unit.
Basing on these arguments, I propose to analyze unmarked DOs in Mari
in terms of pseudoincorporation. This solution is possible if it pseudoincorporation of plurals, quantifier groups and conjoined NPs is allowed.
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References Galkin I.S. Istoricheskaja grammatika marijskogo jazyka. Morfologija. V.
1. Joshkar-Ola. 1964. • Muravyova I.A. Non-Marked Noun Form in Turkic and Mongolian Languages // Bamberger Zentralasienstudien. Konferenzakten ESCAS IV. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1994, 105-115. • Toldova S., Serdobolskaya N. Nekotoryje
osobennosti oformlenija prjamogo dopolnenija v marijskom jazyke // Lingvisticheskij bespredel. Moscow: Nauka, 2002. • Tuzharov G.M. Problema nemarkirovannogo
imeni v marijskom jazyke // Sovetskoje finno-ugrovedenie, 20 (4), 1984, 282-289. •
van Geenhoven V. Semantic Incorporation and Indefinite Descriptions. CSLI Publications, 1998.
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Types of Complementation: Standard
Complementation, Pseudo-Incorporation,
Compounding
Veneeta Dayal/ Rutgers U.
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:30
This talk takes as its starting point, the following two observations: Observation 1 (Dayal 2011): Noun phrases which are “singular” or “non-plural” are
uniformly unacceptable as standard complements of collective predicates like “collect” and “compare”. They are uniformly acceptable in compounding.
They yield different results in pseudo-incorporation. They are acceptable with
“collect” but not with “compare”.
Observation 2 (Mithun 1984, 86): The noun-verb relation in compounding
must denote an “institutionalized” activity. This holds to a significant degree
also of pseudo-incorporation, but obviously not of standard complementation.
It investigates the possibility that the variations at issue reside in the semantic
type of the complement: standard complements are DPs/NPs of argumental
type (hei or hhe,ti,ti), pseudo-incorporated complements are NPs of property
type (he,ti), nouns inside compounds are Ns denoting kinds (he-Ki). Using
the framework of distributed morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993 and Harley 2012), it looks for a systematic mapping from morpho-syntax to semantics.
References Dayal, V. 2011. Hindi Pseudo-Incorporation. NLLT 29.1, 123-167. • Halle, M. and A. Marantz. 1993. Distributed Morphology and the pieces of inflection.
In: K. Hale and S. J. Keyser (eds.), The View from Building 20. Cambridge MA:
MIT Press, 111-176. • Harley, H. 2012. Semantics in Distributed Morphology. In:
Maeinborn, von Heusinger and Portner (eds), Semantics: An International Handbook
of Natural Language Meaning. • Mithun, Marianne. 1984. The evolution of noun incorporation. Language 60: 847-894. • Mithun, Marianne. 1986. On the nature of noun
incorporation. Language 62: 32-38.
Constructions with and without an article
Henriëtte de Swart / UiL OTS, Utrecht U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–10:00
Even in languages with a well-developed system of articles, such as Germanic
and Romance languages, we find constructions in which the noun can appear
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without an article. This paper provides an overview of such bare constructions, and a roadmap for cross-linguistic variation in this domain. We find bare
predication with capacity nouns in many languages (Dutch Anna is advokaat,
French Anna est avocat), but not English, where the indefinite article has to
be used (Anna is *(a) lawyer). Objects of have-predicates can be bare in Romance languages (Spanish Anna tiene coche) (cf. Espinal & McNally 2010),
but typically not in Germanic languages ( German Anna hat *(ein) Auto). The
nominal complement of a general spatial preposition is often bare in English
(at school), sometimes in Dutch (op school), but rarely in German (in *(der)
Schule), where the definite article occurs in this environment.
Cross-linguistically then, bare nouns are sometimes in complementary
distribution with the indefinite article (in predication, incorporation), and sometimes with the definite article (in prepositional complements). However,
there is a third class of bare constructions which is neither definite nor indefinite, but plural or quantificational in nature. Here we find bare coordination
(mother and child) (cf. Le Bruyn & de Swart 2013), and bare PPs like Dutch
per jaar (= each year) (Le Bruyn, de Swart & Zwarts 2012).
The three classes are subject to different constraints on cross-linguistic variation, due to the interaction of lexicon, syntax and semantics. The plural and
quantificational bare constructions require a special, often non-compositional
(or not immediately transparent) semantics at the level of the construction
as a whole. A language does or does not realize this special semantics in a
particular configuration. Indefinite bare constructions rely on a special combinatoric semantics involving the property or kind denotation of the noun.
Given that indefinites can be type-shifted to the property denotation of the
common noun, they are the closest counterpart to be used when the languagespecific grammar lacks the combinatoric rule. The definite bare constructions
are underlyingly ‘weak’ definites (cf. Aguilar & Zwarts 2010), with a dropped article for a restricted set of nouns or noun classes. Under the assumption
that drop of the definite article is governed by lexical rules, and these are to a
large degree language-specific, we expect widespread cross-linguistic variation in the productivity of this process.
References Aguilar Guevara, Ana and Joost Zwarts (2010). Weak definites and reference to kinds, Proceedings of SALT 20, 179-196. • Espinal, M. Teresa and Louise
McNally (2010). Bare singular nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan, Journal of Linguistics 47, 87-128. • Le Bruyn, Bert, Henriëtte de Swart and
Joost Zwarts (2012). Quantificational prepositions, in: Thomas Graf, Denis Paperno,
Anna Szabolcsi, and Jos Tellings (eds.). Theories of Everything: In Honor of Ed Keen-
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an. UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 17 • Le Bruyn, Bert and Henriëtte de Swart
(2013). Bare coordination: the semantic shift, Natural Language and Linguistic theory
(to appear).
Modification of bare nominals across languages and
constructions
Stavroula Alexandropoulou, Maartje Schulpen, and Henriëtte
de Swart / UiL-OTS, Utrecht U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
The issue In this paper we examine the influence of adjectival modification
on bare count nominals (BNs) in object position of have-verbs and what we
term have-prepositions (with, without), by looking at corpus data from Dutch
and Greek. We argue that there are two ways modification of BNs can be
licensed in these environments: (i) if the adjective modifies an inherent property of the N or denotes a subtype of it; (ii) if the modifier is obligatory for
reasons of informativity.
Have-verbs and have-prepositions Espinal & McNally (2011) analyze BNs
in object position of have-verbs in Spanish and Catalan as denoting properties. Espinal (2010) is more specific and argues that BNs denote properties of
kinds. This predicts that BNs can only be modified by modifiers denoting a
subtype of the entity the N+modifier is predicated from. If this is a general
phenomenon, we expect similar modification patterns in other languages and
in other constructions in which a have-relation is present, such as constructions with the have-prepositions with and without (Borthen, 2003; de Swart,
2012).
Corpus study We carried out corpus research on four Greek have-verbs (eho
‘to have’, forao ‘to wear’, kratao ‘to hold’ and hrisimopio ‘to use’), on the
Greek have-preposition me ‘with’, and on the Dutch have-preposition met
‘with’. In all three constructions we found cases of subtype modification (
42% of the total for Greek have-verbs, for Greek me 54%, and for Dutch met
29%). Crucially, for both Greek and Dutch the empirical picture turned out to
be more complicated than expected based on Espinal’s analysis, since we also
found a substantial amount of cases that did not involve subtype modification
(examples from Dutch): oiorkeziko kustumi.
(1)
[...] een Engelsman met (*onverstaanbare) naam.
‘[...] an Englishman with an (*unintelligible) name’ (lit. ‘with unintelligible name’)
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(2)
[...] z’n bureaulamp met groene kap.
‘[...] his desk lamp with a green shade’ (lit. ‘with green shade’)
Analysis For all three constructions, in part of the cases not involving subtype
modification, the modified noun denoted an analytic property, describing a
mereological relation. In these cases modification was obligatory due to an
informativity requirement (1). This can be captured by a triviality filter along
the lines Winter (2005).
Again in all three constructions, in the non-analytic cases the adjective
most often targeted the color, material or shape of the BN (2). We propose
to extend the class of non-obligatory licensed modification from just subtype
modification to a somewhat broader category including modification of such
inherent features of the BN.
Conclusion Cross-linguistic data from Greek and Dutch support the parallel
between have-verbs and have-prepositions, showing that BNs in these constructions display similar constraints on modification. Besides the subtype
modification constraint proposed by Espinal (2010), we find that modification of a broader set of characteristic features may be involved. For analytic
properties, modification is even found to be obligatory for reasons of informativity. The investigation of modification thus provides new insights into the
semantics of bare nominals.
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References Espinal, M.T. (2010). Bare nominals in Catalan and Spanish. Their structure and meaning. Lingua 120: 984-1009. • Espinal, M.T. & McNally, L. (2011). Bare
nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan. Journal of Linguistics 47:
87-128. • Borthen, K. (2003). Norwegian bare singulars. PhD thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. • de Swart (2012). Constructions with and without
articles. Paper presented at the workshop ‘Languages with and without articles’, Paris
8. • Winter, Y. (2005). Cross-categorical restrictions on measure phrase modification.
Linguistics and Philosophy 28(2): 233-267.
Cognate intensifiers in Russian
Lidia Bogatyreva / U. Autònoma de Barcelona
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
The discussion on syntactic and semantic status of cognate objects (objects
that share the lexical root with non-transitive verbs) has been present in the
literature for the last two decades. Closely related to this topic is the question
of what kind of elements can possibly be cognate to the verb. I will approach
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an answer to this question looking at an interesting phenomenon in Russian:
that of cognate adverbials.
Russian unergative activity verbs, along with “classical” cognate objects,
can also take cognate intensifiers, such as those in (1) and (2).
(1)
Malčik bežit beg-om navstreču mame.
boy
runs run.instr towards mother
‘The boy runs hastily towards his mother.’
(2)
On pjet za-poj-em
neskol’ko mesjacev.
he drinks za-drink.instr several months
‘He has been drinking heavily for several months.’
The cognate elements begom in (1) and zapojem in (2) bear instrumental
case, but the peculiar thing about them is that they have adverbial status, as
far as they are fossilized instrumental forms and lack all the other forms of the
nominal case paradigm. Furthermore, unlike cognate objects that can appear
with different classes of predicates, cognate adverbials are only possible with
some unergative verbs.
I propose the following syntactic analysis for such adverbials. First, a nominal root is incorporated into the light verb of the do-type, in such a way that
an activity verb is formed. Second, an intense activity is obtained by repeating
the already incorporated manner-denoting root. I assume that instrumental case is assigned by a P, as it happens in other non-cognate event modifiers in
Russian. The whole P-structure is adjoined to the verbal projection.
From the semantic point of view cognate adverbials do not contribute any
independent meaning, except from that already expressed by the verb. They
function as event modifiers, by intensifying the meaning of the verb. This intensifying function is quite similar to that attributed to the defective clitic le in
Mexican Spanish (Navarro & Espinal 2012). I will discuss the similarities and
differences of this phenomenon with what I name to be cognate intensifiers
in Russian.
Cognate intensifiers share some syntactic and semantic properties with
pseudo-incorporated nouns: they do not introduce a discourse referent, do not
allow modification but nevertheless they are case-marked for INSTR case.
The polemic point is that Russian cognate intensifiers are not arguments of
the verb but rather complements of a preposition.
References Bogatyreva, Lidia. 2011. Russian Instrumental Nominals as a Counterpart of Bare Nominals in Romance. M.A. Thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
• Espinal, M. Teresa & Jaume Mateu. 2011. Bare Nominals and Argument Structure
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in Catalan and Spanish. The Linguistic Review 28: 1-39. • Hale, Ken & Samuel Jay
Keyser. 2002. Prolegomenon to a theory of argument structure. Cambridge Mass.: The
MIT Press. • Navarro, Ía & M. Teresa Espinal. 2012. Le-predicates and event modification in Mexican Spanish. Lingua 122, 409-431. • Nakajima, Heizo. 2006. Adverbial
Cognate Objects. Linguistic Inquiry 37(4): 674-684.
Amounts of Objects and Pluralities
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin / CNRS-LLF, Université Paris 7
Marcelo Ferreira / USP, Sao Paolo
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:00
1. Singular Descriptions and Cumulative Reference. The crucial data (due
to Ferreira 2010) that we discuss is related to how count bare NPs (CBNs) in
Brazilian Portuguese (Schmitt & Munn 1999) behave with respect to pluralityseeking predicates:
(1)
ambiguous: refl & reciprocal
Eu vi aluno se cumprimentando.
I saw student SE greeting
‘I saw students greeting themselves/each other’.
(2)
a.
b.
AG5
only refl
Eu vi aluno que estava se cumprimentando.
I saw student that was SE greeting
‘I saw students who were greeting themselves.
refl & reciprocal
Eu vi alunos que estavam se cumprimentando.
I saw students that were
SE greeting
‘I saw students who were greeting themselves/each other.’
These data suggest that the singular number marking on the verb of the relative clause induces a singular interpretation of the CBNs in (2a). Nevertheless,
the CBN in (2a) is naturally resumed by a plural pronoun. Not only (1) and
(2b), but also (2a) can be followed by a sentence such as They looked crazy.
To account for this somewhat paradoxical situation, we propose a solution
that distinguishes between properties of entities (NP-level) and the cardinality/measuring of entities (higher up).
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(3)
Syntactic Analysis of (2a)
[DP [D Ø] [QntP [Qnt Ø] [NP [CBN student] [relative clause . . . was SE-greeting
. . . ]]]]
◦ NP is a predicate of atomic entities (due to the sg marking on the
predicate of the relative clause);
◦ QntP headed by a null head is a cumulative predicate (join semilattice)
◦ Det shifts QntP into an existential generalized quantifier over amounts
(D- Sorin&Beyssade (2012))
2. Amounts and Pluralities. We distinguish between the denotations of CBNs
and bare plurals (BPs): BPs denote atomic join semi-lattices, obtained by applying Link’s star operator to a set of atoms, whereas CBNs resemble bare
mass NPs in denoting non-atomic join semi-lattices that are directly inherited
from the Lexicon (before any morphosyntactic operation applies, NPs denote
non atomic join semi-lattices). The difference between CBNs and bare mass
NPs is exclusively due to the encyclopedia, i.e., is related to the insertion of
a particular lexicat item: on the bottom line of non-atomic join semi-lattices
we find sums of entities for CBNs but sums of parts of objects for mass NPs.
In other words, mass NPs provide descriptions of (sums of) parts of objects,
whereas count NPs provide descriptions of (sums of) objects.
References Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen & Claire Beyssade 2012. Redefining Indefinites,
Springer. • Ferreira, Marcelo. 2010. The Morpho-Semantics of Number in Brazilian
Portuguese Bare Singulars. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics. • Link, G.(1983), The
logical analysis of plurals and mass terms: a lattice-theoretic approach. • Schmitt,
Cristina and Munn, Alan 1999. Against the Nominal Mapping Parameter: Bare nouns
in Brazilian Portuguese. Proceedings of NELS 29.
Quasi-incorporation and number marking in Persian
Fereshteh Modarresi / ZAS Berlin
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00-12:30
Bare Nouns (BN) objects in Persian show properties of Noun Incorporation
(Quasi-NI), such as constituting one phonological phrase with the predicate,
narrow scope, focalizing the event rather than the object, number neutrality,
inability to be modified by adjectives, all of which will be discussed.
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For instance, with BN in (1a), adjective receives an adverbial interpretation modifying [BN+V]. Nouns marked with -i can be modified by adjectives
(1b).
(1)
a.
b.
Sara khoob
ketab kharid
Sara good/well book buy.PAST.3SG
‘Sara successfully bought books.’
Sara khoob ketab-i
kharid
Sara good book-IND buy.PAST.3SG
‘Sara bought a good book.’
Furthermore BNs cannot be referred back (2a), whereas nouns marked by -i,
yek- and -ra can be referred back (2b):
(2)
a.
b.
AG5
Ali diruz
Ketab kharid.
*un kheily jaleb
ast.
Ali yesterday book bought.3SG that very interesting is.
‘Ali bought book(s) yesterday, that is very interesting’
Ali diruz
yek/Ketab/-i, ra kharid.
un kheily
Ali yesterday book
bought.3SG that very
jaleb
ast.
interesting is.
‘Ali bought a/the book yesterday, that is very interesting’
I will then analyze effects of number marking on BN objects. BN objects
marked with morphological numbers, whether it is a non-specific indefinite marker yek-: ‘one’/‘a’ or suffix -i: ‘a’ a plural marker -ha, are no longer
incorporated. Number marking causes a salient discourse referent to be introduced. Plural marking -ha normally requires morphological marking -ra,
which makes it discourse anaphoric. However, there are certain constructions
in which -ha-marking appears without -ra-marking (Pluralized BN or Bare
Plurals) creating a specific interpretation:
(3)
Man ketab-ha khandam
I
book-s read.PAST.3SG
‘I read books’ (I read many different books in many different occasions)
Number marking -ha with incorporated BN is reference to distributed objects
so that the object ketab-ha ‘books’ refers to a sum of books that is distributed. Since the noun is incorporated, this notion of distribution carries over
to the event expression (Krifka 1992). In fact, it is not BN that is pluralized
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even if -ha appears after BN; rather it is the whole BN+V event description
that is pluralized, referring to many events of book-reading in different time,
space and occasions. Thus if the denotation of book is _x[book(x)], similar
to a mass noun, then ketab+ha ‘book+ha’ applies to x that contains different
parts y1 , . . . , yn that are distinct and distant in terms of time and space. When
combined as an object with a verb like read, the resulting event predicate will
refer to an event e that also consists of subevents e1 , . . . , en that are distinct
and distant in time and space, due to the mapping properties between events
and their participants induced by the patient role of the object.
References Krifka, Manfred. 1992. Thematic relations as links between nominal reference and temporal constitution. Pages 29-53 of: Sag, Ivan A., and Szabolcsi, Anna
(eds), Lexical Matters. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. • McNally, Louise (1995).
“Using Property-Type NPs to Build Complex Event Descriptions”. • Modarresi, F.
and Simonenko, A. (2007). Quasi noun incorporation in Persian. In Proceedings of
LingO.
The Semantics of (Pseudo) Incorporation and Case
Michael Barrie / Sogang U.
Audrey Li / U. of Southern California
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
Nutshell: A number of researchers, notably Dayal (2011), have noted that
the semantics of pseudo noun incorporation (PNI) is remarkably similar to
that of noun incorporation (NI). The difference between PNI and NI lies in
the morphosyntax such that NI involves a tighter morphological relation. The
question arises as to what gives rise to the semantics of both PNI and NI if
it is not in the morphosyntactic structure. We propose that the lack of differentiated Case gives rise to the semantic properties of (P)NI. We bolster
this claim with evidence from Chinese which has Case, but crucially does not
have morphologically differentiated Case. We show that full DPs (with undifferentiated Case) have the same semantic properties as found in PNI and
NI.
Chinese Non-canonical Objects: Lin (2001) notes the existence of instruments, locations and temporals in the typical postverbal object position in
Mandarin Chinese. Li (2010) shows that these replace and behave like objects Ű non-canonical objects (NCO). Strikingly, the set of elements that can
appear as non-canonical objects is glaringly similar to the set of elements that
can undergo NI: instruments, paths, locatives and temporals (Barrie, 2012;
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Mithun, 2004). Comitatives, sources, goals and benefactives cannot appear as
non-canonical objects in Mandarin Chinese (only locative shown).
(1)
a.
b.
ta zai canting chi (fan)
he at restaurant eat (meal)
‘He eats at the restaurant.’
ta chi canting
he eat restaurant
‘He eats at the restaurant.’
Furthermore, like NI and PNI, non-canonical object constructions typically
describe an institutionalized or cultural activity. Thus, chi kuaizi (eat chopstick = eat with chopsticks) is possible in Chinese, but *chi chazi (eat fork) is
not. In (1b), there is an implication that the subject is typically eats in restaurants or eats restaurant food.
Proposal: We propose instead that Chinese does indeed have Case (Li,
1990), but that it has undifferentiated Case. Unlike other languages, there is
no morphological reflex of accusative vs. nominative Case in Chinese. More
specifically, we propose that differentiated Case is correlated with particular
semantic properties (Kiparsky, 1998; Kratzer, 2004; Mithun, 1991). As such
undifferentiated Case is not associated with any particular semantic property.
It functions purely to license the presence of overt DPs.
Summary: We have proposed that semantic incorporation is a property not
only of NI and PNI, but also of non-canonical objects in Chinese. We argued
that the defining properties of semantic incorporation include (i) institutionalized or cultural activities, and (ii) availability to themes, paths, instruments,
locatives and temporals.
Pseudo-incorporation in Russian? Aspectual
competition and bare singular interpretations
Olav Müller-Reichau / U. Leipzig
AG5
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
Although reference to single completed events in Russian is usually the realm
of perfective aspect (pf), sometimes the imperfective (ipf) is used. This is
known as “aspectual competition” in the literature. It was observed that “completed ipf” dislike specific/definite syntactic objects. In the talk I ask: Could
this be due to (pseudo-)incorporation? To check, I apply the canonical test
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battery to bare singular objects (whose syntactic autonomy is beyond doubt,
as they are case-marked and don’t require strict verb adjacency).
The results: Bare singulars display number neutrality in combination with
ipf, but not in combination with pf. There are lexical gaps, number neutrality
is not attestable for any lexical item. Judgements are not as clearcut for plural objects, unless the verb is pf where the nominal must denote a plurality.
Bare singulars also stand out with respect to scopal behavior. While bare plural objects obligatorily get a narrow scope interpretation under negation, bare
singulars get wide scope readings - unless aspect is ipf. Then bare singulars
can also have a narrow scope reading. If the verb is ipf, bare singulars show a
reduced discourse transparency. While speakers disagree when asked to judge whether the bare singular object of an ipf is identifiable with a previously
introduced discourse referent, the pf version is accepted by every informant.
Judgements concerning pronominal anaphora show even more clear results:
bare singulars in the context of ipf provide no support for pronominal anaphora. In sum, bare singulars as thematic arguments of “completed ipf” meet the
criteria for pseudo-incorporation. Concluding that the object always semantically incorporates would be premature, however, as there are clear cases of
“completed ipf” with specific/definite object nominals. To account for these
facts, I propose to analyze “completed ipfs” as existentials that integrate three
components: a pivot (expressing the event whose existence is under discussion), an existential predicate (expressing the claim that the event realizes), and
a topic component (expressing the topic time relative to which the truth of the
existence claim is evaluated). A pf serves a different function. It expresses a
proposition about the completion of an event (whereby the initial part of the
event is existentially presupposed). I propose that the pivot constituent is the
VP and that it supplies an entity correlate of a property. Not any property is
possible, however. There is a prescription of event uniqueness which follows
naturally if we assume that the pivot expresses a property that corresponds
to an event kind. Wrt consumption verbs in “completed ipfs”, the proposed
analysis predicts that the thematic argument must not be consumed in the run
of the event. Otherwise the VP would describe a unique event. It is to the satisfaction of this constraint that the bare singulars get a non-specific reading.
Where there are no consumption verbs, a specific/definite interpretation of the
bare singular is possible without reservation.
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Types of Kind-referring Bare Singulars and
Pseudo-Incorporation
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin / CNRS-LLF, U. Paris 7
Freitag, 15.3., 12:00–12:30
1. The puzzle. Hindi (H) and Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) are alike insofar as
they allow bare singulars (BSs) in argument positions to take both existential
and kind-referring readings (Dayal 2004, 2011 for H and Munn & Schmitt
1999, 2005, Schmitt & Munn 2002 for BrP). However, the two languages differ insofar as Hindi kind-referring BSs behave on a par with English singular
definites (Dayal 2004), whereas in BrP, kind-referring BSs show the behavior of English BPs (Munn & Schmitt 1999, 2005). This difference cannot be
explained within neo-Carlsonian analyses such as those proposed by Dayal
(2004) for H or Pires & Rothstein (2011) for BrP. The goal of the presentation is to show that the semantic difference between generic BSs in Hindi
and BrP can be reduced to a syntactic parameter regarding Number features.
As a terminological note, the label ‘BS’ should not be understood literally
as meaning (morpho-syntactic or semantic) ‘singular’ but rather ‘count bare
noun that is unmarked for morphological Number’.
2. Number-neutrality and Pseudo-incorporation. Dayal’s (2004, 2011) description of Hindi and Schmitt & Munn’s description of BrP point to the following crosslinguistic generalization:
(1)
AG5
Non-pseudo-incorporated existential BSs are interpreted as singular
in Hindi but as number-neutral in BrP.
3. Bare Singulars and Number. In line with Farkas & de Swart (2003), a.o.,
I will assume that non-pseudo-incorporated BSs are not truly bare NPs but
rather Num(ber)Ps:
(2)
a.
b.
c.
d.
[Num◦ [-sg, -pl]Ø] [NPmass]
[Num◦ [pl]Ø] [NPcount]
[Num◦ [sg]Ø] [NPcount]
[Num◦ [-sg, -pl]Ø] [NPcount]
mass bare NPs (Hindi, BrP, Engl)
bare plural NPs (Hindi, BrP, Engl)
BSs (Hindi)
BSs (BrP)
The representations in (2c-d) capture the empirical generalization stated
in (1): BSs differ in their Number features in Hindi and BrP.
4. Number and Kind-reference. Our initial puzzle can now be solved by
assuming that kind-referring expressions are full DPs in which NumP is governed by Det, which gets interpreted as either the Iota or the Down operator,
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depending on the features of Num◦ (see Chierchia’s 1998 definition of the
Down operator, Dayal 2004 for the Down operator applying to mass NPs and
Dobrovie-Sorin & Pires 2008 for the Down operator applying to numberneutral BSs):
(3)
a.
b.
[Det ι [Num◦ [sg]Ø] [NPcount]]
[Det ∩ [Num◦ [-sg, -pl]Ø] [NPcount]]
BSs (Hindi)
BSs (BrP)
The configuration in (3a) yields either definite singulars or names of ‘singular kinds’ depending on whether the NP denotes a property of individuals or
a property of kinds (Dayal 2004). Thus, the fact that Hindi non-incorporated
BSs are marked as sg explains on the one hand the fact that in existential contexts they are interpreted as singular (rather than as number neutral) and on
the other hand the fact that their kind interpretation is the one characteristic
of ‘singular kinds’, e.g., The bear is a nice animal in English (Dayal (2004)).
In BrP on the other hand, the fact that BSs are [-sg,-pl] explains on the one
hand their number-neutrality in existential contexts and on the other hand the
fact their kind reference is that of ‘plural kinds’, e.g. the kind reference characteristic of BPs in English, e.g., Bears are dangerous.
References Chierchia, G. 1998. Reference to Kinds across Languages. NLS 6-4, 339405; Dayal, V. 2004, Number marking and (in)definiteness in kind terms. L&P, 393450. • Dayal, V. 2011 Hindi Pseudo-Incorporation, NLLT; Dobrovie-Sorin (2012)
Number as a Feature, in Cardinaletti, Munaro, Giusti, Poletto, eds. Functional Heads,
OUP. • Dobrovie-Sorin, C. & R. Pires de Oliveira 2008. Reference to kinds in Brazilian Portuguese, in Atle Grønn (ed.). Proceedings of SuB 12, Oslo:107-121. • Farkas,
D. & H. de Swart. 2003. The semantics of incorporation: from argument structure
to discourse transparency. CSLI, Stanford; Müller, A. 2002. The Semantics of Generic Quantification in Brazilian Portuguese. PROBUS 14: 279-298. • Munn, A. &
Schmitt, C. (1999), Against the Nominal Mapping Parameter. Proceedings of NELS
29. • Munn, A. & Schmitt, C. (2005), Number and indefinites. Lingua 115: 821-855.
• Pires de Oliveira, R. & Rothstein, S. 2011. Bare singular noun phrases are mass
in Brazilian Portuguese, Lingua 121. • Schmitt, Cristina & Allan Munn (2002), The
syntax and semantics of bare arguments in Brazilian Portuguese. Linguistic Variation
Yearbook 2: 253-269.
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Pseudo-Incorporation in German
Werner Frey / ZAS Berlin
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
AG5
In German, resultative arguments, despite constituting a maximal projection,
seem to form a complex predicate with the verb (e.g. Helbig & Buscha 1986,
Truckenbrodt 2012) (they have to follow manner adverbials, which can be
shown to be base generated adjacent to the verbal complex; they cannot be
scrambled; they behave special prosodically).
That indefinite NPs may show a similar behaviour has not been discussed yet. For example, they may follow manner adverbials which cannot be
scrambled, (1a), and if they do, they cannot be stranded by predicate preposing to the prefield, (1b). Note that if an indefinite precedes a manner adverbial, the predicate may move to the prefield alone, (1c). The talk will argue
that data like (1a,b) involve pseudo-incorporation of the indefinite NP. Note that NPs, but not DPs, may be pseudo-incorporated, quantificational and
referential phrases being ruled out, (2).
That German has pseudo-incorporation allows explaining other hitherto
puzzling facts, for example, the lack of a parenthetical niche, (3), and the
so called DP-PP-split-construction, (4a), in which the PP-complement of a
DP seems to be moved to the left. However, the construction is not possible
with any old DP, (4b), with a PP which is an adjunct, and with the nominal
argument occurring to the left of a manner adverbial, (4c). Note that the ungrammaticality of (4c) is not due to a freezing effect induced by scrambling,
(4d). In sum, the data indicate that the split-construction is only possible if
the nominal argument is pseudo-incorporated. Finally, the talk will speculate
that an indefinite external argument can be pseudo-incorporated, a pertinent
example being (5) with a nominative occurring in a preposed VP.
The talk will argue that German pseudo-incorporation involves the unification of a predicative element with the main verb (cf. Dayal 2011).
(1)
Otto hat heute sehr heftig einen Kollegen beschimpft.
Otto has today very heavily a
colleague berated
b. *Beschimpft hat Otto heute sehr heftig einen Kollegen.
c. Beschimpft hat Otto heute einen Kollegen sehr heftig.
(2)
Max hat heute wunderbar viele/*alle/*die meisten
Max has today marvellously many/all/the most songs
Lieder/*jedes Lied gesungen.
sung
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(3)
*Er hat sehr laut ein Lied - eines von Schubert - gesungen.
he has very loudly a lied one by Schubert sung
(4)
a.
Von Peter hat Maria laut einen Freund beschimpft.
‘Maria has loudly berated a friend of Peter.’
b. *Von Peter hat Maria laut jeden Freund beschimpft.
of Peter has Maria loudly every friend berated
c. *Von Peter hat Maria einen Freund laut beschimpft.
d. *Von Peter ist heute ein Freund mit Maria ausgegangen.
of Peter is today a friend with Maria went out
(5)
Linguisten Langusten gegessen haben hier noch nie.
‘Linguists have not yet eaten spiny lobsters here.’
References Dayal (2011): Hindi pseudo-incorporation. NLLT 29.1. • Helbig & Buscha (19869): Deutsche Grammatik: ein Handbuch für den Ausländerunterricht. Berlin. • Truckenbrodt (2012): Effects of indefinite pronouns and traces on verb stress
in German. In: Borowsky et al. (eds.): Prosody matters: essays in honor of Elisabeth
Selkirk. Sheffield.
AG5
159
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Arbeitsgruppe 6
Anke Assmann
Doreen Georgi
Philipp Weisser
Timo Klein
Recent research in syntax has shown which theoretical primitives are available in different frameworks to derive syntactic phenomena. Minimalism, for
example, uses the two basic operations MERGE and AGREE that are restricted in various ways. Construction Grammar analyses these phenomena via
abstract constructions stored in the lexicon. Frameworks like HPSG or LFG
determine possible representations using representational constraints. Finally, Optimality Theory make use of extrinsic orderings of Faithfulness and
Markedness Constraints to determine the optimal syntactic structure. These
findings enable us to explore possible interactions of theoretical primitives in
the respective frameworks.
The goal of this workshop is to facilitate the discourse between proponents of different theories concerning the question which primitives (rules, constraints, constructions, operations and orderings) interact and how.
Are there cases where the application of one operation facilitates or blocks
the application of another (transparent interaction)? On the other hand, do
we sometimes expect interactions of primitives but do not find them (opaque
interaction)?
Transparent and opaque rule interactions have been well-known in phonology where they have been labelled “Feeding”, “Bleeding”, “Counter-Feeding”
and “Counter-Bleeding” (Kiparsky 1973). These terms can be transferred to
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the interactions of theoretical primitives in syntax. The concepts have often been implicitly assumed in many syntactic analyses but have rarely been
stated explicitly. The phenomenon of “wanna-contraction” in ECM-infinitives,
for example, where the embedded subject is moved to the matrix clause, can
be described as Counter-Feeding (*Who do you wanna meet Mary?). The contraction of want and to is blocked by the intervening who in its base position.
Moving the element could feed contraction but does not (Arregi & Nevins
2012).
The workshop is intended for proponents of different frameworks who
show how syntactic phenomena can be derived by invoking interactions of
theoretical primitives. Some of the main questions will be: Are the interaction patterns/orderings extrinsic or intrinsic, universal or language specific,
context sensitive or context free? What are the differences and similarities of
the various frameworks?
Feeding and Transparency
Klaus Abels / U. of London
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30–15:30
In this talk I will discuss the interaction between selective transparency of
nodes and the feeding-bleeding relationships between movement operations.
The question will be approached both in abstract terms with an attempt to
characterize possible and impossible types of patterns and empirically by investigating which types of patterns are actually found.
CP-extraction feeds complementizer agreement
Dalina Kallulli / U. Wien
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
AG6
Taking my cue from Bavarian, the central goal of this talk is to show that
(some) relative pronouns in this language are better analysed as agreeing
complementizers fed by CP-extraction. More specifically, I will provide an
alternative analysis to the construction in (1), which Felix (1985) analyses as
a parasitic gap construction, whereby the second empty category (the parasitic gap in Felix’s terms) has been licensed by the postulated trace of den
‘which’ in the if-clause (i.e. according to Felix, den in (1) has been extracted
out of the adjunct clause).
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(1)
Das ist der Kerli deni wenn ich ei erwisch, erschlag ich ei (BG)
this is the guyi whoi if
I ei catch beat
I ei
’This is the guy who I will beat (up) if I catch him’
The alternative analysis I offer is motivated by theoretical and empirical problems with Felix’s approach, such as extraction out of a strong island, the fact
that extraction from strong islands is disallowed in another, similar parasitic
gap construction in Bavarian, namely the one that arguably feeds on the phenomenon of “Emphatic Topicalization” (cf. in particular Bayer 2001 and Lutz
1997, 2004), as well as the fact that Felix’s analysis predicts that the relative pronoun should be able to cyclically move higher up, producing examples
like (2), which are however ungrammatical:
(2)
*Das ist der Kerl den ich erwarte (dass) wenn ich erwisch, erschlag
this is the guy who I expect (that) if
I catch
slay
ich.
I
The very fact that the relative pronoun in (1) must appear in the left edge of the
(arguably leftward-moved) island suggests that the pronoun never leaves this
island. This is indeed what I propose. The crucial ingredients of my analysis
are: (i) Bavarian (but not Standard German) has a recursive CP, as given in
(3), where the (arguably VP-adjoined) i f -clause has moved to the specifier
position of the final CP, thereby triggering inversion (i.e. verb movement to
C0 ), much like in English (cf. Emonds 1969) - e.g. Up to the parliament
marched thousands of demonstrators; (ii) the so-called ‘relative pronoun’ in
sentences like (1) is in fact an agreeing complementizer (or possibly at most
a PF-merger of dass ‘that’ and a clitic n ‘him’); (iii) the ‘parasitic gap’ in (1)
is a null resumptive, i.e. pro (cf. Cinque 1990).
(3)
Das ist der Kerl [CP [C0 den j ] [CP [Spec,CP wenn ich e j erwisch]i erschlag ich ti e j ]]
‘Repair By Ellipsis’ = ‘Damage By Transfer’
Marc Richards / Goethe-U. Frankfurt
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
Current minimalism entertains just three primitive operations: Transfer, Merge, and Agree. A potentially important and useful observation is that the application of the first of these (Transfer) bleeds the operation of the other two
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(Merge and Agree). Thus once a phasal domain has been transferred, it can’t
be moved out of (i.e. internal merge is blocked) or agreed into (i.e. it becomes
subject to the Phase Impenetrability Condition). In this way, Transfer arguably provides the syntactic source of island effects in a minimalist system (see
Müller 2010, 2011 for one such implementation). It then follows on such an
approach that if we can suspend Transfer, then Move/Merge and Agree into
phasal domains should become possible again (i.e. they’re ‘unblocked’). A
diagnostic for lack of Transfer to the phonological interface PHON would be
lack of a PF, i.e. silence. This affords us a very minimalist handle on the phenomenon of repair by ellipsis (RBE): specifically, RBE must be movement
out of a non-transferred domain. As is well known, RBE has always posed
a considerable problem in terms of the interaction of theoretical primitives,
namely how a PHON/PF-operation (deletion) can apparently feed a syntactic
one (movement). Insofar as we can characterize (island-ameliorating) ellipsis
as non-Transfer, we solve this architectural problem, essentially by flipping
RBE on its head: It isn’t that ellipsis repairs an island, but rather that only nonellipsis (qua Transfer to PHON) creates that island in the first place (perhaps
in the manner of Fox & Pesetsky 2005, i.e. by fixing the linear order of the
transferred material). Repair By Ellipsis is then really Damage By Transfer.
This paper explores the proposed architecture, and the nature of Transfer, in
more detail, whilst also addressing those cases of ellipsis (such as VP-ellipsis)
that fail to have the reparatory effect.
References Fox, D. & D. Pesetsky. 2005. Cyclic linearization of syntactic structure.
Theoretical Linguistics 31: 1-45. • Müller, G. 2010. On deriving CED effects from the
PIC. Linguistic Inquiry 41: 35-82. • Müller, G. 2011. Constraints on displacement. A
phase-based approach. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
What small clause (sub)extraction in Russian reveals
about the properties of merge
Leah Bauke / Goethe U. of Frankfurt
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
AG6
Russian small clauses (SC) display an interesting pattern of wh-extraction
and subextraction:
(1)
164
Prezident
SŠA
byl liderom svobodnyx nacij
President.nom USA.gen was leader.inst free.gen.pl nation.gen.pl
‘The president of the US was the leader of the free nations’
Haus 6, Raum S18
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
a.
Kto
kem
byl?
Who.nom what.inst was
‘Who was what?’
a. Kakoj
strany byl prezident
liderom svobonyx
Which.gen country was president.nom leader.inst free.gen.pl
nacij?
nation.gen.pl
‘Of which country was the president the leader of the free nations?’
b. Kakix nacij
byl prezident
SŠA
liderom?
Which nations.gen was president.nom USA.gen leader.inst
‘Of which nations was the president of the US the leader?’
a. Kto
kakix nacij
byl liderom?
Who.nom which nations.gem was leader.inst
‘Who was of which nations the leader?’
b. Kem
kakoy strany
byl prezident?
What.inst which country.gen was president.nom
‘Of which countries the president was what?’
*Kakoj strany
kakix nacij
byl prezident
liderom?
Which country.gen which nations.gen was president.nom leader.inst
This paper presents an analysis that accounts for the data by relating this to a
general principle of syntactic derivation, according to which Merge is a cost
free and basic operation in narrow syntax (cf. e.g. Chomsky 2000, 2008, to
appear) that combines larger syntactic objects (SOs) from smaller SOs. There
is only one restriction on the application of Merge: that one of the SO that
form the input to Merge must be a lexical item (LI). An LI is characterized
by an edge feature (EF) that basically allows it to enter the derivation and undergo (internal or external) Merge (cf. among others Chomsky 2008; Kayne
2010; Narita 2011, 2012). This is formally expressed in the H-α schema in
Narita (2011): H-α schema: Merge (H, α) → {H, α}
Complex SOs that emerge in the course of the derivation can be reduced to LIs at the Phase-level, where a specifier-less Phase-head spells out its
complement domain and remains in the derivation basically as an LI. So, for
extraction to be possible this must proceed via a Phasehead with a spelled-out
domain (otherwise remerge with an already complex SO would not be possible). Subextraction on the other hand requires that the complement domain of
a Phasehead is still accessible. This immediately predicts that subextraction
from both constituents in (1) is impossible, because at least one of the con-
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Haus 6, Raum S18
stituents must have been merged as a Phasehead with a spelled-out domain
– thus blocking subextraction. This analysis does not exclude the possibility
that both SC constituents are reduced to Phase-heads with EFs via Spell-out.
All that is required is Spell-out of the complement domain of the D-head. It is
along these lines that a distinction between predicative and equative SCs will
be drawn.
References Bošković, Z. 2002. On multiple wh-froning. LI 33: 351-383. • Chomsky,
N. 2008. On Phases. In R. Freidin, C. Otero & M. L. Zubizarreta (eds.). Foundational
issues in linguistic theory. Cambridge MA: MIT Press. 133-166. • Chomsky, N. to
appear. Problems of projection. • Moro, A. 2000. Dynamic antisymmetry. Cambridge
MA: MIT Press. • Narita, H. 2011. Phasing-in full interpretation. Ms Harvard.
Cross-modular interaction
Joost Kremers / Georg-August-U. Göttingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
AG6
The study of interaction between grammatical primitives should not a priori
be limited to intra-modular interactions. Since linguistic utterances have (at
least) a semantic, a syntactic and a phonological structure, it is not inconceivable that primitives in one domain interact with primitives in another. In this
paper, I focus on syntax-phonology interactions. From a purely descriptive
point of view, there are definitely cases that suggest such syntax-phonology
interaction exists (cf. e.g., Inkelas and Zec 1990; Erteschik-Shir and Rochman
2010; Richards 2010). Interestingly, at the syntactic level, only prosodic principles seem to play a role, as Zec and Inkelas (1990) have also noted. I discuss
two such examples: Zec and Inkelas’ analysis of heavy NP-shift (HNPS), and
Richard’s analysis of wh questions. But the main question to be addressed here is how these observations can be accounted for theoretically. I will consider
two approaches and compare them with each other: a derivational approach
based on phase theory and an HPSG-inspired representational approach.
Zec and Inkelas (1990) show that HNPS is possible when the shifted NP
consists of at least two p-phrases. Similarly, Richards (2010) observes that a
wh word shares a major phrase with a (possibly covert) interrogative C head.
If (and only if) this major phrase cannot be construed with the wh-word in situ,
the wh-word moves. If these analyses are correct, it seems that phonology can
trigger a syntactic movement operation.
In a derivational approach, this would mean that a transfer operation is
preliminary: the structure received by the PF interface is first checked against
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Haus 6, Raum S18
a number of prosodic constraints and if one is violated, the structure is rejected. It is then up to the syntax to repair the structure. HNPS makes this
picture a bit more specific. If it is correct that HNPS can target both VP and
TP (e.g., Wallenberg 2010), then we have more evidence that prosodic structure is evaluated at the phase level. A representational approach has some
advantages and some disadvantages compared to a derivational approach. For
one, the phonology-syntax interaction is easier to model, because a structure
with an ill-formed phon attribute is simply rejected. That is, in HPSG, syntax
and phonology do not really interact: the observation that wh in situ (without
special wh in situ intonation) is rejected by phonology and that a wh-structure
can be “rescued” by wh-fronting is a “meta”-explanation, not something encoded in the grammar. The minimalist account allows us to express this notion
in the grammar itself, though at the cost of a more complex grammar, since
the precise timing of syntax/phonology interactions needs to be made explicit.
References Erteschik-Shir, Nomi, and Lisa Rochman, eds. 2010. The Sound Patterns
of Syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Inkelas, Sharon, and Draga Zec, eds.
1990. The Phonology-Syntax Connection. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. •
Richards, Norvin. 2010. Uttering Trees. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. • Wallenberg, Joel C. 2010. “Antisymmetry and Heavy NP Shift Across Germanic.” Ms. University of Iceland. • Zec, Draga, and Sharon Inkelas. 1990. “Prosodically Constrained
Syntax.” In The Phonology-Syntax Connection, ed. Sharon Inkelas and Draga Zec,
365-378. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Rule ordering in verb cluster formation
Martin Salzmann / U. Leipzig
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
1. Summary: I will discuss two types of rule interactions in the domain of
verb cluster formation. In the first type, a particular rule order results from the
operations taking place in different components of grammar, viz. syntax vs.
PF: topicalization in syntax bleed verb cluster formation at PF. In the second
type, 2 operations both take place at PF. They can be ordered differently in
different languages, accounting for variation in the placement of the infinitival
marker.
2. The extraposition paradox: Relative clause extraposition in German targets VP. It is striking that in V-final structures containing a verbal complex,
extraposition cannot target VP3 or VP2 but only VP1.
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(1)
dass ich [vp1 [vp1 [vp2 [vp2 [vp3 [vp3 _1 reden] *darüber1 ] können]
that I
talk.inf about.it
can.inf
*darüber1 ] sollte] Xdarüber1 ]
about.it
should about.it
‘that I should be able to talk about it’
Haider (2003)
This can be explained by assuming that verbal complexes involve complex head formation. Once the verbs cluster clause-finally, extraposition can
only target VP1. What makes the phenomenon particularly challenging is the
fact that extraposition to VP3 becomes possible under topicalization of VP3:
(2)
[vp3 [vp3 _1 reden] darüber1 ]2 sollte3 ich schon _2 können _3
talk.inf about.it should I indeed can.inf
This leads to a paradox in that complex head formation has to be obligatory and non-obligatory at the same time. I propose to solve the paradox by
assuming that cluster formation takes place under adjacency at PF, i.e. after
syntax. If extraposition targets VP2 or VP3, complex head-formation (which I
take to be obligatory) is blocked and the derivation crashes. In 2), topicalization in syntax destroys the context for cluster formation (which, by assumption
is, is only required if several verbal elements occupy the same VP). Therefore,
extraposition to VP3 is unproblematic.
3. The placement of the infinitival marker in ascending verb clusters:
While the infinitival marker te occurs at the beginning of the verb cluster in
Dutch 3) (and thus correctly associates with the hierarchically highest verb),
its equivalent zu in German varieties associates with the right-most verb of
the cluster even though this should be a bare infinitive 4):
(3)
(4)
AG6
ohne es haben lesen zu wollen
without it have.inf read.inf to want.inf
zonder het te hebben willen lezen
without it to have.inf want.inf read.inf
‘without having wanted to read it’
(132)
(123)
I propose to derive this asymmetry by differences in the order of 2 PF-operations.
Operation 1 derives ascending verb clusters by inverting V with its sister
(Haegeman and van Riemsdijk (1986)). Operation 2 cliticizes the infinitival
marker on the adjacent verbal element and inverts with it. In German, 1 applies before 2 while the reversed order obtains in Dutch:
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Haus 6, Raum S18
(5)
ohne [[[es lesen] wollen] haben] zu
ohne es [haben [[lesen] wollen]] zu
ohne es [haben [[lesen] [zu+wollen]]
inversion →
zu-cliticization →
(6)
zonder [[[het lezen] willen] hebben] te
zonder [[[het lezen] willen] te+hebben]
zonder het [te+hebben [willen [lesen]]]
te-cliticization →
inversion →
A Hybrid Approach to Agreement Typology: MP+OT
Ellen Woolford / U. of Massachusetts
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–10:00
Which module(s) of grammar is/are relevant to agreement patterns? Is agreement a purely morphological/PF phenomenon? Is it a purely syntactic phenomenon? I argue that the most restrictive approach that accounts for the
observed patterns of agreement in natural languages involves a division of
labor between syntax and morphology/PF spell-out. This approach generates
agreement patterns by combining a simplified MP syntax with morphological
spell out at PF governed by a restricted set of OT constraints.
In syntax, I argue that there are three kinds of cross-referencing elements
available in UG and these serve as the basic building blocks of a diverse
range of agreement patterns. This set includes what I will call I-Agreement
(the agreement associated with the Infl/T node), pronominal clitics (familiar
from Romance languages), plus a third type of cross-referencing element often labeled as incorporated pronouns or object agreement in the grammars of
particular languages. This third type passes diagnostic tests that place it in the
affix category, yet it behaves like pronominal clitics in that it can potentially
cross-reference any argument. I refer to this last set as head clitics, postulating that these are clitics/clitic-like elements that adjoin to heads in syntax. In
syntax, decisions are made as to how many of these elements are generated
and what elements they cross-reference.
At PF/morphological spell-out, no additional cross-referencing forms can
be added; instead, at this level, the only decisions to be made are what elements from syntax to spell out (by morpheme insertion), what features of
each element to spell out, and what fine-tuning of linear order needs to be
done. Different decisions as to what cross-referencing elements are and are
not spelled out results in superficially diverse patterns including hierarchical
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agreement (Guarani), active agreement (Choctaw and Lakota), and superficially ergative agreement patterns in the absence of ergative case (Selayarese
and Yucatec Maya). Person alignment effects on linear order make Yimas appear to have four cross-referencing ‘slots’, when it actually only has three,
with one linearized as a prefix or suffix on the verb depending on person.
In true ergative languages, where Infl can probe to and past an ergative
subject to reach a nominative object, Infl may gather features from both arguments (a multiple agree relation). Decisions at PF as to what features of
I-Agreement to spell-out may result in many portmanteau agreement morphemes (Inuit) or spelling out the features of the nominative argument in most
situations, but the ergative argument in an exceptional situation (Basque displacement).
Dative as a mixed Case: Agree meets m-case
Artemis Alexiadou / U. of Stuttgart
Elena Anagnstopoulou / U. of Crete
Christina Sevdali / U. of Ulster
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
In this paper we provide evidence based on Case alternations in passives in
favor of the view that dative is a mixed Case. Cross-linguistically, we find
three types of languages:
(i) Uniform languages where dative is never structural Case, and dativenominative alternations never take place (e.g. Modern Greek, Russian).
(ii) Mixed languages where dative qualifies as structural in ditransitives and
as inherent case monotransitives (e.g. Standard German, Japanese).
(iii) Uniform languages in which alternations happen both in ditransitives
and in monotransitives (e.g. Luxemburg German, Ancient Greek).
AG6
Building on Rezac’s (2008) theory of opacity vs. transparency of theta-related
Case to Agree (Rezac argues for a conclusion along these lines on the basis
of different patterns of dative agreement across Basque dialects), combined
with a (modified) theory of Case alternations in terms of m(orphological)-case
(Marantz 1991), we propose that dative arguments are PPs, unlike accusatives
which are DPs. Being complements of P, dative DPs are often invisible to an
outside probe, Voice or T, for Agree. Under certain conditions, however, they
become visible, when P has a phi probe that enters Agree with the DP below
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it, transmitting the features of the DP outside the PP. We furthermore argue
that the actual distribution of m-cases (dative, accusative, nominative) in actives and passives of languages with alternating datives is determined at the PF
component, subject to the case-realization disjunctive hierarchy proposed by
Marantz (1991). A dative argument entering Agree qualifies as having ‘dependent case’ in the sense of Marantz (1991) and not as having “lexically governed case”. Not being lexically governed cases, dependent (i.e. structural)
datives are not preserved throughout the derivation and become nominative
whenever the structural conditions for dependent case are not met. Finally, we
propose that the difference between German/Dutch/Ancient Greek/Japanese,
on the one hand, and Icelandic, on the other, concerning the environments
where dative alternations happen (passives vs. middles) depends on the head
where the phi-probe entering Agree with dative DPs is located: Voice or v.
Phi-defective numerals in Polish: Bleeding and default
agreement
Heidi Klockmann / U. of Utrecht
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
Summary Polish numerals present a complex pattern of agreement and case
assignment which can be derived from the simple claim that Polish numerals
are phi-defective, once default agreement (Preminger 2011), cyclic agreement
(Rezac 2003), and case stacking (Matushansky 2008; Pesetsky 2009) are accepted as syntactic primitives. I will argue that the interactions of these generate bleeding effects in verbal agreement with 5+ numerals and quantified
masculine personal nouns.
Data Polish numerals produce agreement mismatches, i.e. mismatching features on the probe and would-be goal, which are dependent on the value of
the numeral and the gender of the modified noun (i.e. the Goal). Numerals
greater than 5 (5+) consistently produce agreement mismatches (1a), while
the lower numerals (2,3,4) generally do not (1b); if the noun has masculine
personal gender, additional oblique marking is found on 5+ numerals (2a),
and mismatches appear on 2,3,4 numerals (2b):1
1 Abbreviations
PL:
as follows: M: masculine; N: neuter; MP: masculine personal; SG: singular;
plural; NOM: nominative; ACC: accusative; GEN: genitive
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(1)
a.
b.
(2)
a.
b.
AG6
Piȩć
ptaków
spało
Five.NOM / ACC bird.M.GEN.PL slept.N . SG
(Mismatch: number, gender)
5+ INDUCED
“Five birds slept”
Dwa
ptaki
spały
Two.M.NOM bird.M.NOM.PL slept.M . PL
“Two birds slept”
(No mismatch)
Piȩciu
chłopców
spało
Five.OBLIQUE boy.MP.GEN.PL slept.N . SG
5+ and G ENDER INDUCED
“Five boys slept”
Dwóch
chłopców
spało
Two.GEN / ACC boy.MP.GEN.PL slept.N . SG
G ENDER INDUCED
“Two boys slept”
I argue that both the 5+ induced agreement mismatch (1) and the genderinduced agreement mismatch (2) are the result of default agreement (Preminger, 2011), triggered by the presence of the numeral.
Previous solutions Franks (1994), Przepiórkowski (2004) and Rutkowski
(2002) have argued that the discrepancy found with 5+ numerals (1a) is due
to an accusative case feature on the numeral, which blocks verb agreement.
This analysis disregards the behavior of 2,3,4 with respect to masculine personal gender; their inclusion would force the accusative case to be genderdependent specifically for these numerals. I reject this analysis for its inability
to provide a unified treatment of the numerals.
Analysis Instead, I argue that the feature sets of the numerals are responsible
for the behavior in (1). Numerals 5+ are phi-defective, semi-lexical nouns,
which assign a genitive through a covert case assigner; numerals 2,3,4 are
semi-lexical adjectives, which retain a (usually) inactive case assigner as a
remnant of their once nominal status (Rutkowski 2006). Consequently, genitive case is found with 5+, but not 2,3,4. This difference derives the contrast
found in (1). Neither numeral is an adequate goal, and hence, cannot be agreed
with; additionally, the genitive case of 5+ numerals robs the verb of an active
goal (the noun), whereas this does not occur with 2,3,4. This produces default
agreement with the one, but not the other (Preminger 2011). Thus, the geni172
Haus 6, Raum S18
tive case assignment effectively bleeds the verb of its goal with 5+ numerals,
while its absence with 2,3,4 allows for full agreement.
The gender-induced agreement mismatch in (2) is the result of “case-leaking”,
triggered by the masculine personal gender value: the genitive case assigner
is unable to deactivate after agreement with the lower noun, and instead extends its search space upwards through cyclic agree (Rezac, 2003), thereby
assigning genitive to both numeral and noun. This genitive case makes both
inactive, again bleeding the verb of an active goal; this produces default agreement for both numeral types.
Opaque interaction of Merge and Agree: on two types
of Internal Merge
Doreen Georgi / U. Leipzig
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:00
I present a new empirical argument for a strictly derivational model of syntax based on timing of operations. The evidence comes from opacity effects
which show that internal Merge (IM) is not a uniform operation. Rather, it
must be split into IM triggered by edge features and IM triggered by other
features (wh-features on C, the EPP on T, etc). The split is empirically motivated by the observation that when both types of IM are triggered by the same
head H, they apply at different points in the derivation. This effect becomes
visible once they interact with Agree: In some languages, non-edge featuredriven IM feeds/bleeds Agree relations initiated by H, whereas IM triggered
by edge features counter-feeds/counter-bleeds Agree. Hence, the interaction
of IM and Agree is opaque. The term opacity characterizes rule interactions
that are non-transparent: When looking at the output of an opaque interaction, it is unclear (a) why a certain operation has not applied althoug h its
context is given (counter-feeding) or (b) why an operation has applied although its context is not given (counter-bleeding) (cf. Kiparsky 1973). The
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cases at hand are opaque because internally merged XPs land in the same position SpecH, whether IM is driven by edge features or by other features, the
output structure is identical; nevertheless, the two types of IM have different
consequences for Agree. The effect can be modeled by ordering operationinducing features on the triggering head H: Type A of IM applies after Agree
and type B of IM applies before Agree initiated by H. The consequence of
this order is that IM type A applies too late to change possible Agree relations (the DP that is to be internally merged is still in its base position when
Agree applies); IM type B changes structural relations before Agree applies
and can thus feed or bleed Agree relations (depending on the input), because
Agree is structure-sensitive. I will show that opacity effects of this abstract
pattern can be found on every functional head along the clausal spine on the
basis of the following phenomena: anti-agreement effect in Berber, defective
intervention in Romance and Icelandic, TAM marking in Hausa, spell-out of
C in Haitian Creole, and possessor case/agreement in Uralic. With respect to
language variation, a generalization emerges: If edge feature-driven and nonedge feature-driven IM interact opaquely with Agree, the former always applies after the latter, but never before it. I present an account of this asymmetry
which is based on specificity-driven ordering of operation-inducing features
on a head (see Pullum 1979 and Lahne for application of the Specificity Principle in syntax). Furthermore, the cross-linguistic variation provides evidence
for uniform paths (contra Abels 2003): Apart from C, v (and D), T is also a
phase head. The present analysis of opacity effects crucially relies on timing
of elementary operations and thereby provides an argument for a strictly derivational syntax (cf. also Řezač 2004, Heck & Müller 2007).
Notes on the Duke of York
Winfried Lechner / U. of Athens
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00–13:00
AG6
Duke of York (DoY; Pullum 1976) derivations follow the tripartite format A
→ B → A: input A is mapped to B, some operation targets B, and the derivation returns to the initial state A, rendering all computations on B opaque.
DoY conspiracies constitute one of the strongest known type of argument for
derivations - but have proven elusive in the syntactic component so far. The
German relative clause (1) instantiates such a rare DoY. (1) involves three
ingredients: (i) a relative pronoun (das3 /’which3 ’) which pied-pipes an infinitival CP and covertly raises to its scope position (von Stechow 1996); (ii) two
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Haus 6, Raum S18
interveners in the shape of a negative quantifier (keiner/’nobody’; Beck 1996)
and the degree particle genau/’exactly’ which have been shown to block silent
pronoun movement (Sauerland and Heck 2003); and (iii) two safeguards (the
NPI auch nur NP/’even a single NP’ and the bound variable pronoun his1 )
which secure reconstruction of CP below the negative intervener nobody.
(1)
etwas
[[CP [PP über (*genau) das3 ] [auch nur mit
something
about (exactly) which3 [even only with
einem
seiner1 Freunde]NPI zu sprechen]]2 wohl keiner1 tCP ,2
friends]NPI to speak
particle nobody
a.single.of his1
wagen würde
dare would
’something that3 nobody1 would dare to talk about t3 [to even a single
one of his1 friends]NPI ’
In this presentation, I consider consequences of the DoY strategy for the theory of DP-reconstruction and the binding of situation variables. Specifically,
it will be seen that whereas DoY derivations are attested in contexts where
DPs are restored into lower scope positions in semantics, such constellations
must be excluded for DPs that undergo syntactic reconstruction. Three possible explanations for the intriguing conditions on DoYs will be discussed,
which are related to three different factors: the dichotomy between optional
and obligatory processes; the overt vs. covert distinction; and a re-analysis of
intervention effects.
Object movement feeds subject doubling: An
anti-intervention effect in the Dutch dialects
Marjo van Koppen / U. of Utrecht
Jeroen van Craenenbroeck / Hogeschool-U. Brussels
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
1. Summary: This paper argues that the phasehood of C0 can be voided if
it acquires unvalued features during the derivation (e.g. by head movement).
Crucial supporting evidence comes from clitic doubling in Dutch dialects.
Clitic doubling of full DPs is not allowed in these dialects, unless (a) the DP
in question is a coordination with at least one pronominal conjunct, and (b) an
object clitic intervenes between the doubler (the clitic) and the doublee (the
coordination). This object clitic voids the phasehood of FinP, thus feeding
Agree between a higher phase head (which spells out the subject clitic) and
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the subject in specTP. Our proposal differs from phase extension accounts
such as Den Dikken (2007) and Gallego (2010) in the following way: while
for them a head can become phasal when it acquires features (due to head
movement) during the derivation, we show that a head can lose its phasal
status when it is targeted by head movement.
2. The data: Clitic doubling is only allowed with pronominal subjects in
Dutch dialects:
(1)
da-ze
{ zaailen / *den burremiester en aai} da suimen
that-theyclitic theystrong / the mayor
and he that together
gonj duun.
will do
‘that they/*the mayor and he will do that together.’
(2)
da-ze
{ *de kinnerjn / *den burremiester en de pastoer} da
that-theyclitic the children / the mayor
and the priest that
suimen gonj duun.
together will do
‘that *the children/*the mayor and the priest will do that together’
Surprisingly, however, when an object clitic intervenes, doubling of the coordination in (1) becomes well-formed, in contrast to the non-pronominal DPs
in (2):
(3)
da-ze
t
{ zaailen / den burremiester en aai} suimen
that-theyclitic itclitic westrong / the mayor
and hij together
gonj duun.
will do
‘that they/the mayor and he will do it together.’
(4)
da-ze
t
{ *de kinnerjn / *den burremiester en de
that-theyclitic itclitic the children / the mayor
and the
pastoer} suimen gonj duun.
priest together will do
‘that *the children/*the mayor and the priest will do it together’
AG6
In other words, rather than disrupt the relationship between the two parts of
the doubled subject, the object clitic induces an anti-intervention effect: it makes possible a clitic doubling option that was ill-formed without intervention:
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Haus 6, Raum S18
Type of subject DP
pronoun
coordination with a pronominal conjunct
coordination with no pronominal conjunct
non-pronominal DP
without object clitic
OK
*
*
*
with object clitic
OK
OK
*
*
3. The Analysis: We analyze clitic doubling of strong pronouns via the socalled big DP-analysis, whereby the clitic subextracts out of the strong pronoun (see also Van Craenenbroeck & Van Koppen 2008). Clitic doubling of
coordinations on the other hand is the result of an Agree-relation between a
high phi-probe in the CP-domain and the subject. With this in mind, we can
account for the contrast in (1)/(2): while the phasehood of FinP (cf. Branigan 2005) does not block the clitic in (1) from moving (successive-cyclically)
to the highest CP-layer (the one hosting the complementizer), it does block
Agree between the high phi-probe and the subject in specTP (due to the PIC).
As a result, only clitic doubling with pronominal subjects is allowed. Now
let’s account for the well-formedness of (3) and the ill-formedness of (4). Following Bianchi (2006) and SigurDsson (2004), we assume that the high phiprobe mentioned above has unvalued Addressee- and Participant-features. We
take this to mean that it can only target pronominal Goals. This rules out the
doubling of (coordinations containing) non-pronominal subjects as in (4). As
for (3), the unvalued [Fin]-feature of the object clitic triggers movement to
Fino. This lifts the phasehood of FinP: given that (i) Value and Transfer of
uF must happen simultaneously, and (ii) the edge and nonedge of a phase are
transferred separately, a head that acquires uF in the course of the derivation,
ceases to be a phase head. Removing this intervening phase boundary feeds
an Agree relation between the high phi-probe and the subject in specTP. This
Agree-relation is realized as subject doubling.
Operation ordering in head-final languages
Alastair Appleto / U. of Cambridge
Freitag, 15.3., 12:00-12:30
This paper is concerned with one of the fundamental operations in Minimalist syntax, Merge, and more specifically, Internal Merge. The central claim
is that, in harmonically head-final languages like Japanese, the roll-up movement which derives head-final order (i.e. one particular type of Internal
Merge) blocks subsequent applications of A-movement (i.e. another type of
Internal Merge).
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The main part of the paper shows how we are forced to this conclusion
if we adopt the theoretical machinery developed by Biberauer, Holmberg &
Roberts (in press) [BHR]. The structure of the paper is as follows:
1. As a result of Kayne’s Linear Correspondence Axiom [LCA], harmonically
head-final languages like Japanese are derived through repeated instances of
leftward movement (“roll-up”).
2. Movement is triggered by an EPP-feature which may be associated with:
(a) an unvalued Probe, triggering movement of the Goal to the probe’s spec;
(b) a phase head; or (c) a head’s c-selection feature, triggering movement
of the entire complement to the head’s spec. Configuration (a) generates Amovement – e.g. English subject raising to spec,TP; (b) generates A0 -movement, and (c) drives “roll-up” movement, and corresponds with the assumptions of BHR and Julien (2002).
3. I crucially assume that BHR’s Final-Over-Final Constraint [FOFC] holds.
Informally, FOFC states that a head-final phrase in a given extended projection may be dominated by a head-initial or head-final phrase, while a headinitial phrase may only be dominated by another head-initial phrase. This captures the observation that structures like *[[VO]Aux], *[[Asp VP] T], *[[V O]
C] and *[[Pol TP] C] are not attested cross-linguistically. Now, if head-final
structures are derived by repeated leftward movement, then FOFC implies
that every head in an extended projection must trigger roll-up. Thus, it is not
possible to start roll-up movement partway up an extended projection, nor is it
possible to start roll-up movement, skip one or more heads, and then continue
roll-up movement higher up the extended projection.
4. I then show that the LCA as originally formulated is incompatible with
FOFC. To resolve this tension, we must adopt a more natural view of ccommand than that espoused by Kayne, such that we now admit multiple
specifiers in the grammar.
5. This then raises questions about the ordering of the specifiers. Assume
there is a single head triggering both roll-up and A-movement. This would
be the case for e.g. T in Japanese, assuming the language has an active EPPrequirement – cf. Miyagawa 2001, 2003, 2005. The question is: in which
order do roll-up and A-movement occur?
6. I show that both operation orderings are problematic. If A-movement precedes roll-up, the lower copy of the DP subject is improperly bound and
the movement is counter-cyclic (cf. Julien 2002). Yet if roll-up precedes Amovement, we face a problem carrying out chain reduction.
7. This forces us to conclude that harmonically head-final languages cannot
exhibit A-movement of the type found in English. While an admittedly strong
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proposal, this does have the consequence of vindicating several similar extant
claims in the literature, viz. (a) Miyagawa’s (2001, 2003, 2005) proposal that
movement to spec,TP in Japanese is A-scrambling, not Agree-driven movement; (b) Julien’s (2002) claim that arguments are licensed VP-internally in
head-final languages, so differences in surface word order are due to topicalisation/focalisation; (c) Collins’s (2005) footnote suggestion that Japanese
passives may not involve A-movement; and (d) Ariji’s (2006) proposal that
Japanese passives do not involve A-movement. Similar claims can also be
made about Turkish, on which see Öztürk (2006, 2009).
The Price of Freedom: Why Adjuncts are Islands
Thomas Graf / U. of California
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
I propose that if one takes seriously the Minimalist idea that syntax is driven
by Merge and the feature calculus, the status of adjuncts as strong islands
follows immediately from the properties that set them apart from arguments:
optionality and iterability. This claim rests on mathematical results pertaining
to specific properties of standard Minimalist grammars (MGs; Stabler 2011)
versus those with an adjunction operation (Frey and Gärtner 2002). Intuitively, the freedom of adjuncts to adjoin to a phrase without being c-selected by
the head comes at the price of rendering them semi-permeable with respect
to constraints: dependencies can “scope” out of adjuncts and thus restrict the
shape of the remainder of the tree, but not the other way round. This precludes extraction out of adjuncts given the standard assumption that movement
involves a probe feature at the target site that needs to be checked, since this
would be an instance of a dependency scoping into an adjunct. The existence
of parasitic gaps, on the other hand, is still expected since their dependencies extend in the other direction - from inside the adjunct into the rest of the
tree. Consequently, adjunct island violations are not due to a specific locality
constraint but instead arise as a necessary drawback of the relative freedom
adjuncts enjoy in comparison to arguments.
References Frey, Werner, and Hans-Martin Gärtner. 2002. On the treatment of scrambling and adjunction in minimalist grammars. In Proceedings of the Conference on Formal Grammar (FGTrento), 41-52. Trento. • Stabler, Edward P. 2011. Computational
perspectives on minimalism. In Oxford handbook of linguistic minimalism, ed. Cedric
Boeckx, 617-643. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Simultaneous Derivation of Form and Meaning
Edwin Williams / Princeton U.
Freitag, 15.3., 13:00–14:00
The usual conception of the interaction of Semantics and Syntax is one where
Syntax is generative, and Semantics is interpretive–that is, Syntax generates
structures and Semantics interprets them. For movement, there is the question
of which syntactic structure gets interpreted, the “Reconstruction” question.
I will present considerations which favor a different arrangement. Syntax and
Semantics proceed side by side, in the following sense: at any given derivational point, the Workspace consists of pairs (MS, [[MS]]) of Morpho-syntactic
objects (MSs) and their meanings ([[MS]]s). The workspace is advanced one
step by applying a Semantic function to some of the [[MS]]s to derive a new
meaning [[MS’]], and to the MS corresponding to each of the arguments to
the Semantic function, a Morphosyntactic function applies to derive a new
MS’, and the pair (MS’, [[MS’]]) is inserted into the workspace. This relation
of form to meaning gives a narrower range of interactions between syntax
and semantics. For one thing, there is no question of “reconstruction”; reconstruction effects are derived in a way that depends on the timing of the
operations only. For another, the Semantic function does not “see” the output
of the Morphosyntactic function, or vice versa, as they happen simultaneously
and independently. The arrangement is similar in spirit to Montague’s.
The Super-Strong Person-Case Constraint: A
Scale-Driven Impoverishment Approach
Aaron Doliana / U. Leipzig
AG6
Claim With this approach, I will account for the super-strong version of the
Person-Case Constraint (PCC) as a syntactic rule-interaction effect. In fact, I
argue that Agree is made up of two operations, and that scale-driven Impoverishment applies in between them. The framework is an Optimality-Theoretic
version of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 2000; Heck & Mueller, 2007)
with realisational morphology.
Problem The PCC is a constraint on possible combinations of phonologically
weak objects in ditransitive constructions, depending on their person-feature
specifications. Two well documented versions of the PCC have been the matter of thorough investigation so far: the strong one, disallowing combinations
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with local (i.e. 1st and 2nd person) direct objects (DO), and the weak one,
disallowing local DOs only in the context of 3rd person indirect objects (IO).
However, Haspelmath (2004) shows a new version exists: the super-strong
version, which allows only the combination where the IO is local person and
the DO is 3rd person. Cf. (1), as only the combinations in (1-a-b) are grammatical.
(1)
Kambera (Klamer, 1997: 903-904; Haspelmath, 2004)
a.
Na-wua-ngga-nya
b. Na-wua-nggau-nja
3 SG . AG-give-1 SG . REC-3 SG . THM
3 SG . AG-give-2 SG . REC-3 PL . THM
‘He gives it to me.’ X<1, 3>
‘He gives them to you.’ X<2, 3>
c. *Na-wua-nja-nya
d. *Na-wua-ngga-nggau
3 SG . AG-give-3 PL . REC-3 SG . THM
3 SG . AG-give-1 SG . REC-2 SG . THM
‘He gives it to them.’ *<3, 3>
‘He gives you to me.’ *<1, 2>
minimalist approaches such as Anagnostopoulou (2005), Adger & Harbour (2007), Richards (2008) Nevins (2007), however, fail to account for the
super-strong version of the PCC. In fact, they predict the combination <3, 3>
always to be grammatical, whereas it is ungrammatical in Kambera ((1-c)).
Assumptions [A1]: following Keine (2010), I take Impoverishment – originally a post-syntactic operation of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz,
1993) deleting certain features in certain contexts – to apply in syntax; [A2]:
following Keine & Müller (2008), I take Impoverishment to be scale-driven:
markedness constraints penalising less likely feature-combinations, interact
in an Optimality Theoretic fashion with a faithfulness constraint penalising
the delition of the features involved. The markedness constraints are derived by the Harmonic Alignment and Local Conjunction of markedness-scales
(Aissen, 2003; Silverstein, 1976); [A3]: crucially, I propose Agree by valuation to be made up of the two sub-operations C OPY and C HECK. The former
copies and transfers the goal’s features onto the probe, the latter deletes uninterpretable features under feature-identity.
Derivation Following [A3], the first step is the copying of the goal’s interpretable features onto the probe, in order for C HECK to delete the uninterpretable feature under the feature-identity of goal and probe. The copying
of certain features onto the probe may, however, following [A1]-[A2], feed
Impoverishment: in short, Impoverishment of the copied features on the probe applies whenever the markedness constraint prohibiting the given featurecombination on the probe is ranked higher than the faithfulness constraint
protecting the probe from feature deletion. Whenever this is the case, the copied features are deleted. Consequently, if the feature-identity between probe
and goal may no longer be established, C HECK is bled, leading to ungram181
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maticality, cf. (2-a) vs. (2-b).
(2)
a.
b.
C OPY
C OPY
—feeds →
—feeds →
Impoverishment
C HECK
=⇒
—bleeds →
C HECK
grammaticality
⇒ ungrammaticality
On Accelerating and Decelerating Movement: A Case
Study in Harmonic Serialism
Fabian Heck and Gereon Müller / U. Leipzig
AG6
Standard derivations in feature based theories (such as in the minimalist programm) frequently encounter indeterminisms concerning the application of
elementary rules/operations such as Move, Agree, Merge, etc. A standard
way in the minimalist programm of resolving them is by assuming inherent
preferences, the most prominent among them being the preference “Merge
before Move”. While “Merge before Move” is a transderivational constraint,
requiring competition between derivations, one may argue that it does not necessarily require violability. The reason is that if the constraint in question
does not require application of Merge or Move as such (but rather filling of
some specifier), then it can be fulfilled by either Merge or by Move (basically
because Move comprises Merge).
There are, however, also indeterminisms between operations that apply to
fulfill different constraints, for instance Agree vs. Merge. For those, it seems
clear that either the condition that requires Agree must be procrastinated in
favor of the one that requires Merge or the other way round, given that constraints on certain elements (such as features) must be fulfilled immediately,
once the elements are introduced into the derivation. Procrastination, in turn,
presupposes violability and thus suggests an optimality theoretic account. In
our talk, we will exemplify this by an analysis of the ban against movement
of ergative arguments in certain languages (Assmann, Georgi, Heck, Müller,
Weisser 2012), building on the local optimization analysis of ergative type vs.
the accusative type aligment systems presented in Heck & Müller (2007).
While it is, in principle, possible to rephrase an unviolable constraint in
such a way as to achieve the effects of the interaction of two violable constraints, such a move can be argued to be unattractive, on conceptual grounds.
In our talk, we suggest that the conceptual burden may be bigger than previously thought, namely if there are particular contexts where the standard
preference holding between Agree and Merge seems to change in favor of
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the one that is usually procrastinated. In optimality theory, such a state of affairs can be accounted for by assuming a higher ranked constraint that brings
about the change. A theory that mimics violability and constraint interaction
by writing the interaction into one single constraint, however, then requires
further elaboration of this constraint.
AG6
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Arbeitsgruppe 7
Amir Zeldes
Anke Lüdeling
In the past years usage-based models have made substantial contributions to
our understanding of the inner workings of grammar and the mental lexicon, especially as they apply to syntax and argument structure (e.g. Goldberg
2006). More recently, the same theoretical mechanisms have been applied
specifically to the study of morphology (cf. Booij 2010), shedding new light
on familiar problems and offering unified accounts of seemingly disparate
phenomena which open up new research areas and questions about learnability, lexicalization, the nature of productive morphology and the structure of
the lexicon. This working group will focus on usage-based accounts of morphological phenomena, both synchronic and diachronic, using a wide range
of methodologies focusing on empirical evidence such as corpus studies, psycholinguistic experiments, eye tracking and reading studies, grammaticality
judgment tasks and more.
The relation between I-language and E-language in
morphological theory: A constructionist perspective.
Geert Booij / U. Leiden
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30–15:30
A traditional assumption of generative morphology is that the morphological module has the task to define the notion ‘possible word of language L’.
The morphologist does not have to be concerned about the actual lexicon,
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the repository of the unlawful. In other words, the morphologist should deal
primarily with I-language, not with E-language. In a Construction Morphology approach to lexical and morphological knowledge, on the other hand,
the lexicon and its contents are the basic source of knowledge from which
morphological regularities are deduced. Thus, this approach does not accept
a sharp boundary between I-language and E-language, and is usage-based.
In my talk, I will present a number of arguments for why a usage-based approach to morphological knowledge is on the right track. The basic consideration will be that Construction Morphology allows for ‘graceful integration’
of the various types of evidence that we have for the structure of the lexicon
and the nature of lexical knowledge: productivity phenomena, morphological
change (including the rise of affixes), the nature of the mental lexicon and the
storage of complex words, the blurred boundary between the role of paradigmatic relationships in the coinage of new words, variation in morphological
competence between speakers of the same language, and the simultaneous
existence of schemas and subschemas. This approach to lexical knowledge
raises interesting questions as well about the psychological reality of schemas and subschemas, and about the relationship between the notions ‘rule’
and ‘analogy’, which I hope to address in my talk.
Phrasal vs. compound structure building: two separate
cognitive routes?
Holden Härtl and Sven Kotowski / U. Kassel
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
AG 7
Theories of complex structure building that question the traditional division
between “syntax” and “morphology” (cf., e.g., Booij 2009; Lieber 1992) are
challenged to account for interpretational as well as functional differences
between phrasal and morphological constructs such as compounds. For example, compounds have been argued to be better compatible with kind readings than phrases in German (cf. Der Auslandsstudent / ??Student aus dem
Ausland ist für gewöhnlich sehr fleißig), see Kotowski et al. (2013); Bücking
(2010). Novel compounds seem generally more prone to featuring as lexicalized names than corresponding phrases, whose internal compositional semantics typically allows for descriptive rather than appellative readings, cf.
Gunkel & Zifonun (2009). It is unclear, however, if we have to call upon a
separate morphological component to account for the special linguistic status
of complex words.
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Surprisingly, only few studies have addressed this issue from a cognitively oriented perspective, focusing on processing aspects. In this paper, we will
report on a series of experimental studies we conducted to disentangle cognitive reflexes in the treatment of morphological and phrasal constructs. The
first study is a picture label memorization experiment, in which we show that
novel German adjective-noun (AN) compounds like Kurzsäge (‘short_saw’)
display a stronger memorization effect than corresponding AN-phrases: While unlearned compounds took significantly longer to decide upon as “correct”
or “incorrect” labels for presented pictures than unlearned phrases, this effect disappeared for learned compounds in comparison to learned phrases.
The result was replicated in a reading time study, in which an identical effect for novel compounds vs. phrases was detected in complex sentential
contexts. Since novel compounds exhibit a higher degree of linguistic markedness, we hypothesized that they must also be more salient in discourse in
comparison to their phrasal counterparts, see Kotowski et al. 2013. We tested
this in a questionnaire study in which participants were asked to complete
because-sentences subordinated to main clauses containing stimulus-subject
verbs (frustrate, frighten etc.), i.e., verbs of implicit causality (cf. Härtl 2008)
as in Der Rotpinsel frustriert Maria, weil er / sie. . . . The results confirmed
our hypothesis that - indicated by the choice of the pronoun - causal attributions to the stimulus role (here: der Rotpinsel ‘the red_brush’) were even
higher if it was realized with a novel compound. Finally, we conducted another questionnaire study in which we used contradictory AAN combinations,
e.g., schmale Breitstraße (‘narrow wide_street’), where compound expressions proved to be significantly more acceptable than corresponding phrases;
an effect we currently attribute to the affinity of compounds to more easily
figure as kind names.
While our overall results are compatible with a “separation approach”
towards morphological structure building, alternative interpretations of the
above effects need to be taken very seriously. Difficulties in processing novel
compounds, for example, could also be attributed to their status as unknown
complex items. We will discuss how the implications of alternative explanations may be dealt with such that they might actually contribute to the modeling
of the boundary between phrase-producing and compound-producing routes
of the language system.
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Synchronic and diachronic analogy in suffix rivalry: the
case of -ity and -ness in English
Sabine Arndt-Lappe / U. Düsseldorf
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
AG 7
Rivalry between the two nominalising suffixes ity and ness has long been
an issue in the literature on English word-formation. Both regularly attach
to adjectival bases, producing (mostly) synonymous meanings (cf. e.g. Riddle, 1985, Plag, 2003, Baeskow, 2012). The empirical fact that has posed a
challenge to researchers, however, is that the distribution of the two suffixes
is neither complementary nor fully random. For example, both ity and ness
can attach to morphologically simplex adjectival bases and to bases involving
Latinate suffixes (e.g. connect-able < connect-abil-ity, accept-able < acceptable-ness). However, only ness can combine with complex adjectival bases
involving Germanic suffixes (e.g. excit-ing < excit-ing-ness). Furthermore,
for many types of bases where, in principle, both ity and ness can attach, there are clear preferences (e.g. bases ending in able are more likely to combine
with ity than with ness).
Most standard accounts assume that stronger restrictiveness of ity is an
effect of ity being less productive than ness, and that the observed preferences
are an effect of selectional restrictions imposed on bases and/or suffixes.
In the present paper I present a statistical analysis and computational simulation of an analogical model (using the AM algorithm, Skousen & Stanford, 2007) of the distribution of ity and ness in a corpus comprising some
1,500 neologisms from the Oxford English Dictionary from three different
centuries (the 18th, 19th, and 20th century).
Statistical analysis of the OED data in general confirms earlier proposals,
but also reveals that the situation is more complex than previous accounts
would have it. Crucially, we diachronically see a consistent ‘migration’ of
adjectival suffixes that have taken ness in previous times towards preferring
-ity in the more modern data.
Computational modelling with AM shows that the variation can convincingly be simulated solely on the basis of the phonological makeup of the
final two syllables of the base of suffixation. This is true for experiments modelling the synchronic distribution on the basis of 20th century data as well
as for experiments in which diachronic development is modelled by using
earlier data as a basis to predict the distribution in a later century. Detailed
analysis of the AM models reveals that, intriguingly, AM manages to adequately predict the observed diachronic ‘migration’ of complex adjectival bases
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towards ity preference. This suggests, then, that it is an effect of changes in
the distribution of relevant exemplars in the lexicon at the time.
References Baeskow, H. (2012). -Ness and -ity: Phonological exponents of N or meaningful nominalizers of different adjectival domains? Journal of English Linguistics,
40(1), 6-40. • Plag, I. (2003). Word-Formation in English. Cambridge: CUP. • Riddle, E. M. (1985). A historical perspective on the productivity of the suffixes -ness
and -ity. In J. Fisiak (Ed.), Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs: Vol. 29.
Historical Semantics - Historical Word-Formation (pp. 435-461). Berlin et al.: Mouton de Gruyter. • Skousen, R., & Stanford, T. (2007). AM:: Parallel: available from
http://humanities.byu.edu/am/.
How usage variables affect the relationship between
derivatives and their bases: An fMRI masked priming
study
Alice Blumenthal-Dramé / Freiburg U.
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
This talk will present the results of two neuroimaging experiments exploring
how different usage variables affect the relationship between English bimorphemic derivatives and their bases.
Both experiments make use of a parametric fMRI design in combination
with regression analyses on response times in masked visual priming with
lexical decision. The first experiment represents a classical stem-priming paradigm and involves ‘whole-to-part’ (i.e., derivative-to-stem) priming (e.g.,
gauntness - GAUNT). The second experiment reverses this order of presentation, thus yielding ‘part-to-whole’ priming (e.g., pale - PALENESS).
The main focus of my talk will be on a predictor which emerged as significant in both experiments and which has attracted little scholarly attention so
far, namely the NUMBER OF PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURS OF THE
BASE. This variable refers to the number of words which differ from the base
morpheme in both one phoneme and one letter (e.g., fate and date) (Adelman
& Brown 2007).
It will be shown that in whole-to-part priming, a higher number of PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURS goes along with stronger neural and behavioural priming, i.e. lower response times and weaker neural activity. Exactly
the opposite pattern is found in part-to-whole priming, where a higher number of PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURS correlates with weaker neural and
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behavioural priming. How can we account for these asymmetric priming relationships? Items living in a dense neighbourhood require enhanced perceptual
effort to be distinguished from their competitors. For example, fate in fateful
will phonographically compete with faze, sate, fete, bate, pate, fade, mate, fame, fake, gate, hate, late, face, rate and date. By contrast, change in changeful
will not receive any extra attention, since the identity of this constituent is not
challenged by any phonographic neighbour.
It will be argued that increased phonographic competition at a sub-lexical
level strengthens the salience and autonomy of the relevant constituent and
that derivatives featuring salient sub-constituents will be less entrenched, leading to the results observed in the priming experiments.
In the light of the neuroimaging data, it will be suggested that these results
are best accounted for in terms of an associative memory network which can
be described as a structured inventory of interconnected exemplars of language use and abstractions over them (cf. Bybee 2010; Hay & Baayen 2005). The
talk will conclude by discussing the interplay of PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURHOOD with some other usage variables which have been claimed to
play a role in modulating entrenchment.
References Adelman, J. S., & Brown, G. D. A. (2007). Phonographic neighbors, not
orthographic neighbors, determine word naming latencies. Psychonomic Bulletin &
Review, 14, 455-459. • Blumenthal-Dramé, Alice. 2012. Entrenchment in UsageBased Theories: What Corpus Data Do and Do not Reveal about the Mind. Berlin:
de Gruyter Mouton. Bybee, J. (2010). Language, Usage and Cognition. Cambridge:
CUP. • Hay, J. B., & Baayen, R. H. (2005). Shifting paradigms: gradient structure in
morphology. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 9(7), 342-348.
The L2-Acquisition of the German Plural - Evidence
for Usage Based Models of Language Acquisition
Klaus-Michael Köpcke and Verena Wecker
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
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Plural in German is a complex grammatical system, as there are at least five
forms that mark plurality on the noun: -s, -(e)n, (Umlaut +) -e, (Umlaut +)
-ø, (Umlaut +) -er. The mapping of plural marker and noun can be stated
linguistically by rules that have a rather limited validity (cf. Mugdan, 1977,
among others).
The main question of our talk is: How do children with Turkish or Russian as first language acquire this complex system? We will present results
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of a nonce word experiment in which we elicited plural forms. The experiment was carried out with 65 children at the age of six to ten with Turkish
or Russian as first language respectively. The results revealed two theoretically important facts: First, the children reduce the variety of plural forms
and focus on the forms that have the strongest cue strength, which is determined by the saliency, frequency, and cue validity factors (cf. Köpcke, 1993,
1998). Second, the children’s plural formations in the experiment show that
they use two strategies: On the one hand, in particular at later acquisitional
stages, children seem to follow the regularities of the system to form a plural on the basis of the given singular. This behavior is predicted by models
that are in the tradition of item-and-process. On the other hand, at all levels
of acquisition a good portion of the results cannot be explained by an itemand-process approach. In these cases, the children seem to form the plural
in accordance with abstract patterns that resemble typical plural schemata in
German. Taking this into consideration, we will favor a schema- or usagebased morphological model (cf. Bybee, 1985, 2010, Köpcke, 1998). We thus
propose that the acquisition process is driven by the abstraction of schemata
that emerge on the basis of concrete word forms. The holistic and morphologically not analyzed schemata are then mapped onto the functions of plural
and singular.
References Bybee, J. (1985). Morphology. A Study of the Relation between Meaning
and Form. Amsterdam: Benjamins. • Bybee, J. (2010). Language, Usage and Cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • Köpcke, K.-M. (1993). Schemata
bei der Pluralbildung im Deutschen. Versuch einer kognitiven Morphologie. Tübingen: Narr. • Köpcke, K.-M. (1998). The Acquisition of Plural Marking in English and
German Revisited. Journal of Child Language 25, 293-319. • Mugdan, J. (1977). Flexionsmorphologie und Psycholinguistik. Untersuchungen zu sprachlichen Regeln und
ihrer Beherrschung durch Aphatiker, Kinder und Ausländer, am Beispiel der deutschen
Substantivdeklination. Tübingen: Narr.
Does skewed input facilitate the incidental acquisition
of a morphosyntactic construction by instructed adult
second language learners?
Karin Madlener / U. Freiburg
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Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
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In constructionist usage-based approaches to language acquisition, skewed input has been argued to facilitate learning (Bybee, 2008; Ellis, 2009; Goldberg,
2006) or even to be one of the essential design features of human language
and a crucial prerequisite for linguistic categorization and learnability (Taylor, 2012). Within skewed input, surface similarity (repetition) in the highly
frequent/salient central exemplar(s) is taken to raise learner’s awareness of
the construction and to allow for initial entrenchment, pattern detection and
form-meaning mapping, i.e. vertical generalization (Goldberg, 2006; Johnson
& Goldberg, in prep.; Taylor, 2012). The occurrence of further low-frequency
exemplars, i.e. type variation, is argued to provide the necessary evidence for
the generalizability of the schema and its extensibility to new items, i.e. horizontal generalization (ibid.). Up to now, beneficial effects of skewed input
have mainly been demonstrated for artificial grammar learning contexts (e.g.
Goldberg & Casenhiser, 2008).
The present research project tested this claim empirically for the case of
adult second language acquisition. The basic research question is: What are
the effects of skewed type-token ratios in the input on the incidental acquisition of a partially productive morphosyntactic construction by instructed adult
learners of German as a foreign language under implicit focus on form conditions? Two-week training studies were conducted in regular classrooms.
Learners (n = 96) received daily meaning-focused listening comprehension
training with texts that were flooded with an exemplary target construction
(75 exemplars). Treatment groups’ texts differed with respect to overall type
frequencies of the target construction (9, 25, 50 types) and type-token ratios (balanced, skewed). As a show-case, the German sein + present participle construction was chosen, e.g. Der Film war total spannend [The movie
was very exciting], which is restricted to the class of so-called causative psychological verbs like fascinate, disappoint and worry (Möller, 2007; Rapp,
1997). Learning was measured in a pre-mid-posttest design (days 1, 8, 15)
through different production tasks and acceptability ratings. During the time
of training and testing, the target construction was not brought to the learners’
attention, let alone explained explicitly.
Quantitative and qualitative data analysis showed that, as expected, skewed input affected learning. It did so as a function of input type frequencies
(overall variation) and prior knowledge. With learners who displayed minimal
prior target knowledge at pretest, skewed input triggered further acquisition
consistently, i.e. independently of overall input type frequencies. Learners
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without any prior target knowledge, in contrast, displayed very high levels
of incidental acquisition only when exposed to skewed input featuring a fair
amount of overall variation (25 different target types). Faced with skewed low
type frequency input (9 different types), learners without prior target knowledge did apparently not notice resp. abstract any pattern approaching the
target construction, while learners in the corresponding balanced low type
frequency condition did much better in terms of acquisition. Skewed input
can thus not be taken to facilitate incidental adult second language learning
across the board, but pushes or rather retards acquisition depending on learner
characteristics and other input-related variables.
References Bybee, J. (2008). Usage-based Grammar and Second Language Acquisition. In P. Robinson & N. C. Ellis (Eds.), Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and
Second Language Acquisition (pp. 216-236). New York: Routledge. • Ellis, N. C.
(2009). Optimizing the Input: Frequency and Sampling in Usage-Based and FormFocused Learning. In M. Long & C. Doughty (Eds.), The Handbook of Language
Teaching (pp. 139-157): Wiley-Blackwell. • Goldberg, A. E. (2006). Constructions at
Work. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Goldberg, A. E., & Casenhiser, D. (2008).
Construction Learning and Second Language Acquisition. In P. Robinson & N. C. Ellis (Eds.), Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition (pp.
197-215). New York, London: Routledge. • Johnson, M. A., & Goldberg, A. E. (in
prep.). Concrete similarity among exemplars facilitates the initial implicit learning of
a constrained category. • Möller, M. (2007). Psychische Wirkungsverben des Deutschen. Deutsch als Fremdsprache, 44(1), 11-19. • Rapp, I. (1997). Partizipien und
semantische Struktur: Zu passivischen Konstruktionen mit dem 3. Status. Tübingen:
Stauffenburg. • Taylor, J. R. (2012). The Mental Corpus. How Language is represented in the mind. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
A quantitative corpus-linguistic perspective on
usage-based morphology
Stefan Th. Gries / U. of California, Santa Barbara
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–10:00
The last 30 or so years have witnessed two related methodological developments in linguistics: On the one hand, corpus-linguistic methods have become widely accepted as an alternative to armchair linguistics and experimental
approaches. On the other hand, statistical tools are now more and more frequent in virtually all areas of linguistics. Morphology is no exception to these
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trends and there is now a large and ever-growing body of research that adopts
a usage-based perspective on morphology. In this talk I will adopt the same
perspective and discuss several case studies which are concerned with the
ways in which statistical tools helps discover and describe how the conscious
perception of similarity and application of creative play affect
(i) the emergence of multi-word / complex lexical items;
(ii) the emergence of simple lexical items;
(iii) the emergence of new orthographic representations of words.
As for (i), in previous work I discussed the apparently hitherto unnoticed fact that some multi-word lexical items exhibit phonological similarity
effects in the shape of alliterations. Specifically, verbs and head nouns in
English V-NP idioms (e.g., bite the bullet or run the risk) and in the wayconstruction (e.g., weave your way through the crowd) have a tendency to
begin with the same phoneme that is significantly larger than different kinds
of baselines. In this talk, I want to go beyond the two types of complex lexical items/constructions as well as go beyond the first somewhat simplistic
study of initial phonemes. In particular, I will increase the inventory of items
studied by including prefabs and proverbs, and I will increase the scope of
the possible ways in which similarity is measured to onset clusters, stress patterns, and the finer resolution of articulatory features (which will help see the
similarity of /baIt/ and /d2st/ in bite the dust).
As for (ii), the past few years have seen a growing interest in the formation of blends such as brunch, motel, etc. As a result, there is now quite some
awareness of how the similarity of words to each other as well as the similarity of source words to blends (which give rise to the recognizability and
funniness of a blend) affect blend formation. In this talk, I want to again propose ways of extending the range of dimensions of similarity that have been
studied. First, a simple proposal is to extend Levenshtein’s string edit distance
to treat different phonemes as identical (most pertinently, /I/ and /@/). Second,
changing the usual resolution from phonemes to segments and articulatory
features will allow us to better zoom in on which level of linguistic analysis
blend coiners attend to. (Ideally, experimental work would be added to this
picture.)
As for (iii), I want to discuss two examples that show how speakers/writers
orthographic representations of words can be subtly but statistically noticeably be influenced by the perceived cool-/hipness of words and their pronunciation.
All three case studies will highlight how the application and combination
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ted example sets and corpora) can help us uncover characteristics of conscious
formations that are not always at the center of morphological analysis and that
are otherwise easy to miss.
Phonological variability in English blends
Sabine Arndt-Lappe and Ingo Plag / U. Düsseldorf
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
In spite of a number of studies in this domain blending remains a somewhat
enigmatic prosodic-morphological process. Examples of English blends are
given in (1).
(1) blend
base word 1 base word 2
brunch
breakfast
lunch
stagflation stagnation
inflation
smog
smoke
fog
The pertinent literature is strongly divided over the issue of how predictable the structural properties of blends are. Whereas the traditional descriptive
literature has tended to stress the variability and, hence, unpredictability of the
process there is a growing number of studies that has postulated constraints
on variability (e.g. Kubozono 1990, Plag 2003, Gries 2004, Bat-El & Cohen to appear). These constraints pertain to the questions of how many and
which segments of the base words survive, when and how segmental overlaps occur, where switchpoints between word 1 and word 2 can be located
with non-overlapping forms, and how stress and length determine the prosodic and segmental shape of the output. It is, however, largely unclear, how
the phonological variability is principally restricted. Part of the problem is
methodological. Existing studies generalize over existing, mostly lexicalised
blends, and variability is investigated across types, not within types.
The aim of the present paper is to remedy this situation, presenting the results of a production experiment with more than 1,700 observations, in which
30 native speakers of English formed blends on the basis of 60 word pairs
which systematically elicited specific constellations of structures. In this paper we analyze (mainly) two areas of variation as against non-variation, the
switchpoint between word 1 and word 2 and the stress pattern of the resulting
blend, and the connection between the two.
It turns out that in general, blend structure is surprisingly uniform in terms
of which portions of the base survive, the location of the switchpoints, and
stress assignment to the blend. However, we also identified areas of systematic variability. In particular we show how variable and non-variable blend
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stress and switchpoints are determined by the prosodic structure of the two
bases.
References Bat-El, Outi & Evan-Gary Cohen. to appear. Stress in English blends: A
constraint-based approach. In Vincent Renner, François Maniez & Pierre J. L. Arnaud
(eds.), Cross-disciplinary Perspectives on Lexical Blending. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. • Gries, Stefan T. 2004. Shouldn’t it be breakfunch? A quantitative analysis of the
structure of blends. Linguistics 3(42). 639-667. • Kubozono, Haruo. 1990. Phonological constraints on blending in English as a case of phonology-morphology interface. In
Geert Booij & Jaap van Marle (eds.), Yearbook of Morphology 1990, 1-20. Dordrecht:
Foris. • Plag, Ingo. 2003. Word-formation in English. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
The phonetic implementation of morphological
structure in spontaneous speech - The case of affixoids
Pia Bergmann / U. of Freiburg
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
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The present study investigates acoustic-phonetic reductions in German complex words in spontaneous speech, with the main focus on the prefixoids
Grund-, Haupt- and Nicht-.
The investigated complex words have in common that they exhibit an internal prosodic word boundary, e.g. (Nicht)w(raucher)w (‘non-smoker’). However, from a usage-based perspective, it is questionable whether all (affixoidal) word formations are necessarily separated into two prosodic words,
and if they are, whether they differ systematically in their phonetic boundary
strength. According to the signal redundancy hypothesis (Turk 2010), acoustic salience is inversely correlated with language redundancy, i.e. the more
predictable a linguistic element, the less acoustically salient it will be. Likewise, frequency has been shown to be an influencing factor on acoustic salience
in production and also in perception (cf. Bush 2001, Hay 2003, Pluymaekers
2005). Affixoids are of special interest here because the same affixoid usually
occurs in highly familiar words like Hauptbahnhof (‘main station’) as well
as in ad-hoc formations like Hauptpastor (‘main pastor’). Moreover, affixoids
display characteristics of grammatical entities as well as of lexical entities.
Since grammatical entities like function words show greater reduction than
lexical entities, we expect the affixoids to be more reduced than their free
lexical counterparts, but less reduced than prefixes.
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The talk presents the results of an acoustic-phonetic corpus study of 400
tokens of affixoid formations with Grund-, Haupt-, Nicht-. These were compared to 250 tokens of prefixed words with ent- (e.g. entfernen ‘remove’). For
Grund-, the affixoid formations were additionally compared to occurrences of
the free lexeme Grund (‘ground’ or ‘reason’, n = 40). Accentuation and position in the intonation phrase were controlled for. The data were selected from
three corpora of spontaneous speech (CallHome-Corpus, BigBrother-Corpus
(1. Season), DFG-“Dialekt-Intonationskorpus”). The investigated acousticphonetic parameters are categorical (t-deletion, burst, aspiration) and gradient
(cluster duration, t-duration, duration of the boundary spanning sequence).
All measurements were carried out in Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2012); statistical analysis was carried out with SPSS.
The results show that absolute word frequency, word formation type (prefix vs. prefixoid) and morpho-syntactic structure (prefixoid vs. free lexeme)
significantly influence the acoustic-phonetic reduction at the word juncture.
The talk will discuss the results in detail and shed some light on the question
of how morphological structure is phonetically implemented in naturally occurring speech.
References Boersma, P. & Weenink, D. (2012) Praat: Doing phonetics by computer.
[Computer program]. Version 5.3.04, retrieved 10 January 2012 from www.praat.org.
• Bush, N. (2001) Frequency effects and word-boundary palatalization in English. In:
J. Bybee & P. Hopper (eds.): Frequency and the emergence of linguistic structure.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 255-280. • Hay, J. (2003) Causes and consequences of
word structure. New York, London: Routledge Series. • Pluymakers, M., M. Ernestus
& H. Baayen 2005. Articulatory planning is continuous and sensitive to informational redundancy. Phonetica 62, 146-159. • Turk, A. (2010) Does prosodic constituency signal relative predictability? A smooth signal redundancy hypothesis. Laboratory
phonology 1 (2), 227-262.
Compound stress, informativity and analogy
Ingo Plag and Melanie J. Bell
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:30
It has long been claimed (e.g. Sweet 1892) that informativity has an influence on the leftward or rightward stress assigned to noun-noun combinations
in English (e.g. táble cloth vs. kitchen sínk). However, the few available empirical studies of this hypothesis have provided contradictory findings. For
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example, Plag & Kunter (2010) did not find the effect, but Bell & Plag (2012)
did find it, using more sophisticated measures of informativity. The present
paper tests the effect of informativity with a new set of data and, in contrast to
the previous studies, also includes analogical factors that have been found elsewhere to have a strong influence on compound stress assignment (e.g. Plag
2010, Arndt-Lappe 2011).
We investigate a large number of compounds taken from the Boston University Radio Speech Corpus. The informativity measures are based on a very large empirical foundation, and come from the Corpus of Contemporary
American English and the semantic database WordNet. Furthermore, additional variables are coded that have previously been found to co-vary with compound stress assignment (i.e. semantics, length, spelling etc.), which allows
for an analysis that can show whether informativity survives as an independent factor in the presence of other variables. In particular, it is interesting to
see whether informativity survives if the strongest known predictor, analogy
based on the left and right constituent nouns, is also included in the model.
For the statistical analysis we use multiple mixed effects regression modeling.
Our results replicate the informativity effects found in the two previous
studies: the more informative the right-hand constituent, the more likely it is
to be stressed (where informativity is measured in terms of predictability or
semantic specificity). This result fits with the general propensity of speakers
to accentuate important information, and our results can therefore be interpreted as further evidence for an accentual theory of compound stress (e.g.
Kunter 2011).
The results also raise the question of the relationship between informativity effects and the analogical constituent-identity effect. We find that each
of the two factors does contribute to stress assignment. It is argued, however,
that informativity is the more important of the two types of measure as it is
best conceptualized as underlying other factors, including analogy based on
constituent identity.
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References Arndt-Lappe, S. (2011). Towards an exemplar-based model of English
compound stress. Journal of Linguistics 47.3:549-585. • Bell, M. J. and Plag, I. (2012).
Informativeness is a determinant of compound stress in english. Journal of Linguistics.
doi:10.1017/S0022226712000199 • Kunter, G. (2011). Compound stress in English.
The phonetics and phonology of prosodic prominence. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. •
Plag, I. (2010). Compound stress assignment by analogy: The constituent family bias. Zeitschrift für Sprachwisenschaft, 29.2:243-282. • Plag, I. and Kunter, G. (2010).
Constituent family size and compound stress assignment in English. Linguistische
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Berichte, Sonderheft 17:349-382. • Sweet, H. (1892). A new English grammar: logical and historical. Pt. 1, Introduction, phonology and accidence. Oxford: Clarendon
Press.
Corpus-based universals research: Explaining
asymmetries in number marking
Martin Haspelmath
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
In this paper, I adopt a corpus-based approach, using data from a small number of languages, to explain a universal morphological pattern: the asymmetry
of number marking that was first highlighted by Greenberg (1966: 31ff), such
that singular tends to be coded by zero and plural by some overt affix or other
marker. This procedure may seem surprising: Much more usually, corpus research is language-particular and restricts its conclusions to the language of
the corpus.
However, usage effects are not always immediately apparent, and they
may be visible only by adopting a broad cross-linguistic perspective. Thus,
the fact that English has feather for the singular but feather-s for the plural
cannot be derived from any usage-based theory. Things could be different for example, in Welsh, the singular plu-en ‘feather’ has an overt marker that is
missing in the plural plu ‘feathers’. However, there are cross-linguistic trends
in the coding of singular and plural, and it can be argued that these are due to
usage patterns that are general across languages.
The most important trend is that overall, singulars tend to be zero-marked
and plurals overtly marked, as in English (Corbett 2000). Exceptions to this
macro-trend follow a trend of their own: Overt singulars as in Welsh plu-en
are mostly found in nouns that are frequently used in the plural. Both trends
can be attributed to the general usage preference to have short forms expressing frequent meanings. Such patterns arise over long time spans, and their
usage-driven nature cannot be easily demonstrated. The explanatory mode is
thus more similar to the practice of geology than to psychology: Since the
explanation is plausible and there is no good alternative, there is no obstacle
to adopting it (Dressler et al.’s 2013 attempt to use “markedness” as an explanation can easily be shown to be insufficiently general).
On the empirical side, the talk will present a comprehensive study of the
“exceptional trend”, the overt singulars (singulatives) in a range of Slavic,
Celtic, Semitic, Cushitic, Nilo-Saharan and Kadugli-Krongo languages. It
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will be shown that the singulatives tend to fall into the same semantic classes
across languages, and that these classes tend to have low-frequency singulars
also in other languages. That significant numbers of singulatives are found
only in a few families (some of which are concentrated in northeastern Africa) may seem surprising, but even though language contact may have played
some role, it is far from sufficient to explain the striking similarities in number
marking among these languages.
On the theoretical side, I will discuss the nature of the corpus evidence
that is required for such “macroscopic” usage-based explanations, as well as
the possible mechanisms that result in the observed patterns (see also Haspelmath 2008). I will conclude that broadly cross-linguistic research is more
relevant to usage-based studies than it might appear at first glance.
Schema induction in usage-based morphophonology
Vsevolod M. Kapatsinski
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
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We present the results of a series of experiments on the spontaneous acquisition of first-order/product-oriented schemas (Bybee 2001, Nesset 2008) or
morphological constructions (Booij 2010) in a miniature artificial language
paradigm. A computational model of first-order schema induction is developed based on conditional inference trees (Hothorn et al. 2006).
The artificial languages feature two plural suffixes, -i and -a. The suffix -i
always triggers palatalization (k → tS, t → tS or p → tS). The languages differ
in the presence or absence of examples of -i simply attaching to a stem that
already ends in [tS]. In every experiment thus far, all with adult native English
speakers and aural presentation of stimuli, presentation of such examples increases the likelihood that the participants will palatalize stops in words they
have not heard during training. Thus presenting examples like SG-butS / PLbutSi increases the likelihood that the learner will produce the plural [mutSi]
from a singular [muk], [mut], or [mup]. Note that if the learners were learning rules (changes in context), then butS/butSi would not provide support for
muk/mutSi over muk/muki, since mutS/mutSi and muk/mutSi do not share a
change while mutS/mutSi and muk/muki do. However, the results are expected if learners are inducing first-order schemas like ‘plurals should end in
[tSi]’ (Booij 2010, Bybee 2001, Nesset 2008), which is motivated by the fact
that [tSi] is the most common plural-final bigram in these languages.
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While the results provide strong support for first-order schemas, there is
currently no computational model of schema induction. We implement schema induction via the ctree() function in R (Hothorn et al. 2006). This is one
possible implementation of progressive differentiation (cf. Rogers & McClelland 2004), which is the principal claim of the present account for schema
acquisition: as knowledge about forms with a certain meaning is acquired,
generalizations about what such forms are like grow more specific. We propose that in deriving a novel wordform from a known form of the same word,
schemas compete with perseveration on gestures comprising the known form.
In our experiments, such perseveration commonly results in forms like buk →
buktSi and bup → bupttSi, where the learner ends up with a plural that ends
in [tSi] but still perseverates on the stem-final consonant. While schemas are
weak and non-specific, the speaker is likely to level stem changes (buk →
buki, bup → bupi). As schemas strengthen, growing in type frequency and
specificity (. . . i become . . . tSi and then . . . VtSi), the schemas requiring stem
changes come to be able to override perseveration on the known form, allowing stem changes to be produced (. . . i leads to buki, . . . tSi to buktSi and . . . VtSi
to butSi).
References Booij, G. 2010. Construction morphology. Oxford University Press. • Bybee, J. 2001. Phonology and language use. Cambridge University Press. • Hothorn,
T., K. Hornik, & A. Zeileis. 2006. Unbiased recursive partitioning: A conditional inference framework. Journal of Computational and Graphical Statistics, 15, 651-74.
• Nesset, T. 2008. Abstract phonology in a concrete model. Mouton de Gruyter. •
Rogers, T., & J. McClelland. 2004. Semantic cognition: A PDP Approach. MIT Press.
From prototypes to constructions: Inflectional
alternations in German weak nouns
Roland Schäfer / Freie U. Berlin
Freitag, 15.3., 12:00–12:30
Most masculine nouns in German follow the strong inflectional pattern, where in the singular only the genitive is marked by -(e)s (eines Koffer-s ‘of a
suitcase’). However, a small class of nouns follows the weak pattern, where
all singular case forms except for the nominative are marked by -(e)n (eines Bär-en ‘of a bear’), cf. Eisenberg (2006, 158ff). Interestingly, some weak
nouns drift towards the strong pattern (eines Bär-s), and some strong nouns
have alternative weak forms (eines Autor-en). These alternations can partially
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be explained by the marked morphological paradigm of the weak inflection
(Thieroff, 2003). The analysis in Köpcke (1996), however, relies on semantic
prototypes: Prototypical weak nouns denote humans or, secondarily, animate
objects. (The weak class is still highly restricted, and many human-denoting
nouns do not drift towards the weak inflectional pattern.)
In this study, I reinterpret Köpcke’s and Thieroff’s findings and treat the
weak pattern as a morphological construction associated with - among other
things - a meaning component. I show how Collostructional Analysis (CA;
Gries and Stefanowitsch, 2004; Stefanowitsch and Gries, 2003) can be used
to model the degree to which different nouns are attracted by this specific
construction, according to how well they fit the prototype.
From the 9.1 gigatoken web corpus DECOW2012 (Schäfer and Bildhauer,
2012), I extracted all singular accusative, dative, and genitive indefinite noun
phrases of the form [Det (Adj) N] which contain one of 534 noun stems. The
534 nouns are those which occurred at least once in a previously drawn random sample of 10,000 potentially weak nouns. Rankings of CA association
strengths were generated for the accusative, dative, and genitive separately.
The overall picture partially confirms the hypothesis that those nouns which
follow the semantic prototype are more strongly associated with the weak
construction. However, the picture is complicated by strong morphophonological constraints, which have also been discussed in the literature. There
are also differences in association strength between the accusative-dative on
the one hand and the genitive on the other hand. In the discussion, I consider
more or less problematic correlation measures between ranks of nouns in the
lists of collostruction strengths. I also discuss some problems and unintuitive
results for single nouns which stem from the nature of CA and suggest multifactorial approaches to better model the diverse influences on the selection of
the alternating constructions as future work.
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References Eisenberg, P. (2006). Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik: Das Wort.
Metzler, Stuttgart, 3 edition. • Gries, S. T. and Stefanowitsch, A. (2004). Extending
collostructional analysis. a corpus-based perspective on ‘alternations’. International
Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 9(1):97-129. • Köpcke, K.-M. (1996). Die Klassifikation der schwachen Maskulina in der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Zeitschrift für
Sprachwissenschaft, 14(2):159-180. • Schäfer, R. and Bildhauer, F. (2012). Building
large corpora from the web using a new efficient tool chain. In Calzolari, N. et al., editors, Proceedings of LREC’12, pages 486-493, Istanbul. ELRA. • Stefanowitsch, A.
and Gries, S. T. (2003). Collostructions: Investigating the interaction between words
and constructions. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 8(2):209-243. • Thier-
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off, R. (2003). Die Bedienung des Automatens durch den Mensch. Deklination der
schwachen Maskulina als Zweifelsfall. Linguistik Online, 16(4):105-117.
Children’s ability to learn novel morphological
constructions from the input
Anne-Kristin Cordes
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:30
Usage-based, constructionist accounts of language acquisition hold that children learn language, which is construed as an inventory of constructions (i.e.,
form-meaning pairs), from their input (Tomasello, 2003; Goldberg, 2006). In
support of this assumption, Casenhiser and Goldberg (2005) and Boyd and
Goldberg (2011) presented first experimental evidence that English-speaking
children from 5 years of age are able to learn completely novel, invented constructions in an experimental setting. Research on such novel constructions
is, however, limited to abstract word order constructions and the structures
the novel constructions were based on were familiar to the children. Children
were thus unfamiliar with the particular novel pairing of form and meaning
that was used, but they did know other word orders that carry meaning in their
language, e.g., the ditransitive. The present study was concerned with novel
construction learning in the area of morphology. Two constructions were explored. The first one was also based on a familiar structure, whereas the second one was more genuinely novel. Previous research was further extended
by the investigation of a broader age range and two different languages.
One hundred and sixty German-speaking and ninety-six English-speaking
children between 3 and 8 were trained on one of two novel morphological constructions. A novel prefix va[verb] ‘pretend to verb’ (e.g., vadrink/
vatrinken ‘pretend to drink’) and a novel reduplication with the same meaning [ve][verb] (e.g., dridrink/ tritrinken ‘pretend to drink’) were used. During training, children watched video clips of different actions, which were
paired with audio descriptions using the novel construction. Learning was
assessed by an act-out, a forced-choice and a production task. Performance
in all three tasks revealed that both German-speaking and English-speaking
children were able to learn either of the two novel constructions. The degree
of learning in terms of memorized and generalized instances of the novel construction increased with age and with the number of examples children had
heard (tokens/ types). The novel prefix proved to be easier to learn than the
novel reduplication.
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The present study extends previous novel construction learning research
to the area of derivational morphology and to a language other than English. German-speaking and English-speaking children from a very young age
were shown to be able to learn a novel construction that was based on a familiar pattern, i.e., the derivational verb prefix pattern, which is present in both
German and English. In addition, evidence was presented for children’s ability to learn a more genuinely novel construction that is notably absent from
their respective native language, i.e., a verb-initial reduplication. The finding
that the novel prefix construction was easier to learn than the novel reduplication might go back to this difference in familiarity with the underlying
pattern. However, further research is necessary to determine whether additional differences, such as the degree of similarity between instances of the
novel construction, were responsible for the effect. Learning of either novel
construction was facilitated by higher input frequencies. These findings from
the area of morphology thus provide strong evidence for the usage-based assumption of input-based language learning.
References Boyd, J.K., & Goldberg, A.E. (2011). Young children fail to fully generalize a novel argument structure construction when exposed to the same input as older
learners. Journal of Child Language, 22, 1-25. • Casenhiser, D., & Goldberg, A.E.
(2005). Fast mapping between a phrasal form and meaning. Developmental Science,
8, 500-508. • Goldberg, A.E. (2006). Constructions at work: The nature of generalization in language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Tomasello, M. (2003). Constructing a language: A usage-based theory of language acquisition. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press.
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Arbeitsgruppe 8
Linguistic Foundations of Narration in
Spoken and Sign Languages
Annika Hübl
Markus Steinbach
See the abstract for the talk by the organizers below.
Narration across modalities
Annika Hübl and Markus Steinbach / U. Göttingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:00–14:30
For a considerable time, linguists have not only investigated sentences as largest relevant unit of language, but have begun to analyze the structure of whole texts. Recently, these efforts have produced powerful frameworks, such as
(S)DRT, Centering Theory, Accessibility Theory and studies concerning the
QUD/Quaestio to name but a few. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of studies
that apply these frameworks to fictional narrative texts. Even so, there are a
number of elaborated studies within theoretical linguistics that deal with typical narrative phenomena (see, for instance, the discussion on free indirect
discourse in the works of Schlenker 2004, Eckardt 2011, and Maier 2012
among others). Moreover, there are more and more experimental studies investigating text phenomena in general and literary texts in particular (see e.g.
Bortolussi/Dixon 2003, Burkhardt 2006). Another important aspect in this
field is the fact that narrative structures in sign languages are increasingly investigated on a formally high level. E.g. work on role shift and constructed
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action — which are the strategies of presenting somebody’s speech, thought
and action in sign languages — has yielded interesting parallels with free indirect discourse and mixed quotation in spoken languages (see Quer 2005,
2011 and Herrmann/Steinbach 2012 among others). Hence, linguistics can
contribute to the study of narratives in at least four ways:
• in drawing on well-elaborated formal frameworks to analyze literary
texts and determine partly vague intuitions about narratological concepts.
• in applying empirical and experimental methods to narratives in order
to establish a valid empirical basis that can be used to verify or falsify
theoretical assumptions.
• in investigating narratives from a typological broader perspective including strategies and structures used in different (non-western) languages.
• in analyzing texts from a cross-modal perspective and relating sign language data to theoretical and empirical findings in spoken languages.
What’s a “narration”? A linguistic perspective on a
basic narratological concept
Sonja Zeman / U. München
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30–15:00
Despite the increasing interest in textual phenomena and narrative structure,
the very concept of ‘narration’ so far has not been an issue of theoretical
concern within linguistics and is rather used than defined or problematized.
In this respect, the present paper aims at a deeper understanding of ‘narration’
by matching the linguistic micro-with the macro-level:
Bringing together the distinction between ‘Context of Utterance’ vs. ‘Context of Thought’ (Schlenker 2004) and the concept of deictic ‘double displacement’ grounding on Bühler, we argue that the grammatical differentiation
between ‘speaker’ vs. ‘observer’ is reflected in a double-layered structure of
discourse and is represented in a recursive manner on the macro-level within
the distinction of ‘narrator’ vs. ‘character’. While this is being obvious in phenomena as Free Indirect Discourse (FID) and Historical Present (HP), where
both levels differ from each other, it is shown that the double structure does
indeed pervade the whole discourse. Furthermore, it is made clear by means
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of a detailed analysis of ‘de re’ vs. ‘de dicto’-phenomena that the hierarchical
difference within the dichotomic structure sets the basis for the establishment
of an evaluative level on the micro-(and macro-)level of narration as an additional relevant precondition of narrative discourse.
Against this background, the micro-analysis is able to refine vague intuitions of narratological concepts like focalization and point of view: Taking
into account a Theory of Mind it is argued in this respect that phenomena
of focalization ought to be analyzed analogous to recursive embeddings of
epistemological levels of intentionality, i.e. hierarchical relations of mental
states as a basis of metarepresentational thinking.
Narration in (spoken) political discourse
Anita Fetzer / U. Augsburg
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00-15:30
This paper examines the genre-specific distribution and linguistic realization of discourse relations in the discourse genre ‘small story’ embedded in
spoken political discourse, paying particular attention to their overt and nonovert marking in adjacent and non-adjacent positioning. It also addresses the
question of how small stories are delimited from their embedding discourse,
and whether the genre at hand is composed of genre-specific coordinating and
subordinating discourse relations, e.g. Narration and Contrast, and Elaboration, Explanation and Background.
The methodological framework is an integrated one, supplementing the
Segmented-Discourse-Representation-based definition of discourse relation
with Systemic-Functional-Grammar-based thematic progression and its constituent, the Theme zone.
Narratives have been investigated in different research paradigms, and
all of them have based their analyses on its original definition, according to
which a narrative needs to contain a reference to a single past event introduced by a verbal phrase realized in a past tense and a raison d’être. The past
event needs to be anchored to a personal experience, which is seen as reportable and tellable, and the temporal sequence of events needs to be realized in
at least two narrative clauses. That definition may be refined by the explicit
accommodation of discourse relation and the linguistic representation of the
Theme zone: ‘Temporal sequence of events’ and ‘narrative clauses’ seem to
be prime candidates qualifying for (1) a marked realization of the Theme zone, and (2) the discourse relation of Narration, viz. a relation holding between
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two utterances p1 and p2, sharing a common topic, and displaying temporal
succession ‘Raison d’être’ may qualify for (1) a Theme zone containing textual themes, and (2) the discourse relation of Explanation with p2 offering
the reason for p1 or a part of p1, and p2 being temporally included in p1.
The ‘reportable and tellable personal experience’ is a prime candidate for (1)
a Theme zone containing interpersonal themes, and (2) the discourse relations of Background and Elaboration, the latter defined as a relation holding
between p1 and p2 with p2 which offers additional information about one of
the referents in p1. There is no temporal sequence between p1 and p2, rather,
p2 is temporally included in p1. The explicit accommodation of Theme zone
and discourse relation to a definition of discourse genre and to its delimitation
from embedding discourse and context will refine theories of discourse and
make them more applicable to data and corpora.
Prospectivity in Discourse
Svetlana Petrova / U. Wuppertal
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16:00
The choice between representatives of different classes of anaphoric expressions, such as personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns and lexical DPs, has
been linked to a series of properties that reflect the status of the antecedent
in the previous discourse, e.g. grammatical function, givenness, definiteness
and topicality (Ariel 2001, Bosch and Umbach 2007). But researchers like
Garnham and Cowles (2008) have addressed a special ‘Janus’-like behavior
of anaphora, by showing that the choice between different lexical classes of
referring expressions does not only interact with the role of a referent in the
previous discourse but also affects judgments concerning the expected topic
referent of the following context.
A field of linguistic research in which ‘prospectivity’ in terms of expected
or intended topichood has been firmly established relates to properties of some special specificity markers like odin, the phonologically reduced cognate
of the numeral ODIN ‘one’ in Russian (Ionin in press), some non-canonical
forms of indefinites expressions like Engl. this (Ionin 2006), German so’n and
dieser (Deichsel and von Heusinger 2011) and various other kinds of definite
object marking like in Turkish (Enç 1991) and Romanian (Chiriachescu and
von Heusinger 2010, Chiriacescu 2011). It has been demonstrated that referents introduced by such means of expression are resumed significantly more
often in the subsequent discourse than those conveyed by canonical nominal
phrases.
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For Russian, it has been even shown that the use of odin is ugrammatical
in contexts in which the referent of the respective nominal phrase is not resumed in the following context. This paper will claim, by discussing corpus
results, that the function of distinguishing a referent as the designated topic of
the following discourse also holds for special classes of indefinites in historical German, namely for nominal phrases modified by makers of indefiniteness
such as sum ‘some’ and ein, while bare indefinite phrases are indifferent with
respect to the resumption of their referent.
Following this line of argumentation, a problematic aspect of the grammar
of Middle High German, namely the property of ein to establish reference to
given entities (Braune 1886, von Kraus 1930), becomes explainable as a special strategy to instantiate a referent as the designated discourse topic of the
next section. Such an explanation is in line with the observation that languages involve special means of marking the designated topic of the following
context, which strengthens cohesion, lowers cognitive efforts and improves
information processing.
Fictional Discourse Representation
Emar Maier / U. Groningen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30-17:00
Formal semantics has a fundamental difficulty dealing with fiction. Since
Odysseus does not denote anyone, (1) comes out neither true nor false.
1. Odysseus landed in Ithaca
To capture the intuition that, in the right context, (1) is actually true, Lewis
(1978) suggests that we interpret fiction utterances as if prefixed with an invisible modal operator, in the possible worlds compatible with the relevant
story...
I want to address two fundamental problems with this standard approach.
First, adding Lewis’ operator would make a metafictive statement like (2)
false, contra our intuitions.
2. Odysseus is a fictional character in Homer’s epic The Odyssey
Second, proper names are typically analysed as rigid designators, meaning
that they refer to their actual bearer, regardless of any modal operators.
I propose to accept that in an objective, truth-conditional sense, (1) does
not express a proposition. So we should try to take subjective meaning into
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account. A framework specifically designed to unite truth-conditional and cognitive aspects of meaning is DRT. Kamp’s leading idea is that we can model
mental states with the same tools that we use to model dynamic discourse
interpretation. More specifically, mental states are (i) compartmentalized into
beliefs, desires etc., each modeled as a DRS, but (ii) these compartments are
highly interconnected, as modeled by their sharing of discourse referents.
The leftmost box below represents my attitude of seeing a cup, containing
what I believe to be coffee, which I hope to be warm. In the mental state
descriptions below, the top level DRS contains the ‘entity representations’ and
the embedded levels carry specific attitude labels. I propose that interpreting
fiction means for the reader to store the information in a compartment similar
to, but separate from other attitudes. Thus, in the second DRS, FICx labels
the information gathered from interpreting text x. Thus, the FIC-box contains
the information that there is a hero named Odysseus, who landed in Ithaca.
Metafictional utterances like (2) can be modeled in terms of shared entity representations. This means the reader creates a global representation of
Odysseus that can be shared across attitudes, as shown in the rightmost box.
Crucially, this final mental state description involves an internal representation whose content does not actually pick out an individual.
As time goes by – temporal links between free indirect
speech and narrative frame
Regine Eckardt / U. Göttingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
Temporal adverbials are a reliable means by which authors can force free
indirect discourse (‘erlebte Rede’) readings. For instance, sentences like ‘Tomorrow was christmas’ can only receive a coherent interpretation in free indirect discourse. Less attention has been paid to temporal relations between
the narrative frame and free indirect discourse. Doron (1991) proposes that
the narrative’s reference time R should serve as the protagonist’s speech time
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(in thought and speech), but the paper does not explore the consequences of
this assumption. Schlenker (2004) discusses the historical present, but fails to
cover free indirect discourse as part of narratives in the historical present.
The present talk surveys the possible links between reference time and
protagonist’s speech time. As a first positive result of this investigation, we
can easily falsify non-existence claims like ‘free indirect discourse doesn’t
use the present tense’ (Banfield, 1982), where acceptable examples arise naturally when we systematically explore combinations of tenses in narration
and FID. In a more general tier, German tense and aspect supports a very systematic propagation of reference times from narrative frame to free indirect
discourse, and back again. I propose a simple semantics for tenses, aspects
and shift from narration to FID which can predict possible as well as prohibited types of narration. Language usage in English seems to be less restrictive,
permitting a freer range of sequences of tenses between narrative frame and
thought. The findings support the view that the grammar of free indirect discourse is language specific, even though the mode of narration is known and
used in many languages.
Role Shift, Context Shift and Formal Iconicity
Philippe Schlenker /
Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS and New York U.
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30-18:30
Role Shift in American Sign Language (ASL) presents a paradox. Under attitude verbs, Role Shift (henceforth ‘Intensional Role Shift’) is quotation-like.
But Role Shift also arises without speech/thought report (henceforth ‘Extensional Role Shift’), and there it couldn’t be quotational. We will review advantages and drawbacks of an analysis of Intensional Role Shift based on
‘context shift’, as was advocated for Catalan Sign Language (LSC) by Quer
2005, and for ASL (which displays very different properties) by Schlenker
2009. We will propose a new solution based on ‘formal iconicity’ (Schlenker
et al. 2012), with three main assumptions:
A1. In all cases, Role Shift makes available a perspectival point denoting the
center of the attitude or action described.
A2. Overt elements of the role-shifted clause are interpreted maximally iconically: if a geometric projection can be established between them and the
situation described, the latter is understood to be projectable onto these elements.
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A3. In Intensional Role Shift, the entire role-shifted clause can be understood
to be mapped to an element of situation described, hence (by the maximality of A1) a near-quotational reading. In Extensional Role Shift, the situation
described does not involve linguistic material, hence only explicitly iconic
elements of the role-shifted clause can be so mapped. The analysis accounts
for the fact that Role Shift, because of its iconic nature, is used to present a
thought/action particularly vividly.
Grammatical foundations of narrative structure – a
cross-linguistic study
Christiane von Stutterheim / U. Heidelberg
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00–10:00
Numerous studies have addressed questions concerning the macro-structural
organization of narrative texts, a research tradition that goes back to Labov’s
influential work (Labov and Waletzky 1967) on narrative structure. Concepts
developed for the analysis of text structure include macro-structure, coherence, thematic organization, topic continuity, information flow, to name the
most important ones. In this framework, narratives are viewed as constituting
a text of a given type and the analysis typically starts at the macro-structural
level, in conjunction with corresponding elements at a micro-structural level,
the level of the sentence.
The perspective taken in our work takes the opposite direction. Speakers,
narrators have to produce texts on the basis of the means available for constructing propositions at sentence level. These differ cross-linguistically and
shape the options available to the speaker in information organization. In order to match the specific inventory provided by a language, macro-structural
organization has to be shaped in language-specific terms. Corpora of spoken
narratives in Germanic, Romance and Semitic languages, as well as bilingual pairs of these languages will be used to support this hypothesis. The
cross-linguistic analyses focus on grammatical features relating to syntactic
subjects (+/– null subject) as well as word order constraints, and aim to show
how grammatical features which operate at the micro-structural level shape
information organization in macro-structural terms.
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Role of subordination in the information structure of a
narrative: comparison between French and English
Monique Lambert / U. Paris 8
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00–10:30
Following crosslinguistic studies on the role of different grammaticized resources offered by languages in the macro organization of narratives (Carroll
and Lambert 2003, Stutterheim and Lambert 2005) focus here is on the contribution of subordination to information structure. Based on the analysis of
subordinate clauses in the retellings of a silent film Quest (adverbial, relative
and complement clauses) we examine here how French and English narrators
exploit subordination to downgrade selected information. Downgrading procedures are analyzed in the Klein and Stutterheim quaestio framework (1992)
which provides the means to assign information to the main plot (direct answer to the question posed by the narrative text) leaving other information
to different types of side structure. Modes of introduction of entities (protagonist vs. paper, rocks) as subject of a main clause or a subordinate clause
assign different informational status depending on a combination of features
such as clause type (embedded nominal clause or relative), type of presentational there is / we/you/he + see, and +/-introduced entity in subject position
of the subsequent clause.
Comparisons show that whereas French narrators tend to map unintentional agents as subject of subordinate clauses English narrators code these
elements as subject of a main clause as part of the narrative plot. They also
do not use the same clause types to assign informational status.
Concerning the chain of events, both languages establish coherence via
temporal and causal relations but options vary in their relative weight and
their coding. In French the storyline tends to be established via mention of
the protagonists’ intentions, attitudes or goals coded in complement clauses,
often ascribed by the narrator. In English temporal links are often left unspecified and causal relations are expressed by so or because.
It will be argued that these contrasts are not located at the level of stylistic
preferences but are influenced by different restrictions in French vs. English
on the entities that qualify as subject / topic of main clauses and consequently
by bridging constraints when entities are assigned different informational status by means of subordination. By construing the story line via causal links
French narrators can satisfy discourse constraints of cohesion and coherence.
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Language-specificity in the logic of coherence and
language structure
Naoko Tomita / U. Heidelberg
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30–11:00
Information organization for the conceptual domains of TIME and ENTITY
is the most relevant factor for establishment of coherence in narrative texts,
as is concisely illustrated with the text question ‘What happened at time x to
protagonist y?’ (Stutterheim 1997). Several empirical studies in the last decade demonstrate that, beside this general principle, speakers follow a languagespecific strategy for building up coherence. The differences in information organization are (partly) attributed to grammaticised categories in the respective
language (f.i., [+/– verbal aspect], Stutterheim and Nüse 2003). The aim of the
present study is to examine the validity of Language-on-Cognition-effects on
the basis of retellings of two types of the stimulus stories by German and Japanese speakers. In the first stimulus video (‘The finite story’; Dimroth 2006),
three main characters (Mr. Green, Mr. Blue, and Mr. Red) are involved. In the
second video (‘Quest’; Stellmach), one animate entity functions as the only
protagonist. The elicited data (for ‘The finite story’, 20 participants for each
language; for ’Quest’, three German and four Japanese participants) were
analyzed with respect to the following two aspects: (1) Which domain (ENTITY or TIME) provides the preferred ‘basis’ for linking information? (2)
Which conceptual category (CAUSALITY or SHIFT-in-TIME) is preferably
integrated for linking background information with foreground information?
Results are as follows: Regardless of the number of the animate main characters, the German speakers prefer the SHIFT-in-TIME relation as a basis
for linking information, maintaining the topic entity. For the Japanese speakers in contrast, there are differences between the two types of stories. When
speaking about the three main characters, they organize the flow of information around a SHIFT-in-ENTITY relation in order to compare series of events
involving each of the characters. When speaking about one protagonist, the
Japanese speakers rely on anaphoric SHIFT-in-TIME relations which are managed by means of the verbal aspect. The causal relation is conceptualized
as perception-reaction relation, using markers for the view point of the protagonist. The results will be discussed with respect to the implications of categories expressing a particular perspective, such as verbal aspects and scope
particles, for the speaker’s conceptualization processes.
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Effects of Free Indirect Discourse on Language
Comprehension
Thomas Weskott and Susanna Salem / U. Göttingen
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30–12:00
There are numerous means that a speaker/author might use to perspectivize
the events described in a narrative. A prominent one is Free Indirect Discourse (FID), which is used to report on a protagonist’s attitudes towards some
situation or event. As the comparison of the cases in (1-3) shows, FID shares
features of both Direct (DD, cf. 1) and Indirect Discourse (ID, 2):
1. He woke up and thought: ‘What the hell am I doing here?’
2. He woke up and asked himself what (*the hell) he was doing there.
3. He woke up. What the hell was he doing there?
The grammatical and, more importantly, semantic properties of FID have recently received a lot of attention, reviving the pioneering work of Banfield,
1973, 1982; see e.g. Schlenker, 2004; Sharvit, 2008; Maier, 2012; Eckardt,
to appear. This line of research has generated a number of interesting hypotheses about the semantic representations of FID, and its relation to DD and
ID.
While there have been attempts to investigate FID experimentally (mostly
from a narratological perspective, with the notable exception of Cohen and
Kaiser, 2012), our understanding of the psycholinguistics of FID, that is, its
processing and representation, is still lagging behind the formal approaches.
This has only partly to do with methodological problems earlier studies were
beset with, but also with the fact that the effects of FID on processing seem
to be rather subtle.
In this talk, we will present a series of off-line and on-line experiments on
FID in which we manipulated a number of factors that might affect the interpretation of a stretch of discourse as being FID. The most important among
them was cue strength, i.e, which linguistic means are used to signal FID
(expressives, evaluatives? Are they used repeatedly?). We employed different
experimental methods (rating, self-paced reading, recall) to test for the effects of these manipulations. Our results suggest that, while the effect of FID
on on-line processing (reading times) is rather ephemeral, its influence on
properties of discourse representation (comprehension, recall) is quite robust.
These results will be discussed with respect to the relation of FID to other
types of report and to current formal theories of FID.
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The relation between reported speech, pretense and
metarepresentation: A developmental perspective
Franziska Köder / U. Groningen
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00–12:30
In this talk, I present considerations on the conceptual and developmental
relationship between reported speech, pretense and metarepresentation. There
is a lively debate among developmental psychologists whether the ability to
engage in pretend play requires metarepresentation (e.g. Leslie 1987; Perner
1991).
I would like to extend this debate by drawing attention to similarities and
differences between utterances in pretend play (see example (1)) and direct
(2) and indirect (3) speech reports.
1. Pretend play: I am sick.
2. Direct discourse: Mary said ‘I am sick’.
3. Indirect discourse: Mary said that she is sick.
With regard to their linguistic form, direct discourse and indirect discourse
are metarepresentations in the sense that they are linguistic representations of
linguistic representations. They consist of a metarepresentational prefix (‘Mary said’) and the reported utterance as object-representation (Recanati 2000).
A pretend utterance like (1) is however only a primary representation, regardless of the fact that its world of evaluation is not the real but an imaginary
world.
Therefore, just judging by the linguistic surface, direct and indirect discourse seem cognitively more demanding than pretend utterances and one
would expect them to be acquired later. However, speech reports and pretend
utterances both start to develop between two and three years and get more
elaborate in children’s fourth year of life. This also means that children use
these forms even before they pass standard false belief tests (at around four)
which are sometimes taken to be the landmark of metarepresentation (e.g.
Perner 1991). The question arises whether the production of linguistic constructions such as direct and indirect discourse can be taken as evidence that
a child is able to metarepresent. The answer to this question clearly depends
on how the concepts ‘representation’ and ‘metarepresentation’ are defined. In
my talk, I will review several definitions, I will discuss their implications for
the analysis of speech reports and pretend utterances, and I will assess their
validity against the backdrop of empirical studies on children’s linguistic and
cognitive development.
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Story time, salience, and situation model
Choonkyu Lee / U. Utrecht
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30–13:00
The speaker’s choice of a referential expression has been attributed to salience
factors including centering (Brennan, 1995) and presence/absence of another
potential referent in linguistic or visual context (Arnold and Griffin, 2007).
The relevant notion of salience has been discussed in terms of the addressee’s
mental representation (Prince, 1981; Gundel, Hedberg, and Zacharski, 1993).
In an elicited narrative production study, we investigated the relationship between story time and narrators’ use of different types of referring expressions.
We used Mayer’s wordless picture books in the ‘Boy, Dog, and Frog’ series to test this hypothesis. In about 20 pictures each, Mayer’s books present
the adventures of multiple characters. Because the inter-event intervals between scenes vary, Mayer’s books are ideal for studying the impact of passage
of story time. In one part of the study, eight native English-speaking adults
estimated how much time had elapsed between the events depicted in each
pair of consecutive pictures. We used these estimates to obtain mean estimated intervals for pairs of consecutive events, and selected the eight longest
intervals (mean = 67min 1.9s) and the eight shortest intervals (mean = 9.8s).
We then elicited narratives from different groups of native English-speaking
adults by asking them to write or tell a story to accompany the pictures in
Mayer’s books.
We counted the first instances of Proper Names, Definite Descriptions,
and Pronouns after the eight Short Intervals and eight Long Intervals for referents that were also mentioned in the immediately preceding scene. Interevent interval had a significant effect on the type of referring expression used,
with Proper Names being significantly more common after Long Intervals
than after Short Intervals, and Definite Descriptions and singular Pronouns
showing the opposite pattern. In short, the longer the interval in story time,
the more explicit the referring expression for re-mentioning a character. Other
factors such as textual distance (Givon, 1992), subjecthood of the referent in
the antecedent, and presence of a referential competitor do not account for
the results.
Narrators use different types of referring expressions depending on intervals in story time, consistent with the situation model of discourse (van Dijk
and Kintsch, 1983; Zwaan, Langston, and Graesser, 1995; Pickering and Garrod, 2006). Discontinuities in situational dimensions of content create psychological distances that affect the information structure in narrative orga217
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nization, and proper names serve as a cue for salience (Sanford, Moar, and
Garrod, 1988).
Between narrator and protagonist in fables of German
Sign Language (DGS)
Nina-Kristin Pendzich and Annika Herrmann / U. Göttingen
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30–12:00
Spoken language stories in the oral-auditory modality as well as sign language stories in the visual-manual modality exhibit typical structural properties
of texts and use similar systematic strategies for referent tracking and focalization. Using German translations of the five ECHO-fables (cf. Crasborn et al.
2007), we elicited signed fables of German Sign Language (DGS), annotated
the videos, and investigated focalization strategies with three DGS signers.
A modality-specific way of perspective shift in signed discourse is the
use of role shift and constructed action in which the signer reproduces words
or actions of the protagonists in a similar way to direct and indirect quotation in spoken languages. Nonmanual features such as movements of the
body, head, and face mark the perspective shift and indicate who is talking or
acting. Thus, role shift and constructed action are related and interacting linguistic strategies, which are used to mark context shift, shift in focalization,
and shifted reference (cf. Herrmann/Steinbach 2012, Lillo-Martin 2012, Quer
2011). In signed fables, both phenomena are frequently used as strategies of
story telling. In the visual-manual modality, these systematic shifts can be interrupted by elements assigned to the narrator, so that the distinction between
the perspective of protagonist and narrator is not always clear-cut. Signers
sometimes switch between narrator and protagonist within a single utterance
by slightly changing nonmanual markers.
Moreover and most interestingly, different body parts may act as independent representations showing the narrator’s perspective and the protagonist’s
perspective at the same time. The body, for instance, may take the role of
an animal protagonist, whereas the head (specifically eye gaze) may indicate
that the actual signing belongs to the narrator. Different strategies such as body shifts, eye gaze change, and hand dominance shift allow signers to switch
between perspectives and even simultaneously layer them. We will discuss
examples from the fables showing strategies for such parallel focalization.
In an account to combine and commonly analyze phenomena such as free
indirect discourse in spoken languages and role shift or constructed action in
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sign languages (cf. Hübl to appear), it is interesting to see that there is a mixture of narrator and protagonist style in examples of both modalities. Whether
and how spoken discourse may simultaneously show mixed focalization is an
interesting issue that deserves a comparison with the results from the signed
fables.
Contrastive topics and role shift in Catalan Sign
Language (LSC) narratives
Gemma Barberà and Josep Quer / U. Barcelona
Freitag, 15.3., 12:00–12:30
Research on the choice of referential expressions in signed discourse is still
limited and it often follows the basic line of analysis of the Accessibility
Theory by Ariel (1990 et seq.) (see Kibrik and Prozorova 2007, also in acquisition, cf. Morgan 2006). In this paper we address the interaction among
types of referring mechanisms in LSC narratives (Aesop’s fables). Specifically, we question the one-to-one correspondence between type of referring
expression and accessibility status of a discourse referent at a given point in
discourse and argue for a more composite picture of reference tracking in the
visual-gestural modality.
From the analysis of naturalistic Catalan Sign Language (LSC) narratives it emerges that nouns, pronominal indices, entity and limb classifiers and
the marker ALTRE ‘other’ are all used in combination with body lean linked
to role shift (encompassing both reported discourse and reported action). In
addition, their occurrence does not appear to be systematically governed by
the degree of salience of the discourse referent at stake (for example, the lexical noun is not simply used for reintroduction of a referent which is less
accessible after its first mention, but quite systematically in role alternation).
In order to understand the occurrences of referring expression in signed naturalistic narratives, we appeal to the notion of double contrast (Mayol 2010),
whereby two different referents occupy the subject position and their respective verb phrases predicate two different, and in some sense opposite, actions
or states. In connected discourse of the kind we discuss, the body lean associated to role shift is the main marker of contrast between the two (or three)
protagonists of the narratives. What the data shows is that contrast is always
marked by a combination of body lean and a nominal referring expression.
We show that the chains of contrastive topics override the criteria otherwise
determined by accessibility status.
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Ways of constructing action in multimodal
communication
Silva H. Ladewig / U. Frankfurt (Oder)
Cornelia Müller / U. Frankfurt (Oder)
Jana Bressem / TU Chemnitz
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30–13:00
Studies on multimodal communication have shown that gestures reveal different ways of depicting an event. Accordingly, an action or event can be described from the perspective of a character acting in a story or from the perspective of an observer of an event. These different perspectives visible in the use of
the body have been described in terms of ‘character viewpoint’ and ‘observer
viewpoint’ gestures (McNeill 1992). Research on multimodal narrations has
so far focused mainly on explaining a speaker’s choice between viewpoint
gestures arguing for a syntactic influence of speech on the gestures or for
constraints imposed by the event structure (e.g., Beattie and Shovelton 2002;
McNeill 1992; Parrill 2010). Furthermore, studies tried to explore the preferences for viewpoint gestures from a cross-linguistic perspective conducting
experiments on the depiction of motion events (e.g., Brown 2008; Casey and
Emmorey 2009; Kita and Özyürek 2003). The paper to be presented adds to
the current discussion of multimodal narrations and viewpoint gestures. However, it focuses only on the construction of actions from the perspective of a
character performing an action. By following a linguistic-semiotic approach
to gestures (Müller, Bressem and Ladewig in press) it aims at providing a
detailed account on how the body is used in multimodal narrations. Furthermore, it uses data from naturally occurring ’real world’ interactions. The data
set consists of 20 hours covering different discourse types. The analyses of
spontaneous gestures usages in different kinds of ‘real world’ interactions
show that the body can be used to depict the speaker’s own actions as well
as the actions of others (indicating a major shift in perspective). Furthermore,
we found different degrees of semiotic complexity in bodily depictions: An
event can be depicted in a pantomimic way using various parts of the body
or in a non-pantomimic way using only the hands (see also Ladewig, Müller
and Teßendorf 2010). Based on these observations we propose a continuum
of constructing actions ranging from depictions using the whole body as articulators to isolated articulators such as the hands or the face. The results
offer interesting insights for a comparative view on ‘constructed action’ (e.g.,
Metzger 1995) from the perspective of sign language and spoken language
linguistics. Moreover, they point to actions as embodied roots of language.
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Manual holds: an analysis of two sign languages and
two genres
Vadim Kimmelman / U. Amsterdam
Anna Sáfár / U. Nijmegen
Freitag, 15.3., 13:00–13:30
Sign languages are articulated with the two hands, a property which affords
a higher degree of simultaneity than in spoken languages. A type of manual
simultaneity occurs when one hand is held while the other hand continues
signing. Such manual holds have been described in the literature, but systematic corpus-based analyses, as well as cross-linguistic and cross-genre comparisons are still rare. Our aim is to take a step in this direction by comparing
manual holds in two unrelated sign languages: Russian Sign Language (RSL)
and the Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). We provide a systematic
analysis of all manual holds occurring in a corpus of RSL and NGT, in terms
of syntax and information structure. For both languages, two types of narratives are compared, namely retelling cartoon excerpts and personal narratives.
For NGT, we also analyze data from conversations.
We describe the frequency of manual holds as well as their basic phonetic
properties. A preliminary analysis showed that the majority of holds did not
cross clause boundaries. The remaining holds were maintained over two to
seven clauses. Holds may originate in one-or two-handed lexical signs, classifiers and pointing signs. Next, we examine the syntactic relationship between
the hold and the signs articulated by the active hand. We have found that predicates can spread over their arguments, but also arguments can spread over
the corresponding predicates. We will compare a syntactic analysis with an
information structural approach. It has been suggested in the literature that
holds often represent sentence-or discourse-level topics, and this seems to be
true for RSL and NGT as well. Furthermore, holds may also be related to
backgrounding and contrast.
Besides comparing different analyses of manuals holds, we also compare two genres and two sign languages. We expect to find differences in the
frequency and types of holds between genres but not between languages. We
hypothesize that both RSL and NGT use the affordances provided by the
visual-gestural modality in similar ways. However, in narratives holds may
more often serve the maintenance of relations in topographic space, whereas
in conversations their main function is more likely to be the maintenance of
sentence-and discourse-level topics.
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A new technique for assessing narrative prosodic
effects in sign languages
Ronnie Wilbur / Purdue U.
Evie Malaia / U. of Texas
Freitag, 15.3., 13:30–14:00
Prior kinematic work has established sentence-level prosodic effects such as
phrase final lengthening and stress marking. But larger narratives, e.g. ‘The
Fox and The Stork’ in Wilbur’s (1994) paper, have rarely been addressed in
production and even then, not at the level of kinematic analysis afforded by
motion capture capabilities. We report prosodic patterns within 48 narratives (e.g. 1) from motion capture of a Deaf ASL signer. XYZ and angular
positions were recorded at 60fps for Gypsy 3.0 suit markers and with independent video. The two-pronged analysis first verifies sentence-level reports of longest duration in phrase final position (Liddell 1977) and higher
velocity for stress (Wilbur 1999) and then identifies narrative effects across
sentences. For example, how is phrase final sign lengthening affected when
a sentence is embedded in a multiple-sentence narrative? Are earlier stress
velocities suppressed compared to narrative final stress velocity? Each sign
in each paragraph is kinematically measured for duration, maximum velocity, minimum velocity after the maximum, percent of elapsed sign duration
at maximum velocity, and maximum and subsequent minimum deceleration.
Each sign is coded for sentence and narrative level characteristics (e.g. narrative final/non-final, sentence final/non-final, narrative stress, sentence stress,
sentence topic, etc) and information status (new/old, focus, contrast, asserted,
questioned, theme/rheme [Milkovic et al 2007], etc). The kinematic variables
are regressed against narrative/sentence variables to determine their relationships. In addition, the entire dataset will be input to several signal detection
algorithms to identify significant patterns. This technique moves kinematic
analysis of signing into a larger rhythmic and discourse domain.
1. KNOW-THAT DEAF SCHOOL HAVE NEW DORM. OLD NOT DESTROY, SURPRISE ME. BUILD NEW NEXT-TO BUILD. BEAUTIFUL.
‘You know the Deaf school has a new dorm? I’m surprised they didn’t
destroy the old one. The new one is built next to the old one. It’s beautiful.’
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Perspective Shift, Discourse Modes and Temporal
Interpretation in Sign Languages
Christian Rathmann / U. Hamburg
Freitag, 15.3., 14:00–14:30
Discourse chunks involve multiple characters. It is possible in sign languages to adopt the perspective of these characters through a mechanism called
perspective shift. Perspective shift does not directly contribute temporal information, but interacts with discourse mode, which in turn affects temporal
interpretation.
Specifically, if perspective shift is used to convey two characters’ perspective on the same thing, it is considered to be in Description mode (following
Smith 2003). Within this mode, the pattern of temporal interpretation is anaphoric. The reference time for the two perspectives is the same and is linked
back to a reference time set up at the beginning of a discourse chunk.
It starts with Description mode by setting up the situation (the mother
looking out the window). Then the rest of the discourse chunk expands on
this situation by going into detail each character’s perspective on it. Thus the
reference time in each perspective is linked to the original reference time.
Under a particular perspective which zooms in on the original reference time
and shifts it to utterance time, it is possible to narrate sub-events that progress
from one to another, as in Narrative mode. Relating a series of sub-events
in Narrative mode is not a necessary feature of perspective shift. Perspective
shift can be used to report dialogue between characters as well.
In sum, perspective shift allows rich possibilities for temporal interpretation, depending on which mode (and its accompanying pattern of temporal
interpretation) is being used. The analysis of perspective shift will be represented within the (S)-DRT framework.
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Wahrheit – Fokus – Negation
Herausgegeben von Horst Lohnstein und Hardarik Blühdorn
Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 18
2012. 261 Seiten. 978-3-87548-646-9. Kartoniert 49.90
buske.de
Das Sonderheft betrachtet das
Phänomen ›Verumfokus‹ unter verschiedenen theoretischen Perspektiven und entwickelt Konzeptionen,
die zu einem angemesseneren
Verständnis der syntaktischen, semantischen und pragmatischen
Eigenschaften der damit verbundenen Konstruktionen führen sollen.
Der abschließende Beitrag führt
Kerngedanken aus dem Band zusammen und entwickelt eine neue
Theorie des Verumfokus, die für
Syntax und Semantik der unterschiedlichen Satzmodi und Satzarten des Deutschen ausbuchstabiert wird.
Stefan Sudhoff: Negation der
Negation – Verumfokus und die
niederländische Polaritätspartikel
›wel‹
Hardarik Blühdorn: Faktizität,
Wahrheit, Erwünschtheit: Negation,
Negationsfokus und »Verum»Fokus im Deutschen
Hardarik Blühdorn &
Horst Lohnstein:
Verumfokus im Deutschen:
Versuch einer Synthese
Hardarik Blühdorn &
Horst Lohnstein: Einleitung
Hildegard Stommel:
Verum-Fokus als Kontrast-Fokus
Horst Lohnstein: Verumfokus –
Satzmodus – Wahrheit
Daniel Gutzmann: Verum – Fokus
– Verum-Fokus? Fokus-basierte
und lexikalische Ansätze
www.buske.de/lb
Helmut Buske Verlag
Arbeitsgruppe 9
Flavia Adani
Johannes Hennies
Eva Wimmer
The investigation of early language acquisition and its development under
specific conditions has proven to be a powerful tool to learn more about the
system of different languages and their acquisition mechanisms. Several studies have addressed the question of how children acquire one or more languages under specific conditions, such as developmental disorders, sensory disabilities, or different ages of onset in L2-acquisition. This line of comparative
research (cross-population and/or cross-linguistic) is able to uncover subtle
aspects of the language acquisition process that only emerge under some specific conditions and it also helps in providing a finer-grained characterization
of language disorders.
The papers in this workshop will focus on three topics: i) the comparison
between different populations and different languages as a way to characterize
the language acquisition process under specific conditions; ii) the distinction
between “typical” and “atypical” language development and the discussion
of different explanations for the latter (such as an impairment of the linguistic
system or a performance deficit) and their potential interplay; and iii) the
contribution of experimental data to inform the representation of grammar
under specific conditions and vice versa.
The workshop gives an opportunity to address also methodological questions, e.g. the factors that need to be controlled when discussing different
groups and the criteria of matching in order to draw meaningful comparisons
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(e.g. matching based on age, length of exposure, or linguistic abilities). Towards this end, the workshop aims to bring together recent studies that examine two or more groups acquiring one language under different specific conditions or cross-linguistic research on children acquiring different languages
under the same specific condition, namely: children with Specific Language
Impairment (SLI), children with hearing impairment, L2-learners with different ages of onset and children with Autistic Spectrum Disorder (ASD). The
research will include the acquisition of different aspects of language, such as
phonetics/phonology, inflectional morphology, and syntax.
Similarities and Differences in Language Development
in Three Atypical Contexts: ASD, L2, and SLI
Laurie Tuller / U. Tours
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14.30–15.00
We will examine three different acquisition contexts, two of which involve
pathology, and one which involves second language input. Our goal was to investigate whether sensitivity to linguistic computational complexity is similar
in children acquiring the same language in these varying situations, and, more
generally, to what extent these children display similar language performance. Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD), children with Specific
Language Impairment (SLI), and child second language (L2) learners are alike in that acquisition of the target language is delayed, compared to typical,
monolingual language development (TD). Language delay is the inclusionary
criterion for SLI, and children who begin acquiring an L2 after early childhood (after age 4) are also clearly ‘behind’ TD monolingual children of the
same age, at least initially. Language delay (or regression) is also very common in ASD, and, indeed, is reported to be the most common reason why
parents first seek medical attention (Lord and Paul, 1997). Children in these
three groups might thus be expected to share certain difficulties with the same
target language, and indeed there is a growing literature which compares SLI
to L2, on the one hand, and SLI to ASD, on the other. However, there are
clear differences between these situations, which (also) might be expected to
determine how language develops. The most obvious is probably that TD L2
children have another language already, and that they are TD. Another is the
well-reported difficulty that children with ASD have with pragmatic aspects
of language. However, distinguishing healthy child L2 acquisition from SLI
in a child L2 acquisition context is a notoriously vexing problem (see COST
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Action IS0804). Likewise, the nature of language similarities between children with ASD and children with SLI are far from being understood (Williams
et al. 2008). Can comparative study help us better understand how language is acquired in these specific situations and how the language faculty and
language performance systems interact in acquisition? These questions will
be explored via results of a longitudinal, comparative study of over 60 6-to
12-year-old child learners of French: monolingual children with a standard
diagnosis of SLI, monolingual children with a standard diagnosis of ASD,
and typically developing British children growing up in France after age four
following familial immigration. These three groups are compared to monolingual TD French children: 4-year-olds, 6-year-olds, 8-year-olds, and 11-yearolds (as well as adult controls). The children in the ASD, L2, and SLI groups
were tested twice, at an interval of one year, via standardized language measures, spontaneous language samples, and experimental tasks probing areas
of French syntax which are known to be sources of difficulty in acquisition
(pronominal clitics) or which allow for straightforward testing of varying degrees of computational complexity, measured in terms of syntactic movement
(wh-questions). Results of these different ways of accumulating data have
revealed striking similarities, but also equally striking differences between
language performance in these groups of children. The role computational
complexity plays in determining acquisition sequences and difficulties may
not be identical in different contexts.
Phonological processing in atypical development: an
intergroup comparison
Ferré Sandrine and Christophe dos Santos / U. Tours
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15.00–15.30
Vowels are often presented as being the most stable element in a word. Supporting this idea, studies on children with Specific Language Impairment
(SLI) often describe a deficit on consonants (Ferré et al., 2011; Gallon et al.,
2007; Marshall et al., 2002; Van der Lely, 2005) for those children. In contrast, speakers with Autistic Spectrum Disorder (ASD) are known to show a
deficit on the level of prosody (Diehl and Paul, 2011; McCann and Peppé,
2003). Vowel is the principal place of prosodic feature expression. The phonetic realization of these prosodic features is language dependant (Hayes,
1995).
The question is to determine whether the prosodic impairment of children with ASD generates more trouble on vowel production than in children
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with SLI. If they show different patterns of errors than children with SLI, it
would mean that a specific phonological deficit also exists for children with
ASD. Then, we suppose that it could play a role in their prosodic deficit.
If vowels and consonants are preserved, the impairment could then find its
origin at another level than the pure phonological one. Moreover a comparison with English-speaking children that acquire French as a second language
would allow us to check whether dealing with stress placement could lead to
a disturbance on vowel production.
We compared productions of three groups of children at a word repetition
task: 28 children with SLI aged 6;5 to 12;11 (mean 9;6), 17 children with
ASD aged 6;4 to 12;9 (mean 8;9) and 26 children who have English as first
language and French as second language aged 6;4 to 12;7 (mean 9;6). We
use the standardized word repetition task of the BILO-3C (Khomsi, 2007).
This test includes words of various lengths and different level of phonological
complexity.
Overall performances on the word repetition test show that children with
SLI have significantly lower scores compared to children with ASD and L2
children (respectively, mean SD: -7.1; -5.1; -2.6). Correlations between word
phonological structures and word productions show that children with pathology have difficulties with structural complexity whereas L2 children are
mainly influenced by word length. The analysis of vowel production shows
that vowels are not problematic for any of these children. However, consonants, and especially clusters, are a source of difficulty for children with ASD
and with SLI. Children with ASD show phonological difficulties not linked
with their prosodic impairment. Patterns of errors are similar in children with
pathology with a preference in using substitution and elision of phonemes.
L2 children show a clear preference for elision. They also tend to omit entire syllables instead of isolated phonemes, possibly due to the different stress
system found in these two languages.
To conclude, we can say that L2 children are not really affected by structural complexity but rather by a mismatch between French and English prosody. Children with pathology are influenced by complexity rather than prosody. Differences between children with ASD and SLI are mainly seen in the
amount of errors, but not in patterns of errors.
References Diehl, J.J. & Paul, R. (in press). Acoustic and perceptual measurements of
prosody production on the profiling elements of prosodic systems in children by children with autism spectrum disorder. Applied Psycholinguistics. • Ferré, S., Tuller, L.,
Piller, A.-G. & Barthez, M.-A., (2011) Strategies of avoidance in (a)typical develop-
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ment of French, In L. Dominguez & P. Guijarres-Fuentes (eds), Selected proceedings
of the Romance Turn III, Cambridge: Cambridge Scholar Publisher. • Gallon, N., Harris, J. & van der Lely, H. (2007). Non-word repetition: an investigation of phonological complexity in children with Grammatical SLI. Clinical linguistics & phonetics,
21, 435-55. • Hayes, B. (1995). Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies,
University of Chicago Press. • Khomsi, A., Khomsi, J., Pasquet, F. & Parbeau-Guéno,
A. (2007). Bilan Informatisédu langage Oral au cycle 3 et au Collége (BILO-3C). Editions du Centre de Psychologie Appliquée, Paris. • Marshall, C., Ebbels, S., Harris, J.,
& van der Lely, H. K. J. (2002). Investigating the impact of prosodic complexity on
the speech of children with Specific Language Impairment. In Vermeulen, R. & Neeleman, A. (Eds.) UCL Working Papers in Linguistics, 14, 43-66. • McCann, J., & Peppé,
S. (2003). Prosody in autism spectrum disorders: A critical review. International Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 38, 325–350.• van der Lely, H. K. J.
(2005). Grammatical-SLI and the computational grammatical complexity hypothesis.
Revue Frequences, 17, 3, 13-20
Clitic production and nonword repetition in early L2
and SLI acquisition of Italian: what do they reveal and
how can they be useful?
Maria Teresa Guasti / U. Milano-Bicocca
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15.30–16.00
The production of clitics is an excellent clinical marker of SLI in Italian at 5
years (Bortolini et al., 2006) and at 7 years (Arosio et al., 2010). However,
clitic production is problematic in other conditions (Leonini, 2006), one of
which is early L2 acquisition. This is a serious problem for the identification
of L2 children with SLI. It also raises the question of why clitics are vulnerable in both acquisition modes. This paper aims at providing a viable solution
to the first problem and an explanation of the second question.
participants: 20 early L2 Italian-Arabic children (M =5;6 SD = 0,2, range 5;1
-6;0,) and 18 early L2 Italian-Arabic children (M = 7;5, SD = 0,3, range 7;18;0). Each group was matched with a group of monolingual Italian-speaking
children matched for sex, age and SES.
tasks: Children were administered: TCGB (Chilosi and Cipriani, 2006) to assess grammatical comprehension; Non word (NW) repetition (PRCR-2, Cornoldi, Miato, Molin and Poli, 1995) and direct object clitic production. NW
repetition, like clitic production, is a good clinical marker of SLI in Italian
(Bortolini et al., 2006).
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results: TCGB: Although there is a significant improvement from 5 to 7 years
in both monolingual and L2 children, the former are better than the latter. Non
word repetition. There is an improvement from 5 to 7 years. This time, however, both at 5 and 7 years, L2 learners are better than monolingual. Clitics.
Monolingual are better than L2 children at 5, but at 7 years there is no longer
any difference.
discussions: L2 learners have a weaker general competence than their monolingual peers at 5 and 7 as assessed by the TCGB. Like children with SLI,
they have problems with clitics at 5 years, but they catch up at 7 years. Unlike
children with SLI, L2 learners are strong in the repetition of NW at 5 and 7
years.
proposals: First, as NW repetition is an area of weakness in monolingual
children with SLI at 5 years, one may conjecture that the combination of NW
repetition and clitic production identify, among L2 learners, those affected
with SLI. Second, clitic production involves a number of skills: phonological (clitics are weak syllables), morphosyntactic (clitics have case, number
and gender features) and syntactic (they give rise to a non canonical word order SOV). Phonological skills are also involved in NW repetition. Thus, one
may suggest that clitic production is taxing for children with SLI because of
the complexity it involves at all linguistic levels (from phonology to syntax).
By contrast, the difficulty for L2 learners stems from the morphosyntactic or
syntactic complexity.
Sentence repetition as a means of identifying bilingual
children with SLI in French
Alice Fleckstein, Philippe Prévost, Laurie Tuller,
and Rasha Zebib / U. Tours
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16.30–17.00
Several studies reported similar language developmental paths in bilingual
children and monolinguals with SLI, which makes it hard to determine whether language problems in bilingual children are due to SLI or to typical L2
acquisition (e.g. Paradis and Crago, 2000, 2004). In particular, previous results in typical and atypical language acquisition have shown the crucial role
played by computational complexity in language development, as determined
by the nature and number of morphosyntactic operations, such as movement,
and by depth of embedding (e.g. Friedmann et al., 2009; Hamann, 2006; Jakubowicz and Tuller, 2008). In addition, standardized language tests used to
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identify children at risk of SLI have not been standardized on bilingual children, which makes the results obtained on L2 learners difficult to interpret,
with the risk of overdiagnosis of language impairment in this population.
In this paper, we explore sentence repetition as a new way of testing language abilities in bilingual children. Such tasks have been shown to be a reliable diagnostic marker of SLI with monolinguals (Conti-Ramsden et al.,
2001). We tested performance on structures of various computational complexity levels in French among different populations aged 5;7 to 6;7: monolinguals with typical development (TD) (n=16), monolinguals with SLI (n=12),
and bilingual children with Arabic or English as their L1. Some of the bilinguals had a suspicion of SLI (the Bi-SLI group, n=24, 12 for each L1) and
some did not (the Bi-TD group, n=24, 12 for each L1). All children were
administered a digit span task testing executive functions, and the bilingual
children and the monolinguals with SLI took a standardized test on receptive
vocabulary as well as Raven’s Progressive Matrices in order to measure their
non-verbal reasoning skills. The sentence repetition task contained 56 sentences controlled for length, such as main clauses with present and (composite) past tense, sentences with accusative clitics, passives, wh-questions, and
biclausal sentences (with clausal embedding or relative clauses). Four measures were obtained: percentage of production of identical sentences, of target
structures, of grammatical sentences and of target grammatical morphemes.
In our preliminary results with 11 Arabic/French bilinguals (6 BI-SLI and
5 BI-TD) and 23 monolinguals (16 TD and 7 with SLI), the percentage of
identical repetition was the measure that best distinguished between monolingual and bilingual children with SLI from those with typical development.
In particular, there was no overlap between the performance of the Bi-TD and
the Bi-SLI. Furthermore, the children with SLI had significantly lower performance on exact repetition of constructions involving higher computational
complexity (e.g. object relative clauses) than the TD children. Finally, we
observed a limited effect of sentence length. Although in some cases longer
sentences tended to be repeated less correctly than shorter sentences, it was
not always the case. For example, in both SLI groups, 12-or 13-syllable sentences were repeated as correctly as 5-or 7-syllable sentences. These results
suggest that sentence repetition tasks can be used to identify SLI in bilingual
children and they confirm the vulnerability of children with SLI to complexity
effects.
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Some notes on nonword repetition in monolingual and
early second language acquisition
Angela Grimm / U. Frankfurt
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This paper discusses the usage of nonword repetition in early second language
acquisition (eL2). Nonword repetition assesses children’s working memory
capacities and/or their phonological skills. The task is often seen as relatively free of language-specific knowledge (Kiese-Himmel and Risse 2009) and
thus seems to be particularly applicable for eL2 learners. Nonword repetition also distinguishes typically developing (TD) children from children with
Specific language Impairment (SLI). However, given the poorer performance
of TD eL2 learners compared to TD monolinguals (MON), it is an empirical
question if nonword repetition also disentangles eL2 learners with and without SLI.
eL2 learners start acquiring their second language (L2) between age two and
four (Meisel 2009). In lexical and grammatical tasks, eL2-TD preschoolers
lag behind age-matched MON-TDs (Wenzel et al. 2009 for grammar, Budde
et al. 2012 for vocabulary). For nonword repetition, the evidence is mixed.
Budde et al. (2012) found no differences between MON-TD and eL2-TD,
while Messer et al. (2010) and Windsor et al. (2012) did. Windsor et al. (2012)
reported that eL2-TD children performed similar to MON-SLI children, with
both groups outperforming the eL2-SLI group.
As in any other task, the accuracy of eL2 learners in nonword repetition
improves with their chronological age and the length of exposure (LoE) to the
L2; the differences to MON thus decrease over time. In non-word repetition
tasks, differences between age-matched MON-TD and eL2-TD children increase with word-length, if nonwords sound more like existing words of the
L2, and if nonwords contain sound sequences infrequent in the L2 (Messer et
al. 2010). These findings imply that the acquisition type (MON, eL2) and the
language-specificity of the items should be considered when assessing eL2
learners with a nonword repetition task.
We constructed a nonword repetition task with a special focus on languagespecific effects as joint work within the COST-Action IS0804 (www.bi-sli.org).
Language-specific effects were controlled by constructing a (quasi-)languageindependent part (LI, 30 items) and a language-dependent part (LD, 36 items).
We expected eL2-TD learners to perform like MON-TD in the LI part, but to
produce significantly more errors in the LD part. Pilot data of 7 MON (mean
age 4;6) and 6 eL2 learners (mean age 4;7, mean LoE 23 months) supported
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our prediction: The eL2-TD learners produced significantly more errors than
the MON-TD if the two test parts were collapsed (p < .001) and in the LD
part (p < .001), but not in the LI part (p < .1).
The results provide further evidence that the properties of the items influence the performance of eL2 learners in nonword repetition tasks. Our
task differs from previous ones, which controlled items for specific properties (i.e., word length, word-likeness, phonotactics), but where the items still
sound relatively close to a specific language. Our data shows that differences
between MON-TD and eL2-TD disappear even in four-year olds if languageindependent items were used. We argue that nonwords can be constructed
without disadvantaging eL2 learners and discuss the implications of our account for the assessment of MON and eL2 learners with SLI.
References Budde, N., Sachse, S. & Rinker, T. (2012). Cross sectional language data of a Turkisch-German migrant population. Poster, Conference on Bilingual and
Multilingual Interaction, Bangor, March 30 –April, 1, 2012. • Kiese-Himmel, C. &
Risse, T. (2009). Normen für den Mottier-Test bei 4 bis 6-jährigen Kindern. HNO 57,
943-948.b • Meisel, J. (2009). Second language acquisition in early childhood. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 28, 5-34. • Messer, M.H., Leseman, P.P., Boom, J. &
Mayo, A.Y. (2010). Phonotactic probability effect in nonword recall and its relation
with vocabulary in monolingual and bilingual preschoolers. Journal of Experimental
Child Psychology 105, 306-323. • Wenzel, R., Schulz, P. & Tracy, R. (2009). Herausforderungen und Potential der Sprachstandsdiagnostik –überlegungen am Beispiel
von LiSe-DaZ. In H. H. Reich und H.-J. Roth (Hrsg.): Dokumentation der FörMigHerbsttagung 2007: Von der Sprachdiagnose zur Sprachförderung, 45-70. Münster:
Waxmann. • Windsor, J., Kohnert, K., Lobitz, K.F., & Pham, G.T. (2012). Crosslanguage nonword repetition by bilingual and monolingual children. American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology 19, 298–310.
Is there a sensitive period for L2 morphological
acquisition at age 4;0?
Johanne Paradis / U. Alberta
Elma Blom / U. Amsterdam
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17.30–18.00
Much research has indicated that L2 acquisition before the ages of 6;0-8;0
can result in native-like ultimate attainment, but L2 acquisition after that age
does not (cf. Hyltenstam & Abrahamsson, 2003). Recently, Meisel (2009) has
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proposed the closing down of a ‘sensitive’ period for the mechanisms permitting native-like acquisition patterns for morphology to be even earlier, namely
at age 4;0. For this study, we asked whether tense morpheme acquisition in
child L2 English showed evidence supporting this idea. We examined the acquisition of BE morphemes and inflections (3SG, past tense) in one group of
English L2 learners who began learning English before 4;0 (early child L2)
and another group who began after 4;0 (late child L2). According to Meisel’s
proposal, the early child L2ers should show the native child L1 pattern of
roughly equivalent acquisition of BE and inflections (Rice & Wexler, 2001;
Paradis et al., 2008); whereas, the late child L2 group should show the nonnative precocious BE acquisition pattern, i.e., BE morphemes in advance of
inflections (Paradis et al., 2008; Ionin & Wexler, 2002).
The early child L2ers (N=40; M-age of acquisition=42 months; M-L2- exposure=23 months) differed from the late child L2ers (N=39; M-age of acquisition=54 months; M-L2-exposure=22 months) in age of acquisition (t(77)=12.9, p < .001), but not in months of L2 exposure (t(77)=1.4, p = .15). Both
groups had similar numbers of children with and without a tense-marking L1.
Dependent variables for BE and 3SG/past tense inflection were based on the
Test of Early Grammatical Impairment (TEGI; Rice and Wexler, 2001); the
TEGI screener (SCR) for oral production and the TEGI grammaticality judgment task for omission (GJT-1) and bad agreement (GJT-2). For production,
it was found that the children made fewer errors at using BE than at using
inflections (F(1)=30.6, p < .001, partial η 2 = .29). The late child L2 group
tended to have higher accuracies for inflections than the early child L2 group
(F(1)=3.8, p = .056, partial η 2 = .05). For both GJT tasks, L2 children were
better at judging errors with BE than with inflections, regardless of their age
of acquisition (GJT-1: F(1)=61.6, p < .001, partial η 2 = .44; GJT-1: F(1)=6.9,
p = .01, partial η 2 = .08).
For this study we tested the claim that there is a sensitive period for morphological acquisition that lasts until age 4;0 by investigating if precocious
BE is typical for late child L2 learners of English. Our results did not corroborate this idea, because both early and late child L2ers showed the effect
of precocious BE and differed from English L1ers in this respect. Interestingly, the outcomes of our study suggested that for acquiring morphology L2
children can benefit from starting after age 4;0. We conclude that maturation
is not only for the worse but could also be for the better (Paradis, 2009, 2010)
and argue that cognitive maturity can explain both patterns for BE and verb
inflection development in L2 children.
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References Hyltenstam, K. & N. Abrahamsson (2003). Maturational constraints in
second language acquisition. In Handbook of Second Language Acquisition, C. J.
Doughty & M. H. Long (eds.), 539-588. Oxford: Blackwell. • Meisel, J. M. (2009).
Second language acquisition in early childhood. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft
28, 1-40. • Paradis, J. (2009). Maturation: For better or for worse? Zeitschrift für
Sprachwissenschaft, 28, 41-46 • Paradis, J. (2010). The interface between bilingual
development and specific language impairment. Keynote article for special issue with
peer commentaries. Applied Psycholinguistics, 31, 3-28. • Paradis, J., M. Rice, M.
Crago & J. Marquis (2008). The acquisition of tense in English: Distinguishing child
L2 from L1 and SLI. Applied Psycholinguistics, 29, 1-34. • Ionin, T. & K. Wexler
(2002). Why is “is” easier than “s”? Acquisition of tense / agreement morphology
by child L2-English learners. Second Language Research, 18, 95-136. • Rice, M.L.,
& Wexler, K. (2001). Test of Early Grammatical Impairment. New York, NY: The
Psychological Corporation.
Morphosyntactic and Pragmatic Competence in
Children with Developmental Dyslexia and/or SLI
Fabrizio Arosio1 , Mirta Vernice1 , Emanuela Tenca2
and Maria Teresa Guasti2 /
1 U. Milano-Bicocca and 2 Centro do Psicomotricitá, Lodi
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18.00–18.30
In children with developmental dyslexia (DDs) and in children with specific
language impairment (SLIs) we tested: (i) the production of 3rd singular direct object clitic pronouns (DOCs) and 3rd singular reflexive clitic pronouns
(RECs); (ii) the comprehension of the quantifiers ‘some’ and ‘all’. Clitics are
part of morphosyntax, they are prosodically weak elements and they resume
a discourse topic. The failure to produce DOCs is a clinical marker of SLI
in Italian pre-school children (Bortolini et al., 2006). Our study investigated
whether this failure persists in older SLIs and whether it is observable in DDs.
We investigated whether this failure also affects RECs. The comprehension
of quantifiers involves peculiar semantic abilities and might also require to
compute pragmatic implicatures. We investigated semantic-pragmatic abilities in order to identify areas of vulnerability and areas of strength in these
children. We tested 24 Italian monolingual DDs, mean age 9 years, 24 age
controls (CA) and 24 vocabulary matched controls (VA); we tested 19 Italian
monolingual SLIs, mean age 7 years, 19 age controls (CA), 19 grammar mat-
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ched controls (GA), 19 lexicon matched controls (VA). Data were analyzed
using a repeated measure logistic regression analysis.
SLIs produced less DOCs than CA (p<.001), VA (p<.001) and GA
(p<.001). They tended to produce a corresponding full NP (CA comparison (p<.001), VA comparison (p<.001), GA comparison (p<.001)). No difference between SLIs and controls in the production of RECs. SLIs were
different from CA (p<.001) but not from VA and GA in the comprehension of quantifiers: they understood ‘all’ statements and informative ‘some’
statements but they had problems in rejecting under informative ‘some’ statements.
DDs produced less DOCs than CA (p=.002) and VA (p<.001). They also tended to produce a corresponding full NP (CA comparison (p=.003), VA
comparison (p<.001). No difference between DDs and controls in the production of RECs. No difference between DDs and controls in the comprehension
of quantifiers.
Discussion. DOC omission is a persistent clinical marker in older SLIs.
We will argue that this may come about because the production of clitics is
complex (they involve movement to a preverbal position) and not because
children fail to understand the pragmatic function of pronouns or exclusively
because clitics are prosodically weak elements. Our data show children have
no problems in the production of RECs, which are also weak elements, and
that pragmatic deficits are milder. DDs have problems in the production of
DOCs. This suggests that at least a subgroup of the DDs has problems in
achieving complex morphosyntactic operations although they are diagnosed
as not having SLI.
Specific Language Impairment in light of other
developmental disorders: Evidence from morphological
and syntactic investigations
Stavroula Stavrakaki / U. Thessaloniki
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09.00–09.30
The question of whether Specific Language Impairment (SLI) shares specific phenotypic features with other neurodevelopmental disorders received
remarkable attention in the last years (Conti-Ramsden et al., 2006; Laws &
Bishop, 2003). In this talk, I present research studies that explore the extent to
which linguistic characteristics of SLI are seen in other neurodevelopmental
disorders, namely, Down’s syndrome (DS) and Autism Spectrum Disorders
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(ASD). Specifically, I report data concerning the production and/or comprehension of subject-verb agreement, past tense marking (regular vs. irregular)
wh-questions, and relative clauses. While our studies suggest similar quantitative trends of linguistic performance in these populations, they reveal crucial qualitative differences which indicate distinct linguistic profiles for these
individuals.
References Conti-Ramsden G.M, Simkin Z., & Botting N.F. (2006). The prevalence
of autistic spectrum disorders in adolescents with a history of specific language impairment (SLI). Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 47, 621-628. • Laws,
G. & Bishop, D.V.M. (2003). A comparison of language abilities in adolescents with
Down syndrome and children with Specific Language Impairment. Journal of Speech,
Language and Hearing Research, 46, 1324-1339.
The acquisition of subject-verb agreement in German
monolingual children with SLI and in successive
bilingual children without and with SLI
Monika Rothweiler / U. Bremen
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09.30–10.00
The study of bilingual children without and with SLI raises a number of theoretical and practical questions. Does bilingual language development in children differ from monolingual development? Does bilingual language development interact with a language impairment and if so, how? How reliable are the
linguistic characteristics and markers of monolingual SLI for simultaneous or
successive bilinguals with SLI?
The main question, namely whether the symptoms of SLI are intensified
in the context of bilingual language acquisition, is a still open question; cf.
Paradis (2010). To approach this question, the present study concentrates on
three groups of children who acquire German under different specific conditions: a group of monolingual children with SLI, a group of unimpaired
early successive bilingual children (with Turkish as L1), and a group of early
successive bilingual children with SLI (with Turkish as L1). The study concentrates on the question whether the two groups of children with language
impairment exhibit the same or different grammatical difficulties in German
and how the children with SLI differ from the group of unimpaired bilingual
children. The linguistic analysis focusses on subject-verb agreement marking
in the children’s German because difficulties with the acquisition of SVA have
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been argued to represent a grammatical marker of SLI in German for monolingual children (Clahsen et al. 1997), and for bilingual children (Rothweiler
et al. 2012). Furthermore, SVA has been reported to be vulnerable in adult L2
as well (Meisel 1997).
The data come from six unimpaired early successive bilingual children,
six early successive bilingual children with SLI, and six monolingual children
with SLI (age 4;4 to 7;11 for the SLI groups; age 3;6 to 6;8 for the unimpaired group). The data sets are MLU-matched. The age of onset of German is
between age 2;9 to 4;4 in the bilingual groups.
The results show that the unimpaired children master the SVA paradigm
early and very similar to what has been found for unimpaired monolingual
German children. The findings also confirm subject-verb agreement as a clinical marker of SLI in German, for both monolingual and early successive
bilingual children, and show that acquiring a second language does not necessarily aggravate SLI.
References Clahsen, H., Bartke, S. & Goellner, S. (1997). Formal features in impaired
grammars: a comparison of English and German SLI children. Journal of Neurolinguistics, 10, 151-171. • Meisel, J. (1997). The acquisition of the syntax of negation in
French and German: contrasting first and second language development. Second Language Research, 13, 227-263. • Paradis, J. (2010). The interface between bilingual development and specific language impairment. Applied Psycholinguistics, 31, 227-252.
• Rothweiler, M., Chilla, S. & Clahsen, H. (2012). Subject Verb Agreement in Specific Language Impairment: A study of monolingual and bilingual German-speaking
children. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 15, 39-57.
Subject-Verb-Agreement in Early Second Language
Learners with and without SLI: Evidence from Elicited
Production in German
Rabea Schwarze, Magdalena Wojtecka, Angela Grimm, and
Petra Schulz / U. Frankfurt and Research Center IDeA
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10.00–10.30
Subject-verb-agreement (SVA) has been argued to be one of the central vulnerable areas in children with Specific Language lmpairment (SLI). While
monolingual German acquisition has been studied extensively (Grimm 1993,
Clahsen 1989, Rice, Noll & Grimm 1997), little research exists on early second language (eL2) acquisition of SVA. This study investigates how eL2
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learners of German with and without SLI master SVA, when tested with a
standardized elicited production task. Studies by Rothweiler (2006) and Tracy & Thoma (2009) suggest that typically developing (TD) children learning
German as eL2 master SVA after about one year of exposure, i.e. generally at
about age 4. A study of 7 eL2 children with SLI revealed severe and presumably persistent difficulties with SVA in German, evidenced by the production
of bare stems, infinitives, or substitutions up to age 8 (Rothweiler, Chilla &
Clahsen 2012). Importantly, these studies used mostly spontaneous speech
production data from small samples, based on qualitatively and quantitatively
diverse corpora. Therefore, it is unclear whether the observed difficulties generalize across eL2 children with SLI, when using a standardized procedure,
which elicits sentence structures in a controlled way allowing for objective
and efficient data analysis and for comparisons across children.
To address this question, we administrated an elicited production task
from the standardized test Lise-DaZ (Schulz & Tracy 2011) to 26 eL2 TDchildren (mean age at testing round T1: 4;7, Age of Onset: 2;9, Length of
Exposure: 1;9) and 14 older eL2 SLI-children (mean age at testing round T1:
6;9, AoO: 3;2, LoE: 3;7). The children were tested twice with an interval of
one year between T1 and T2. All eL2 SLI-children have been diagnosed by a
speech therapist as language impaired and performed below 1 SD in at least
2 LiSe-DaZ subtests, excluding the subtest SVA. All TD-children performed
within normal range in LiSe-DaZ.
So far, the data from 10 eL2 TD-children and 9 eL2 SLI-children have
been analyzed. The eL2 TD-children mostly produced correct inflected verbs
in both test rounds (T1: 92%, T2: 98%). In contrast, eL2 SLI-children showed
significantly poorer accuracy scores for SVA in both test rounds (T1: 73%, z=2.207, p=.027, T2: 85%, z=-2.917, p=.006; Mann-Whitney-Test). The most
frequent error types in the eL2 SLI-group were bare stems (T1 and T2: 12%)
and affix substitutions (T1: 12%). For both groups, no significant differences
were found between the two test rounds.
In sum, this is the first study to use an elicited production task to assess
SVA in eL2 TD and SLI acquisition. Our findings support the results from
previous studies, suggesting that SVA is mastered early (around age 4 to 5) in
typical eL2 acquisition, but presents problems in SLI eL2-acquisition up to
school age. A crucial advantage of elicited production is that – unlike in spontaneous speech settings – all children are presented with the same prompts,
which are tightly controlled for the grammatical structures under investigation, allowing for comparisons across children of different acquisition types,
e.g. typical and atypical eL2, as well as across time.
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References Clahsen, H. (1989). The grammatical characterization of developmental
dysphasia. Linguistics 27, 897-920. • Grimm, H. (1993). Syntax and morphological
difficulties in German-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment: Implications for diagnosis and intervention. In: Grimm, H. & H. Skowronek (eds.), Language Acquisition Problems and Reading Disorders: Aspects of Diagnosis and Intervention. Berlin: de Gruyter. • Rice, M., K. R. Noll & H. Grimm (1997). An extended
optional infinitive stage in German speaking children with specific language impairment. Language Acquisition 6, 255-295. • Rothweiler, M. (2006). The acquisition
of V2 and subordinate clauses in early successive acquisition of German. In: Lle, C.
(eds.), Interfaces in multilingualism: Acquisition, representation and processing. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 91-113. • Rothweiler, M., S. Chilla & H. Clahsen (2012).
Subject-verb agreement in specific language impairment: A study of monolingual and
bilingual German-speaking children. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15 (1),
39-57. • Schulz, P. & T. Tracy (2011). LiSe-DaZ -Linguistische Sprachstandserhebung Deutsch als Zweitsprache. Göttingen: Hogrefe. • Tracy, R. & D. Thoma (2009).
Convergence on finite V2 clauses in L1, bilingual L1 and early L2 acquisition. In:
Dimroth C. & P. Jordens (eds.), Functional categoeries in learner language. Studies
on Language Acquisition (SOLA). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1-43.
Production of definite articles in English-speaking
sequential bilingual children and children with SLI
Vasiliki Chondrogianni / Bangor U
Theodoros Marinis / U. Reading
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10.30–11.00
Studies with naturalistic or narrative data have shown that definite articles
are problematic for monolingual (L1) children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI), as well as for sequential bilingual (L2) typically developing
(TD) (L2-TD) children acquiring English as an L2, whose L1 does not grammaticalise articles (see Polite et al., 2011 for children with SLI; Zdorenko &
Paradis, 2008, 2011 for L2 children). Additionally, experimental studies with
English L1-TD children (Schafer & deVilliers, 2000) suggest that semantic
context influences definite article production. To date there is no systematic
experimental study examining the effects of semantic factors in the acquisition of definite articles in L1 children with SLI and L2-TD children, which
could shed light into different profile effects in the two populations.
The present study examines the effect of semantic context in L1 Englishspeaking children with SLI and L2-TD (L1 Turkish) children. 29 L1 children
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with SLI (Mean:7;5), 21 L2-TD age-matched children (Mean:7;6), 30 L1-TD
age-matched (AM) children (mean:7;5) and 13 younger L1-TD (mean:5.5)
controls participated in a task examining definite article production in two
different semantic contexts (Schafer & deVilliers, 2000). The anaphoric use
of articles requires tracking discourse reference; the bridging use of articles is
established via world knowledge mapping and is shown to be acquired early
(Coopmans & Avrutin, 2000).
Results showed that performance on the anaphoric was lower than on
the bridging context for all groups (L1 children with SLI: anaphoric: 23.4%,
bridging: 61; p<.01; L2-TD children: anaphoric: 32.4%, bridging: 78.9%;
p<.001; AM L1-TD: anaphoric: 61.6%, bridging: 78.3%; p<.01; younger
L1-TD: anaphoric: 47.4%, bridging: 75.6%; p<.05). Additionally, in the anaphoric condition, the L1 children with SLI and the L2-TD children had significantly lower accuracy than the AM L1-TD children (p<.001 and p<.05
respectively), but did not differ from the younger L1-TD controls or from each
other (p>.1). In the bridging condition, there was no difference in terms of
accuracy between any of the groups (p>.1). In terms of errors, the L1 children with SLI substituted more than the AM L1-TD (p<.001) and the L2-TD
children (p=.001) in both conditions (anaphoric: SLI: 43.4%, L2-TD: 13.6%,
AM L1-TD: 9%; bridging: SLI: 18.5%, L2-TD: 1%, AM L1-TD: 5%), but
did not differ from the younger L1-TD children (younger L1-TD: anaphoric:
34.6%, bridging: 6.4%; p>.1). In the anaphoric condition, the L2-TD children
omitted significantly more (54%) than the younger L1-TD children (17.9%)
(p<.05).
The results suggest that the L1 children with SLI and the L2-TD children are influenced by the same semantic conditions that guide acquisition of
definite articles in English L1-TD children. At the same time, the error patterns point towards different profiles for the L1 children with SLI and the
L2-TD children. The children with SLI showed a profile of delay with more substitutions than omissions. This is similar to the younger TD controls
and difficulties seem to lie within the discourse use of definite articles. Conversely, the L2-TD children were more prone to article omissions, which are
compatible with performance-based accounts of L2 acquisition (Haznedar &
Schwartz, 1997).
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Verb inflection errors in Dutch SLI: Impairment of the
linguistic system, performance deficit . . . or both?
Elma Blom, Nada Vasić, and Jan de Jong / U. Amsterdam
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Specific Language Impairment (SLI) is a heterogeneous language disorder
that affects approximately 5 to 7% of the population. In Germanic languages, such as Dutch, problems with the production of verb inflection are the
hallmark of SLI (Leonard, 2009), a problem which has been ascribed to incomplete underlying language representations (Wexler et al., 2004) or to limitations in processing linguistic information (Leonard, 2007). The primary
goal of this study was to determine if problems with verb inflection in Dutch
SLI are caused by an impairment of the underlying linguistic system. The
secondary goal was to investigate if phonological properties of the verb form
affect performance with verb inflection in Dutch-acquiring children with SLI.
We carried out an experimental study using a three-group design with 26
children with SLI (Mage: 90 months), 20 typically-developing children matched for chronological age (TD-AM, Mage: 86 months) and 17 younger TD
children matched for language abilities based on receptive vocabulary (TDLM, Mage: 65 months). All children were Dutch monolinguals. A self-paced
listening (SPL) task was employed to assess childrens linguistic representations. The rationale of this task is that sentences, which are incongruent with
internal language representations need more processing time and thus yield
longer reaction times (Marinis, 2010). In the SPL task, sensitivity to omission of the 3SG -t suffix was measured as well as substitution of 3SG -t by the
plural suffix -en. A cloze test measured the effect of markedness of the coda
after suffixation of 3SG -t by varying the stem-final sound (plosive, fricative,
sonorant).
For the SPL task a main effect of Grammaticality (F(3)=22.14, p<.001)
and an interaction of Grammaticality by Group (F(6)=4.034, p=.001) were
found. The SLI group was insensitive to omission errors, but was sensitive to
substitution errors (t(17)=-3.90, p=.001). The TD-LM group was sensitive to
omission (t(17)=-3.45, p<.01), but not to substitution. The TD-AM group
was sensitive to omission (t(19)=-6.32, p<.001) and substitution (t(19)=3.568, p=.002). Mixed logistic regression modeling revealed an interaction
effect showing that only children with SLI omitted 3SG -t more often after
plosives and fricatives than after sonorants (both differences p=.009). Furthermore, in the SLI production data, omission (20%) was more frequent than
substitution (3%) (t(25)=3.93, p<.001).
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In our study children with SLI did not distinguish incorrect verb forms
from correct verb forms if the ungrammatical structure contained a frequent
error (omission), but if the ungrammatical structure contained an infrequent
error (substitution), ungrammaticality was noticed. Furthermore, marked consonant clusters caused children with SLI to make more errors with verb inflection. The observed symmetry between the processing and production results
suggest that the impairment affects children’s verb inflection representations.
The phonological effect indicates that children with SLI have particular difficulties spelling out verb inflection under phonologically challenging conditions, which points to a performance deficit. We will argue that both the
processing and production results can be accounted for by a domain-general
processing approach to SLI.
References Leonard, L. (2009). Cross-linguistic studies of child language disorders.
In R. Schwartz (Ed.), Handbook of child language disorders (pp. 308-324). New York,
NY: Psychology Press. • Leonard, L. (2007). Processing limitations and the grammatical profile of children with specific language impairment. In R. Kail (Ed.), Advances
in Child Development and Behavior, Volume 35 (pp. 139-171). New York: Elsevier.
• Marinis, T. (2010). Using on-line processing methods in language acquisition research. In Blom, E. & Unsworth, S. (Eds). Experimental methods in language acquistion
research (pp. 139-162). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. • Wexler, K., Schaeffer,
J. & Bol, G. (2004). Verbal syntax and morphology in typically developing children
and children with SLI: How developmental data can play an important role in morphological theory. Syntax, 7, 148-198.
Subject marking in the Basque language of early
simultaneous and successive bilinguals
Maria-José Ezeizabarrena1 , Maialen Iraola1,2 , and Amaia
Munarriz1 / 1 U. of the Basque Country and 2 U. Konstanz
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12.00–12.30
Longitudinal studies on the acquisition of null S(ubject) languages have shown
that null S rates are almost adult-like from very early on. In contrast, bilinguals acquiring some null S languages display some overuse of overt Ss
(Haznedar 2010). In addition to the presence of overt Ss and/or S-verb agreement, case morphology turns to be relevant for agent/patient distinctions in
an ergative, null S language like Basque, in which Ss of transitive predicates are overtly marked, whereas objects and Ss of intransitive predicates are
both zero-marked. The high frequency of null arguments in Basque has been
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considered the main cause of the delay observed in the target production of
ergative marked Ss, contrasting with L1 and L2 children’s ability to produce
S marking on the verb inflection. Furthermore, the target-dislike performance on relative clauses attested in child L1 and in agrammatism points out
the relevance of the morphological component for mastering subject and object relative clauses in developing and in impaired grammars (Munarriz et al.
2012).
The current study aims to research in the bilingual patterns observed in
Basque, a language without monolingual adult speakers. Several data sets of
children acquiring Basque as their first language (L1) or together with Spanish (2L1) versus children exposed to it after age 2 or 3 (cL2), confirm the
existence of differences between (2)L1 and cL2. Firstly, data from a Picture
Selection Task show that 6-7-year-old L2 children display higher acceptance
rates of overt S pronouns than L1 children (Iraola & Ezeizabarrena 2011).
Secondly, results from a story retelling task by 5 to 8-year-old L1 and L2
children report that L2 8 year-olds still go through an optional ergative stage,
passed through by L1 children by age 4 (Ezeizabarrena 2012). Thus, age of
acquisition, as well as a lower exposure to the Basque language by L2 children may account for their difficulties in the mastery of case marking. Thirdly,
the higher production of overt Ss in some elicitation tasks coincides with a
higher omission rate of ergative marking generally observed in cL2, which
predicts a higher production rate of ‘apparent’ subject relatives instead of target object relatives in cL2 than in (2)L1.
Results obtained along the different studies mentioned (on the interpretation of null and overt subject pronouns at the syntax-discourse interface, and
the ergative case marking in main and relative clauses at syntax-morphology
interface) will be discussed with regard to the debate on the earlier/later acquisition of the narrow syntax vs. the the interface properties involving syntax
and other cognitive domains.
References Ezeizabarrena, M.J. (2012), Overt subjects in early Basque and other null
subject languages. International Journal of Bilingualism. DOI: 10.1177/136700691
2438997 • Haznedar, B. (2010), Transfer at the syntax-pragmatic interface: Pronominal subjects in bilingual Turkish. Second Language Research, 26, 355-378. • Iraola,
M. & Ezeizabarrena, M.J. (2011), Anaphora resolution in Basque: Null vs. overt subject hura. BUCLD 35 Online Proceedings Supplement. • Munarriz, A. et al. (2012),
Asymmetries in the linguistic impairment of a Spanish-Basque bilingual with chronic
aphasia. Paper at the NeuroPsychoLinguistic Perspectives on Aphasia Conference.
Toulouse.
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Impaired inflectional morphology in children with
Developmental Dyslexia: converging evidence from
behavioral and electrophysiological measures
Chiara Cantiani1,2 , Maria Teresa Guasti2 , Paolo Perego1 , and
Maria Luisa Lorusso1 / 1 Scientific Insitute E.Medea, Bosisio
Parini and 2 U. Milano-Bicocca
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12.30–13.00
General agreement has been reached on the presence of impaired inflectional morphology in Specific Language Impairment (SLI). Based on the widely recognized overlap between SLI and Developmental Dyslexia (DD) (e.g.,
Bishop & Snowling, 2004), the study of these features in DD gains theoretical and clinical relevance. Recent studies focusing on children with DD-only
revealed impaired inflectional morphology in this population as well, both
in production (e.g., Altmann et al., 2008) and in comprehension (e.g., Robertson & Joanisse, 2010), suggesting that the linguistic deficit in DD goes
beyond the sphere of phonology. However, some issues need further investigation, in particular concerning the direct comparison between DD children
with (DD+SLI) and without SLI (DD-only), and between the domains of production and comprehension.
In the present study we used converging evidence to better characterize impaired inflectional morphology in a sample of Italian DD children. 32
children with DD (16 with DD-only and 16 with DD+SLI) and 16 control
children (aged 8-12) were tested with a behavioral linguistic battery requiring
the production of nominal and verbal inflections using words and pseudowords. In addition, sentences containing subject-verb agreement violations
were auditorily presented and children were asked to judge the grammaticality of the sentences while ERPs time-locked to the critical morphemes were
recorded.
The behavioral results show impaired production of inflectional morphology in DD children. In particular, the deficit emerges in the inflectional manipulation of both words and pseudo-words in DD+SLI children, while it is
evident only for pseudo-words in DD-only children. In comprehension, the
sensitivity to subject-verb agreement violations (expressed as A’ score) is impaired only in the DD+SLI children group (p< .01). Interestingly, the three
groups show different ERP responses to the violations: the control group
shows the typical pattern associated to agreement violations (LAN+P600),
the DD+SLI group shows only a non-significant Positivity, and the DD-Only
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group shows a broadly distributed Negativity (p< .005), interpretable as a
N400 component.
These results provide us with a better understanding of the impairment
in inflectional morphology in DD children with and without SLI. DD+SLI
children show a pervasive disorder involving both production and comprehension. DD-only children show a more restricted deficit, involving only the
production of pseudo-words. However, the difference between the two dyslexic groups is not likely to be only quantitative, since qualitatively different
patterns emerge at the electrophysiological level. Based on theoretical models
of morphology (e.g., Ullman, 2001), we hypothesize that the strategy reflected in the N400 is related to the retrieval of the inflected forms as stored in
the lexicon. This hypothesis, coherent with the behavioral result of specific
difficulties with the inflections of pseudo-words, highlights the peculiarity of
the morphological impairment in DD.
References Altmann LJP et al., INT J LANG COMM DIS. 2008; 43: 55-76 • Bishop DVM & Snowling MJ, PSYCHOL BULL. 2004; 130: 858-886 • Robertson EK
& Joanisse MF, APPL PSYCHOLINGUIST. 2010; 31: 141-165 • Ullman MT, NAT
NEUROSCI. 2001; 2: 717-726
Cross-linguistic interaction in early L2 learners,
bilinguals and trilinguals
1,2
Gregory J. Poarch and Janet G. van Hell2,3
1 York U., 2 Pennsylvania State U.
and 3 Behavioural Science Institute, U. Nijmegen
Freitag, 15.3., 11.30–12.00
This study focuses on cross-language interaction in bilingual and multilingual children and builds empirically on the emerging data on cross-language
interaction during lexical access in adult bilinguals (e.g., Costa, La Heij, &
Navarrete, 2006; Festman, 2004; Kroll, Sumutka, & Schwartz, 2005). In three
experiments, we examined cross-language activation during speech production in various groups of child speakers that differed in number of languages, nonnative language proficiency, and language learning background. In
Experiments 1 through 3, German 5 to 8-year-old L2 learners of English,
German-English bilinguals, and German-English-language X trilinguals, named pictures in German and in English, respectively. In both language conditions, cognate status was manipulated. Of particular interest was whether the
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cognate manipulation would show its effects equally in the L2 learners, the
bilinguals, and the trilinguals (assuming a cognate effect to be an indicator
of nontarget language activation), and whether the participants’ number of
additional languages is reflected in naming latencies and accuracy. We found
that the bidirectional cognate facilitation effect, also found in earlier studies
with adult bilinguals (e.g., Costa, Caramazza, & Sebastián-Gallés, 2000), was
significant in the bilinguals and trilinguals (Experiments 2 and 3) but, critically, not in the child L2 learners (Experiment 1) in whom only L1 German
had an effect on L2 English. The findings demonstrate how the integration of
languages into the child’s system follows a developmental path that, at lower
levels of proficiency, allows only limited cross-language activation. The results are interpreted against the backdrop of the developing language systems
of the children, both for early second language learners and early bi- and trilinguals.
References Costa, A., La Heij, W., & Navarrete, E. (2006). The dynamics of bilingual lexical access. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 9(2), 137-151. • Costa, A.,
Caramazza, A., & Sebastián-Gallés, N. (2000). The cognate facilitation effect: Implications for models of lexical access. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning,
Memory, and Cognition, 26(5), 1283-1296. • Festman, J. (2004). Lexical production phenomena as evidence for activation and control processes in trilingual lexical
retrieval. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Bar-Ilan University, Israel. • Kroll, J.F.,
Sumutka, B.M., & Schwartz, A.I., (2005). A cognitive view of the bilingual lexicon:
Reading and speaking words in two languages. International Journal of Bilingualism.
9(1), 27-48.
Interpretation of infinitives: a first insight from high
functioning autistic individuals
Vikki Janke / U. Kent
Alex Perovic / UC. London
Freitag, 15.3., 12.00–12.30
In this paper we examine the development of structural control in children
with high functioning autism (HFA). We first compare ‘canonical’ examples, where interpretation of the implicit agent in the infinitival complement is
anticipated by the verb used in the main clause, as in (1) and (2), and then
examples whose interpretations deviate from this predictable pattern, such as
in (3) and (4).
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1. John tried [to build a sandcastle], SUBJECT = CONTROLLER
2. John persuaded Mary [to build a sandcastle], OBJECT = CONTROLLER
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3. John promised Mary [to build a sandcastle], SUBJECT = CONTROLLER
4. John pushed Mary [while building a sandcastle], SUBJECT = CONTROLLER
The interpretation of the implicit subject in the bracketed clause is regulated by a complex of syntactic principles, including uniqueness, c-command,
locality (Williams 1980; Manzini 1983; Landau 2000; Hornstein 2001; Adler 2006; Janke 2007), making them an interesting focus of study in HFA
populations, who have latterly been shown to exhibit difficulty in other constructions sharing the above properties, e.g. reflexive binding, passives and
raising (Perovic, Modyanova & Wexler 2012).
In TD, complement control as in (1) & (2), is found in production as
young as three. Onset of productive mastery of adjunct control, (4), is from
five, whereas promise, (3), appears between six and seven and can cause confusion till quite late (Cohen & Lust 1993; Goodluck, Terzi & Diaz 2001;
Guasti 2004). The developmental trajectory in autism is unknown. Our study
examines the extent to which HFA fall in line with TD, or whether a different
developmental sequence is evident, given recent literature suggesting syntax
may also be impaired in this population (Eigsti & Bennetto, 2009; Perovic
2007).
22 HFA monolingual English children participated: aged 7-16 years, M=
13;06; non-verbal IQ SS M=103.95, range 80-144 (Matrices subtest, Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test), British Picture Vocabulary Scales, SS M=85.64,
range 47-120. They were matched to a younger TD group (n=22, CA range
7-14, M=10;03) on gender and non-verbal MA (raw score of KBIT). We used
a picture selection task. Data were analysed using a mixed-effects model of
logistic regression, with a binomial link function (GLIMMIX). Results show
ceiling performance on try (1) (M=0.99 for both groups). Problems start in
double-complement structures. The starkest between-group difference is on
promise, (3), HFA M=0.63 vs. TD M=0.93, although TD children also find
promise most difficult. On persuade, (2), HFA children perform slightly worse than TD children (M=0.90 vs. M=0.95). We argue that locality is the most
likely source of this difference, although further testing on c-command independently of locality is needed. With respect to the adjunct condition, (4),
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even when locality has been mastered, HFA children still allow illicit interpretations (HFA M=0.80, TD M=0.94), indicating a problem orthogonal to
syntactic restrictions on control. We suggest knowledge of restrictions on the
attachments of adjuncts may be key here, in the spirit of Cairns et al (1994)
and Adler (2006).
Narrative performance in German children with Down
Syndrome
Marion Krause-Burmester / U. Düsseldorf
Freitag, 15.3., 12.30–13.00
Regarding Down syndrome, asynchronous patterns of linguistic development
have been reported in several studies, e.g. enhanced levels of lexical skill relative to reduced levels of morphosyntax (Miller 1988, Chapman et al. 1991,
Kernan & Sabsay 1996, Vicari et al. 2000, Schaner-Wolles 2004, among
others). As narratives are an interface between linguistic and other cognitive capacities they are interesting to look at. Storytelling tasks provide a good
context to investigate linguistic and affective expression and permit us to study the relationship of language to both cognitive abilities and social and emotional knowledge as well as discourse cohesion.
In the present study I examine the complexity of narrative structures and
types and frequency of evaluative devices of subjects with Down syndrome.
The question that arose during the analysis was: Do these children have a concept of the story? Their performance was compared to the abilities of typically
developing (TD) children. ‘Eight subjects with Down Syndrome (aged 7;6 to
10;6) were included in this study, divided into two groups of four children
with mean ages of 7;8 and 9;6.’
‘The subjects were asked to tell a story from the wordless picture book
‘Frog, Where Are You?’ (Mayer, 1969). A quantitative analysis of the DS’
sentences showed significantly less complex syntactic structures and more
problems in morphology for their utterances compared to TD controls. Analysis of story length revealed that DS subject groups tell significantly shorter
stories compared to the control children.’
The analysis of evaluative devices (e.g., reference to the characters emotional or mental state, evaluation of an action, causal connectors, character
speech) shows that children with DS used less often evaluative comments in
their narratives than TD. A closer analysis of the different evaluative strategies of the two subject groups, revealed that subjects with DS more often
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enrich their narratives with social engagement devices (as persons with WS
do), i.e., linguistic means to capture the adressee’s attention, whereas normally developing children rather relied on cognitive inferences, i.e., comments
on the mental state and motivation of characters. The results show that only
some of the children with seem to have a concept of the story as a whole and
that half of the children are able to tell coherent stories, independent of their
morphosyntactic abilities. This reveals that there is a difference between linguistic abilities and probably linguistic concepts and other cognitive concepts
and that these may operate independently.
Phonological processing in hearing-impaired children
Sarah Breitenstein1 , Nivedita Mani2 , Barbara Höhle1 , and
Ovidiu König1
1 University of Potsdam and 2 University of Göttingen
Freitag, 15.3., 13.00–13.30
The phonological organization of the lexicon of normal hearing adults and infants has been investigated by using priming techniques (e.g., Meyer & Damian, 2007; Mani & Plunkett, 2011). It is assumed that priming effects are caused by co-activation of phonologically related words. This provides evidence
that phonologically similarity influences lexical organization. Previous research on the development of phonological representations in hearing-impaired
children indicates that phonological representations are less well organized in
hearing-impaired in contrast to normal hearing children (e.g., Sterne & Goswami, 2000). However, hearing-impaired children can develop a phonological
lexicon on the basis of phonological properties (onset and rhyme), although
these phonological representations are often underspecified.
In this paper we will present the results of an experimental study on phonological processing in hearing-impaired children. We investigated the phonological organization of the lexicon using a picture-based phonological priming technique. In two conditions (onset and rhyme), we examined whether
hearing a word (e.g. Topf or Ball) guides children’s eye movements toward
other objects with similar-sounding names (e.g. Knopf or Baum). Separate
examination of onset and rhyme priming effects allows more in-depth examination of the processes underlying word recognition in hearing-impaired
children. Specifically, while some models of word recognition attribute an
important role to information provided at the onsets of words (Cohort model:
Marslen-Wilson, 1987), other models of word recognition accord no such
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special status to the onset of the word (TRACE: McClelland & Elman, 1986;
Shortlist: Norris, 1994). We tested 14 hearing-impaired children (mean age
8;7 years, range 4;6 -14;6). Half of the children were using hearing aids and
the other half cochlear implants or both. The age of implantation/supply was
between 0;5 and 5;3 years (mean age 2;4 years). The performance of the
hearing-impaired children was compared with normal hearing children (n =
14) matched for age and gender.
Both the normal hearing controls and the hearing-impaired children showed a facilitation of target recognition in the onset related condition in contrast to the onset unrelated condition. Neither the normal hearing nor the
hearing-impaired children showed a priming effect in the rhyme condition.
Overall, the results indicate similarly organized phonological representations
for the normal hearing and the hearing-impaired children, suggesting that the
hearing-impaired children have a phonological system that is comparable to
that of hearing children. This finding contrasts with previous findings. Factors potentially contributing to this discrepancy of our results with previous
findings will be discussed.
References Mani, N. & Plunkett, K. (2011). Phonological priming and cohort effects
in toddlers. Cognition, 121, 196-206. • Marslen-Wilson, W. D. (1987). Functional
parallelism in spoken word-recognition. Cognition, 25, 71-102. • McClelland, J. L. &
Elman, J. L. (1986). The TRACE Model of Speech Perception. Cognitive Psychology,
18, 1-86. • Meyer, A. S. & Damian, M. F. (2007). Activation of distractor names
in the picture–picture interference paradigm. Memory & Cognition, 35, 494-503. •
Norris, D. (1994). Shortlist: a connectionist model of continuous speech recognition.
Cognition, 52, 189-234. • Sterne, A. & Goswami, U. (2000). Phonological Awareness
of Syllables, Rhymes, and Phonemes in Deaf Children. Journal of Child Psychology
and Psychiatry, 41, 609 -625.
The oral language development in hearing children of
deaf parents as early bilingualism
Kristin Hofmann / U. Erfurt
Solveig Chilla / Pädagogische Hochschule Heidelberg
Freitag, 15.3., 13.30–14.00
Several investigations show evidence for an atypical language development
in hearing children of deaf parents (codas). Some of these studies reasoned
their observations with the oral language abilities of their deaf parents or the
negative influence of the sign language. These findings need reviewing, for
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a lot of codas show typical language development if compared to hearing
children with hearing parents. This is of major interest, for most coda parents
show lower oral language abilities or do use sign language as a home language
(for a review see: Poon 1997).
The oral language development in hearing children of deaf parents raises
a lot of theoretical questions, i.e. (i) which conditions influence deviations in
the oral language development of codas?, and (ii) what characteristics can be
observed in their language development?
The present pilot study investigates the oral language development of codas by taking the bilingual / bimodal context into account, being thus a unique
study for German. Furthermore, the validity of standardized assessment tools
is explored in context of bimodal-bilingual development. Reframing previous
results, we document language profiles that are in line with those of (successive) bilingual language acquisition (e. g. slower development of vocabulary).
Especially with respect to the context of (bilingual-bimodal) acquisition, the
oral language development patterns bilingual children with migration context
(e. g. age of onset).
The data come from six hearing children of deaf parents (five boys and
one girl) with an age range from 3;10 to 6;4. Oral language abilities in vocabulary, morphology and syntax are assessed by the SETK 3-5, the TROG-D,
and the PDSS. Furthermore the language screening HAVAS 5, being developed for bilingual children in a migration context, is applied as an additional
tool. Chosen criteria of HAVAS 5 are used for assessing the competences in
German Sign Language (DGS).
Our results are twofold. All children demonstrate an extensive word comprehension while the production however shows slower development, especially for verbs and prepositions. All children acquire German spoken language (DLS) sentence structure, and all inflected finite verbs are target-like.
There are three children, however, who show delays in the understanding of
grammatical structures and questions as well as in morphosyntax (e. g. plural
marking), patterning the findings from successive bilingual children with several first languages (i.e. Turkish, Polish or Russian), whereas the other three
children develop comparable to simultaneous bilinguals. Some tests of the
assessment tools used in our study lead to low values for the successive bilingual children, when comparing their abilities with monolingual TD-children.
Using a tool evaluated for successive bilingual children, such as HAVAS-5 in
both languages (DSL and DGS), all children perform like TD-bilinguals in
the same age group. We conclude that codas form a specific group of a bilingual minority in Germany, being rather comparable to (successive) bilinguals
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than to monolingual developing children. Furthermore, a comparison to monolingual standards which ignores the specific bilingual-bimodal acquisition
context raises the risk of false conclusions in assessment and language support.
References Brackenbury, T., Ryan, T. & Messenheimer, T. (2006). Incidental Word
Learning in a Hearing Child of Deaf Adults. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 11(1), 76-93 • Capirci, O., Iverson, J. M., Montanari, S. & Volterra, V. (2002).
Gestural, Signed and Spoken Modalities in early Language Development: The Role of
Linguistic Input. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 5(1), 25-37. • Chilla, S., Rothweiler, M. & Babur, E. (2010): Kindliche Mehrsprachigkeit. Grundlagen – Störungen –Diagnostik. München: Ernst Reinhardt. • Critchley, E. (1967). Language development of hearing children in deaf environment. Developmental Medicine and Child
Neurology, 9, 274-280. • Daniels, M. (1993). ASL as a factor in Acquiring English.
Sign Language Studies, 78, 23-29.; • Funk, H. (2004). Das nicht-gehörte Kind. Die
Entfaltung des Selbst von hörenden Kindern mit hochgradig hörbehinderten Eltern.
Möglichkeiten der Frühförderung. Frankfurt a.M.: Brandes & Apsel. • Griffith, P. L.
(1985). Mode-Switching and Mode-Finding in a Hearing Child of Deaf Parents. Sign
Language Studies, 48, 195-222. • Grüner, B. (2004). Die Sprachentwicklung hörender (Vorschul-)Kinder hochgradig hörgeschädigter bzw. gehörloser Eltern. Hamburg:
Dr. Kova?. • Johnson, J. M., Watkins, R. V. & Rice, M. L. (1992). Bimodal bilingual
language development in a hearing child of deaf parents. Applied Psycholinguistics,
13, 31-52. • Mallory, B. L., Zingle, H. W. & Schein, J. D. (1993). Intergenerational Communication Modes in Deaf –parented Families. Sign Language Studies, 78,
73-92. • Meisel, J. M. (2011). First and Second Language Acquisition. Parallels and
Differences. New York: Cambridge University Press. • Morgan, G. (2000). Discourse
cohesion in sign and speech. International Journal of Bilingualism,4, 279.300. • Murphy, I. & Slorach, N. (1983). The language development of pre-school hearing children
of deaf parents. British Journal of Disorders of Communication, 18, 118-127. • Preston, P. (1995). Mother father deaf: the heritage of difference. Soc. Sci. med., 40(11),
1461-1467. • Preston, P. (1996). Chameleon voices: interpreting for deaf parents. Soc
Sci Med, 42(12), 1681-1690. • Poon, B. (1997). Oral and Manual Language development in hearing Children of Deaf Parents. Canadian Association of Educators of the
Deaf and Hard of Hearing, 23(2/3), 135- 148. • Schiff, N. B. & Ventry, I. M. (1976).
Communication Problems in Hearing Children of Deaf Parents. Journal of Speech
and Hearing Disorders, 41(3), 348-358. • Schiff-Meyers, N. B. (1982). Sign and Oral
Language Development of Preschool Hearing Children of Deaf Parents in Comparison
with Their Mothers’ Communication System. American Annals of the Deaf, 127(3),
322-330. • Singleton, J. L. & Tittle, M. D. (2000). Deaf Parents and Their Hearing
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Children. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 5(3), 221-236. • Uhlig, A.
(2012). Ethnographie der Gehörlosen. Kultur –Kommunikation –Gemeinschaft. Bielefeld: transcript.
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Acquisition of story structure in German: a comparison
of typically developing monolinguals and bilinguals
with SLI children
Natalia Gagarina, Katrin Reichenbach, and Antje Skerra
Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin
It had been shown that typical bilingual language acquisition might be similar
to monolingual specific language impairment (SLI) (Paradis 2010; Håkansson & Nettelbladt 1996) in the domain of morphology (e.g. Loeb & Leonard
1991) and of syntax (Gillam & Johnston 1992). The present study addresses the discourse organization domain in bilingual typically developing (TD)
and SLI children. Our goal is to find cues – on the level of macrostructuraldiscourse organization – differentiating monolingual SLI from TD bilingual
children.
Under Macrostructure we understand a higher-order hierarchical organisation of a text (Stein & Glenn, 1979; Liles, 1987). For the present study
the new framework of the discourse macrostructure, including an initiating
event, attempts and outcomes, also known as goal-attempt-outcome (GAO)
sequences were used. Three levels of story structure include sequence level
(Attempt-Outcome), abbreviated episode (Goal-Attempt/-Outcome) and full
episode (Goal-Attempt-Outcome).
Given results of the previous studies, our main hypothesis is that sequential TD bilinguals will perform better in producing the full-episode narrative
structure than their monolingual peers. Further, we expect children with SLI
to have more difficulties in the production/perception of mental states than TD
bilinguals. The preliminary results of the macrostructure comparison in TD
bilingual with SLI monolingual children confirm these hypotheses and hence
fail to provide a strong support for the ‘two of a kind’ assumption (Crago &
Paradis 2002).
Method. The elicited narratives of thirty children in 3 groups: Bilingual Russian-German TD, Monolingual German-speaking SLI and TD) with the age
range: 4;05 to 6;10) were analyzed. Narratives were elicited using four sets
of 6 pictures (designed by COST-Action IS0804).
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Results. Story (episode) structure: The results of the story structure output
showed a significant difference between the children with SLI and the bilingual and monolingual TD groups (p=.004572). As for structural complexity
per episode, only the measure of produced AO sequences was significant between the groups (p=.01543). No significant differences were found between
groups on the measure of produced abbreviated episodes (p=.9549) and full
episodes (p=.4772).
Mental states: No significant differences (p=.1403) were found between
groups in the area of using mental state terms. The medians are: Bilinguals
(Md=2), monolinguals TD (Md=2), SLI (Md=1).
Comprehension questions: The measure of receptive macrostructure yielded a significant difference between the groups (p=.004157). Subjects with
SLI produced fewer correct answers than the other groups.
To sum up, (a) SLI group produced fewer complete story episodes. Our
findings indicate that story structure predicts a group membership (SLI or
TD); (b) We did not find any difference in encoding of mental state terms
is different between the three language groups. However, the group with SLI
produced fewer mental state terms than their monolingual age-peers with TD;
(c) Subjects with SLI performed more poorly on receptive macrostructure
than TD monolingual and bilingual groups. Children with SLI seem to have difficulty in developing a structured mental representation from narratives.
From our point of view, narrative-based language assessment on macrostructural level can be perceived as a sensitive and useful instrument for disentangling bilingualism and (bilingual) specific language impairment.
References Crago, M., Paradis, J. (2002). Two of a kind? Commonalities and variation
in languages and language learners , in Y. Levy et J. Schaeffer (Ed.) Language competence across populations: Towards a definition of Specific Language Impairment (pp.
97-110). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. • Gillam, R. B. & Johnston, J.
R. (1992). Spoken and written language relationships in language/learning-impaired
and normally achieved school age children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research,35, 1303-1315. • Håkansson, G. and Nettelbladt, U. (1996). Similarities between
SLI and L2 children. Evidence from the acquisition of Swedish word order. In Gilbert, J. and Johnson, C. , editors, Children’s Language, Volume 9. Lawrence Erlbaum
, 135-151. • Heilmann, J., Miller, J., Iglesias, A., Fabiano-Smith, L., Nockerts, A.
& Andriacchi, K. (2008). Narrative transcription accuracy and reliability in two languages. Topics in Language Disorders, 28(2), 178–188. • MacWhinney, B. (2000).
The CHILDES Project: Tools for Analyzing Talk. Volume 1: Transcription format and
programs. Volume 2: The Database. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. •
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Liles, B. Z., Duffy, R. J., Merritt, D. D. and Purcell, S. L. (1995). Measurement of
narrative discourse ability in children with language disorders. Journal of Speech and
Hearing Research, 38, 415-425. • Loeb, D. F., & Leonard, L. B. (1991). Subject case marking and verb morphology in normally developing and specifically languageimpaired children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 34, 340-346. • Paradis,
J. (2010). The interface between bilingual development and specific language impairment. Keynote article for special issue with peer commentaries. Applied Psycholinguistics, 31, 3-28. • Stein, N. L., & Glenn, C. G. (1979). An analysis of story comprehension in elementary school children. In Freedle, R. O. (ed.). 1979. New Directions
in Discourse Processing. NJ: Ablex. 53-119.
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Arbeitsgruppe 10
Modellierung Nicht-Standardisierter
Schriftlichkeit
Michael Beißwenger
Stefanie Dipper
Stefan Evert
Bianka Trevisan
Non-standardized writing can be found in various contexts: for instance, when
there are no generally established written language standards (e.g. in languages with an emergent writing system); when existing standards are deliberately ignored by the authors (in creative writing) or replaced by principles of verbalization that are borrowed from oral communication (e.g. when passing notes in a classroom); or when the norms of standard written language have not
yet been fully acquired (as in learner texts). In particular, non-standardized
writing plays an important role in research on Internet-based communication. The language used in e-mails, online forums, chats, blogs, etc. sometimes
shows significant deviations from standard written language, while exhibiting characteristics of oral language at the levels of lexicon, morphology, and
syntax. Well-known phenomena include nonstandard and creative spellings,
ad-hoc speedwriting, graphic emulation of prosody and emphasis, acronyms,
emoticons, and written representation of non-verbal behavior.
The systematic description of non-standardized writing and its structural
and functional analysis are key challenges not only for research on Internetbased communication but also for data-based linguistic studies and corpus
creation in many other research areas. The goal of the workshop is to shed
light on this problem from the perspective of various research fields and to
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explore common issues and possible solutions. The main focus is on nonstandardized writing phenomena in
• genres of Internet-based communication,
• language communities with emergent literacy,
• historic varieties of German, and
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• learner texts.
Majuskelschreibung in Webkorpora: Verteilung und
Funktion
Felix Bildhauer / FU Berlin
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14.30–15.00
Auf der Basis von sehr großen (> 1 Mrd. Tokens) Webkorpora (Schäfer und
Bildhauer 2012) berichten wir über die Verteilung von Majuskelschreibungen in den darin erfassten Textsorten, vergleichend für Deutsch, Schwedisch,
Französisch und Spanisch. Auf dieser Grundlage untersuchen wir die Funktion des hervorgehobenen Materials im jeweiligen Kontext und überprüfen
die Hypothese, dass ein Großteil der Hervorhebungen der Markierung von informationsstrukturellen Unterscheidungen, insbesondere Fokus, dient. Gegen
die Annahme, dass Majuskelschreibung in diesen Fällen einfach prosodische
Prominenz der gesprochenen Sprache abbildet, sprechen Beispiele wie in (1)
und (2), bei denen im gegeben Kontext der Akzent wohl auf einen Ausdruck
nach der großgeschriebenen Form fallen würde.
1. HartzIV ist eine schreckliche Situation bei der es auch sicherlich viele
Schmarotzer gibt, Männer und AUCH Frauen !!!!!
2. Und was könnte schöner sein, als dort die Meisterschaft zu holen, auch
wenn es NUR die der Regionalliga ist. . .
Wir gehen der Frage nach, ob und um welche Art von Fokus es sich handelt
und wie die beobachteten Unterschiede in den untersuchten Sprachen erklärt
werden können (insbesondere, ob diese auf Unterschiede in der prosodischen
Markierung von Informationsstruktur zurückgeführt werden können). Sollte
eine stabile Generalisierung über die Funktion von unkanonischen Majuskelschreibungen möglich sein, könnte dies als Grundlage für eine automatische
Annotation von (Aspekten von) Informationsstruktur dienen, mit denen man
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sich dem Desideratum nach großen, informationsstrukturell annotierten Korpora annähern würde.
Referenzen Schäfer, Roland; Bildhauer, Felix (2012): Building Large Corpora from
the Web Using a New Efficient Tool Chain. In: Calzolari et al., Nicoletta (ed.): Proceedings of the Eight International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation
(LREC’12). European Language Resources Association, 486–493.
Klitika und Apostrophschreibung in Webkorpora:
Graphematik und Registerklassifikation
Ulrike Sayatz and Roland Schäfer / FU Berlin
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15.00–15.30
Wir zeigen an Klitisierungsprozessen und zugehörigen Apostrophschreibungen im Deutschen, dass bestimmte graphematische Hypothesen zu Nichtstandard-Schreibungen erst durch Webkorpora überprüfbar werden, und dass dabei ermittelte Merkmale zur Registerklassifikation beitragen können.
Wir gehen davon aus, dass im Deutschen lautliche Reduktionsprozesse
standardmäßig nicht verschriftet werden (Eisenberg 2006) und daher Klitisierungsschreibungen (z.B. nen oder ’nen, zu einen) in standardnahen Korpora
nur bei einem hohen Grammatikalisierungsgrad systematisch auftreten, vgl.
zum usw. Wir zeigen anhand des DECOW2012 (9,1 Mrd. Tokens, Schäfer
& Bildhauer 2012), welches zu über 20% Texte aus standardfernen Registern (fast ausschließlich Forendiskussionen und Blogs mit hohem Diskussionsanteil) enthält, dass nicht-standardkonforme Klitisierungsschreibungen
(z.B. des Indefinitartikels) erwartungsgemäße graphematische Unterschiede
zeigen. Diagnostisch ist dabei beim Klitikon das Apostroph als ‚allgemeines Reparaturzeichen‘ (Bredel 2008). Insbesondere gibt es Unterschiede zwischen als Wort reanalysierten Klitika (z.B. nen Buch), bei denen die Apostrophschreibung signifikant häufiger unterbleibt als bei Klitika, die als Reduktionsformen aufzufassen sind und deshalb des ‚Reparaturzeichens‘ bedürfen
(z.B. ’n Buch). Wir diskutieren die Schreibungen mehrerer Klitisierungsphänomene, für die in der Literatur bisher keine hinreichende Evidenz präsentiert
wurde.
Wir zeigen, dass Klitisierungen und Apostrophschreibungen das für Forendiskussionen und Blogkommunikation typische quasi-spontansprachliche
Register in Webkorpora mit großer Genauigkeit zu identifizieren helfen. Die
generierten Merkmale werden in Zukunft für die automatische Anreicherung
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des Korpus mit Metadaten verwendet.
Referenzen Bredel, Ursula (2008): Die Interpunktion des Deutschen. Tübingen: Niemeyer. • Eisenberg, Peter (2006): Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik. Das Wort.
Stuttgart: Metzler. • Schäfer, Roland; Bildhauer, Felix (2012): Building large corpora
from the web using a new effcient tool chain. In: Calzolari, Nicoletta et al. (Hrsg.):
Proceedings of LREC 12. Istanbul: ELRA, 486–493.
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Dialektgraphien in Mundart-Ausgaben von
Asterix-Comics: Systematische, kreative und
Mündlichkeitsaspekte in Interaktion
Klaus Geyer / U. Odense
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30–16.00
In diesem Vortrag werden Dialektgraphien in Mundart-Ausgaben von AsterixComics analysiert. Mögen diese zunächst für die Untersuchung nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit als ein etwas abgelegener Gegenstand erscheinen,
so erweisen sie sich bei genauerer Beschäftigung insofern als äußerst aufschlussreich für die Fragestellungen der AG, als in den untersuchten Dialektgraphien drei wesentliche Aspekte auf komplexe Weise interagieren.
So besteht erstens für Dialekte in aller Regel keine verbindlich etablierte
Graphie. Parallelen zur Verschriftlichung bislang nicht verschrifteter Sprachen sind traditionell konstatiert worden (vgl. z. B. Haas 1983); dies ist jedoch vor dem Hintergrund der Entwicklung graphematischer Systeme für
‚schriftlose‘ Sprachen, wie sie beispielsweise in der Sprachdokumentation
geschieht (vgl. Seifart 2006), einer differenzierenden Betrachtung zu unterziehen. Zweitens ist das Bezugssystem der untersuchten Dialektgraphien, wie
gezeigt wird, das des Standarddeutschen. Allerdings beziehen die mundartlichen Asterix-Comics einen wesentlichen Teil ihrer genretypischen Komik
gerade aus der kreativen Neuinterpretation und der gezielten sprachspielerischen Verletzung standarddeutscher Schreibprinzipien, und dies sogar in
stärkerem Maße, als ausgefeiltere künstlerische Verschriftlichungen von Dialekten dies tun (vgl. Maas 1989). Und drittens stehen Comics, zumindest in
der Figurenrede, der konzeptionellen Mündlichkeit nahe, sind aber im Unterschied zu Chat-und ähnlicher digital vermittelter Kommunikation hinsichtlich des Zeicheninventars nicht auf den ASCII beschränkt, sondern nutzen
beispielsweise logographische Symbolisierungen zum Ausdruck von Emotionskonzepten (vgl. Garcés 2008).
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Ziel des Vortrags ist es, exemplarisch die Funktionalität der unterschiedlichen Aspekte künstlerischer Dialektverschriftlichung in ihrer Interaktion
darzustellen und damit zur Modellierung nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit
beizutragen.
Referenzen Garcés, Carmen Valero (2008): Onomatopoeia and unarticulated language in the translation and production of comic books. In: Zanettin, Frederico (Hrsg.):
Comics in translation. Manchester: St. Jerome, 237-250. • Haas, Walter (1983): Dialekt als Sprache literarischer Werke. In: Besch, Werner et al. (Hrsg.): Dialektologie:
ein Handbuch zur deutschen und allgemeinen Dialektforschung. 2. Halbbd. Berlin,
New York: de Gruyter, 1637-1651. • Maas, Utz (1989): Orthographische Alterität.
über literarische Mundartgraphien. In: Heinemann, Sabine et al. (Hrsg.): Soziokulturelle Kontexte der Sprach und Literaturentwicklung. Festschrift für Rudolf Große zum
65. Geburtstag. Stuttgart: Heinz, 339-359. • Seifart, Frank (2006): Orthography development. In: Gippert, Jost; Himmelmann, Nikolaus; Mosel, Ulrike (Hrsg.): Essentials
of language documentation. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 275-299.
Schriftsprachliche Variation und emergenter Standard
im Übergang zur nhd. Orthographie
Sandra Waldenberger / U. Bochum
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17.00
Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts existieren im deutschsprachigen Raum bereits etablierte überregionale Schreibusus und auch die metasprachliche Diskussion
(v.a. innerhalb der ‚Sprachgesellschaften‘) zeigt zunehmend eine Ausrichtung
auf Sprachrichtigkeit — bis zur Normierung der Orthographie werden jedoch
noch ca. 250 Jahre vergehen.
Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage, welche Standards — insbesondere auf der graphematischen Ebene — um 1650 etabliert waren und welche
Variation zu beobachten ist, werden handschriftliche Quellen aus den ‚Akten des Westfälischen Friedens‘ nutzbar gemacht: Es handelt sich um Protokolle der Beratungen des Fürstenrats in Osnabrück (ediert in Brunert/Rosen
2001 und Brunert 2006), die in textidentischen Fassungen aus bis zu 20 unterschiedlichen Schreiberhänden vorliegen und damit prädestiniert sind für
eine Analyse graphematischer (und graphophonematischer) Variation an der
Schwelle zum Neuhochdeutschen (vgl. Waldenberger i.Dr.).
In diesem Beitrag soll zum einen das Korpus vorgestellt werden, das aus
handschriftengetreuer Transkription der Protokolle und anschließender Datenaufbereitung (Abstraktion von graphischer Variation und Lemmatisierung)
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entsteht, zum anderen auch erste Ergebnisse der Datenauswertung.
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Referenzen Brunert, Maria-Elisabeth; Rosen, Klaus (2001): Acta Pacis Westphalicae Serie III Abt. A Protokolle. Bd. 3 Die Beratungen des Fürstenrats in Osnabrück
3 (1646). Bearb. v. Maria-Elisabeth Brunert u. Klaus Rosen. Münster: Aschendorf.
• Brunert, Maria-Elisabeth (2006): Acta Pacis Westphalicae Serie III Abt. A Protokolle. Bd. 3 Die Beratungen des Fürstenrats in Osnabrück 4 (1646-1647). Bearb. v.
Maria-Elisabeth Brunert. Münster: Aschendorf. • Waldenberger, Sandra (im Druck):
Variation und Spracharbeit. Empirische Untersuchung der sprachlichen Variation in
’identischen’ Protokollen. In: Gerstenberg, Annette (Hrsg.): Sprachliche Dynamik im
kommunikativen Verdichtungsraum des Westfälischen Friedenskongresses 1643-1648.
[preprint online: http://homepage.rub.de/sandra.waldenberger/pdf/apwbeitrag.pdf]
Linguistic annotation of text fragments in a keystroke
logged translation corpus
Michael Piotrowski / Leibniz Institute of European History
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17.00–17.30
Jacques Froger already noted in 1970: ‘C’est la question de l’orthographe
qui est la plus embarassante,’ and it is still true today that the lack of standardized orthography is one of the biggest obstacles for the computational
processing of historical texts. The standard approach in computational linguistics is to treat historical spelling variation as a spelling correction problem.
While approaches of this type have produced useful results for homogeneous
collections of relatively recent – generally printed – texts (18th–19th century), they have a number of important limitations. In particular, issues related
to tokenization, morphology, and semantics (viz., meaning shifts) are generally disregarded. Hence, they are not generalizable to manuscripts, older texts,
and more heterogeneous text collections. In other words, we currently lack a
systematic computational modeling of the spelling phenomena found in historical texts.
We believe, however, that a general handling of the phenomena of nonstandardized writing requires a solid theoretical model. Currently, when processing written texts, tokens form the lowest level of analysis and the input
for morphological analysis. In this talk, we want to discuss whether we need
computational graphemics as a further layer of analysis below morphology,
and what an implementation would have to consider. We find a number of
analogies to morphology that suggest that this may indeed be a useful approach, even though it is currently a theoretical model only. For example,
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spelling variation in historical texts may be extreme, but it is constrained by
certain rules of graphotactics, so that ’spelling paradigms’ may be defined.
References Froger, Jacques (1970): La critique des textes et l’ordinateur. In: Vigiliae,
Christianae 24 (3), 210–217.
Äh... Ähm... Filled pauses in Computer-mediated
Communication
Ines Rehbein, Sören Schalowski, Nadja Reinhold,
and Emiel Visser / U. Potsdam
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17.30–18.00
The emergence of computer-mediated communication (CMC) has triggered
discussions on whether CMC should be considered as conceptually oral (see
the model of medial and conceptual orality and literacy by Koch/Oesterreicher,
1994) or whether other features, e.g., the fact that they are often highly edited,
mark them as a conceptually written register.
Our paper contributes to this discussion by investigating the use of filled
pauses, a phenomenon commonly described as a characteristic of spoken language. We examine whether occurrences of filled pauses in CMC are, in fact,
a marker of orality by comparing the use of äh and ähm in German microblogging data with that in a corpus of spontaneous dialogues (Wiese et al.,
2012). Our study shows that filled pauses occur in both corpora as markers
of hesitations, corrections, repetitions and unfinished sentences. While the
overall number of occurrences is much higher in spoken dialogues (23.1 occurrences/10.000 tokens in spoken dialogues versus 0.53 occurrences/10.000
tokens in micro-blogs), the distribution of the four classes is fairly similar in
both corpora. However, on a more fine-grained level of analysis one can detect
crucial differences between the filled pauses in both registers. We exemplify
these functional differences in both data sets and discuss the implications this
has for the question of orality of the micro-blogging data.
References Koch, Peter; Oesterreicher, Wulf (1994): Schriftlichkeit und Sprache. In:
von Günther, Hartmann; Otto, Ludwig (ed.): Schrift und Schriftlichkeit. Ein interdisziplinäres Handbuch internationaler Forschung. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 587604. • Wiese, Heike; Freywald, Ulrike; Schalowski, Sören; Mayr, Katharina (2012):
Das KiezDeutsch-Korpus. Spontansprachliche Daten Jugendlicher aus urbanen Wohngebieten. In: Deutsche Sprache (40), 97-123.
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Linguistic annotation of text fragments in a keystroke
logged translation corpus
Stella Neumann, Paula Niemietz, and Tatiana Serbina
U. Aachen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18.00–18.30
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This paper reports on the linguistic annotation of keystroke logging data obtained in a translation experiment examining the cognitive demand of grammatical complexity and its impact on the translation product (pilot study: Alves et al. 2010). The task was to translate a brief English popular scientific
article containing 10 stimuli representing two degrees of grammatical complexity into the same register in German.
Keystroke logging captures behavioral information on the translation process. Typically, visualizations of the logged process are scrutinized, or the
focus is on pause-related analyses. To investigate specific linguistic patterns
during the translation process, the data has to be enriched with linguistic information. This annotation is not straightforward since online text production
includes various types of non-standard features ranging from immediately
corrected typing errors to incorrect combinations of parts of speech corrected only later. Therefore, the chronological order of the logging data may not
reflect the order of the emerging target text, resulting in a distribution of changes over various places in the logging data. For instance, in the segment die
sich Physiker nicht erklären können/ *konnten the appropriate verb form is
chosen only at a later stage. To provide standard annotation tools with the required cleaned data (cf. Leijten et al. 2012), we use target hypotheses known
from the study of learner corpora (Lüdeling 2008): at least two competing interpretations of ambiguous cases are interactively integrated in the data. This
then allows combining queries of the non-standard features in the intermediate stages with standard annotation, thus making this corpus distinct from the
available ones (cf. Leijten et al. 2012). These changes have to be linked in the
annotation using multiple annotation layers.
We describe the technical realisation of such data enrichment drawing on
and further modifying the XML output of the keystroke logging tool.
References Alves, Fabio; Pagano, Adriana; Neumann, Stella; Steiner, Erich; HansenSchirra, Silvia (2010): Units of Translation and Grammatical Shifts. Towards an integration of product-and process-based research in translation. In: Shreve, Gregory;
Angelone, Erik (ed.): Translation and Cognition. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 109–142.
• Leijten, Mariëlle; Macken, Lieve; Hoste, Veronique; van Horenbeeck, Eric; Van
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Waes, Luuk (2012): From Character to Word Level: Enabling the Linguistic Analyses
of Inputlog Process Data. In: Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Computational
Linguistics and Writing (CLW 2012). Avignon, France: Association for Computational Linguistics, 1–8. • Lüdeling, Anke (2008): Mehrdeutigkeiten und Kategorisierung.
Probleme bei der Annotation von Lernerkorpora. In: Walter, Maik Grommes, Patrick
(ed.): Fortgeschrittene Lernervarietäten. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 119–140.
#hardtoparse: The Challenges of Parsing the
Language of Social Media
Jennifer Foster / Dublin City U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 09.00–10.00
The emergence of social media represents a significant challenge for natural
language processing researchers. How suitable are existing NLP tools, often trained on newswire and expecting grammatically well-formed input, for
processing the linguistically diverse mix of genres and domains that constitutes the modern web? How robust are these tools to the non-standard forms
found in unedited, casually written language? To what extent can domain adaptation techniques be used to improve performance? How important is data
pre-processing and normalisation? In this talk, I will focus on the problem
of syntactic parsing and describe the work carried out to date by researchers
in the National Centre for Language Technology in Dublin City University
on the problem of parsing the language of social media. The first half of the
talk will be devoted to our experiments in parser evaluation and the second to
describing our progress to date in improving parser performance.
Four widely used English statistical parsers (two phrase-structure and two
dependency) were used to parse 1,000 sentences from tweets and discussion
forum posts. The ability of each of the four parsers to produce typed Stanford
dependencies (de Marneffe et al., 2006) was compared. The relative ranking
of the four parsers confirmed the results of previous Stanford-dependencybased parser evaluations on other datasets (Cer et al., 2010; Petrov et al.,
2010). Furthermore, our study showed that the sentences in tweets are harder
to parse than the sentences from the discussion forum, despite their shorter
length and that a large contributing factor is the high part-of-speech tagging
error rate.
We have experimented with the following methods to improve parser accuracy:
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1. Modelling the target domain, i.e. transforming the parser training data
(in our case, Penn Treebank) so that it more closely resembles the data
to be parsed, and then training a new parsing model (Foster et al. 2008,
Foster 2010)
2. Self-training and up-training (Foster et al. 2011)
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3. A combination of data normalisation, parser accuracy prediction to
select suitable training data (Ravi et al. 2008) , genre classification,
and self-training using products of random latent variable grammars
(Huang et al. 2010)
The third approach proved to be very effective in the recent share task on
parsing English web data (Le Roux et al. 2012, Petrov and McDonald 2012).
The relative strengths and weaknesses of the above three methods will be
discussed and suggestions provided for further research.
References Cer, Daniel; de Marneffe, Marie-Catherine; Jurafsky, Daniel; Manning,
Christopher D. (2010): Parsing to Stanford dependencies: Trade-offs between speed
and accuracy. In: Proceedings of LREC. • de Marneffe, Marie-Catherine; MacCartney, Bill; Manning, Christopher D. (2006): Generating typed dependency parses from
phrase structure parses. In: Proceedings of LREC. • Foster, Jennifer; Wagner, Joachim; van Genabith, Josef (2008): Adapting a WSJ-Trained Parser to Grammatically
Noisy Text. In: Proceedings of ACL-HLT. • Foster, Jennifer (2010): ’cba to check the
spelling’ Investigating parser performance on discussion forum posts. In: Proceedings
of NAACL-HLT. • Foster, Jennifer; Cetinoglu, Ozlem; Wagner, Joachim; Le Roux,
Joseph; Nivre, Joakim; Hogan, Deirdre; van Genabith, Josef (2011): From News to
Comment: Resources and Benchmarks for Parsing the Language of Web 2.0. In: Proceedings of IJCNLP. • Huang, Zhongqiang; Harper, Mary; Petrov, Slav (2010): Selftraining with products of latent variable grammars. In: Proceedings of EMNLP. • Le
Roux, Joseph; Foster, Jennifer; Wagner, Joachim; Kaljahi, Rasul Samed Zadeh; Bryl,
Anton (2012): DCU-Paris13 Systems for the SANCL 2012 Shared Task. In: Working Notes of the First Workshop on Syntactic Analysis of Non-canonical Language (SANCL). • Petrov, Slav; Chang, Pi-Chuan; Ringgaard, Michael; Alshawi, Hiyan (2010): Uptraining for accurate deterministic question parsing. In: Proceedings of
EMNLP. • Petrov, Slav; McDonald, Ryan (2012): Overview of the 2012 shared task
on parsing the web. In: Working Notes of the First Workshop on Syntactic Analysis
of Non-canonical Language (SANCL). • Ravi, Sujith; Knight, Kevin; Soricut, Radu
(2008): Automatic prediction of parser accuracy. In: Proceedings of EMNLP.
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Towards Parsing YouTube Comments
Markus Dickinson, Mohammad Khan, and Sandra Kübler
Indiana U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10.00–10.30
We parse YouTube comments, in order to determine the funniness of videos;
as a first step, we need to make the data parser-compatible. Like other web
2.0 data, YouTube comments are noisy and contain elements (e.g., emoticons), which make parsing difficult; difficulties are compounded by nonstandardized spelling and domain differences from the Penn Treebank training data. To address non-standard spellings, we normalize the comments before processing. The main challenges for normalization are the heavy use of
emoticons, non-standard language, acronyms, foreign language, and spelling
errors. To normalize the comments: 1) we use a list of commonly-used emoticons and the number of non-alphanumeric characters to identify novel emoticons. 2) A large wordlist obtained online is used to identify non-standard
language and slang. 3) Similarly, a list of acronyms also obtained online is
used to identify acronyms. 4) We use GNU Aspell to correct spelling errors,
but restrict the output by requiring a small Levenshtein distance between the
suggested spelling and the word in question, to avoid the over-correction of
proper names, which tend to have a larger distance to dictionary words. 5)
Lastly, we used memory-based learning to resolve confusion sets involving
missing apostrophes (ill vs. I’ll).
With the input text normalized, we can focus on non-lexical improvements for parsing. To improve parser accuracy across domains, we use parse
corrections (Attardi and Ciaramita, 2007). I.e. we train the parser on the Penn
Treebank, and then learn corrections on the DCU set of annotated Web 2.0
data (Foster et al., 2011).
References Attardi, Guiseppe; Ciaramita, Massimiliano (2007): Tree revision learning for dependency parsing. In: Proceedings of HLT-NAACL 2007, Rochester. • Foster, Jennifer; Cetinoglu, Ozlem; Wagner, Joachim; Le Roux, Joseph; Nivre, Joachim;
Hogan, Deirdre; van Genabith, Josef (2011): From News to Comment: Resources and
Benchmarks for Parsing the Language of Web 2.0. In: Proceedings of IJCNLP, Chiang
Mai, Thailand.
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Why learner texts are easy to tag. A comparative
evaluation of part-of-speech tagging of Kobalt
Marc Reznicek / HU Berlin
Heike Zinsmeister / U. Stuttgart
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10.30–11.00
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TreeTagger (Schmid 1995) is a tool that assigns part-of-speech tags and lemmas to tokens in ongoing text. The German version was trained on a collection of Standard German newspaper texts. We will present an evaluation of
applying the TreeTagger to learner data from the Kobalt corpus (www.kobaltdaf.de). Kobalt contains four subcorpora with texts written by Belarus, Chinese, and Swedish foreign language learners of German (level: B2), as well
as by German native speakers.
Assuming that texts written by native speakers are closer to Standard German than texts written by learners, we would expect that the TreeTagger performed better on essays written by the former than by the latter. However, this
expectation is not born out.
In addition to a comparative error analysis, we will discuss the following
factors:
• Types and distribution of
– unknown words
– token and part-of-speech sequences
• Sentence length and complexity
• Biases of the TreeTagger.
The analysis takes into account different annotation layers besides the original
texts: a layer of normalized sentences and a target hypothesis (cf. Reznicek et
al., in press).
References Reznicek, Marc; Lüdeling, Anke; Hirschmann, Hagen (in press): Competing Target Hypotheses in the Falko Corpus. A Flexible Multi-Layer Corpus Architecture. In: Díaz-Negrillo, Ana (ed.): Automatic Treatment and Analysis of Learner
Corpus Data. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Schmid, Helmut (1995): Improvements
in Part-of-Speech Tagging with an Application to German. In: Proceedings of the ACL
SIGDAT-Workshop. Dublin, Ireland.
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Herausforderungen bei der Erstellung eines
L1-Lernerkorpus: Lösungsvorschläge aus dem Projekt
‚KoKo‘
Aivars Glaznieks, Egon Stemle, Andrea Abel, and Verena
Lyding / Europäische Akademie Bozen
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11.30–12.00
Der Vortrag stellt den iterativen Workflow zur Erstellung eines lemmatisierten, POS-getaggten und nach ausgewählten sprachlichen Merkmalen annotierten Lernerkorpus vor und geht auf Schwierigkeiten und Besonderheiten
bei der Korpuserstellung mit L1-Lernertexten ein.
Lernertexte weisen häufig Schreibweisen und Konstruktionen auf, die der
Standardsprache nicht entsprechen. Da korpuslinguistische Verarbeitungstools
gewöhnlich an einer Standardsprache ausgerichtet sind, können Lernertexte bei der automatischen Verarbeitung erhebliche Schwierigkeiten bereiten.
Dadurch wird die mitunter sehr hohe Zuverlässigkeit der Tools (z. B. eines
POS-Taggers, Giesbrecht & Evert 2009) erheblich herabgesetzt. Eine Herausforderung bei der korpuslinguistischen Aufbereitung von Lernertexten liegt
folglich darin, ihre Merkmale im Workflow so zu berücksichtigen, dass sie
trotz der Abweichungen vom Standard mit einer ähnlichen Zuverlässigkeit
verarbeitet werden können wie standardsprachliche Texte.
Im Projekt ‚KoKo‘ wurden rund 1500 Schülertexte an Oberschulen in
Thüringen, Nordtirol und Südtirol gesammelt und für ein deutschsprachiges L1-Lernerkorpus (811.330 Tokens) aufbereitet. Mit o. g. Abweichungen
wurde dabei folgendermaßen umgegangen: Bereits bei der Digitalisierung
der handschriftlichen Daten wurden die Transkripte mit zusätzlichen Annotationen versehen, die Orthographiefehler, okkasionelle Kurzwortbildungen,
Emotikons u. ä. erfassen. Nachfolgend wurde das Korpus lemmatisiert und
getaggt. In einem separaten Verarbeitungsschritt wurden mithilfe des POSTaggers nicht automatisch verarbeitete Textmerkmale ermittelt, die anschließend entweder manuell annotiert oder dazu verwendet wurden, den Tagger
neu zu trainieren. Der dadurch in Gang gesetzte iterative Prozess der Korpuserstellung ermöglicht es, die Qualität der Lemma-und POS-Annotationen
des L1-Lernerkorpus sukzessiv zu verbessern. Diese iterative Herangehensweise kann auch für die mögliche Annotation weiterer Ebenen beibehalten
werden (vgl. Voormann & Gut 2008).
Referenzen Giesbrecht, Eugenie; Evert, Stefan (2009): Is Part-of-Speech Tagging a
Solved Task? In: Proceedings of the Fifth Web as Corpus Workshop (WAC5), San Se-
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bastián, Spain, 27-35. • Voormann, Holger; Gut, Ulrike (2008): Agile corpus creation
In: Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory (4-2), 235-251.
Orthographische Normalisierung und PoS-Tagging von
Transkriptionen gesprochener Sprache
Thomas Schmidt / Institut für Deutsche Sprache
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12.00–12.30
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Nahezu alle in der Gesprächsanalyse gebräuchlichen Transkriptionssysteme
(HIAT, GAT etc.) machen vom Prinzip der literarischen Umschrift Gebrauch,
um normabweichende mündliche Realisierungen (allgemeine Phänomene der
Mündlichkeit, dialektal bedingte Aussprachevarianten etc.) schriftlich zu repräsentieren. Dabei werden die aus dem orthographischen Regelwerk weitestgehend regelmäßig abzuleitenden Laut-Graphem-Korrespondenzen genutzt,
um etwa eine von der hochsprachlichen Norm abweichende Realisierung des
Wortes ‚zweihundertfünfzig‘ als ‚zwohunnertfuffzich‘ darzustellen. Im Sinne
des CFP handelt es sich bei literarischer Umschrift in Transkriptionen also
um ein ‚bewusstes Ignorieren‘ schriftsprachlicher Standards.
Dem praktischen Nutzen, den die literarische Umschrift für das Erstellen
und Lesen von Transkriptionen gesprochener Sprache mit sich bringt, stehen
Schwierigkeiten gegenüber, die vor allem die computergestützte Weiterverarbeitung und Auswertung größerer Transkriptionskorpora betreffen. So erschwert beispielsweise die durch die literarische Umschrift bedingte Variation das Auffinden verschiedener Vorkommen ein-und desselben lexikalischen
Wortes. Wie bei anderen Formen nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit auch,
lassen sich weiterhin automatische Methoden der Textverarbeitung (die in
der Regel für standardorthographische Texte entwickelt wurden) nicht ohne
weiteres auf solche Transkriptionen anwenden.
Bei der Erstellung des Forschungs-und Lehrkorpus Gesprochenes Deutsch
(FOLK) wird der Ebene der literarischen Umschrift daher eine zweite Ebene
hinzugefügt, in der abweichenden Formen standardorthographische Formen
zugeordnet werden. Weitere Annotationsebenen, insbesondere eine Lemmatisierung und ein POS-Tagging, operieren dann auf dieser ‚normalisierten‘
Ebene.
In meinem Beitrag stelle ich zunächst eine Studie vor, in der die Probleme
der orthographischen Normalisierung und eines darauf aufbauenden POSTaggings anhand von Daten aus FOLK analysiert wurden. Anschließend präsentiere ich einen teil-automatisierten Arbeitsablauf, der im FOLK-Projekt
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eingesetzt wird, um orthographische Normalisierung und POS-Tagging möglichst effizient für größere Datenmengen umzusetzen.
Explaining the unexplainable – On the challenges of
transliterating Arabic based script
Meikal Mumin / U. Köln and U. Napoli–L’Orientale
Donnerstag,14.03.2013, 12.30–13.00
This paper highlights some of the issues encountered in the editing of a collected volume on Arabic script as used for African languages and presents
a cross-linguistic system of transliteration for Arabic based script, as implemented within that volume (Mumin & Versteegh ed., in press).
Traditional standards of transcribing/transliterating Arabic script into Latin/ Roman script were geared towards representation of (Modern standard)
Arabic as a single and (orthographically) standardized source language. Arabic based script as used in Africa is not orthographically standardized – neither for individual languages or varieties, nor across (groups of) languages.
Accordingly, a system was developed which aims to render every unit of the
‘graphic stream’ in a coherent and ideally (to a human) transparent way. The
aim was to represent grammatological systems at a supra-orthographical level
independent from the contained linguistic systems, to enable cross-linguistic
comparison of grammatological features even without expert knowledge of
Arabic script.
The present paper will exemplify some of the problematic factors encountered, such as orthographic derivation (creation of new letters based on
others), featurality (auto-semantics of derivational processes), calligraphy (graphic vs. orthographic variation), linearity (effects of spatial orientation of writing), and positionality (relative positioning of graph(eme)s within a wordform).
References Mumin, Meikal; Versteegh, Kees (ed.) (in press): The Arabic script in
Africa. Studies in the use of a writing system.
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From transcribed speech to visual ethnolinguistic
repertoires in four stages: writing pidgin and creole
languages in diasporic web forums
Christian Mair / U. Freiburg
Freitag, 15.3., 11.30–12.30
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The paper is based on the analysis of three very large (> 15 million words)
corpora of computer-mediated interaction in diasporic web forums from the
Caribbean and West Africa. The corpora are multi-dialectal and multi-lingual
as Jamaican Creole and varieties of West African Pidgin English are used
alongside English (and other languages). On the basis of these data, a fourway typology of non-standard writing is proposed:
1. vernacular transcription,
2. vernacular performance,
3. vernacular as resource for anti-formal styling,
4. vernacular as resource for the construction of visual ethnolinguistic repertoires.
While these four types of digital vernaculars are arranged in descending order
of mimetic closeness to offline interaction, it will be shown that they are all
authentic and rich data for sociolinguistic analysis in ‘third-wave’ (Eckert
2005, 2008) and ‘repertoire’ (e.g. Benor 2010) approaches. The crucial factor
is that varieties which have in the past been largely restricted to spontaneous
face-to-face interaction are now contributing to a pool of globally circulating
linguistic resources which can be used for a range of ethnic and cultural style
repertoires. The talk will further present N-CAT, the Freiburg-developed ‘NetCorpus Administration Tool’, which offers a range of visualisation options
designed to facilitate the analysis of language patterns in large masses of data.
References Benor, Sarah B. (2010):Ethnolinguistic repertoire: shifting the analytic focus in language and ethnicity. In: Journal of Sociolinguistics (14), 159-183. • Eckert,
Penelope (2005): Three waves of variation study: the emergence of meaning in the
study of variation. http://www.stanford.edu/ eckert/PDF/ThreeWavesofVariation.pdf.
• Eckert, Penelope (2008): Variation and the indexical field. In: Journal of Sociolinguistics (12), 453-476.
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Korpusbasierte Analyse internetbasierter
Kommunikation: Phänomene und Herausforderungen
Thomas Bartz and Angelika Storrer / TU Dortmund
Freitag, 15.3., 12.30–13.00
Der Produktion schriftlicher Äußerungen in Genres internetbasierter Kommunikation (z. B. in sozialen Netzwerken, in Wiki-Diskussionen und Weblogkommentaren, in Online-Foren, Chats, Instant Messaging und auf Twitter) unterliegt häufig eine Schreibhaltung, die weniger auf das Verfassen elaborierter Texte als auf die Produktion von Beiträgen im Rahmen dialogischer
Interaktion gerichtet ist. An der sprachlichen Oberfläche wirkt sich dies in
zahlreichen nicht-standardkonformen Schreibungen aus. Werkzeuge für die
automatische Analyse und Annotation schriftlicher Sprachdaten, die i. d. R.
an Zeitungstexten trainiert wurden, lassen sich daher gegenwärtig nur sehr bedingt für den Umgang mit solchen Schreibungen und für den Aufbau linguistisch annotierter Korpora zur internetbasierten Kommunikation einsetzen.
Der Vortrag macht einen empirisch fundierten Vorschlag zur Systematisierung von Phänomenen nicht-standardkonformer Schriftlichkeit in der internetbasierten Kommunikation. Die Datengrundlage bilden schriftliche Dialoge aus den oben genannten Genres, die u.a. im Rahmen des Projekts Deutsches Referenzkorpus zur internetbasierten Kommunikation (DeRiK; Beißwenger et al. 2012) erhoben wurden. Für ausgewählte Datenbeispiele und
Phänomentypen wird gezeigt, wie existierende Werkzeuge für die automatische Analyse und Annotation mit den beschriebenen Phänomenen umgehen. Ausgehend von den präsentierten Befunden werden konkrete Desiderata und Modellierungsperspektiven formuliert, die für die korpusbasierte linguistische Analyse internetbasierter Kommunikation und für den Bereich der
sprachtechnologischen Auswertung von Webkorpora gleichermaßen von Interesse sind und deren Bearbeitung Gegenstand aktueller Forschungs-und Entwicklungsarbeit an der Schnittstelle von Linguistik, Korpuslinguistik und Computerlinguistik ist.
Referenzen Beißwenger, Michael; Ermakova, Maria; Geyken, Alexander; Lemnitzer,
Lothar; Storrer, Angelika (2012): DeRiK: A German Reference Corpus of ComputerMediated Communication. In: Proceedings of Digital Humanities 2012. http://www.
dh2012.uni-hamburg.de/conference/programme/abstracts/derik-a-german-referencecorpus-of-computer-mediated-communication/
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Linguistische Annotation von Dokumenten
internetbasierter Kommunikation – eine explorative
Analyse
Kay-Michael Würzner1 , Lothar Lemnitzer2 ,
Alexander Geyken2 , and Bryan Jurish2
1 U. Potsdam and 2 Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der
Wissenschaften
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Freitag, 15.3., 13.00–13.30
Am ‚Digitalen Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache‘ (DWDS) wird eine Kette
von Werkzeugen für die linguistische (Vor-)Verarbeitung von Korpora eingesetzt (www.dwds.de). Diese Korpora repräsentieren im Wesentlichen schriftliche Standardsprache des Deutschen im 20. und frühen 21. Jahrhundert. Die
verwendete Kette von Werkzeugen (Tokenizing, morphologische Analyse,
Wortartentagging) erzielt eine Performanz und Akkuratheit, die für eine relativ große Datenmenge (ca. 2,5 Milliarden Token) notwendig und ausreichend
ist. Es ist jedoch notwendig, schon um der sprachlichen Wirklichkeit im frühen 21. Jahrhundert gerecht zu werden, Texte der internetbasierten Kommunikation bei der Fortschreibung des Korpus zu berücksichtigen. Diese weichen z. T. deutlich von der schriftsprachlichen Norm ab. Im Rahmen des Projekts Deutsches Referenzkorpus zur internetbasierten Kommunikation (DeRiK; Beißwenger et al. 2012) werden zurzeit Texte aus verschiedenen Genres
der internetbasierten Kommunikation gesammelt, die einen breiten Bereich
auf der Skala zwischen (konzeptueller) Schriftlichkeit und Mündlichkeit abdecken. Die mehr oder weniger ausgeprägte Dialogizität dieser Texte und
die Sprachspiele unter Verwendung des schriftlichen Mediums stellen für alle Teile der automatischen linguistischen Vorverarbeitung eine Herausforderung dar (Giesbrecht und Evert 2009). Es ist zu erwarten, dass die auf standardsprachlichen Texten trainierten Annotationswerkzeuge für diese Aufgabe
unzureichend sind und verbessert werden müssen.
Diese Hypothese soll anhand von vorhandenen Korpora zur internetbasierten Kommunikation (z.B. Dortmunder Chatkorpus) und der an der BBAW
akquirierten Daten überprüft werden. Es wird ein kleines Korpus manuell
segmentiert und annotiert, um eine Referenz für das Benchmarking der automatischen Werkzeuge hinsichtlich ihrer Akkuratheit zur Verfügung stellen zu
können.
In unserem Vortrag werden wir unser Trainingskorpus vorstellen und über
erste Ergebnisse der explorativen Analyse unserer Tools für die linguistische
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(Vor-)Verarbeitung berichten.
Referenzen Beißwenger, Michael; Ermakova, Maria; Geyken, Alexander; Lemnitzer,
Lothar; Storrer, Angelika (2012): DeRiK: A German Reference Corpus of ComputerMediated Communication. In: Proceedings of Digital Humanities 2012. http://www.
dh2012.uni-hamburg.de/conference/programme/abstracts/derik-a-german-referencecorpus-of-computer-mediated-communication/ • Giesbrecht, Eugenie; Evert, Stefan
(2009): Part-of-speech tagging – a solved task? An evaluation of POS taggers for the
Web as corpus. In: Alegria, Iñaki; Leturia, Igor; Sharoff, Serge (ed.): Proceedings of
the 5th Web as Corpus Workshop (WAC5), San Sebastian, Spain.
(Kein) liberaler Umgang mit der orthographischen
Norm. Empirische Befunde zur schriftlichen
Alltagskommunikation
Christa Dürscheid and Simone Ueberwasser / U. Zürich
Freitag, 15.3., 13.30–14.00
Dass sich in Texten der schriftlichen Alltagskommunikation zahlreiche Phänomene nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit finden, scheint zunächst unbestritten. Im Vortrag werden wir diese Perspektive umkehren und die Frage
stellen, ob es Bereiche gibt, in denen keineswegs ein liberaler Umgang mit
der orthographischen Norm vorherrscht. Wir beschränken uns dabei auf die
Orthographie solcher Texte, die als SMS via Mobilfunkgerät verschickt wurden, ziehen zum Vergleich aber auch Pinnwandeinträge aus der FacebookKommunikation heran. Als Ausgangspunkt dient die Frage, welche Regelbereiche der deutschen Orthographie vom normfernen Schreiben besonders
tangiert und welche Bereiche eher normstabil sind. Zur Illustration dient das
Schweizer SMS-Korpus, zu dem ein Subkorpus deutschsprachiger SMS gehört, das 10716 dialektale sowie 7228 nicht-dialektale SMS umfasst (vgl.
Stähli et al. 2011). Dabei gehen wir von der Annahme aus, dass sich in diesen
Daten auf stilistischer Ebene zwar viele Merkmale konzeptioneller Mündlichkeit finden, dass es auf orthographischer Ebene aber weitaus weniger Abweichungen von der standardisierten Schriftlichkeit gibt. Im Vortrag werden
wir diese Annahme an Stichproben aus dem deutschsprachigen Subkorpus
überprüfen und in diesem Zusammenhang auch aufzeigen, welche Herausforderungen sich stellen, wenn ein Korpus privater Alltagsschriftlichkeit (mit
knapp 450000 Tokens) mittels computerlinguistischer Tools erschlossen werden soll (vgl. Ueberwasser 2012). Dazu gehört das Einfügen einer glossierten Ebene, auf der jedem Token ein standardsprachliches äquivalent zuge275
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wiesen wird, denn nur so ist es möglich, weitere Annotationsebenen (z.B.
Part-of-Speech Tagging, morphologische Annotation, syntaktische Annotation) teilautomatisiert zu erstellen. Eine weitere Möglichkeit ist, Annotationen
mit Hilfe einer externen Software manuell durchzuführen und in das Korpus
zu integrieren. Abschließend wird gezeigt, welche Desiderata bestehen bleiben, wenn man in einem derart aufbereiteten Korpus komplexe Suchabfragen
durchführen möchte.
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Referenzen Stähli, Adrian; Dürscheid, Christa; Béguelin, Marie-José (ed.) (2011):
SMS-Kommunikation in der Schweiz: Sprach-und Varietätengebrauch. In: Themenheft Linguistik Online (48), 4/11 • Ueberwasser, Simone (2012): Non standard data in
Swiss text messages with a special focus on dialectal forms. In: Diwersy, Sascha et al.
(ed.): Proceedings of the Workshop on Automatic Processing of Non-Standard Data
Sources in Corpus-Based Research, Cologne 2012 (ZSM-Studien 5). Aachen: Shaker
(zur Publikation eingereicht).
Reserveliste
Andersschreibungen luxemburgischer jugendlicher auf
digitalen Pinnwänden
Luc Belling / U. Luxemburg
Die luxemburgische Sprache besitzt innerhalb ihres eigenen Landes eine ganz
besondere Stellung. Durch das Nebeneinander der Nationalsprache Luxemburgisch mit den beiden Amtssprachen Deutsch und Französisch bietet sich
in Luxemburg eine multilinguale Situation. Besonders in der Schule wird die
Erlernung der beiden Amtssprachen gefördert, wogegen die luxemburgische
Orthographie in der heutigen Zeit nur noch sehr rudimentär gelehrt wird.
Durch Aufkommen sozialer Netzwerke wie Facebook hat die luxemburgische Schriftsprache jedoch einen regelrechten Aufschwung erlebt. Die überwiegend jungen Nutzer gebrauchen die Plattform, um sich in Chats, privaten
Nachrichten und auf digitalen Pinnwänden auszutauschen.
Der Beitrag beschreibt am Beispiel erster Befunde aus einer empirischen
Untersuchung die Besonderheiten im Sprachgebrauch luxemburgischer Jugendlicher bei der Kommunikation auf digitalen Pinnwänden. Fokussiert wird
dabei zum einen auf Phänomene nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit und zum
anderen auf Schwierigkeiten bei der Analyse und Beschreibung der untersuchten Daten.
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Anhand von Beispielen werden sprachliche Besonderheiten auf verschiedenen grammatischen Beschreibungsebenen dargestellt. Im Bereich der Typographie und Orthographie wird die Anwendung kreativen Schriftgebrauchs
sowie netztypischer Schreibweisen untersucht. Auf der Ebene der Morphosyntax werden u.a. klitisierte Wortformen, sowie elliptische Schreibweisen
analysiert. Beim Lexikon stehen multilinguale Einschübe (im Besonderen:
Code Switching-Praktiken) und die Verwendung typisch gesprochensprachlicher Diskurspartikeln im Mittelpunkt. Die Darstellung des sprachlichen Repertoires wird zusätzlich darlegen, inwieweit der Sprachgebrauch durch die
Rahmenbedingungen des Genres ‚Pinnwand-Kommunikation‘beeinflusst wird.
Oral Strategies in Online User Feedback
Monika Eller / U. Heidelberg
The way language use in computer-mediated communication is represented in
public discourse as a threat to the English (or German) language may well be
an unjustified exaggeration, yet there is no denying the fact that many forms
of Internet-based communication exhibit characteristics that set it apart from
standard written language. Most prominent among these are characteristics
linked to oral communication.
In my paper I work with a corpus consisting of comments left during a
six week interval on the newspaper websites of The Guardian and The Times,
analysing such oral features as regards their form and function. The data reveal that the features encountered largely consist of two types: those that have
been taken over directly from oral conversation (e.g. on the syntactical and
lexical level) and those that have no equivalent in spoken language but are
used to mimic face-to-face conversation in written interaction (such as different types of respellings, representations of auditory and visual information,
or features used to simulate an interactive face-to-face speech situation). This
study is supplemented by a comparison of the findings to a reference corpus
of traditional letters to the editor (written in reaction to the same articles as the
comments of the CMC corpus) and is thus not only able to compare the patterns across the media, but also to reveal whether the particularities are due to
the communicative form (online comments as a form of computer-mediated
communication vs. written letters to the editor as a form of traditional written communication) or rather due to the communicative function fulfilled.
Contrasting the level of adherence to standard written language in the two
corpora, I will also make suggestions as to why comment writers use oral
strategies and what kind of effect this has on the overall interaction.
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Korpusgesteuerte Syntaxanalysen von Lernersprache
Hagen Hirschmann / HU Berlin
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Der Vortrag stellt zwei Ansätze zur qualitativ-quantitativen Syntaxanalyse
von Lernertexten vor und erörtert hiermit die generelle Problematik korpusbasierter Analysen von Lernersprache.
Das spracherwerbstheoretische Thema ist der Gebrauch von Präpositionalobjekten bei Lernenden des Deutschen als Fremdsprache (DaF), konkretisiert durch folgende Fragestellungen:
1.
(a) Inwiefern stellen Präpositionalobjekte für Lernende des DaF ein
Spracherwerbsproblem dar – wie häufig werden hier ungrammatische Strukturen erzeugt?
(b) Wie unterscheidet sich der grammatische Gebrauch von Präpositionalobjekten bei fortgeschrittenen Lernern des DaF vom muttersprachlichen Gebrauch? Hieraus erwächst die folgende methodische Fragestellung:
2. Wie können – mittels automatischer und manueller Verfahren – Präpositionalobjekte in einer Sprache identifiziert werden, die im Bereich der
verbalen Komplementierung nicht immer der zielsprachlichen Grammatik gehorcht?
Als Datengrundlage dient das Falko-Korpus1, ein Lernerkorpus mit Essaytexten fortgeschrittener DaF-Lernender sowie Vergleichsdaten deutscher Muttersprachler.
Lernersprache kann aus zwei grundlegenden Perspektiven beschrieben
werden: Entweder werden Verstöße gegen das System der Zielsprache analysiert ((1) a.), oder der Gebrauch systemkonformer sprachlicher Elemente wird
kontrastiv zum zielsprachlichen Gebrauch untersucht ((1) b.). Diese Analysemethoden heißen nach Granger (z. B. 2008) Computer-Aided Error Analysis
(CEA) und Contrastive Interlanguage Analysis (CIA). Beide Methoden werden meistens direkt auf die Lernersprache angewendet. Der Vortrag zeigt,
dass dieses Vorgehen mit Blick auf die Fragestellungen (1) a. und b. scheitert.
Als methodische Lösung dient eine Vermittlungsebene, die häufig Zielhypothese genannt wird.
Das Konzept der Zielhypothese ist jedoch nicht spezifisch für Lernersprache, sondern anwendbar auf jede nicht-standardisierte Sprache, die mit standardsprachlichen Kategorien beschrieben werden soll.
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Zu den spracherwerbstheoretischen Fragestellungen werden Ergebnisse
vorgestellt.
Referenzen Granger, Sylviane (2008): Learner corpora. In: Anke Lüdeling; Merja Kytö (Hrsg.): Corpus Linguistics. An International Handbook. Vol 1. Berlin: de Gruyter,
259-275.
Schreibererziehung und nicht standardisierte
Schriftlichkeit
Armin Hoenen / U. Frankfurt
In diesem Paper soll die folgende Hypothese untersucht werden: ‚Schreiber,
die ihren Schrifterwerb in einem Kontext nicht standardisierter Schriftlichkeit
vollzogen haben, tendieren dazu, das gesamte Spektrum an ihnen bekannten
Schreibungen für alle variaten Wörter oder Phoneme abzubilden.‘ Van Berkel
(2006) beschreibt die Rechtschreibung des Englischen und führt die Termini
‚Basisschreibung‘ sowie ‚kontextuelle Schreibungen‘ für Phoneme ein. Hier
wird diese Terminologie im Kontext nicht standardisierter Schriftlichkeit verwendet. Die Basisschreibung für ein Wort w wird dabei analog zu van Berkels
phonematischer Basisschreibung so definiert, dass sie die größte Häufigkeitsklasse für die Schreibung eines Wortes bei einem Schreiber (in einem Text),
also die häufigste Variante (mit einer Häufigkeitskennzahl) bezeichnet. Die
Kongruenz der Basisschreibungen zu einem späteren Standard sowie die Verteilung der restlichen Varianten im Text in Bezug auf deren Häufigkeit und
durchschnittlichen Abstand sollen untersucht werden. Als Gegenstand werden zwei mittelalterliche Texte, sowie zwei Texte Hugo von Hofmannsthals
herangezogen. In letzteren kann zudem der Einfluss der zweiten deutschen orthographischen Konferenz (1901) im Vergleich von Frühwerk und Spätwerk
analysiert werden, um den Prozess und die Auswirkungen von Standardisierung mikroskopisch genauer zu verstehen.
Referenzen Van Berkel, Ans (2006): The role of the phonological strategy in learning to spell in English as a second language. In: Cook, Vivian J.; Bassetti, Benedetta
(ed.): Second Language Writing Systems. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 97-121.
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Arbeitsgruppe 11
Interface Issues of Gestures and Verbal
Semantics and Pragmatics
Cornelia Ebert
Hannes Rieser
This workshop aims at investigating speech-accompanying gestures and their
relation to the speech signal. As is widely accepted, gestures — in particular
speech-accompanying iconic ones — can express semantic content. Speech
and gestures are said to work together to convey one single thought (McNeill
1992, Kendon 2004) and the semantic content of gestures is intertwined with
the semantic content of the speech signal. Gestures can be co-expressive (displaying the same semantic content as the speech signal) or complementary
(expressing additional information).
An intriguing question that is not settled yet is how gesture meaning and
speech meaning interact. Gestures are often only interpretable in combination
with their accompanying speech symbols (Kopp et al 2004, Lascarides & Stone 2006). The strong interaction of gesture channel and speech channel has
thus been interpreted in such a way that information from the two channels
is mapped to one single logic representation (e.g. in Rieser 2008, Kopp et al
2004). It is, however, evident that the pieces of information from the different channels are of different nature and that gesture information seems to be
backgrounded in some sense or other (cf. Giorgolo & Needham 2011).
Furthermore, it is well-known that gestures are also temporally aligned
with the speech signal in a certain way, i.e. the stroke of the gesture falls together with the main accent of the gesture-accompanying sentence (McNeill
1992). This fact has been interpreted as an indication that gestures (beats in
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particular) can take over information structural tasks and serve to mark focus
domains (Ebert, Evert & Wilmes 2011). In this workshop we want to follow
up on the recent development to investigate gestures under formal semantic
and pragmatic aspects.
Speech-gesture Interfaces. An Overview
Hannes Rieser / U. Bielefeld
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14.00–14.30
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Using theory of grammar tools for description of gesture is not popular among
researchers trading in gestural matters. There is, however, an obvious link between gesture research and formal description of language and information:
the notion of meaning. Given that we want to get at the meaning and function
of gesture, we need a clear notion of meaning and this is not to be had disregarding philosophical, logical and semantic work in the meaning realm. Another link between formal theorizing and gesture research is bound up with the
idea that gesture and speech interact: gesture emphasises, specifies or complements the semantics of speech, i.e. gesture and speech interface. The interface machinery useful in this context is a data structure bound to grammar
allowing for the exchange of information, viz. the respective meanings of gesture and speech. Along these general lines the talk provides an overview on
interface structures in recent research. We shortly introduce McNeill’s ideas
(1992, cf. Röpke 2011) on this topic and proceed treating proposition-bound
interfaces based on Lambda calculus (Rieser 2009/10), Montague Grammar
(Giorgolo 2010, Röpke et al. 2013) and HPSG (Lücking 2011, Lascarides
and Alahverdzhieva 2010). There have also been various attempts to embed
speech-gesture interfaces in dynamic theories of discourse and dialogue, most
prominently Lascarides und Stone (2009) using SDRT, and Poesio and Rieser’s (2009) approach extending the dialogue model of Poesio and Traum
(1997). The following is among the questions of interest touched: Where is
the interface situated, is it, e.g. located within grammar or does it constitute
an external domain of its own? What are the interface’s formal properties, i.e.
how is it organized and represented? How is it tied up with the rest of the
grammar? Furthermore, which notion of meaning is used to explicate gesture
meaning? What is the effect of gesture meaning and meaning of speech: what
do they achieve individually and collectively? Finally, a sum-up on the answers to these questions is presented completing the overview.
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References Alahverdzhieva, K. and A. Lascarides (2010). Analysing Language and
Co-verbal Gesture in Constraint-based Grammars. In: Proceedings of 17th Conference
on HPSG. Paris, pp. 5–25. • Giorgolo, G. (2010). Space and Time in Our Hands.
LOT Utrecht. • Lascarides, A. und M. Stone (2009). A Formal Semantic Analysis of
Gesture. In: JofS, pp. 1–57. • Lücking, A. (2013). Ikonische Gesten. Grundzüge einer
linguistischen Theorie. Berlin, De Gruyter Mouton. • Rieser, H. (2010). Factoring
Out a Gesture Typology from the Bielefeld Speech-Gesture-Alignment Corpus. In:
Proceedings of GW 2009. Berlin: Springer, pp. 47–60. • Rieser, H. (2011a). Gestures
Indicating Dialogue Structure. Proceedings of SEMdial 2011, Los Angeles, California.
• Rieser, H. (2011b). How to Disagree on a Church-Window’s Shape Using Gesture.
In Festschrift für Janos Sandor Petöfi. Münster: LIT Verlag, pp. 231-241. • Rieser, H.
and Poesio, M. (2009). Interactive gesture in dialogue: a PTT model. In Proceedings
of the SIGDIAL 2009 Conference, pp. 87–96. • Röpke, I. (2011). Watching the growth
point grow. In: Proceedings of the Second GESPIN Conference 2011.
Gestures at the Semantcs-Pragmatics Interface
Gianluca Giorgolo / King’s College, London
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14.30–15.00
In this talk I will address the issue of how to best formally model the informational contribution of gesture with respect to our current understanding of
verbal meaning. I will take for granted that gestures are used, both consciously and unconsciously, to convey information and that listeners make use of the
information conveyed by gestures when decoding the messages of speakers.
The open question is how this integrated interpretation is achieved and how
we can model it given the toolkit offered by formal semantics.
I will start by overviewing a number of proposals in the literature that
present alternative implementations of a unified semantics for verbal language and gestures. Some of these proposals feature a more semantic approach
(e.g. Giorgolo [2010]) while other have a more pragmatic oriented point of
view (e.g. Lascarides and Stone [2009]). I will explore the relevance of the
distinction between lexical and compositional semantics and pragmatics for
the issue of gesture semantics. In particular I will analyse the issues we face
when modelling the semantic contribution of gestures in light of current developments in formal semantics that clarify the relationship between semantics
and pragmatics and that point towards a multilayered picture of meaning contributions [Stanley, 2000, Potts, 2007]. I will reanalyse the results of Giorgolo
and Needham [2012] according to this view and compare how gestures behave with respect to linguistic phenomena, such as presuppositions and different
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kinds of implicatures, that also live at the border between semantics and pragmatics.
The talk will not try to offer a final answer regarding the best way to
model gesture meaning contribution. Instead, I will present what I believe
are interesting open questions and how we can best tackle them combining
theoretical insights and experimental work.
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References Gianluca Giorgolo. Space and Time in our Hands. volume 262 of LOT Publications. LOT, Utrecht, 2010. • Gianluca Giorgolo and Stephanie Needham. Pragmatic constraints on gesture use: The effect of downward and non entailing contexts
on gesture processing. In: Maria Aloni, Vadim Kimmelman, Floris Roelofsen, Galit
Sassoon, Katrin Schulz, and Matthijs Westera, editors: Logic, Language and Meaning,
volume 7218 of Lecture Notes in Computer Science, pages 331–340. Springer Berlin
Heidelberg, 2012. • Alex Lascarides and Matthew Stone. A Formal Semantic Analysis of Gesture. Journal of Semantics, 26(4):393–449, 2009. • Christopher Potts. The
expressive dimension. Theoretical Linguistics, 33(2): 165–197, 2007. • Jason Stanley.
Context and logical form. Linguistics and Philosophy, 23:391– 434, 2000.
Interfacing Speech and Co–verbal Gesture:
Exemplification
Andy Lücking / U. Frankfurt
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15.00–15.30
The informational significance of iconic gestures is said to be bound up with
resemblance or iconicity. However, there are serious problems with the notion of denotation via iconicity. For instance, the denotation relation and the
resemblance relation have different logical properties (Goodman 1976). Accordingly, an alternative conception of iconic signs has been developed by
Goodman (1976), namely the exemplification account. The key idea is to regard iconic signs as things onto which verbal predicates are applied; the iconic
sign is then said to exemplify these predicates. According to this conception
gestures are treated as movements and need not be transsubstantiated into
denotative signs; they are kept “metaphysically intact”, as required by Hahn
and Rieser (2012). In multimodal discourse, gestures are interpreted within
the context of their accompanying speech — their verbal affiliates. The affiliate contributes the predicates that are exemplified by the gesture, given rise
to cross-modal structures (“speech-gesture ensembles” (Kendon, 2004)).
In order to give a more precise model, exemplification is spelled out as
unification between the gesture’s form and a conceptual component of the
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meaning of predicates within a HSPG like grammar framework. Predicates
related to spatio-temporal entities carry an explicit representation of their descriptive content, called conceptual vector meanings (CVMs). Iconic gestures
are treated as physical acts. Following the vector model of biological movements (Johansson 1973), gestural movements are modelled in terms of vector representations. Vectorised gestures can unify with the conceptual vector
meanings of verbal elements.
As a simple example, consider round: if the vectorised gesture performs a
vector sequence that makes up a circular path (tag 7 in (1)), this gesture can
unify with the CVM of the predicate round in order to constitute a speechand-gesture ensemble.
The gesture from (1) selects for a verbal affiliate AFF that has to be phonetically marked (cf. Alahverdzhieva and Lascarides 2010).


(1)
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
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
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verbal-sign
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exemplification

CONT MODE
 
EX-PRED 5
References Alahverdzhieva, Katya and Alex Lascarides (2010). ’Analysing Language
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and Co-verbal Gesture in Constraint-based Grammars’. In: Proceedings of the 17th
International Conference on Head-Driven Phase Structure Grammar (HPSG). Ed.
by Stefan Müller. Paris, pp. 5–25. • Goodman, Nelson (1976). Languages of Art. An
Approach to a Theory of Symbols. 2nd ed. Idianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company,
Inc. • Hahn, Florian and Hannes Rieser (2012). ’Non-Compositional Gestures’. In:
Proceedings of the International Workshop on Formal and Computational Approaches
to Multimodal Communication under the auspices of ESSLLI 2012, Opole, Poland, 610 August. Ed. by Gianluca Giorgolo and Katya Alahverdzhieva. • Johansson, Gunnar
(1973). ‘Visual Perception of Biological Motion and a Model for its Analysis’. In:
Perception Psychophys. 14, pp. 201–211. • Kendon, Adam (2004). Gesture: Visible
Action as Utterance. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press.
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Creating multimodal utterances: The syntactic and
semantic integration of gestures into speech
Silva H. Ladewig / U. Frankfurt (Oder)
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15.30–15.45
Gesture studies most often focuses on multimodal utterances in which gesture
and speech are used in temporal overlap. Empirical studies concentrating on
naturally occurring conversations have shown that, in these cases, gestures
can be structurally as well as functionally integrated into the accompanying
spoken utterance. They can adopt syntactic functions of adjectives or adverbs,
modifying the semantic information expressed in speech (e.g., Bressem 2012,
Fricke 2012). But what about cases in which gestures replace speech? Do they
also adopt syntactic functions of verbal constituents and do they interact with
the semantics of an utterance that precedes or follows them?
The study aiming at an answer of this question is based on 20 hours of
video data from different discourse types (naturally occurring conversations,
experimental data, or TV-shows). It examined interrupted spoken utterances
that expose a syntactic gap occupied by a gesture. (Ladewig 2012) In the first
analytical step the semantic integration of gestures was investigated: Syntactic analyses revealed that gestures are not inserted in all kinds of syntactic
gaps (see e.g., Slama-Cazacu 1976) but occupy preferably the positions of
nouns and verbs, taking over the functions of objects or predicates. Furthermore it was found that, contrary to the assumptions proposed in the literature,
not emblems were deployed most often to substitute speech (e.g., McNeill
1992) but representational gestures. In the second step of analysis the semantic integration of gestures was examined: Experiments conducted with
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observers of these multimodal utterances demonstrated that representational
gestures are capable of conveying meaning on their own without speech (‘inherent meaning’ Ladewig & Bressem fc., see also Kopp et al. 2004) that helps
establish a conceived reference object. Moreover it was found that speech and
gesture interact in such a way that the syntactic position foregrounds information conveyed by a gesture namely the information of an entity or THING
(Langacker 1987) in noun positions, depicted by the hand shape in gestures
and the information of an action or PROCESS (ibid.) in verb positions, depicted by the gestural movement.
Following a linguistic-semiotic approach to gestures (e.g. Müller 1998,
in press) the study aims at discovering the gestures’ ‘potential for language’
(ibid.) and at identifying processes involved in the meaning making construal
of multimodal utterances. Furthermore, it takes a step towards identifying the
principles that govern a ‘multimodal grammar’ (Fricke 2012).
References Bressem, J. (2012). Repetitions in gesture: Structures, functions, and cognitive aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). Dissertation Thesis. • Bressem, J., & S.H. Ladewig (2011).
Rethinking gesture phases –articulatory features of gestural movement? Semiotica
184(1/4), 53-91. • Fricke, E. (2012). Grammatik multimodal. Wie Wörter und Gesten
zusammenwirken. Berlin u.a.: Mouton de Gruyter. • Ladewig, S.H. (2012) Syntactic
and semantic integration of gestures into speech: Structural, cognitive, and conceptual aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European University Viadrina,
Frankfurt (Oder). Dissertation Thesis. • Ladewig, S.H., & J. Bressem (forthcoming).
New insights into the medium hand –Discovering structures in gestures on the basis of
the four parameters of sign language, Semiotica. • Langacker, R.W. (1987). Foundations of cognitive grammar: Theoretical Prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University
Press. • Kopp, S., P. Tepper, & J. Cassell (2004).Towards integrated microplanning
of language and iconic gesture for multimodal output. Proceedings of the 6th international conference on Multimodal interfaces. State College, PA, USA. ACM, 97-104.
• Müller, C. (1998). Redebegleitende Gesten: Kulturgeschichte, Theorie, Sprachvergleich. Berlin: Arno Spitz. • Müller, C. (in press/2013) Linguistics: Gestures as a medium of expression. In: Müller, Cornelia, Alan Cienki, Ellen Fricke, Silva H. Ladewig,
David McNeill and Sedinha Teßendorf (Eds.), Body –Language –Communication: An
International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction. Volume 1. Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. • Slama-Cazacu, T. (1976). Nonverbal components in message sequence: ’Mixed
syntax’. In: W.C. McCormack & S.A. Wurm (Eds.) Language and man: Anthropological issues. The Hague: Mouton, 217-227.
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The audiovisual integration of speech and different
gesture types
Caro Kirchhof and Jan de Ruiter / U. Bielefeld
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15.45–16.00
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Listeners attend to the gestures of the speaker while they are listening to natural speech. They process the visual and auditory signals simultaneously. Research on multimodal language perception has so far mainly focused on how
far speech and lip movements may be desynchronized and still be perceived
as belonging together, i.e. integrated by the listener. The temporal window
in which this audiovisual integration (AVI) is still natural lies between about
250 ms of one modality preceding the other; offsets larger than 500 ms in
either direction are perceived as unnatural (van Wassenhove et al. 2007; cf.
Massaro et al. 1996). Recent ERP studies have shown that co-occurring gesture strokes and words are similarly integrated by the listener at least up to
an auditory delay of 160 ms (Habets et al. 2011; Özyürek et al. 2007). In two
series of studies we investigated which levels of asynchrony between gestures
and their conceptual affiliates are still acceptable for listeners.
In three consecutive online studies subjects were shown sentence-long
clips of narrators in frontal view (Kirchhof 2011). The videos were desynchronized at six levels between -600 ms and +600 ms, with 0ms as control.
A second and third condition had blurred faces/ a box covering the head. 618
German native speakers rated the perceived naturalness of 9327 stimuli on a
4-point Likert scale. In the lips-visible condition, the stimuli with the speech
+200 ms before the gesture and the gesture –600ms before the speech were
rated as rather natural by over 70% of the subjects, which is consistent with
van Wassenhove et al. (2007, v.s.). In the two obscured-head conditions over
65% of subjects rated all levels of asynchrony as natural.
Based on the results of the perceptual judgment tasks, 20 subjects re-synchronized stimuli of gestures in the media-synchronization mode of ELAN
in a second pair of studies, head-obscured condition only (Kirchhof 2012).
The aim here was to investigate the perceptual preferences of the subjects,
i.e. which levels of asynchrony still felt natural to them. Two desynchronized
cause-effect stimuli of a hammer hitting a nail and of fingers snapping were
used as base line, 15 iconic gesture stimuli followed. The resulting synchronizations show a distribution for the cause-effect stimuli, with a range of -978
ms (video first) to +442 ms (audio first), p<.01. The range for the gesture
stimuli is -1778 ms (gesture first) to +754 ms (speech first), p<.001.
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To study how this range of AVI might be related to gesture categories,
three emblematic, four deictic, and six iconic stimuli were used as stimuli in
the second execution of the perceptual preference task, as well as six causeeffect ones. The 20 subjects set a range between video first -250 ms (gesture
first) +400 ms (audio first) for the physical stimuli, p<.01. The ranges for the
iconic gestures were similar at video/audio first ± 750 ms, p<.001.
These results support the prior study as well as Massaro et al. (1996). The
emblematic and deictic gestures showed ranges closer to the cause-effect stimuli. It can be concluded that the language perception system is very tolerant
of both semantic and temporal asynchrony, which is surprising, given the high
degree of synchronization achieved in production (e.g. McNeill 1992).
References Habets, B., Kita, S., Shao, .Z, Özyürek, A., & Hagoort, P. (2011). The
role of synchrony and ambiguity in speech-gesture integration during comprehension.
Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 23(8), 1845-54. • Kirchhof, C. (2012). On the
audiovisual integration of speech and gesture. Presented at the ISGS 2012, 24-27 July
2012, Lund, Sweden. • Kirchhof, C. (2011). So What’s Your Affiliation With Gesture?
Proceedings of GeSpIn, 5-7 Sep 2011, Bielefeld, Germany. • Massaro, D. W., Cohen,
M. M., & Smeele, P. M. T. (1996). Perception of asynchronous and conflicting visual
and auditory speech. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 100 (3), 1777-1786.
• McNeill, D. (1992). Hand and mind: What gestures reveal about thought. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. • Özyürek, A., Willems, R. M., Kita, S., & Hagoort, P.
(2007). On-line integration of semantic information from speech and gesture: Insights
from event-related brain potentials. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 19(4), 605616. • Van Wassenhove V., Grant K. W., & Poeppel D. (2007). Temporal window of
integration in auditory–visual speech perception. Neuropsychologia, 45, 598–607.
Work on a Gesture Form Typology including a
Motion-Capture Study
Julius Hassemer / U. Aachen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16.30–17.00
This presentation provides a typology of gesture form informed by analyses
of video and three-dimensional Motion-Capture data. This systematic description of gesture form is seen as a necessary prerequisite to an in-depth
analysis of the complex interaction of gesture and speech semantics, both for
traditional gesture scholars and for computational scientists interested in the
leap from gesture form to gesture function.
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In form-based gesture analyses, hands are often described in terms of parameters such as location, configuration, and motion (Stokoe 2005, Calbris
1990, Kendon 2004, Müller 1998, Bressem to appear). These parameters describe the ‘articulator form’, which is the form of the hands in motion or held
still. In contrast, this paper proposes the concept of ‘gesture form’ as articulator form interpreted through cognitive-semiotic strategies such as modes of
representation (Müller 1998), practices (Streeck 2008), and metonymic modes (Mittelberg & Waugh 2009).
More specifically, gesture form is a consequence of certain cognitive principles operating on the articulator form. For instance, if someone holds her
right hand statically in central gesture space, index and thumb extended,
slightly curved, other fingers curled in, gesture form can be the result of the
operation of the following three ‘gesture form principles’:
a) ‘Articulator profiling’: profiling the index and thumb as the active articulator (a three-dimensional portion of the three-dimensional body);
b) ‘Shape profiling’: profiling one shape aspect of the three-dimensional
articulator (a zero-to three-dimensional shape aspect);
c) ‘Enclosing’: enclosing a shape that is defined on one to three dimensions (or axes) (Hassemer et al. 2011; cf. topological dimensions: Talmy
2000, Chapter 3).
To investigate gesture form, 27 participants were recorded describing nine
differently shaped physical objects. Immediately afterwards, they viewed a
mute video of their recordings and had to report the kind of curvature conveyed by their own hand shapes.
This paper focuses on two types of gestures, in which the index and thumb
are profiled in different ways, resulting in different gesture forms and hence
fulfilling distinct functions: one indicating the distance between finger pads
(measure gesture); the other outlining a circular shape with the inner surface
of index and thumb (shape gesture; cf. Sowa & Wachsmuth 2005:146). In these two gesture types principle (a) works likewise by profiling the index and
the thumb, whereas principles (b) and (c) work distinctly:
Measure gesture:
b) Profiling the tactile surfaces (2D) of the index and thumb pads
c) Enclosing a shape that is defined along one axis only (1D)
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Shape gesture:
b) Profiling the whole inner surfaces (2D) of index and thumb
c) Enclosing a shape that is defined on two axis (2D)
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Illustration of the three principles of a measurement gesture (above) and a
shape gesture (below) resulting in a shape defined in one and two dimensions
respectively. The study tests whether these two types can be distinguished
systematically by participants’ reports and Motion Capture angle/curvature
measurements.
References Bressem, J. (to appear). Notating Gestures –Proposal for a Form Based
Notation System of co-verbal gestures. In: Body – Language – Communication / Körper – Sprache – Kommunikation. Vol. 1. Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft / Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science. Mouton
de Gruyter. • Calbris, G. (1990). The semiotics of French gestures (p. 264). Indiana
University Press. • Kendon, A. (2004). Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance. Cambridge University Press. • Mittelberg, I., & Waugh, L. R. (2009). Metonymy first,
metaphor second: A cognitive-semiotic approach to multimodal figures of thought
in co-speech gesture. In C. Forceville, E., Urios-Aparisi (Eds.), Multimodal metaphor(pp. 329–356). Mouton de Gruyter. • Müller, C. (1998). Redebegleitende Gesten.
Kulturgeschichte –Theorie –Sprachvergleich (Vol. 1). Berlin-Verlag Spitz. • Sowa, T.,
& Wachsmuth, I. (2005). A Model for the Representation and Processing of Shape
in Coverbal Iconic Gestures. (K. R. Coventry, T. Tenbrink, & J. A. Bateman, Eds.)
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Spatial Language and Dialogue, pp. 132-146. Oxford University Press. Stokoe, W. C.
(2005). Sign Language Structure: An Outline of the Visual Communication Systems
of the American Deaf. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 10(1), 3-37. •
Streeck, J. (2008). Depicting by gesture. Gesture, 8 (3), 285-301. • Talmy, L. (2000).
Toward Cognitive Semantics Vol. I Concept Structuring Systems. MIT Press.
Gestural repetitions and the construction of
multimodal utterance meaning
Jana Bressem / U. Frankfurt (Oder)
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17.00–17.30
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Research investigating the relevance of gestures in forming a multimodal utterance meaning has shown that gestures contribute to the semantics of an
utterance in a range of was. Gestures may replace verbal information (Ladewig 2012), emphasize what has been uttered verbally, modify the meaning
expressed in speech or even create a discrepancy between the verbal and the
gestural meaning (e.g., Gut, Looks, Thies et al. 2002; Kendon 2004). Moreover, research suggests that the semantic relation of speech and gesture seems
to be reflected in the temporal alignment of both modalities, so that ‘the closer speech and gestures are related semantically, the closer is their temporal
relation.’ (Bergmann, Aksu, and Kopp 2011) Yet an analysis investigating
the semantic relation and function of gestures in cases of longer sequences
and in close temporal and linear succession is still missing. In our talk, we
will address gestural repetitions within preparation-stroke and stroke-stroke
sequences, which are characterized by the maintenance of at least two form
parameters such as hand shape ore movement, and show that they have particular semantic relations and functions, which are reflected in the gestures’
temporal and syntactic coordination with speech.
Our analysis rests upon a study investigating 23 hours of video data from
different discourse types (e.g., naturally occurring conversations, debates, political discussions), in which, based on 895 strokes, two types of gestural
repetitions were identified, namely iterations and reduplications (Bressem
2012).Semantic and syntactic analyses revealed that iterations and reduplications differ in their relevance for the creation of a multimodal utterance
meaning: While reduplications only depict abstract meaning and emphasize
the semantics of the verbal utterance, iterations depict concrete and abstract
meaning and have the ability to affect the propositional content of speech by
adding information not expressed in speech. Moreover, while the majority of
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repetitions occur in temporal overlap with the co-expressive speech segment
and in doing so take over emphasizing function by expressing redundant semantic features, adding information through the expression of complementary semantic features as well the temporal pre-positioning of gestures is restricted to iterations depicting concrete actions and objects. In these cases,
iterations are semantically integrated into the verbal utterance by modifying
the semantics of the verbal utterance either with respect to the size and shape of object or to the manner of actions. Dependent on their alignment with
the syntax of speech, they may either function as gestural attributes (Fricke
2012) or as adverbial determinations (Bressem 2012) and as such are structurally and functionally integrated into the accompanying spoken utterance.
Thus, gestural repetitions, that is longer gestural sequences, not only differ in
their temporal relation with the co-expressive speech segment but also, and
maybe even more importantly, in their semantic and syntactic relation and
function to the verbal utterance.
Using a linguistic-semiotic approach to gestures (Bressem and Ladewig
2011; Fricke 2007; Müller 1998), the study offers a further step in understanding the relation of speech and gesture by examining a particular gestural
phenomenon and its role in the creation of multimodal utterance meaning. In
doing so, the study adds to understanding gestures’ ‘potential for language’
(Müller 1998, forthcoming) as well as the nature and principles of a ‘multimodal grammar’ (Fricke 2012).
References Bergmann, Kirsten, V. Aksu and Stefan Kopp (2011). The Relation of
Speech and Gestures: Temporal Synchrony Follows Semantic Synchrony. Paper presented at the 2nd Workshop on Gesture and Speech in Interaction-GESPIN,Bielefeld,
Germany. • Bressem, Jana (2012). Repetitions in gesture: Structures, functions, and
cognitive aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). PhD Thesis. • Bressem, Jana and Silva H. Ladewig (2011).
Rethinking gesture phases: articulatory features of gestural movement? In: Semiotica 184 (1-4): 53–91. • Fricke, Ellen (2007). Origo, Geste und Raum: Lokaldeixis im
Deutschen. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. • Fricke, Ellen (2012). Grammatik multimodal:
Wie Wörter und Gesten zusammenwirken. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. • Gut, Ulrike, Karin Looks, Alexandra Thies and Dafydd Gibbon (2002) Cogest: Conversational
gesture transcriptionsystem version 1.0. Fakultät für Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft, Universität Bielefeld, ModeLex Tech. Rep 1. • Kendon, Adam (2004). Gesture.
Visible action as utterance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • Ladewig, Silva H. (2012). Syntactic and semantic integration of gestures into speech: Structural,
cognitive, and conceptual aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European
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University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). PhD Thesis. • Müller, Cornelia (1998). Redebegleitende Gesten: Kulturgeschichte, Theorie, Sprachvergleich. Berlin: Arno Spitz.
• Müller, Cornelia (forthcoming) Linguistics: Gestures as a medium of expression.
In: Müller, Cornelia, Alan Cienki, Ellen Fricke, Silva H. Ladewig, David McNeill
and Sedinha Teßendorf (eds.), Body – Language – Communication / Körper – Sprache – Kommunikation. Handbücher zur Sprach-und Kommunikationswissenschaft /
Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science. Berlin, New York: Mouton de
Gruyter.
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Does gestural and verbal redundancy speed reference
resolution in five-year-olds?
Hannah Sowden / U. Leeds
Catherine Davies / U. Nottingham
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17.30–17.45
This study investigates the effect of referential redundancy in five-year-old
comprehenders across gestural and spoken modalities. Referring expressions
are frequently found to be over-informative, e.g. describing a target referent
as ‘the big plate’ when there is a lone plate in the context. Facilitative effects of redundant expressions have been found in nine-year-olds, but not
five-year-olds (Sonnenschein, 1982). More recently, five-year-olds have been
found sensitive to redundant expressions, penalising over-informative expressions (Davies & Katsos, 2010) and reacting more slowly to these types of
verbal cues (Morisseau et al., under review). Gesture provides an alternative
modality in which to provide redundancy. By the age of five children benefit from redundant iconic gestures in comprehension of instructions (McNeil,
Alibali, and Evans, 2001) and integrate complementary information gleaned
from speech and gesture into a semantically holistic utterance (Sekine, Sowden and Kita, under review). We are interested in teasing apart any facilitative
or inhibitory effect stemming from the provision of more spoken or gestural
information than is minimally required for uniquely identifying a referent.
We measured reaction times for identifying a target referent in three experimental conditions: (1) redundant speech, (2) redundant gesture, (3) redundant speech and gesture. A fourth, control condition contained no redundancy. Verbal redundancy was achieved by including a semantically true yet
pragmatically redundant adjective in the referring expression (e.g. ‘the round
plate’) and gestural redundancy was achieved by the speaker producing a reinforcing gesture conveying size or shape. Arrays depicted four referents each
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of a different nominal and adjectival class, thus rendering both types of modification unnecessary for identifying the target. The target referent had one of
four attributes (big, small, round, square) and three accompanying distracters
represented one of the other attributes not shown by the target.
A video of a speaker appeared in the centre of the screen, with each referent in the surrounding quadrants. Participants were asked to C). Preliminary
data show an additive speeding effect of redundant speech and gesture relative
to the nonredundant control condition. We also see shorter latencies relative
to the control condition for both single-modality redundant conditions (1 and
2), though there were no differences between these conditions.
References Davies, C. and Katsos, N. (2010). Over-informative children: Production/comprehension asymmetry or tolerance to pragmatic violations? Lingua, 120 (8),
1956-1972. • McNeil, N. M., Alibali, M. W., & Evans, J. L. (2001). The role of gesture in children’s comprehension of spoken language: Now they need it, now they
don’t. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 24(2), 131-150. • Morisseau, T., Davies, C.
and Matthews, D. (under review) How do 3-and 5-year-olds respond to over-and
under-informative utterances? • Sonnenschein, S. (1982). The effects of redundant
communication on listeners -when more is less. Child Development, 53(3), 717-729.
• Sekine, K., Sowden, H. and Kita, S (under review) Five-year-olds, but not threeyear-olds, integrate information in speech and iconic gesture in comprehension
Interface Constructions for Gestures Accompanying
Verb Phrases
Insa Röpke, Florian Hahn, and Hannes Rieser / U. Bielefeld
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17.45–18.00
We currently focus on gestures accompanying verb phrases in route-descriptions aiming at the reconstruction of their semantics and pragmatics and showing how they interface with verbal meaning. Our research is based on a systematically annotated corpus, called SaGA, the Bielefeld Speech-and-Gesture
Alignment-corpus (Luecking 2012). It consists of 25 dialogues of dyads engaged in a communication about a “bus ride” through a Virtual Reality town.
One participant of each dyad has done this ride and describes the route and
sights passed to the other participant. This taped conversation is annotated in
a fine-grained way.
Especially due to our work with this corpus, we are aware of the fact
that gesture use is bound to dialogue and interlinked with dynamic phenomena such as the use of anaphora. However, at present we abstract from these
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things. Using interface methodology, we concentrate on the static semantics
of speech-gesture occurrences. The idea for our interface construction is as
shown below:
Speech Meaning
Gesture Meaning
Interface:
Multi-modal Meaning
Compositional interface construction
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Assuming that gesture and speech share the same aboutness, we aim at constructing a multi-modal proposition. We provide first a compositional semantics for the speech part and a compositional semantics for the gesture part.
Both are extended for interfacing and subsequently fused into the interface
proper, also built up compositionally. Here, the speech representation overrides gesture representation due to scopal considerations.
The interface provides the multi-modal meaning for the speech-gesture
occurrence, hence, the idea of a “unified semantics” is maintained. However,
due to the workings of the interface procedure, we also get independent semantics for the speech part, the gesture part and the function of the interface.
The compositionality is modelled using typed lambda calculus and ideas from
Combinatory Logics. We develop two routes to provide semantic representations for speech-gesture occurrences, one is a Montague-Parsons line based
on event ontology and the other one a Montague-Reichenbach track exploiting higher order techniques. One of these will be exemplified in the talk.
Depending on our example we will also tackle questions of formal pragmatics.
In our future research we will extend our descriptive tools and move on
to Dynamic Semantics and dialogue theory since our corpus consists of dialogues.
Acknowledgments: This work has been supported by the German Research
Foundation (DFG) and has been carried out in the CRC 673 “Alignment in
Communication”.
References Andy Lücking, Kirsten Bergmann, Florian Hahn, Steufan Kopp and Hannes Rieser. 2012. Journal on Multimodal User Interfaces. Data-based Analysis of
Speech and Gesture: The Bielefeld Speech and Gesture Alignment Corpus (SaGA)
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and its Applications. Springer, Berlin/Heidelberg. • Terence Parsons. 1990. Events in
the Semantics of English. A Study in Subatomic Semantics. MIT Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts. • Hans Reichenbach. 1947. Elements of Symbolic Logic. The Macmillan Company, New York. • Richmond H. Thomason (Ed.). 1974. Formal Philosophy.
Selected Papers of Richard Montague. Yale University Press, New Haven and London.
Identifying linguistic and neural levels of interaction
between gesture and speech during comprehension
using EEG and fMRI
Dr. Henning Holle / U. Hull
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18.00–18.30
Conversational gestures are hand movements that co-occur with speech but
do not appear to be consciously produced by the speaker. The role that these
gestures play in communication is disputed, with some arguing that gesture
adds only little information over and above what is already transmitted by
speech alone. My own work has provided strong evidence for the alternative
view, namely that gestures add substantial information to the comprehension process. One level at which this interaction between gesture and speech
takes place seems to be semantics, as indicated by the N400 of the Event
Related Potential. I will also present findings from a more recent study that
has provided evidence for a syntactic interaction between gesture and speech
(as indexed by the P600 component). Finally, fMRI studies suggest that areas associated with the detection of semantic mismatches (left inferior frontal
gyrus) and audiovisual integration (left posterior temporal lobe) are crucial
components of the brain network for co-speech gesture comprehension.
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Stefan Müller
Laurent Gautier
Grammatiktheorie
Frame-Semantik
[Stauffenburg Einführungen, Bd. 20] 2. Auflage 2012, XIV, 521 Seiten, kart.
ISBN 978-3-86057-294-8 € 29,80
Eine Einführung in Theorie und Praxis
In dieser Einführung werden verschiedene formale Grammatiktheorien kurz vorgestellt, die in der gegenwärtigen Theoriebildung eine Rolle spielen oder wesentliche Beiträge geleistet
haben, die auch heute noch von Relevanz sind (Phrasenstrukturgrammatik, Transformationsgrammatik/Government & Binding, Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar, Lexical Functional
Grammar, Kategorialgrammatik, Head-Driven Phrase Structure
Grammar, Konstruktionsgrammatik, Tree Adjoining Grammar).
Christian Fandrych / Betina Sedlaczek
„I need German in my life“
Eine empirische Studie zur Sprachsituation
in englischsprachigen Studiengängen in
Deutschland
Unter Mitarbeit von Erwin Tschirner und Beate Reinhold
[Schriften des Herder-Instituts, Bd. 1]
2012, 182 Seiten, kart.
ISBN 978-3-86057-620-5 € 34,80
Verena Thaler
Sprachliche Höflichkeit in computer
vermittelter Kommunikation
[Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 70]
ISBN 978-3-86057-115-6 € 29,80
Vivien Heller
Kommunikative Erfahrungen von
Kindern in Familie und Unterricht
Passungen und Divergenzen
2012, X, 307 Seiten, kart.
ISBN 978-3-86057-112-5 € 44,–
Miriam Morek
Kinder erklären
Interaktionen in Familie und
Unterricht im Vergleich
ISBN 978-3-86057-198-9 € 39,80
[Stauffenburg Einführungen, Bd. 26]
Frühjahr 2013, ca. 300 Seiten, kart.
ISBN 978-3-86057-803-2 ca. € 24,80
Die Einführung zielt darauf ab, auf die theoretischen Quellen
und Hintergründe der Frame-Semantik einzugehen, das Modell
auf die Objektsprache Deutsch anzuwenden und die mit der Entwicklung korpuslinguistischer Ansätze verbundenen praktischen
Anwendungsmöglichkeiten exemplarisch zu dokumentieren.
Jörg Meibauer
Pragmatik
[Stauffenburg Einführungen, Bd. 12] Nachdruck der 2., verbesserte Auflage 2001
ISBN 978-3-86057-284-9 € 15,50
Alexander Lasch / Alexander Ziem (Hrsg.)
Konstruktionsgrammatik III
Aktuelle Fragen und Lösungsansätze
[Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 58] 2011, 282 Seiten, kart.
ISBN 978-3-86057-196-5 € 34,80
Özlem Tekin
Grundlagen der Kontrastiven Linguistik in Theorie und Praxis
ISBN 978-3-86057-109-5 € 39,80
Colette Cortès (Hrsg.)
Satzeröffnung
Formen, Funktionen, Strategien
[Eurogermanistik, Bd. 31]
ISBN 978-3-86057-507-9 € 48,–
Veronika Kotůlková / Gabriela Rykalová (Hrsg.)
Perspektiven der Textanalyse
[Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 62] 2011, 350 Seiten, kart.
ISBN 978-3-86057-107-1 € 49,50
Stauffenburg Verlag Brigitte Narr GmbH
Postfach 25 25 D-72015 Tübingen www.stauffenburg.de
Arbeitsgruppe 12
Ljudmila Geist
Giorgos Spathas
Peter de Swart
The past few years have witnessed the rapid growth of literature explaining
argument alternations such as dative alternation, locative alternation, conative alternation and antipassives. In such alternations semantic prominence is
known to correlate with morphosyntactic prominence (Levin and Rappaport
1988: 25): the argument realized as a direct object is more semantically prominent than its oblique counterpart, which can be realized in a number of different ways depending on the type of alternation. The term “semantic prominence” comprises different features such as topicality, discourse accessibility
and affectedness. Following predicate-decompositional approaches (Jackendoff 1976, Koenig and Davis 2006, inter alia), morphosyntactic differences
such as direct/oblique can be traced back to different underlying event structures and depth of the embedding of the argument. Alternative approaches such
as entailment-based approaches (Dowty 1991, Ackerman and Moore 2001)
derive morphosyntactic prominence of arguments from the prototypicality of
the thematic role: oblique arguments are “less prototypical” role fillers than
direct objects. For Beavers (2010) “less prototypical” corresponds directly to
underspecification of the thematic role.
In this workshop we want to explore different perspectives for capturing
the relative semantic prominence of arguments in constructions allowing semantically induced argument alternations in different languages. In particular,
we want to discuss the following issues:
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• What are the restrictions on the availability of particular alternations in
terms of the verb classes and NP-types (e.g. animate, definite) that can
be involved?
• What types of “semantic prominence” are triggered by what alternations and why?
• What is the semantic contribution, if any, of the oblique marker?
• Are any of those alternations manifested also in nominalizations where
internal arguments are already syntactically demoted?
• Do morphosyntactic alternatives always differ in meaning?
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Semantically restricted alternations for change of state
verbs
Alexandra Anna Spalek / U. Pompeu Fabra
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10.00–10.30
Causative verbs like Spanish romper ‘break’ have been claimed to be underspecified for the thematic nature of the causing participant, which can range
from agents, instruments and natural causes, to events (1a) (Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 1995; Mendikoetxea 1999). These verbs allow for the omission
of the causing argument and regularly appear in the anticausative variant (1b).
(1.)
a.
b.
Juan/ el hacha/ el huracán/ el peso de los libros/ la
‘Juan/ the axe/ the hurricane/ the weight of the books/ the
explosión rompió la mesa.
explosion broke the table.’
La mesa se
rompió.
‘The table REFL broke.’
It has also been acknowledged that for certain object choices causative verbs
like romper do not appear in the anticausative variant (Levin & RappaportHovav, 1995; Piñón, 2011).
(2.)
300
a.
Rebecca rompió su promesa.
‘Rebecca broke her promise.’
b. #Su promesa se
rompió.
‘Her promise REFL broke.’
Haus 6, Raum S24
The difference in morphosyntactic alternations has been explained by postulating two separate entries for break (Levin & Rappaport-Hovav, 1995;
Piñon, 2011), the equivalent to Spanish romper, and thus distinguishing between concrete and abstract breaking events, the latter of which Piñón claims
lacks the anticausative alternation.
Data extracted from corpus however proves that the anticausative alternation is possible for all kinds of physical objects (1) as well as a whole range
of abstract objects (3), an observation that calls into question Piñón’s (2011)
distinction:
(3.)
a.
b.
La crisis inmobiliaria rompió el desarrollo económico de España.
‘The housing crisis broke the economic development of Spain.’
El desarrollo económico de España se rompió.
‘The development of Spain broke.’
To avoid multiplicity of senses, I provide a unified analysis for Spanish break
‘romper’, based on 1) the human intervention as a manner restriction and 2)
the affectedness of the theme. I show that the necessary human intervention
is a way of expressing the manner of causation (for Guerssel et al., 1985 and
Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 1995) and illustrate that it is the theme’s lack of
affectedness that plays a role in triggering some romper-VPs to be agentive.
Alternating romper-VPs describe a true change of state in the theme, since
they regularly pass affectedness tests, like the ones used in Beavers, (2011).
In contrast to that in non-alternating romper-VPs the theme remains whole
throughout the breaking event, as illustrated in (4) and the event describes
rather the change in the status of the agent with respect to a state denoted by
promesa or ley.
(4.)
Juan rompió la promesa/ley, pero fue el único.
‘Juan broke the promise law, but he was the only one.’
This in turn correlates with the lack of an anticausative variant (5):
(5.)
*Lo que le pasó a la promesa/ley es que se rompió.
‘What happened to the law is that it broke.’
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Impersonalization as an Alternation
Leonard H. Babby / Princeton U.
James E. Lavine / Bucknell U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10.30–11.00
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Virtually all potentially agentive, two-place predicates in Russian realize the
non-Theme argument either as an Agent, on one hand, or as an oblique Instrument or Natural Force, on the other. It is argued here that we need only
stipulate in argument structure the underspecification of the source of causation (Alexiadou & Schäfer 2006; Ramchand 2008; Beavers & Zubair 2010)
— namely, that the Agent alternates freely with an internal oblique argument
— and that the Impersonalization alternation can otherwise be explained syntactically. In a structure that accommodates volitional and non-volitional causation in the form of two distinct v-heads (Folli & Harley 2005; Pylkkänen
2008), the non-Theme argument can either merge ‘high’, as the Agent of
v-VOICE, or low, in which case a VP-internal oblique argument with causative semantics identifies v-CAUSE, an accusative probe. Oblique causation
is accompanied in Russian by impersonal morphology (IMP). It follows that
accusative appears freely in dyadic unaccusatives, so long as the non-Theme
argument is sufficiently causative to set the event in motion (Lavine 2010).
We refer to these predicate types as ‘Transitive Impersonals’. The Impersonalization alternation is exemplified in Russian in (1a-b). (1a) gives the high
reading, in which the non-Theme argument is realized as Agent; in the Impersonal (1b), the non-Theme argument is realized as an internal oblique Natural
Force, giving an out-of-human-control reading -precisely the purpose of the
Impersonal (Babby 1994):
(1.)
Russian Impersonal Alternation: vyžeč ‘burn’, with Agentive Transitive in (1.)a and Transitive Impersonal (dyadic unaccusative) in (1.)b
a. Malč’ik
vyžeg
na grudi obraz
Putina.
boy: NOM . M burned: M on chest image:ACC of-Putin
‘The boy branded an image of Putin on his chest.’
b. Travu
vyžglo
solncem.
grass: ACC burned:IMP sun:INST
‘The grass was scorched by the sun.’
That the Impersonalization alternation is necessarily causative is indicated
by the following constraints. First, the alternation must target verbs that are
potentially, but not obligatorily, agentive. In ungrammatical (2) the verb amputirovat ‘amputate’ is necessarily agentive — it has no non-volitional usage.
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(2.)
*Emu
amputirovalo nogu.
him:DAT amputated:IMP leg:ACC
[Intended: He got is leg amputated off.]
(Babby 2010)
Next, note that anticausatives are ruled out since they assert the lack of causation (3).
(3.)
Vazu
razbilo
(mjačom / *samu po sebe).
vase: ACC broke: IMP ball:INST on
its own
a. ‘The vase got broken (by the ball)’
b. ‘*The vase broke (on its own)’
Finally, there are impersonal constructions that appear to occur in the absence
of a causative oblique argument, as in (4). Note that potjanut ‘pull’ is a twoplace predicate. The causer argument is not pronounced because the speaker
cannot name the force that propelled the airplane upwards:
(4.)
Letčik sbrosil tysjaču gallonov topliva, i [samolet
pilot dumped thousand gallons of-fuel and airplane:ACC
srazu
potjanulo vverx.]
immediately pulled:IMP upward
‘The pilot dumped a 1000 gallons of fuel and the plane immediately
rose.’
(Babby 1994)
It follows that argument structure alternations require syntactic scaffolding.
Russian is important because it has a dedicated low causative construction, as
one realization of the Impersonal alternation.
Semantic and syntactic effects of alternative direct
and oblique argument realizations
Kerstin Schwabe / ZAS Berlin
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11.30–12.00
There is a minor class of German matrix predicates the argument realization
of which can vary while the argument structure remains unchanged – e.g.
(es)/(darüber) diskutieren, (es)/(davon) hören. All predicates exhibit an escorrelate or a prepositional correlate (ProPP) or occur without any correlate –
cf. (1-3).
1.
(a) Leo fühlt, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt.
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(b) Leo hört, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt.
2.
(a) Leo fühlt es, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt.
(b) Leo hört es/davon, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt.
3. Leo diskutiert (es)/(darüber), dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer
kommt.
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The talk will show how particular semantic features of these matrix predicates license the variation in argument realization and how the use of correlates
modifies the predicate meaning. It underpins theoretically that accusative or
the es-correlate, respectively, express a direct relationship between the matrix
subject and the embedded clause and that the oblique or the ProPP, respectively, indicate that something else is involved in the relationship.
The features which are responsible for the argument realizations as well as
for the embedded clause types in (1) to (3) divide matrix predicates into: the
VER ( IDICAL )-objective verbs (1), the VER -objectively based predicates (2),
and the non-objective/non-objectively-based predicates (3) – cf. Schwabe &
Fittler (pub.).
VER -objective verbs (1) like wissen dass ‘know’ and fühlen dass ‘feel’,
which license the exhaustive wh-form (Groenendijk & Stokhof 1997), allow
direct objects, i.e. es-correlates. If they are used with an es-correlate, most of
them become factive — cf. Sudhoff (2003). Whereas a verb like fühlen dass,
which does not exhibit a ProPP, is deductively closed [any non-tautological
logical consequence τ of a set of embedded clauses σ i fulfilling x fühlt dass
σ i also fulfills x fühlt dass τ], a verb like hören dass is deductively open.
It becomes deductively closed with a ProPP. By definition, VER -objective
verbs are VER-objectively based with a legitimate correlate — cf. (2). VERobjectively-based predicates license the Non-exhaustive wh-form.
A non-objective predicate like diskutieren ‘discuss’ is characterized by simple properties of the embedded statements for which it may hold true. For
instance, Frank diskutiert, dass σ ’Frank discusses that σ ’ may only hold
true (i) for an invalid σ or (ii) for a σ that follows from what Frank knows.
The correlate-rules determine that specific purely logical conditions warrant
the legitimacy of the es-correlate while conditions involving the knowledge
of the subject warrant the legitimacy of a ProPP.
References Groenendijk, Jeroen and Martin Stokhof (1997): Question. In: Handbook
of Logic and Language, eds. Johan van Benthem and Alice ter Meulen, Amsterdam,
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Lausanne, New York, Oxford, Shannon, Tokio, pp. 1055-1124. • Schwabe & Fittler (pub). Über semantische Konsistenzbedingungen deutscher Matrixprädikate. ZAS
Ms. 1-38. • Sudhoff, Stefan. (2003). Argumentsätze und es-Korrelate –zur syntaktischen Struktur von Nebensatzeinbettungen im Deutschen. Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher
Verlag.
Characterizing reflexivization: Semantic and syntactic
perspectives
Alexis Dimitriadis and Martin Everaert / Utrecht U.
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12.00–12.30
The argument structure of verbal reflexives arguably involves a single projected argument, associated with two thematic roles. We consider the evidence
for this dual view, and its implications for some constructions involving secondary predication.
In contrast to argument reflexives such as the English reflexive anaphor,
verbal reflexives (Faltz 1977) involve detransitivization of the verb, so that a
single argument satisfies what would be two roles in the equivalent transitive
predicate. Syntactically, this can be described as suppression of one argument,
and there is a lengthy literature on the question of whether the internal or the
external argument was suppressed (Marantz 1984, Pesetsky 1995, Sportiche
1998, Reinhart and Siloni 2004, 2005). From the semantic viewpoint, however, it is incontestable that the single argument of reflexives satisfies both
thematic relationships of the underlying transitive predicate. For example,
John shaves states that John is both the agent and patient of shaving. In other
words, at some semantic level the second argument has not so much been removed as identified with the first, and their syntactic realization is the subject,
John. Accordingly, Reinhart and Siloni (2005) propose that reflexivization is
not reduction (complete elimination) of a theta role, but a new operation termed bundling, which combines two theta roles into a compound one that is
projected as a single argument. While this neatly captures the semantic side
of reflexivization, is there evidence that the distinctive semantics of reflexives
are relevant to their syntax?
We address this question by considering syntactic diagnostics for the kinds
of arguments appearing with verbal reflexives. Some tests, like en-cliticization
in French, are purely structural, but we can also specifically test for the presence of an agent or patient. Tests of agentivity include allowing impersonal
passives (if the language has them) and allowing modification by adverbs like
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intentionally or carefully. There are fewer tests for the presence of a theme
or patient, but reflexives appear to pass these as well (cf. Levin & Rappaport
Hovav 2005). Modifiers like ‘completely’ and ‘painfully’, which generally
require a syntactically accessible patient, are compatible with suitable reflexives.
We conclude that reflexive verbs retain both theta roles of the underlying
transitive predicate, in the syntactic as well as the semantic sense – to the
extent that these can be distinguished in the context of theta roles – supporting
the bundling analysis. The mixed results of the diagnostics for unaccusativity
are (partially) explained by their sensitivity to the theta roles present.
Since bundling combines two theta roles in one, the syntax assigns a double theta role to the subject, not two separate ones; thus avoiding a violation
of some versions of the theta criterion. A related mechanism may be involved in secondary predication constructions, which directly or indirectly assign multiple thematic roles to the same logical referent. We consider, inter
alia, resultatives and motion verbs with telic directional phrases (Hoekstra &
Mulder 1990, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995).
Marked and unmarked anticausatives do not differ in
meaning: a French case study
Fabienne Martin and Florian Schäfer / U. Stuttgart
Donnerstag, 14.3., 12.30–13.00
Verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation divide into two morphological and three distributional classes in French: With verbs of class A,
the anticausative (AC) is morphologically unmarked (Ø-ACs), with verbs of
class B, the AC is marked with the reflexive clitic se (se-ACs), and ACs of
class C allow both markings (Ø/se-ACs).
(1.)
(2.)
(3.)
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La neige (*se) fond
the snow REFL melts
‘The snow is melting’
(Class A)
L’image *(s’) agrandit
the-picture REFL becomes-wider
‘The picture is becoming wider’
(Class B)
Le vase (se) casse
the vase REFL breaks
‘The vase breaks’
(Class C)
Haus 6, Raum S24
Some authors have proposed that the presence vs. absence of the reflexive
clitic goes along with subtle differences in meaning. To derive these, fundamentally different syntactic structures have been proposed for se-ACs and
Ø-ACs (e.g. Labelle 1992, Doron & Labelle 2010). In this paper, we show
that most alleged meaning differences between se-ACs and Ø-ACs are either
not existent or idiosyncratic/verb-specific. To the extent that meaning aspects
can be robustly associated with either marked or unmarked ACs, this holds
only for verbs of class C but does not generalize to morphologically identical
ACs in class A or B. This makes a structural explanation of these meaning
differences unfeasible: the presence vs. absence of se cannot be associated
with syntactic differences driving meaning differences. To explain the remaining robust differences in interpretation and distribution and why they occur
only with ACs of class C, we propose a pragmatic explanation. With verbs of
class C, pragmatic reasoning how a reflexively marked string could be interpreted (anticausative or also semantically reflexive) lead the speaker to prefer
one version over the other. Note that we do not deny any syntactic differences
between Ø-ACs and se-ACs: The presence of se suggests a syntactic extralayer on top of VP, a middle or expletive Voice (Doron 2003, Alexiadou et al.
2006, Schäfer 2008). This projection triggers syntactic differences (e.g. auxiliary selection) but does not add any semantics.
References Alexiadou, A., Anagnostopoulou, E. and F. Schäfer 2006. The properties
of anticausatives crosslinguistically. In: M. Frascarelli (ed.), Phases of Interpretation (pp. 187-211). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. • Doron, E. 2003. Agency and Voice:
the semantics of the Semitic templates. Natural Language Semantics, 11(1), 1-67. •
Doron, E. & M. Labelle 2010. An ergative analysis of the French valency alternation. Proceedings of the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL). •
Labelle, M. 1992. Change of state and valency. Journal of Linguistics 28, 375-414.
• Schäfer, F. 2008. The syntax of (anti-)causatives. External arguments in change-ofstate contexts. Amsterdam. John Benjamins.
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Argument alternations: a large-scale comparative
study
Martin Haspelmath / MPI-EVA Leipzig
Iren Hartmann / MPI-EVA Leipzig
Andrej Malchukov / U. Mainz
Freitag, 15.3., 11.30–12.00
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Argument alternations have usually been studied in depth in individual languages, and broadly cross-linguistic studies have mostly beeen restricted to
some of the most salient aspects of alternations (e.g. Siewierska 1998 on dative alternations, Kim 1999 on locative alternations, Song 2005 on causative
alternations). But with modern information and communication technology,
more ambitious research with much greater empirical coverage is now possible.
In this paper we report on a large-scale study of 32 languages world-wide
that records the valency patterns of about 70 verbs per language, as well as
about 12 argument alternations per language. In addition, and crucially for the
current paper and the argument-alternations workshop, we have systematic
data about the occurrence of verbs in alternations. The data come from experts
of the languages, who filled in a sophisticated database template with data
tables on verbs and valency patterns, alternations, and examples. The data
are currently undergoing extensive reviewing and refining, and at the end of
the project (in the second half of 2013) they will be published as an online
database.
While the large-scale cross-linguistic approach does not allow any finegrained semantic analyses, the amount of cross-linguistic data from a wide
variety of languages (including languages from Australia, New Guinea, and
Amazonia) gives us an unprecedented picture of the general tendencies in the
world’s languages. We can see what kinds of verb meanings cluster together
on the basis of their valency coding, as well as on the basis of the alternations
in which they occur. From the perspective of the alternations, we can see the
extent to which they can be used with verbs of different semantic types.
At the time of writing this abstract, only part of the data have undergone
reviewing, but by the time of the workshop we will be able to present overviews of results for questions such as:
• which semantic types of verbs are most likely to undergo causativization?
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• which semantic types of verbs are most likely to undergo passivization?
• which semantic types of verbs tend to occur in ambitransitive alternations? (etc.)
• how does verb-type clustering on the basis of occurrence in alternations
differ from verb-type clustering on the basis of valency frames?
• what areal patterns in terms of similarity (in valency frames and/or alternations) are detectable for languages in the database?
Alternating subject constructions in Nepali
Saartje Verbeke / Ghent U.
Freitag, 15.3., 12.00–12.30
Most Indo-Aryan languages display ergative case marking in perfective constructions; whereas in imperfective constructions, the subject marking is nominative. In the perfective constructions in the Indo-Aryan language Nepali,
the transitive subject A is marked with the postposition le. However, le can
mark A also in imperfective constructions. The postposition is then optional
and seems to occur on a highly irregular basis. The following examples illustrate the use of le, occurring first in a present tense construction. The second
example is a present continuous construction where le is not used.
(1.)
(2.)
tapāīm
. =ko hajāma=le mero ghāu kin
you.H=GE barber=ERG my wound why
kāt-i-dim
. -dai-na
stitch-LNK-give-PRS - NEG .3 SG
‘Why doesn’t your barber stitch my wound?’
(Thapa 2001)
ma
bhāt khā-nechu
I.NOM rice eat-FUT.1SG
‘I will eat rice.’
(Thapa 2001)
Various hypotheses have been assumed to account for this anomalous distribution; the traditional textbook hypothesis considers ‘emphasis’ as the factor
controlling the occurrence of le (Hutt and Subedi 1999); other accounts select
different syntactic and/or semantic factors that determine the distribution of
le (Abadie 1974, Butt and Poudel 2007, Bickel 2011).
In this paper, I consider the distribution of the imperfective le as an example of argument alternation. As with the dative alternation in English, the
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‘ergative alternation’ in Nepali seems to be determined by varying semantic
constraints, which makes it an excellent example to be investigated by means
of the probabilistic method advocated by Bresnan et al. (2007); thus studying different factors which may influence the presence of the le marking. A
qualitative pilot study of a number of Nepali short stories shows that le, as a
syntactic postposition associated with perfective verbs, carries over a perfective meaning to present and progressive verb constructions and adds a notion
of completeness and determination to the clause.
In a quantitative follow-up study, the Nepali corpus developed by CRULP
will put this hypothesis to the test. Imperfective constructions are annotated
for the variables suggested by the previous approaches, and additionally for
the variable of semantic perfectivity. A multivariate regression analysis then
shows the varying influence of the variables. The results show that difference
in meaning is not only entailed in the added postposition le, but in the complete construction.
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References Abadie, Peggy. 1974. Nepali as an ergative language. In: Linguistics of the
Tibeto-Burman area 1. 156-177. • Bickel, Balthasar. 2011. Grammatical relations typology. In Jae Jung Song (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Language Typology, 399-444.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Bresnan, J. W., Cueni, A., Nikitina, T., & Baayen,
H. (2007). Predicting the Dative Alternation. In G. Bourne, I. Kraemer & J. Zwarts
(Eds.), Cognitive Foundations of Interpretation (pp. 69-94). Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Science. • Butt, Miriam, and Tikaram Poudel. 2007. Distribution of the Ergative in Nepali. Paper presented at Universität Leipzig, Leipzig. (http://
ling.uni-konstanz.de/pages/home/tafseer/leipzig07-hnd.pdf) • Hutt, Michael and A.
Subedi. 1999. Nepali. London: Teach yourself books. • Thapa, S. 2001. Tuntuni ko
[About a bird]. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. Urdu-Nepali-English Parallel Corpus.
Downloaded on 7/19/2012. http://crulp.org/software/ling_resources/UrduNepaliEnglishParallelCorpus.htm
Context Sensitive Unaccusativity in Russian and Italian
Zhanna Glushan / U. of Connecticut
Freitag, 15.3., 12.30–13.00
Introduction. Since the formulation of the Unaccusativity Hypothesis (Perlmutter (1978), Burzio (1986)), numerous data pieces in various languages
have been claimed to be at odds with it (Rizzi and Belletti (1982), Hoekstra
and Mulder (1990), Lonzi (1986), Babby (1980), (2001), Van Valin (1990)).
In this paper, I make a parallel between the puzzling pieces of data in Russian
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and Italian, whereby verbs that are typically described as unergative, in the
presence of an explicit existential context, can reveal unaccusativity properties.
Data. Babby (1980), (2001) points to the relevance of an existential context
for Gen of Neg in Russian (unaccusativity diagnostic). Verbs which are typically listed as unergative verbs (play, work, hide) and normally resist taking
Gen of Neg subjects (VP-internal position), can take Gen of Neg subjects on
the existential reading of the verb facilitated by an explicit context, as well
as a preverbal Loc PP (see (1), (2)). Lonzi (1986), Calabrese and Maling
(2009), Bentley (2006), Calabrese (p.c.) note that many of the verbs selecting avere (Have) auxilliary in Italian (Have-unergative/Be-unaccusative) allow ne-cliticisation (VP-internal position)(3). On a parallel to Russian data,
the use of ne-cliticisation with these verbs requires a special interpretation of
the verb in Italian: ‘eventive’ with no agentive theta role (Lonzi (1986)); stage level existential (Bentley (2006); stative reading (Calabrese and Malling
(2009)). Calabrese (p.c.) observes that a shift in auxiliary choice (with alternating verbs) is required when the verb expresses a process of no inherent
duration (4).
Analysis. Following Borschev and Partee (1998), (2002), I assume that what
underlies optional acceptability of Gen of Neg subjects with unergative predicates is the existential vs predicative verb distinction. I argue that structurally
any unergative (potentially any non-delimited) predicate is a choice between
the two argument structures available to the speaker: (i) regular vP structure
with an Agent argument position in Spec, vP matched to a full lexical verb
(ii) a vP structure with a Theme argument matched to an existential verb. The
choice is determined by means of Perspective Structure (Partee et al (2011)).
The two argument structures are reflected by the auxiliary choice on the surface in Italian but are covert in Russian.
(1)
(2)
(3)
Meždu
brevnami
ne skryvalos’ tarakanov
cockroaches
in-between beamsLOC−PP not hide
‘There were no cockroaches btw the beams’
Babby (2001:50)
*vorov
ne skryvalos’ ot polizii
thievesGEN not hid
from policii
‘Thieves were not hiding from the police’
Ne camminerà tanta (di gente) su quei marciapiedi
ne walk
many of people on those sidewalk
‘many will walk on those sidewalks’
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Context: In questo giardino (in this garden)
(4)
a.
b.
hanno attecchito liane
have taken
root vines
‘Vines have taken-root (for a while)’
sono attecchite liane
be taken-root vines
‘Vines have taken root’ (no duration)
References Babby, Leonard. 2001. The genitive of negation: a unified analysis. In:
Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics, the Bloomington Meeting 2000, ed. S. Franks,
T. King and M. Yadroff, 39-55. Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan Slavic Publications.
The English rob/steal alternation and its German
equivalents
Ryan Joseph Dux / U. Texas at Austin
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Freitag, 15.3., 13.00–13.30
This talk explores various alternations found with stealing verbs in German
and English. I show that alternations of both languages are sensitive to three
types of sources, distinguished by their degree of animacy and sentience. A
contrastive analysis shows that German employs two different patterns reminiscent of the English rob variant, both of which exhibit subtle syntactic and
pragmatic differences from English.
Acts of thievery are interesting for studies on argument alternations, because many languages allow the speaker to assign prominence to either the
stolen goods or the source of the goods. The most well-studied alternation in
this domain involves the syntax associated with rob and steal. With steal, the
goods are the direct object and the source is in a from PP (steal goods from
source), whereas with rob, the source is direct object and the goods are in an
of PP (rob source of goods).
Three types of sources must be distinguished to account for the rob/steal
alternation in English. Animate (human) sources can occur in the rob variant
with or without the goods in an of PP (she robbed the man), while inanimate
sources may not occur in the rob variant (she robbed the table). A third type
of source includes non-human entities which have properties of both animate
and inanimate entities, such as banks and stores. These must be distinguished
because they occur in the rob variant, but only marginally with the goods
(she robbed the bank (??of money)). These distinctions among members of
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role complexes demonstrate the influence of perspecitivization on argument
realization and must be integrated into theories on semantic roles.
In German, the rob variant can be construed in two ways. One construal
is syntactically quite similar to English, differing only in that the of PP in
English is a genitive NP in German (sie beraubt ihn-ACC der Sachen-GEN).
It is also sensitive to the source-animacy distinctions discussed above. However, two important differences affect the distribution of this pattern. First, the
German rob/steal alternation is not triggered lexically by the equivalents of
rob and steal (rauben, stehlen), but by means of a prefix be-, which can be
applied to both rauben and stehlen. Second, the genitive case is uncommon
in colloquial varieties, so users avoid mentioning the goods in the rob variant
in spoken language.
The second equivalent of the rob variant involves stealing verbs without
the be- prefix which realize the goods as direct (accusative) object and the
victim as a dative object (sie stiehlt ihm-DAT die Sachen-ACC). The sourceanimacy distinction also applies to this variant. The use of dative rather than
genitive case makes this variant more common in spoken language. A notable
cross-linguistic difference is that English dative objects with stealing verbs
are interpreted as recipients, not victims.
This analysis demonstrates that a wide range of syntactic, lexical, semantic, and sociolinguistic factors play into prominence-related argument alternations. It also reveals that the cross-linguistic comparison of alternations must
proceed carefully and fully account for these factors, in order to arrive at valid
generalizations.
Der Himmel hängt voller Geigen – The Stative
Locative Alternation of German
Daniel Hole / HU Berlin
Freitag, 15.3., 13.30–14.00
In this talk, I present a first syntactic and semantic analysis of the hitherto
undescribed(?) Stative Locative Alternation of German (SLAG ) as exemplified in (1) (examples with a g-superscript are from Google searches). The
elucidation of its properties lends support to Kaufmann’s (1995) subclassification of German Stative Localizing Verbs (SLVG ), and highlights the heavily
different behaviour of English in this domain. Moreover, the overt presence of
a morpheme – voll ‘full’ – to which the holistic meaning effect known from
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the English (Dynamic) Locative Alternation (2) and the Spray/Load Alternations (Levin 1993) can be attributed may help to justify the presence of the
same morpheme in English, albeit in unpronounced form.
Properties/Restrictions: (i) The locatum subject of the mit-alternant corresponds to the prepositional object of the basic alternant (promotion of location
PO). (ii) The prepositional object of the mit-alternant corresponds to the subject of the basic variant (demotion of locatum subject). (iii) The string voll
mit-PODAT alternates with a ‘holistic partitive’ voller O (cf. the title). With
voller O, O must be a bare nominal without a determiner. (iv) The PO has
a plural count N head, or a mass N head (3) (*locatum atom). (v) The verb
must be the copula (1b), or belong to Kaufmann’s (1995) SLVG with a firm
supporting object (mainly kleben, stecken, stehen, liegen, hängen and, heavily restricted, sitzen (4)). (vi) The location referent is totally covered/filled by
the locatum referent (contextual factors play a role in determining what ‘total
coverage/filling’ means in a given case) (holistic effect). (vii) The location
subject must denote a ‘surfacy’ referent, i.e. a referent with a clear minimally
two-dimensional shape (5a) (SURFACE). In the case of stecken, a holistic
three-dimensional affectedness of the location referent is possible (5b).
1.
(a) Kartons stehen auf dem Gang
‘There are cardboard boxes standing in the aisle.’
(b) g Der Gang steht voll mit [...] Kartons. ‘The aisle is full of cardboard boxes.’ (lit.: The aisle stands full of cardboard boxes)
2.
(a) Bees are swarming in the garden.
(b) The garden is swarming with bees.
3. g [D]as ganze Eß-und Kochgeschirr klebt voll mit Speisebrei/
not−g Essensresten.
4. g Das ganze Kornfeld saß voll mit diesen Maikäfern.
5.
(a) Das Ei/*?Die Hühnerstange klebte voll mit Kot.
(b) Der Heuballen steckte voll mit Würmern./g Sie steckt voll mit
Vitaminen [...]
References Kaufmann, Ingrid (1995a). Konzeptuelle Grundlagen semantischer Dekompositionsstrukturen: Die Kombinatorik lokaler Verben und prädikativer Komplemente. Tübingen: Niemeyer. • Levin, Beth (1993). English Verb Classes and Alternations. A Preliminary Investigation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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Arbeitsgruppe 13
Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die
Schule
Maria Averintseva-Klisch
Corina Peschel
In der linguistischen Forschung wird die Informationsstruktur, äußerungs- sowie textbezogen, schon länger intensiv untersucht. Insbesondere wurden dabei die intuitiven Größen „bekannte und neue Information“ sowie „wichtige
und weniger wichtige Information“ genauer erfasst (Topik vs. Kommentar,
Fokus vs. Hintergrund) und die sprachlichen Mittel zu deren Kennzeichnung
für viele typologisch verschiedenen Sprachen beschrieben (vgl. die Übersicht
in Krifka 2007). Auf der Ebene des Texts als Ganzes haben fragebasierte
Textbeschreibungsmodelle wie das Quaestio-Modell (Klein/ von Stutterheim
1987) oder das QUD-Modell (Roberts 1996/2012) eine verdiente Verbreitung
gefunden.
Informationsstrukturelle Aspekte sind aber auch für verschiedene Lernbereiche der Schule — vor allem der Sekundarstufe — relevant; z.B. für
das Lesen/Verstehen von (literarischen wie funktionalen) Texten sowie für
das Schreiben von kohäsiven und treffsicher formulierten Texten. In den Bildungsstandards Deutsch für den mittleren Schulabschluss (2003) wird u.a.
gefordert, dass Schülerinnen und Schüler lernen, ihre Texte „strukturiert, verständlich, sprachlich variabel und stilistisch stimmig“ sprachlich zu gestalten.
Sie sollten die vielfältigen sprachlichen Mittel zur adressatengerechten Gliederung und Ordnung der Informationen in einer Äußerung und in einem Text
kennen und gebrauchen lernen.
In der fachdidaktischen oder der schulbezogenen sprachwissenschaftlichen Forschung hat es in der letzten Zeit Untersuchungen zu informations315
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strukturellen Aspekten gegeben, insbesondere Beiträge zur „kommunikativen Gewichtung“ (z.B. Hoffmann 1995, 2002), zur Stellung von Satzgliedern in Sätzen und Texten (z.B. Baurmann/Menzel, 1995) oder zur thematischen Gliederung von Texten (z.B. Nussbaumer, Guber). Jedoch sind noch
viele Fragen der vermittlungsbezogenen Umsetzung informationsstruktureller Aspekte offen. Einige von denen hoffen wir in der Arbeitsgruppe zu beantworten.
Informationsstruktur und Wissen
Ludger Hoffmann / TU Dortmund
Donnerstag, 14.3., 9:30-10:30
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Der Vortrag gibt einen Überblick und einen Modellierungsvorschlag zur Informationsstruktur, also zu kommunikativer Gewichtung und thematischer
Organisation in ihrem sprachsystematischen Zusammenhang.
‚Informationsstruktur‘ nennt man alle Dimensionen einer Äußerung, die
für eine geordnete Aufnahme des Gesagten ins Wissen von Hörern oder Lesern sorgen sollen. Es handelt sich um eine Ordnung, die dem angenommenen
Vorwissen der Rezipienten und den Relevanzen des Sprechers bzw. Schreibers entspricht. Die Relevanz des Gesagten muss im Verhältnis zum Stand des
Diskurses deutlich werden und das Gesagte zureichend an vorhandenes Rezipientenwissen (Laufwissen, Weltwissen, Sprachwissen) angeschlossen sein.
Es genügt nicht, den entworfenen Sachverhalt als solchen zu verstehen (propositionale Dimension); eine strukturierte Aufnahme ins Wissen trägt dazu
bei, die kommunikativen Zwecke zu erreichen. Das gilt besonders für Texte,
bei denen eine unmittelbare Verständnissicherung meist nicht möglich ist.
Wird der Zusammenhang von Sprache und Wissen handlungstheoretisch
fundiert, ist die Relation zwischen Handlungsfunktionen und sprachlichen
Formen / Mitteln in den untersuchten Sprachen aufzuweisen. Als zentrale
Mittel in den Sprachen haben sich Wortfolge, Intonation / Akzent sowie Ausdrucksklassen wie Gradpartikeln, Negationspartikeln, bestimmte Konjunktoren, Anapher, Determinative bzw. Mittel der Determination erwiesen.
Es wird gezeigt, wie solche scheinbar disparaten Sprachmittel in einem
nicht satzzentrierten Konzept unter funktionalem Aspekt zusammengebracht
werden können, so dass die Analyse zum einen den sprachspezifischen Gegebenheiten gerecht wird, zum anderen einen funktionalen Ansatz verfolgt, der
den Vergleich von Sprachen ermöglicht. Immerhin beziehen aktuelle Konzepte des Sprachunterrichts Sprachvergleiche ein, um durch Distanz die Fähig316
Haus 6, Raum S25
keit zur Sprachreflexion anzubahnen und auszubauen.
Referenzen Abraham, W, Eroms, H.-W, Pfeifer, O.E. (eds.) (1992) Special Issue Theme/ Rheme today. Folia Linguistica XXVI/1-2 • Büring, D. (2006) Intonation und
Informationsstruktur. In: Blühdorn, H., Breindl, E., Waßner, U. (eds.) Text-Verstehen.
Grammatik und darüber hinaus. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 144-163 • Hoffmann,
L. (2012) Deutsche Grammatik. Grundlagen für Lehrerausbildung, Schule, Deutsch
als Zweitsprache und Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Berlin: Erich Schmidt • Jacobs,
J. (ed.)(1992) Informationsstruktur und Grammatik. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag
(LB Sonderheft 4) • Kiliçaslan, Y. (2004) Syntax of Information Structure in Turkish.
In: Linguistics 42-4, 717-765 • Krifka, M. (2007) Basic Notions of Information Structure. In: Féry, C., Fanselow, G., Krifka, M. (eds.), Working Papers of the SFB632. Interdisciplinary Studies on Information Structure (ISIS) 6. Potsdam: Universitätsverlag
Potsdam, 13-56 • Li, C, (ed.)(1976) Subject and Topic. New York: Academic Press •
Musan, R. (2010) Informationsstruktur. Heidelberg: Winter • Zifonun, G., Hoffmann,
L., Strecker, B. (1997) Grammatik der deutschen Sprache. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter
‚Damit der Hörer das besser verstehen kann.‘
(Schüler, 14 Jahre) Mit Schülerinnern und Schülern
gemeinsam die kommunikative Gewichtung entdecken
– ein funktionaler Ansatz
Laura Basch / TU Dortmund
Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30-11:00
Im Vortrag wird ein unterrichtspraktisches Konzept vorgestellt, das Lernern
der Sekundarstufe I grammatische Grundkenntnisse zur kommunikativen Gewichtung vermitteln soll. Das Konzept ist Ergebnis eines explorativen, qualitativ-empirischen Forschungsprojektes, in dessen Zentrum die Erforschung
und Entwicklung der kommunikativen Gewichtung als neuer Lerngegenstand
eines funktionalen Grammatikunterrichts (u.a. Hoffmann 2006) in der Sekundarstufe I steht. Der Ansatz ist funktional-pragmatisch. Die konzeptionelle
Ausrichtung impliziert, dass die Lerner informationsstrukturelle Aspekte des
Deutschen und damit das Phänomen der kommunikativen Gewichtung induktiv, problem-und handlungsorientiert entdecken. Ausgangspunkt sind dabei
zunächst funktionale Aspekte der kommunikativen Gewichtung, von denen
aus die Perspektive dann auf die relevanten sprachlichen Mittel gelenkt wird.
Wegweisend sind dabei die Topologie (lineare Abfolge) und die Intonation
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(Gewichtungsakzent). Ausgehend von einer exemplarischen Unterrichtseinheit mit kontrastivem Fokus (Deutsch/Türkisch) wird im Vortrag diskutiert,
welche Potenziale und Hürden es in der Auseinandersetzung mit informationsstrukturellen Aspekten im Rahmen der kommunikativen Gewichtung geben kann. Dabei werden auch konkrete Vorschläge für die vertiefende und
kontrastive Arbeit am grammatischen Phänomen über mehrere Jahrgangsstufen hinweg gemacht.
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Referenzen Baurmann, J., Maiworm, H., Menzel, W. (1985): G65 Das Wichtigste im
Satz betonen. In: Praxis Sprache 5. Lehrerband. Braunschweig: Westermann, 67. •
Büring, D. (2006): Intonation und Informationsstruktur. In: Blühdorn, H., Breindl, E.,
Waßner, U. (Hg.): Text -Verstehen. Grammatik und darüber hinaus. Berlin/New York:
de Gruyter, 144-163. • Féry, C., Krifka, M. (2008): Information Structure: Notional
Distinctions, Ways of Expression. In: Sterkenburg, P. van (Hg.): Unity and diversity of languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 123–136. • Hoffmann, L. (1995a):
Gewichtung: ein funktionaler Zugang zur Grammatik. In: Der Deutschunterricht 4,
23-37. • Hoffmann, L. (1995b): ‘Gegenstandskonstitution’ und ‘Gewichtung’: eine
kontrastiv-grammatische Perspektive. In: Jahrbuch Deutsch als Fremdsprache, 104133. • Hoffmann, L. (1997): C2 Diskurs und Mündlichkeit. In: Zifonun, G., Hoffmann, L., Strecker, B. (Hg.): Grammatik der deutschen Sprache. Berlin: de Gruyter,
160-245. • Hoffmann, L. (2002): Zur Grammatik der kommunikativen Gewichtung
im Deutschen. In: Peschel, Cornelia (Hg.): Grammatik und Grammatikvermittlung.
Frankfurt a.M.: Lang, 9-37. • Hoffmann, L. (2006): Funktionaler Grammatikunterricht. In: Becker, T., Peschel, C. (Hg.): Gesteuerter und ungesteuerter Grammatikerwerb. Hohengehren: Schneider, 20-45. • Krifka, M. (2007): Basic Notions of Information Structure. In: Féry, C. / Krifka, M. (Hg.): Interdisciplinary Studies of Information
Structure 6, Potsdam: Univ. Verlag, 13-55. • Menzel, W. (20104): Rhetorik und Stilistik der Satzgliedstellung. In: Grammatik-Werkstatt. Theorie und Praxis eines prozessorientierten Grammatikunterrichts für die Primar-und Sekundarstufe. Seelze-Velber:
Kallmeyer, 140-155. • Musan, R. (2002): Informationsstrukturelle Dimensionen im
Deutschen. Zur Variation der Wortstellung im Mittelfeld. In: Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik 30, 198-221. • Musan, R. (2010): Informationsstruktur. Heidelberg:
Universitätsverlag Winter.
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Kohärenz als Brücke zwischen Produktion und
Rezeption – Evidenzen aus anaphorischen
Wiederaufnahmestrukturen in Schülertexten
Franziska Patzig / FSU Jena
Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30-12:30
Die Arbeit mit Schülertexten, die aus einem Aufgabenumfeld resultieren, in
dem SchülerInnen basierend auf der Rezeption eines Ersttextes einen eigenen
Text produzieren sollen (etwa eine Textanalyse oder -interpretation), macht
deutlich, dass aktuelle Modelle der didaktischen und fachwissenschaftlichen
Textproduktions-und Textrezeptionsforschung nicht ausreichen, um den komplexen Anforderungen der Kommunikationssituation zu genügen. Es mangelt an fundierten Theorien, die in der Lage sind, Produktions- und Rezeptionsprozesse zu verbinden, um informationsstrukturelle Besonderheiten der
Schülertexte erklären zu können. Besondere Chancen bei der Verknüpfung
von didaktischer und fachwissenschaftlicher Theoriebildung liegen in einer
Erweiterung des Kohärenzkonzepts: So haben Untersuchungen der lokalen
Kohärenzstruktur der Texte ergeben, dass sich die SchülerInnen durch die
metatextuelle Bezugnahme (Scherner 2007) auf die zu bearbeitenden Ersttexte voraussetzungsreicher anaphorischer Wiederaufnahmen bedienen (Patzig 2012). Deren Vorkommen kann durch eine Verbindung kognitiver Rezeptions-und Produktionsprozesse begründet, ihr Verstehen durch die Verankerung im Diskurs erklärt werden. Das Verständnis der informationsstrukturellen Gestaltung des Textes setzt also neben der Kenntnis des Ersttextes auch
die diskursive und kognitive Verknüpfung von Erst-und Zweittext voraus.
Möchte man derartige Spezifika der Informationsstruktur erklären, darf
Kohärenz nicht nur einseitig als das Ziel einer Textrezeptions- oder Textproduktionsleistung gesehen werden, sondern als verknüpfendes Element, welches situativ im Diskurs verankert werden muss. Ziel des Beitrages soll es
sein, mit Hilfe eines erweiterten Kohärenzkonzepts, das kognitive und diskursive Aspekte gewinnbringend miteinander verknüpft, eine Brücke zwischen
Textrezeption und Textproduktion zu schlagen. Der Vortrag soll dementsprechend durch die Analyse authentischer Beispiele aus einem Korpus von Abituraufsätzen einen Problemaufriss bieten und ein erweitertes Kohärenzkonzept vorstellen, das auch diskursive Aspekte stärker als bisher geleistet in
theoretische Fragestellungen einbindet und so auch konversationsanalytische
Überlegungen (Deppermann 2001) für didaktische Zwecke nutzbar macht.
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Referenzen Beyer, R. (2003): Verstehen von Diskursen. In: Deutsch, W., Herrmann,
T., Rickheit, G. (Hgg.), Psycholinguistik. Ein internationales Handbuch. Berlin 2003:
de Gruyter, 532-544. (Handbücher zur Sprach-und Kommunikationswissenschaft 24)
• Deppermann, A. (2000): Ethnographische Gesprächsanalyse: Zu Nutzen und Notwendigkeit von Ethnographie für die Konversationsanalyse. Gesprächsforschung –
Online-Zeitschrift zur verbalen Interaktion 1, 2000, 96-124. • Günther, U. (1993):
Texte planen –Texte produzieren. Kognitive Prozesse der schriftlichen Textproduktion.
Leverkusen: Westdeutscher Verlag. • Patzig, F. (2012): Wer-Wie-Was oder doch DerDie-Das? Erklärungsversuche zu lokalen Kohärenzschwierigkeiten in Schülertexten.
In: Feilke, H., Köster, J., Steinmetz, M. (Hgg.), Textkompetenzen in der Sekundarstufe
II. (im Druck) • Rickheit, G./Strohner, H. (1999): Textverarbeitung: von der Proposition zur Situation. In: A.D. Friederici (Hg.), Sprachrezeption. Göttingen 1999: Hogrefe, 271-306. (Enzyklopädie der Psychologie, Themenbereich C, Serie 3, Band 2) •
Scherner, M. (2007): ’Interpretationskompetenz’: ein text-und textverarbeitungstheoretischer Rekonstruktionsversuch. In: Schmölzer-Eibinger, S., Weidacher, G. (Hgg.),
Textkompetenz. Eine Schlüsselkompetenz und ihre Vermittlung. Tübingen 2007: Narr,
57-69.
Pronominale Informationsstruktur in Schülertexten
Katharina Turgay / U. Koblenz-Landau
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Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30-13:00
Das deutsche Mittelfeld weist eine relativ hohe Stellungsfreiheit auf, was die
Linearisierung der Argumente und Adjunkte anbelangt, wobei nicht alle Abfolgevarianten gleichermaßen akzeptabel sind. Um diesen Varianten gerecht
zu werden, werden in der Forschung verschiedene Abfolgehierarchien angenommen, deren Interaktion die Linearisierung der Elemente im Mittelfeld
steuert. Neben morpho-syntaktischen oder semantischen Hierarchien wird informationsstrukturellen Merkmalen eine große Rolle zugeschrieben. So kann
die Einteilung in alte und neue Information eine Stellungsvariante in einem
Kontext akzeptabel, in einem anderen inakzeptabel werden lassen. So besteht
die Beschränkung, dass alte Information neuer vorausgeht (z.B. Jacobs 1988).
Eine weitere Hierarchie, die sowohl syntaktisch als auch informationsstrukturell zu verstehen ist, ist die Tendenz, dass Pronomen vollen DPs vorangehen.
Da definite pronominale DPs typischerweise dazu dienen, Bezug auf bereits
im Diskurs eingeführte Referenten zu nehmen, stehen sie im engen Zusammenhang mit der Informationsstruktur. Die Tendenz, vollen DPs voranzugehen, ist darin begründet, dass Pronomen einen höheren Grad an Definitheit
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und Thematizität aufweisen. Pronomen spielen als sprachliches Mittel der
Bezugnahme im Hinblick auf die Thema-Rhema-Gliederung in Texten, sowie generell für das Verfassen von kohäsiven und sinnvoll strukturierten Texten auch im Unterricht eine Rolle. Die Fähigkeit, im Hinblick auf Kohäsion
und Informationsstruktur angemessene Texte zu formulieren, gehört zu den in
den nationalen Bildungsstandards angegebenen Kompetenzen, die zum Zeitpunkt des Mittleren Schulabschlusses (KMK 2003: 9, u.a.) erworben worden
sein sollen. Bei der Thema-Rhema-Gliederung handelt es sich um eine Gliederung einer Äußerung nach kommunikativen Aspekten. Beim Verfassen eines Textes steht im Deutschunterricht genau diese kommunikative Funktion
im Vordergrund. Da in schriftlichen Aufsätzen die unmittelbare Kommunikation mit dem Rezipienten ausgeschlossen ist, ist es umso wichtiger, dass
die Texte im Hinblick auf eine gelungene Kommunikation durchdacht strukturiert sind. In den Bildungsstandards wird als Kompetenz im Lernbereich
Schreiben erwartet, dass „die Schülerinnen und Schüler [. . . ] die vielfältigen
Möglichkeiten des Schreibens als Mittel der Kommunikation, der Darstellung
und der Reflexion [kennen und ...] selbst adressatengerecht Texte [verfassen]“ (KMK 2003:8). Um zu untersuchen, inwieweit Schüler beim Verfassen
schriftlicher Texte eine kohäsive Struktur berücksichtigen und den informationsstrukturellen Abfolgehierarchien folgen, um adressatengerechte Texte als
Mittel der Kommunikation zu formulieren, untersuche ich einen Korpus von
94 Schüleraufsätzen der gymnasialen Oberstufe von 25 SchülerInnen im Hinblick auf die Stellung der Pronomen im Mittelfeld. Da das Erstellen kohäsiver Texte zu diesem Zeitpunkt laut den Bildungsstandards bereits erworben
worden sein soll, wäre demnach zu erwarten, dass die Schüler in der Lage sind, einen informationsstrukturell angemessenen schriftlichen Aufsatz zu
produzieren. Die Stellung der Pronomen sollte demnach den informationsstrukturellen Abfolgebedingungen entsprechen. Aus der Analyse der Ergebnisse können Konsequenzen für die Behandlung der Informationsstruktur in
der Schule gezogen werden. Häufige oder systematische Abweichungen zeigen, dass eine explizitere Berücksichtigung der Informationsstruktur in den
Bildungsstandards notwendig ist. Nicht signifikante Abweichungen der Stellungspräferenzen bedeuten, dass die SchülerInnen die Informationsstruktur,
zumindest in Hinblick auf die Pronomen, sicher einsetzen.
Referenzen Jacobs, Joachim (1988): “Probleme der freien Wortstellung im Deutschen”. Sprache und Pragmatik 5, 8–37. • KMK (2003): Bildungsstandards im Fach
Deutsch für den Mittleren Schulabschluss.
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Textkohäsion als Bedingung des Textverstehens am
Beispiel der Verarbeitung expositorischer und
literarischer Texte
1
Björn Rothstein , Hanna Kröger-Bidlo1 , Anke Schmitz2 ,
Cornelia Gräsel2 , and Gerhard Rupp1
1 U. Bochum and 2 U. Wuppertal
Freitag, 15.3., 11:30-12:30
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Da Texte nach wie vor ein wichtiges Element vieler Unterrichtsfächer darstellen, sind die Ursachendiagnose und die Auslotung von Förderperspektiven im Bereich des Leseverständnisses zentral. Auch in der jüngeren fachdidaktischen Leseforschung wird dem Medium Text als Faktor des Leseverständnisses wieder mehr Bedeutung zugemessen (Abraham et al., 2003).
Kognitionspsychologische Untersuchungen konnten bereits förderliche Effekte z.B. anhand von Advance Organizers oder lernförderlichen Text-BildKombinationen auf das Leseverstehen nachweisen. Auf textstruktureller Ebene konnte eine verständnisfördernde Wirkung durch lokale Kohäsionsmittel mehrfach belegt werden (z.B. O’Reilly & McNamara, 2007). Die Forschungslage zu globalen Textmerkmalen ist dagegen unklar: Zum einen wurde die Wirkung globaler Kohäsion nicht isoliert von lokaler Kohäsion betrachtet, zum anderen stützen sich die Befunde zumeist auf kurze, speziell für
experimentelle Zwecke konzipierte expositorische Texte. Den linguistischen
Merkmalen der globalen Kohäsion wird eine hohe Bedeutung für den Verstehensprozess beigemessen, insbesondere für das Verstehen expositorischer
Texte, da sie die Konstruktion eines Gesamtverständnisses über die Textoberfläche hinweg fördern können.
Unser Beitrag präsentiert die Ergebnisse von zwei quasi-experimentellen
Studien zum Verste hen expositorischer und literarischer Texte. Untersucht
werden folgende Fragestellungen:
1. Welche Wirkung erzielen lokale und globale Kohäsionsmittel in Kombination und einzeln?
2. Wie unterscheiden sich die Effekte der Textkohäsion in Abhängigkeit
des Genres?
betrachtet auf das Verständnis expositorischer und literarischer Texte? Analysiert wird das konkrete Leseverständnis unter Kontrolle spezifischer Personenmerkmale (z.B. Vorwissen, Lesefähigkeit), Kontextvariablen (z.B. Sprachhintergrund, sozioökonomischer Status), allgemeiner Fähigkeitsvariablen (z.B.
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Konzentrationsfähigkeit, Motivation). In der Studie bearbeiten ca. 440 Schülerinnen und Schüler der 9. Klasse expositorische und literarische Texte (Between-Design); variiert werden die lokale und globale Kohäsion. Die abhängigen Variablen sind Subskalen eines Leseverständnistests (lokales Informationen Er mitteln, globales textbezogenes Interpretieren, globales Reflektieren und Bewerten), denen spezifische Lesestrategien zugeordnet wurden und
die mit Multiple-Choice-Fragen erfasst werden.
Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die expositorischen Textversionen mit lokaler und globaler Kohäsion in Kombination von Schülerinnen und Schülern
mit schlechteren Lesevoraussetzungen besser verstanden werden als der lokal kohäsive bzw. der global kohäsive Text. Die Schülerinnen und Schüler
mit guten Lesevoraussetzungen verstehen alle expositorischen Textversionen
unabhängig des lokalen und/oder globalen Kohäsionsgrades gleich gut. Bei
den literarischen Textversionen zeigen sich keine Effekte der Textkohäsion
auf das Leseverständnis.
Die Befunde zum ausbleibenden Effekt kontrastieren den sog. reversed cohesion effect (O’Reilly & McNamara, 2007) und eröffnen neue Perspektiven
und Forschungsfragen bei der Untersuchung von Leseverständnisschwierigkeiten und dem Aufbau eines nachhaltigen Leseverständnisses.
Referenzen Abraham, U. (et al.), (2003) (Hrsg.), Deutschdidaktik und Deutschunterricht nach PISA. Freiburg. • O’Reilly, T. & McNamara, D.S. (2007), Reversing
the reverse cohesion effect: Good Texts Can be Better for Strategic, High Knowledge
Readers.Discourse Processes, 42/2, 121-152.
Die Anwendung fragebasierter
Textbeschreibungsmodelle im Deutschunterricht
Magdalena Steiner / U. Tübingen
Freitag, 15.3., 12:30-13:00
Die Integration linguistischer Modelle in den Deutschunterricht hat nicht allein das Ziel, das implizite Wissen der Schülerinnen und Schüler um die
Grammatik des Deutschen explizit zu machen und mittels bestimmter Regeln zu beschreiben, sondern auch, diese Erkenntnisse für bestimmte Aspekte des Deutschunterrichts wie die Textproduktion und -überarbeitung nutzbar
zu machen. In diesem Beitrag wird gezeigt, wie ein sprachwissenschaftliches Modell, das sich auf die Informationsstruktur von Texten bezieht, sinnvoll in den Deutschunterricht integriert werden kann. Es wird sich hierbei
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auf das Quaestio-Modell nach Klein/ von Stutterheim (1987) bzw. Stutterheim (1997) als fragebasiertes Textbeschreibungsmodell, das die Ebene des
Textes als Ganzes in den Blick nimmt, konzentriert. Im Sinne eines integrativen, funktionalen und induktiven Grammatikunterrichts wird diskutiert, in
welcher Hinsicht das Quaestio-Modell für die Produktion und Rezeption informativer Texte im Unterricht eingesetzt und für den Schreibunterricht funktionalisiert werden kann. Es wird sich, dem Modell der Sprachproduktionsforschung nach Hayse und Flower (1980) folgend, auf die Phase der Planung
von Texten, d.h. ihrer Generierung, Organisation und Beurteilung des Herausgearbeiteten, und die Phase der Übersetzung, d.h. der Transformation des
aufbereiteten Wissens in einen sprachlichen Text, konzentriert. Zudem kann
das Wissen um das Quaestio-Modell auch zur inhaltlichen und formalen Textverbesserung beitragen.
Der Fokus liegt auf der Verbesserung der Schreibkompetenz: Den Schülerinnen und Schülern können als Textproduzenten/-innen mittels des QuaestioModells Kriterien an die Hand gegeben werden, die es ihnen ermöglichen, ihre Texte nach bestimmten Gesichtspunkten besser zu organisieren und zu generieren. Es wird dafür argumentiert, dass die Kenntnis des Quaestio-Modells
die informierende Schreibkompetenz optimiert. Gezeigt wird dies anhand der
Aufsatzform ‚Berichten und Beschreiben‘, die primär in der Sekundarstufe I
Anwendung findet.
Zunächst wird das Quaestio-Modell kurz vorgestellt und die Aspekte betrachtet, die im Deutschunterricht eingesetzt werden können. Zentral für den
Schreibprozess ist hierbei u.a. die Unterscheidung von Haupt-und Nebenstrukturen. Diese kann z. B. bei einer Wegbeschreibung, die auf die Quaestio
‚Wie komme ich von A nach B? ‘ antwortet, hilfreich sein: Der Sprecher muss
eine gewisse Auswahl aus der Fülle der möglichen Informationen unter dem
Gesichtspunkt der Hauptstruktur vornehmen und aus hörerökonomischen Gesichtspunkten Nebenstrukturen vermeiden. Es werden bereits erprobte und
noch in der Umsetzung begriffene Unterrichtsmodelle, Stundenentwürfe und
Aufgabentypen vorgestellt, die es den Schülerinnen und Schülern ermöglichen, das Quaestio-Modell induktiv im Unterricht zu erarbeiten und das erworbene grammatische Wissen auf den Schreibunterricht zu übertragen und
anzuwenden. Abschließend werden weitere Bereiche des Deutschunterrichts
aufgezeigt, in denen das Quaestio-Modell zur Verbesserung der Schreib-und
zur Förderung der Lesekompetenz beitragen kann.
Referenzen Eisenberg, P./ Menzel, W. (1995): Grammatik-Werkstatt. Praxis Deutsch
129, 14-23. • Hayse, J. R./ Flower, L. S. (1980): Identifying the organization of writing
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processes. In: L. W. Gregg/ E. R. Steinberg (eds.), Cognitive processes in writing: An
interdisciplinary approach. Hillsdale: Erlbaum, 3-30. • Klein, W./ von Stutterheim,
C. (1987): Quaestio und referentielle Bewegung in Erzählungen. Linguistische Berichte 109, 163-183. • von Stutterheim, C. (1997): Einige Prinzipien des Textaufbaus.
Empirische Untersuchungen zur Produktion mündlicher Texte. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
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berücksichtigt. www.duden.de
Arbeitsgruppe 14
Workshop on the Visualization of Linguistic
Patterns
Annette Hautli
Thomas Mayer
With the availability of large amounts of electronic corpora, the computational analysis of natural language allows for the search of linguistic patterns in a
broad range of data. Yet the enormous amounts of data make the detection of
interesting patterns and possible interactions a laborious and time-consuming
task. The need to analyze the interplay of a multitude of factors calls for an
additional component that renders potential patterns more easily accessible to
the human perception.
Although linguists have successfully employed visual representations in
some areas (e.g. spectrograms in phonetic research, tree diagrams for syntactic and genealogical configurations and the widespread use of box plots and
other graphical descriptive techniques), there is enormous potential for more
sophisticated visualization techniques that enable the researcher to investigate
the information interactively. At the same time, a well-designed visualization
allows for a more detailed view of individual aspects of potentially interesting
patterns. The mapping of relevant features to visual variables (rather than having them represented by a host of numbers) thereby enhances the detection
of patterns by providing an at-a-glance overview over large amounts of data.
The aim of this interdisciplinary workshop is to bring together linguists
and visual analysts to provide an opportunity for fruitful discussions on how
language research that employs data-rich methods can benefit from visualization techniques. The interest lies both in the application of innovative visualization techniques to long-standing problems in linguistics as well as in
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new areas or phenomena where visual analyses have proven useful to either
generate or confirm hypotheses on the basis of the data.
Tackling a grand challenge in the visualization of
language and linguistic data
Chris Culy / U. Tübingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:10–15:00
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Grinstein 2012 proposes a ‘grand challenge’ for the field of Information Visualization, namely to develop a system that automatically produces a ‘best
visualization’ of a user’s data according to the type of data, the user’s task,
the user’s preferences, and the ambient conditions. He acknowledges that this
grand challenge is not possible at this time – that is what makes it a grand
challenge after all. However, he also points out that we can achieve many
worthwhile goals along the way to addressing the challenge.
While some may feel that Grinstein’s grand challenge will never be possible, I believe it is worth taking as a point of departure for the area of visualization of language and linguistic data. The field of LInfoVis (or LangVis)
is very new, although there is an increasing number of people developing visualization tools. Grinstein’s grand challenge provides us with one way to
shape a research agenda, something that LInfoVis does not currently have.
Whether or not the ultimate goal of a purely automatic system is attainable,
as Grinstein points out, we can accomplish many interesting things along the
way.
So how can we get started? A reasonable approach is to consider just a
part of the grand challenge, automatically selecting visualizations appropriate to the user’s task. There has been research since the 1980s, now found in
commercial applications, which focuses on taking tables of (mostly numeric)
data and automatically making suggestions for optimal visualizations based
on the type of data to be visualized (cf. Mackinlay et al. 2007). These applications are a first step. However, since they are aimed at being very generic,
they do not have any knowledge of the task the user intends to do.
One way to start to incorporate information about the user’s task is to start
with a limited domain of data. We can discover what types of tasks language
and linguistic professionals (would) do with this data, and then devise appropriate visualizations for these data and task combinations. To this end, I propose working with dataset genres, a collection of data that has some particular
connecting theme. For example, letters are a type of genre, but a collection of
letters involving a specific set of people is a type of dataset genre.
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In this light, I will discuss the our pilot project concerning letters between
Elizabeth Barrett and Robert Browning. Two important aspects are creating
visualizations for more complex data types than just numbers (KWIC, syntactic diagrams, etc.) and developing those visualizations as reusable components. While the project is still in the initial phase, I believe that it is an
exciting approach to advancing the state of research in LInfoVis.
References Georges Grinstein. 2012. New Grand Challenges in Information Visualization: New Theories, New Devices, and New Capabilities. Keynote address at iV2012,
Montpellier, France. July 10-13, 2012 • Jock D. Mackinlay, Pat Hanrahan, and Chris
Stolte. 2007. Show Me: Automatic Presentation for Visual Analysis. IEEE Transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics 13:6, 1137-114.
Tracking change in word meaning. A dynamic
visualization of diachronic distributional semantic
models
Kris Heylen, Thomas Wielfaert, and Dirk Speelman
U. Leuven
Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00–15:30
Within Computational Linguistics, distributional models of semantics have
become the mainstay of large-scale modeling of lexical semantics (see Turney and Pantel 2010 for an overview). Distributional modeling also hold a
large potential for research in Linguistics proper: It allow linguists to base
their analysis on large amounts of usage data, thus vastly extending their empirical basis, AND they make it possible to detect potentially interesting semantic patterns. However, so far, there have been relatively few applications,
mainly because of the technical complexity and the lack of a linguist-friendly
interface to explore the output. To address this issue, Heylen et al. (2012) proposed an interactive visualization of a distributional similarity matrix based
on Multi-Dimensional Scaling for synchronic data. In this paper, we extend
this approach to diachronic data and propose a dynamic visualization of distributional semantic change through motion charts. As a case study, we look
at the meaning changes that 17 positive evaluative adjectives have undergone
in the Corpus of Historical American English (COHA, Davies 2012) between
1860 and 2000.
Visualization of diachronic distributional data has been proposed previously by a.o. Rohrdantz et al. (2011) but these representations were static. In
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this paper, we use a dynamic visualization of linguistic change, first proposed
by Hilpert (2011) for manually coded data sets, and extend here to the largescale, unsupervised distributional models. For a set of adjectives that express
positive evaluation (a.o. brilliant, magnificent, fantastic, terrific, superb). We
investigate how they carve up this semantic space and how this changes over
time. From COHA, we extracted a word-by-context co-occurrence vector
using a window of 4 left and right for each adjective in each of the 14 decades
between 1860 and 2000. Next, we calculated the cosine similarity between
all adjective/decade vectors and used non-parametric MDS to represent these similarities in 2 dimensions. The MDS solution with adjective and decade
information was then visualized with the R-package googleVis, an interface
between R and the Google Visualization API. The resulting, dynamic motion
chart is available online under https://perswww.kuleuven.be/ u0038536/magnificent/Magnificent3D.html. The chart shows adjectives as clickable bubbles with a time slider to move between decades. ‘Playing’ the chart shows
dynamically how the semantic distances between the adjectives changes over
time. In the center, adjectives like splendid, magnificent or great represent
the core of the concept and they remain relatively stable over time. However, figure 1 shows that terrific was in 1860 still quite far removed from the
center, probably because it was still predominantly used in its literal sense of
FRIGHTENING. Only around 1950, terrific starts to move to the core and
acquires its positive evaluative meaning. Since, distributional models are a
completely automatic technique with a multitude of possible parameter settings, this particular solution is probably not yet optimal. An important next
step is therefore the evaluation of the automatically induced patterns against
a manually coded and interpreted dataset.
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Movement of terrific and great through distributional space from 1860 to 2000
References Davies, M. 2010: online. The Corpus of Historical American English
(COHA): 400+ million words, 1810–2009. Available at: http://corpus.byu.edu/coha
(accessed August 2012). • Heylen, K., Speelman, D., & Geeraerts, D. (2012). Looking
at word meaning. An interactive visualization of Semantic Vector Spaces for Dutch
synsets.Proceedings of the EACL-2012 joint workshop of LINGVIS & UNCLH: Visualization of Language Patters and Uncovering Language History from Multilingual
Resources, 16–24. • Hilpert, M. (2011). Dynamic visualizations of language change:
Motion charts on the basis of bivariate and multivariate data from diachronic corpora.
International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 16(4), 435-461. • Rohrdantz, C., Hautli,
A., Mayer, T., Butt, M., Keim, D. A., & Plank, F. (2011). Towards Tracking Semantic
Change by Visual Analytics. Proceedings of the 49th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Human Language Technologies, 305–310 •
Turney, P. D., & Pantel, P. (2010). From Frequency to Meaning: Vector Space Models
of Semantics. Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research, 37(1), 141–188.
Seeing it in color: Visualization of color term reference
The study is based on an extensive self-compiled corpus of color names
and color samples (over 75 000 observations) that were manually and semiautomatically extracted from websites used by US manufacturers and retailers
for online marketing in four product categories (automobiles, clothing, makeup, and house paints). The material includes linguistic, sociolectal and refe331
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rential parameters of color naming in advertising and is specifically compiled
to allow language-independent measurement of the color term reference using
the RGB values of the color samples. The first part of the paper demonstrates
the interactive visualization of the variation in the referential range of color
terms of different specificity, internal color category structure and referential
overlap of color terms in the different color naming situations. We will focus
on the possible application of the technique for the analysis of the semantic
relations between color categories including synonymy and hyponymy and
the prototypicality effects in color category construal.
In the second part, we will discuss the possible quantification of the referential aspects of color term meanings that can be derived from mapping
of their referential range in a 3d color space. More specifically, such measurements as volume and density of the color term referential range and interpoint distances between the exemplars of individual color terms will be used
to analyze the usage of the color terms from an onomasiological perspective.
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The referential range of the schematic concept BLUE in Lab color space
References Kerttula, Seija 2002. English Colour Terms: Etymology, Chronology, and
Relative Basicness. Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki, Vol. LX.
Helsinki: Société Néophilologique. • Steinvall, Anders 2002. English Color Terms in
Context. PhD dissertation, Umeå University: Skrifter från moderna språk 3.
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interHist — an interactive visualization for statistically
enhanced query structures
Verena Lyding, Lionel Nicolas, and Egon Stemle
European Academy of Bozen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30–17:00
The growing amount of empirical data poses a particular challenge to humandriven corpus analysis, as large sets of query results are laborious to process
in terms of grouping, sorting, or detecting patterns. With interHist we propose
a compact visualization for the interactive exploration of results to complex
corpus queries. It introduces an intermediate layer between a query definition and the set of results by enhancing the linguistic structure of the query
with quantitative information derived from the corpus–resulting in a single
sequence of stacked histograms. We showcase interHist for noun phrases in
Italian. The abstraction over KWIC results is based on part-of-speech information (POS), while different token-level information2 , e.g. semantic labels,
could be employed. Data on simplified Italian noun phrases (cf. Renzi, 19883 )
are extracted from a free corpus of Italian web texts (www.corpusitaliano.it).
It yields about 24 million examples, approximated by the query: predeterminer? (determiner | demonstrative/possessive pronoun)? adjective* noun
(adjective|verb ending in ti|te|to|ta)?.
2 The limited visual capacity of histograms requires token-level attributes to have a restricted
set of values.
3 L. Renzi, ed. 1988: Grande grammatica italiana di consultazione, vol I. La frase. I sintagmi
nominale e preposizionale, Bologna:Il Mulino.
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Figure 1: interHist for Italian noun phrases
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Figure 1 shows a basic interHist visualization. Token positions are calculated
relative to the anchor noun. The category not-in-NP designates positions not
covered by all noun phrases. One position left of the noun, determiners are
the most frequent POS followed by adjectives. Two positions left predeterminers are more frequent than adjectives. Interactive properties of interHist
allow to generate second-level histograms for each token position, based on
a condition introduced by the user. Figure 2 shows per token position a primary histogram for the distribution of POS in relation to the entire results
set (cf. Figure 1) plus recalculated distributions with respect to the condition: ‘tokens left-1 of noun are restricted to POS adjective’. Color is used for
corresponding POS. Frequencies are indicated by the height of histogram segments. The anchor noun determines the results total, displayed on top of the
frequency bar. A red border marks the restricting POS segment, as selected
by the user, and second-level histograms accordingly. Displaying POS distributions4 for the full and restricted results set side by side allows for the
analysis of their interdependencies. In Figure 2 we observe the frequency of
adjectives in position left-2 increasing, with predeterminers decreasing. interHist can be applied to any ngram with a specified anchor element. In this,
interHist connects to visualization work on ngrams/concordances (e.g. Web
Trigrams by C. Harrison, Word Tree and Phrase Nets by Wattenberg/ Viégas,
4 First-level and second-level histograms are calculated on totals for the full and restricted
results set.
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and van Ham). interHist’s central innovation is the abstraction from token sequences to sequences of distributions of token characteristics (i.e. linguistic
annotations) – condensing 24 Mio results into one visualization. interHist will
be implemented based on D3, and integrated with a query processor. Future
work targets the flexible combination of conditions. Logarithmic weighting
of query results will be provided next to relative frequencies.
Figure 2: interHist for Italian noun phrases, with position left-1 restricted to
POS adjective
Visualizing Toponym Clusters on an Interactive Map
Agnia Barsukova and Daniil Sorokin / U. Tübingen
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00–17:30
Toponymic research shows that by grouping place names according to their
derivational similarity and studying their geographical distribution, one can
sometimes infer where peoples speaking different languages (and therefore
partial to corresponding derivational patterns) live or used to live. This claim
has been proved valid for some languages with rich morphology, including
Russian. Yet it is nearly impossible to draw any sort of conclusions when
the toponyms and their groupings are not visualized graphically, and are only accessible as database entries. Therefore, we have created a visualization
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tool for those investigating toponym distribution in Russia to facilitate their
research, while having a wider range of potential users in mind.
The visualization is part of a web application designed to display various
datasets of toponyms. The tool consists of an interactive map on which multiple groups of toponyms can be depicted, accompanied by a number of controls for manipulating the data, its representation on the map, and the map
itself.
A set of toponyms, to every one of which a formant (i.e., its derivational suffix) was manually assigned, has become a basis for the visualization. It
comprises ca. 200 toponyms along with formant and coordinates information.
Two automatically constructed datasets were also included for demonstration
purposes, one for Russian and one for German. Information about place names, coordinates, and population (in the surrounding area of 7 km radius) has
been extracted from a free online gazetteer.
The tool allows to work with multiple toponym groups, providing means
for displaying their members on the map, changing granularity of the grouping, investigating toponym distribution against an overall population density
layer, etc.
Although no formal interviews prior to designing the tool had been conducted, a minimal set of necessary features has been developed with the help
of a domain expert on the team who is personally interested in the tool. Besides, the head of the toponymic research group in Russia has been contacted
for informal discussions both before and during the development. Feedback
(in the form of bug reports and feature requests) has also been collected from
linguists not partaking in yet familiar with toponymic research during the development.
Once the mentioned bugs were fixed and some of the requested features
were implemented, we performed a formal evaluation to ascertain the overall
level of satisfaction with the tool. The results showed both that the tool could
be used as it was to draw linguistic insights about toponym distribution, and
that there was still much more information that it could be augmented with
to make it even more attractive for domain experts and other potential users
we hope to find in historians, dialectologists, and ethnographers. Now that the
first stage of development is finished, we are working on expanding the tool
functionalities. We will point out some flaws and weaknesses of the original
application and cover the changes we will have made to it.
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Map of the Leningrad region
References A. Gerd, I. Azarova, S. Fyodorov, I. Nikolaev, A. Dmitriev. Automated
database of toponymic data for Ingria area. 2007. • W. Luo. Terrain characteristics
and tai toponyms: a gis analysis of muang, chiang and viang. 2009.
Visualizing morphological patterns in inflectional
paradigms
Sebastian Bank, Daniela Henze, Jochen Trommer and
Eva Zimmermann / U. Leipzig
Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30–18:00
In this talk we present an interactive visual representation tool for inflectional
paradigms that assists pattern recognition.
Paradigms: In the field of morphology the base for every inflectional analysis are paradigms, i.e. collections of all inflectional forms of one and the same
lexeme arranged into a matrix of their meanings. They ‘play a central role in
the definition of a language’s inflectional morphology’ (Stump, 2001). With
the right organization, they allow to visually spot the different morphemes
and infer their meaning from the contexts (=paradigm cells) in which they
occur. The presentation of word forms in a paradigm allows to easily identify and classify partial or full syncretism, i.e. the phenomenon that the same
marker or full word form can occur with different morphological meanings
(Baerman et al., 2005). Interactive reorganization and coloring on different
criteria helps to recognize such patterns which are hard to detect if forms are
examined for themselves.
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Background: In our research project, we are especially concerned with paradigms of intransitive and transitive verbal agreement where verbs are inflected
for up to four persons (1st exclusive, 1st inclusive, 2nd , 3rd ) and three numbers
(singular, dual, plural). The number of cells in such an agreement paradigm
easily increases to 100 and more members. If all tense and mood combinations or different historical stages are to be considered the amount of data
easily exceeds the quantity from which patterns can be grasped without the
help of visualization methods.
Visualization: A visualization tool for morphological paradigms must employ four basic mechanisms. 1) Highlighting data: To identify the distribution of a specific morpheme across one or a set of paradigms, it is necessary to
highlight every occurence of it. This allows to draw generalizations about its
‘meaning’, i.e. the invariable set of morphological features that are common
to all its occurences. On the other side, a possibility to overlook the distribution of all morphemes that are specified for a certain set of morphological
features is needed, for example all exponents marking first person (cf. (1)) or
a certain argument. With help of this, one can abstract away from the actual
forms and just search for visual patterns that allow to detect global generalizations (e.g. the fact that first person exponents are only absent in 1⇒3 contexts
in (1)). 2) Hiding data: In certain cases, it can be helpful to hide unnecessary
data which distracts from the point of interest. 3) Restructuring data: A recurrent theme in morphology is the organization of cells in a paradigm (Plank,
1991a,b). Categories with similar meaning should appear adjacent to each
other. However, often such similarity relations between cells are not clear a
priori or are not the same for each paradigm. A helpful feature is therefore
the possibility to reorder cells online. 4) Aggregating related data: A further
aspect is the illustration of additional information of the collected data. In
analysing verbal inflection paradigms, information about the underlying and
the surface form of an exponent, its meaning, possible allomorphy patterns or
phonological rules have to be accessible from within the paradigm. For example, an easy possibility to switch from underlying to surface realization of
a paradigm or to show details about a certain morpheme are of importance.
Implementation: Paradigms, morphemes, phonological rules, etc. are represented by easily editable documents kept under the version control of a wiki.
A semantic-web-extension of the wiki software makes the data structures (e.g.
for validation, search, aggregation) accessible and prepares them for different
visualizations. The visualization itself is implemented in the webbrowser as
a JavaScript. For different languages, an unlimited number of paradigms can
be included and all can be arranged on different ‘summary sites’ to compa338
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re them with one another. Each paradigm consists of cells which themselves
consist of a string of morphemes.
These morphemes contain different information: e.g. the underlying form,
its meaning, phonological rules that apply to modify its surface form. This
can be accessed directly from each paradigm.The user can switch between
underlying and surface forms. He can highlight all features used in the specific paradigm, i.e. exponents, their inherent features and paradigm specific
features. This can be done with one or more items at once, which in the latter case can than be combined in AND and OR relations. The pictures in (1)
show an intransitive and transitive paradigm where the exponent -ko (red) and
the feature +1 (green) are highlighted. The combination of detailed annotated
data and a tool to easily deal with them allows not only the structured collection of a great amount of morphological data, but also the visualization of
different morphological patterns throughout a great number of contexts and
greatly simplifies the development and the testability of analyses.
References Baerman, Matthew, D. Brown and G.G. Corbett (2005), The syntax-morphology interface: a study of syncretism, Vol. 109, Cambridge University Press. •
Plank, Frans (1991a), Of abundance and scantiness in inflection: A typological prelude, in F.Plank, ed., ’Paradigms the economy of inflection’, Mouton de Gruyter, pp.
1–40. • Plank, Frans (1991b), Rasmus rask’s dilemma, in F.Plank, ed., ’Paradigms the
economy of inflection’, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 161–196. • Stump, Gregory T. (2001),
Inflectional Morphology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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(1)
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Kohi (Kiranti) inflectional agreement paradigms
Haus 6, Raum S25
Visualising valency alternations
Michael Cysouw / U. Marburg
Iren Hartmann / Max-Planck-Institut für evolutionäre
Anthropologie
Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00–18:30
The field of linguistic typology investigates worldwide linguistic variation.
One of the prime visualisations of linguistic diversity is the semantic map as
summarised in Haspelmath (2003). In this tradition, a universal background in
the form of a planar graph is used to display differences between languages by
showing an overlay of manually drawn lines encircling connected subgraphs.
Each line indicates a language-specific structure (morpheme, construction).
An example of such a traditional semantic map is shown in Figure 1. This
specific approach does not scale well to larger datasets, because the graphs do
not remain planar and the subgraphs do not remain connected when more data
is included. Also, it is not obvious how the manual drawing can be replaced
by more objective automated procedures. As a more general alternative, we
have previously proposed to replace the planar graph with unconnected points
in a plane (using any suitable form of dimensionality reduction like MDS or
MCA to place the points) and replace the encircling with contour lines of the
density distribution for specific subsets of the points in the plane [References
redacted]. An example is shown in Figure 2. In this paper we will take up
the challenge to extend this approach even further. Until now, this kind of
visualisation has always been used with one universal background and one
layer of language-specific structures as an overlay. For our current project,
we will need to combine two different, but interlinked, universal backgrounds
with their overlays. In this paper we will explore different kinds of visual
approaches to this problem.
The phenomenon to be visualised are valency alternations (i.e. phenomena like passives, applicatives, or causatives). While valency alternations
have been studied and described quite comprehensively for a few individual languages, no real attempt has been made to perform a large-scale crosslinguistic study of such alternations. Our current project collects comparable data for valency alternations in 20 diverse languages worldwide. Our approach to collect data basically is as follows. For a list of 70 verb meanings
(conceived of as representative of the verbal lexicon) we have collected counterparts (‘translations’) from 20 languages. For each counterpart in each language we have consistently documented one primary valency frame and all
possible alternative valency frames.
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These valency frames are not just loose listings of attested arguments, but
they include information on the means by which the arguments are coded.
Both flagging (i.e. case marking & adpositions) and indexing (i.e. agreement
or cross referencing) coding devices have been taken into account. The arguments in the valency frames, as well as their respective coding devices,
have then been assigned to microroles (‘verb-specific roles’) to allow crosslinguistic comparison. For example: a meaning like ‘hit’ can have roles such
as: hitter, hit person, hitting instrument, hitting location, etc. A microrole like
the hitter can have coding devices assigned to it such as NP-nom, NP-erg,
V.sbj (subject indexing), etc.
The 70 verb meanings can be broken down into an inventory of roughly
250 microroles that most commonly occur with them (this includes roles occurring both in primary and alternate coding frames), which provide a stable
means for cross-linguistic comparison. The currently documented coding sets
(which are of course language specific) sum up to about 180. They in turn can
be used to establish verb classes within languages.
The interesting aspect for the visualisation is that there are two different,
but interlinked, levels of universal comparanda (the verb meanings and the
microroles) with their accompanying language-specific categories (valency
frames and coding devices). Using the established methodology described
above, it is directly possible to make two independent visualisations. The
challenge is to find a suitable visualisation to combine two such pictures into
one single linguistically sensible visualisation.
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References Haspelmath, Martin. 2003. The Geometry of Grammatical Meaning: Semantic Maps and Cross-linguistic Comparison. In The New Psychology of Language:
Cognitive and Functional Approaches to Language Structure (Volume 2). Edited by
Michael Tomasello. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
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Universal
Background
English
Swedish
Example of a traditional semantic map.
Bora
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zero
NP-acc
NP-adl
NP-abl
NP-instr
MDS plot with contour lines.
343
Sprachwissenschaft
zima, elisabeth
Kognition in
der Interaktion
Eine kognitionslinguistische
und gesprächsanalytische
Untersuchung von Zwischenrufsequenzen in österreichischen
Parlamentsdebatten
Universitätsverlag
winter
Heidelberg
filatkina, natalia
kleine-engel, ane
dräger, marcel
burger, harald (Hg.)
Aspekte der historischen
Phraseologie und
Phraseographie
2012. viii, 327 Seiten, 26 Abbildungen. (Germanistische Bibliothek,
Band 46)
Geb. € 45,–
isbn 978-3-8253-6087-0
hee, katrin
dunkel, george e.
Polizeivernehmungen
von Migranten
Lexikon der indogermanischen Partikeln und
Pronominalstämme
Eine gesprächsanalytische
Studie interkultureller Interaktionen in Institutionen
2012. xii, 365 Seiten.
(OraLingua, Band 3)
Geb. € 46,–
isbn 978-3-8253-6057-3
(Indogermanische Bibliothek,
Reihe 2: Wörterbücher)
Teil 1: Lexikon. 800 Seiten.
Teil 2: Einleitung, Terminologie,
Lautgesetze, Bibliographie, die idg.
Adverbialendungen + Indices.
350 Seiten.
2012. zusammen ca. 1.250 Seiten.
Geb. € 120,–
isbn 978-3-8253-5926-3
vogel, petra m.
Sprachgeschichte
2012. viii, 103 Seiten,
17 Abbildungen.
(Kurze Einführungen in die
germanistische Linguistik, KEGLI,
Band 13)
Kart. € 13,–
isbn 978-3-8253-6115-0
D-69051 Heidelberg · Postfach 10 61 40 · Tel. (49) 62 21/77 02 60 · Fax (49) 62 21/77 02 69
Internet http://www.winter-verlag.de · E-mail: [email protected]
2012. ca. 300 Seiten.
(OraLingua, Band 4)
Geb. ca. € 36,–
isbn 978-3-8253-5982-9
Postersession der Sektion
Computerlinguistik
CLARA auf LSD: Repräsentatives Sampling für
Webkorpora
Adrien Barbaresi / ENS Lyon/FU Berlin
Felix Bildhauer / SFB632/A6
Roland Schäfer / FU Berlin
Webkorpora sind zu einer für die verschiedensten Anwendungen der theoretischen und angewandten Linguistik sowie der Computerlinguistik unentbehrlichen Datenquelle geworden. Die Art der Daten und die schiere Größe von
Webkorpora sind mit an Sicherheit grenzender Wahrscheinlichkeit mit keiner
anderen Datenquelle außer dem World Wide Web zu erreichen.
Neben den notwendigen Bereinigungen auf Dokumentebene (MarkupEntfernung, Duplikatentfernung, Entfernung von nicht erwünschtem Material wie Menütext oder Copyright-Hinweisen, Spracherkennung), ist die Frage danach, welche Webseiten überhaupt in einem Webkorpus repräsentiert
werden sollen, eine essentielle Entwurfsentscheidung. Die Größe des WWW
kann nur geschätzt werden. Es ist davon auszugehen, dass schon lange eine exhaustive Repräsentation der Grundgesamtheit in Webkorpora praktisch
nicht realisierbar ist (zu Methoden der Schätzung der Größe des WWW vergleiche z.B. Broder et al. 2006; maximal als Untergrenze gelten könnende
aktuelle Schätzungen z.B. unter http://www.worldwidewebsize.com/). Unser Poster evaluiert verschiedene Strategien des Samplings für Webkorpora,
technisch gesehen also des sogenannten Crawlings (Breadth-First, Random
Walks, diverse gewichtete Verfahren, teilweise mit Post-Hoc-Sampling; vgl.
Olston & Najork 2010 für eine Übersicht) bezüglich der Auswirkungen auf
die Natur und Qualität des Korpus, aber auch bezüglich der zu erwartenden
Größen des Korpus. Zum Beispiel ist bei Random-Walks mit korrektivem
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Haus 6, Raum S19 und Flur, 1. Stock
Post-Hoc-Sampling die praktisch erreichbare Größe des Korpus gegenüber
üblichen Breadth-First-Verfahren erheblich begrenzt. Im Gegenzug erlauben
es diese Verfahren aber, annähernd uniform zufällige und damit repräsentative
Stichproben aus einer Grundgesamtheit (der der WWW-Texte) zu entnehmen,
was bei anderen Korpora wahrscheinlich nie der Fall ist. Unsere eigenen Experimente werden mit dem Crawler-Prototyp CLARA im Rahmen des COW
Projektes (Schäfer & Bildhauer 2012; http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/cow/) durchgeführt.
Außerdem stellen wir unsere Sammlung von nach einzelnen Sprachen
kategorisierten Dokument-URLs vor, die als Startmenge für Crawler oder als
z.B. Reservoir von Sprungadressen in PageRank-artigen Random Walks benutzt werden können. Die Datenbank namens LSD (Language-classified Seed
Directory) speist sich aus verschiedenen Quellen (z.B. Meta-Suchmaschinen,
Open Directory Project, Social Bookmarking- und Microblogging-Dienste).
Alleine das Herunterladen der Dokumente zu den in LSD gespeicherten Adressen ist für stark im WWW repräsentierte Sprachen wie Englisch, Deutsch
oder Französisch hinreichend, um Korpora in der Größenordnung von Milliarden Wörtern zu erstellen. Skripts zur Generierung solcher Korpora auf
Basis von LSD stellen wir als Nebenprodukt zur Verfügung.
Referenzen Broder, Andrei et al. 2006. Estimating corpus size via queries. In: Proceedings of the 15th ACM international conference on Information and knowledge
management, S. 594–603, New York: ACM. • Olston, Christopher & Najork, Marc.
2010. Web Crawling. Hanover: now Publishers. • Schäfer, Roland & Bildhauer, Felix. 2012. Building Large Corpora from the Web Using a New Efficient Tool Chain.
In: Nicoletta Calzolariet al. (eds.), Proceedings of LREC’12, S. 486–493, Istanbul:
ELRA.
CL
CLARIN-D — eine web- und zentrenbasierte
Forschungsinfrastruktur für die Geistes- und
Sozialwissenschaften
Kathrin Beck, Erhard Hinrichs, Thorsten Trippel, and
Thomas Zastrow / Eberhard Karls U. Tübingen
Die enormen Fortschritte in der Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie wirken sich zunehmend auf die Rahmenbedingungen und die Möglichkeiten des Forschens und Lehrens in fast allen wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen
aus. Einzelforschern und Forschungsverbünden können große digitale Daten346
mengen mit entsprechenden Analysemethoden und -werkzeugen über Internetportale und digitale Archive zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Auf der Basis solcher virtueller Forschungsinfrastrukturen lassen sich traditionelle Fragestellungen durch eine breitere Datengrundlage nicht nur empirisch besser
absichern, sondern es können auch gänzlich neue Forschungsparadigmen entwickelt und neuartige wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse erzielt werden.
Der Nutzen von CLARIN-D (www.clarin-d.de) für die adressierten Disziplinen konkretisiert sich durch die folgenden Maßnahmen und Dienste:
• Die Kuration und Verfügbarmachung relevanter Text- und Sprachressourcen über das Internet;
• Die Bereitstellung webbasierter Werkzeuge und Technologien;
• Größtmögliche Unterstützung von Forschern und ihren Forschungsprozessen aus allen geistes-, sozial- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen bei zunehmend komplexer werdenden Arbeitsabläufen;
• Einen möglichst freien und ungehinderten Zugriff auf Ressourcen (Daten, Dienste) und eine technische Forschungsinfrastruktur (lokal, national, europäisch).
Die CLARIN-D-Forschungsinfrastruktur erleichtert Einzelforschern und
Forschungsprojekten den Umgang mit linguistischen Daten und mit verfügbaren Werkzeugen zur Erstellung, Bearbeitung, Auswertung, Visualisierung
und Archivierung von Text- und Sprachdaten. CLARIN-D ist in neun Zentren
organisiert und verfügt über ein breites Spektrum von Kompetenzen hinsichtlich linguistischer Daten verschiedenster Art.
Im Rahmen der Posterpräsentation mit Vorführung stellen wir das Infrastrukturprojekt CLARIN-D vor und zeigen praktische Anwendungen der
Infrastruktur durch Vorführung von webbasierten linguistischen Ressourcen
und den entsprechenden Werkzeugen. Diese können von Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlern auch ohne computerlinguistischen Hintergrund mittels der
CLARIN-D Infrastruktur verwendet werden.
Konkret zeigen wir:
• Die Erstellung von Metadaten für Sprachressourcen, wie sie zur nachhaltigen Archivierung benötigt werden;
• Webbasierte Anwendungen zum Auffinden, Annotation, Analyse und
Visualisierung von textuellen Daten;
• Beispiele neuer Forschungsmöglichkeiten und Arbeitsweisen, die durch
aktuelle technische Entwicklungen möglich werden.
347
CL
Förderdiagnostische Analyse von Rechtschreibfähigkeit
in frei verfassten Lernertexten. Entwicklung einer
Software
Kay Berkling / Duale Hochschule Karlsruhe
Johanna Fay / Pädagogische Hochschule Karlsruhe
Sebastian Stüker / Karlsruher Institut für Technologie
CL
Das Ziel unseres Forschungsvorhabens ist die Entwicklung eines Instruments
zur automatisierten Rechtschreibfehleranalyse frei verfasster Lernertexte, die
in digitaler Form vorliegen. Zu diesem Zweck arbeiten Forscher aus der Sprachdidaktik und der Computerlinguistik / der ‚automatischen Verarbeitung natürlicher Sprache‘ zusammen. Für die Rechtschreibforschung bedeutet eine
solche Automatisierung einen Quantensprung, da erstmals sehr große Stichprobenmengen untersucht werden können. Für die Individualdiagnostik im
Rechtschreibunterricht bietet es die Grundlage für eine kontinuierliche Erstellung differenzierter Fehlerprofile, aus denen sich individuelle Fördermaßnahmen ableiten lassen.
Der innovative Ansatz des Instruments basiert auf der Analyse der Lernerschreibungen unter Einbezug ihrer automatisch generierten Aussprache als
Zusatz zur üblichen Betrachtung der falschen Graphemfolge (Huang 2001;
Mariani 2009). Grundlegend für dieses Vorgehen ist die Annahme, dass sich
Lerner beim schriftlichen Konstruieren von Sprache zuallererst an ihrer Aussprache orientieren („alphabetische Phase“, Thomé 2003).
Die Sprachsynthese bietet uns die Möglichkeit, die Lernertexte in Aussprache, markiert durch Phonemfolgen, zu transformieren. Dies gilt sowohl
für korrekte als auch für fehlerhafte Schreibungen, die wir über regelbasierte Synthese übersetzen. Auf Basis der Phonemfolgen für die Schreibungen
ist es möglich, durch Erkenntnisse der Spracherkennungstechnologie die korrekte Schreibweise mit einer gewissen Wahrscheinlichkeit zu ermitteln. Dies
ist deshalb vielversprechend, da Lernerschreibungen häufig zwar fehlerhaft,
aber „lauttreu“ sind (z.B. <*schpiln>, statt <spielen>, ist zwar orthographisch
falsch, lautlich jedoch kaum zu unterscheiden).
Im zweiten Schritt werden in einer Gegenüberstellung von Wort-, Graphem- und Phonemfolge der Lernerschreibung und des korrigierten Textes
sowohl Rechtschreibfehler als auch Richtigschreibungen erkannt und automatisch klassifiziert. Grundlage bietet das Kategorienraster von Fay, das eigens für die Analyse frei verfasster Texte entwickelt worden ist (Fay 2010a).
Bei der DGfS-CL-Postersession präsentieren wir unser Vorgehen en De348
tail sowie die vielversprechenden Ergebnisse aus ersten Systemanalysen mit
einem Korpus von 120 Lernertexten der Klassen 1 bis 4. Außerdem zeigen
wir eine Demo, in der die Analyse und die förderdiagnostisch wichtigen Analyseergebnisse bereits für den Nutzer didaktisch aufbereitet worden sind.
Referenzen Fay, Johanna; Berkling, Kay; Stüker, Sebastian (2012): Automatische
Analyse von Rechtschreibfähigkeit auf Basis von Speech-Processing-Technologien.
In: Didaktik Deutsch. Heft 33. Schneider Verlag: Baltmannsweiler. S. 14-36. • Berkling, Kay; Fay, Johanna; Stüker, Sebastian (2011): Speech Technology-based Framework for Quantitative Analysis of German Spelling Errors in Freely Composed
Children’s Texts. Interspeech, Florenz. • Fay, Johanna (2010a): Die Entwicklung der
Rechtschreibkompetenz beim Textschreiben. Eine empirische Untersuchung von Klasse 1 bis 4. Peter Lang: Frankfurt/M. • Stüker, Sebastian; Fay, Johanna; Berkling, Kay
(2011): Towards Context-dependent Phonetic Spelling Error Correction in Children’s
Freely Composed Text for Diagnostic and Pedagogical Purposes. Interspeech, Florenz.
Detection, extraction and annotation of evaluative
expressions in a corpus of academic writing
Stefania Degaetano-Ortlieb and Elke Teich / U. des Saarlandes
While there have been many studies dedicated to the exploration of evaluative expressions ranging from text-based to corpus-based and computationally
based methods (e.g., Martin & White 2005, Hyland 2005, Hunston 2011, Wilson 2008, Somasundaran 2010), a comprehensive methodology of analysis is
still lacking and the discourse domains considered are rather limited. Moreover, evaluative expressions are quite difficult to be detected automatically,
especially in domains such as academic writing.
We propose a semi-automatic approach to analyze evaluative expressions
and the entities involved in evaluation within the academic domain. Here, specific lexico-grammatical features are considered: writer- and reader-oriented
features (Hyland, 2005; Biber et al., 1999) as well as target-oriented features,
which relate to what is being evaluated. In analyzing these features, we are
interested in detecting differences in the strength of the writer’s presence and
the degree of reader engagement as well as preferences in the types of entities
evaluated and evaluative frames (in the sense of FrameNet) across academic
disciplines.
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In terms of methods, we apply a threefold process: (1) manual detection of
lexico-grammatical features within a small subcorpus (100.000 tokens) of the
English Scientific Text corpus (SciTex; Teich & Fankhauser 2009, Degaetano
et al. 2012), (2) automatic feature extraction from the whole corpus (34 M
tokens) for comparative analyses of domain specific variation, and (3) the
automatic annotation of these features to enrich the corpus.
This poster will present an overview of the processing steps involved in
the annotation of write-, reader- and target-oriented features in the SciTex
corpus as well as results obtained so far on domain-specific variation related
to these features.
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References Biber, Douglas, Stig Johansson and Geoffrey Leech (1999). Longman
Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Longman, Harlow. • Degaetano-Ortlieb,
Stefania, Hannah Kermes, Ekaterina Lapshinova-Koltunski and Elke Teich (2012).
Scitex a diachronic corpus for analyzing the development of scientific registers. In:
Paul Bennett, Martin Durrell, Silke Scheible and Richard J. Whitt, editors, New Methods in Historical Corpus Linguistics, Corpus Linguistics and Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Language - CLIP, Vol. 3. Narr, Tübingen. • Hunston, Susan (2011). Corpus approaches to evaluation: phraseology and evaluative language. Taylor & Francis, NewYork. • Hyland, Ken (2005). Stance and engagement: a model of interaction
in academic discourse. In: Discourse Studies Vol. 7(2), pp. 173-192. • Martin, J.R.
and P.R.R. White (2005). The Language of Evaluation, Appraisal in English, Palgrave
Macmillan, London & New York. • Somasundaran, Swapna (2010). Discourse-level
relations for Opinion Analysis, PhD Thesis, University of Pittsburgh. • Teich, Elke
and Peter Fankhauser (2010). Exploring a corpus of scientific texts using data mining.
In: Gries S., S. Wulff and M. Davies (eds), Corpus-linguistic applications - Current
studies, new directions. Rodopi, Amsterdam and New York, pp. 233-247. • Wilson,
T.A. (2008). Fine-grained Subjectivity and Sentiment Analysis: Recognizing the Intensity, Polarity, and Attitudes of Private States. PhD Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.
Sprachtechnologische Werkzeuge für die Lexikographie
am Beispiel des „Digitalen Wörterbuch des
Deutschen“ (DWDS)
Jörg Didakowski, Alexander Geyken, and Lothar Lemnitzer
Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Das Digitale Wörterbuch des Deutschen (www.dwds.de) an der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften soll in den nächsten Jahren um
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ca. 45.000 Stichwörter aus dem aktuellen Wortschatz des Deutschen erweitert werden. Die Erstellung von Kurz- und Vollartikeln erfolgt korpusbasiert.
Grundlage sind die im DWDS verfügbaren Korpora der deutschen Gegenwartssprache (Kernkorpus und Zeitungskorpora).
In den letzten Jahren wurden deshalb sprachtechnologische Werkzeuge
entwickelt, die die Lexikographen bei der Erstellung der Wörterbucheinträge unterstützen. Grundlage für diese Werkzeuge ist die sprachtechnologische
Aufbereitung der Korpora mit Standardwerkzeugen wie Tokenizer, Wortartentagger und syntaktischem Parser. Diese Werkzeuge wurden ebenfalls im
Rahmen des DWDS-Projektes entwickelt. Im Mittelpunkt der Präsentation
stehen aber zwei Werkzeuge: a) ein Programm, das nach syntaktischen Relationen geordnete Wortverbindungen zu einem Stichwort ermittelt (Wortprofil)
und b) eine Werkzeug, das gute Belege für ein gegebenes Stichwort aus den
Korpora extrahiert.
Wir werden im Besonderen die statistischen Verfahren vorstellen, die dem
Wortprofil zugrundeliegen, sowie die Parameter, die die Güte der Belege beim
Belegextraktor bestimmen. Wir werden außerdem auf die Herausforderungen eingehen, die sich bei der komplexen Annotation und Verarbeitung sehr
großer Korpora stellen.
Beide Werkzeuge stehen für die lexikographischen Arbeiten zur Verfügung, sie können aber auch von jedem interessierten Nutzer über die Webseite
des Projekts genutzt werden. Wir werden einige Nutzungsfälle vorstellen. Die
Werkzeuge werden im Rahmen der Posterpräsentation in Form einer onlineDemo vorgeführt.
Referenzen Jörg Didakowski, Lothar Lemnitzer und Alexander Geyken: Automatic
example sentence extraction for a contemporary German dictionary. In: Proc. EURALEX 2012, Oslo, pp. 343-349 • Alexander Geyken, Didakowski, Jörg und Siebert,
Alexander (2009). Generation of word profiles for large German corpora. In Yuji Kawaguchi, Makoto Minegishi and Jacques Durand (ed.). Corpus Analysis and Variation
in Linguistics, p. 141-157.
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Einbindung externer Komponenten in Werkzeuge für
die Textanalyse
Kurt Eberle, Kerstin Eckart, Mireia Ginestí-Rosell, and
Ulrich Heid
U. Stuttgart, Institut für Maschinelle Sprachverarbeitung, and
Lingenio GmbH
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Textanalyseprozesse werden in der Computerlinguistik oft durch hintereinandergeschaltete Werkzeuge realisiert. Dazu gehört die Auszeichnung von
Analyseebenen und die Bestimmung von Abhängigkeiten. Nach Satz- und
Wort-Segmentierung erfolgt etwa eine morphologische, dann eine syntaktische und schließlich entlang der morphosyntaktischen Strukturierungen eine
formal-semantische Analyse (auch Unifikationsansätze können so modelliert
werden, wenn Alternativen mit Filterinformation aus früheren Ebenen mitgeführt werden).
Werden Systeme neu entwickelt, stellt die Reihenfolge der Komponenten ein Problem dar, weil die Erprobung und Korrektur einer Komponente
erst erfolgen kann, wenn deren Vorgänger in der Prozess-Sequenz zufriedenstellende Ergebnisse liefern. Nachdem immer mehr Ressourcen zu unterschiedlichen Aufgabenstellungen verfügbar werden, bietet es sich an, bei
der Entwicklung einer ‚höheren Komponente‘ auf schon verfügbare, ggf. externe Komponenten für die Vorgängerebenen und auf deren Ergebnisse zurückzugreifen. In Eberle et al. (2012) wurde eine Datenbankarchitektur mit
Analysekomponente und Benutzer-Front-End vorgestellt, die es erlaubt, Konkurrenzergebnisse derselben Analyseebene (horizontal) zu vergleichen bzw.
Ergebnisse komponentenweise zu kombinieren (vertikal). Ebenso kann die
Entwicklung der Werkzeuge über die Zeit verfolgt werden.
In dem Poster wird berichtet, wie das in Zusammenarbeit zwischen dem
Stuttgarter SFB 732 und der Lingenio GmbH entstandene Front-End (zum
Hintergrund, vgl. Eckart et al. 2010) erweitert und wie die Architektur adaptiert wurde, um die Grammatikentwicklung bei Lingenio unter Einbeziehen
eines externen Morphologiewerkzeugs zu unterstützen (Projekt HyghTra, vgl.
Babych et al. 2012).
Themen dabei sind: Integration externer morphologischer Analysewerkzeuge, Abbildung von deren Ergebnissen auf systeminterne Repräsentationen, Vergleich mit intern erzeugten Repräsentationen zur Bestimmung des
Qualitätsfortschritts bei der Entwicklung der internen Morphologiekomponente, syntaktische Analyse auf Basis der externen morphologischen Ana352
lyse, Vergleich mit komplett intern erzeugten Strukturen, Nutzung verschiedener Ebenen von syntaktischem Chunking zur Einschätzung der Güte von
Entscheidungen der morphologischen Disambiguierung.
Für die Aufgabenstellungen sind Standardfunktionen im Front-End-System bereitgestellt worden, die sich flexibel auf jeweils andere, auch externe
Analysemodule beziehen können. Als Ressourcen der im Poster beschriebenen Fortentwicklung des SFB-Lingenio-Werkzeugs wurden (i) ein Ausschnitt
des spanischen Teils des multilingualen Opus-Korpus (http://opus.lingfil.uu.se/,
Tiedemann 2012) verwendet, sowie (ii) die morphologischen Analysen, die
den Sätzen dieses Ausschnitts von den Werkzeugen des Open-Source-Projekts
Apertium (http://www.apertium.org) zugeordnet werden.
Durch diese Möglichkeiten gelingt es, sowohl die Textanalysewerkzeuge qualitativ zu verbessern als auch effizienter zu Prototypen zu gelangen; in
diesem Sinn unterstützt die Architektur die Interoperabilität von Textanalysewerkzeugen.
Die Implementierung wird begleitend in einer Systemdemonstration vorgestellt.
Referenzen Babych, B., Eberle, K., Geiß, J., Ginestí-Rosell, M., Hartley, A., Rapp, R.,
Sharoff, S. & Thomas, M. 2012. Design of a Hybrid High Quality Machine Translation System. In: Proceedings of the Joint Workshop ESIRMT and HyTra, EACL 2012,
Avignon. • Eberle, K., Eckart, K., Heid U. 2012. Interfacing linguistic analysis tools
with a database for result management – workflows in sentence and text analysis.
Poster presentation, DGfS 2012, Frankfurt. • Eckart, K., Eberle, K. & Heid, U. An Infrastructure for More Reliable Corpus Analysis. WSPP2010 Workshop. LREC 2010.
Malta. 2010. • Tiedemann, J. 2012. Parallel Data, Tools and Interfaces in OPUS. In
Proceedings of LREC’2012.
Spezialkorpora aus dem Web: Modeblogs und
Kontaktanzeigen
Gertrud Faaß, Raissa Khattab, and Lisa-Marit Petersen
U. Hildesheim
Im Rahmen eines interdisziplinären korpuslinguistischen Einführungsseminars an der Universität Hildesheim erhielten Studierende der Bachelor-Studiengänge Internationale Kommunikation und übersetzen und Internationales
Informationsmanagement (4. Semester) die Aufgabe, ein Spezialkorpus aus
einem beliebigen Themenbereich (monolingual) aus dem Web zu sammeln,
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es aufzubereiten und es im Bezug auf Differenzen zur Allgemeinsprache zu
untersuchen. Dieser Beitrag berichtet über zwei der entstandenen Korpora,
die beide mit der CorpusWorkBench (Evert/Hardie (2011)) enkodiert wurden: Ein Korpus, bestehend aus Kontaktanzeigen, die online in verschiedenen Tageszeitungen veröffentlicht wurden (Petersen (2012)), sowie ein Korpus aus Modeblog-Beiträgen verschiedener Autorinnen (Khattab (2012)). Die
Daten wurde manuell, d.h. ohne Einsatz eines Webcrawlers zusammen gestellt, dadurch entstanden saubere Korpora. Das Anzeigen-Korpus beinhaltet
140 Anzeigen (5.644 tokens), die mit Meta-Information annotiert sind. Diese beschreiben nicht nur urheber-rechtlich Relevantes, sondern auch jeweils
das Geschlecht der AnzeigenstellerInnen und das der gesuchten Person. Das
Modeblogs-Korpus enthält 10 verschiedene Blogs mit insgesamt 370 Beiträgen (56.989 tokens). Hier sind ebenfalls die urheberrechtlich relevanten
Daten annotiert. Beide Studentinnen möchten ihre Arbeiten zu ihren Themen
zukünftig weiter vertiefen und eventuell zu Abschlussarbeiten ausbauen.
Petersen (2012) konzentriert sich im Beitrag darauf, welche Adjektive
verwendet werden, welchen Kategorien sich diese zuordnen lassen und ob
geschlechtsspezifische Unterschiede in Wort- oder Kategorienwahl zu erkennen sind. Die Ergebnisse bestätigen im übrigen die Untersuchung von Stolt
und Trost (1976) und zeigen, dass vor allem das Aussehen in Kontaktanzeigen eine wichtige Rolle spielt und erst danach die Charaktereigenschaften
folgen. Außerdem ist eine klare Dominanz der Selbstdarstellung in Kontaktanzeigen zu erkennen. Auch in der Untersuchung von Khattab (2012) werden
Adjektive gesammelt und kategorisiert, hier diejenigen, die Kleidungsstücke
beschreiben. Hierzu gab es unseres Wissens vorher keine Untersuchungen.
Im Modeblogs-Korpus fiel außerdem ein häufiges Auftreten von Diminutiven auf, auch von eher ungewöhnlichen wie Schühchen oder Teilchen. Hierzu
wurde ein Inventar erstellt, das im Beitrag dokumentiert wird. Darüber hinaus
wurde feststellt, dass in Modeblogs vor allem Adjektive mit einer positiven
Bedeutung dominieren. Auch davon wird ein Inventar dokumentiert.
Referenzen Evert, Stefan and Hardie, Andrew (2011). Twenty-first century Corpus
Workbench: Updating a query architecture for the new millennium. In: Proceedings of
the Corpus Linguistics 2011 conference, University of Birmingham, UK. • Khattab;
Raissa (2012). Seminararbeit: Sprachgebrauch des Deutschen und Terminologie in
Modeblogs. SoSe2012: korpuslinguistisches Experimentieren mit authentischen Texten, Frau Dr. K. Bedijs (IüF) und Frau G. Faaß, PhD (IwiSt). • Petersen, Lisa-Marit
(2012). Seminararbeit: Kontaktanzeigen: Was zählt mehr - das Aussehen oder der
Charakter? SoSe2012: korpuslinguistisches Experimentieren mit authentischen Tex-
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ten, Frau Dr. K. Bedijs (IüF) und Frau G. Faaß, PhD (IwiSt). • Stolt, Birgit und Trost,
Jan (1976). Hier bin ich - wo bist Du? Heiratsanzeigen und ihr Echo analysiert aus
sprachlicher und stilistischer Sicht. Kronberg: Scriptor Verlag
Berlin Map Task Corpus (BeMaTaC)
Aufbau eines L1-Vergleichskorpus zur Untersuchung
gesprochener Lernersprache
Linda Giesel, Myriam Klapi, Daisy Krüger, Isabelle Nunberger,
Oxana Rasskazova, and Simon Sauer
Studierende des Masters Linguistik an der HU Berlin
Im Rahmen der linguistischen Forschung und insbesondere der DaF-Lehre
nimmt die Untersuchung von Lernersprache eine zentrale Rolle ein. Viele
Untersuchungen beschäftigen sich jedoch ausschließlich mit geschriebener
Lernersprache, da Ressourcen für gesprochene Sprache sehr rar sind. Das
Hamburg Map Task Corpus (HaMaTaC)[1] ist eines der wenigen frei verfügbaren deutschsprachigen Lernerkorpora gesprochener Sprache. Es besteht
aus Gesprächen, in denen jeweils zwei Deutschlernende eine zielorientierte
Aufgabe erfüllen.
Das von uns aufgebaute BeMaTaC dient als muttersprachliches Vergleichskorpus zu HaMaTaC. Durch ein vergleichbares Korpusdesign wird eine Ressource geschaffen, die für die Spracherwerbsforschung wesentliche kontrastive Analysen ermöglicht, ohne die beispielsweise die Vermeidung von bestimmten Konstruktionen nicht erkennbar ist. Die Aufnahme der Daten erfolgt in einem schallisolierten Phonetiklabor mit zwei unterschiedlich positionierten Aufnahmegeräten. Transkription und Annotation erfolgen in Praat[2],
zugänglich gemacht wird das Korpus über Annis[3].
Im Unterschied zu HaMaTaC wird eine gleichbleibende Formulierung der
Aufgabenstellung gewährleistet, werden neben Audio- auch Videoaufnahmen
gemacht und es wird nicht nur auf Äußerungs- sondern auch auf Wortebene
tokenisiert. Zusätzlich werden jeweils in unterschiedlichen Ebenen Lemmata,
Wortarten, extralinguistische Ereignisse und akustische Pausen annotiert. Die
komplexe Korpusarchitektur von BeMaTaC im Zusammenspiel mit HaMaTaC wird durch diverse Datenbeispiele veranschaulicht, außerdem werden
zukünftige Erweiterungen der Annotationsebenen auf dem Poster systematisch vorgestellt.
Referenzen [1] Schmidt, Thomas; Hedeland, Hanna; Lehmberg, Timm; Wörner, Kai
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(2010): HAMATAC - The Hamburg MapTask Corpus. [http://www.exmaralda.org/files/HAMATAC.pdf] • [2] Boersma, Paul (2010). “Praat, a system for doing phonetics
by computer.” In Glot International 5 (9/10): 341-345. • [3] Zeldes, Amir, Julia Ritz,
Anke Lüdeling, und Christian Chiarcos (2009). “ANNIS: A Search Tool for MultiLayer Annotated Corpora.” In Proceedings of Corpus Linguistics 2009: July 20-23.
Liverpool, UK.
How to program a parser in Dependency
Representation Language (DRL)
Peter Hellwig / U. of Heidelberg
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Dependency Representation Language (DRL) is the formalism of Dependency Unification Grammar (DUG). DUG is a particular formal approach to natural languages. DRL has been designed to cover a broad range of linguistic
phenomena, including complements and adjucts, nucleus and raising, compounds, discontinuous constituents, coordination, ellipsis etc. On the other
hand DRL has been made perspicuous and simple so that grammarians and
lexicographers can easily draw up large data resources.
The NLP System PLAIN (Programs for Language Analysis and Inference) interprets the resources written in DRL and performs the corresponding action, among which is morphological and syntactic analysis. In connection with PLAIN, DRL becomes a high level programming language to be
used by the linguist in order to have the computer analyze input of a particular natural language. This may happen in a teaching environment, for the
purpose of testing the quality of the linguistic description or in real NLP applications.
After many years of development, the PLAIN software is consolidated
and may be distributed to the scientific public for non-commercial use. The
poster and a computer demonstration may arouse the interest of colleagues in
this tool.
References “Dependency Unification Grammar.” In: Dependency and Valeny. An International Handbook of Contemporary Research. Edited by V. Agel, L.M. Eichinger,
H.-W. Eroms, P. Hellwig, H.-J. Heringer, H. Lobin. Volume 1. S. 593-635. Mouton:
2003. • “Parsing with Dependency Grammars.” In: Dependency and Valeny. An International Handbook of Contemporary Research. Edited by V. Agel, L.M. Eichinger,
H.-W. Eroms, P. Hellwig, H.-J. Heringer, H. Lobin. Volume 2. S. 1081-1108. Mouton:
2006.
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Korpusdesign zur Spezifizierung der Stufen des GER
für Deutsch als Fremdsprache
Kornél Kovács / HU Berlin
Der Gemeinsame Europäische Referenzrahmen für Sprachen (kurz: GER)
(Europarat 2001) ist die bedeutendste Satzung auf europäischer Ebene, die
die Grundlagen der Einstufung von Fremdsprachenkenntnissen festlegt. Der
GER beschreibt mithilfe von illustrativen Deskriptoren 6 verschiedene Sprachstufen: A1, A2, B1, B2, C1 und C2.
Die Deskriptoren sind aber aus mehreren Perspektiven mangelhaft: keine
empirische Basis, keine eindeutigen Grenzen zwischen den Stufen, Interpretationsschwierigkeiten des handlungsorientierten Ansatzes, die Deskriptoren
sind unterspezifiziert und nicht sprachenbezogen (vgl. Alderson 2004, Hulstijn 2007). Durch diese Mängel verfügt man beispielsweise über keine Informationen, was für grammatische Strukturen, welche Lexik Deutschlerner
auf verschiedenen Sprachstufen hervorbringen können, bzw. welche Fehler
auf diesen Stufen charakteristisch sind. Um die formale Seite der Lernersprache Deutsch beschreiben zu können, sollte ein entsprechendes Korpus für
Deutsch als Fremdsprache erstellt werden.
Das Poster schlägt ein Design für ein Lernerkorpus vor, mithilfe dessen
die Referenzstufen des GER spezifiziert werden können. Dabei werden verschiedene Aspekte des Korpus erklärt und konkrete Vorschläge zu den Richtlinien gegeben: Methode, Metadaten, Annotation, Fehlertypologie, statistische Analyse usw. Mithilfe von Visualisierungen, die aufgrund eines kleinen
Probekorpus vorbereitet werden, werden illustrative Beispiele einerseits zu
geschriebenen, andererseits zu gesprochenen Daten von Deutschlernern präsentiert.
Die Vorschläge zum deutschsprachigen Lernerkorpus zur Spezifizierung
der Referenzstufen des GER basieren v. a. auf Arbeiten aus den Bereichen
Korpuslinguistik und Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Außerdem werden bereits
existierende Korpora als Quelle herangezogen (z. B. das Cambridge Learner
Corpus).
Das Ziel des Posters ist das Forschungsdesiderat an der Schnittstelle Korpuslinguistik und DaF zu betonen, bzw. die Idee einer korpusbasierten Beschreibung der Stufen des GER für die Lernersprache Deutsch zu etablieren
und verbreiten.
Referenzen Cambridge Learner Corpus: http://www.cambridge.org/gb/elt/catalogue/
subject/custom/item3646603/Cambridge-International-Corpus-Cambridge-Learner-Cor-
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pus/?site_locale=en_GB • Europarat (2001): Gemeinsamer Europäischer Referenzrahmen für Sprachen, deutschsprachige Fassung: http://www.goethe.de/z/50/commeuro/i3.htm • Alderson, J. Charles/Figueras, Neus/Kuijper, Henk/Nold, Guenter/Takala,
Sauli/Tardieu, Claire (2004): The Development of Specifications for Item Development and Classification within The Common European Framework of Reference for
Languages: Learning, Teaching, Assessment. Final Report of the Dutch CEF Construct Project. Working Paper. Lancaster University, Lancaster, UK (Unpublished). •
Hulstijn, Jan H. (2007): The shaky ground beneath the CEFR: quantitative and qualitative dimensions of language proficiency. Modern Language Journal, 91/4. S. 663-667.
Langfristiger Zugang und Nutzung von tief
annotierten Korpora: LAUDATIO
Thomas Krause, Carolin Odebrecht, and Dennis Zielke
HU Berlin
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Ein langfristiger Zugang und eine den Bedürfnissen der historischen Linguistik angepasste Nutzung von korpuslinguistischen, tief annotierten Daten wird mit Hilfe der LAUDATIO-Infrastruktur bereitgestellt. Ein für diese
Zwecke entwickeltes Metadatenmodell, das mit Hilfe eines durch TEI ODD
generiertem Schema5 zur Verfügung gestellt wird, ermöglicht eine detaillierte Dokumentation der Daten und Objekte, inklusive deren Be- und Verarbeitungsschritte der Digitalisierung und Annotation sowie angewendeten überprüfungsverfahren. Diese Informationen sind für eine konkrete Suche in Korpora sowie für die Erzeugung von neuem Datenmaterial in Form von weiteren
Texten oder neuen Annotationen auf bereits bestehenden Daten wichtig. Die
Nutzung, Wiedernutzung und Erweiterung von linguistischen Daten steht dabei im Fokus des Projekts. Das Metadatenmodell schafft Transparenz und
somit eine Nachvollziehbarkeit von Forschungsergebnissen. Es dokumentiert
bewährte Prozesse so, dass sie wieder aufgegriffen und weiterverwendet werden können.
Zur sicheren Speicherung und Verwaltung der Korpora wird ein Forschungsdaten-Repository mit einem Datenspeicher6 (Fedora Commons 3.6) und
einer Darstellungssoftware (Drupal 7) implementiert. Zusätzlich verknüpft
ein Schnittstellen-Framework (Islandora 7.x-1.0) Drupal mit Fedora und organisiert dabei das Rechtemanagement. Mit dieser Softwarelösung soll eine
5 http://www.tei-c.org/Guidelines/Customization/odds.xml
[letzter Zugriff: 25.09.2012]
Lager, Speicher, womit man eine Sammlung elektronischer Objekte verwaltet, speichert und online zur Verfügung stellt: https://u.hu-berlin.de/11325 [letzter Zugriff: 25.09.2012]
6 Depot,
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langfristig gesicherte Speicherung mit verlässlicher und langfristiger Identifizierung der digitalen Objekte über Persistent Identifier (PID) gewährleistet
werden. Zusätzlich will LAUDATIO nicht nur statische Daten lagern, sondern
auch die korpusbasierte Forschungsarbeit mit Hilfe der linguistischen Mehrebenen-Suchmaschine ANNIS (Zeldes et al. 2009) fördern. Die verschiedenen Softwaretechnologien der verwendeten Projekte werden miteinander
durch Webservice-Schnittstellen verbunden7 . So wird es möglich sein, aus
der Repository-Oberfläche heraus Korpora nach ANNIS zu bringen oder ANNIS Suchergebnisse im Repository persistent zu speichern. Zusätzlich wird
das Konvertierungsframework SaltNPepper (Zipser & Romary 2010) ebenfalls per Webservice zugänglich gemacht und erlaubt das Konvertieren von
Korpora im Repository per grafischer Oberfläche. Neue Korpusformate und
-tools können durch neue Konverterplugins in SaltNPepper unterstützt werden, ohne die bestehende Infrastruktur anpassen zu müssen.
Referenzen Zeldes, A., Ritz, J., Lüdeling, A., & Chiarcos, C. (2009). ANNIS: A
search tool for multi-layer annotated corpora. In Proceedings of Corpus Linguistics
2009. Liverpool, UK. • Zipser, F., & Romary, L. (2010). A model oriented approach
to the mapping of annotation formats using standards. In Workshop on Language Resource and Language Technology Standards, LREC 2010. La Valette, Malta.
Meaning, Reference, and Reference Potential: A Sign
Model for Historical Linguistic Purposes Supported by
Distributional Semantic Analyses
Johann-Mattis List / Marburg U.
Anselm Terhalle / Düsseldorf U.
In semantics the polysemy of words is considered as an important indicator
for possible conceptual relations between the different meanings that words
take. Thus, Dutch kop has the meanings ‘head’ and ‘cup’ suggesting that there is some kind of associative relation between the concepts underlying the
meaning change at the origin of this polysemy. However, this relation does
not necessarily lead to polysemy, as the cognates German Kopf ‘head’ and
English cup ‘cup’ show. Although the meaning ‘cup’ enabled speakers to use
the word for instantiations of the concept ‘head’, this did not necessarily lead
to semantic change.
7 Durch
REST (Representational State Transfer) umgesetzt.
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To cover such relations between a word and its referents, we propose an
enhanced sign model which is based on the notion of reference potential:
in traditional sign models (e.g. Löbner, 2002), a word’s meaning determines
the word’s denotation which is the set of instantiations of the concept the
word stands for. The reference potential enhances this set by including also
referents which are not instantiations of the word’s meaning but of concepts
which are associated to the word’s meaning. Thus, the meaning ‘head’ of
German Kopf allows reference to its instantiations (all kinds of human and
animal heads), but also to instantiations of the concepts ‘upper part of’, ‘top’
or ‘chief’ which are related to the word’s meaning ‘head’.
This model is particularly suitable for historical linguistics, because - despite of its formal simplicity compared to other models (e.g. Blank 1997) it explicitly renders the fact that words adopt new meanings which (1) are
conceptually related to the original meanings of the words, and (2) follow a
phase of usualization in which their effect is more referential than semantic.
Thus, our model is not only compatible with semantic change but explicitly
includes semantic change as a natural consequence of the functioning of the
linguistic sign.
As we follow the hypothesis of distributional semantics that a word’s semantics are reflected by the words surrounding it (cf. Lenci, 2008), we present
a quantitative method to support our sign model. The method, along with an
example, is illustrated in Table 1. It starts from one word and (partial) synonyms for each of its meanings (1), for which co-occurrence profiles are constructed (2), which are then used for comparative corpus searches in different
time frames (3 and 4).
1) target, meanings, synonyms
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Kopf
‘head’
Haupt,
Schädel
‘boss’
Chef,
Leiter,
Boss
2)
cooccurrence
profiles
Haar,
erhoben, gekrönt,
kahl, einschlagen, Gehirn,
spalten
neu, Abteilung,
Unternehmen,
Mafia, mächtig
3) corpus-search
1950
4) corpus-search
2000
. . . erhobenen Kopfes . . .
. . . schlugen ihm den
Kopf ein . . .
. . . sein Kopf war
kahl . . .
. . . Kopf der Abteilung . . .
. . . Haar vom Kopf
rasiert . . .
. . . kahler Kopf . . .
. . . kein Gehirn im
Kopf . . .
. . . Kopf der Abteilung . . .
. . . mächtiger Kopf
der Mafia . . .
. . . Kopf des Unternehmens . . .
References Blank, A. (1997): Prinzipien lexikalischen Bedeutungswandels am Beispiel der romantischen Sprachen, Tübingen: Niemeyer. • Lenci, A. (2008), Distribu-
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tional semantics in linguistic and cognitive research. In: From context to meaning:
Distributional models of the lexicon in linguistics and cognitive science, special issue
of the Italian Journal of Linguistics, 20/1, 1-31. • Löbner, S. (2002): Understanding
semantics, London: Arnold Publishers.
BSDA: Ein Entscheidungsbaum-Verfahren zur
Annotation spatialer Bedeutungen von Präpositionen
Antje Müller / Ruhr-U. Bochum
Widmet man sich Präpositionsbedeutungen, so wird schnell klar, dass es zwar
eine Masse an unterschiedlichsten Untersuchungen zu diesem Thema gibt,
aber (zumindest für das Deutsche, für das Englische vgl. Litkowski und Hargraves (2005)) keine hinreichend übersichtliche Zusammenfassung und Darstellung, die es erlauben würde, Bedeutungen von Hand zu annotieren. Die
händische Annotation von Daten ist aber noch immer Voraussetzung für eine
zufriedenstellende automatische Annotation. Wir möchten uns an dieser Stelle im Speziellen mit der Annotation spatialer Bedeutungen von (deutschen)
Präpositionen befassen.
Ein Schema zur händischen Annotation spatialer Präpositionsbedeutungen muss unterschiedliche Voraussetzungen erfüllen. Generell gilt für ein solches Annotationsschema, dass es spezifisch genug sein muss, um notwendige
Bedeutungsunterscheidungen erfassen zu können und dennoch übersichtlich
genug, um einem Linguisten die händische Annotation zu ermöglichen. Ein
Annotationsschema für spatiale Präpositionsbedeutungen sollte zudem nicht
nur die unterschiedlichen Bedeutungen ein und derselben Präposition ((1),
(2)) sondern auch die Zusammenhänge zwischen ähnlichen Bedeutungen unterschiedlicher Präpositionen erfassen können ((3), (4)).
(1)
Emma hängt die Lampe über den Tisch.
(2)
Emma geht über den Markt.
(3)
Emma geht über die Wiese.
(4)
Emma geht durch die Wiese.
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Wir präsentieren mit BSDA (Bochum Spatial Decision-Tree Annotation) ein
Annotationschema im Form eines Entscheidungsbaums, das im Zusammenspiel mit einer Annotationsanleitung diese Voraussetzungen erfüllt (zur Evaluation einer früheren Version, vgl. Müller et al. 2010). Zweige im Klassifikationsbaum entsprechen hierbei Merkmalen, die für die entsprechenden
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Bedeutungen relevant sind (oder eben auch nicht). Hierbei greifen wir sowohl auf Informationen aus Wörterbüchern (Schröder 1986, Duden 2002) als
auch auf Erkenntnisse aus Fachartikeln, wie beispielsweise zum Zusammenhang zwischen statischen und direktionalen Interpretationen (Bennett 1975,
Jackendoff 1990) zurück, um unterschiedliche Bedeutungen voneinander zu
unterscheiden. Zudem hilft uns eine iterative Vorgehensweise, unser Schema
anhand von Korpusdaten zu überprüfen und bei Problemfällen weiter anzupassen. Die Präsentation als Klassifikationsbaum erlaubt zudem, dem Annotator wichtige Unterscheidungskriterien direkt bewusst zu machen und erlaubt eine Anpassung der Granularität der Annotation.
Referenzen Bennett (1975). Spatial and temporal uses of English prepositions. London: Longmans. • Duden (2002). Duden. Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Mannheim: Bibliographisches Institut & F.A. Brockhaus AG. • Jackendoff, R. (1990). Semantic
Structures. Cambridge, MA: MIT-Press. • Litkowski, K.C. und O. Hargraves (2005).
The Preposition Project. In: ACL-SIGSEM Workshop on “The Linguistic Dimensions
of Prepositions and Their Use in Computational Linguistic Formalisms and Applications”, Colchester, United Kingdom. 171-179. • Müller, A., Hülscher, O., Roch, C.,
Keßelmeier, K., Stadtfeld, T., Strunk, J. und T. Kiss (2010). An Annotation Schema
for Preposition Senses in German. In Proceedings of the ACL Linguistic Annotation Workshop (LAW IV). Uppsala, Sweden. • Schröder, J. (1986). Lexikon deutscher
Präpositionen. Leipzig: VEB Verlag Enzyklopädie.
CoreGram
Stefan Müller / FU Berlin
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Im CoreGram-Projekt werden im Rahmen der HPSG computerverarbeitbare
Grammatiken für verschiedene Sprachen entwickelt. Dabei sind die Grammatiken für das Deutsche, Dänische, Persische, Mandarin Chinesische und
Maltesische am weitesten ausgebaut. Außerdem gibt es kleiner Fragmente für
das Jiddische und Französische. Ziel der Arbeiten ist es, die Gemeinsamkeiten von Sprachen bzw. Sprachklassen und entsprechende Generalisierungen
zu erfassen Die Grammatiken verfügen jeweils über eine Morphologie- und
eine Semantikkomponente. Als Repräsentationsformat für die Semantik wird
Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS) benutzt. Unterspezifizierte Skopusbeziehungen können mit dem Skopus-Auflöser von Utool aufgelöst werden, die
unterspezifizierten Strukturen werden mit Utool visualisiert.
Ansatz und Architektur des Systems sollen während der Präsentation besprochen und die Grammatiken vorgeführt werden.
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Referenzen Müller, Stefan. 2008. Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar: Eine Einführung. Stauffenburg Einführungen, No. 17, Tübingen: Stauffenburg Verlag, second
edition. http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/˜stefan/Pub/hpsg-lehrbuch.html, 07.10.2012. • Müller, Stefan. 2009a. A Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar for Maltese. In Bernard
Comrie, Ray Fabri, Beth Hume, Manwel Mifsud, Thomas Stolz and Martine Vanhove
(eds.), Introducing Maltese Linguistics. Papers from the 1st International Conference
on Maltese Linguistics (Bremen/Germany, 18-20 October, 2007), Studies in Language Companion Series, No. 113, pages 83-112, Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John
Benjamins Publishing Co. http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/˜stefan/Pub/maltese-sketch. html,
07.10.2012. • Müller, Stefan and Lipenkova, Janna. 2009. Serial Verb Constructions in Chinese: An HPSG Account. In Stefan Müller (ed.), Proceedings of the 16th
International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, University of
Go?ttingen, Germany, pages 234-254, Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. http://hpsg.fuberlin.de/˜stefan/Pub/chinese-svc.html, 07.10.2012. • Müller, Stefan and Ørsnes, Bjarne. 2011. Positional Expletives in Danish, German, and Yiddish. In Stefan Müller
(ed.), Proceedings of the 18th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, University of Washington, U.S.A., pages 167-187, Stanford, CA: CSLI
Publications. http:// hpsg.fu-berlin.de/˜stefan/Pub/expletives.html, 07.10.2012. • Müller, Stefan and Ørsnes, Bjarne. To appear. Danish in Head-Driven Phrase Structure
Grammar. Ms, Freie Universität Berlin. http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/˜stefan/Pub/danish.html,
07.10.2012. • Müller, Stefan, Samvelian, Pollet and Bonami, Olivier. In Preparation.
Persian in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. http://hpsg.
fu-berlin.de/˜stefan/Pub/persian.html, 07.10.2012.
Inkrementelle und zustandsbasierte Verarbeitung in
einem hybriden Sprachdialogsystem
Maike Paetzel, Philipp Schlesinger, Mircea Pricop, Radu
Comaneci, Timo Baumann, Wolfgang Menzel
U. Hamburg
Sprachdialogsysteme sind Computersysteme, die gesprochene Sprache für
die Mensch-ComputerInteraktion nutzen. Ein Hauptproblem der Systeme ist
ihre oft mangelhafte Natürlichkeit. Die inkrementelle (schritthaltende) Verarbeitung gesprochener Sprache ermöglicht es Dialogsysteme natürlicher und
intuitiver zu gestalten [1]. Systemreaktionen können früher erfolgen und Nutzerreaktionen lassen sich rasch in die laufende Verarbeitung integrieren. Da
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die inkrementelle Verarbeitung eine Neugestaltung der Systemarchitektur erfordert, stehen vollständige inkrementelle Dialogsysteme für Anwendungen
mittlerer Komplexität noch aus. Wir präsentieren einen Hybridansatz, in dem
ein traditionelles, zustandsbasiertes Dialogsystem den Rahmen des Dialogablaufs absteckt und einzelne, gut herauslösbare Teilaufgaben mithilfe eines inkrementellen Subsystems gelöst werden. Der Übergang der Kontrolle zwischen den Systemen erfolgt dabei ohne jeglichen Bruch und in einer für den
Nutzer transparenten Weise.
Das Anwendungsszenario ist ein geometrisches Puzzlespiel. Die Interaktion lässt sich gut durch abwechselnde Teileauswahl und -positionierung
modellieren. Die Identifikation eines Puzzleteils ist durch die Interpretation von referierenden Ausdrücken, Nachfragen nach bestimmten Merkmalen
des Teils, oder notfalls durch Ausprobieren gut lösbar („Meinten Sie dieses
Teil?“). Ein vordefinierter Unterdialog zur Zielauswahl ist hingegen für die
Positionierung der Teile ungünstig, weil für jedes zu legende Muster eine
Vielzahl von Positionen und damit Ausdrücken möglich ist - sowohl für die
Beschreibung durch den Nutzer als auch für Nachfragen durch das System.
Wir wählen deshalb eine inkrementelle, proaktive Strategie: Das System initiiert die Bewegung des Puzzleteils, wodurch der Nutzer veranlasst wird diese zu steuern anstatt eine problematische Beschreibung der Zielposition zu
liefern. Durch diese Gestaltung nach dem Affordance-Prinzip [4] sind die
zu erwartenden Nutzeräußerungen und ihr Vokabular deutlich eingeschränkt.
Durch die inkrementelle Verarbeitung haben die Befehle eine unmittelbare
Wirkung, was ersten Untersuchungen nach zu einem sehr natürlichen Systemverhalten führt.
Dieses hybride Verfahren ist immer dann geeignet, wenn bereits die Inkrementalisierung nur eines kleinen, eng umrissenen Unterdialogs eine spürbare
Verbesserung der Benutzbarkeit erwarten lässt, während der übrige Dialog
auf traditionelle Weise modelliert werden kann.
Referenzen [1]: Aist, G., Allen, J., Gallo, C., Stoness, S., Swift, M. & Tanenhaus, M.:
“Incremental dialogue system faster than and preferred to its nonincremental counterpart,” in Proceedings of the 29th Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society,
2007, Nashville, USA. • [2]: Bobbert, D. & Wolska, M.: “Dialog OS: an extensible
platform for teaching spoken dialogue systems,” in: Proceedings of Decalog 2007,
Trento, Italy. • [3]: Baumann, T. & Schlangen, D.: “The InproTK 2012 release: a
toolkit for incremental spoken dialogue processing,” in: Proceedings of the SDCTD
Workshop, 2012, Montréal, Canada. • [4]: Jenkins, H.: “Gibson’s Affordances: Evolution of a Pivotal Concept,” in: Journal of Scientific Psychology 3, pp. 34-45, 2008.
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Korpora mit dem Treebank.info-Projekt syntaktisch
parsen und abfragen
Thomas Proisl and Peter Uhrig / FAU Erlangen-Nürnberg
Das Erlanger Treebank.info-Projekt hat es sich zum Ziel gesetzt, automatisch
dependenz-annotierte Korpora auch für computerlinguistische Laien nutzbar
zu machen. Zu diesem Zweck wurden ein hochskalierbarer Parsing-Dienst
sowie ein Backend für die effiziente Beantwortung von Abfragen über ein intuitives grafisches Web-Interface verfügbar gemacht. Die Parsing-Infrastuktur
kann durch die Verwendung einer leistungsstarken Dokumenten-Datenbank
(MongoDB) in Verbindung mit asynchroner Kommunikation per Messaging
Middleware (HornetQ) und der Nutzung verschiedener High-PerformanceComputing-Systeme im Erlanger Rechenzentrum mit über 1000 CPU-Kernen
parallel parsen, so dass auch große Datenmengen selbst mit vergleichsweise langsamen Parsern in wenigen Stunden verarbeitet werden können. Dabei
ist für die plattformunabhängigen Parsing-Clients kein Installationsaufwand
nötig, so dass z.B. auch ein nicht ausgelasteter Computerraum in der vorlesungsfreien Zeit zum Parsen verwendet werden könnte.
Zur effizienten Abfrage von Dependenzstrukturen wurde eine Lösung namens CWB-treebank (Proisl/Uhrig 2012) auf Basis der IMS Open Corpus
Workbench (Christ 1994; Christ/Schulze 1995) implementiert, die viele komplexe Anfragen in einer für ein Web-Interface angemessenen Geschwindigkeit beantworten kann. Darüber hinaus besteht die Möglichkeit, sich Kollokationen auf Basis von beliebig definierbaren Gruppen von Dependenzrelationen vorberechnen zu lassen, die dann verzögerungsfrei angezeigt werden
können (detaillierter beschrieben und evaluiert in Uhrig/Proisl (im Erscheinen, 2012)).
Die Präsentation in der Postersession der Sektion Computerlinguistik verfolgt zwei Ziele. Einerseits soll die Architektur des Systems den computerlinguistischen Kollegen vorgestellt werden, andererseits soll eine Softwaredemonstration dazu dienen, theoretischen und angewandten Sprachwissenschaftlern zu demonstrieren, wie sie eigene Korpora hochladen und parsen
lassen können, um diese dann per Web-Browser abzufragen.
Referenzen Christ, Oliver (1994): “A modular and flexible architecture for an integrated corpus query system.” In: Proceedings of COMPLEX’94: 3rd Conference on
Computational Lexicography and Text Research. Budapest, 23-32. • Christ, Oliver,
Bruno M. Schulze (1995): “Ein flexibles und modulares Anfragesystem für Textcorpora.” In: Tagungsberichte des Arbeitstreffens Lexikon + Text. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
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• Proisl, Thomas, Peter Uhrig (2012): “Efficient Dependency Graph Matching with
the IMS Open Corpus Workbench.” In: Nicoletta Calzolari, Khalid Choukri, Thierry
Declerck, Mehmet Uğur Doğan, Bente Maegaard, Joseph Mariani, Jan Odijk, Stelios
Piperidis (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference on Language
Resources and Evaluation (LREC’12). Istanbul: European Language Resources Association (ELRA), 2750-2756. • Uhrig, Peter, Thomas Proisl (im Erscheinen, 2012):
“Less hay, more needles - using dependency-annotated corpora to provide lexicographers with more accurate lists of collocation candidates.” In: Lexicographica 28.
Evaluation of Automatic Term Alignment
Anita Ramm and Ulrich Heid / U. Stuttgart
There are numerous approaches for the identification (i.e. alignment) of equivalent domain-specific terms across languages (e.g. (DE) Strom ↔ (EN) electricity). Typically, the alignment provides a list of ordered target language
terms for each source language term. In the literature, the performance of the
alignment is measured in many different ways which makes a comparison of
the approaches quite difficult (Laroche and Langlais, 2010). Usually, the evaluation makes use of a gold standard, i.e. manually established list of term
equivalences which is then compared with the output of the alignment tools.
In the project TTC (Terminology extraction, Translation tools and Comparable corpora8 ), we developed and tested different alignment methods using
a common set of comparable corpora for the computation of the alignment, as
well as a gold standard. The performance of the alignment tools was tested on
several different language pairs. Even such a controlled evaluation has proven
not to be unproblematic:
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1. The corpora used for the alignment have to match the gold standard:
the terms in the gold standard must all occur in the corpora used by the
tools under evaluation. Otherwise, terms from the gold standard cannot be aligned, which will affect the evaluation result. Some alignment
approaches or tools require a minimal frequency of the terms: this fact
should be reflected in the gold standard data and used corpora.
2. Some alignment approaches align only a specific type of terms (e.g.
context-based alignment aligns only single-word terms with each other),
which means that other equivalence types (e.g. single-word ↔ multiword: (DE) Windenergie ↔ (EN) wind energy) have to be ignored in
the evaluation of these specific approaches.
8 http://www.ttc-project.eu,
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FP7/2007-2013, grant agreement nr. 248005
3. Typically, entries in the gold standard are lemmatized. However, different tokenization and lemmatization tools may process data in different
ways, so that the data in the gold standard do not readily fit the corpus
and/or the tool output. In such cases, manual adjustment of the gold
standard is required in order to ensure that all source language terms
from the gold standard can be aligned, and subsequently correctly identified in the alignment output.
4. The size of the gold standard has a big impact on the resulting evaluation scores: small lists may lead to artificially high scores which can be
misleading, since each correctly aligned test term contributes massively to the final evaluation score (e.g. 1 in 20 equals 5%). Such scores are
hardly comparable with scores computed on bigger data sets.
5. Evaluation metrics express different capabilities of an alignment tool:
low/high number of aligned terms, number of correctly aligned terms,
quality of ranking of the alignment candidates, etc.
In this poster, we show the evaluation setup we used to evaluate the alignment
approaches developed in the project. We will describe problems which we faced during the evaluation and discuss a new evaluation protocol which copes
with these problems.
References Laroche, A. and Langlais, P. (2010). Revisiting context-based projection methods for term translation spotting in comparable corpora. In Proceedings of
COLING 2010.
Extraktion von opinion-sources und targets mit Hilfe
semantischer Rollen
Josef Ruppenhofer and Jasper Brandes / U. Hildesheim
In der feinkörnigen Sentimentanalyse ist eine der zentralen Aufgaben das
Auffinden der mit subjektiven Ausdrücken assoziierten Meinungsträger (SOUR CES ) und -gegenstände ( TARGETS ). So sollten in Beispiel (1) relativ zu dem
Ausdruck stupid die NP Sam als Referenz auf den Meinungsträger und die
NP them als Meinungsgegenstand identifiziert werden.
(1)
[Sam SOURCE] considers [them TARGET] stupid.
Wie von (Ruppenhofer et al. 2008) und (Ruppenhofer & Rehbein 2012) dargelegt, besteht ein enger Zusammenhang zwischen semantischen Rollen und
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den oft eher pragmatisch verstandenen ‚opinion‘-Rollen SOURCES und TAR GET . Dieser wird aber sowohl bei der Annotation von Evaluationsdaten wie
im Fall des MPQA-Korpus (Wiebe et al. 2005) als auch bei der automatischen Extraktion der SOURCE und TARGET-Entitäten (z.B. Wiegand & Klakow 2012) außer Acht gelassen, im einen Fall aus theoretischen Gründen —
das MPQA ist pragmatisch fokussiert —, im anderen aus praktischen Gründen — automatische semantische Rollenzuweisung gilt als noch nicht robust
genug.
Auf unserem Poster berichten wir über ein Projekt, das erstmals darauf
abzielt, empirisch auf einer größeren Datenmenge zu ermitteln, inwieweit eine Extraktion von SOURCES und TARGETS über die Abbildung dieser opinion-Rollen auf semantische Rollen möglich ist. Dazu haben wir das MPQAKorpus, ein Standard-Sentiment-Korpus für das Englische, in einem ersten
Schritt automatisch mit frame-semantischen Rollen vorannotiert (Chen et al.
2010), welche wir dann in einem zweiten Schritt von Hand korrigieren. Wir
evaluieren die Qualität der frame-semantischen Annotation durch die Messung des Interrater-Agreements zwischen den Annotatoren.
Im dritten Schritt erzeugen wir durch die Abbildung von opinion-Rollen
auf die semantischen Rollen automatisch eine alternative Sentiment-Annotation des MPQA-Korpus, die wir mit der ursprünglichen, rein pragmatisch
orientierten Annotation, die Syntax und lexikalische Semantik außer Acht
lässt, vergleichen können. Wir zeigen, in welcher Hinsicht sich die beiden
Versionen des Korpus ähneln und unterscheiden, und diskutieren damit zusammenhängende substantielle theoretische Unterschiede zwischen den beiden Ansätzen zur Sentiment-Analyse.
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Referenzen Chen, D., Schneider, N., Das, D. und Smith, N.A. 2010. SEMAFOR:
Frame argument resolution with log-linear models. Proceedings of the 5th International Workshop on Semantic Evaluation. 264-267. • Ruppenhofer, J. und Rehbein,
I. 2012. Semantic frames as an anchor representation for sentiment analysis. Proceedings of WASSA 2012. 104-109. • Ruppenhofer, J., Somasundaran, S. und Wiebe, J.
Finding the sources and targets of subjective expressions. Proceedings of LREC 2008.
2781-2788. • Wiebe, J. , Wilson, T. und Cardie, C. 2005. Annotating expressions of
opinions and emotions in language. Language Resources and Evaluation, 39 (2), 165210. • Wiegand, M. und Klakow, D. 2012. Generalization methods for in-domain and
cross-domain opinion holder extraction. Proceedings of EACL. 325-335.
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Deutsche Twitter-Daten - Korpuserstellung und
Analyse
Tatjana Scheffler / U. Potsdam
Soziale Medien wie Twitter bieten neue Datenquellen für linguistische Analysen. Erste Arbeiten existieren zur Verarbeitung von Twitterdaten und deren sprachwissenschaftlicher Betrachtung (siehe zum Beispiel NAACL-HLT
2010). Die vorhandenen Studien beziehen sich allerdings fast ausschließlich
auf englische Daten: Diese sind zahlreicher, leichter zu erhalten, und oft auch
leichter zu analysieren. Zahlreiche Tools, z.B. ein dezidierter Twitter-Tagger
(CMU 2012) existieren schon für die Verarbeitung von englischsprachigen
Social Media-Daten.
Das Poster zeigt, welche Möglichkeiten für die Sprachwissenschaft und
Computerlinguistik zur Betrachtung von deutschen Twitter-Daten bestehen.
Rechtliche Bestimmungen in der Twitter-API (Twitter 2012) schließen die
Verbreitung von Korpora aus. Die Erzeugung und Verbreitung eines Goldstandard-Twitterkorpus ist daher nur über eine Liste von Tweet-IDs möglich.
über entsprechende Tools können dann diese Tweets über einen langen Zeitraum wieder abgerufen werden. Stattdessen können Twitterdaten in Echtzeit
durch überwachung des Streams aufgezeichnet werden.
Das Poster stellt einen Satz von Skripten vor, die dies ermöglichen. Es
wird gezeigt, dass diese Skripte fast die gesamten deutschsprachigen Tweets
mit ca. 95% Recall und 95% Precision abgreifen. Damit werden die Twittereigenen Anfragemethoden bei weitem übertroffen. Ein Zugriff über Geolokation (Tweets aus Deutschland) z.B. liefert hauptsächlich nicht-deutsche
Tweets und verliert Tweets ohne Orts-Annotation. Die Twitter-eigene Sprachklassifikation ist mit Precision um die 40% und Recall ca. 62% weitaus schlechter als andere Alternativen. In der präsentierten Arbeit wurde der TwitterStream mit einer deutschen Funktionswortliste gefiltert und unterschiedliche
Sprachklassifikationstools wurden auf ihre Anwendbarkeit auf Twitterdaten
getestet. Zusätzlich werden Anpassungsmöglichkeiten der Skripte und wichtige Nachbearbeitungsschritte demonstriert.
Das Poster bietet außerdem erste Einblicke in den deutschsprachigen Teil
von Twitter. Die Twitterdaten decken verschiedene Themen und Bereiche des
modernen Lebens ab und bieten viele zusätzliche Arten von Verknüpfungen
und Metadaten. So schreiben deutsche Twitterer nachts hauptsächlich über
Schlaf, Träumen, und nächtliche Fernsehsendungen, während die Themen am
Tag vielfältiger sind.
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Ebenfalls werden Verarbeitungsmöglichkeiten für die deutschen Twitterdaten vorgestellt, mit einem Fokus auf Vorverarbeitungsschritten, welche aufgrund der Zusammensetzung der Daten besonders wichtig sind: Säuberung;
Erkennung von Smileys, URLs, usw; Tokenisierung und POS-Tagging. Ansätze zur Erkennung von wichtigen Termen, Themenklassifizierung und Trenderkennung werden diskutiert.
Referenzen CMU, 2012. Twitter NLP and POS Tagging. http://www.ark.cs.cmu.edu/
TweetNLP/ • NAACL HLT, 2010. Proceedings of the Workshop on Computational
Linguistics in a World of Social Media. Twitter, 2012, API, https://dev.twitter.com/
start
MODOMA: A laboratory approach to language
acquisition
David Shakouri / Leiden U.
CL
MODOMA is an acronym for moeder-dochter-machine (Dutch for: ‘motherdaughter-machine’) and refers to a computer program that is being developed
as part of an NWO (Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research)-funded
PhD-project at Leiden University. This project investigates first language acquisition as a result of mother-child interaction. Thus, the model consists of
a mother- and a daughter-entity that interact. The adult language model, the
mother entity, is based on an existing parser and generator of Dutch, Delilah, while the properties of the daughter component are being investigated.
Thus, we hope to gain further insights into language acquisition, theoretical
linguistic concepts and diachronic language change.
Crucially, many aspects of the system are parameterized. For example,
what will happen if the daughter entity is not inputted with feedback by the
mother or if it stores sentences instead of lexemes? Similarly such a system
implements theoretical linguistic concepts that are represented by parameters.
In this way, it sheds light on characteristics of a language acquisition process.
A MODOMA is a laboratory-approach as it abstracts away from pragmatic
knowledge: children acquire knowledge about relationships in the world and
in language. Conversely, a MODOMA only sets out to learn grammatical relations. An important research question addresses to what extent language
acquisition is possible without pragmatics. From a diachronic perspective, a
mother and daughter represent one generation. An advantage of a computer
program is that it can be straightforwardly repeated many times. In this way,
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our results can be compared to those by diachronic studies.
References Bloom, P. (2000). How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, Learning,
Development, and Conceptual Change, Cambridge, Massachusetts/London: The MIT
Press. • Cremers, C.L.J.M. (2004). ’n Betekenis berekend, Nederlands Taalkunde, 7,
p. 375-295. • Cremers, C.L.J.M. and P.M. Hijzelendoorn (2007). Delilah does Dutch,
online demo version. Retrieved Oktober 5, 2012, from www.delilah.eu. • Cremers,
C.L.J.M and H.G.B. Reckman (2008). Exploiting Logical Forms. In: Suzan Verberne, Hans van Halteren and Peter-Arno Koppen (eds.). Computational Linguistics in
the Netherlands 2007, Selected Papers from the Eighteenth CLIN Meeting, LOT Occasional Series 11, Utrecht: LOT, pp. 5-20. • Daelemans, W. and A. van den Bosch
(2005). Memory-Based Language Processing, Studies in Natural Language Processing, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • Oudega, M. and M. Schulpen (2009).
Een moeder-dochtermodel, Opzet tot een computationeel model voor taalverwerving,
BA-thesis, Leiden: Department of Linguistics, Leiden University. • Shakouri, D.P.
(2008). What’s the case?, On the extraction of rules from a corpus of exemplars,
MPhil-thesis, Leiden: LUCL.
Magnitude Estimation als Methode zur Erhebung von
Akzeptabilitätsurteilen
Garrett Smith, Daisy Krüger, Siri Gjersøe / HU Berlin
Ursprünglich wurde Magnitude Estimation für psychophysikalische Tests entwickelt. In der Linguistik wird Magnitude Estimation u.a. als Verfahren zur
Erhebung von Akzeptabilitätsurteilen genutzt. Dabei bewerten Probanden Sätze auf einer selbst gewählten Skala. Zuerst bewerten sie einen sogenannten
Modulussatz, anhand dessen sie im Folgenenden die restlichen Stimuli beurteilen sollen. Bard et al. (1996) nennen zwei Vorteile dieser Methode bei der
Erhebung von Akzeptabilitätsurteilen: die Probanden können prinzipiell so
feine Abstufungen angeben, wie sie kognitiv unterscheiden können, und die
dafür verwendete Intervalskala erlaubt einen direkten Vergleich der Akzeptabilitätsurteile untereinander. Angesichts unserer experimentellen Ergebnisse
vermuten wir jedoch, dass Magnitutde Estimation eine zu mächtige Methode
ist, um das Phänomen Akzeptabilität zu erfassen.
In unserem Experiment untersuchten wir die Akzeptabilität komplexer
Präpositionalphrasen im Mittel- und Nachfeld deutscher Sätze. Die Probanden haben den durch Magnitude Estimation gegeben Spielraum in ihrer Bewertung jedoch unterschiedlich stark genutzt. Anstatt der erwarteten fein ab371
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gestuften Akzeptabilitätsunterschiede, weisen die normalisierten Daten eine
Verteilung auf, die als bimodal interpretiert werden kann. Das deuten wir als
Hinweis darauf, dass die Versuchspersonen sich tendenziell zwischen akzeptabel und nicht akzeptabel entschieden haben. In diesem Fall würden sie die
Aufgabenstellung unserer Untersuchung als Nominalskala konzeptionalisieren und nicht als Verhältnisskala, was die Möglichkeiten von Magnitude Estimation keinesfalls ausschöpft. Darüber hinaus ist es im Gegensatz zu psychophysikalischen Experimenten nicht möglich, die erhobenen Urteile der
Probanden durch direkte Messung des zu beurteilenden Stimulus wie z.B.
die Helligkeit eines optischen Reizes, miteinander zu vergleichen. Es gibt
bezüglich Akzeptabilität keine objektiv messbaren Absolutwerte, mit denen
wir unsere erhobenen Akzeptabilitätsurteile vergleichen könnten. Ein weiterer Unterschied ist, dass, obwohl wir unseren Probanden, wie in psychophysikalischen Experimenten auch, einen Modulus zur Verfügung gestellt haben,
sie nicht über eine ebenso differenzierte Intutition über Intervalle oder Verhältnisse bezüglich Akzeptabilitätsurteilen zu verfügen scheinen.
Das Poster illustriert unseren Versuchsaufbau sowie die statistische Auswertung unserer Ergebnisse. Ziel des Posters ist anhand unseres Experiments
aufzuzeigen, inwiefern Magnitude Estimation ein zu mächtiges Mittel ist, um
Akzeptabilitätsurteile zu erheben.
Referenzen Bard, E. G., D. Robertson, und A. Sorace (1996). Magnitude Estimation
of Linguistic Acceptability. Language, Vol. 72, No. 1, 32-68. • Behaghel, O. (1909).
Beziehungen zwischen Umfang und Reihenfolge von Satzgliedern. In: Indogermanische Forschungen 25, 110-142.
Domain-Specific Automated Style Checking for
Legislative Texts
Kyoko Sugisaki and Stefan Höfler / U. of Zurich
CL
We present an ongoing project whose aim is to develop a tool for automatically detecting violations of domain-specific style rules in drafts of legislative
texts - a domain that is largely out of reach for state-of-the-art automated style
checking tools. We focus on identifying violations of existing style guidelines for German-language legislative drafting in Switzerland. The project is a
collaboration with the Swiss Federal Chancellery.
Adopting the methods employed in automated style checkers for technical writing (Geldbach 2009), our tool performs two main processing tasks. In
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a first, pre-processing step, the input text is tokenized, segmented into division units, morphologically analyzed, and parsed. In a second step, our tool
applies a number of pre-defined detection rules that model potential styleguide violations and searches the pre-processed text for the combinations of
linguistic features that these rules specify (cf. Höfler & Sugisaki 2011).
In our poster, we will discuss two challenges to extracting computertractable style rules from legislative drafting guidelines, and we will outline
an empirical, corpus-based approach we have taken to address them. The first
challenge arises from the fact that the rules defined in legislative drafting guidelines are often relatively abstract and can thus not be transferred directly
into operationalisable style checking strategies. A second challenge is that legislative drafting guidelines frequently do not constitute absolute constraints
but rather have the status of general writing principles and rules of thumb.
They can therefore come to conflict with each other, and which rule is ultimately applied in a concrete situation often depends on the specific linguistic
context.
To overcome these challenges, we have been conducting corpus-based
analyses on a large collection of Swiss legislative texts (cf. Höfler Piotrowski
2001) and inferring more fine-grained rules with context-dependent weights
that can be operationalised and incorporated into our tool. We focus, in particular, on variations of syntactic structures peculiar to the domain of legislative
writing. To make the required analyses possible, we have devised methods to
automatically annotate our corpus with part-of-speech tags, morphological
structure, and specific syntactic information such as topological fields and
grammatical functions, along with domain-specific meta-data.
Our work shows that it is in fact possible to adapt the methods of automated style checking, which have so far mostly been applied in the domain of
technical writing, to meet the requirements of legislative drafting and editing
if empirical, corpus-based research into the linguistic peculiarities of that domain is carried out beforehand and integrated into the tool.
References Geldbach, Stefanie. (2009). Neue Werkzeuge zur Autorenunterstützung.
MDü, 4:10-19. • Höfler, Stefan, and Michael Piotrowski. (2011). Building Corpora for
the Philological Study of Swiss Legal Texts. Journal for Language Technology and
Computational Linguistics (JLCL), 26(2):77-89. • Höfler, Stefan, and Kyoko Sugisaki. (2011). From Drafting Guideline to Error Detection: Automating Style Checking
for Legislative Texts. In: Proceedings of the EACL 2012 Workshop on Computational
Linguistics and Writing. Avignon, 9-18.
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UdS ALLEGRO: Computational Linguistics in Support
of Language Learning
Magdalena Wolska, Andrea Horbach, Diana Steffen, Manfred
Pinkal / U. des Saarlandes
CL
We present the Universität des Saarlandes (UdS) contribution to the ALLEGRO project. ALLEGRO [1] is a collaborative research project carried out at
four German and French research institutes of the border region - UdS Saarbrücken, German Institute for Artificial Intelligence (DFKI), INRIA Nancy,
and Supélec Metz - whose goal is to develop interactive and adaptive language learning tools for German and French which benefit from natural language
processing techniques.
The focus of the UdS ALLEGRO group has been on processing free-form
meaning-oriented activities - interactive dialogues and short-answer comprehension questions - for German. As part of the project we have developed an
extensible environment for authoring and executing dialogues based on a dedicated dialogue scripting language inspired by JavaScript and Perl [5]. The
environment allows a programmer to quickly prototype a dialogue activity by
integrating basic components of a dialogue system: a dialogue model (scriptbased), an interpretation and generation grammar (both in the JSGF format
[2], one of the standard formats for speech recognition), a domain model for
simple dialogue scenarios, and an input-output interface (currently supporting
type-written dialogues). Diagnosis of learners’ grammatical errors is performed using JSGF’s tags which are exploited to represent syntactic information.
The ultimate goal is to provide support for authoring communicative foreign
language learning activities, be it purely meaning-oriented or form-oriented
such as those presented in [6]. The poster will show an example dialogue
scenario developed using the environment.
Complementary to the above-mentioned work, we are developing techniques for interactive assessment of short-answer questions, such as those
found in reading or listening comprehension activities in foreign language
learning. By interactive assessment we mean human grading supported by an
automated item selection procedure whose purpose is to aid the assessment
process, for instance, by reducing the number of instances which require human grading, thus reducing the human time on task. In the second part of the
presentation we show the results of experiments in using active-learning (see
[4] for a survey) to score reading comprehension questions based on the data
set used in [3].
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References [1] http://www.allegro-project.eu; ALLEGRO has been funded through
the INTERREG IV A programme (Project No.: 67 SMLW 11137) • [2] http://www.
w3.org/TR/jsgf/ • [3] Bailey, S., Meurers, D. (2008) Diagnosing meaning errors in
short answers to reading comprehension questions, In Proceedings of the 3rd Workshop on Innovative Use of NLP for Building Educational Applications (BEA-08) Columbus, Ohio, pp. 107-115. • [4] Settles, B. (2009) Active Learning Literature Survey.
Computer Sciences Technical Report 1648, University of Wisconsin-Madison. • [5]
Wolska M., Horbach, A., Gerstenberger C., Steffen D., Pinkal M. (2012) “Towards
Communicative CALL: Specifying Dialogue-based Activities” in Proceedings of the
5th International Conference on ICT for Language Learning (To Appear). • [6] Wolska M., Wilske, S. (2011) Assessing the Effect of Type-written Form-focused Dialogues on Spoken Language Fluency, Proceedings of the ISCA Workshop “Speech and
Language Technology in Education” (SLaTE-11)
Focus Annotation for Short Answer Evaluation
Ramon Ziai and Detmar Meurers / U. Tübingen
Automatic evaluation of short answers to questions has become more popular
in recent computational linguistic work, see e.g. Dzikovska, Nielsen, & Brew
(2012). In such settings, the task is to decide whether a given response correctly answers the question or not. Responses frequently repeat words given
in the question, which is a problem for alignment-based approaches trying
to map an answer to a pre-defined target answer, because such repeated, or
given, material does not contribute new information with respect to the question. The basic solution we applied in our work so far (see, e.g., Meurers,
Ziai, Ott, & Kopp, 2011) is to exclude previously mentioned words from the
alignment process. However, this does not capture the fact that there can also
be new material in the response which is irrelevant to the question, as shown
by example (1) below:
(1)
Q: An was denken viele Menschen, wenn sie von Weißrussland
hören?
‘What do many people think of when they hear about Belarus?’
TA: Sie denken an die Tschernobyl-Katastrophe von 1986.
‘They think of the Chernobyl disaster of 1986.’
LA: Ausländer denken bei Weißrussland weniger an Urlaub, sondern eher an die Tschernobyl-Katastrophe von 1986. Damals explodierten in der Sowjetunion Teile eines Atomkraftwerks und
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wurden einige Regionen Weißrusslands von der radioaktiven Strahlung verseucht.
‘Foreigners thinking about Belarus think less of vacation but rather of
the Chernobyl disaster of 1986. Back then, parts of a nuclear plant exploded and some areas of Belarus were polluted by the radioactivity.’
Here, bold words represent given material that is repeated in the target answer
(TA) and the learner answer (LA). While the TA is concise and answers the
question quite minimally, the LA contains unnecessary background material.
We conclude from such examples and related issues arising with alternative questions that it is not the new (non-given), but rather the focused material (shown in italics above) that is of primary relevance to a short answer
assessment approach. As a way of making the notion of focus from formal
pragmatics (Krifka, 2008) explicit, we explore its annotation in real data.
In this contribution, we discuss work on focus annotation in authentic
reading comprehension data, building on the syntax of responses and the answer types of questions. We present the annotation criteria used and the interannotator agreement obtained.
Our long-term goal is to develop an automatic focus identification component which is able to partition answers into focus and background, given
an explicit question.
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References Dzikovska, M. O., Nielsen, R. D., & Brew, C. (2012). Towards Effective
Tutorial Feedback for Explanation Questions: A Dataset and Baselines. Proceedings
of NAACL-HLT 2012. • Krifka, M. (2008). Basic Notions of Information Structure.
Acta Linguistica Hungarica 55. • Meurers, D., Ziai, R., Ott, N., & Kopp, J. (2011).
Evaluating Answers to Reading Comprehension Questions in Context: Results for
German and the Role of Information Structure. Proceedings of the TextInfer 2011
Workshop on Textual Entailment.
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Tutorium der Sektion Computerlinguistik
Einführung in die Statistik für Linguisten mit dem Softwarepaket R
Dienstag, 12.3., 10:00–18:00 Uhr (Sprache des Workshops wird Deutsch sein.)
Die Sektion Computerlinguistik der DGfS bietet seit der Jahrestagung 2010
Tutorien an, die eine Einführung in ein computerlinguistisches Thema bieten,
ohne besondere Vorkenntnisse zu erfordern, und deren Ziel es ist, ausgewählte computerlinguistische Methoden und Ressourcen bekannt zu machen und
ihre Einsatzmöglichkeiten für die linguistische Forschung anhand geeigneter
Beispiele zu illustrieren.
Dieses Jahr wird wieder ein Statistiktutorium für interessierte Linguisten ohne Vorkenntnisse angeboten, in dem konkrete Aufgabenstellungen mit dem
frei verfügbaren Softwarepaket „R“ bearbeitet werden. Auf Anregung der
letztjährigen Teilnehmer findet die Veranstaltung in Potsdam in ganztägiger
Form statt.
Statistische Ansätze spielen in allen linguistischen Disziplinen eine zunehmend wichtige Rolle bei der Auswertung empirischer Daten. Dabei fällt der
Einstieg in die Anwendung sowie in das Verständnis solcher Verfahren oft
schwer. Ziel des Tutoriums ist es daher, grundlegende statistische Verfahren
mit einfachen linguistischen Beispielen auf Einstiegsniveau zu erklären und
umzusetzen.
Im Rahmen des Tutoriums wird u.a. gezeigt, wie Unterschiede zwischen Frequenzdaten aus Korpusressourcen unterschiedlicher Größe auf Signifikanz
getestet werden können (Fallbeispiele: Benutzen Deutschlerner Reflexivverben genauso oft wie Muttersprachler? Verhalten sich Lerner mit unterschiedlichen Muttersprachen gleich?) und wie ein Zusammenhang zwischen kategorialen Merkmalen wie Informationsstruktur und Wortstellung in experimentellen Daten nachgewiesen werden kann (Fallbeispiel: Stellung im topologi377
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Haus 1, Raum 1.65a (Computerpool)
schen Feldermodell und Informationsstatus). Die Verwendung des kostenlosen und quelloffenen Programms „R“ stellt sicher, dass Teilnehmer die vorgeführten Studien anhand der zur Verfügung gestellten Daten und Skripte auf
dem eigenen Rechner reproduzieren und ihr Wissen mit weiterführender Literatur über das Tutorium hinaus erweitern können.
Ausgerichtet wird das Tutorium in Potsdam von Stefan Evert (Professor für
Korpuslinguistik, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg) und Amir
Zeldes (Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter im SFB 632 „Informationsstruktur“
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin).
Wir würden uns freuen, wenn Sie sich für das Tutorium interessieren. Die
Teilnahme ist für TeilnehmerInnen der Jahrestagung kostenfrei. Aus organisatorischen Gründen können wir nur eine begrenzte Zahl an Arbeitsplätzen
anbieten und bitten daher um eine Registrierung im Vorfeld.
Akuelle Informationen zum Tutorium und zur Anmeldung finden Sie auf der
Homepage.
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378
Dienstag, 12.03.2013 (Haus 6, Räume S15, S16, S17, S18, S19)
15:00
15:15
15:45
16:45
17:15–18:30
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Eröffnung
Vortrag I
Prof. Dr. Christa Röber, Freiburg
Legasthenie – eine Krankheit?
Vortrag II
Prof. Dr. Elvira Topalović
Schriftspracherwerb - aus linguistischer Sicht
Kaffeepause
Arbeitsgruppen zu folgenden Themen:
AG 1 und AG 2: vorrangig Grundschule, AG 3 und AG 4:
vorrangig in den Sekundarstufen
AG1 Prof. Dr. Claudia Müller
(Lesen- und Schreibenlernen)
AG2 Prof. Dr. Christina Noack
(Groß- und Kleinschreibung als Thema des
Unterrichts)
AG3 Prof. Dr. Nanna Fuhrhop
(Getrennt- und Zusammenschreibung)
AG4 Prof. Dr. Ursula Bredel
(Zeichensetzung als Thema des Unterrichts)
LIT
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Index
Abel, Andrea, 269
Abels, Klaus, 162
Aguilar-Guevara, Ana, 140
Alexandropoulou, Stavroula, 147
Alexiadou, Artemis, 170
Ambar, Manuela, 87
Anagnstopoulou, Elena, 170
Anderssen, Merete, 99
Antão, Cíntia, 55
Appleto, Alastair, 177
Arantes, Pablo, 55
Arndt-Lappe, Sabine, 188, 195
Arosio, Fabrizio, 235
Arsenijević, Boban, 94
Assmann, Anke, 161
Babby, Leonard H., 302
Bacskai-Atkari, Julia, 113
Bank, Sebastian, 337
Barbaresi, Adrien, 345
Barberà, Gemma, 219
Barrie, Michael, 153
Barros, Matthew, 116
Barsukova, Agnia, 335
Bartz, Thomas, 273
Basch, Laura, 317
Bauke, Leah, 164
Baumann, Stefan, 35
Baumann, Timo, 363
Beck, Kathrin, 346
Bell, Melanie J., 197
381
Belling, Luc, 276
Bergmann, Pia, 196
Berkling, Kay, 348
Bîlbîie, Gabriela, 133
Bildhauer, Felix, 258, 345
Blom, Elma, 233, 242
Blumenthal-Dramé, Alice, 189
Bogatyreva, Lidia, 148
Booij, Geert, 185
Borik, Olga, 137
Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Ina, 34
Brandes, Jasper, 367
Brandner, Eleonore, 85
Breitenstein, Sarah, 250
Bressem, Jana, 220, 292
Burdin, Rachel, 49
Büring, Daniel, 37
Cantiani1, Chiara, 245
Carroll, Mary, 79
Chilla, Solveig, 251
Chondrogianni, Vasiliki, 240
Choonkyu, Lee, 217
Collins, James, 132
Comaneci, Radu, 363
Conner, Tracy, 119
Cordes, Anne-Kristin, 203
Corver, Norbert, 95
Culy, Chris, 328
Cunha Lima, Maria Luisa, 55
Cysouw, Michael, 341
Verzeichnis der Vortragenden
Dangl, Manuel, 75
Dayal, Veneeta, 145
de Jong, Jan, 242
de la Fuente, Israel, 74
de Ruiter, Jan, 288
de Swart, Henriëtte, 145, 147
de Vries, Mark, 111
Degaetano-Ortlieb, Stefania, 349
Deichsel, Annika, 64
Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth, 54
Demske, Ulrike, 100
Dickinson, Markus, 267
Didakowski, Jörg, 350
Dimitriadis, Alexis, 305
Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen, 150, 156
Doliana, Aaron, 180
Döring, Sandra, 112
dos Santos, Christophe, 227
Dürscheid, Christa, 275
Dux, Ryan Joseph, 312
Eberle, Kurt, 352
Eckardt, Regine, 210
Eckart, Kerstin, 36, 352
Eller, Monika, 277
Ellert, Miriam, 61, 77
Espinal, Teresa M., 138
Etxeberria, Urtzi, 106
Everaert, MArtin, 305
Ezeizabarrena, Maria-José, 243
Faaß, Gertrud, 353
Fabienne, Martin, 306
Falk, Simone, 76
Fay, Johanna, 348
Feldhausen, Ingo, 54
Ferreira, Marcelo, 150
Fetzer, Anita, 207
Flecken, Monique, 79
382
Fleckstein, Alice, 230
Foster, Jennifer, 265
Frey, Werner, 123, 158
Gachet, Frédéric, 129
Gagarina, Natalia, 254
Gehrke, Berit, 137
Genzel, Susanne, 57
Georgi, Doreen, 161, 173
Geyer, Klaus, 260
Geyken, Alexander, 274, 350
Giesel, Lisa, 355
Gili-Fivela, B., 50
Ginestí-Rosell, Mireia, 352
Giorgolo, Gianluca, 283
Gipper, Sonja, 81
Giusti, Giuliana, 86
Gjersøe, Siri, 371
Glaznieks, Aivars, 269
Glushan, Zhanna, 310
Goncharov, Julie, 103
Gonzaga, Manuela, 89
Görs, Karin, 47
Graf, Thomas, 179
Gräsel, Cornelia, 322
Gries, Stefan Th., 193
Griffiths, James, 128
Grimm, Angela, 232, 238
Guasti, Maria Teresa, 229, 235, 245
Güneş, Güliz, 125
Gürer, Aslı, 43
Hahn, Florian, 295
Halupka-Rešetar, Sabina, 94
Harris, Michael J., 46
Härtl, Holden, 186
Hartmann, Iren, 308, 341
Haselow, Alexander, 69
Hasepelmath, Martin, 199
Haspelmath, Martin, 308
Hassemer, Julius, 289
Haßler, Gerda, 80
Heck, Fabian, 182
Heid, Ulrich, 352, 366
Heine, Bernd, 126
Hellwig, Peter, 356
Hemforth, Barbara, 74
Henze, Daniela, 337
Herrmann, Anita, 38
Herrmann, Annika, 218
Heylen, Kris, 329
Hinrichs, Erhard, 346
Hinterwimmer, Stefan, 66
Hirschmann, Hagen, 278
Hoenen, Armin, 279
Hoffmann, Kristin, 251
Hoffmann, Ludger, 316
Höfler, Stefan, 372
Höhle, Barbara, 250
Hole, Daniel, 313
Holle, Henning, 297
Holler, Anke, 61, 77
Horbach, Andrea, 374
Horn, Laurence, 33
Hübl, Annika, 205
Iovino, Rossella, 86
Iraola, Maialen, 243
Irurtzun, Aritz, 106
Ishihara, Shinichiro, 57
Jacobsen, Thomas, 70
Janke, Vikki, 247
Jurish, Bryan, 274
Kallulli, Dalina, 162
Kaltenböck, Gunther, 126
Kapatsinski, Vsevolod M., 200
Khan, Mohammad, 267
Khattab, Raissa, 353
Kimmelman, Vadim, 221
Kirchhof, Caro, 288
Klapi, Myriam, 355
Klein, Timo, 161
Klockmann, Heidi, 171
Kluck, Marlies, 111
Köder, Franziska, 216
König, Ovidiu, 250
Köpcke, Klaus-Michael, 190
Korotkova, Natalia, 114
Kotowski,Sven, 186
Kovács, Kornél, 357
Krause, Thomas, 358
Krause-Burmester, Marion, 249
Kremers, Joost, 166
Kröger-Bidlo, Hanna, 322
Krüger, Daisy, 355
Krüger, Daisy, 371
Kübler, Sandra, 267
Kudrinski, Maksim, 108
Kuehnast, Milena, 70
Kügler, Frank, 35, 41
LaCara, Nicholas, 131
Ladewig, Silva H., 286
Ladewig, Sliva H., 220
Lambert, Monique, 213
Landragin, Frédéric, 68
Larson, Bradley, 118
Lavine, James E., 302
Le Bruyn, Bert, 139
Lechner, Winfried, 174
Lemnitzer, Lothar, 274, 350
Li, Audrey, 153
List, Johann-Mattis, 359
Lorusso, Marie Luisa, 245
Lovick, Olga, 40
383
Lücking, Andy, 284
Lüdeling, Anke, 185
Lühr, Rosemarie, 102
Lyding, Verena, 269, 333
Madlener, Karin, 191
Maier, Emar, 209
Mair, Christian, 272
Malaia, Evie, 222
Malchukov, Andrej, 308
Mani, Nivedita, 250
Marinis, Theodoros, 240
Menninghaus, Winfried, 70
Menzel, Wolfang, 363
Meurers, Detmar, 375
Miglio, Viola G., 46
Modarresi, Fereshteh, 151
Müller, Antje, 361
Müller, Cornelia, 220
Müller, Gereon, 182
Müller, Stefan, 362
Müller-Reichau, Olav, 154
Mumin, Meikal, 271
Munarriz, Amaia, 243
Myrberg, Sara, 57
Nagano-Madsen, Yasuko, 51
Neumann, Stella, 264
Nicolas, Nicolas, 333
Niemietz, Paula, 264
Nunberger, isabelle, 355
Odebrecht, Carolin, 358
Ott, Dennis, 111
Özge, Duygu, 82
Özge, Umut, 82
Paetzel, Maike, 363
Paradis, Johanne, 233
Patin, Cédric, 54
384
Patzig, Franziska, 319
Pendzich, Nina- Kristin, 218
Perego, Paolo, 245
Perovic, Alex, 247
Peters, Jörg, 53
Petersen, Lisa-Marit, 353
Petrova, Svetlana, 208
Petterson, Clare, 72
Pinkal, Manfred, 374
Piotrowski, Michael, 262
Plag, Ingo, 195, 197
Poarch, Gregory J., 246
Poletto, Cecilia, 90
Popova, Daria, 108, 132
Prévost, Philippe, 230
Pricop, Mircea, 363
Prieto, P., 50
Proisl, Thomas, 365
Qiu, Yiqin, 120
Quer, Josep, 219
Quist, Pia, 30
Ramm, Anita, 366
Rasskazova, Oxana, 355
Rathmann, Christian, 223
Rehbein, Ines, 263
Reichenbach, Reichenbach, 254
Reinhold, Nadja, 263
Reznicek, Marc, 268
Richards, Marc, 163
Rieser, Hannes, 282, 295
Riester, Arndt, 36
Roberts, Ian, 32
Roehrs, Dorian, 97
Roeper, Tom, 62
Röpke, Insa, 295
Rothstein, Björn, 322
Rothweiler, Monika, 237
Runner, Jeffrey T., 71
Rupp, Gerhard, 322
Ruppenhofer, Josef, 367
Sáfár, Anna, 221
Sag, Ivan, 132
Salem, Susanna, 215
Salveste, Nele, 56
Salzmann, Martin, 167
Sandrine, Ferré, 227
Sauer, Simon, 355
Sayatz, Ulrike, 259
Schäfer, Florian, 306
Schäfer, Roland, 259, 345
Schalowski, Sören, 263
Scheffler, Tatjana, 369
Schlenker, Philippe, 211
Schlesinger, Philipp, 363
Schmidt, Thomas, 270
Schmitz, Anke, 322
Schneider, Stefan, 122
Schubö, Fabian, 57
Schulpen, Maartje, 147
Schulz, Petra, 238
Schumacher, Petra B., 75
Schwabe, Kerstin, 303
Schwarz, Florian, 142
Schwarze, Rabea, 238
Schäfer, Roland, 201
Serbina, Tatiana, 264
Serdobolskaya, Natalia, 143
Sevdali, Christina, 170
Shakouri, David, 370
Simonenko, Alexandra, 108
Skerra, Antje, 254
Smith, Garrett, 371
Snesareva, Marina, 39
Sonnenhauser, Barbara, 85
Sorokin, Daniil, 335
Sowden, Hannah, 294
Spalek, Alexandra Anna, 300
Speelman, Dirk, 329
Speyer, Augustin, 63
Stavrakaki, Stavroula, 236
Steffen, Diana, 374
Steinbach, Markus, 205
Steiner, Magdalena, 323
Stella, A., 50
Stemle, Egon, 269, 333
Stiefel, Moritz, 36
Storrer, Angelika, 273
Stüker, Sebastian, 348
Sugisaki, Kyoko, 372
Surányi, Balázs, 57
Szalontai, Ádám, 57
Tanase-Dogaru, Mihaela, 92
Teich, Elke, 349
Tencas, Emanuela, 235
Terhalle, Anselm, 359
Toldova, Svetlana, 108
Tomita, Naoko, 214
Trippel, Thorsten, 346
Trommer, Jochen, 337
Trotzke, Andreas, 85
Truckenbrodt, Hubert, 123
Tuller, Laura, 230
Tuller, Laurie, 226
Turgay, Katharina, 320
Tuttle, Siri G., 40
Ueberwasser, Simone, 275
Uhrig, Peter, 365
van Craenenbroeck, Jeroen, 116, 175
van Hell, Janet G., 246
Vanrell, M.M, 50
Vasić, Nada, 242
385
Verbeke, Saartje, 309
Verhoeven, Elisabeth, 41
Vernice, Mirta, 235
Vicente, Luis, 135
Visser, Emiel, 263
von Heusinger, Klaus, 64
von Koppen, Marjo, 175
von Stutterheim, Christiane, 79, 212
Waldenberger, Sandra, 261
Wasow, Thomas, 132
Wecker, Verena, 190
Weisser, Philipp, 161
Werner, Martina, 85
Weskott, Thomas, 215
Westergaard, Marit, 99
Wielfaert, Thomas, 329
Wilbur, Ronnie, 222
Williams, Edwin, 180
Wilson, Emily C., 104
Wojtecka, Magdalena, 238
Wolska, Magdalena, 374
Woolford, Ellen, 169
Würzner, Kay-Michael, 274
Zastrow, Thomas, 346
Zebib, Rasha, 230
Zeldes, Amir, 185
Zeman, Sonja, 206
Ziai, Ramon, 375
Zielke, Dennis, 358
Zimmermann, Eva, 337
Zinsmeister, Heike, 268
386
387
388
Raum
S12
S14
S15
S16
S17
S18
S27
AG
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
14:30
15:00
Riester,
Stiefel,
Eckart
Kluck,
Ott,
de Vries
Borik,
Gehrke
Weisser,
Klein,
Georgi,
Assmann
Lüdeling,
Zeldes
Booij
Abels
Le Bruyn
Espinal
Landragin
Hinterwimmer
Richards
ArndtLappe
Kallulli
Härtl,
Kotowski
Barros,
van Craenenbroeck
BlumenthalDramé
Bauke
Serdobolskaya
Larson
Snesareva
Herrmann
Poletto
17:00
17:30
16:30
17:00
Schwarz
Kaffeepause
Guevera
Korotkova
Gonzaga
Ambar
BacskaiAtkari
von
Heusinger,
Deichsel
Büring
15:30
16:00
Speyer
15:00
15:30
Döring
Giusti, Iovino
Roeper
Baumann,
Kügler
14:00
14:30
Mittwoch, 13. März
Köpcke,
Wecker
Kremers
Conner
TanaseDogaru
Madlener
Salzmann
Dayal
Qiu
Kuehnast,
Menninghaus,
Jacobsen
Arsenijević,
Resetar
Verhoeven,
Kügler
Lovick,
Tuttle
Haselow
18:00
18:30
17:30
18:00
S22
S23
S24
9
10
11
14
S25
S21
8
12
13
Raum
AG
Giorgolo
Rieser
Lücking
Sayatz,
Schäfer
Culy
Heylen,
Wielfaert,
Speelman
ab 15:45
Kirchhof
bis 15:45
Ladewig
Geyer
Guasti
Petrova
15:30
16:00
Anishchanka,
Speelman,
Geeraerts
keine Arbeitsgruppensitzungen
Bildhauer
Beißwenger,
Dipper,
Evert,
Trevisan
Sandrine,
dos Santos
Fetzer
Zeman
Tuller
15:00
15:30
14:30
15:00
Adani,
Hennies,
Wimmer
14:00
14:30
Hübl,
Steinbach
Grimm
Fleckstein,
Prévost,
Tuller,
Zebib
18:00
18:30
Paradis,
Blom
Cysouw,
Hartmann
Holle
Neumann,
Niemietz,
Serbina
Arosio,
Vernice,
Tenca,
Guasti
Schlenker
17:30
18:00
Rehbein,
Schalowski,
Piotrowski
Reinhold,
Visser
bis 17:45
Davies
Hassemer
Bressem
ab 17:45
Röpke
Henze,
Lyding,
Barsukova,
Bank,
Nicolas,
Sorokin
Trommer,
Stemle
Zimmermann
Eckardt
Maier
Waldenberger
17:00
17:30
16:30
17:00
Kaffeepause
389
390
Raum
S12
S14
S15
S16
S17
S18
S27
AG
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Gries
Woolford
de Swart
Schneider
Corver
Frey,
Truckenbrodt
Alexandropoulou,
Schulpen,
de Swart
Alexiadou,
Anagnostopoulou,
Sevdali
Arndt-Lappe,
Plag
Roehrs
Patterson
Görs
Harris,
Miglio
Gürer
Runner
10:00 10:30
09:30 10:00
09:00 09:30
Bergmann
Klockmann
Bogatyreva
Güneş
10:30 11:00
Burdin,
Clopper,
Phillips,
Tonhauser,
Yasavul
de la Fuente,
Hemforth
Westergaard,
Anderssen
Donnerstag, 14. März
NaganoMadsen
Falk
Vanrell,
Stella,
Gili-Fivela,
Prieto
Schumacher,
Dangl
Plag, Bell
Barrie, Li
Gachet
Lühr
Ellert, Holler
Peters
12:30 13:00
Haspelmath
Lechner
Modaresi
DobrovieSorin,
Ferreira
Georgi
Griffiths
Kaltenböck,
Heine
Demske
12:00 12:30
11:30 12:00
Kaffeepause
S21
S22
S23
8
9
10
S25
13
14
S24
12
11
Raum
AG
09:30 10:00
10:30 11:00
Tomita
10:00 10:30
Lambert
Schwarze,
Chondrogianni,
Wojtecka,
Stavrakaki
Rothweiler
Grimm,
Marinis
Schulz
Dickinson,
Reznicek,
Khan,
Forster
Zinsmeister
Kübler
Babby,
Spalek
Koenig
Lavine
AverintsevaKlisch,
Basch
Hoffmann
Peschel
von Stutterheim
09:00 09:30
12:30 13:00
Lee
Cantiani,
Guasti,
Perego,
Lorusso
12:00 12:30
Köder
Ezeizabarrena,
Iraola,
Munarriz
Turgay
Patzig
Glaznieks,
Stemle,
Schmidt
Mumin
Abel, Lyding
Dimitriadis,
Schäfer,
Schwabe
Everaert
Martin
Blom, Vasić,
de Jong
11:30 12:00
Weskott,
Salem
Kaffeepause
391
392
Raum
S12
S14
S15
S16
S17
S18
S27
AG
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Antão, Arantes,
Cunha Lima
Delais-Roussarie,
Feldhausen, Patin
Mueller-Reichau
van Craenenbroeck,
van Koppen
Kapatsinski
LaCara
Goncharov
Frey
Graf
Cordes
Appleton
Schäfer
Bilbiie
Etxeberria, Irurtzun
13:30–14:00
Diskussion
Williams
Diskussion
Özge, Özge,
von Heusinger
Baumann, Kügler
Vicente
Kudrinski, Popova,
Toldova, Simonenko
Gipper
Haßler
Salveste
13:00–13:30
Genzel, Ishihara,
Myrberg, Schubö,
Surányi, Szalontai
12:30–13:00
Sag, Collins,
Popova, Wasow
Dobrovie-Sorin
Wilson
Carroll, Flecken, von Stutterheim
12:00–12:30
11:30–12:00
Freitag, 15. März
S21
S22
S23
8
9
10
S25
13
14
S24
12
11
Raum
AG
Rothstein et al.
Haspelmath,
Hartmann,
Malchukov
Verbeke
Janke, Perovic
Poarch, van Hell
Mair
12:00–12:30
Barberà, Quer
11:30–12:00
Pendzich, Herrmann
13:00–13:30
Kimmelmann, Sáfár
Dux
Steiner
Averintseva-Klisch,
Peschel
Glushan
Krause-Burmester
Breitenstein, Mani,
Höhle, König
Würzner, Lemnitzer,
Bartz, Storrer
Geyken, Jurish
12:30–13:00
Ladewig, Bressem,
Müller
13:30–14:00
Hole
Dürscheid,
Ueberwasser
Hofmann, Chilla
14:00–14:30
Rathmann
Wilbur, Malaia
393

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