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JANUARY 2009
SIPANEWS
THE LATIN
AMERICA ISSUE
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SIPANEWS
VOLUME XXII No. 1 JANUARY 2009
Published biannually by Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs
From the Dean
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The year 2008 marked the end of an era—for
Columbia’s SIPA, for the United States, and for
the world—including Latin America, the focus of
this issue.
For SIPA, 2008 brought a comprehensive
curriculum reform, the first since SIPA began
expanding rapidly two decades ago; the first
steps towards transforming SIPA into an independent professional school, with the academic
and financial autonomy its needs to thrive; and
the University’s commitment to build a new SIPA
building in Manhattanville. More on all these
developments in future issues of SIPA News.
Meanwhile, the United States elected its first
African-American president, who has promised to
end a costly and unnecessary war; stop officially
sanctioned abuse and torture of prisoners in U.S.
custody; return to the internationalism and respect
for world opinion that won the Cold War; lead
the country out of its worst recession since the
1930s, with massive investments in human development and physical infrastructure; end assaults
on professional integrity and scientific progress in
U.S. federal agencies; and adopt comprehensive
immigration reform, among many other tasks.
The Obama administration faces a world
transformed by the collapse of U.S. leadership
and credibility; the nearly catastrophic meltdown
of the U.S. financial system; a global recession
that may last longer than any since the Great
Depression of the 1930s; and, the relative erosion
of the U.S. capacity to dominate or even influence economic developments. The weakness and
irrelevance of the institutions, regulatory regimes,
and policy norms of the post–World War II
Bretton Woods system, the loss of confidence in
U.S. financial and economic management, and
the failure or incapacity of U.S. policymaking in
areas of crucial importance to the global economy
confront critical needs for global coordination
and cooperation to mitigate the effects of global
climate change, restore economic growth, and
reduce both interstate and internal violence.
New U.S. administrations have often found
Latin America a convenient (and usually low-risk)
arena for signaling and even experimenting with
new policy directions. Kennedy’s new emphasis
on counterinsurgency, Carter’s commitment to
human rights, and Reagan’s “second” Cold War all
focused their initial energies on Latin America. As
the essays in this volume suggest, Latin America
offers multiple opportunities for the United States
to play a constructive role in restoring economic
growth, reducing poverty and inequality, developing new strategies for addressing climate change,
facilitating Cuba’s peaceful transition and reintegration into inter-American institutions, and coping with drugs and violence.
Latin America offers the new U.S. administration more opportunities for achieving crucial foreign policy goals, at less cost and with lower risks,
than any other world region. Restoring and leveraging sources of “soft power” by offering a “New
Partnership,” as the recent Brookings Institute
report suggested, or even the prospect of a more
institutionalized “Community,” as others have
suggested, might help not only to rebuild relations throughout the hemisphere, but also serve to
mobilize support for similarly farsighted initiatives
elsewhere in the world.
John H. Coatsworth
Dean
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contents
INSIDE SIPA
FEATURES
p. 2
p.12
p.24
p. 38
p. 42
How Will Latin
America Fare in the
Global Recession?
Quality Upgrading
and Wage Inequality in
Mexico
By Thomas J. Trebat
By Eric Verhoogen
The Whole Bean:
Guatemalan Coop
Claims Fair Coffee
Production Process—
Not Just Fair Trade
After Controversial
Expulsions, Evo
Morales Defends His
Policies
By Jamie Holmes
Brazilian
Philanthropist
Donates $3 Million
for Student
Exchanges
p. 39
p. 42
Mexico City on the
Move
Julius G. Blocker,
MIA ’56, Donates
$3.5 Million for
Exchange Program
p. 6
p.15
By Gwyneth Fries
Latin America Gets
Heated: Tensions
Rise as Regional
Climate Warms
Branding Peace in
Brazil
p. 28
By Massimo Alpian
Cuba Policy for a New
U.S. Administration
By Sasha Chavkin
p.18
By Dóra Beszterczey
p. 9
p. 32
Migration: No Country
Is an Island
Education in Latin
America: Great
Achievements and
Even Greater Deficits
By Caroline Stauffer
By Miguel Urquiola
p. 11
p.20
Factories as a
Solution? Dominican
President Weighs in
on Haitian Migration
Rights
Pushing for Peace
By Eamon Kircher-Allen
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By Jake Rollow and Dan
Green
The Postrevolutionary
Generation: Finding
a Space for Youth
Activism in Raúl
Castro’s Cuba
By Rebecca Rouse
p. 34
A Comeback for
Inflation?
By Eamon Kircher-Allen
p. 40
The SIPA Alumni
Council Sets
Priorities for
2008–2009
p. 42
p. 43
Class Notes Fall
2008
p. 49
Donor List
New Fellowship
Program for New York
City Employees
By Mariano Castillo
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How Will Latin
America Fare
in the Global
Recession?
By Thomas J. Trebat
elebration about recent growth in Latin
C
America has quickly given way to near-universal alarm about economic prospects. Stock
markets are collapsing. Latin American currencies are under great pressure. More weakness
almost certainly lies ahead. Real indicators of employment
and economic activity have turned negative almost uniformly across the region.
Make no mistake about it. With the global financial
system in disarray, Latin America clearly stands in harm’s
way. The question is how severely the region will be damaged by a change in the external factors that pushed overall Latin American economic growth to near 6 percent per
annum over the last six years. Is this record—the best in
40 years, no less—now at risk?
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The answer depends upon the depth and duration of the global shock waves. It will also be a
function of the skill of Latin American policymakers in defusing facile temptations to water down
the economic reforms that have helped to deliver
the recent economic growth. But defensive moves
will not suffice. Latin America must consider
adopting aggressive policy steps to protect domestic employment and income.
Two points need to be emphasized. First,
Latin American economies (with some exceptions) have enacted reforms in the last ten to
fifteen years that should strengthen the ability
of the individual countries in the region to withstand the global turmoil. Second, thanks to the
breathing space provided by the recent prosperity, many countries in Latin America have at
least some capacity to cushion the blows caused
by collapsing commodity prices and a drying up
of global credit flows. Let’s look at these two
points in turn.
Economic Reform Legacy Could Buffer the Region
Latin America’s zeal for reform has generally
waned in recent years as the economy of the
region has been lifted by global growth. Still,
the economic policy environment in the region is
much more robust and much less vulnerable than
it has been on the eve of other global economic
storms.
Two developments deserve particular mention.
Latin America (on aggregate) has generated a
fiscal surplus in the last six years of about 1 percent of GDP on the strength of rising government
revenues and some (albeit not enough) spending
moderation. Moreover, the region has generated
a significant surplus in the balance of payments,
which has converted the region into a net lender
to (rather than borrower from) the global community. Foreign exchange reserves are now in excess
of $450 billion. The implications of these “twin
surpluses” (fiscal and balance of payments) are
clear: Latin America on the eve of this 2008 glob-
al crisis is not heavily indebted; its fiscal position
is relatively well-consolidated (although in need of
shoring up); and it has a very substantial foreign
exchange cushion to buffer the domestic economy
from the credit crunch.
To be sure, the protections provided by the
twin surpluses are far from ironclad. Collapsing
commodity prices and withdrawals of foreign
credit could quickly eat into Latin American tax
revenues and erode trade balances with lightning
speed. Exchange rates throughout the region are
under severe pressure. Brazil and Peru, among
other countries, have been forced to intervene,
selling international reserves to ease the sudden
currency shocks.
At the same time, it is well to remember that
reforms have been enacted in Latin America that
also provide breathing space. Monetary policy,
for example, has played a leading role in pushing inflation rates down in this region, which was
once infamous for high rates of inflation. Trade
A clothing store promotes sales offering discounts in a shopping mall in Caracas. The economy of Venezuela is constantly growing due to international oil prices and public expenditure, but at the same time, its inflation is the largest in Latin America, according to analysts.
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liberalization has helped to improve competitive
environments, though the region is still far too
dependent on natural resources (more a “curse”
than a “blessing”) for export earnings. While small
and concentrated, the region’s banking sector is
hardly exposed to the toxic assets associated with
the U.S. subprime crisis and has not invested
heavily in risky investments or complex derivatives. Finally, most governments in the region
have taken steps to reduce the dollar component
of public sector debt, to fund more of the public
debt in local currency, and to issue debt at longer
maturities than had been the case in the past.
One need not argue, and I do not, that the
region has done all of its reform homework or that
its reform gains are solid and irreversible. Reforms
are of relatively recent vintage everywhere, and
backsliding has occurred in countries ranging from
Venezuela to Argentina, often accompanied by
anti-U.S. rhetoric. While Brazil has largely resisted
such pressures and is a star performer in terms of
growth, it has been resting on its oars in terms of
implementing deeper fiscal reforms as well as in
investing in energy, education, and health—the
long-term determinants of economic growth.
What More Can Be Done?
Four policy initiatives need to be considered
in Latin America for the region to reinforce the
levees against the rising waters.
First, fiscal policy plans for 2009 need to be
reexamined with the goal of adapting expenditures
downward (or reducing their planned growth) in
line with a likely deterioration in tax bases. Latin
American budgets, as experience has taught
us, can swiftly switch back into deficits as tax
revenues wither in a crisis and expenditures programmed during times of prosperity prove politically impossible to reduce following the onset
of a crisis. Public investment spending probably
should be spared from cuts, but not so most other
categories of government spending.
Second, monetary policy must be vigilant with
respect to the established inflation targets, which
are already under pressure due to rising food prices
and depreciating exchange rates. At a time when
private sector investment is already under pressure
due to faltering global confidence and weakening
currencies, the last thing Latin America needs is
further pressure on domestic interest rates due to
inflation uncertainty. While Latin America seeks to
protect private investment spending to the extent
possible, regulatory and supervisory structures need
to be strengthened to cool off the rapid growth of
Top: Brazilian stock traders negotiate in the future market
at the Future Stock in São Paulo. Right: A worker fills the
back of a pickup with bunches of bananas at a market in
Tegucigalpa.
consumer credit, which characterizes many markets in Latin America.
Third, while Latin America does have the luxury of large international reserve levels, these are
perishable assets, and they are also costly for the
region to maintain as they require a counterpart
issuance of domestic public debt. The countries
of the region should examine the possibility of lining up contingent lines of credit with multilateral
lenders, including the IMF and the World Bank,
as a form of insurance policy if the global credit
freeze is prolonged. This will not be a politically
popular move in any country, but the quicker
Latin America acts, the calmer markets are likely
to be when the crisis worsens.
Fourth, in addition to trimming public spending while protecting public sector investment, it
will be important to ease the impact of slowing
growth and employment on the most vulnerable populations in Latin America, especially
the unemployed, the less well educated, and
the so-called “working poor.” Latin American
countries have made a great deal of progress over
the last decade in devising conditional income
transfer programs (e.g., Bolsa Familia in Brazil,
Oportunidades in Mexico) to direct spending at
these at-risk groups. Efforts to maintain this flow
of spending, and to improve its targeting, are
critical in tough times to prevent these vulnerable
groups from swelling the ranks of the extremely
poor in Latin America.
No aspects of this four-point emergency
agenda will be easy. Fiscal cuts needed to
protect investment and the poor will provoke
fierce political resistance. Temptations will
abound to swell public sector indebtedness, to
preserve middle- and upper-class entitlements,
to impose price controls, to ease interest rates
artificially, and to prevent the exchange rate from
depreciating. These temptations will exist, but
if indulged by policymakers, they can erode the
institutional basis so painfully put in place over
the last fifteen years and which is the best hope
for a recovery of economic growth when the global
credit crunch finally relents.
Thomas J. Trebat is executive director of the
Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia
University.
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A boy waits on his bike in a flooded street after the overflowing of the Chamelecon
river in the municipality of La Lima, some 255 km north of Tegucigalpa, Honduras,
on October 21, 2008. Heavy rains battering the country left at least 14 people dead
and two missing and forced thousands from their homes.
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LATIN AMERICA
GETS HEATED:
TENSIONS RISE AS REGIONAL CLIMATE WARMS By Sasha Chavkin
In the city of Gonaïves, Haiti, residents’ meager livelihoods
have been washed away. Neighborhoods accustomed to hardship now confront
hunger and desperation, after an onslaught of hurricanes and tropical storms
whose names, New York Times journalist Marc Lacey wrote, “Haitians spit out like
curses: Fay, Gustav, Hanna and Ike.” Climate disasters always seem to come as
a shock, but scenes like those in Gonaïves have become increasingly common
across Latin America. As the frequency of extreme weather events in the region
has risen more than twofold in the past 40 years alone, the growing damage has
led Latin American leaders to set their sights on a culprit: the greenhouse gas
emissions of the industrialized world.
The impact of global warming is rapidly emerging as a powerful political grievance. From Presidents Rafael Correa of Ecuador and Evo Morales of Bolivia standing before the United Nations to call for climate reparations by the industrialized
world, to sharp statements from Peru and Chile urging wealthy nations to help
finance developing countries’ adaptation to climate change, regional leaders are
demanding accountability for damages and voicing growing frustration with U.S.
policies. When Barack Obama assumes office, he must be prepared to confront the
impact of climate change in Latin America—both as a humanitarian priority and as
a political controversy that is heating up as surely as the temperatures.
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Left: Gonaïves residents queue for water after floods devastated the northern Haitian town. Health care workers and rescuers from around the world struggled to meet the needs of
survivors of the floods unleashed by Tropical Storm Jeanne. Right: A general view of the 28th session of the Nobel Peace Prize winner organization, the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) in Budapest April 9, 2008, during its first plenary meeting.
Latin America’s indignation on climate change
stems in part from the spiraling costs imposed by
climate disasters. Last year, United Nations relief
teams in the region confronted a record-setting
eight extreme weather catastrophes, from floods
in Mexico to hurricanes striking Nicaragua and El
Salvador. Such disasters cause humanitarian crises
that devastate local economies, deplete government treasuries with costly relief operations, and
disproportionately affect the poorest and most
vulnerable citizens.
The tipping point, however, was the release of
last year’s assessments by the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The panel’s
report on Latin America found that the frequency
of climate disasters such as floods, cyclones, and
mudslides had increased by a factor of 2.4 from
1970–1999 to 2000–2005. The IPCC also projected that much of the Amazon basin would
turn to savannah, glaciers in the Andes would
disappear, and hurricanes in the tropical Atlantic
would increase in intensity—events that threaten
devastating social and economic consequences to
the region.
Suddenly, Latin America’s leaders found not
only that they could expect their hardships to get
worse, but also that their perspective was shared by
many of the world’s leading scientists. “The tragedy
of all this,” says Adil Najam, author of a section on
policy options in the award-winning IPCC report,
“is that those of us who are least responsible for the
mess we are in are going to pay the most.”
The strongest voices demanding accountability
from industrialized nations—and particularly from
the United States—belong to the leftist leaders
who have recently come to power across much
of the region. After the IPCC found with an 80
percent certainty that Bolivia’s escalating seasonal
floods are linked to climate change, Evo Morales
addressed the United Nations to demand that
“certain regions, and certain countries, think of
how they can pay the ecological debt” incurred
by their historical contributions to the buildup
of greenhouse gasses. Leaders of Ecuador, Cuba,
Nicaragua, and Venezuela have joined Bolivia
in broadly condemning capitalist development,
exemplified in the region by U.S. economic influence, for creating what Morales has described as a
“system that destroys the planet.”
But leftists are not the only ones speaking out.
At a United Nations forum that took place last year
shortly after extreme heat waves and drought in
central Brazil, the Brazilian environment minister
denounced “the slow-moving . . . response to the
alarming impacts of climate change, especially by
those countries that are historically most responsible for the problem.” At the same event, leaders
from Chile, Peru, and even Colombia delivered
pointed appeals to wealthy nations to finance adaptation in the developing world, a step that President
Michelle Bachelet of Chile described as an “ethical
obligation.” The impact of climate change is becoming a potent wedge issue in the region, uniting
opponents of U.S. influence, and leading moderate
allies to distance themselves by criticizing policies
that they consider to be indefensible.
The greatest condemnation has focused on
the U.S. rejection of the Kyoto Protocol. This has
left the United States alone among industrialized
nations in refusing to contribute to Kyoto-based
adaptation programs in the developing world, which
the United Nations estimates save $7 for every $1
spent on natural disaster prevention activities. The
United States also acted this August to shut down
the Center for Capacity Building, a federal program
that helped poor countries to forecast and withstand
extreme climate events. Thus, although the United
States is a leading provider of humanitarian and
development aid to Latin America, its repudiation
of responsibility for the impact of climate change
leaves a bitter taste in the region.
In reaching out to Latin America, President
Barack Obama could send no clearer signal of
changed priorities than striking a different tune on
climate adaptation. By providing swift and meaningful aid for adaptation projects from levees to
public education materials to modern meteorological stations, the president would send a resounding message to the region. “I think reparations
and blame are a losing discussion,” says Professor
Steven Cohen, executive director of Columbia’s
Earth Institute. “But the United States is responsible for making the resources and technology
available to save lives and help people rebuild.”
In addition to establishing President Obama
as a substantive reformer, a new adaptation policy
would lessen the hardship that threatens millions
of people if the impact of climate change continues
to go unaddressed. In a future defined by inaction,
the region would look increasingly like the flooded
city of Gonaïves, where the Times’ Marc Lacey
describes how child laborers known as restaveks
waited silently during aid handouts to scoop up
specks of food that fell to the ground. “Those who
will be constantly forgotten are those poorest who
will be impacted by climate change today,” says
the IPCC’s Adil Najam. “They are the ones who
are paying for all of our sins.”
Sasha Chavkin ’10 was a 2007–2008 Middlebury
Fellow in Environmental Journalism. He is currently a
dual degree student at SIPA and the Graduate School of
Journalism.
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Migration: No Country Is an Island
By Caroline Stauffer
An Uruguayan U.N. peacekeeper stands guard next
to the door that controls
the pass for Haitians and
Dominicans at the border
in Dajabón.
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Haitians try to cross the Rio Masacre before the authorities open the pass for Haitians and Dominicans at the border in Dajabón.
Dajabón, on the Dominican side of the
Haitian-Dominican border, is not far from the
site of the first European settlement in the New
World. Christopher Columbus’s quest for treasure
overseas wrecked havoc on Hispaniola’s native
civilization and altered the course of history in the
region known today as Latin America. More than
500 years after the Santa Maria ran aground on
the northern coast of Hispaniola and 200 years
after former slaves declared Haiti an independent
nation, the island’s modern inhabitants, still burdened by the complications of colonialism, come
to Dajabón seeking their own treasure.
On Mondays and Fridays, Haitians legally cross
into Dajabón to sell goods in a colorful street market. On the day of my visit last August, rucksacks
filled with purchases were balanced precariously
on top of guaguas (public transportation vans).
The overloaded vans were not the road’s only
distraction. Dominican soldiers stalled traffic by
pulling over many of the passersby and searching their vehicles. Dajabón’s welcome mat for its
neighbors to the west does not extend beyond the
market; these soldiers were looking for Haitians.
An estimated one million Haitians now live in
the Dominican Republic, approximately 10 percent
of the Dominican population. Traditionally, Haitian
workers in the Dominican Republic live in rural
slums known as bateyes and take on the backbreaking job of cutting cane on Dominican sugar
Across the Dominican Republic, deportations
to Haiti have actually increased since my visit,
according to Michele Wucker, executive director of the World Policy Institute. Wucker, SIPA
’93, authored Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans,
Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola
and LOCKOUT: Why America Keeps Getting
Immigration Wrong When Our Prosperity Depends
on Getting It Right. She believes that global economic stress is eroding Dominican tolerance for
Haitian immigrants. “I would say that the tensions,
whether immigration is increasing or not, are definitely rising because Dominicans are under a lot
more pressure right now,” Wucker notes.
Dominican treatment of Haitian immigrants
has long been the focus of international condemnation. A 2002 Human Rights Watch report
condemned Dominican officials for not allowing
Haitians to collect their belongings or contact
their families prior to being shipped across the
border. In the 2005 case Dilcia Yean and Violeta
Bosico v. Dominican Republic, the Inter-American
Court of Human Rights (IACHR) called for the
Dominican Republic to issue birth certificates
for the children of Haitian immigrants. Rather
than follow the IACHR, the Dominican Republic’s
Supreme Court issued a decision interpreting its
own constitution to mean that the children of
Haitian workers are “in transit” and therefore not
guaranteed rights as Dominican citizens.
same conversation over and over and over again,”
Wucker says. “The question that Haitians and
Dominicans both need to be asking is, ‘is it in the
Dominican Republic’s own best interest to deny
recognition to these children?’ That strips away the
moral reasons for it, the rights of it, which the two
sides are never going to come closer together on.”
Dajabón is one of only four guarded crossing
points between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
The nearly open border is surprising, considering
that tensions between the two lands have been
palpable since Spain and France staked claims on
opposite sides of the island 400 years ago, and
migration clearly remains a polarizing issue. The
lone Dominican guard, stationed on the bridge over
the river that forms a natural border between the
two countries, explained to me that Dominican soldiers, like those we had seen from the car earlier,
focus on catching fugitives rather than monitoring
entries and exits in Dajabón. Even the river’s name
raises historical sensitivities on both sides, and the
guard hesitated when I asked him for it. “Well,”
he said, stalling, “it has had various [names].” In
1937, notorious Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo
called for the elimination of Haitians and started
the slaughter in Dajabón. Trujillo’s army threw
corpses into the Río Masacre (Massacre River),
as the river had been christened after Spaniards
killed a group of French pirates on the river’s banks
in 1728.
plantations. They are also finding work in construction, and the Dominican government has ironically
become the largest employer of Haitians laborers.
“The focus has been so much on the issue of
rights, and very much like the immigration debate
in this country [the U.S.], it’s often turned into the
More recently, the United Nations Stabilization
Mission in Haiti installed lights along the riverbank,
hoping to decrease the number of deaths by drown-
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ing as Haitians attempt to cross the murky waters
into Dajabón at night. The narrative of people slipping across a river to start a new life on the opposite side may sound familiar. In a 2005 essay in
Collapse, Jared Diamond, professor of geography at
UCLA, wrote of hearing comments in the Dominican
Republic such as, “those Haitians bring AIDS, TB,
and malaria”; “they speak a different language and
look darker-skinned”; and “we have no obligation
and can’t afford to provide medical care, education,
and housing to illegal immigrants.” Dominicans
argue that as a country of limited means, they can
only do so much to help their struggling neighbor.
Though sneaking into the Dominican Republic
across the Massacre River is potentially dangerous,
it is less perilous than taking to the Caribbean on a
flimsy raft. Unrest and poverty result in increased
migration to the United States from both sides of
Hispaniola, according to Wucker. Because of that
correlation, and due to the tremendous influence
of U.S. immigration policy on policymakers around
the world, U.S. leadership on migration is especially important now. “What the United States does on
immigration sends out a huge message to the rest
of the world, and the consequences often come
back to haunt the United States—particularly with
a country that is so close by,” she says.
Wucker notes that while Haiti’s crises are
certainly not its neighbor’s fault, the Dominican
Republic’s own interests call for a new policy
toward immigrants. “When any country fails to
provide for the needs of the people who live in
that country and upon whom it relies, the policy
results often aren’t very good.” Wucker adds
that policy discussions should be reframed to
emphasize the interests Dominicans and Haitian
immigrants share, such as health care and education. “When health care is denied to people
living in a particular country, it impacts everyone
around them,” she says. “And when it comes to
education, it’s a question of what do you want the
people working for you to be able to do.”
On the bridge in Dajabón, I continued to
watch the stream of vendors and buyers. With
the future of immigration policy unclear, islanders searching for improved livelihoods continued
on their way. Casting politics, economics, and
history aside, the calm and steady flow of people
transporting goods back and forth across the
open border seemed as natural as the casual flow
of the river’s currents below.
Caroline Stauffer, MIA ’10, is concentrating
in International Media and Communications. She
worked for the Dominican Republic Education and
Mentoring Project from June 2006 to August 2007.
Factories as a Solution? Dominican President Leonel
Fernández Weighs in on Haitian Migrant Rights
BY EAMON KIRCHER-ALLEN
Dominican President Leonel Fernández grew up on 95th and Amsterdam, practically around
the corner from Columbia’s Morningside Heights campus. As something of a hometown
hero, he had a sympathetic audience when he spoke on September 25 at Low Library on the
Columbia campus, as part of the University’s World Leaders Forum.
But even at this friendly venue, Fernández couldn’t escape questions about Dominican policies toward Haitian migrants. Pressed on the issue of Haitian migrants’ rights in the Dominican
Republic, he argued that his country can help by investing in labor-intensive activities in Haiti.
“One of the most important challenges that you face is the role of the human rights
of migrant workers that come from Haiti,” said John Coatsworth, dean of the School of
International and Public Affairs, to Fernández at the event. Fernández’s reformist administration has been hailed as a break with Dominican political history, which was marred by
years of repression under various strongmen, the most notorious of them Rafael Trujillo, who
held sway over the country from 1930 to 1961. Trujillo brutally repressed Haitians in the
Dominican Republic. The worst episode was a five-day massacre in 1937 that killed between
17,000 and 35,000 people, including the deaths at Río Masacre.
Coatsworth asked how things will be different in the new Dominican Republic. Fernández
painted a history in which the Dominican Republic was once a victim of Haitian oppression,
not the other way around.
“There has been a historical tension with Haiti because we had not gained independence
from European power but Haiti had,” Fernández said, referring to a period in the early 19th
century. “We were a colony of Haiti. There is a list of atrocities from the Haitians.” But
Fernández added that things had changed significantly in the 20th century. Now, he said,
the relationship between the two countries is “at its all-time best.”
Fernández argued that the migrant problem is rooted in Haiti’s poverty—something that
the Dominican Republic can help by outsourcing unskilled labor to its neighbor.
“Haiti has an economic and social situation which is almost unsustainable,” he said. “We
have to figure out what can be done on Haitian soil [to stem migration].”
“I don’t think the answer could be building a wall,” he added. “We can move textile factories to Haiti, where we have lower wages and labor standards. Much of the labor-intensive
activities will be moved to Haiti from the Dominican Republic in coming years.”
The answer may not have warmed the hearts of rights activists in the audience. But
Americans could hardly point fingers—the Haitian-Dominican dynamic that Fernández hopes
for is similar to what the United States has long pursued with Mexico. If the U.S. example is
any indicator, the Dominican-Haitian debate is far from over.
Eamon Kircher-Allen, MIA ’09, SIPA News co-editor, is concentrating in International
Media and Communications.
More than 2,500 Haitian employees work at ODEVI’s factory making Levi’s jeans and Hanes brand clothing at Ouanaminthe.
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QUALITY UPGRADING
A worker at VW’s Puebla plant assembles one of the final
editions of the original Beetle on July 11, 2003. The
original Beetle went out of production in 2003 after being
available for almost 70 years.
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AND
WAGE INEQUALITY
IN MEXICO
By Eric Verhoogen
T
he wave of optimism about
international integration that
accompanied the signing of
the North American Free
Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
in Mexico and other trade
agreements across Latin
America has been receding. In part, this disappointment derives from a widespread perception that international integration exacerbates
income inequality and social polarization. In a
recent review article in the Journal of Economic
Literature, Penelopi Goldberg of Princeton and
Nina Pavcnik of Dartmouth have found that this
perception is based in fact: opening to trade has
consistently been accompanied by rising income
inequality in developing countries.1
The coincidence of expanding trade and rising
wage inequality in developing countries fits awkwardly into economists’ standard trade models.
The simplest version of the most common model,
called the Heckscher-Ohlin model, predicts that
wage inequality will fall in poor countries that
integrate with rich ones, as they specialize in producing goods that require a high proportion of
low-skilled workers, thereby increasing demand
for such workers. A common reaction among
economists has been to argue that rising inequality is likely due to factors that have little to do
with trade, like technological change. In a recent
work, I have advanced an alternative hypothesis
linking trade and wage inequality in developing
countries through the product-quality decisions
of manufacturing plants.2 Let me explain the idea
using the example of a particularly well-known
plant, the Volkswagen plant in Puebla, Mexico.
The VW-Puebla plant was established in 1964,
mainly to sell to the Mexican domestic market,
which was largely closed to automobile imports.
Over time, the company also started producing
for export at the plant, and for many years the
Puebla plant was the company’s only plant in
North America, with primary responsibility for the
U.S. as well as the Mexican market. In the early
1990s, it produced the Jetta and the Golf, mainly
for export, as well as the original Beetle, known in
Mexico as the Sedan or, more affectionately, the
Vochito, mainly for the domestic market. When
the company introduced the New Beetle in 1998
aimed at the U.S. market, the Puebla plant became
the sole world producer. There are marked differences in quality between the original Beetle and the
newer exported models, the New Beetle and Jetta.
The New Beetle and Jetta have automatic windowraising mechanisms; the windows of the original
Beetle had to be cranked up by hand. The seats of
the New Beetle and Jetta consist of polyurethane
foam; the seats of the original Beetle were made
partly of lower-quality foam and partly of coconut
fibers, a cheaper substitute. The quality differences are reflected in the prices of the models: in
July 2003, when production of the original Beetle
ceased, the New Beetle and the Jetta were selling
for approximately US$17,750 and US$15,000 in
both countries; the original Beetle was selling for
approximately US$7,500 in Mexico.
Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the
plant, until production of the original Beetle was
discontinued in 2003, was the juxtaposition of
the production lines for the New Beetle and Jetta,
which relied on state-of-the-art technology, and
the production line for the original Beetle, which
employed essentially the same technology that
had been transplanted from Germany in 1964,
technology that dated back to the 1950s. When
I visited in May 2003, for instance, the conveyor
belt in the welding area on the original Beetle
line had been in continuous operation since 1967.
The welding was done by hand, with sparks flying, and line-workers banged irregularities into
shape with mallets. Under the same roof, perhaps
twenty yards away, the welding for the Jetta
body was performed entirely by robots. The only
workers in the area (and then only occasionally)
were engineers to program the robots and skilled
maintenance workers to repair the machines in
case of mechanical failure. The line-workers on
the original Beetle were mainly in the category
of técnicos (technicians), who had a starting wage
of about $11 per day. The skilled maintenance
workers on the Jetta and New Beetle lines were
mainly classified as especialistas (specialists), with a
starting wage of about $18 per day.
Now consider the effects of increased trade
on product quality at the VW-Puebla plant. It is
common in the trade economics literature to use
changes in tariffs—for instance under NAFTA—
to examine the effects of increased trade. But
in my work I have mainly used the massive
exchange rate devaluation of December 1994 and
the ensuing recession—the peso crisis—because
the enormity of the shock makes it easier to trace
the effects. The accompanying figure illustrates
the effect of the peso crisis on the mix of car
models produced in the plant. Between 1994
and 1995, exports as a share of total production
rose sharply, due both to a decline in domestic
sales and to an increase in exported cars, which,
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The coincidence of
expanding trade and
rising wage inequality in
developing countries
fits awkwardly into
economists’ standard
trade models.
because of the decline in the real value of the
peso, were relatively cheap to produce in dollar
terms. Domestic production was mostly of original Beetles, and export production was mainly of
Jettas and Golfs (and, later, New Beetles). So the
increase in the export share also entailed a sharp
increase in production of the higher-quality models as a share of output, a process I have referred
to as quality upgrading.
This shift toward sales of higher-quality
models also meant a greater reliance on more
advanced technologies on the Jetta, Golf and
New Beetle lines. Although I was not able to persuade the company to share detailed personnel
data, it also appears from conversations with the
former human resources director and the head of
the union at the plant that demand for especialistas
rose relative to técnicos, and demand for software
engineers rose relative to less-specialized supervisors on the original Beetle line.
Generalizing from the VW example, it appears
that this mechanism contributed to an overall
increase in the demand for skill in Mexico, raising overall wage inequality. There was a second
effect, which requires some explanation. Within
each industry in Mexico, only the most modern,
productive, technologically sophisticated plants,
usually fewer than 20 percent of plants in an
industry, are able to export profitably. These
plants also tend to employ the most skilled people
within occupational categories and to pay high
wages relative to other plants in the industry. The
peso crisis hit the solely domestic-oriented plants
harder than the export-oriented plants, and wages
fell more in the domestic-oriented plants, which
already tended to be lower wage. This tended to
increase the dispersion of wages in the manufacturing sector and to raise inequality overall.
So is increased international integration a
good thing? The verdict is mixed. On the one
hand, quality upgrading may boost the rate of
learning and improve productivity while generating good jobs. On the other hand, it may increase
inequality, which in turn, strains the social fabric.
There are relative winners and losers from trade
liberalization—different from the ones suggested
by economists’ traditional trade models. Many
of the poorest and least skilled in developing
countries view globalization with pessimism. This
research suggests that their concerns may make
economic sense after all.
1. See Goldberg and Pavcnik (2007).
2. See Verhoogen (2008).
References
Davis, Bob, John Lyons, and Andrew Batson (2007).
“Globalization’s Gains Come with a Price.” The Wall Street
Journal (May 24), 1.
Goldberg, Penelopi Koujianou, and Nina Pavcnik (2007).
“Distributional Effects of Globalization in Developing
Countries.” Journal of Economic Literature 45 (1) (March),
39–82.
Hanson, Gordon, and Helen Shapiro (1994). “Volkswagen
de Mexico’s North American Strategy.” Harvard Business
School Case No. 9-794-104.
Verhoogen, Eric. “Trade, Quality Upgrading and Wage
Inequality in the Mexican Manufacturing Sector ” (2008).
Quarterly Journal of Economics 123 (2), 489–530.
Eric Verhoogen is assistant professor of International and
Public Affairs and of Economics at Columbia University’s
School of International and Public Affairs.
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Brazilian girls wear “peace” headbands during a march for “Brazil Without
Weapons” at Copacabana beach in Rio de Janeiro.
BRANDINGPEACE
INBRAZIL
BY MASSIMO ALPIAN
t was a hot August afternoon in Rio de Janeiro’s Favela Rocinha. I was rushing to the school where I was vol-
I
unteering for the summer amidst the smells and sounds that define the alleys of the shantytown: samba music,
marijuana, and home-cooked stew called feijoada.
I turned the corner and came to an abrupt stop. A boy, not more than 11 years old, stood with an AK-47
strapped to his chest. He was the youngest person I had ever seen brandishing a weapon.
There was part of me that wanted to stop this boy in his tracks and ask him why he needed a gun. But I already
knew—from my experience working with young drug traffickers at an after school program in the favela—that he
would tell me the violent world of the favelas requires extreme measures.
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What is even more disturbing is that his
answer might make a kind of sense. As I came to
understand, guns themselves are not the problem
in Brazil’s slums. Rather, it is the systemic poverty and lack of social and economic alternatives
that push children to violence.
Now, a handful of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) think they have the answer in educational programs that train for peace.
RIO DE JANEIRO: VIOLENCE, BEAUTY,
INEQUALITY
The paradox of Rio is that it is at once one of the
most violent and one of the most naturally beautiful cities in the world. Nurturing the violence is
a poverty that thrives, jarringly, alongside Rio’s
splendor. In fact, the problem is countrywide:
Brazil displays one of the highest rates of social
inequality in the world despite rapid economic
development. The top 10 percent of the population earns 50 percent of the national income, and
about 34 percent of the population lives below
the poverty line. The government estimates that
20 percent of the population lives in favelas,
though the real figure could be even higher.
Not surprisingly, the history of the favelas is
deeply rooted in Brazil’s history of inequality,
which has had both socioeconomic and racial
overtones for centuries. In the world of the favelas, people struggle daily to defend themselves,
either from drug traffickers or from the violence
and the unpredictability of police agents who,
according to groups like Human Rights Watch,
often violate their human rights.
This complex situation has led to an extremely
troubling situation for Rio and its youth. A recent
study published by British anthropologist Luke
Dowdney confirms that more young people below
the age of 18 are killed by guns each year in Rio
than in many areas of the world that are officially
at war. The study showed that there are strong
similarities between children involved in drug
wars in Rio’s favelas and child soldiers in other
parts of the world. Drug gangs run the favelas,
and Dowdney’s report describes how they employ
youths as guards.
The result is a war zone. In the period between
1988 and 2002, almost 4,000 youths under
18 years of age were killed by firearms in Rio.
Currently, there are between 5,000 and 6,000
armed children in Rio alone.
THE FIGHT FOR PEACE
So what can be done in order to reduce youth
violence in cities like Rio where social inequalities
and exclusion are so powerful?
The answer can be found in “peace education,” according to Viva Rio, one of Brazil’s most
renowned NGOs in the field of youth violence in
favelas. Other NGOs are increasingly sharing the
same perspective.
“The introduction of a different perspective
through peace education, conflict mediation and
other tools can make a difference in contexts
where youth violence is reaching immense proportions,” says Clarissa Huguet, a program coordinator with the Children and Youth in Organized
Armed Violence (COAV) project at the Rio-based
NGO. According to Huguet, there is an immense
need to promote peace and multicultural education in areas where violence is epidemic and
traditional schools face difficulties in fulfilling
their main tasks. Huguet believes the result of her
organization’s peace education will be a peaceful
and progressive generation of children that build a
different environment in their communities.
Dowdney, who formerly worked with Viva Rio,
has started his own initiative in a similar vein. But
his program, Fight for Peace (FFP), takes things a
step further, combining education programs with
marketing tools to promote lifestyle changes for
the youth of the slums. FFP works to include atrisk youth in sports, education, job training, youth
leadership and conflict resolution programs. The
project also unites community-based grassroots
projects with big-time corporate sponsors. Nike
has donated soccer equipment, boxing gear and
cash.
With these resources, FFP has managed to
borrow a concept—branding—from the world of
marketing. The organization’s brand is peaceful
living. Just like sports gear, this lifestyle brand
has some heavy-hitting spokespeople. FFP recruits
sports celebrities—among them Brazilian Formula
One champ Emmerson Fittipaldi and boxing
star Acelino “Popó” Freitas—to visit the favela
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From left to right: Residents gather near the body
of a man killed during a police operation against
drug gangs at Complexo do Alemao slum in Rio
de Janeiro. Surfers returning from the beach of
São Conrado. In the Favela Rocinha, the largest
favela in South America, sports are an alternative
to armed violence and drug-trafficking. Brazilian
army soldiers catalogue illegal guns that will be
burned in an iron furnace in São Paulo. Laureus
World Sports Academy legend Emerson Fittipaldi
plays football with children from the Meninos Do
Morumbi project during the first day of the Laureus Sport for Good Foundation South American
tour.
and go on retreat weekends. Their visits aim to
counter the allure of the streets and eradicate
youth involvement in crime, drug trafficking and
organized armed violence. The stars have a direct
dialogue with the youth involved in the project,
but organizers say their presence has a wider
impact—media coverage of their visits means
that favela children are aware of another world to
which they can aspire.
But it’s not all celebrity handshakes and soccer weekends. To stay in the popular project,
children must also attend citizenship classes.
Preteens in any country are not famous for their
enthusiasm for such classes, but the promises of
meeting stars and participating in other activities
seem to be enticing attendance. The project’s
child beneficiaries say the citizenship classes help
to change mindsets. The classes combine a range
of topics—citizenship values, rights and responsibilities, sex education and conflict-mediation
strategies.
Dowdney says another important part of the
project is the personal work done with each beneficiary. There is a focus on the individual—taking
into account her background and special needs—
to form tailor-made programs that create a culture
of peace. The markers of success are entrance
into a university, getting a good job or providing
for one’s family.
It’s too early to tell what kind of broader
impact these programs are having on the favelas,
but at least some individual cases point to real
The result is a war zone. In the period between
1988 and 2002, almost 4,000 youths under 18 years
of age were killed by firearms in Rio.
success. One 19-year-old woman I met has been
with the FPP project since its inception. She
began taking boxing classes, and then signed up
for English, Spanish and computer classes. She
is now working full-time as an assistant program
director at the center, and she’s on track to get a
secondary-school certificate.
PROGRAMS NOT ENOUGH
Civic and peace education can be powerful, but
even program leaders say that their efforts are
only one part of a larger picture. A Brazilian
state strategy must, in its public policy, embrace
the eradication both of violence and poverty,
particularly in its educational and social planning. As it stands, activists say that the Brazilian
government’s education spending is subpar—a
fact evinced by the country’s low literacy rate
compared to others in Latin America. Huguet and
activists working in another NGO serving the favelas, Observatorio de Favelas, say that this means
peace education, citizenship classes, conflict
resolution and sex education must be part of every
school curriculum. Only an approach involving
multiple stakeholders, they say, will give young
favelados the confidence—and the reason—to tote
books rather than assault rifles.
Massimo Alpian completed his MIA in
December 2008. During the summer of 2008,
he worked at the Children in Organized Armed
Violence project of the Viva Rio organization in
Rio de Janeiro.
S I PA N E W S 1 7
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Education in Latin America:
Great Achievements
and Even Greater Deficits By Miguel Urquiola
L
atin American countries have long struggled to improve their educational systems’
reach and effectiveness. In recent decades, many governments have introduced
reforms aimed at improving children’s educational achievements. Evaluations of
these initiatives reveal both tremendous progress and daunting challenges.
The Good News
Over the last century, the region has made enormous strides in terms of simply getting children
into school. At the most basic level, governments
have devoted significant resources to the provision of “free” public (or at least publicly-funded)
schooling, particularly at the primary level.
Households have in turn responded by taking up this supply and in many cases by paying
for additional private schooling. Research by
Suzanne Duryea and Miguel Székely reveals much
progress between 1938 and 1970 in the number
of grades that males passed in school. While
there is variation in the gains observed across
countries, the overall picture is one of significant
improvement. For example, in Mexico men born
70 years ago have on average about four years of
schooling, while those born 40 years ago have
approximately nine years (see Figure 1).
While initially progress was faster for boys in
many countries, girls have largely caught up, and
at present girls even do slightly better than boys
in many areas.
Despite this progress, numerous challenges
remain. Many countries still need to do a better job
of getting children into school promptly, of reducing
dropout rates, and of reducing the number of times
grades are repeated, so that the time children spend
in school turns into actual years of schooling.
There are grounds for optimism regarding at
least some of these challenges. The educational
opportunities offered by public and private educational systems in Latin America continue to
grow. To improve the corresponding demand for
education, governments are using creative tools
like conditional cash transfers—cash payments made to
poor parents in exchange for, among other things,
enrolling their children in school—to further raise
enrollments. These initiatives are being rigorously
tracked and evaluated for their efficacy, which
is unusual for educational interventions in Latin
America (or anywhere, for that matter).
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Figure 1: Average years of schooling for the 1938–40 and 1968–70 birth cohorts.
1938–40
Figure 2: Percentage of students who
attain given levels of reading proficiency.
1968–70
Note: The data are for males and are drawn from Duryea and Székely (2000). The data for
Argentina are only for Buenos Aires; those for Bolivia and Uruguay cover only urban areas.
The Bad News
Rapid growth in the amount of time individuals
spend in school has not necessarily translated
into substantial increases in learning. This trend is
clear, despite significant data limitations in many
countries. For example, in many cases an evaluation of achievement over time is not possible due
to the absence of time series data.
Despite the data deficiencies, international testing results suggest learning outcomes are deficient,
to say the least. For example, standardized tests
recently administered in Latin America measured
varying levels of achievement in literacy. These
included students’ basic abilities to understand texts
(Level 1, Figure 2-A); to reproduce the elements of a
text in their own words (Level 2, Figure 2-B); and to
“fill in the blanks,” demonstrating an understanding
of advanced concepts like causation (Level 3, Figure
2-C). The data are displayed to show the percentage of public and private school children that attain
different levels of reading readiness.
As the figures show, the majority of thirdand fourth-graders in the region have attained
proficiency at Level 1. Still, more than one in ten
children is unable to fulfill this benchmark in all
countries save Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. More
than half of all children fail to attain Level 3 proficiency everywhere except Argentina and Chile.
The picture becomes even more discouraging when the region is compared to wealthier
countries. Research by Lant Pritchett of Harvard’s
Kennedy School of Government compares educational achievement in Latin America with that
in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) countries. Only about
three percent of Brazilian students outperform the
average Danish student. The average Brazilian
student’s level of achievement is comparable
to the lower two percent of Danish students’
achievements. By both absolute and relative
measures, therefore, learning in Latin America’s
educational system is lacking.
Unfortunately, our knowledge of how to
improve learning (including in the United States)
is rather limited. There is simply little rigorous
research on what works and what does not. Latin
American countries need to do more to evaluate
the success of their own educational policies and
initiatives. Countries in the region have undertaken a large number of innovative and interesting programs. To make progress, though, these
programs, from the outset, should be designed
with high-quality, experimental methods. This
collaboration between educators struggling to
build better programs and scholars skilled in
program evaluation would allow the identification of successful models and, one hopes, lead
to the improvement of education for millions of
children throughout the region.
References
Duryea, S., and M. Székely (2000). “Labor Markets in Latin
America: A Look at the Supply Side.” Emerging Markets Review
1, 199–228.
Laboratorio Latinoamericano de Evaluación de la Calidad de la
Educación (2001). “Primer estudio internacional comparativo
sobre lenguaje, matemática y factores asociados para alumnus
de tercer y cuarto grado de la educación básica.” UNESCO.
Source: Laboratorio Latinoamericano de Evaluación de la Calidad de la Educación (2001).
McEwan, P., M. Urquiola, and E. Vegas (2008). “School Choice,
Stratification, and Information on School Performance: Lessons
from Chile. Economia 8 (2), 1–28.
Pritchett, L. (2004). “Towards a New Consensus for Addressing
the Global Challenge of the Lack of Education.” Copenhagen
Consensus Challenge Paper.
Urquiola, M., and V. Calderón (2006). “Apples and Oranges:
Educational Enrollment and Attainment Across Countries in
Latin America and the Caribbean.” International Journal of Educational
Development 26 (6): 572–90.
Miguel Urquiola is assistant professor of International
and Public Affairs and Economics at Columbia University’s
School of International and Public Affairs.
S I PA N E W S 1 9
1/8/09 11:33:53 PM
Colombian peace advocate and former guerrilla Francisco Galán
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Pushing for
Peace
By Jake Rollow and Dan Green
I
t was one morning in July, while riding to a Colombian conflict
zone in an armored SUV trailed by two armed bodyguards, that
Francisco “Pacho” Galán, the former spokesman and central commander of the ELN guerrillas, first learned of tectonic plates.
“How thick are they?” Galán asked his 22-year-old assistant.
“How fast do they move?”
The assistant couldn’t answer all the questions. Plates are enormous
masses inching forward, he told the ex-guerilla. Over time, they move
mountains.
It’s a process that explained the bright green mountains of the Colombian
Cordillera that whizzed by the darkly tinted, thumb-thick bulletproof windows of the SUV. It’s also an apt metaphor for the work of Galán, who
began this year to try to inch Colombia’s political plates toward a new
geography of stability. This spring, after more than three decades fighting
the state, the nearly 60-year-old former university professor renounced
Colombia’s civil war and parted paths with the ELN (Ejército de Liberación
Nacional). Then, he devoted himself to building peace.
Galán seeks something beyond a ceasefire or the armed struggle’s
end. He wants a truly tectonic change—to build a national peace movement, he says, that will “transform” Colombian society as a whole.
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“After working more than 35 years to destroy the state, I understood
The only thing possible
From top: Pacho Galán speaking at an organizational planning meeting at the Casa de Paz.
For the last 44 years, Colombia’s war has tortured the country with erratic and brutal bursts of
violence. Perpetrators include left-wing guerrillas,
such as the ELN and FARC (Fuerzas Armadas
Revolucionarias de Colombia); right-wing paramilitary groups; criminal organizations such as
narcotics traffickers, armed gangs, and hired assassins; and the Colombian military. Among such a
multifaceted, complicated conflict, “the enemy” is
almost always hidden. A rural peasant who farms
yucca by day may carry an assault rifle at night.
Supposedly demobilized paramilitaries coordinate
criminal activities remotely from their prison cells.
And the Colombian military has been repeatedly
accused of collaborating with death squads that
steal, rape, and murder. While the war may simmer
beneath jungle canopies and in urban alleys most
of the time, on occasions it emerges. The result is
often tragic for people caught in the way.
Yet recent events in the country have hinted
that peace may be only a military surge or two
away. In March, Manuel Marulanda, the founder
and leader of FARC, died of a heart attack. The
same month, the group’s spokesman Raúl Reyes
was killed by the Colombian armed forces. And
in July, Ingrid Betancourt, the French-Colombian
former presidential candidate and the FARC’s most
prized hostage for six years, was freed by a military
operation so successful that not a single shot was
fired. In fact, the Colombian government claims
the conflict is over. Its position, officially, is that
the country is already in a postconflict period.
Galán sees things differently. Even if the government military were to wipe out all the insurgents, he says, it would not be nearly enough
to create a lasting peace. Colombian society is
structured around the four-decades-long war, and
the seeds of violence that have already been sown
would find the ground fertile for sprouting into
new conflicts.
“After working more than 35 years to destroy
the state, I understood that today in Colombia a
At a meeting in Pasto, the capital of Nariño province, which has high levels of violence and poverty, representatives
of a local barrio vote for the leader of their communa (district). The winner was Aulo Erazo, a friend of Pacho’s and a
former member of the ELN.
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1/10/09 12:40:38 AM
that today in Colombia a military victory is not possible.
is to work with the state and civil society for a victory in peace.”
military victory is not possible,” Galán says. “The
only thing possible is to work with the state and
civil society for a victory in peace.”
While his turnaround would seem fundamental
for a former guerrilla fighter, Galán says that only
his tactics have changed, and not his ideologies.
“The objectives that I sought when I entered
the war and I didn’t achieve are the same ones
we need to raise up to achieve peace,” he says. “I
think that today, the big task for those who have
entered into peace-building is to make it so that
Colombians can participate in the exercise of their
government.”
But even if Galán’s personal reform is only
tactical, he says the decision to pursue it came to
him in a profound way. Captured by the state and
enduring a torture session before he was thrown in
jail, Galán had what he calls a moment of clarity.
His arms were tied behind his back at the time,
and the rope, thrown over the branch of a tree,
was pulled so hard it lifted him off the ground. He
admits that his realizations may have been induced
by the unbearable pain, but nonetheless, he never
forgot them. He says he decided three things then.
He needed to discover who he was, to reconnect
with his family, and, lastly, to find peace.
Galán began his transformation while in prison,
where, during two periods of incarceration, he
spent a total of nearly 15 years. Both times he was
placed in solitary confinement, but he was hardly
alone. He estimates that he had at least 5,000 visits
during those years and says that in the latter stages,
although he was still the spokesman for the ELN,
he used the meetings to advocate peace. (He currently has no connection with the ELN, nor any
political party affiliation.)
Today, as a free man, his habits are not that
different. He continues to pack his schedule with
meetings, but now he travels the country to make
them. With his long, graying beard and tight,
protruding belly—and the weight of his experience behind him—Galán cuts an imposing figure.
In many parts of the country, he is greeted as a
celebrity. On one of his trips in July, this one to
a conflict zone in the coastal province of Nariño,
people whipped out cell phones to photograph
“Don Francisco.” Later, a group of men flocked
around the SUV, all eager to shake his hand and
exchange a kind word.
His stature helps promote his efforts at dialogue. During that week in July when he traveled
from Medellín, where his nonprofit organization,
La Casa de Paz (The House of Peace) is based,
to Nariño, Galán met with a diverse collection of
people. Among them were university students and
professors, staffers of other nonprofit groups seeking peace, representatives from the Swiss Embassy,
and, last but not least, Lina Moreno de Uribe, the
country’s first lady. (He’d met with Mr. Uribe just
a few months prior.)
Most of Galán’s meetings start as macrolevel
discussions of how to bring peace to Colombia.
He listens to the opinions of others on the issue
and then shares his own. But before the meeting
ends he often seeks agreement on a next step. For
the university students, for example, he suggested
creating a network of supporters of the Colombian
peace process. With the professors he asked for
participation in a conference and for new curricula
on peace studies. And he pressed for coordination
with and among the other peace-builders. (The
meetings with the Swiss Embassy and the first lady
were held behind closed doors.)
It’s hard to say, however, how effective Galán’s
work is. The conflict is complicated, the time
period uncertain, and he’s one person, with a small
staff, attempting to rally a nation’s population.
Still, in Colombia, it’s a pretty big deal that he’s
doing what he’s doing. While other ex-guerrillas
now work in government, journalism, and other
forms of public service, none but Galán have dedicated themselves solely to peace. And, certainly,
none of them are striving, the way he is, to change
fundamentally the way Colombians think.
“We have to break definitively the historic
cycle of violence,” he says. “Casa de Paz first creates consciousness of the possibility of living in
peace.”
But perhaps what makes Galán unique is his
particularly nonmilitant persona. Although he can
bark like an army captain if a member of his staff
frustrates him, he is more likely to be found engaging them—reading aloud the day’s newspaper, for
example—or hustling them (the cooks and gardeners too) to Casa de Paz’s dining room table for a
meal, where he’s bound to start cracking jokes.
In his meetings, too, he is articulate, charismatic,
and thoughtful. He does not come across as an
ex-soldier who knows only life in the mountains,
but as a person who just may be capable of pulling
together all Colombia’s communities—unarmed
and armed.
Dan Green, MIA ’09, is concentrating in Economic and
Political Development. He worked in the fields of negotiation and conflict resolution training and consulting prior to
attending SIPA. This past summer he worked at la Casa de
Paz, becoming the first intern since Francisco Galán and the
organization’s split with ELN.
Jake Rollow, MIA ’09, is concentrating in International
Media and Communications. He worked as a journalist
prior to attending SIPA. Last summer he spent 10 days traveling in Colombia with Francisco Galán and staff members
of la Casa de Paz.
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The Whole Bean:
GUATEMALAN COOP CLAIMS FAIR COFFEE
PRODUCTION PROCESS—NOT JUST FAIR TRADE
By Gwyneth Fries
F
or Americans who pay higher prices for a morning cup of fair-trade
coffee, the feel-good boost they get from buying into social responsibility can be almost as energizing as the caffeine. Even gigantic
coffee retailers have had to take notice: An estimated 6 percent of
coffee at Starbucks is marketed as fair trade. The fair-trade model,
which uses a certification process for producers that is designed to
ensure an equitable relationship between consumers and producers, is supposed
to guarantee a fair price and access to markets for all bean growers—not just the
big plantations.
But increasingly, farming advocates are saying that—at least for coffee growers—the fair trade model is not enough. The steps between growing and brewing
create a series of middlemen, colonial-era plantation models remain strong, and
wages are stuck at minimum levels. Big farmers may be able to make it work, but
small growers have a hard time plugging in to fair-trade benefits.
At Finca Santa Julia, near the Mexican border, workers pick coffee to be dried and processed. Finca Santa Julia produces
only high-end quality coffee and sells to markets like Starbucks and USCAFE. These companies bring along working
regulations, which improve the quality of the coffee as well as working conditions for the country and its people.
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Fair-trade coffees claim
to make sure the benefits
of the boom are well
distributed, but a closer
look reveals that fair
trade labeling may be a
bit misleading.
In Guatemala, where coffee is experiencing
something of a rebirth, the farmers have plenty
to be unsatisfied about. Starbucks, for example,
buys about 25 percent of Guatemala’s annual
production, which Starbuck cites as evidence of
its commitment to helping the country’s coffee
industry grow. However, critics say that the beneficiaries of the high volume of sales are largely
fincas, or plantation owners, and the roasters. Small
farmers—many of whom are part of the more
than 50 percent of Guatemalans living below the
poverty line—see relatively little benefit.
There’s no doubt, however, that many in
Guatemala are profiting from the coffee trade.
After a severe drop in prices in 2001, industry
leaders sought price stability through the promotion of specialized coffees and the search for
new markets willing to pay more for distinctiveness. The National Association of Coffee
in Guatemala, Anacafé, has designated eight
different coffee-producing regions, with diverse
climates and soils, producing unique flavors. Half
of the 3 million-strong labor force in Guatemala
is devoted to agriculture, with 9 percent devoted
specifically to coffee production. The country
boasted an annual production of about 488 million kilograms of coffee in 2007.
Fair-trade coffees claim to make sure the
benefits of the boom are well distributed, but a
closer look reveals that fair trade labeling may
be a bit misleading. For example, fair-trade certification only guarantees an already insufficient
minimum wage for coffee farmers and only certifies green, unprocessed coffee, which is then
sent to U.S. roasters. From green to roasted, the
price of a pound of coffee can jump by three to
eight times—but farmers don’t benefit from the
increase. Also, basic fees for fair trade certification through FLO International, the international
agency responsible for certification, can amount
to up to $4,000, triple the annual income of some
small farmers, making certification unattainable
for all but large fincas who amass profits through
a production structure reminiscent of a colonial
era plantation. Most fincas, handed down through
generations of wealthy landowners, are run as
they have been for the past 100 years—by hiring outside seasonal workers and paying a low
price—between 10 and 20 cents per pound of
cereza, or coffee berry.
A GRASSROOTS ANSWER
From 2005 to 2008, I lived in the village San
Miguel Escobar, outside Antigua, Guatemala, and
worked with the nongovernmental organization
(NGO) Familias de Esperanza, showing around
teams of donors and volunteers who had come
to visit the organization. During one of these
trips, I discovered As Green As It Gets (AGAIG),
an organization that approaches the small-scale
coffee farmer dilemma from a different angle—
through organization at the production level as
much as through advertising at the consumer
level. The lynchpin of their efforts is a microloan
program that is funded primarily through private
donations, loans by individuals of as little as $125,
product sales, and donations from NGOs, including Familias de Esperanza.
The director of AGAIG, Franklin Voorhes,
works closely with two small-scale coffee farmers,
Filiberto Salazar and Felix Porón, who explained
to me the nuts and bolts of the organization.
Voorhes leads but doesn’t run the show at the
AGAIG cooperative. Porón and Salazar, in addition to 18 other farmers, have been able to obtain
start-up capital through a clear, fair microloan
program, share skills and equipment, and provide
employment to other villagers, all while learning
and practicing good business.
As small-scale coffee farmers, Salazar and
Porón have problems similar to those of many
unskilled workers the world over: limited education, few possibilities for job advancement, and
nothing to use as collateral for loans. AGAIG has
given them the small amount of capital they need
to stand on their own feet, while avoiding the
worst of the often corrupt Guatemalan business
environment.
Voorhes, an American who originally hails
from Nebraska, started AGAIG with the hopes of
giving farmers an alternative to a system that—
despite the demand for coffee—denies them real
chances to prosper. Deeply interested in development, Voorhes found that coffee offered some
unique opportunities.
“I tried my hand at development with some of
the programs that are popular in [development]
literature: solar stoves, water filters, gardening
programs, and the like,” he says. But the programs
left Voorhes unsatisfied. He had wanted to run
them using inexpensive, locally produced goods,
but found that difficult.
Then, he discovered coffee.
“In the world of coffee, an hour or a dollar
invested returned many times the initial investment,” he says. “It was immediately obvious that
I should be focusing on small coffee businesses
rather than my prior programs.”
AGAIG got its start with a one-year, $10,000
loan from the charity Common Hope. Voorhes
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says the loan has been repaid in full—with
interest—in coffee. He was able to continue his
efforts in Guatemala, with an additional grant of
$10,000 from Common Hope.
Voorhes didn’t want just any microloan program. Contrary to the hype, he notes, many
microloans take advantage of small investors.
Sums like $100 can carry interest rates up to 20
percent and even 36 percent—rates higher than
what many U.S. banks are legally allowed to
charge. Voorhes adds that traditional banks, on
the other hand, take advantage of uneducated
campesinos with complicated and misleading loan
contracts.
Voorhes, by contrast, acquires $1,000 loans
for the farmers with a 5 percent interest rate that
is payable in kind, as coffee. One thousand dollars allows farmers to pay for resources such as
a small roaster, a depulper, or cement for a drying patio that can actually increase quality and
production capacity. In addition, Voorhes meets
with farmers weekly to help them keep track of
their goals.
Business in Guatemala is generally informal, and many small business owners lack basic
accounting and management skills.
Salazar says the AGAIG system works. “We
have to be responsible too,” he told me. “Every
individual has an accounting book . . . Franklin
taught us that—how to manage our accounts.”
As the AGAIG cooperative has grown, the
farmers have been able to employ neighbors,
many of them women badly in need of part-time
work. For sorting beans, village women receive
double, and sometimes up to six times the hourly
minimum wage required for fair-trade coffee
certification.
“Now we can create sources of work—offer
an opportunity, and papers aren’t necessary,” says
Salazar. “There is no pressure, just a mutual agreement to help.” Inspired by their male counterparts, wives and daughters of the AGAIG farmers
have also started their own small businesses and
employ neighbors at real living wages.
Voorhes says he encourages the AGAIG farmers to think in the long term and reinvest to grow
their business. Porón and Salazar have learned
to prioritize. “It’s the culture of many people to
think in the short term and not in the long term,”
Porón says. He chose to build fermentation tanks
for his coffee before replacing the corrugated tin
surrounding his house with cement walls.
Salazar’s long-term thinking has influenced his
hopes for his 11 children. He doesn’t necessarily
want them to leave farming, but he does want
them to have an easier life than he has had. “They
can be campesinos, but they’ll have the technical
experience and studies,” he says. His modest
prosperity has paid off for his children, he notes,
including a daughter who is working part time at
a bookshop while studying to become a lawyer.
Through acquisition of low-interest loans,
mastery of the production process, and direct
contact with buyers, AGAIG farmers say they
are building small businesses that can truly be
called sustainable. Oxfam, the InterAmerican
Development Bank, and the NGO Cup of
Excellence all support small farms. But foreign
markets don’t distinguish between cooperatives
like AGAIG and small farms that maintain an old,
exploitive production pattern. Until we know
more about the circumstances of our coffee’s
production, even savvy consumers will likely face
the challenge of wading through misinformation
to answer the question: Just how can I know if my
purchase actually helps small farmers in Central
America? If the AGAIG model is any kind of indicator, perhaps the answer will include a labeling
system with information about the fairness of the
entire production process, not just the price paid
for roasted beans.
A waitress serves coffee at a coffee bar
in Guatemala City. In 2007, Guatemalan
coffee registered the best harvest of
the last seven years, with incomes of
US$545 million.
Gwyneth Fries, MIA ’10, is concentrating in Urban
Policy. She is originally from Washington D.C., and lived
for three years in Guatemala before returning to the United.
States this past August.
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Cuba Policy
FOR A NEW U.S. ADMINISTRATION
By Dóra Beszterczey
Since the end of the Cold War, a democratic transition in Cuba—not
always qualified by the adjective “peaceful”—has been at the front and
center of U.S. policy toward Havana. Cuba has remained one of the only
countries in Latin America that had openly poor relations with the United
States, and the vocal, largely anti-Castro Cuban-American community
has lobbied strongly for his removal.
But 17 years after its Soviet patron fell, the Castro regime is sailing
on: as Fidel formally stepped down from power on February 24, 2008, the
Cuban National Assembly named his younger brother, Raúl, 77, president of the Councils of State and Ministers.
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A man cycles past a Cuban flag in Havana.
U.S. President Barack Obama’s promise of
change reached across the Florida Straits as
Cubans said his victory over John McCain gave
them hope for better relations with the United
States and improvement in their own lives.
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1/10/09 12:56:01 AM
The name of ailing Cuban president Fidel Castro is seen written with fireworks on January 8, 2008, in celebrations
marking the 49th anniversary of Castro’s return to Havana after years of exile in Sierra Maestra, eastern Cuba.
Even before the transition, a new U.S. policy
toward Cuba was long overdue. For years, the personalized animosity governing U.S.-Cuba relations
has only served to elevate the regime’s symbolic
predicament as an “underdog” in the international
arena. Now, the pieces required to enact a reorientation of U.S. policy may finally be in place: a Cuban
regime undertaking tentative economic reforms,
expanding its international outlook, and diversifying
trading partners; a new U.S. administration taking
stock of a subcontinent moving ever further from
Washington’s orbit; and demographic and ideological
shifts inside Miami’s Cuban-American community
whose vote is increasingly turning blue.
Politics as Usual?
The transition from Fidel to Raúl has resulted in
a shift away from one-person charismatic leadership, to one with wider institutional buy-in from
the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) and the
Communist Party (PCC), the guardian institutions of the Revolution. According to a Brookings
taskforce on Cuba, Raúl’s operating mode will be
calculated pragmatism—liberalizing within bounds
and undertaking reforms in a stop-and-go fashion while avoiding disruptive structural reforms.
Disseminating and enforcing the current reform
process through the PCC and FAR will be important in an environment where increased economic
openness may create new, unpredictable challenges to the status quo.
Under either Castro, Cuba remains a dictatorship. To the wide acclaim of the international community, Raúl ratified the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and
Cultural Rights. He also released 15 political prisoners (with 219 remaining), effectively removing
attention from the increase in short-term detentions and intimidation of dissidents and human
rights activists. Marifeli Pérez-Stable at the InterAmerican Dialogue says that neither brother has
anything but disdain for civil liberties, nor brooks
political opposition. State security maintains a
close check on all Cubans, not only on potential
political threats. As a result, Cuban civil society
has not been granted the space to develop. It
lacks broad-based networks and the capacities
to organize and develop cohesive movements
for change.
The Challenge of Reforms
Since assuming the presidency, Raúl has implemented widely publicized reforms to address
economic grievances, raising the bar of popular
expectations to unprecedented levels. He removed
restrictions on cell phone and computer purchases
and allowed Cubans access to tourist facilities.
While mostly cosmetic in nature, their psychological impact should not be underestimated: reforms
will elevate purchasing power and consumption
and increase access to communications and
contact with the outside world. More recently,
reforms to lease idle state lands to independent
cooperatives and lift wage caps on state salaried
professions—the latter put off in the aftermath of
last summer’s hurricanes—are intended to create
much-needed labor and productivity incentives,
and ease burdening food imports in light of soaring global prices. Cuba currently imports 80 percent of its food.
The regime’s fundamental challenge will be to
respond to popular expectations for improved living conditions without undercutting the authority
of the state. Will partial economic liberalization
simply reduce the pressure for political change, or
will it create pressures for broader and more rapid
change, possibly forcing the Cuban hierarchy to
move beyond its comfort zone?
Such reforms, in either case, do little to
address empty state coffers and the public perception of a revolution whose social achievements
are crumbling away to reveal rising inequalities. Severe economic distortions linger from
the “Special Period”—the term in Cuba for the
economic crisis that followed the fall of the
Soviet Union—when a dual currency and multiple exchange rates sustained a thriving black
market and forced some state-owned industries
into bankruptcy. Further, with a global downturn
likely to affect the island’s principal sources of
hard currency in tourism and nickel, and with
productivity shortfalls particularly acute in agriculture, the cash-strapped regime’s shortcomings
in providing the hallmark goods and services of
Cuban children attend a computer class at a school in
Havana. Cuba recently legalized the sale of computers,
microwaves, DVDs and other appliances, so long as sales
are in state-run stores that only take hard currency.
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the Revolution—food, education, health care, and
pensions—will become increasingly visible.
The existing inequalities between those in
possession of the convertible currency (CUCs,
available to those with access to remittances and
employment in the tourism industry), and those
without, are worsening. Ration cards only supply
half a month’s basic foodstuffs, and households
have to purchase the remainder on the black
market in CUCs. Everyday staples priced in CUCs,
however, are out of reach for most people, who
earn state wages of $18 a month. The social
impact of these changes is resonating far and
wide in a society that was, until now, deeply integrated. The economic pressures are amplifying
racial and generational divides, and driving thousands of Cubans each year to vote with their feet
and take to the Florida Straits in search of better
opportunities.
If the regime can juggle these political challenges and popular expectations for reform, it may
be able to put off socially disruptive structural
reforms for some time. In the short term, the
international community, with Brazil and Mexico
at the helm, are showing considerable sympathy
toward Raúl’s reform efforts, granting the regime
vast lines of credit and investment. With a cash
injection on the horizon in the medium term, the
regime may be banking on weathering this initial
period of reforms to ensure political survival.
According to Jorge Piñon, an energy fellow
with the Center for Hemispheric Policy at the
University of Miami, should the projected 10 to
15 billion barrels of oil reserves in the Gulf of
Mexico be proven, the regime would be provided
with revenues far exceeding Venezuelan oil subsidies that currently amount to 100,000 barrels per
day. With such revenues, Cuba’s vulnerability to
outside pressure will diminish—from the United
States as well as from Venezuela—and state
power will be reinforced through top-down revenue
distribution mechanisms, likely bolstering the
regime’s credibility and confidence in maintaining
political control.
Cuban Americans
U.S. policy toward Cuba cannot change without
support in the Cuban-American community.
Traditionally a staunch Republican base with
a strong lobby driving Washington’s isolationist policy, the Cuban-American community is
undergoing a demographic and ideological transformation. Young Cuban Americans, together
with the more recent wave of economic migrants
and some of the old guard, are increasingly
promoting a policy of engagement and a focus
on improving living conditions on the island.
Joe Garcia, chairman of the Miami-Dade County Democratic Party in Kendall, Fla., announced in February
2008 that he was running for the Congressional seat
held by Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart, R-Fla.
According to Florida International University
polls, conducted annually since 1991, last
year a 55 percent majority of Florida’s CubanAmerican population supported unrestricted
travel and the sale of medicine and food to the
island. Forty-two percent opposed the embargo
outright, an increase of 8 percent since 2004.
And, for the first time, the three Cuban-American
representatives from South Florida faced credible, well-funded Democratic opponents in the
2008 elections. While all three lost, the alarm
has sounded for the next election in 2010:
Democratic congressional candidate Joe Garcia,
spearheading the old guard’s ideological shift,
lost by only 5.6 points.
to exploit the dichotomy between the growth in
revenue for the regime and the lack of economic
benefits to the wider population.
Whatever the exact scope of President Obama’s
approach to Cuba, certain basic principles should
guide policy beyond the current deadlock to
ensure greater leverage with a Raúl-led government. First, U.S. policy should engage the Cuban
government on issues of bilateral interest (migration, organized crime and counternarcotics, disaster management, public health, environment) to
foster enhanced information flows about key decision-makers and decision-making mechanisms in
the regime. Second, it should lift all elements of
the “communications embargo” (including travel
restrictions, capped remittances, and trade restrictions governing media and culture). Prohibiting
information flow into Cuba only reinforces the prerogatives of Cuban state security. Third, it should
more widely disseminate USAID assistance to
support and engage all potential reformers. This
would avoid the risk that single-handed support to
dissidents might jeopardize their legitimacy in a
potential transition. Embedding such a reorientation of U.S. policy within a regional framework
will only further boost its chances of success—
and, importantly, demonstrate to the region the
renewed commitment of the United States to
peace and prosperity in the Americas.
Dóra Beszterczey, MIA ’09, is concentrating in
Advanced Policy and Economic Analysis and is a
research assistant at the Brookings Institution.
Options for U.S. Policy
Without losing sight of a democratic Cuba, U.S.
policy should use the window of opportunity
afforded by the succession from Fidel to Raúl
constructively. Taking a realpolitik approach, neither Cuba’s commitment to a democratic transition nor a unilateral lifting of the U.S. embargo is
needed to start moving away from the deadlock.
The United States can now look beyond the
embargo’s seemingly inflexible margins.
Barack Obama’s administration may be dealing with a more economically-viable Cuba, with
diversified trade and investment partners as
well as exploited energy reserves. Limited U.S.
leverage over Cuba may diminish further, making unilateral sanctions irrelevant to the island’s
economic and/or political stability. Within this
framework, the United States should act on the
openings afforded by Raúl. Washington should
push for immediate unilateral liberalization
in order to create pressures on the island for
greater freedoms. Most importantly, policymakers should encourage the wider dissemination of
wealth across the island by taking creative steps
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Raúl Castro, Cuba’s president, and brother of
Revolution leader Fidel Castro, delivers a speech
in front of the Moncada military complex during a
celebration of the 55th anniversary of the attack on
the Moncada Barracks and the Cuban Revolution
(July 26, 2008) in Santiago de Cuba.
By Rebecca Rouse
The Postrevolutionary Generation:
FINDING A SPACE FOR YOUTH ACTIVISM IN RAÚL CASTRO’S CUBA* BY REBECCA ROUSE
ast January, Cuban university student Eliécer Ávila Cicilia took the floor during the questionand-answer portion of a student conference and unwittingly launched himself into the
international spotlight. A video of the meeting between students of Havana’s University of
Computer Science and Ricardo Alarcón, president of Cuba’s National Assembly, shows the
fourth-year computer science student grilling the politician with a candidness that Cuban leaders are unaccustomed to. “It seems to us a revolution cannot advance without a plan,” Ávila is
shown saying, standing at a microphone in a room full of students. “I’m sure it exists; we just want
to know what it is.” As Ávila goes on to question the Cuban government’s restrictive policies on
everything from travel to Internet access, Alarcón is visibly taken aback and struggles to respond,
in some cases feigning ignorance of the problems in question.
L
*The names of interview subjects have been changed to protect their identities.
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It was a rare example of public discontent
on the island, and Eliécer Ávila was suddenly
being called a hero by followers of Cuban politics
abroad. He was labeled a young anti-Castro activist and a youth leader; the video of the encounter
was leaked to the international press and circulated quickly on the Internet through YouTube,
CNN, and the BBC, though most Cubans on the
island never saw it.
However, just as surprising as Ávila’s seeming defiance, what happened after was even more
complicated. There were reports that the young
man had been taken into government detention
from his home in Las Tunas province. Ávila finally
reemerged on February 11, nearly a month after his
now infamous confrontation with Ricardo Alarcón,
in an appearance on the state television program
“CubaDebate,” where he denied that he had been
arrested or harassed by the police. Ávila went on to
accuse critics of the Cuban government of manipulating his words, saying that any questions that he
and his fellow students posed to Alarcón during
the January event were meant to “better strengthen
socialism, not to destroy it. Anything that there
is to be fixed or changed, we will do it within the
Revolution.” Was he pressured into denying his dissent, or did he never intend to make such a strong
political statement in the first place?
Fidel Castro was 26 years old when he stormed
the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba back
in 1953, beginning the Cuban Revolution and
turning himself into one of the most divisive
figures in recent history. The Cuban Revolution
had its base among students and youth, and
the University of Havana had long been a focal
point of the resistance against dictators Gerardo
Machado and Fulgencio Batista during the first
half of the 20th century. Castro himself graduated
from the University of Havana in 1950 with a
degree in law, and his portrait lords over the lobby
of the school, above a stately marble staircase
that leads to dingy classrooms with small wooden
desks and slatted windows.
In July 2006, Fidel Castro shocked the world
by ceding power to his brother Raúl and disappearing from the public eye. As months passed,
it became clear that Fidel, nearly killed by what
appears to be a disease of the digestive tract,
would not return to power. His brother Raúl Castro
officially became his successor as president of
Cuba in February 2008. A political and economic
transition is slowly gaining ground in Cuba, but
for now, change continues to come from the top.
While history suggests that the next wave of revo-
lution will be found in youth movements, the reality is far more complex. In today’s Cuba, the word
“revolution” has all but lost its original meaning.
It comes with a capital R now. “Revolution” is a
lot of things—not the least of which is Fidel—and
it certainly doesn’t mean change.
Marisely Fraga, an economist in her early 30s
living in Havana, is a self-described Communist
and Fidelista. After graduating from the University
of Havana, she worked as an economics teacher
but soon became disillusioned with the lack of
space for progressive political dialogue in her
school. “You become afraid of the person who is
at your side because you never know who will end
up calling you a counterrevolutionary,” Fraga says.
“But really, who is the counterrevolutionary,
the person who speaks out or the person who
says nothing? So finally you realize that you don’t
have a future, and in the end I decided to give
up, because I realized that if I am going to live, I
might as well do something that I like. That was
my escape, but the problem is, not everyone is
able to find their escape.”
The Cuban Revolution was built around the
principles of collective struggle and equality. And
while Fidel Castro still waits for history to absolve
him, a new generation of youth has been born and
educated, trained in the ideals of the Revolution
but come of age with only the slightest memory
of the Soviet Union and a time when a new kind
of Latin American unity seemed possible. For this
generation, an intimate knowledge of need and
oppression was nurtured under the very Revolution
that was sworn in an ideological battle to defeat
it. The result, say many, is an individualistic generation that has detached itself from politics.
In Havana Province, 21-year-old Yadira
Hernandez lives on the remittances she receives
from her father in Tampa, Florida. She hopes
eventually to join him in the United States. “Cuban
youth have no future here,” Hernandez says, calling her generation materialistic. Her friend Josue
joins the conversation. “They have no future,” he
adds, “but they also have no opinion about their
own future. There is no political consciousness.”
While the social and political climate in Cuba
today is far different from that of nearly 50 years
ago, when a young Fidel Castro overthrew a dictator, it remains to be seen whether Eliécer Ávila
and his peers at the University of Havana represent a burgeoning youth movement in Cuba, and
if so, if it has the force it needs to survive. Still,
the parallels between the two generations are too
strong to be ignored. As young men and women
discuss the possibility of a political transition on
the island, many cite figures from the Revolution
such as Che Guevara, Celia Sanchez, and even
Fidel himself as their inspiration for change.
“We are going to grow,” says Reinaldo Perez,
a self-described dissident in his late 20s living in
Havana. “Not as a person, but as an idea. A person
dies but an idea only grows. This is how [Fidel]
got started, and he is no better than me. But we
need help . . . we Cubans who live in Cuba cannot
fight alone against an apparatus that is designed to
crush the man who wants to fight for change.”
Rebecca Rouse, MPA ’09, is concentrating in
Advanced Policy and Economic Analysis. She is a
program assistant at Columbia’s Institute of Latin
American Studies and attended the University of
Havana in 2003.
Images that circulated clandestinely on television show the president of the Cuban National Assembly Ricardo Alarcón
(left) during a question-and-answer session with University of Computer Science student Eliécer Ávila (right).
S I PA N E W S 3 3
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R
FO
K
C
A
B
ME
O
C
A
IN
FL
ATI
ON?
By M
aria
n
o Ca
stillo
T
he tianguis, or street market, in the working-class Copilco
neighborhood in south Mexico City is abuzz with activity
that appears to stretch endlessly down two thin aisles,
block after block. Everything from shoes to fruits, vegetables and
meats can be found under the market’s red tents.
But underneath the cacophony of vendors loudly advertising
their goods a noticeable grumble persists—voices of dissatisfaction that are growing hand-in-hand with a sharp increase in the
prices of many basic foods. During an extended trip to Mexico
this summer, I saw the debate up close.
“Before, we sold 10 crates of apples. Today, we only sell two,”
says Joel Martinez Lopez, a longtime merchant who has seen
his volume of sales reduced by half. In the past six months, the
price of a crate of apples doubled from about 200 pesos to 400
pesos (roughly from $20 to $40). Prices for staple foods such as
corn and beans also have dramatically increased. By how much
depends on whom you ask—the government or the producers.
3 4 S I PA N E W S
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S I PA N E W S 3 5
1/8/09 11:33:55 PM
Top and center: A street market in the Copilco
neighborhood of Mexico City
Bottom: Demonstrators and members of social
organizations protest against the price increase
of staple food, including milk, eggs, and corn
tortillas, at the Ministry of Finance.
3 6 S I PA N E W S
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Everyone’s affected, but it is Mexico’s poorest
The central banks aren’t standing by idly. In
Torres—a popular sentiment predominant during
who find themselves forced to change their spend-
Mexico, Chile, Colombia, and Peru they responded
ing and eating habits. At the market, I stop to
by raising interest rates. These orthodox methods
speak with Maria Elisa Jimenez Magos, who com-
of curbing inflation seem satisfactory, and fore-
to be subsidized,” notes Torres. “And the U.S.
plains that she can no longer buy food in bulk,
casts for 2009 predict that inflation will decrease
economy subsidizes its farmers more than anyone.”
even for the week. She purchases what she can,
from current levels in most countries.
when she can.
Nonetheless, the managing director of the
the premarket reform period in Latin America.
“Agriculture, by its nature, is a sector that has
For now, the region is still enjoying positive growth
and the rewards of high commodity prices. With a
International Monetary Fund (IMF), Dominique
slowdown looming and inflation on the rise in the
scene from a drama that is unfolding around the
Strauss-Kahn, spoke over the summer about the
short term, how Latin American governments respond
globe, what Newsweek has called an “inflation
risks the region faces if it succumbs to the temp-
could reopen a debate over economic policies that
explosion.” Half of the world currently is living
tation of returning to the old ways of fighting
was thought to have been resolved in the 1990s.
with double-digit inflation. In the face of this
rising prices—things like printing more money
global challenge, the Latin American case merits
to raise wages, or widespread subsidies to
U.S. financial meltdown this fall, the worldwide
special attention.
various sectors.
economic game has changed. For Latin American
The rising food prices in Mexico are just one
With few exceptions, it was only as recently
“Latin America has built greater credibility
as 15 years ago that the region tamed its
over the last decade in its economic policy, and
infamously high inflation. After several failed
this credibility is going to be tested now as infla-
attempts, prices finally stabilized after the region
tion rates have risen everywhere,” Strauss-Kahn
adopted market-oriented economic policies (no
said in a June press conference.
The timing may prove to be fortuitous. With the
governments, all options are on the table.
Mariano Castillo, MIA ’09, is concentrating in
International Media and Communications.
easy political task) and began the practice of setting inflation targets.
The current global inflation is a real test for
A CLOSER LOOK
If countries are following the recommended
many Latin American governments. These govern-
reform policies, why is there an underlying ten-
ments are debating their responses to the rising
sion? In other words, why the need for a warning
prices, especially for food, and finding that there
from the IMF?
are no easy answers.
In Mexico, it starts in the street market.
Consumers like Patricia Illesks complain that the
A REGION-WIDE PHENOMENON
government is underplaying the severity of the
Overall, market reforms have created a cycle
high prices.
of growth in Latin America reaching its fifth
“I was buying good quality cooking oil for 22
year, though critics give the credit to what had
[pesos]. Now the good oil is at 40, so I buy one
been—until this fall—a rosy global economic
bottle and I buy a little less cheese, I buy less
outlook. Still, the specter of inflation, always a
ham,” she says. “The government needs to stop
risk when economies are overheated, hovers over
promising and do something.”
the region.
The rising prices caught some countries like
The effects of higher food prices are hurting the poorest citizens, and political pressure
Peru by surprise. “What began as a food inflation
to act resulted in a number of policies reminis-
shock is threatening to become widespread infla-
cent of the old days. In Mexico, the government
tion, driven by domestic demand growing well
implemented price freezes on about 150 foods.
above potential GDP growth, as well as wage pres-
It increased subsidies to certain agricultural
sures,” according to a report released by financial
producers, as well as to welfare programs. And,
services provider Morgan Stanley.
among other steps, it created tariff-free import
The regional average inflation rose to 7.5 per-
quotas on key grains to avoid shortages. The first
cent in April, from 5.2 percent a year before. In
two responses are the type that the IMF warns
recent months, Chile, Colombia, Peru, and Mexico
about. People on the street, however, told me they
have experienced levels of inflation above their
wanted more help.
inflation targets. In Venezuela, inflation is in the
double digits.
Worries are exacerbated because some
Felipe Torres Torres, an economic researcher
at the National Autonomous University of Mexico
(UNAM), agrees that the state needs to do more.
countries are inaccurately reporting their infla-
I met him at his office at the expansive UNAM
tion rates. Most observers, for instance, place
campus at the end of the summer.
Argentina’s true inflation rate at twice the offi-
The scope of the price freezes is so small that
cially reported rate of nearly 9 percent. During
its effect is minimal, Torres says. The increases in
the summer, these inflation worries were on the
welfare are far too small to offset the higher food
forefront of public debate, not to mention making
prices. The pressure to reduce farming subsidies
headlines in international media outlets.
comes from U.S. interests and not their own, says
S I PA N E W S 3 7
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INSIDE
SIPA
After Controversial Expulsions, Evo Morales Defends His Policies By Jamie Holmes
ith U.S.-Bolivian relations deteriorating after the recent expulsions of the
U.S. ambassador and Drug Enforcement
Agency agents from Bolivia, President Evo Morales
defended his vision of democratic growth at the
Columbia University World Leaders Forum on November 18. Introducing Morales, University President Lee Bollinger emphasized the importance of
allowing students and citizens to “make up their
own minds about controversial issues.”
In September, Bolivia expelled U.S. ambassador Philip Goldberg, accusing him of involvement with political agitators. Before a packed
Low Library audience, Morales recalled an earlier
conversation he had with the ambassador.
“The only thing I’m asking is respect. You are
an ambassador, do your work as ambassador,”
Morales said he told Goldberg. “But you cannot
get involved in my internal political issues.”
Morales added that he was unhappy with the
current tensions. “I want to improve our relations
[with the United States],” he added.
Morales’s appearance was his second at Columbia since becoming Bolivia’s first indigenous
president. His first visit was in September 2006.
In 2005, his platform advocating indigenous
rights, agrarian reform, and higher taxes on natural
gas exports won him an historic 54 percent of the
vote. This time, bolstered by winning 67 percent
approval in August in a national referendum on
his administration, Morales spoke confidently and
hopefully about his life, capitalism, equality in
Bolivia, and his aspirations for a new constitution.
“Little by little, thanks to social struggles,
things change,” he said.
The son of a coca farmer, Morales worked as a
llama shepherd, baker, and bricklayer before rising
to power through the coca growers’ movement and,
later, his political party MAS (Movement toward Socialism). His focus on equal rights is longstanding.
His mother, who was illiterate, was barred in her
youth from walking in a local town’s main square.
“You know, dear students, that I come from
the most hated sector of society,” Morales said,
describing the prejudices that his indigenous
mother faced.
The increasing audacity of his opponents has
added to the Morales government’s problems. In
the indigenous highlands, Morales is popular, but
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he faces serious opposition in the more prosperous lowlands in eastern Bolivia, where opponents
recently resorted to bombing one of Bolivia’s main
natural gas pipelines, disrupting exports to Brazil.
His international critics—in the United States and
elsewhere—are vocal, and the global economic crisis
now threatens to put new pressure on the Bolivian
economy. Opponents claim that his redistributionist
policies are harmful, that his nationalization of the
hydrocarbon industry—including oil and gas—has
abjectly failed, and that his policies resemble those
of Fidel Castro, Hugo Chavez, and Rafael Correa.
At Columbia, Morales defended nationalizing
the hydrocarbon industry, pointing to Bolivia’s
budgetary turnaround in 2006 from fiscal deficit
to surplus. According to his administration, Bolivia
increased its revenues in the industry from $300
million in 2005 to $2 billion in 2007. In Latin
America, he added, anti-capitalism sentiment is
on the rise.
“In Bolivia we believe that basic services are
a human right,” he said, arguing that privatization can be profoundly immoral. “Our forefathers
never thought about Bolivia. They only wanted
people’s votes. They wanted the palace, just to
plunder from the palace . . . this is our experience
as Bolivians.”
Politics should be “the science of being able to
serve people,” he added.
One of Morales’s top priorities is the ratification of the newly drafted constitution. Holding
up a small white-bound draft, Morales spoke
passionately about his hopes that the constitution
become law. Slated for a national vote on January
25, 2009, the draft stipulates that there be no
foreign military bases in Bolivia. It would also give
Bolivia’s indigenous population greater control over
traditional lands. Bolivia has had 18 constitutions
since the republic was established in 1825.
Still, Morales acknowledged the strength of his
political rivals and the struggles ahead.
“There’s an opposition that is accusing us of
everything,” he said. “Of course, we cannot please
everybody. We’re not going to please everybody.
That’s impossible.”
Jamie Holmes, MIA ’09, SIPA News co-editor,
is concentrating in Economic and Political
Development.
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INSIDE
S I PA
Mexico City on the Move By Eamon Kircher-Allen
or Americans, Mexico City has long conjured
up images of sprawl, traffic, and isolated,
poverty-stricken neighborhoods.
But if Mayor Marcelo Ebrard has his way, that
picture could soon change to one of a wealthy city
with a thriving technology sector, beautiful public
spaces, and cutting-edge urban planning.
Ebrard, who has been mayor since 2006,
spoke at Columbia on November 17 to outline
his vision for transforming Mexico’s capital into a
“city for the 21st century.” The event, sponsored
by SIPA, the Institute of Latin American Studies,
and the Urban Policy concentration, was the first
lecture in the SIPA Mayors’ Speakers Series.
Ebrard’s talk revealed a civic leader eager to
learn from the experiences of world-class cities
but determined to create policies tailor-made to
Mexico City’s unique circumstances.
“What we are essentially trying to do is change the
way we see the future of our city,” the mayor said.
In Ebrard’s ideal future, the city of nearly 9
million—there are more than 19 million in the
greater metropolitan area, making it one of the
largest cities on earth—will be economically vigorous and eminently livable.
The economic vitality shouldn’t be difficult.
Even accounting for its poorer districts, Mexico
City has immense aggregate wealth—its gross domestic product of more than $300 billion in 2005
made it the eighth-richest city in the world. But
Ebrard said that much work is needed to ensure
that the city remains a leader.
“In Mexico, we are discussing oil, but what
about science and technology?” Ebrard asked,
adding that he is pursuing partnerships with
universities in Mexico and abroad to elevate the
research sector in his city.
He also criticized the focus of the international
dialogue on Mexico’s economy, of which the capital’s output is a major component. International
trade policies had not helped Mexico rebound out
of the “lost decade” of the 1980s, he noted.
“We were told that the recipe of the Washington Consensus would end the economic crisis [of
the 1980s] for good,” he said. “But we soon found
out that we were in Disneyland and it was only a
fairytale.”
“We need real changes in our relationship with
the U.S.,” he added. “There need to be discus-
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sions about Mexico that are not just about immigration and narcotics . . . We need to work more
closely together.”
The deeper challenge for Ebrard—but one for
which people are praising him, for attacking head
on—is solving Mexico City’s social issues. Chief
among them, Ebrard said, is the fact that rich and
poor residents rarely mingle—their neighborhoods
are far apart, and there are few public spaces that
encourage face-to-face interactions.
“We are 9 million people, but we are lonely
as never before,” he said. “Nobody talks to their
neighbor.”
Ebrard hopes to change that with initiatives
like the temporary ice skating rink he built last
year in Zócalo, the enormous main plaza of Mexico
City. It is the world’s biggest ice-skating rink, and
hundreds of thousands of people visited it during
the winter of 2007. The rink—and other initiatives
like street closures for bicycles—are supposed to
bring people of all social classes together and create a more durable civic spirit.
Underlying Mexico City’s class divide are
deeper issues that Ebrard said must be addressed
with equal vigor, including a disproportionate number of youths in jails and a high school graduation
rate that needs improvement.
Even for those who don’t see eye-to-eye
politically with the left-leaning Ebrard, his visit to
Columbia seemed to make a positive impression.
“I didn’t vote for him, and many of us don’t
like his policies,” said Marco Frias, a Master of
Public Affairs candidate and one of several Mexican students from SIPA who had the chance to
meet Ebrard after the mayor’s talk. “But we should
recognize his willingness to stand in front of an
auditorium full of students and professors and
answer difficult questions.”
Frias, who is a member of Iniciativa Mexicana,
a Mexican students’ organization, even may have
been won over on some of Ebrard’s plans.
“To be honest, the [integration plan] is one
of the best programs his government is trying to
implement,” he said. “Public spaces in Mexico
City have been lost, and it’s important for any
society to recover these.”
“So far, it seems like a good idea.”
The video of Mayor Ebrard’s talk can be
viewed online at sipa.columbia.edu/multimedia.
S I PA N E W S 3 9
1/8/09 11:33:55 PM
INSIDE
SIPA
The SIPA Alumni Council Sets Priorities for 2008–2009
Dean John H. Coatsworth (center) with SIPA alums at the Americas Society reception.
aunched in the spring of 2007, the Alumni
Council is now in its second year of operation. The Council was created with the goals
of strengthening the SIPA alumni community
and serving in an advisory capacity to the dean
of the School. Under the leadership of Roger
Baumann (MIA ’85), the Council has identified
three areas it will focus on during the 2008–2009
academic year and for which it will solicit SIPA
alumni volunteer participation: development/
fund-raising initiatives, communications (including
events planning activities), and networking and
mentoring. The Alumni Relations Office, working
with the Council and the Office of Career Services,
is also exploring career mentoring initiatives to address the economic implications of the tough job
market on SIPA’s mid-career alumni professionals. Please stay tuned for SIPA alumni broadcast
e-mails as specific events and volunteer opportunities for alumni are confirmed or e-mail sipaalum@
columbia.edu for more details.
The Alumni Council events calendar is also well
under way. On October 14, 2008, the Council held
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a Welcome Reception at the Americas Society in
New York for SIPA dean John H. Coatsworth. More
than 200 SIPA alumni, spanning 54 graduation
years, were in attendance to hear Dean Coatsworth
speak and take the opportunity to catch up with
former classmates. On April 25, 2009, the Council,
working with SIPA’s Office of Alumni Relations, will
launch the first annual SIPA Alumni Day. The event
will build on the momentum of the SIPA MPA 30th
Anniversary Alumni Celebration, which was held
last February. As event planning gets under way,
alumni will be encouraged to volunteer.
SIPA Alumni around the World
Are Reconnecting
Whether hearing professorial lectures in Panama,
or meeting friends for drinks in Moscow, SIPA
alumni around the world are reconnecting. Below
is a snapshot, which is by no means exhaustive, of
the various SIPA led initiatives around the globe.
(For a complete list of CAA-related activities in
your area, please see: http://alumni.columbia.edu/
connect/s1_1.html).
While spanning the globe, let’s begin in London.
On May 21, SIPA professor Robert Lieberman
spoke with CAA London club members on “Race
and Politics in the U.S. Presidential Election.” On
September 4, Abyd Karmali, Merrill Lynch’s global
head of carbon emissions and president of the
Carbon Markets and Investors Association (CMIA),
spoke to alumni on how carbon emission trading
has become the preferred policy tool in the EU,
Australia, and New Zealand and also with both U.S.
presidential candidates. Taking the Eurostar from
St. Pancras Station, we head to the City of Lights,
Paris, where the CAA Club, under the leadership
of Julien Regnault (MIA ’01), has been extremely
busy. Some recent club activities included a lecture
by SIPA professor Arvind Panagariya on the Indian
economy (April 17), a Cinco de Mayo Fiesta (May
5), a special Cannes Happy Hour (May 17), a performance of Porgy and Bess at the Opéra-Comique
(June 4), and a CAA Happy Heure (June 24). Flying
over to Eastern Europe, we land in Prague, where
SIPA alumnus Captain Jeffrey Holachek (MIA ’93)
and his wife Nina graciously hosted SIPA and CU
4 0 S I PA N E W S
1/12/09 4:11:43 AM
INSIDE
alumni in their home on July 17, for an evening of
mingling with distinguished guests from the Czech
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defense.
Moving further east to Moscow, SIPA alumna Eun
Joo Allison (MIA ’03), working with the Columbia
University Club of Moscow, held an alumni summer
picnic on July 27. We leave Europe for the Middle
East, where on June 19, U.S. ambassador Richard
Jones spoke on “Progress of the Peace Process
in Israel” with CAA Club members in Tel Aviv.
Columbia Provost Alan Brinkley was in attendance
as well. Turning back to the Western hemisphere
and to warmer climates, we land in Panama, where
on October 14, Professor Guillermo Calvo, director
of the SIPA mid-career Program in Economic Policy
Management, lunched with and lectured CU alumni
on the current financial crisis and its effects on
emerging markets.
If all this traveling has made you homesick,
let’s head back to the U.S. to the nation’s capital.
SIPA Washington, D.C., alumni and their families
explored the White House through a self-guided
tour on August 16. Alumni also networked with
classmates at the SIPA Alumni Happy Hour at
Café Asia (September 17) and participated in a
CIA recruiting event targeted specifically to SIPA
mid-level professionals (September 18).
Finally, we return home to our hub, New York
City, where alumni attended a variety of events this
summer and fall. Some of these included Happy
Hour networking events (June 5 and September
10), an International Security Policy (ISP) Network
Dinner (June 23) on “The Race to the White House:
Campaign Politics and Foreign Policy,” a CIA
National Clandestine Recruiting Session for alumni
on July 23, a Welcome Reception for John H.
Coatsworth at the Americas Society (October 14),
and a SIPA Policy Forum sponsored by Dr. Susan A.
Gitelson (MIA ’66), on November 6, with Professor
Shang-Jin Wei, on “China’s Sex Ratio Imbalance
and Its Implications for the Domestic and Global
Economies.”
We hope that you have enjoyed this brief whirlwind tour. Be sure to stay connected with your
former classmates so that you can find out about
all the exciting events that SIPA alumni and your
local CAA Clubs are organizing.
S I PA
Save the Dates
Reconnect with Fellow Alums
Thursday, April 23, 2009
NINTH ANNUAL GLOBAL LEADERSHIP
AWARDS DINNER
Honoring
Arminio Fraga
Former President, Central Bank of Brazil
Mandarin Oriental, New York
and
Saturday, April 25, 2009
SIPA ALUMNI DAY
Come and Join Fellow Classmates for
This Annual Event
on the Columbia University Campus
More information on both events will be available at
www.sipa.columbia.edu
S I PA N E W S 4 1
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SIPA
New Fellowship Program for New York City Employees
he City of New York employs more than
300,000 people across dozens of sectors—
education, law enforcement, urban planning,
transportation, environmental policy, public health,
social services, and many more. In today’s rapidly
changing world, professionals in these publicsector fields must be lifelong learners, acquiring
skills and broadening their horizons throughout
their careers.
Beginning in the fall of 2009 Columbia
University’s School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA) will offer employees of New York City
expanded opportunities to pursue its Executive
Master of Public Administration (EMPA) degree.
The new fellowship program generously created
T
by the Branta Foundation serves as a living legacy to
former SIPA dean Harvey Picker. It provides fellowship support to a small number of the most competitive and promising applicants from among the city’s
vast pool of talent. Fellowships will range from partial
to full support, depending on the number of applicants admitted to the fellowship program.
“The new fellowship program will strengthen
the long-standing bonds between SIPA and the
City of New York and further develop the capacity of city government employees to design and
implement superior public policies,” said Arvid
Lukauskas, director of the International Economic
Policy and Management concentration at SIPA’s
Picker Center for Executive Education.
The EMPA program trains professionals to be
competent and sophisticated public managers by
incorporating into the curriculum broad questions of public affairs along with specific analytic,
managerial, and communication skills. Its rigorous
curriculum and hands-on approach to policy and
management problem solving will be of great use
to New York City government employees, especially
those who work closely with nonprofit groups or
the private sector. And, in turn, Lukauskas adds,
“the fellowship program creates an avenue for
SIPA students to interact with and learn from the
most talented and experienced city officials.”
For more information, contact the EMPA Office:
212-854-5124 or [email protected].
Brazilian Philanthropist Donates $3 Million for Student Exchanges
Brazilian entrepreneur has pledged $3
million to Columbia University’s School of
International and Public Affairs to facilitate
student exchanges. The gift will be used to establish the Jorge Paulo Lemann Fund at SIPA and
will provide fellowships and grants for Brazilian
students to study at SIPA and for SIPA students to
study in Brazil.
Jorge Paulo Lemann was ranked among the
200 wealthiest men in the world by Forbes magazine. Born in Brazil, he received his bachelor’s
degree from Harvard University in 1961 and his
MBA from that institution. In 1971, Lemann and
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three partners founded the Brazilian investment
banking firm Banco Garantia, which grew into one
of Brazil’s most prestigious and innovative investment banks.
Lemann and his partners later purchased control
of a Brazilian brewery that merged with Interbrew of
Belgium in 2004. The new company, InBev, is now
one of the world’s largest beverage producers. In
November 2008, shareholders of Anheuser-Busch,
the makers of Budweiser and other many beverages,
approved a $52 billion sale to InBev, which will create the world’s largest brewer.
The new exchange program complements
SIPA’s existing strengths in the research, teaching,
and discussion of Latin America. The Institute of
Latin American Studies (ILAS) is one of the nation’s foremost centers in the field. Within ILAS,
the Center for Brazilian Studies serves as a key focal point for students and faculty with an interest
in Brazil. Established in 2001, the Center offers
scholars a place to pursue their research on Brazil
and provides a regular forum for lectures and conferences by visiting Brazilian government officials,
business leaders, politicians, and representatives
of civil society.
Julius G. Blocker, MIA ’56, Donates $3.5 Million for Exchange Program
IPA is pleased to announce the Julius Blocker
Scholars Fellowship Program. Through a $3.5
million bequest from the estate of alumnus Julius G. Blocker, MIA ’56, SIPA will endow a program
to “fund and foster an international student exchange
program between SIPA and a German university.”
Mr. Blocker was a Fulbright scholar in West
Berlin while he was at Columbia University. Of the
Fulbright experience, Mr. Blocker stated that “it
was one of the best years of my life.” He strongly
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valued the experience and the opportunity to immerse himself fully in the language and culture
of Germany and Berlin. His gift to SIPA will allow
students to have the same opportunities that he
had studying abroad.
As part of the Global Public Policy Network
(GPPN), SIPA has a partnership with the Hertie
School of Governance in Berlin and will implement the Blocker Scholars program in the next
academic year.
This scholarship will cover the cost of tuition,
transportation, room, board, health insurance, and
living expenses. Students will be selected in a
publicly announced competition.
Mr. Blocker divided his estate between his
undergraduate school, Hobart and William Smith
College, and SIPA. The School is truly grateful for
this transformational gift.
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CLASS NOTES
Class Notes
S I PA
Compiled by Tania Tanvir
1977
In Memoriam
Gordon Bock, International Fellow
Arthur R. Dornheim, Foreign Service Officer
Arthur Rieper Dornheim, MIA ’48, a Foreign Service officer who retired in 1977 and spent 11 years
as an executive of the Japan-America Society of Washington, died of pneumonia at the age of 87 on
June 23 at Suburban Hospital, in Bethesda, Maryland. Mr. Dornheim joined the State Department
in 1949 and became a Foreign Service economics officer. His assignments included Hong Kong,
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and Taipei, Taiwan. In retirement, he became the first full-time staff member
of the Japan-America Society, serving as executive director and later as associate director.
Mr. Dornheim was a 1942 graduate of Yale University. He attended the Navy’s Japanese
language school during World War II and served in the Pacific as a translator and escort of Japanese
prisoners. After the war, he was involved in the occupation of Japan.
Survivors include his wife of 55 years, Charleen Egan Dornheim of Bethesda, a son, Daniel
Dornheim of Los Angeles, and a sister.
Gordon and Kathleen Bock are
proud to announce the birth of
a baby girl, Gabrielle Morrow
Bock. She was born on October
7, 2008, in Northfield, Vermont, and weighed 8 pounds,
13.5 ounces. She joins sister
Hadarah, now 7, at the Bock
homestead in Northfield.
1978
George Worthington, MIA
1952
Christopher (Nikolakopoulos) Nichols, MIA
After a long career with Esso
(now Exxon) beginning in 1966
in Thessaloniki, Chris has had
the opportunity to work in
various assignments around the
globe. This has included stints
as head of the Social and Institutional Division of the Greek
Federation of Industries. During
this period, he was a member
of the Arbitration Court. His
last employment was in human
resources as director of Mobil
Oil Hellas, until his retirement
in 1987. Currently a self-employed business consultant, he
is eager to reconnect and reminisce with former classmates
after all these years. Please feel
free to contact him in Greece
at [email protected].
1963
Anthony H. Horan, International Fellow
Sterling Press of Pittsburgh will
be publishing Anthony’s book
in the second half of 2009.
The title is The Big Scare: The
Truth Behind Prostate Cancer and
Big Business. The book is about
the international spread of
an epidemic of overdiagnosis
and overtreatment of prostate
cancer and how the culture determines the response of those
concerned. Columbia’s College
of Physicians and Surgeons is
mentioned.
at work on a biography of her
Japanese mother-in-law. You
can reach Loren at loren@
writewisdom.com.
1971
Sharon Epstein, MIA
1967
Loren (Meyer) Stephens,
MIA
Loren Stephens (Alice Stetten
Fellow) is president of Write
Wisdom and Provenance Press,
which she established to help
her clients write and publish
their life stories. Her clients
include a Holocaust survivor,
a lifetime enlisted Air Force
man who served in World War
II and Vietnam, a couple who
began their 63-year marriage
on the island of Guam, and a
nationally recognized nephrologist, born in Germany, who
lived in Palestine/Israel during
the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.
Loren is also an award-winning
documentary filmmaker with
Legacy of the Hollywood Blacklist,
Sojourner Truth, and the bilingual
Los Pastoresâ to her credits.
Her personal essays have been
published in literary journals
and newspapers throughout
the country. She is currently
Sharon has held diverse positions in sustainable development
with substantial representational, management, and technical
assistance responsibilities. In
1984, Sharon joined the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID) as a U.S.
foreign service officer, specializing in health and population.
As an agency representative,
a long-term resident advisor
or on short-term assignments
and consultancies, Sharon has
worked in many countries in
Asia, Africa, Latin America, and
in Egypt, Turkey, and Georgia
(in the Caucasus). Her main
geographical area of expertise
is South Asia. She has worked
on numerous occasions in all
the countries in that subregion,
as well as in Southeast Asia
and the Pacific. In Africa, she
has worked repeatedly in the
Sudan, Ethiopia, and Kenya,
and in Tanzania and Zambia.
She is currently on assignment
in Haiti.
George is the new president of
the MBA Council of Houston.
He holds an MIA from SIPA
and an EMBA from Columbia
Business School (1993). He
also was a Revson Fellow,
among the University’s most
prestigious intramural fellowships, from 1990 to 1991. He is
founder, president, and owner
of Worthington Associates
Worldwide. George’s firm
helps organizations effectively
respond to unique challenges
confronting the nonprofit sector globally through a variety
of services.
1979
Gabriel Plesea, MIA
Gabriel has just published a
novel called Twisted Destinies. The
narrative offers the reader an
insight in the lives of postCommunist era emigrants from
Eastern Europe and their efforts
to integrate in the United
States. Gabriel’s latest novel is
now available from any of these
online sellers: www.barnesnoble.
com, www.amazon.com, and
www.iUniverse.com.
Lawrence Weiss, MIA
The board of Bank Leumi (UK)
plc has appointed Lawrence
Weiss as CEO. Lawrence is an
American who resides in the
UK. Prior to joining Glencore
in 1990, he served as vice
president at Chase Manhattan
Corporation. Bank Leumi (UK)
is headquartered in London and
has a branch in Manchester,
offshore subsidiaries Bank
Leumi (Jersey) Ltd. and Leumi
Overseas Trust Corporation
Ltd., and a Brighton-based subsidiary, Factoring and Invoice
Discounting Ltd. The core
business of Bank Leumi (UK)
is the financing of international
trade, especially with Israel,
and the financing of real estate
transactions and business activity in the UK.
1980
David Cooper, MIA
David Cooper and Beth
Rosenberg are writing I Am
My Beloved’s: Jewish-American
Couples Talk about Their Marriages,
a collection of interviews and
photographs of Jewish-American couples that explores the
intersection of each couple’s
identities as a couple and as
Jews and reflects the diversity
of the Jewish-American community. Couples interested in
being interviewed and photographed for the book and publishers interested in publishing
it are welcome to contact them.
Donations of sky miles to help
reduce their travel costs will be
gratefully accepted.
David’s eBooks were published
by PulpBits in 2003 (PulpBits
went out of business in 2007;
e-mail him for free copies), and
his poems are anthologized in
XY Files: Poems on the Male Experience (Sherman Asher Publishing,
1997). His translation of Israeli
poet Rachel Eshed’s second
S I PA N E W S 4 3
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SIPA
Walter teaches the trade secrets
section in an introduction to
the intellectual property law
course. He also serves as an advisory member of the Tri-State
Defense Lawyers Association,
an affiliate organization of the
Defense Research Institute.
Walter recently joined the
International Association of
Defense Counsel, whose membership includes approximately
2,500 invitation-only, peer-reviewed member attorneys with
advanced skills and practice
representing corporations and
insurers in defense law.
1986
Jay Fridkis, MIA
Jay lives in Columbia, Maryland, and works as a business
technology consultant at CentreTEK Solutions, a diversified
IT company. His duties focus
on performing technology
analysis and “due diligence”
functions when a company
is being acquired. He has a
12-year-old daughter.
1987
book, Havtachot Ktanot (Little
Promises), is published by
Mayapple Press. You can contact David at dfc32@
columbia.edu.
for trial. Andrew (CC ’62 and
SIPA ’81) has been writing nonfiction since retiring from the
aerospace industry. He and his
wife live in Leesburg, Virginia.
1981
1984
Andrew Jampoler, MIA
Brent Feigenbaum, MIA
Andrew C. A. Jampoler’s third
book, The Last Lincoln Conspirator, John Surratt’s Flight from the
Gallows, will be published in
October 2008. Surratt (whose
mother Mary was hanged in
1865 for her part in John Wilkes Booth’s conspiracy) fled the
United States after Lincoln’s
assassination. He was caught in
1866 in Alexandria, Egypt, and
returned to the United States
Brent was hired as director and
chief marketing officer for the
J. E. Robert Companies (JER).
In this role, he will be responsible for public relations, advertising, branding, and marketing
communications for the real
estate investment management
company, bringing greater
consistency and awareness to
its global operations.
1985
Walter Judge, MIA
Walter, a 1990 graduate of
Boston College Law School,
was recognized as a Leading Business Lawyer in the
prestigious Chambers USA
2008 directory. Selections are
based on extensive research,
including peer and client evaluations. Walter joined Downs
Rachlin Martin PLLC (DRM)
in 1992. He focuses his practice
in business and commercial
litigation; intellectual property,
Internet and technology law,
and related insurance coverage
disputes; and product liability
disputes. As an adjunct professor at Vermont Law School,
Suleyman “Sam” Tombul,
MIA
In 1991, a few unremarkable
years after graduation, Sam left
the New Jersey–New York area
and moved to Istanbul, Turkey,
where he worked at various
investment banks and brokers.
He joined Citibank in 1999 and
was responsible for marketing
banking and investment products at the Consumer Bank. In
2001, he moved again, this time
to Zurich, Switzerland, with his
wife (Yesim) and two boys (Ali,
9, and Emir, 8.) After transitioning into private banking, he
remained at Citibank until moving onto Clariden Leu in 2004,
where he is currently a senior
vice president covering Eastern
Europe. Sam looks back at his
days at SIPA as some of his best
ever. He would be thrilled to
reconnect and catch up with
old friends, classmates, and
other SIPA grads at stonbul@
hispeed.ch.
1988
Andrew Hofer, MIA
Andrew has recently been
named chairman of the
National Board of Directors
of Recording for the Blind &
Dyslexic (RFB&D). Andrew
states that RFB&D provides
an amazingly effective and
cost-efficient service that
helps Americans with visual
impairments and learning disabilities gain equal access and
opportunity for education
and lifelong learning. He was
elected to RFB&D’s National
Board in January 2004 and
became board chairman in July.
He is also a managing director
at Brown Brothers Harriman &
Co. Investment Management.
Dilip Samarasinghe, MIA
Dilip is director (Media & Publicity) at the Board of Investment
of Sri Lanka, the department
of the Government of Sri
Lanka responsible for promoting
foreign direct investment. In this
capacity, Dilip has served as Sri
Lanka’s delegate at international
conferences such as the Sri Lanka
Economic Forum in 2006 and
2007, the SAARC Summit in
2008, the Partnership Summit in India in 2007, and the
United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development’s expert
meeting on the Globalization of
R&D and Developing Countries
in 2005. He is also a visiting
lecturer in international affairs
at the Bandaranaike Center for
International Studies, the premier
think tank in Colombo, where
he teaches a course on current
affairs and modern conflicts.
Dilip has authored many articles
on international and strategic
issues, notably on foreign direct
investment. Among his recent
4 4 S I PA N E W S
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published research papers are
“Strategic and Political Dimensions of the Geoeconomic World
Order,” “Airpower: Strategic
Implications of the Development
of Modern Combat Aircraft by
Asian States,” “Foreign Direct
Investment—A New Strategic
Resource for South Asia,” and
“FDI and R&D—Sri Lanka’s
Experience.”
1989
John Turnbull, MIA
John has served as lead editor
for a University of Nebraska
Press Anthology of World
Soccer literature, The Global
Game: Writers on Soccer. The book
contains 56 entries, with contributions describing football
cultures in Peru, Greenland,
Kosovo, Burma, and in many
other lands.
1990
Christine (Wrona)
Giallongo, MIA
1993
1994
Linda L. Gerlach, MIA
Steve Fainaru, MIA
Linda has launched a new
fragrance, LOVE, the Key to Life. She
started her career at a major commodities trading house and then
moved on to Wall Street. In 1990,
she founded the international
executive search firm Gerlach
Executive Search, focusing on the
fixed income markets. From an
early age, Linda has had a keen
interest in the arts. In addition
to her degrees from SIPA and
Thunderbird, she has studied at
New York’s Art Students League,
the School of Visual Arts, the
Fashion Institute of Technology,
The National Academy of Design
School of Fine Arts, and the International Center of Photography.
Linda plans to donate 10 percent
of all SIPA alumni purchases to
the SIPA Annual Fund. For more
information, please visit her Web
site at www.lovethekeytolife.com.
(Note: Please make sure to specify
SIPA alumnus when purchasing).
Steve won a Pulitzer Prize in
2008 for his work as a reporter
for The Washington Post. His
newest book, Big Boy Rules:
America’s Mercenaries Fighting in
Iraq, was published by Da Capo
Press on November 17 (see:
www.bigboyrules.com). It grew
out of the reporting project
that won him the Pulitzer Prize
in International Reporting
for his writing on the role of
private armies in the Iraq War.
The book traces the culture of
tens of thousands of private
security contractors operating
in Iraq in support of the State
Department and the U.S. military and focuses in particular
on five contractors who worked
for a fly-by-night company
called Crescent Security Group
before they were kidnapped
in November 2006 and later
killed. Steve covered the war
in Iraq from 2004 to 2007 as
a foreign correspondent for
The Washington Post. In addition
to the 2008 Pulitzer Prize, he
received the Overseas Press
Club’s Hal Boyle Award for
best newspaper or wire-service
reporting from abroad for his
stories on private security contractors. He was also a Pulitzer
finalist in 2006 for his coverage
of U.S. troops as the insurgency in Iraq intensified. Steve
is also the coauthor of The Duke
of Havana: Baseball, Cuba, and the
Search for the American Dream. He
lives in El Cerrito, California.
Alexander Winslow, MPA
Alexander says “hola” to his SIPA
classmates from 1994! He lives
with his wife and two young
boys in Berkeley, California.
Cadent, 2.5 years old, started
preschool in the fall, and Zachary, 6 months, is eating, growing,
and smiling. Mom and Dad are
smiling too, since both boys
finally started sleeping through
the night. Alexander left his most
recent position in February, as
director of communications for
S I PA
an interesting environmental certification services and standards
development firm, so that he
could be a stay-at-home dad for
a while. He writes that it’s been
terrific, but now it’s time to get
back to his career.
Scott Myers, MIA
Scott, his wife Lily, and their
two children, Christian and
Emily, are living in Dallas,
Texas. Following a career
with Bain & Company, Scott
founded Cogent Partners, a
specialty investment banking
firm. If any classmates are traveling through Dallas, they are
encouraged to contact Steve.
Feel free to e-mail Scott at
[email protected].
1995
Ellen Psychas, MIA
Ellen married Bing Yee, a
Chinese-American lawyer at
the Department of Homeland
Security, in February. They
renovated a big, gutted row
Christine recently accepted a
position at the U.S. Embassy
in Tirana, Albania as Assistant
Public Affairs Officer. She
previously was employed with
the U.S. Peace Corps as a programming and training officer.
Christine recently completed
her five-year tour with the Peace
Corps in Albania. She is proud
to have been a part of opening
the Albania post and establishing programs and systems that
have provided a foundation for
its development. As her husband
is a medical officer with the
State Department, they have
stayed in Albania, with Christine working at the U.S. Embassy in Tirana on educational
and cultural programs. She had
previously lived in Mumbai,
India, and hopes to reconnect to
her roots in the microenterprise
field, while focusing primarily
on raising their two children.
S I PA N E W S 4 5
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SIPA
house near Stanton Square on
Capitol Hill last year. In the
spring, she plans to defend her
doctoral dissertation in the
Southeast Asia Studies Program
at Johns Hopkins SAIS; the
subject is private sector development in Timor-Leste. She
would be happy to hear from
SIPA pals coming through DC,
at [email protected].
1996
SIPA Video Online
sipa.columbia.edu/multimedia
Are you interested in local and global policy?
We invite you to view many of SIPA’s major events
online at sipa.columbia.edu/multimedia. These
events can also be viewed on iTunes and UChannel.
A selection of the past year’s events
includes:
Matt Dowd, Rodolfo de la Garza, Stuart
Gottlieb, and Frederick Harris on “What’s
Race Got to Do with It: A Discussion of
Kai-Fu Lee, Vice-president of Engineering
the Role of Race in the 2008 Presidential
at Google, Inc. and President of Google
Election”
Greater China, on “Delighting Chinese
Users: The Google China Experience”
Joseph Stiglitz, José Antonio Ocampo,
Ester Fuchs and Robert Walsh present a
Richard Robb, and Christian Deseglise on
case study on “NYC Workforce
“The Crisis in Emerging Markets:
Development”
Impacts on Emerging Markets and
Future Consequences”
Jeffrey D. Sachs, director of the Columbia
Earth Institute on ”Global Cooperation
Zbigniew Brzezinski on “U.S. Foreign
and Sustainable Development“
Policy: Beyond 2008”
Marcelo Ebrard, Mayor of Mexico City,
on “Transforming Mexico City: Creating a Kishore Mahbubani on “The New
City for the 21st Century,” the first lecture Asian Hemisphere”
in the SIPA Mayors’ Speaker Series
Gerhard Schröder, former Chancellor of
New York City Mayor Michael R.
Germany, on “Russia and the Future of
Bloomberg, Manhattan Borough President European Energy Security”
Scott M. Stringer and others on “The
Politics of Food,” a conference focusing
Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya
on one of New York City’s biggest policy
on “India—An Emerging Giant”
challenges
Magdale (Labbe) LabbeHenke, MIA
Magdale is pleased to announce
the opening of her immigration law consulting firm,
MLH Consular Consulting, in
Munich, Germany. It provides
individuals and small- to
medium-sized companies with
U.S. and global immigration
law advice and services, as well
as international HR consulting.
The firm also works closely
with a worldwide network of
attorneys and with experts in
the United States who provide
global wealth planning and
tax advice. More information
can be found on its Web site,
www.consular-consulting.com.
Magdale can be reached at
[email protected].
Thomas D. Zweifel, MIA
Thomas, the Swiss Consulting Group’s CEO and a SIPA
adjunct professor of leadership
from 2001 to 2008, has just
published his fifth book: The
Rabbi and the CEO: The Ten Commandments for 21st Century Leaders
(coauthored with Rabbi Aaron
L. Raskin; SelectBooks, 2008).
An excerpt can be downloaded
at http://www.swissconsultinggroup.com/books.php#rabbi.
1997
To learn more about SIPA and the School’s degree programs:
sipa.columbia.edu
Megan McKenna, MIA
Earlier this year, Megan
coauthored a book with a
refugee from Darfur, published
by Random House, called The
Translator. The book is a memoir
of the life of Daoud Hari,
who translated for journalists
and NGOs. Megan has been
working with Doctors without
Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières since June and moved to
Europe in October to continue
with the organization as a
senior communications officer.
Diana Bruce Oosterveld,
MPA
Diana K. Bruce was recently
named Director of Health
and Wellness for the District
of Columbia Public Schools.
After years of advocating for
reproductive health and HIV/
AIDS issues at the federal, state
and local levels, Diana decided
to commit her health policy
expertise to improving public
schools. She and husband Bart
Oosterveld (MPA ’97) are
raising their children Emma (7)
and Sebastian (5) in Washington, DC, where they attend a
Montessori program within a
DC public school. Diana and
Bart loved returning to SIPA
earlier this year to catch up
with other MPA alums at the
30th Anniversary! Contact Diana at [email protected].
1998
Debora Garcia-Orrico,
MIA
After Debora left New York
in 1999, she lived until 2006
in Kosovo, where her life was
not especially conducive to IT
entertainment. Debora went to
Madrid—after a short passage
through Syria—in September
2006. She has since been
completing requirements in a
PhD program on international
security, as well as lecturing
and doing consulting. She is
currently involved in a very
interesting project regarding
UNSC resolutions adopted
under Chapter VII. She has also
joined the voluntary reserve in
the Spanish Army. She finished
4 6 S I PA N E W S
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her basic military training on
October 10, with the ceremonial oath to the flag. After the
specific training, which will
finish at the end of January, she
will be a full-fledged—though
reservist—member of the Spanish Armed Forces.
1999
Barry Blackmon, MIA
Barry recently accepted a
position at DRS Technologies
located in Alexandria, Virginia,
as vice president of business
development. He recently
was employed at the Defense
Threat Reduction Agency as
a Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaty inspection team leader.
Transitioning from the military
to the civilian sector has been
an extremely rewarding experience. He hopes that you all
have continued success!
Clifford Schecter, MIA
Cliff released his first book, The
Real McCain: Why Conservatives
Don’t Trust Him and Why Independents Shouldn’t, on May 1, 2008.
Due to presales that began on
Amazon.com in early April, the
book shot up to #2 on Amazon’s political books list and
#15 on its nonfiction bestseller
list within a week of its release.
Cliff, who was a member of
the International Media and
Communications concentration
while at SIPA, was also SIPASA
president and a columnist
for Communiqué. Since his
graduation, he has worked as a
political writer and advisor, and
currently manages a popular
campaign news site called Cliff
Schecter’s Campaign Silo. He
is also a regular contributor
to The Huffington Post and
AirAmerica.com. You can buy
Cliff’s book at Amazon.com.
2000
2002
Suzanne Reisman, MPA
Keith Allman, MIA
Suzanne is excited that her first
book, Off the Beaten (Subway)
Track: New York City’s Best Unusual Attractions, was released by
Cumberland House Publishing
in July 2008. She got the idea
to write a book about unusual
attractions in New York City
while she was involved with
community development policy
and traveling around the five
boroughs to work with community groups. It seemed like
there was not very much attention given to smaller sites in the
city, and as someone who loved
road trips, Suzanne thought
that encouraging people to take
public transportation to sites
that were off the beaten path
would be good for New York.
In many cases, half the fun of
visiting the attractions in the
book is meeting the people
who run them. Off the Beaten
(Subway) Track is available at
amazon.com, barnesandnoble.
com, and at bookstores around
the city.
Keith recently launched
Enstruct, a financial modeling
training company that operates
worldwide, particularly in
emerging market countries. He
is also a financial author with
his first book, Modeling Structured
Finance Cash Flows in Excel: A
Step-by-Step Guide, published last
March by Wiley and Sons. His
second book, Reverse Engineering
Deals on Wall Street: A Step-by-Step
Guide, is due out in December
by the same publisher. When
not traveling Keith tries to live
in New York City.
Lionel Beehner, MIA
Lionel teaches Op-Ed writing
for Mediabistro.com. He was
formerly a senior writer at the
Council on Foreign Relations.
His commentary has appeared
on NPR’s All Things Considered as
well as in the Op-Ed pages of
USA Today, Los Angeles Times, The
Guardian Online, Baltimore Sun,
Slate, Newsday, The New Republic,
Christian Science Monitor, and Kiev
Post, among other publications.
He blogs for The Huffington Post.
James O’Neill, MIA
James O’Neill and Lynn Bunch
are happy to announce their
marriage, which took place
on July 12, 2008, in New York
City, where they currently
reside. Dr. Lynn O’Neill is
an assistant professor in the
Brookdale Department of Geriatrics and Adult Development
at Mount Sinai School of Medi-
S I PA
cine, where she practices palliative medicine. James O’Neill
is a manager in the Advisory
Services area of Deloitte Financial Advisory Services LLP,
where he works in the business
valuation practice.
Christopher Vaughn, MIA
After living in New York and
Beijing as a corporate lawyer
with Vinson & Elkins for five
years, Christopher met Julie
Rafalko, a hometown girl who
also moved from Baltimore
to New York about the same
time he did. They married two
years ago, moved home to
Maryland, and have a threemonth-old son named Wilton
Brauer Vaughn. Christopher
says it’s great having family
nearby—free babysitting! He
2001
Eva Steinhaus, MIA
Eva recently accepted a position as principal at the treasury
department of the leading international investment firm Arcapita
Bank, which is headquartered in
Manama, Kingdom of Bahrain.
She will be responsible for the
department’s business relationships and transactions with banks
in Asia. Previously, Eva worked
for the German bank WestLB
AG in London, Hong Kong, and
New York. With the move to
Bahrain she was able to fulfill her
longstanding goal of living and
working in the Middle East and
therein increasing her knowledge
of the region and its language.
S I PA N E W S 4 7
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SIPA
is now practicing with DLA
Piper, one of the largest law
firms worldwide. His wife Julie
is continuing her private wealth
management activities with
Credit Suisse. He hopes all is
well with everyone!
Leah Yoon, MPA
Leah recently accepted a position with John McCain’s presidential campaign as a regional
communications director. She
oversaw communication efforts
for the battleground states
of Michigan, Wisconsin, and
Indiana.
2003
Aude Delescluse, MIA
After graduating from SIPA
and leaving NYC, Aude went
to Lebanon to work with the
French Development Agency
(AFD) as a project officer.
A year later, she returned to
Paris to take on a consultancy
position with Environmental
Resources Management (ERM).
AFD then hired her as a country
manager for Morocco and later
for Turkey. She is now taking a
leave of absence for about a year
and a half from AFD to work
in a slum as a volunteer near
Salvador de Bahia, Brazil, with
Heart’s Home, an international
Catholic NGO (http://www.
heartshomeusa.org). She started
her fieldwork on August 27
and will stay in Salvador until
December 2009–early 2010.
Iori Kato, MIA
Iori was recently reassigned
from UNDP Headquarters
in New York to its Laos PDR
Country Office in Vientiane,
as programme advisor. She is
overseeing many interesting
UNDP programmes, e.g., on
the Millennium Development
Goals, the national five-year
development plan, aid effectiveness, and gender equality.
She and her family are slowly
but surely adapting to a totally
new environment and really
enjoying it!
reforestation projects, forest
conservation and sustainable
land management.
Susan Neva, MPA
William Rigler, MIA
Susan Neva and Christine
Vigil celebrated their domestic
partnership by making it legal in
November 2007. They are living in San Jose, California, with
their two show dogs, Alaskan
malamutes named Champion Snow Lion Wind Dancer
Pegasus and Aluk Wind Dancer
Kuruk, and their cat Simba.
Bill has been appointed chief
of staff of the Rockefeller
Foundation. He most recently
served concurrently as chief
of staff to the CEO and as
a deputy managing director with Graying Global, an
international firm specializing
in corporate communications
and government relations.
Bill previously served as chief
of staff to Geraldine Ferraro,
the former vice presidential
candidate, at the same firm.
Prior to this, he spent three
years as executive director at
The Humpty Dumpty Institute.
Earlier in his career, Bill worked
for the executive director of
the United Nations Office for
Project Services (UNOPS). Bill
has been a member of SIPA’s
Alumni Council since 2007.
Peter Serenyi, MIA
Peter was recently promoted
to regional publications
manager from communications
associate at the United Nations
Development Programme in
Bratislava, Slovakia. In this new
position he serves as managing
editor of its regional newsletter, Development and Transition.
In addition, he manages the
production process of a series
of other publications.
2004
Eron Bloomgarden, MPA
Eron was recently appointed
president of the Environmental
Markets Group at Equator
Environmental, LLC. Eron,
who previously served as
Ecosecurities’ U.S. country
director and managed the firm’s
U.S. operations, joins Equator
to lead and manage all aspects
of its environmental markets
business. He will focus on
carbon opportunities related to
Equator’s U.S. and international
carbon investments, the development of opportunities related
to the Latin American timber
business, as well as expansion
of Equator’s activities to include
additional carbon project types.
Equator Environmental, LLC
specializes in the generation
and management of high
quality carbon credits and environmental assets derived from
2006
Issues, 1951–1989,” which is
being funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. She
says that it’s a great experience
but she misses New York a lot!
Tanya Tanvir completed her MIA in
December ’08 with a concentration in
Economic and Political Development.
2007
Kalyani (Rammohan)
Bulfer, MPA
Kalyani recently accepted a
position at Slalom Consulting
located in San Francisco, as
community development practice lead. She recently was employed at Accenture as manager
of their Public Service Practice.
She is pleased to announce that
Slalom Consulting is beginning
a Community Development
Practice for which she will
gladly seek input from others in
the nonprofit consulting space.
Also, if you are in the Bay Area
and working for a nonprofit,
please feel free to contact her,
as Slalom would love to get
involved with your organization. For further information,
you can e-mail her at kr2205@
columbia.edu.
Kelly McAskill, MIA
Since her graduation from
SIPA, there have been many
changes in Kelly’s life. She
got married and moved to San
Francisco. Recently, she started
a new job as a strategist for
Saatchi & Saatchi, a sustainability consulting firm. Her
work at Saatchi has been really
interesting since she is learning
more about sustainability and
how to drive it through business practices.
Roshana Nabi, MIA
Roshana just started a PhD in
International History and Politics at the Graduate Institute of
International and Development
Studies in Geneva, where she
is focusing on issues regarding
international migration. She is
also a research associate on a
project entitled “UNHCR and
the Globalization of Refugee
Pamela Ayuso, MIA
Pamela Ayuso and Jose Azcona
are happy to announce their
marriage, which took place
on October 11, 2008, in
Tegucigalpa, Honduras. They
currently reside in Tegucigalpa.
Several SIPA alumni attended
the celebration.
2008
Christopher Zink, MIA
Christopher recently accepted
a position at Eneco Energy
Trade located in Rotterdam,
The Netherlands as a carbon
business developer. He recently
was employed at E+Co, where
he spent the summer in China.
He will be living and working
in The Netherlands for the
foreseeable future, with occasional trips back to the United
States.
4 8 S I PA N E W S
1/8/09 11:33:56 PM
DONOR LIST
S I PA
Donor List FY 08
Listed below are the more than 1,600 individuals and organizations who contributed
to SIPA and the Regional Institutes between July 1, 2007, and June 30, 2008.
“CERT” followed by year = graduate with certificate from a Regional Institute
“IF” followed by year = graduate from International Fellows Program
“MIA” followed by year = graduate with a Master in International Affairs
“MPA” followed by year = graduate with a Master in Public Administration
$1,000,000 and above
Estate of Julius G. Blocker
Foundation Center for Energy, Marine
Transportation
David B. Ottaway, IF ’63
$250,000–$999,000
Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation
The Freeman Foundation
French Government
James Leitner, MIA ’77/LF Foundation
Sandra Shahinian Leitner, MIA ’76
C. V. Starr Foundation
Veolia Environnement/Eurolum
$100,000–$249,999
Patricia M. Cloherty, MIA ’68
Eurolum
The Ford Foundation
The German Marshall Fund of the U.S.
The Korea Foundation
The Henry Luce Foundation, Inc.
Smith Richardson Foundation, Inc.
James D. Seymour, CERT ’61
Toyota Motor Corporation
Neil Woodyer
$50,000–$99,999
The Dietrich W. Botstiber Foundation
William V. Campbell/The Campbell
Family Foundation
Carnegie Corporation of New York
Consulate General, Republic of Poland
The Foundation for Polish Science
Ian C. Hague
Jack Mahfar/Angel Family Foundation
Regeringskansliet
Khosrow B. Semnani/Encyclopaedia
Iranica Foundation
Shell International Petroleum BV
Ukrainian Studies Fund, Inc.
M. Abbas Yousef
Dina A. Yousef
$25,000–$49,999
Amy Levine Abrams, MIA ’81/Abrams
Foundation, Inc.
Nina Ansary
Amb. Donald M. Blinken/Blinken
Foundation, Inc.
Richard A. Debs/The Debs Foundation
Electricité de France International N.A. Inc.
Akbar Ghahary
Gordon Gray Jr.
Rita E. Hauser
Donald Loyd Holley, Esq.
Zachary Eli Karabell, PhD
Robert I. Kopech
John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur
Foundation
Peter Neill Marber
Arnold A. Saltzman/Saltzman Foundation,
Inc.
Jeffrey L. Schmidt/Jeffrey L. Schmidt
Fellowship Charitable Trust
Gen. Brent Scowcroft, PhD
Shevchenko Scientific Society, Inc.
Soudavar Memorial Foundation
Taipei Economic and Cultural Office
Total Compagnie Française
Michael D. Tusiani/Poten & Partners,
Incorporated
Enzo Viscusi
Harry C. Wechsler/Wechsler Family
Foundation
$10,000–$24,999
American International Group, Inc.
David Seth Baran, MIA ’87
Roger R. Baumann, IF ’84, MIA ’84
Leonard Blavatnik/Access Industries LLC
Matthew Boyer, MIA ’94
Bridgeway Charitable Foundation
Calyon
Pamela Casaudoumecq, MIA ’89
Columbia University Alumni Association
of Korea
Conrad N. Hilton Foundation
David Cameron Cuthell Jr., MIA ’90
The Flora Family Foundation
The Helen Clay Frick Foundation
GNYHA Ventures, Inc.
James Harmon/The Harmon Foundation
Ralph O. Hellmold, IF ’63, MIA ’63
Samantha Jagger
Anuradha T. Jayanti
James E. Jordan, MIA ’71
Zobreh Kassaii/Rush Graphics Inc.
Juan Navarro/Exxel Group Inc.
Lucio A. Noto
Polish Army Veterans Association
John H. Porter, CERT ’83, MIA ’83
Bonnie M. Potter, MIA ’73
Julie Lynn Rasmussen, IF ’90, MIA ’90
Juan A. Sabater/Augeo Affinity
Marketing, LLC
Saudi Arabian Oil Company
Alan B. Slifka/Alan B. Slifka Foundation,
Inc.
Peter Thoren
Paul Wayne Thurman
The Tinker Foundation Inc.
Trust for Mutual Understanding
Jens Ulltveit-Moe, MIA ’68
Elizabeth K. Valkenier, CERT ’51
Amb. Frank G. Wisner/American
International Group, Inc.
Lan Yang, MIA ’96/Sun Culture
Foundation
$5,000–$9,999
Pierre Albouy
Dean Lisa S. Anderson, CERT ’76
Keith Barbaria
Philippe Camus/Hachette Filipacchi
Holdings, Inc.
Centennial Foundation
Michael C. Creadon, MPA ’96
Pierre F. Debray
FWA of New York Educational Fund
Susie Gharib, MIA ’74/Nazem Family
Foundation
Gide Loyrette Nouel LLP
Sylvia A. Hewlett/Center for Work-Life
Policy, Inc.
HSBC Bank USA, N.A.
James Burke Kingston/The Darmac
Foundation
Gerry Lenfest
Juliana Lipschultz/The Tauber Family
Foundation
Moody’s Foundation
David L. Phillips/Jewish Communal Fund
POSCO TJ Park Foundation
Jeremy Posner
Barbara Helen Reguero, MIA ’86/Bear
Stearns Charitable Gift Fund
Samuel R. Sharp, MPA ’99
C. Michael Spero
Marianne Spiegel
George Matthew Stone
Joel D. Tauber
Dagmar Tricot
Amb. Martin Varsavsky, MIA ’84
Dawid Melchior Walendowski, MIA ’97,
CERT ’97
Melinda Wolfe/The New York
Community Trust
$2,500–$4,999
Amy Blagg Chao, MIA ’99
Robert Meade Chilstrom, MIA ’69, CERT
’69
Pierre J. de Vegh/The Howard Bayne Fund
John William Dickey, MIA ’92
The Foundation for the Study of National,
Civic, and International Affairs
Alexander Georgiadis, MIA ’85/Krinos
Foods Canada Ltd.
A. Michael Hoffman, IF ’69, MIA ’69
George Franz Hollendorfer, MIA ’01
Union Academique Internationale
William Weirong Jin, MIA ’93/Present in
3D Inc.
Claudette M. Mayer, IF ’76, MIA ’76
Richard G. Robb
$1,000–$2,499
Wilder K. Abbott, MIA ’61
Daniel Charles Altman, MIA ’96
Anonymous
Joseph G. Audi
Volodymyr O. Bazarko
Chris Charles Behrens, MIA ’86
Maureen R. Berman, MIA ’73
Robin L. Berry, MIA ‘78
Caroline Aurore Bookhout, MIA ’98
Carolyn M. Buck-Luce/Ernst & Young
Foundation
Elizabeth Cabot, MIA ’98
Linda K. Carlisle, MPA ’81
Leo M. F. Chirovsky
Anna C. Coatsworth
Richard Wayne Coffman, CERT ’84
Stephen F. Cohen, CERT ’69/The JKW
Foundation
Charles M. Diker
Valerie Diker
Miroslav Djordjevich/Studenica
Foundation A/C No. 2
Peter D. Ehrenhaft, MIA ’57/Sanford C.
Bernstein & Co. LLC
Edgard El Chaar, D.D.S.
Jean El Khoury
Kashiyo C. Enokido, MIA ’78
Hugo Presgrave Faria, MIA ’88, CERT ’88
David J. Farrell Jr., MPA ’79
Tammy S. Fine, MPA ’94/Delaware
Community Foundation
Amb. Richard N. Gardner
Susan Aurelia Gitelson, MIA ’66
Erin S. Gore, MPA ’97
John A. Grammer Jr., MIA ’63
Edgar C. Harrell, CERT ’72
Andrew William Higgins, MIA ’91
Peter Alexander Hofmann, MIA ’86/
United Way of the Capital Area, Inc.
Patrick Huang
Douglas R. Hunter, MIA ’73
International Committee on Journalism,
Inc.
Michael Joseph Kassouf, MD
Karen Young Knapp, MPA ’94/Fidelity
Charitable Gift Fund
Joseph Cheng-Chao Kuo
David C. Miller Jr.
Mahnaz Moinian, MIA ’08
London Morawski
Edward L. Morse
Mark David O’Keefe, MIA ’95
Jenik R. Radon, Esq.
Marietta Angela Ries Lavicka, MIA ’94
S I PA N E W S 4 9
1/12/09 1:04:27 AM
DONOR LIST
SIPA
Slobodan Ristic, MIA ’90, CERT ’90
Zina Roehm, MIA ’81
James J. Ross, Esq.
Charles C. Rumsey Jr./Mary A. H.
Rumsey Foundation
Maria Rybkiewicz/Rybkiewicz
Enterprises, LLC
Tadeusz Rybkiewicz
Vuslat Sabanci, MIA ’96
Karen Scowcroft, Esq., IF ‘84, MIA ’84
Vera L. Silverman
Christopher William Smart, CERT ’89
Maurice Sonnenberg
Alfred C. Stepan, III, IF ’65
Elizabeth Stern, MIA ’89
Padraic Joseph Sweeney, MIA ’89, CERT
’89
Mana Nabeshima Tokoi, MIA ’91
The Tokyo Foundation
David James Tsui, MPA ’01
Peter Urbanczyk, MIA ’84
Yuko Usami, MIA ’77
Katrina Vanden Heuvel
Jen Chin Wang, MD
Frank C. Wong, MIA ’82
Jerry Chan Yoon, MIA ’01
$500–$999
Betty W. Adams, MPA ’04
Pano Thomas Anthos, IF ’84, MIA ’84/
The Boston Foundation
Patrick Kenehan Archambault, MIA ’99
Reed David Auerbach, Esq., IF ’81, MIA ’81
Robert Bailey
Donald P. Banas
Arlene Renee Barilec, MIA ’84
Jillian Barron, Esq., MIA ’88
Patrick Francis Bohan
Joan Copithorne Bowen, MIA ’67
Michael James Brandmeyer, IF ’95, MIA ’95
Marcia Beth Burkey, MIA ’88
Michael Tatu Castlen, MPA ’93
Joanna A. Clark
Harvey Jay Cohen, MIA ’86
A. Sebastian Corradino, MPA ’91
Decal Jewelry Inc.
Hon. David N. Dinkins
Thomas John Durkin, CERT ’87, MIA ’87
Sandy Eapen, MIA ’08
Lili-An Elkins, MPA ’94
R. Anthony Elson, IF ’64, MIA ‘64
Douglas John Fink, MIA ’83
Ivy Lindstrom Fredericks, MIA ’98
Laurence Todd Freed, MIA ’94
John C. Garrett, MD, IF ’66/The Garrett
Family Foundation
Gary W. Glick, CERT ‘72
Joseph E. Gore
Ivan Gorup
Neal H. Harwood, MIA ’61
Qun Julia Huang, MIA ’97
Joseph Kindall Hurd III, IF ’94, MIA ’94
Eva Cristina Jedruch
Horace P. Jen, MIA ’93, CERT ’93
Stuart Macl Johnson, MIA ’67
Allison C. Kellogg, IF ’72, MIA ’72
Joachim W. Kratz, MIA ’58
Judith Levy
Dallas D. Lloyd, MIA ’58
Christopher James Manogue, MIA ’98
Zelda Melamed
James L. Mitchell
Sherwood G. Moe, MIA ’48
Melineh V. Momjian, MIA ’86
Samina Muhith, MIA ’97
Catherine Mulder, MIA ’81
Gerhard Jakob Mulder, MIA ’98
Thomas F. O’Connor Jr., MIA ’76
Glenn Paul Orloff, MIA ’88
Carol Jean Patterson, CERT ’76, MIA ’76
Pearl River Mart, Inc.
Ann S. Phillips
Henrietta B. Pons, MIA ’64
Kenneth Prewitt
Clyde E. Rankin III, Esq., IF ’74
Marjorie Ann Ransom, CERT ’62
Galen B. Ritchie, IF ’61
Peter M. Robinson, IF ’79, MIA ’79
Gray and Elizabeth Rothkopf, MIA ’99/
Jewish Community Federation of
Cleveland
Gidon Garber Rothstein, MPA ’88
Ernst J. Schrader, MIA ’65
Margaret Ann Sekula, MIA ’01, CERT ’01
Khosrow Semnani/Semnani Foundation
Julie Lynn Siskind, MIA ’95
Richard Quentin Slinn III, MIA ’91
Edward Byron Smith Jr., MIA ’70/Edward
Byron Smith Jr. Family Foundation
Oles M. Smolansky
Joan E. Spero, MIA ’68
Masanobu Taniguchi, CERT ’79, MIA ’79
Carol Gary Tatti, MIA ’82
George M. Thomson
Gabriel Topor, CERT ’92, MIA ’92
Neale X. Trangucci, IF ’81, MIA ’81
Unity Healthcare, LLC
Geraldine Wang/The New York
Community Trust
Mabel U. Wang
John Waterbury
Odoric Y. K. Wou
Byung-Kon Yoo, MIA ’92
$250–$499
Saman K. Adamiyatt, MIA ’81, CERT ’81
Shehriyar D. Antia, MIA ’03
Sanford Antignas
James M. Arrowsmith
Laurie D. Barrueta, MIA ’94
Thomas H. Boast, MIA ’72
Carolyn B. Boldiston, MPA ’89
Dwight A. Bowler, MIA ’79
James L. Broadhead, Esq., IF ’63
Allen L. Byrum, MIA ’72
Joan O. Camins, IF ’73
Jonathan A. Chanis
Dale Christensen Jr., MIA ’71
Ingrid D. Christophel, MIA ’83
Sandra G. Chutorian, Esq., MIA ’82,
CERT ’82
Chancellor John J. Costonis, IF ’64
Alexander M. Dake, MIA ’86
Marc P. Desautels, MIA ’66
Carolyn P. Dewing-Hommes, MIA ’86,
CERT ’86
Prof. Paul M. Doty/Fidelity Charitable
Gift Fund
Gloria Charmian Duffy
Jennifer Ann Enslin, MIA ’02
Cornelia Mai Ercklentz, MIA ’08
Louise R. Firestone, MIA ’79
Maria A. Fisher, MIA ’81
Stephen Gerard Fromhart, MIA ’98
Larry S. Gage, Esq., IF ’71
Michael William Galligan, Esq., IF ’83,
MIA ’83/Phillips Nizer LLP
C. Robert Garris
Frances X. Gates
Stephen Bernt Gaull, MIA ’88, CERT ’88/
Fidelity Charitable Gift Fund
Sol Glasner, CERT ’76, MIA ’76
Henry Gold
John M. Gorup
Maureen-Elizabeth Hagen, M.A., CERT
’83, MIA ’83
Laura Ellen Zeiger Hatfield, MIA ’89
Donna R. Hochberger
Nicole Janine Holzapfel, MIA ’94
Thomas N. Hull III, CERT ‘73, IF ’73,
MIA ’73
Mi-Ae Hur, MIA ’00
Edward Van K. Jaycox, CERT ’64, MIA
’64
Stanleigh H. Jones Jr., CERT ’58
Nadine F. Joseph, MIA ’73
Henry Edward Kaplan, MIA ’86
Miodrag Kukrika, MD
Walter Kuskowski
George M. Lazarus, MD, IF ’69
Bogdan Theodore Leja, MIA ’91
Jay A. Levy, MD, IF ’62
William Kennedy Love, MIA ’90/The
Love Foundation, Inc.
Carolyn Jane Luxemburg, Esq., MIA ’93
Ann E. March, MIA ’99
Douglas Michael Margossian, MIA ’07
Robert Thomas Maruca Jr., MPA ’96
Alan B. McDougall, MPA ’92
Lisa McGregor-Mirghani, IF ’94, MIA ’94
Leslie S. Meek, MIA ’94
Andrew J. Meyers, MIA ’87, CERT ’87/AJ
Advisers LLC
John S. Micgiel, MIA ’77
Marianne Mitosinka, MIA ’81
Thomas John Monahan, MIA ’85
Jaideep Nicolas Mukerji, MPA ’06
Anne R. Myers, MIA ’70
William E. Odom
Ruth G. Ornelas, IF ’80, MIA ’80
Pacific Ridge Medical, Inc.
Richard B. Palmer, MIA ’55
Thomas Guenter Plagemann, MIA ’91
Polish American Cultural Endeavors, Inc.
Jefrey Ian Pollock, MPA ’97
Mary Jane Potter, MIA ’77
Peter William Quinn, IF ’97, MIA ’97
David C. Ralph, MIA ’67
John M. Reid, MIA ’64
Marvin M. Reiss, MIA ’87
William A. Root, CERT ’48, MIA ’48
Kathryn Ann Rosenblum, MIA ’86
Yasmene Sabkar
Salvatore V. Sampino, MIA ’83
William Schumer, CERT ’48
Prof. Harold B. Segel
Katherine J. Sekowski
Mervyn W. Adams Seldon, CERT ’64
Ryan James Severino, MIA ’04
Petar Simic
Charles H. Srodes, MD, IF ’65
Claire S. Stelter
Alan Stern, MIA ’68/Columbia University
UK Fund Ltd.
Clyde Donald Stoltenberg, MIA ’85
K. Raina Stuart, MIA ’73
Tara Jayne Sullivan, MPA ’86
Yuriko Tada, MIA ’95/Fidelity Charitable
Gift Fund
Ichiro Tange, MIA ’00
Sharyn Menegus Taylor, MIA ’85
Daniel B. Tunstall, MIA ’68
Frederic Joseph Vagnini II, MIA ’89
James C. Veneau, MIA ’96
Stephanie Louise Watnick, MIA ’92
Xenia V. Wilkinson
Stephanie Beth Wolk Lawrence, MPA ’93
Juliet Wurr, IF ’89, MIA ’89
Hideo Yanai, MIA ’96
$1–$249
Pamela Aall, MIA ’77, CERT ’77
Lia Abady, MIA ’01
Zahid Ali Abbasi
Negash Abdurahman, MIA ’82
Can Adamoglu, MIA ’02
Carl B. Adams, MIA ’72
Sola Adeloa
James Richard Adler, MIA ’90
Maria Marcos Adler, MIA ’01
William J. Adler Jr., MIA ’80
Jo Anne Chernev Adlerstein, Esq., IF ’75
Danica Adzemovic
Gordana Adzic
Shruti Aggarwal, MPA ’06
Christiana H. Aguiar, MIA ’89
Kerstin E. Ahlgren
Mathew D. Aho
Erik S. Akhund, MIA ’79
Mahmoud M. Al-Batal
David E. Albright, CERT ’71
Karen Jeannette Alexander, MPA ’90
Salma Hasan Ali, MIA ’90, CERT ’90
Geoffrey Hughes Allan, MIA ’08
Lydia H. Allen
Christopher C. Allieri, MIA ’00
Erasto B. Almeida Jr., MIA ’06
Stephen Altheim, IF ’69
Nabil Sirri Al-Tikriti, MIA ’90
Elena M. Alvarez, MPA ’84
Tatiana Alves, MIA ’06
Austin Chinegwu Amalu, MIA ’81
Darcy Diane Anderson, MIA ’02
Donald K. Anderson
Col. Michael Patrick Anderson, MIA ’89
Maj. Wesmond Carl Andrews, MIA ’98
Anastassia Andrew Androsik, MIA ’98
Turner D. Angell, MIA ’07
5 0 S I PA N E W S
1/8/09 11:33:56 PM
DONOR LIST
Amir A. Angha
Quentin Laurent Antshel, MPA ’03
Zaina Fawaz Arafat
Iris R. Argento, CERT ’67
Cesar Augusto Arias Hernandez, MPA ’08
Emily Talbot Ashton, MPA ’04
Sarah S. Ashton, MIA ’93
Kojo Appiah-Adjei Asiedu
Muriel Esther Asseraf, MIA ’04
Elizabeth Athey, MIA ’71
Donald E. Austin, Esq. ’53
Maher Marwan Awartani
Margaret A. Aycock, IF ’76
Roshma A. Azeem, MPA ’04
Irina Bagration
Alieda Maria Baig, MIA ’05
Charles Edward Baker, MIA ’92
Shubha Balasubramanyam
Homer G. Baldwin ’47
Leonard J. Baldyga, MIA ’62
Euphemia P. Banas
Stephen J. Banta, MIA ’76
M. Zdzislaw Baran
Sara Teresa Barczak, MPA ’04
Gordon N. Bardos
William B. Barfield, Esq., IF ’66
Ari David Barkan, MIA ’97
Katrina M. Barnas
Aimee Elise Keli’i Barnes, MPA ’07
Wayne M. Barnstone, MIA ’79
Anne Elizabeth Barschall, Esq., IF ’82
Sylvester T. Barwinski
Wais Baryalai, MIA ’08
Suzette Holder Batista, MIA ’95
Caroline Baudinet-Stumpf, IF ’96, MIA ’96
Paul Bauer, MIA ’96
Kevin Alan Baumert, MIA ’98
Kimberly Jill Bayer, MPA ’02
Steven A. Beck, MIA ’00
Benjamin Michael Becker, MIA ’06
Robin M. Beckett, IF ’77
Rebecca Ann Beeman, MIA ’08
Kenton H. Beerman, MIA ’05
Julie A. Beglin, MPA ’97
Arnold Beichman
Nancy Hays Bendiner, IF ’72
Yvette E. Benedek, MIA ’81
Denis S. Bengin
Zachary Michael Benjamin
Sonja Jean Bensen, MIA ’89
Jessica Bentley-Jacobs
Tomas Bergstrand, MIA ’04
Teodora Berkova
Chris Bernhardt
Thomas Paul Bernstein, CERT ’66
Genevieve R. Besser, MIA ’86
Wendy Lee Kutlow Best, MPA ’87
Richard K. Betts
Jennifer Anne Beubis, MIA ’95
Ruchi Bhatnagar
Pieter Anton Bierkens, MIA ’92
Peter James Biesada, MIA ’86
Charles G. Billo, MIA ’67
Ivanna Bilych, MIA ’08
Carmen Binder, MIA ’01
Thomas Lynch Bindley, MPA ’03
Melanie June Bixby, MIA ’91
Vlado Bjelopetrovich
Joseph Abraham Blady, MIA ’03
Lisa Zucrow Block, MPA ’81
William Andrew Bodenlos, MIA ’89
Holly Bernson Bogin, MIA ’88
Jason Joseph Bohn
Ranko Bojanic
Felix P. Bolo, MIA ’67
Natalie Irene Bonjoc
Corinna Rose Bordewieck
Stanley P. Borowiec
Paul D. Boyd, IF ’63
Milosh S. Bozanich
Katherine Marika Bradley, MIA ’08
Sandy Mijin Brandt, MPA ’04
Christopher Paul Brawer, MIA ’92
Olga Lee Briker, CERT ’92
Kathryn Elizabeth Britton
Wanda Brodzka, MD
David Vincent Brooks, MPA ’08
Donald P. Brown
Jacqueline Marie Brown
Karl Wilhelm Brown, MIA ’06
Keith Mac Brown, MPA ’90
Thomas F. Brown, IF ’65
William C. Brown, Esq., IF ’67
Shanna R. Brownstein, MPA ’08
Cecile R. Brunswick, MIA ’54
Douglas Peter Brusa, MPA ’92
Richard F. Brzozowski
Marisa J. Buchanan, MPA ’07
Jean Ann Buckner, MIA ’93
Beverley Jeanine Buford, MPA ’86
Sonia Virginie Bujas, CERT ’92, MIA ’92
M. H. J. Bukowski
Leonardo Bullaro, MPA ’08
Katherine A. Bullinger Koops, MIA ’94
Gordon Marshall Burck, MIA ’86/EAI
Corporation
Michael John Burke, MPA ’89
Daniel F. Burton Jr., MIA ’81
Marcin Mateusz Buzanski
Paul H. Byers, IF ’67
Katarzyna Maria Bzdak, MIA ’07
Marta Eugenia Cabrera, CERT ’85,
MIA ’85
Pierre J. Cachia
Scott D. Cackenzie
Gerald A. Cady, CERT ’76, MIA ’76
Kristen Klemme Cady-Sawyer, MPA ’06
Joanne T. Caha, CERT ’78
Nicholas Laurence Cain, MPA ’08
Robert Anthony Calaff, Esq., MPA ’90
Meredith L. Canada
Capt. Jeffrey L. Canfield, CERT ’82,
MIA ’82
Eric David Cantor, MIA ’05
Helen Y. Cao, MPA ’08
Stephanie Capparell, MIA ’86, CERT ’86
Patricia Caraballo, MPA ’08
Alice-Catherine Carls
Donald L. Carpenter, CERT ’54
Mary W. Carpenter, MIA ’51
Benedetta Casassa
Mary Kathleen Catlin, MIA ’94
Carmen Anne Chan, MIA ’00
Jennifer Meihuy Chang, MIA ’07
Kefei Chang, MIA ’01
Connie Chao, MPA ’08
Peggy Chao, MIA ’98
Elisa A. Charters, MIA ’02
Martin A. Charwat, CERT ’65
Carlyle Nixon Chaudruc, MIA ’98
Margarita J. Chavez, MIA ’01
Peter Chelkowski
Sylvester Chen
David Xing Cheng, MPA ’07
Judy Cheng-Hopkins, MIA ’78
Muzaffar A. Chishti, MIA ’81
Sajjad Chowdhry, MIA ’05
Victoria C. Choy, Esq., IF ’85
Ishwara Chrein, MIA ’03
Paul Brian Christensen, MIA ’83
M. Jadwiga Chrusciel
Patricia J. Chukurov
Lisa Marie Chung, MIA ’08
Jeff Geefen Chyu, MIA ’83
William Ciaccio, MPA ’79
Anna M. Cienciala
Makhete Cisse
Sarah Ciszewski
Marc Claret de Fleurieu, MIA ’02
Patricia Anne Clary, MIA ’91
Susan L. Clasen, CPA, MIA ’65
Peter James Clayton, MPA ’90
Mary L. Clement
Kristen Marie Cleven
Michael B. Clyne
Drew Dumas Coburn, MIA ’87
Natalie Greenan Coburn, MIA ’89
Laurie L. N. Cochran, MIA ’79
Myrvet Alyeldin Cocoli
Lillian Mihailovic Coello
Daniel Moshe Cohen, MIA ’04
Dillon Lockwood Cohen
Graham Charles Cohen, MIA ’91
Larry Rodney Colburn, MIA ’90
Jane D. Coleman, IF ’72
Joseph Michael Coleman, MIA ’88,
CERT ’88
Alberto Comito, MIA ’06
Susan E. Condon, CERT ’70, IF ’70,
MIA ’70
Marybeth Connolly, MIA ’01
Maureen Considine, MIA ’86
R. Patrick Contreras, MPA ’08
Charles D. Cook, Esq., MIA ’50
Daniel Aaron Cook, MIA ’06
Robert Allen Cook, MPA ’02
Sybil Copeland, MPA ’85
James Anthony Coppola, MIA ’87
Olivier Pierre Corbet
Elisa Cordova-Rafioly
Jose S. Coronel, MIA ’87
Daniel Joseph Costello, MPA ’01
Steven Roy Costner, MIA ’88
Kristen N. Cox Mehling
Monica Inez Cramer, MIA ’92
Anna Thurlow Crankshaw, MPA ’94
Dustin Craven, MIA ’93
Helen Cregger, MPA ’92
Philippe Cristelli, MIA ’83
Robert S. Critchell, III, MIA ’70
Carroll Michelle Cryer, MIA ’97
S I PA
Charlotte H. Crystal, MIA ’83, CERT ’83
Jane D. Cupkovic
Gaspard Henry Curioni, MIA ’05
Ana Maria Currea, MPA ’08
Karen J. Curtin, IF ’78, MIA ’78
Stanley J. Czerwinski
John D. Czop
Alessandra Mendes Da Silva, MIA ’89
Philip A. Dabice, MIA ’77
Andrian Roman Dacy, CERT ’94, MIA ’94
Theodore Albert D’Afflisio, MIA ’71
Gwendolyn F. Dahlquist, CERT ’53
Alisa Daly
Karl I. Danga, IF ’71, MIA ’71
Joel Davidow, Esq., IF ’63
Katy de la Garza, MIA ’03
Edward N. De Lia, MIA ’87
Margaret C. De Lorme Sollitto, MIA ’94
Jay Douglas Dean, Esq., IF ’85, MIA ’85
Jonathan Dean ’50
Julia Lyndon Deans, MPA ’89
Elsa G. deBeer
Charles R. DeBevoise, IF ’68, MIA ’68
Carol M. Degener, MIA ’84
Margery Suckle Deibler, IF ’81
Anna Paola Della Valle
Joyce P. Delp
Athena L. Demetrios, MIA ’80
Diane Leslie Demmler, MIA ’87
Christopher James Derusha
Christian Deseglise, MIA ’90
Lt. Col. Gary Francis Di Gesu, MIA ’89
Philip E. Di Giovanni ’74
Carlos Alberto Diaz
Raphael A. Diaz, MIA ’63
Alicia D. Dick
John Edmond Dicken, MPA ’89
Daniel Dicker
Sherwood E. Dickerman, CERT ’63
Jessica Ephra Dickler, MPA ’04
Richard Albert Dikeman, MPA ’99
Maria Christina Dikeos, MIA ’92
Emil Stoikov Dimitrov, MIA ’94
Kathleen Louise Dischner, MIA ’08
Carissa Anna Garcia Dizon, MIA ’08
Dimitrije Djordjevic
Stephen D. Docter, MIA ’60
Cynthia M. Dodd, IF ’77
Courtney Elizabeth Doggart
Kerry Anne Dolan, MIA ’92
Diane Joyce Dolinsky-Pickar, MIA ’92
Lucia Adele Domville, MIA ’96
Arthur R. Dornheim, MIA ’48
Christianna Casey Dove, MIA ’06
Anne J. Dowd, IF ’82, MIA ’82
Donald E. Doyle, MD, IF ’62
Ruth I. Dreessen, MIA ’80
Gloria S. Duffy
Col. Peter Stephen Duklis Jr., MIA ’90
Cecilia Elizabeth Dunn, MPA ’93
Hilary Dunst, MIA ’93
Sarah L. Dutton, MIA ’83
Karen Marie Eben, CERT ’87, MIA ’87
Ana Echague, MIA ’01
Joanne Edgar, MIA ’68
Edit Ltd.
Judith Ann Edstrom, IF ’72, MIA ’72
S I PA N E W S 5 1
1/8/09 11:33:56 PM
DONOR LIST
SIPA
Shizuyo Eguchi, MPA ’01
Casey Elizabeth Ehrlich
Douglas J. Eisenfelder, IF ’63
Adaku Ugonma Ejiogu, MPA ’06
Can Vahit Eksioglu, MIA ’01
Elona Elezi
Leo Michael Elison, CERT ’51
Betsy Rossen Elliot, IF ’84, MIA ’84
Sari J. Ellovich, MIA ’75
Chinonso Tochukwu Emehelu, MIA ’08
Dayna English ’81
James Enloe
Dara Erck, MIA ’03
Kenneth Paul Erickson, IF ’64, CERT ’64
Aaron Paul Ernst, MIA ’08
Amelia A. Erwitt, MPA ’06
Marisol S. Espinoza
M. Mahmood Ihsan Es-Said
Lara Alexandra Ettenson, MPA ’06
Peter Seth Falcier, MIA ’07
Kathleen M. Hansen Fallon, MIA ’92
Jorge Luis Farfan Herrera
Nada A. Farid
Catherine Anne Farley, MIA ’87
Saul Faust
Wilson P. Favre-Delerue, MIA ’05
Brent Herman Feigenbaum, MIA ’84
Alfonso Fernandez, Esq., IF ’81
Aurelius Fernandez, MIA ’59
Mario Fernandez
Nancy A. Ferrante
Vincent A. Ferraro, IF ’73, MIA ’73
Janet B. Fierman, MIA ’69
Christopher Martin Finch, MIA ’00
Carter V. Findley
John Michael Finger, MIA ’83
Alexander Fischer, MIA ’08
Sokunthea Oum Fite, MIA ’94
Howard Barrett Flanders Jr., Esq., IF ’62
H. Joseph Flatau Jr., Esq., MIA ’61
Benjamin A. Fleck, MIA ’48
Melissa Scott Flournoy, MPA ’85
Bradley Feeney Foerster, CERT ’88,
MIA ’88
James Fonda, MPA ’07
David Stewart Fondiller, MIA ’92
Ebenezer Irving Forbes, MIA ’02
Anne Ford, MIA ’05
Laura Ellen Forlano, MIA ’01
Richard W. Foster, MIA ’69
Catherine Starin Foster-Anderson,
MPA ’04
Ellena E. Fotinatos
Kari Marie Frame, MPA ’06
Alexander Mols Fraser, MPA ’90
Gerald S. Freedman, MD, IF ’62
Amy Esther Friedman, MIA ’92
Howard R. Friedner, Esq., MIA ’82
Brenda P. Fuller, MPA ’88
Sarah Elizabeth Fulton, MPA ’08
Kathryn Lynne Furano, MPA ’90
Richard Albert Fye, MPA ’03
Ryszard Gajewski
Maria Salome Galib-Bras, Esq., MIA ’88,
CERT ’88
Sridhar Ganesan, MIA ’96
Shelly Louise Gardeniers, MIA ’96
Susan C. Gates, MIA ’94
Toby Trister Gati, CERT ’70, MIA ’70
Joseph G. Gavin, III, MIA ’70
M. Gizela Gawronski
Eric Neil Gebbie, MIA ’01
Emma Gee, MIA ’63
Bruce Gelb, MD
Elizabeth F. George-Cheniara, MPA ’97
Roy Geritsen
Linda L. Gerlach, MIA ’93/The Gerlach
Group, Inc.
Saadia Ghani, MIA ’04
Omar M. Gharzeddine, MIA ’95
Christine Wrona Giallongo, CERT ’90,
MIA ’90
Heidi Gifford-Melas, MPA ’91
Kimberly Elizabeth Gilbert Sykes,
MPA ’08
Joseph Michael Gilbride, MPA ’08
Thomas E. Glaisyer, MIA ’06
Kathryn Glynn-Broderick, MIA ’08
John J. Gmerek
Paul William Goebel, MPA ’04
David H. Goldberg, MIA ’82
Ira E. Goldberg, MIA ’75
Rose Carmen Goldberg, MPA ’08
Marilu Goldberg-Finardi, MIA ’82
Allan Goldfarb, Esq., MIA ’79
Lisa G. Goldschmidt, MPA ’04
Eric Daniel Goldstein, MIA ’86
Lawrence Goodman
Filic Goran
Janusz Gregory Gorzynski, MD
Erika Nicole Gottfried, MIA ’07
Emily F. Gouillart
Rodney E. Gould, Esq., IF ’68
Amy Elizabeth Grace
Arne Grafweg, MPA ‘06
Aaron Venn Graham, MPA ’04
Francis Lincoln Grahlfs Jr., PhD,
CERT ’55
Jennifer Youtz Grams, MPA ’99
Christian Grane, MIA ’01
Paige Ellen Mahon Granger, MIA ’08
M. Stanislaw W. Grebski
Carolyn B. Green, MIA ’63
Risa Jill Greendlinger, MPA ’91
Richard C. Greenwald, MPA ’93
Clark D. Griffith, MIA ’00, CERT ’00/
United Way of Tri-State
Jill M. Grillo, MIA ’89
Mary Ann Grossman, MIA ’73
Janet L. Grosso
Hurst Groves
Laurance J. Guido Jr., MPA ’01
Laura Sank Gump, MPA ’90
Dagmar Gunther-Stirn, MIA ’55
Anna Lissa Gutierrez, MPA ’08
Daniel A. Gutterman
Veroljub Gvozdenovic
Henry J. Gwiazda II
Viktoria Habanova
Ilene Hacker
Brian Gerald Hackett, MIA ’01
Amir Hadziomeragic, MIA ’01
Brigid Flynn Haeckel, MPA ’90
M. Mykola Haliv
Craig Philip Hallgren, MIA ’86
Rebekah Yasmin Hamed, MPA ’08
Anne W. Hamilton, MIA ’79
Bruce Wook Han
Norman Jae Hong Han, MPA ’98
Wook Bruce Han, MIA ’90
Kay L. Hancock
Melinda Elaine Hanisch, CERT ’90,
MIA ’90
Katherine Olivia Hardy, MIA ’97
Alison L. Hare
Peter L. Harnik, MIA ’75
Diane Wallace Harpold, MIA ’90
Peggy T. Harris, IF ’75
Prof. C. Lowell Harriss
Geoffrey R. Hartman
Alison M. Harwood, MIA ’85
Laura Suzanne Harwood, MPA ’92
Mahvash Hassan, MPA ’96
Gary Edward Hayes, CERT ’81, MIA ’81
Susan L. Hazard
Lisa Ray Hecht-Cronstedt, MIA ’08
Henry Joseph Hector III, CERT ’71,
MIA ’71
Elizabeth W. Heinsohn, MIA ’89
Hertha W. Heiss, CERT ’51
Judith Gail Hellerstein, MPA ’94
Jennifer Ann Hemmer, MIA ’89
Marina A. Henriquez, MPA ’01
Joshua Rob Hepola, MIA ’00
Alan J. Herbach, MIA ’79
Richard Hermanowski
Peter T. Hess, MIA ’80
Garry W. Hesser, PhD, IF ’64
Nancy E. Hester, MIA ’74
Christoph Wilhelm Heuer, MIA ’04
Susan E. Heuman, CERT ’68
Warren E. Hewitt, Esq., MIA ’50
Stephen Robert Hilbert, MIA ’83
John F. Hildebrand, IF ’66
Michael Anthony Hillmeyer, IF ’97,
MIA ’97
Richard H. Hittle
Joseph Michael Hoban, MIA ’86
Christopher B. Hodges, IF ‘77, MIA ’77
Alan Hoffmann
Leif Holmberg, MIA ’08
Benjamin J. Holmes
James Peter Holtje, MIA ’90
Michael A. Holubar, MIA ’77
Joon Seok Hong, MIA ’05
Ludovic Hood, MIA ’06
Anthony H. Horan, MD, IF ’63
Janet Irene Horan, MPA ’05
Ghazanfar Ali Khan Hoti
Richard C. Hottelet
Katherine Hale Hovde, MIA ’89
Gail Lewis Howard, MIA ’84
Margaret B. Howard
William D. Howells, CERT ’60, MIA ’60
John F. Howes, CERT ’54
Mark Fong-Hui Huang, IF ’97, MIA ’97
Sarah Beth Huber, MIA ’06
Richard W. Hull, CERT ’65
Robert Kingsley Hull, Esq., CERT ’78,
MIA ’78
Thomas J. Hyra Jr., IF ’76, MIA ’76
Naofumi Ikeda
Takeshi Inoue
Laila Festini Iqbal, MIA ’05
Helen Drew Isenberg, MIA ’54
Robbin Frances Itzler, PhD, MPA ’84
Ogniana Vassileva Ivanova, MIA ’02
Hidenori Iwasaki, MIA ’01
Jimmy Julio Izu Kanashiro
Kathryn Marie Jackson, MIA ’88
Roy Christopher Jackson, MPA ’90
Erik Jacobs, IF ’85, MIA ’85
Ellen L. James Martin, MIA ’82
Lt. Cmdr. Andrew C. A. Jampoler,
MIA ’81
Maria Zofia Janiak
Carissa L. Janis, MPA ’89
Carolina Jaramillo, MPA ’07
Shruthi Jayaram, MPA ’08
Eleonora Jedrysek
Russell M. Jenkins, MIA ’80
Howard F. Jeter, IF ’73
Andrew T. Jhun, MPA ’04
Susan John, MIA ’92
Laura S. Johnson, MPA ’06
Mary Tyler Johnson, MPA ’04
Michone Trinae Johnson, Esq., MPA ’96
Scott Stuart Johnson, MIA ’97
Sonia P. Johnson, MIA ’48
Ian J. Jones, MIA ’92
Yoyce Apollo Jones, MIA ’08
David Joravsky, CERT ’49
David E. Junker, MIA ’76
Christopher P. Jurkiewicz
Velika Kabakchieva, MPA ’07
Mark H. Kagan, CERT ’81, MIA ’81
Sharon Kahn-Bernstein, MPA ’97
Nicholas Kalis, MIA ’79/Kalis Holdings
LLC
Rajiv Kalsi, MIA ’98
Tae-Wook Kang, MPA ’07
Elisa A. Kapell, IF ’79, CERT ’79, MIA ’79
Rajan Kapoor
Vikram Kapur, MIA ’93
Leonardo Karrer
Norman D. Kass, MIA ’73
Sherman E. Katz, Esq., IF ’69, MIA ’69
Daniel Lewis Katzive, MIA ’92
Peggy Ockkyung Kauh, MPA ’01
Arnold H. Kawano, Esq., IF ’76
Jonathan M. Kayes, MIA ’81
Farhad Kazemi
Michael A. Keeton, MIA ’08
Katherine B. Keller, MIA ’82
Charles Robert Kelly, MIA ’83
Cary Kennedy, MPA ’93
Julia Metzger Kennedy, MIA ’92
John J. Kerr Jr., Esq., IF ’76
Stephen T. Kerr, CERT ’69
Obrad Kesic
Eve Maxine Kessler, CERT ’89
Sana Khan, MIA ’99
John F. Khanlian, MIA ’69
Michele Llona Wray Khateri, MIA ’97
Mostafa Khezry, MIA ’89
Bahman Kia, CERT ’80
Bomsinae Kim, MIA ’05
Hahna Bosun Kim
5 2 S I PA N E W S
1/8/09 11:33:56 PM
DONOR LIST
Samuel S. Kim, MIA ’62
Natasha Suzanne Kindergan, MIA ’04
Mary C. King, MIA ’79
Brigitte Lehner Kingsbury, MIA ’89
James Henry Kipers Jr., MIA ’02
Rebecca Kirsh
Emad Kiyaei
Pamela Ziemba Kladzyk
Donald W. Klein
Stephen H. Klitzman
David Eric Klotz, MPA ’89
Paulo Francisco Kluber, CERT ’08,
MIA ’08
Andrew Jerome Koch, MIA ’07
Anjali Devi Kochar, MIA ’01
Arpine Kocharyan
Kari Odquist Kohl, MIA ’99
Paik Har Kong, MIA ’82
Alexander Koproski
Andrzej Korbonski
William Korey, CERT ’48
Slawomir A. Korzan
Victor Koshkin-Youritzin, IF ’65
Rudolph Kosiba
M. Savka Kovacevic
Alan B. Kubarek
Rebecca Morris Kuhar, MPA ’98
Piotr J. Kumelowski
Jose Kuri, MPA ’99
Richard W. Kurz, MIA ’77
Edward Kwiatkowski
Susanne Kyzivat, MIA ’84
Darwin R. Labarthe, MD, IF ’62
Laurin L. Laderoute Jr., Esq., IF ’66
Marie S. Lafontaine, MIA ’08
Polly Nora Lagana, MPA ’04
Tore Lahghelle
Jacqueline R. Lakah, CERT ’75
Abdelghni Lakhdar
Ann H. Lakhdhir
Jose M. Lamas, MIA ’86
William Charles Lambert, CERT ’88
Debbie A. Landres, MIA ’06
Julie Werner Lane, MPA ’92
Teresa Shannon Lang
Thomas Richard Lansner, MIA ’91/
JustGive.org
F. Stephen Larrabee, IF ’69
John Lastavica
Charles D. N. Laurence
Sherri G. Lawless, MPA ’80
Mel Laytner, MIA ’72
Bozidar Lazarevic
Marina Ledkovsky
Amb. Nelson C. Ledsky, MIA ’53
Chester Lee
Daniel Emil Lee, MPA ’05
Ken Lee, MIA ’97
Ting Fong Lee, MPA ’07
Andre D. Lehmann, CERT ’73, MIA ’73
Timothy Leland, IF ’61
Philip J. Lemanski, MPA ’86
Mara Lemos, MIA ’04
Amanda V. Leness, MIA ’93
Suzanna Lengyel
Scott T. Leo
Ryan S. Lester, MIA ’01
Deborah Jacobs Levy, MPA ’92
Nadine Netter Levy, MIA ’70
James John Lewellis, MIA ’04
Diane Y. Lewis, IF ’73
Arthur Dominique Liacre, MIA ’04
Catherine L. Liesman
Cicero Ioan Limberea, MIA ’01
David-Sven Charles Lindholm, IF ’98,
MIA ’98
John F. Lippmann, MIA ’49
Amy Kay Lipton, MIA ’88
Megan Rose Lipton, MIA ’01
John Joseph Lis, IF ’96, CERT ’96,
MIA ’96
Richard J. Lis
Daniel Brown Little, MIA ’05
Kai-Chun Liu, MPA ’82
Robert T. Livernash, MIA ’73, IF ’73
Robin M. Lloyd, IF ’76
Jody Susan London, MPA ’90
Christine M. Loomis, CERT ’75
William Anthony Lorenz, MIA ’99
Ronald Dean Lorton, IF ’71, MIA ’71
Alda Losada, MIA ’00
Robert W. Loschiavo, MPA ’82
Paik-Swan Low, MIA ’85
Jonathan A. Lowe, MIA ’69
Erica Granetz Lowitz, MPA ’94
Lynn A. Lurie, MIA ’81
Craig Philip Lustig, MPA ’98
Yuwei Ma, MIA ’07
Hon. Ralph R. Mabey, IF ’72
Vernon L. Mack, MIA ’73
David MacKenzie, PhD, CERT ’53
Benjamin Edward Madgett, MPA ’07
Marko Maglich
Barbara M. Magnoni, MIA ’94
Gerard Joseph Maguire, MIA ’02
Alberta S. Magzanian, CERT ’56
Patrick Joseph Mahaney Jr., MIA ’99
Michael Thomas Maier, Esq., MIA ’08
Stephen D. Maikowski, MIA ’77
Haim Malka, MIA ’01
Joel Nordin Maloney, MIA ’96
Paulo Cesar de F. Mamede, MPA ’05
Shinobu Mamiya, MIA ’96
Angela Sapp Mancini, MIA ’03
Angelo Michael Mancino, MPA ’03
Harriet Lee Mandel, CERT ’85, MIA ’85
Sunanda Mansingh Mane, MIA ’03
Andrew Thomas Mangan, IF ’84
Theodore E. Mankovich, IF ’71
John G. Manning, Esq., MIA ’70
Leah Michele Manning, MIA ’08
Ida May H. Mantel, MIA ’64
Robert B. Mantel, MIA ’63
Sarah Louise Charity Marchal, MPA ’04
Deena Gabrielle Margolis, MPA ’99
Jennifer Lin Marozas, MPA ’97/Global
Impact
Zachary Blake Marshall, IF ’91, MIA ’91
Thaddeus W. Marszalek
Leon C. Martel, CERT ’57
Clara Martin
Charles M. Martorana
Raul Kazimierz Martynek, MIA ’93
Michael Masanovich
Jocelyn Maskow, MPA ’88
Robert Frank Massimi, MIA ’05
Heather Blair Matheson, MPA ’08
Dobrosav Matiasevic
Yasuyuki Matsui, MPA ’08
Lidia Matwey
Anneliese Farrell Mauch, MIA ’93,
CERT ’93
Democritos Timotheos Mavrellis, MIA ’08
Toby E. Mayman, MIA ’65
Leonard L. Mazur
Jennifer Allyn McCann, MIA ’92
Sissel Wivestad McCarthy, MIA ’92
Cary Palmer McClelland, MIA ’07
Amanda Waring McClenahan, MPA ’02
Robert O. McClintock, IF ’63
Barbara L. McCormick, MIA ’77
Col. John J. McCuen Sr., MIA ’61
Ann Hunt McDermott, MPA ’90
John Lewis McDonald, MIA ’93,
CERT ’93
Brian C. McDonnell, MPA ’80
Heather R. McGeory, MIA ’05
Eugenia McGill, MIA ’00
Fred F. McGoldrick, MIA ’66
Marsha C. McGough
John B. McGrath, IF ’80, MIA ’80,
CERT ’80
James D. McGraw, MIA ’55
Jonathan Riley McHale, MIA ’87,
CERT ’87
Anne N. McIntosh, IF ’85, MIA ’85
Albert Dan McIntyre
Robert Calvin McKenney, MIA ’08
Joseph A. Mehan
Laila M. Mehdi, MIA ’86
Neeru Mehra, MIA ’79
Maude Frances Meisel, CERT ’87
Marisa Lynn Mejia, MPA ’05
Roger C. Melzer
Jack W. Mendelsohn, CERT ’77
Stephen Carlos Mercado, MIA ’88,
CERT ’88
Stephanie Crane Mergenthaler, MIA ’98
Michael G. Merin, IF ’84, MIA ’84,
CERT ’84
Edward J. Meros
Katherine M. Metres, IF ’97, MIA ’97
Jeffrey Peter Metzler, MPA ’99
Calvin Marshall Mew, IF ’72
Brian R. Meyers, MPA ’06
Sylvia Schmidt Mgaieth, MIA ’01
Frank J. Miceli, MIA ’92
Pearl Rita Miles, MPA ’00
Stanislaw A. Milewski, MD
Zorka Milich
Zoran Milkovich
Adin Calis Miller, MPA ’96
Andrew James Miller, MPA ’08
Charles Russell Miller, CERT ’99, MIA ’99
David H. Miller, CERT ’67
Harlan Ira Miller, MIA ’95
Kennon Avery Miller, MPA ’97
Michelle Beth Miller-Adams, MIA ’82
Thomas P. Milligan, IF ’85, MIA ’85,
CERT ’85
Joel C. Millonzi, MIA ’70, CERT ’70
S I PA
Kyle Terence Milne, MPA ’07
George R. Milner Jr., MIA ’49
Adam T. Minson, MIA ’08
Matthew D. Mogul, MIA ’98
Redmond Kathleen Molz
Kathleen P. Mone, MPA ’81
Ewa Monsul, DMD
M. Diana Montero Melis, MPA ’08
Bruce Moon
Rocio Clara Mora Quinones
Walter N. Morgan
James C. Mori, MIA ’80
Walter J. Morris
Jason Travis Mosio
Henry W. Mott III, CERT ’57
Wendell L. Mott, MIA ’66
Kirsten Lynn Muetzel, MIA ’06, CERT ’06
Adelaide Deb Muhlfelder
Christine Munn, MIA ’81
Erika Munter, MIA ’96
Takuya Murata
Christopher P. Murphy, MIA ’74
Dawn Celeste Murphy, MIA ’04
Patrizia Romana Musilli, CERT ’88,
MIA ’88
Zbigniew M. Muszynski
Paul Anthony Ngite Mutisya, MPA ’02
Andrew Mwaba, MIA ’97
Rebecca Elizabeth Myers, MPA ’07
Robert O. Myhr, MIA ’62
Jonathan Jacob Nadler, MPA ’81
Natalia Nagree
John H. Nahm, MIA ’00
Fumiaki Nakamura, MIA ’99
Divya Narayanan, MIA ’98
Peter Ryan Natiello, IF ’90, MIA ’90
Edward Joseph Naughton, MIA ’08
Oksana Dackiw Nesterczuk, CERT ’81,
MIA ’81
Katarzyna W. Newcomer
Richard T. Newman, MIA ’51
Jian Ni, MIA ’01
Gregory Robert Nichols
Ann Nicol, MIA ’77
Dmitry Nikitin, MIA ’05
Sylvester Okey Nnadi, MPA ’03
Eri Noguchi, MPA ’93
Carolyn M. Nomura, MIA ’76
Carletta Nonziato, MIA ’84/Carron, LLC
Bradley S. Norton, MPA ’02
Lila Fatemeh Noury, MIA ’06
Martin D. Novar, Esq., CERT ’84,
MIA ’84
Elizabeth Marina Nunez
Jessica Jama Nussenbaum, MIA ’03
Noelle King O’Connor, IF ’84
Ronald W. O’Connor, MD, IF ’64
Noreen O’Donnell, MIA ’97
Peter Damian O’Driscoll, MIA ’97
James A. Oesterle, IF ’65, MIA ’65
Steve Sohyun Oh, MIA ’07
Harry John O’Hara, IF ’91, MIA ’91
Nelson Olavarrieta, MPA ’07
Clarence W. Olmstead Jr., Esq., IF ’67
Paige Lauren Wood Olmsted, MPA ’08
Shebna Nur Olsen, MPA ’08
Marina Olshansky, MIA ’93
S I PA N E W S 5 3
1/8/09 11:33:56 PM
DONOR LIST
SIPA
Kathleen A. O’Malley, MIA ’75
Yalman Onaran, MIA ’93
Emin Yiget Onat
Kevin P. O’Neil, MIA ’85
Jean-Marc R. Oppenheim, IF ’77
Mary Ann Oppenheimer, MIA ’69
John M. Orr, Esq., IF ’68
Bruce A. Ortwine, MIA ’78
Rita A. Orzel
Joseph Osenni Jr., MPA ’79
Kimberly Ostrowski
Laura Otterbourg, MIA ’87
Victor M. Ovando, MIA ’07
Junichiro Oyama, MIA ’95
Marilyn G. Ozer, MIA ’71
William M. Packard, MD, IF ’70
John F. Palmer, Esq., IF ’70
Odette L. Pantelich
Constantine G. Papavizas, IF ’81, MIA ’81
Michael A. Pardy, MPA ’08
Shaila Bhupendra Parikh
Mary J. Park, MPA ’94
Maxime Parmentier, MIA ’08
Sara Pasquier
Peter Pastor
Louis L. Patalita
Amal Shashikant Patel, MIA ’02
Harmony Christine Patricio, MPA ’08
Grant R. Patrick, MIA ’81
Susan C. Patterson, MIA ’77
Andrew Collins Peach, MIA ’98
Jon S. Pearl, MD
John Edward Peck, CERT ’91
John A. Pecoul, IF ’64
Barbara Pehlivanian
Elena C. Pell, MPA ’86
Chimie C. Pemba, MIA ’96
Jayne Cecere Peng, MIA ’83
Capt. Richard J. Pera, MIA ’79
Humberto V. B. Laudares Pereira
Eduardo Peris-Deprez, MIA ’08
Andrew Knox Perkins, MIA ’85,
CERT ’85
John Steven Perkoff, MIA ’86
George Alan Perlov, MPA ’02
Jack R. Perry, CERT ’58
Jasminee Persaud, MIA ’05
Dragan S. Petakov
Mariana S. Petermann, MIA ’94
Ned King Peterson, MIA ’07
Peter J. Pettibone
Catherine Anne Pfordresher, MPA ’97
Elizabeth M. Phillips, MIA ’79
Michelle Eugenia Philp, MPA ’08
Jerome Picard
Maurice J. Picard, PhD, MIA ’61
James Brian Pieri, MPA ’07
Andrew J. Pierre, MIA ’57, IF ’57
Jeffrey M. Pines, MD, IF ’71
Daphne Anne Pinkerson, MIA ’85
Vanessa Pino Lockel, MPA ’03
Gerald A. Pinsky, MIA ’55
Tas Ling Pinther, MIA ’94
Stephen Francis Pirozzi, MPA ’93
Peter S. Pitarys
Robert Walter Pitulej, MPA ’96
Steven J. Plofsky, MIA ’80
Rachel L. Pohl, MPA ’84, IF ’84
Richard P. Poirier, MPA ’80
Polish Veterans of World War II,
SPK Inc.
Cary Neil Pollack, MIA ’71
Maurice A. Pollet
Robert W. Pons, MIA ’64
Maria Popov
Richard P. Poremski
Andrzej Porwit
Tomasz Potworowski
Melissa A. Poueymirou
Margaret Edsall Powell, MIA ’01
Brian James Pozun, CERT ’08, MIA ’08
Suraj Prasannakumar
Jeffrey D. Pribor, Esq., IF ’82
Carlos Prieto, MPA ’08
Joseph Procopio, MIA ’72
Steven James Quattry
Salahuddin Rabbani, MIA ’08
Serena Whiteman Rachels, CERT ’67
Bonny S. Radez
Miodrag Radulovacki
Vikram Raju, MIA ’97
Milovan T. Rakic
Hanitra Patricia Ralijemisa, MIA ’99
Allison J. Ramler, MIA ’96, CERT ’96
Timothy Paul Ramsey, MIA ’93
M. Laxmi Rao, MIA ’05
Adam Clive Raphaely, MPA ’07
Robert D. Rawlins, IF ’73
Gary J. Reardon, MPA ’80
Stephen Kroll Reidy, IF ’74, MIA ’74
Hayes McCarthy Reisenfeld, MIA ’87
Edmund O. Reiter, CERT ’61
Stina Mathea Reksten, MIA ’08
Aaron Renfro, MPA ’04
Janet S. Resele-Tiden, MIA ’92
Therese Ruth Revesz, MIA ’70
Michelle D. Rexach-Subira, MPA ’96
Robert A. Rich, MPA ’81
Russell E. Richey, IF ’65
Alvin Richman, MIA ’60
Leslie K. Rider-Araki, IF ’81, MIA ’81
John Rim, CERT ’52
Yaakov Ari Ringler, MPA ’05
Alexander Ritter
Maggie Rivas-Rodriguez, IF ’77
Richard C. Robarts, IF ’61, MIA ’61
Sara E. Robertson, MIA ’84
Jean K. Robinson, MIA ’83
Karla Arlette Robinson, MIA ’00
Alexandra Rochlitzer
Susan Rockefeller, MPA ’98/MGS & RRS
Charitable Trust
Alvaro Rodriguez, MIA ’99
Stacey Nicole Roen
Riordan J. A. Roett III, MIA ’61
Brett Rogers
John E. Rogers, Esq., MIA ’69
Paul Mauro Romita, MIA ’07
Susan O. Rose, CERT ’68
Edward S. Rosenbaum, MIA ’77
Paul Elliott Rosenberg, MIA ’08
Richard H. Rosensweig, MIA ’68
Susan A. S. Rosthal, MIA ’71
Seymour Rotter, PhD, CERT ’49
Richard P. Roulier, MIA ’77
Andrea Rounds
Heather Johnson Row, CERT ’84,
MIA ’84
Richard C. Rowson, MIA ’50
Sujoya Shantona Roy, MIA ’90
Mark A. Ruben, MD, MIA ’80
Celine Solsken Ruben-Salama, MPA ’08
Veronika L. Ruff, MIA ’06
Robert R. Ruggiero
Jessica MacKay Rush
Margaret Heflin Sabbag, MIA ’98
Anthony R. Saccomano, MIA ’70
Haroon Saeed, MIA ’95
Abby H. Safirstein, MIA ’94
Carol R. Saivetz, CERT ’71, MIA ’71
Mark Edward Sajbel, MIA ’82
Anne O’Toole Salinas, CERT ’96, MIA ’96
Russell O. Salmon, CERT ’69
Joseph John Saltarelli, MIA ’83
Joseph Andrew Samborsky, MPA ’04
Nicole L. Samii, MIA ’04
Emma San Segundo Riesco
Matthew Sandy
Leslie Anne Santamaria, MIA ’06
Marc Saperstein
Asmita K. Savani, MPA ’07
Philip Nathaniel Sawyer, MIA ’87
Marta Lee Schaaf, MIA ’04
Liliana Monk Schatz, MIA ’78
Daniele Megan Schiffman, MPA ’02
Paul Schlamm, MIA ’68
Scott Ronald Schless, MIA ’87
Ina Valborg Schonberg, MIA ’89
Morton Schwartz, MIA ’54, CERT ’54
Lynn A. Seirup, MIA ’80
Kaoruko Seki, IF ’93, MIA ’93
Albert L. Seligmann, MIA ’49
Irwin S. Selnick, CERT ’78
Marc Jay Selverstone, MIA ’92
Steven Harold Semenuk, MPA ’90
Frank G. Serafin
Nina Maria Serafino, MIA ’76
Karen Serota
Lauren C. Serota, MIA ’05
Jean-Francois Seznec, MIA ’73/The
Lafayette Group LLC
Amelia Bates Shachoy, MPA ’88
Roshan Mukund Shah
Jeanine Shama, MPA ’01
Levan Shaorshadze
Paul A. Shapiro, MIA ’70
Amita Sharma, MPA ’08
Camilla Violet Sharples, MIA ’08
Howard Jerome Shatz, MIA ’91
Jeffrey C. Sheban, MIA ’86
Dan Ray Shepherd, MPA ’08
Shawn Patrick Sheridan, MPA ’08
Elisabeth Day Sherwood, MIA ’95
Betsy Pollack Shimberg, MPA ’97
Junko Shiota, CERT ’88
Rekha Shukla, MIA ’92
Colette Shulman
Oksana Shulyar
Gary Gordon Sick
Marc J. Sievers, IF ’80, CERT ’80, MIA ’80
Gudrun Sigurdardottir
Kathryn Angel Sikkink, CERT ’84
Genevieve Delaune Silverman, MIA ’97
Michael Silvia, MIA ’79
Melvyn J. Simburg, Esq., IF ’71, MIA ’71
George W. Simmonds, CERT ’52
Michael J. Simon, IF ’80, MIA ’80
Col. Michael Rudolph Simone, MIA ’85,
CERT ’85
Willard M. Sims III, MIA ’97
Kuldip K. Singh, MIA ’77
Vikram Jeet Singh, MIA ’03
Surani Ishara Sirisena, MIA ’08
Vicki Sittenfeld, MPA ’82
Charles Skop
Leehe Skuler-Sella
Hon. Joseph C. Small, IF ’68
Felix Smigiel
Lt. Col. Asa P. Smith, MIA ’67
Elizabeth Ann Smith, MPA ’04
Kyle McClellan Smith, MPA ’08
Pinkney Craig Smith, CERT ’61
Richard M. Smith, IF ’69
Scott Seward Smith, MIA ’98
Timothy C. Smith, Esq., IF ’69
Timothy Snyder
Roberto E. Socas, MIA ’55
Anastasia Sochynsky
Elaine Carol Soffer, MPA ’83
Richard J. Soghoian, IF ’65
Stephen A. Sokol, MIA ’01
Marvin Sokoloff
Debra E. Soled, MIA ’82, CERT ’82
Henri-Leon Solomon, MIA ’06
Thomas M. Somers, IF ’77, MIA ’77
Hyuy Joo Son
Christian R. Sonne, CERT ’62, MIA ’62
Glenn E. Sonntag, MPA ’08
Rachel Elizabeth Sorey
Paul T. Sosnowski
Raymond Sowinski
Leanne Gayle Spees, MIA ’83
Molly Catherine Spencer, MPA ’97
Nicholas J. Spiliotes, Esq., CERT ’79,
IF ’79
Stefan Andreas Spohr, MIA ’94
Robert Francis Staats Jr., MIA ’83
Elizabeth Stabler, MIA ’56
Sally J. Staley, MIA ’80
Robert David Stang, MPA ’84
Nicolas J. Stefano, MIA ’07
Virginia Elizabeth Stein
Walter Alan Stein, MIA ’69, CERT ’69
Lisa Steinberg, MIA ’89
David Hunter Stephens, IF ’84, MIA ’84
Jukka-Pekka Strand, MIA ’07
Michael Andrew Streeto, MIA ’89
Sherrill Lea Stroschein, MIA ’94,
CERT ’94
Matthew Trombley Stubbs, MPA ’05
Sarita Subramanian
Rita M. Sukiasian, MIA ’00
Kamala Sukosol, MIA ’60
Witold S. Sulimirski
Cihan A. Sultanoglu, MIA ’81
Mengxi Mancy Sun, MPA ’08
Yun Sun, MIA ’94
Irene B. Susmano, MIA ’88
5 4 S I PA N E W S
1/8/09 11:33:57 PM
DONOR LIST
William H. Swartz Jr., IF ’68, MIA ’68
Stephen B. Sweet, MIA ’94
Susan M. Swiatek
Stanley P. Swiderski
Ildiko Szilank, MIA ’98
Boleslaw K. Szymanski
Anne Bernadette Talley, MIA ’94
Puneet Talwar, MIA ’90
Alice Ayling Tan, MPA ’01
Aya Tanaka, MIA ’97
Mana Tanaka, MPA ’01
Di Tang, MIA ’05
Helena Tang, IF ’82, MIA ’82
Lisa Tarantino, MIA ’94
Virginia M. Tarris, MIA ’76
Florence Tatistcheff-Amzallag, MIA ’76
Eda Franzetti Tato, MIA ’80
William C. Taubman, IF ’63, CERT ’63
LeAnn D. Tavtigian, MIA ’87
Myrna C. Tengco, MPA ’05
Carlos Felix Terrones, MPA ’08
Monica A. Thakrar, MIA ’00
Brandon Scott Thompson
Paul A. Thompson, MIA ’73
Scott Christian Thompson, MIA ’97
Anna Throne-Holst, MIA ’06
Paul E. Tierney Jr./The Tierney Family
Foundation Inc.
Laurie Diane Timmermann, MIA ’84
Stephen E. Tisman, Esq., IF ’72
Paul S. Tkachuk ’71
Janus Todd
Jovan Todorovich
Violet Todorovich
Todor Todorovski, MIA ’07
M. Tomaszewski, MD
Page C. Tomblin, MPA ’01
Diego Torres, MIA ’04
Jennifer Elizabeth Toth, MIA ’04
Elizabeth D. Trafelet, MIA ’03
John Christopher Traylor, MPA ’89
Samantha Tress, MPA ’08
Edward Trickey, MIA ’88
Jennifer Andich Trotsko, MIA ’97,
CERT ’97
Christopher G. Trump, IF ’62
Kathryn Ann Tsibulsky, MIA ’05
Nicholas B. Tsocanos, MIA ’99
Andrew Charles Tsunis, MIA ’00
Alper A. Tunca, MPA ’05
Rebecca Hales Tunstall, MIA ’04
Robert F. Turetsky, MIA ’72
Christine Leigh Turner, MIA ’02
Melinda Macdonald Twomey, MIA ’84
Thalia Tzanetti, MIA ’05
Natalia Udovik, MIA ’69
Yuki Uehara, MIA ’04
Monica Ugidos, MIA ’01
Vladimer Ugulava, MIA ’00
Miguel Urquiola
Ralph W. Usinger, MIA ’73
Mehrnaz Vahid, MIA ’89
Alejandro Joel Valencia, MPA ’98
Lucia Vancura, MIA ’06
Galina Varadzhakova, IF ’96, MIA ’96
Jorge Luis Vargas, MIA ’98
Herbert Paul Varley Jr., CERT ’61
Veena Vasudevan, MPA ’08
Christopher Michael Vaughn, MIA ’02
Milos M. Velimirovic
Gabor Veress
Andrew M. Verner, CERT ’86
Edward J. Vernoff, MIA ’68
Amb. Alexander R. Vershbow, CERT ’76,
MIA ’76
Joseph L. Vidich, MIA ’80
Richard W. Vieser Jr., MIA ’80
Steven D. Vigil
Vanessa R. Villalva
Carrie Staub Vomacka, MIA ’06
Stephanie Von Stein, MIA ’93
Alexander von Ziegesar, MIA ’05
Dragan D. Vuckovic
George M. Vujnovich
Matthias Georg Wabl, MIA ’02
Kenichi Wada, MIA ’05
Hans Herbert Wahl, MIA ’95
Maria M. Waite-Nied, MPA ’82
Douglas B. Wake, MIA ’80, CERT ’80
Marc McGowan Wall, IF ’75, MIA ’75
Jeffrey Gene Waller, MIA ’02
Thomas E. Wallin, IF ’77, MIA ’77
Amy Walsh
Kelly Zack Walters
Stephen Christopher Wamback, MPA ’90
Joy C. Wang, MPA ’01
Yao-te Wang, MIA ’06
Shana Michelle Ward, MIA ’02
Stephen Lawrence Washington, MPA ’88
Carl Thomas Watson, MIA ’04
Christina Anne Way, MIA ’05
Marian Lillian Weber, MPA ’07
Egon E. Weck, MIA ’49
Kimberly Anne Wedel, MPA ’88
Lois D. Weinert, CERT ’51
Alicia Deborah Weinstein, MPA ’01
Paul J. Weinstein Jr., MIA ’87
Gary Michael Weiskopf, MPA ’87
Lynn Weiskopf, MPA ’91
Paula K. Weiss, MIA ’08
Marilyn L. Wertheimer, CERT ’53
Hon. Franklin E. White, IF ’65
Raymond D. White, PE, IF ’64
Hon. Gordon James Whiting, IF ’93
Dana Lynn Wichterman, MIA ’88
Barbara Wierzbianski
Roy Wiesner, MPA ’05
Elizabeth Roberts Wilcox, IF ’94,
CERT ’94
Katherine Elizabeth Wilkinson
M. Drenka Willen
H. David Willey, IF ’63
Robyn Lee Williams, MPA ’06
Linda D. Winslow
Merle Beth Wise, MPA ’88
Karol A. Wojnar
William D. Wolle, MIA ’51
Benson Wong, MIA ’94
Ronald G. Woodbury, IF ’66
Brian J. Woods, MPA ’02
Jonathan M. Woods, MIA ’93
Carl Jeffrey Wright, IF ’82
Chang-Chuan Wu, CERT ’69
Michele M. Wucker, MIA ’93, CERT ’93
Norman G. Wycoff, MIA ’50
Katherine Yang, MPA ’08
Rebecca Yeh
Sonia Eun Joo Yeo, MIA ’00
Kamil Yilmaz, MIA ’07
Zhijing Yin, MPA ’03
Harry M. Yohalem, Esq., MIA ’69
Suonty You
Drew M. Young II, MIA ’72, IF ’72,
CERT ’72
Mark Donald Young, MPA ’91
Miriam A. Young, MIA ’91, CERT ’91
Philip K. Y. Young, MIA ’69
William Jack Young Jr., MPA ’90
Diana Onsy Yousef-Martinek, MIA ’04
Chunyu Yu, MPA ’03
Michael Yun, MPA ’05
Mischa Alessandro Zabotin, MIA ’89
Alicia A. Zadrozna-Fiszman
Peter Zalmayev, MIA ’08, CERT ’08
Michael Shiel Zdanovich, MIA ’88
Allan Zhang, MIA ’95
Andrew W. Zimmerman, MD, IF ’68
Thomas Zimmerman
Marcin Zmudzki
Jonathan Zorach, CERT ’72
Cara Zwerling
Jozef J. Zwislocki
Matching Organizations
234 Moonachie Corporation
Accenture Foundation, Inc.
Bank of America Foundation
The Bank of New York Mellon Foundation
Constellation Energy Group Foundation,
Inc.
Deutsche Bank Americas Foundation
Edison International
Ernst & Young Foundation
ExxonMobil Foundation
Gannett Foundation, Inc.
GE Foundation
GlaxoSmithKline Foundation
Goldman Sachs & Company
HSBC Bank USA
J.P. Morgan Chase Foundation
Jefferies & Company, Inc.
The Johnson Family Foundation
Kaplan Educational Centers
Key Foundation
Marsh & McLennan Companies, Inc.
The McGraw-Hill Companies
Foundation, Inc.
The Merck Company Foundation
Merrill Lynch & Co. Foundation, Inc.
MetLife Foundation
The Moody’s Foundation
Motorola Foundation
Pfizer Foundation
Prudential Foundation
RBC Capital Markets Corporation
Sempra Energy
The Sherwin-Williams Foundation
Siemens Corporation
State Street Foundation
UBS
Wells Fargo Foundation
S I PA
Class Gift 2008
Zahid Ali Abbasi
Sola Adeloa
Kerstin E. Ahlgren
Mathew D. Aho
Geoffrey Hughes Allan, MIA ’08
Lydia H. Allen
Zaina Fawaz Arafat
Cesar Augusto Arias Hernandez, MPA ’08
Kojo Appiah-Adjei Asiedu
Maher Marwan Awartani
Roshma A. Azeem, MPA ’04
Shubha Balasubramanyam
Katrina M. Barnas
Wais Baryalai, MIA ’08
Rebecca Ann Beeman, MIA ’08
Teodora Berkova
Ruchi Bhatnagar
Ivanna Bilych, MIA ’08
Patrick Francis Bohan
Natalie Irene Bonjoc
Corinna Rose Bordewieck
Katherine Marika Bradley, MIA ’08
Kathryn Elizabeth Britton
David Vincent Brooks, MPA ’08
Jacqueline Marie Brown
Shanna R. Brownstein, MPA ’08
Leonardo Bullaro, MPA ’08
Marcin Mateusz Buzanski
Nicholas Laurence Cain, MPA ’08
Meredith L. Canada
Helen Y. Cao, MPA ’08
Patricia Caraballo, MPA ’08
Benedetta Casassa
Connie Chao, MPA ’08
Sylvester Chen
Lisa Marie Chung, MIA ’08
Makhete Cisse
Kristen Marie Cleven
Michael B. Clyne
Myrvet Alyeldin Cocoli
Dillon Lockwood Cohen
R. Patrick Contreras, MPA ’08
Olivier Pierre Corbet
Elisa Cordova-Rafioly
Kristen N. Cox Mehling
Ana Maria Currea, MPA ’08
Dr. Anna Paola Della Valle
Chistopher James Derusha
Carlos Alberto Diaz
Alicia D. Dick
Kathleen Louise Dischner, MIA ’08
Carissa Anna Garcia Dizon, MIA ’ ’08
Courtney Elizabeth Doggart
Sandy Eapen, MIA ’08
Casey Elizabeth Ehrlich
Elona Elezi
Chinonso Tochukwu Emehelu, MIA ’08
Cornelia Mai Ercklentz, MIA ’08
Aaron Paul Ernst, MIA ’08
Marisol S. Espinoza
Jorge Luis Farfan Herrera
Nada A. Farid
Mario Fernandez
Nancy A. Ferrante
Alexander Fischer, MIA ’08
Ellena E. Fotinatos
S I PA N E W S 5 5
1/8/09 11:33:57 PM
DONOR LIST
SIPA
Sarah Elizabeth Fulton, MPA ’08
Roy Geritsen
Kimberly Elizabeth Gilbert Sykes,
MPA ’08
Joseph Michael Gilbride, MPA ’08
Kathryn Glynn-Broderick, MIA ’08
Filic Goran
Emily F. Gouillart
Amy Elizabeth Grace
Paige Ellen Mahon Granger, MIA ’08
Anna Lissa Gutierrez, MPA ’08
Viktoria Habanova
Ilene Hacker
Rebekah Yasmin Hamed, MPA ’08
Alison L. Hare
Georffrey R. Hartman
Lisa Ray Hecht-Cronstedt, MIA ’08
Leif Holmberg, MIA ’08
Benjamin J. Holmes
Ghazanfar Ali Khan Hoti
Naofumi Ikeda
Takeshi Inoue
Jimmy Julio Izu Kanashiro
Shruthi Jayaram, MPA ’08
Yoyce Apollo Jones, MIA ’08
Rajan Kapoor
Leonardo Karrer
Michael A. Keeton, MIA ’08
Hahna Bosun Kim
Emad Kiyaei
Paulo Francisco Kluber, CERT ’08,
MIA ’08
Arpine Kocharyan
Marie S. Lafontaine, MIA ’08
Tore Lahghelle
Abdelghni Lakhdar
Teresa Shannon Lang
Charles D. N. Laurence
Scott T. Leo
Scott D. Mackenzie
Michael Thomas Maier, Esq., MIA ’08
Leah Michele Manning, MIA ’08
Clara Martin
Charles M. Martorana
Heather Blair Matheson, MPA ’08
Yasuyuki Matsui, MPA ’08
Andrew James Miller, MPA ’08
Adam T. Minson, MIA ’08
Mahnaz Moinian, MIA ’08
M. Diana Montero Melis, MPA ’08
Rocio Clara Mora Quinones
Jason Travis Mosio
Takuya Murata
Natalia Nagree
Edward Joseph Naughton, MIA ’08
Jian Ni, MIA ’01
Gregory Robert Nichols
Elizabeth Marina Nunez
Paige Lauren Wood Olmsted, MPA ’08
Shebna Nur Olsen, MPA ’08
Emin Yiget Onat
Michael A. Pardy, MPA ’08
Shaila Bhupendra Parikh
Maxime Parmentier, MIA ’08
Sara Pasquier
Harmony Christine Patricio, MPA ’08
Humberto V. B. Laudares Pereira
Eduardo Peris-Deprez, MIA ’08
Michelle Eugenia Philp, MPA ’08
Melissa A. Poueymirou
Brian James Pozun, CERT ’08, MIA ’08
Suraj Prasannakumar
Carlos Prieto, MPA ’08
Steven James Quattry
Salahuddin Rabbani, MIA ’08
Stina Mathea Reksten, MIA ’08
Alexander Ritter
Stacey Nicole Roen
Brett Rogers
Paul Elliott Rosenberg, MIA ’08
Celine Solsken Ruben-Salama, MPA ’08
Jessica MacKay Rush
Emma San Segundo Riesco
Matthew Sandy
Roshan Mukund Shah
Levan Shaorshadze
Amita Sharma, MPA ’08
Camilla Violet Sharples, MIA ’08
Dan Ray Shepherd, MPA ’08
Shawn Patrick Sheridan, MPA ’08
Oksana Shulyar
Gudrun Sigurdardottir
Surani Ishara Sirisena, MIA ’08
Leehe Skuler-Sella
Kyle McClellan Smith, MPA ’08
Henri-Leon Solomon, MIA ’06
Hyuy Joo Son
Glenn E. Sonntag, MPA ’08
Rachel Elizabeth Sorey
Sarita Subramanian
Mengxi Mancy Sun, MPA ’08
Carlos Felix Terrones, MPA ’08
Brandon Scott Thompson
Samantha Tress, MPA ’08
Veena Vasudevan, MPA ’08
Gabor Veress
Steven D. Vigil
Kelly Zack Walters
Paula K. Weiss, MIA ’08
Katherine Elizabeth Wilkinson
Katherine Yang, MPA ’08
Rebecca Yeh
Suonty You
Peter Zalmayev, MIA ’08, CERT ’08
Cara Zwerling
5 6 S I PA N E W S
1/8/09 11:33:57 PM
SIPA News is published bi-annually by SIPA’s Office of External Relations.
Managing Editor: JoAnn Crawford
Editors: Jamie Holmes, Eamon Kircher-Allen
Contributing writers: Massimo Alpian, Dóra Beszterczey, Mariano Castillo, Sasha Chavkin,
John H. Coatsworth, Gwyneth Fries, Dan Green, Jamie Holmes, Eamon Kircher-Allen,
Jake Rollow, Rebecca Rouse, Caroline Stauffer, Tania Tanvir, Thomas Trebat, Miguel Urquiola,
Eric Verhoogen
Contributing photographers: Eileen Barroso, Mariano Castillo, Michael Dames, Dan Green, Jake Rollow,
Caroline Stauffer, Mauricio Lima/AFP/Getty Images, Juan Barreto/AFP/Getty Images, Marcos Issa/AFP/
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Pierre Merimee/Corbis, Jamie Squire/Getty Images, Adalberto Rios Szalay/Sexto Sol, Holly Wilmeth/
Aurora/Getty Images, Eitan Abramovich/AFP/Getty Images, Enrique de la Osa/Reuters/Corbis, Sven
Creutzmann/Mambo photo/Getty Images, Marcos Delgado/epa/Corbis
Cover Photograph: Tibor Bognár/CORBIS
Design and Production: Office of University Publications
School of International and Public Affairs
Dean: John H. Coatsworth
Senior Associate Dean: Rob Garris
Associate Deans: Patrick Bohan, Dan McIntyre, and Cassandra Simmons
Office of External Relations:
Alex Burnett, Communications Officer
JoAnn Crawford, Director of Publications and Special Events
Daniela Coleman, Director of Alumni Relations
Office of Development and Alumni Relations
Shalini Mimani. Associate Dean, Development
Roshma Azeem, Director of Development
Columbia University
420 W. 118th St.
MIA Program: 212-854-8690
MPA Program: 212-254-2167
Office of External Relations: 212-854-8671
Fax: 212-854-8660
www.sipa.columbia.edu
1/9/09 11:02:51 AM
Columbia University
School of International and Public Affairs
420 West 118th Street, Mail code 3328
Nonprofit Org.
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PAID
New York, NY
Permit No. 3593
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1/8/09 11:33:57 PM

sipanews - School of International and Public Affairs

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