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THE STATUS OF VIETNAMESE FAMILIES IN AUSTRALIA ALOSS OF TRADITION?
James E. Coughlan and
Sandra M. Walsh
Department of Psychology and Sociology
School of Behavioural Sciences
James Cook University of North Queensland
Townsville , Queensland , 4811
Australia
0James E. Coughlan and Sandra M . Walsh, 1994.
111111011111
111111011111111
303820411M
1.
INTRODUCTION
The often stereotypical portrai t of the Vietnamese family in Australia is one
of an intact harmonious extended patriarchal family. It is generally assumed
that
elderly Vietnamese are universally respected within the family and the community,
and that children are well-behaved and studious. Although this idyllic image is
advance b y some members of the Vietnamese community, both in Viet Nam and in
the diaspora, it is in fact a gross misrepresentation of the reality of contemporary
Vietnamese-Australian families. The elderly are not universally respected , and it
is estimated b y Vietnamese community welfare workers that about 5 000
elderly
Vietnamese-Australians are either homeless or have been abandoned by their
children. A similar number of Vietnamese youth are homeless , generally because
they have run away from home , being unable to cope with the traditional
demands
f o r respect and unquestioned obedience b y their parents. Notions of traditional
Confucian filial piety and respect for the elderly are becoming increasingly
irrelevant to the Vietnamese community in the post -industrial post -modern Australia
of the 1990s.
To comprehensively discuss the changing nature of the Vietnamese family in
Australia it would be necessary to consider the position of women and children
in
the Vietnamese community, as well as notions of the dependence, obedience and
sexuality, that alone the importance of the interaction of the Australian
welfare
system on the functioning of the Vietnamese family. Such an exercise would
be
lengthy and is beyond the scope of this paper. What the paper seeks
to do,
however, is to provide a brief overview of the Vietnamese family in contemporary
Australia based on the personal observations of the f i rst author from
involvement
in the Vietnamese-Australian community over the past two decades.
At the time of the 1991 Census, there were 122 318 Viet Nam-born persons
in Australia, representing 3.3 per cent of the overseas -born population and 0.7 per
cent of the total Australian population .
There were also a further 25 151
Australia-born persons who reported that one or both parents had been born in
Viet Nam ( the second generation ). Currently there are an estimated 145 000 Viet
Nam-born people in Australia, together with approximately 35 000 second generation
Vietnamese. The Viet Nam-born community is the fourth largest overseas-born
g r o u p in Australia, after the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Italy-born
communities. The ethnic Vietnamese community, of about 120 000 people, comprise
the second largest Asian community in Australia after the ethnic Chinese.
The substantial cultural, economic , environmental, political and social
differences which exist between contemporary Viet Nam and Australia has meant
that the Vietnamese family institution in Australia has been subjected
o t enormous
forces which have caused a metamorphosis of this institution. Families , like the
societies wit hin which they are located , are generally not static institution, b u t are
in a continuous state of f l u x. Thus families are constantly being remoulded and
relations within the family, especially power relations , are continuously being
reaffirmed and renegotiated. The remoulding or metamorphosis of the Vietnamese
family in Australia has not been painless , and has frequently been a cause of
anguish for family members.
Considering the relatively large size of the Vietnamese community in
Australia and the substantial socio-cultural differences between Viet Nam and
Australia this paper seeks to consider some of the changes which have taken place
within Vietnamese families since their immigration to Australia.
The paper
commences with a brief consideration of conceptualisations of the notion of family
in Viet Nam , and then briefly considers a theoretical conceptualisation of the
family, followed b y a short statistical overview of Vietnamese families in Australia
from the 1991 Australian Census of Population and Housing.
From this brief
background information the paper then considers the major changes which have
taken place within Vietnamese families in Australia over the past decade or so.
This discussion is primarily based on two decades of personal involvement with the
Vietnamese community in Australia b y the first author and ethnographical research
conducted with 450 Vietnamese families in Melbourne, Victoria , during 1990-91.
The paper concludes with a discussion of the observations presented and
poses some predictions of the f u t u r e of the Vietnamese family institution in
Australia in light of Australia 's contemporary economic climate and changes in
Vietnamese conceptualisations of the family institution.
2.
BACKGROUND
Compared to most other large Asian countries little has been written about
society and social relations in Viet Nam over the past two millennia ( Haines 1984:
307 ). But even in modern times there has been relatively little academic writing
about Vietnamese society and the family. Much of the material which has emanated
f r o m northern Viet Nam from the middle of the twentieth century until the mid1980s has been so much influenced b y Marxist ideology that it provides little
insight into the t r u e nature of Vietnamese social history . At the same time a
substantial amount of the southern Vietnamese research is based on village or local
community anthropological studies conducted b y American anthropologists from the
mid-1950s
o t the mid-1970s. It has only been in the past decade that quality
scholarly work on Vietnamese families and women has been produced in Viet Nam ,
and here the outstanding, though not well circulated , works of Professor Le Thi
Nham Tuyet and Dr Le Thi Quy stand alone.
However, in general Vietnamese scholars have devoted little attention
o t
writing about social conditions and change in Vietnamese society and the family
( Far Eastern Economic Review 29 July 1993: 49)? and thus , apart from the works
of Professor Le Thi Nham Tuyet and Dr Le Thi Quy, our best understanding of the
Vietnamese family and society during the twentieth century have come from the
semi-fictional novels of the renown Vietnamese authors Duyen Anh , Khai Hung and
Nhat Linh.1
It is also important to note that traditional Vietnamese literature generally
does not provide an accurate historical portrayal of Vietnamese society. For
example, Hoang notes that ;
The traditional literature of Vietnam u p to the late nineteenth
century—writings in Chinese and in chu nom ( Chinese characters used
for writing Vietnamese ) — expressed the point of view of an elite
minority, the Confucian learned class. ( Emphasis in original) ( 1968:
iv)'
Yeager ( 1987: 37) also supports the proposition that the writings of Khai
H u n g and Nhat Linh are realistic descriptions of Vietnamese family and
society during the second quarter of the twentieth century; just as much
of the work of Charles Dickens reflected the life in English society during
his life-time.
Scholars such as Rambo ( 1973: 201-203 } also make use of Vietnamese
literature to achieve an understanding of earlier Vietnamese society.
See also Hoang ( 1968: 82-83, 507 ).
Thus the perceptions that
family may be expected
o t
romanticise the past , not
status quo, of which they
these traditional literatures convey of the Vietnamese
be misleading . Additionally , many Vietnamese authors
only in order to glorify it , but also to maintain the
are at the pinnacle ( Hammer 1966: 218-219 ).
I n order
o t obtain an appreciation of the Vietnamese family it is necessary
to provide a brief overview of the changing status of women in Vietnamese history.
In ancient Lac Viet society women played a prominent role in the family and
society in general, and had substantially more freedom than in subsequent
Vietnamese history. For example, women possessed the initiative and freedom to
select their spouse, and after marriage the husband had to move in with his wife
's
family, the converse of contemporary Vietnamese society ( Mai and Le 1978: 15-16).
These practices , although no longer present in mainstream contemporary Vietnamese
society, may still be found in some of the minority hill-tribe groups in northern
Viet Nam ( Rambo 1987: 120). However, during the period just prior to the Chinese
domination Vietnamese society began to alter substantially with the formation of
social classes and a movement away from a matriarchal basis to one of patriarchy.
These changes did not permeate all Lac Viet as in some geographical regions
change did not take place for centuries after the imposition of Chinese rule, and
t h u s there were regional variations in family and societal structures.
The introduction of a Confucian hierarchy of status lead
o
t a conflict
between Vietnamese customs and Confucian modes , effecting a transformation
of
urban Vietnamese society during the first millennia (Yu 1978: 43; Wiegersma 1982:
30 ). Between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries Confucianism had become the
central ideological doctrine of urban Vietnamese society, and o
was t subsequently
have a marked influence on the social structure and relations of Vietnamese society
( Mai and Le 1978: 31-32 ), with bhe general exception of rural communities which
retained a fair degree of autonomy
from central government control ( Whitmore 1984:
298 ).
Although Confucian philosophy significantly shaped the government of
Vietnam , it never became the ordering principle of thought and action
f o r the whole of society as was the case in China. I n the villages of
Vietnam, for example, beliefs and practices of a local and primarily
atomistic nature prevailed right through the centuries, essentially
untouched b y Confucianism.
B y contrast, the Mahayanist form of
Buddhism which entered Vietnam brought with it an elaborate
pantheon and liturgy which suited rather better the supernatural
convictions already held b y the Vietnamese peasantry. ( Truong Buu
Lam 1982: 5 )
Despite the effects of Confucian doctrine on society and changes in the
conceptualisation of the Vietnamese family, within the family women still maintained
astrong degree of influence on the household 's decision making processes and had
higher social status than their sisters in China at that time ( Mai and Le 1978:
67-68 ; Whitmore 1984: 300; 1987a: 14-15; Ta 1988: 110-132; Wolters 1988: 11-12).
The Vietnamese family during the middle of this millennia was not the large
extended family, as was the situation in China, but rather a nuclear family of
parents and children, with the possibility of other relatives being attached
( Whitmore 1984: 299; Wolters 1988: 12 ).° The southern-most regions of Viet Nam ,
south of present-day Ho Chi Minh City ( Sai Gon), were settled in the seventeenth
Possibly the most readily available comprehensive discussion of family and
social life in Viet Nam during the 17th and 18th centuries may be f o u n d in
Yu ( 1978).
and eighteenth centuries b y Vietnamese people who were both spatially and
culturally f a r removed from the Vietnamese rulers in Ha Noi. Due to the different
climatic and physical geographical condition s between the two regions , life in the
southern region of Viet Nam was much easier than in the north. This fostered a
situation in which southern Vietnamese people were more open minded and 'were
especially less bound
o t traditions and the restrictive influence of Confucianism
than the conservative people of Tonking and Annam [ northern and central Viet
Nam ]' (Nguyen and Tran 1980: 8).
The culture and society developed b y the
pioneering people in southern Viet Nam was not only influenced b y their Chinese
and Confucianist root s in northern Viet Nam , as well as strong direct Chinese
influences ( Rambo 1973: 323-333), but also b y the Cham, Indian and Khmer cultural
influences which were prevalent amongst the peoples who originally inhabited
southern Viet Nam prior to the arrival of the pioneering Vietnamese ( Hickey 1971:
134; 1987: 16-18; Rambo 1973: 336-347; Tai 1987: 136).
The arrival of Christian missionaries in Viet Nam proved
o t be a major
challenge to traditional life and initiated another metamorphosis of Vietnamese
social hierarchy and structure. Due in part to the emigration from the northern
deltas in the period just prior
o t French colonialism , there were substantial
cultural differences between the three geographical areas of Viet Nam , which the
French labelled Tonking ( northern Viet Nam ), Annam ( central Viet Nam ) and
Cochinchina ( southern Viet Nam ). Vietnamese society at this time was an amalgam
of older Vietnamese traditions , blended with Chinese and neighbouring South East
Asian cultures ( Adams and Hancock 1970: 90; Rambo 1987: 121).
Central and
northern Viet Nam had the highest conformity to Vietnamese traditions, while the
frontier southern Vietnamese society was more pliable and prone to adopt new
ideas ( Adams and Hancock 1970: 90). These differences also extended to the social
structure of villages and the family. As Hickey observed: 'The ranked sociopolitical hierarchy of Northern and Central Vietnamese villages does not exist in
the South' ( Hickey cited in Rambo: 1973: 45 ).
At the same time, southern
Vietnamese adopted more of the aspects of other South East Asian cultures and
notions of the family than their compatriots in central and northern Viet Nam ( Tai
1987: 136).
An understanding of the majority of Vietnamese society , which has always
been essentially a rural society, prior
o t French colonisation may be best obtained
through Vietnamese folk culture, such as songs, rather than through literature
which was written b y the predominantly urban male Confucian-educated literati.
The social reality of Vietnamese rural life is accurately portrayed through folk
songs, rather than traditional Vietnamese poetry which depicts the lives of the
urban upper classes imbued b y Confucian culture ( Hoang 1968: 25-26 , 82-83).
comparison of rural and urban cultural material indicates that the
traditional rural Vietnamese woman had more freedom than her Confucianistinfluenced urban sisters , and substantially more freedom than her Chinese
contemporaries ( Hoang 1968: 29; Ta 1981: 100). Variations in gender relations and
family structure were more due to urban and rural class differences, and thus
cultural differences, than to other factors. Hoang ( 1968: 23 ) observes that: 'It
seems that the Confucian precept of separation between males and females was only
observed in the upper class of the traditional society' and that there was greater
gender equality in non-Confucianist rural Viet Nam.
The famous eighteenth century poetess Ho Xuan Huong wrote poetry which
many Vietnamese, even today , regard as being crude and shockingly
transparent in the sexual innuendo. However, her poetry was a reflection
of reality within the upper Confucian classes of the Viet Nam of her time.
She also frequently used folk songs to express her ideas ( Hoang 1968: 60 ).
French colonialism brought with it an ubiquitous revolution.
Western
philosophies and ideas were introduced
o t Viet Nam through European missionaries
and other travellers who visited and worked in Viet Nam from the seventeenth
century, and these were the first major confrontation between Western and
Confucianist traditions in Viet Nam.
Confrontation with traditional Confucianist
beliefs was most pronounced in the areas of French concentration , that is mainly
in the cities and
o t a lesser extent in the towns and villages in proximity to the
French military outposts ( M u s 1949; 265; Hess 1977: 32-33; Truong Buu Lam 1987:
43).
I n most rural areas there was little change in cultural tradition and family
structures as Western concepts infrequently filtered into these localities , although
economic , political and social effects of French colonialism were felt throughout Viet
Nam ( McAlister 1969: 75-76). However , some traditional social structures, especially
the relationship between emperor and village , the basic unit of Vietnamese society
at the time , were destroyed under French rule (Hammer 1954: 62-68; Woodside 1976:
118-148; Maranto and Tuchman 1992: 252-254 ).
I n addition to the above changes in Vietnamese society there were important
demographic changes. Prior to French colonisation there were only two cities in
Viet Nam: H u e and Ha Not. The French presence heralded a rapid urbanisation
which lead to Sai Gon becoming Viet Nam 's largest city, with a population of 120
000 people ( 76 000 Vietnamese, 34 000 Chinese and 10 000 others ) in 1931 {Woodside
197la: 39 ). The movement of people from their ancestral villages
o t the new cities
threatened the two principal axes. of Vietnamese society - family cohesion and
village solidarity ( Yeager 1987: 19). U p until the Second World War this movement
was primarily a result of French economic activity, especially in southern Viet Nam.
However, with the onset of the First Indochina War , predominantly in northern Viet
Nam , rural people began to flee the fighting and sought refuge in towns and
cities. This in t u r n motivated the development of new types of social organisations
in the cities and changes in family relations and structures, especially in northern
However , it also should be noted that this time in Viet Nam was a period of
social and political turmoil and corruption, where everything a n d anything
could be bought; a period when Confucianism was crumbling.
Hess ( 1977: 14 ) essentially supports the above proposition b y noting that
sexual promiscuity 'was looked upon as characteristic of the manners of the
lower class Vietnamese .' However, as noted in the poetry of Ho Xuan Huong ,
the upper classes were equally , if not more , sexually promiscuous.
For an excellent and insightful discussion , based primarily on contemporary
Vietnamese fictional literature, of the concept of the traditional Vietnamese
family at this time see Jamieson ( 1986b).
French influence on Vietnamese villages during the French colonial period
has been much debated. See Hess ( 1977: 415-416 ) for a brief presentation
of the competing literatures.
One of the most comprehensive considerations of social change since the
1880s within a northern Vietnamese village context may be found in Luong
and Nguyen ( 1992).
The validity of this proposition needs to be questioned as we are aware of
the nam tien ( southern expansion ) movement and the traditional seasonal
migration of rural labourers ( Beresford 1988: 71-72, 213). Thus throughout
Vietnamese history there has been a certain degree of permanent and
temporary movement away from ancestral villages , without, it appears, an
adverse impact upon family cohesion and village solidarity.
Viet Nam ( Woodside 1971a ). The increased unemployment and hunger also created
an escalation of robbery and prostitution ( of males and females) as people
struggled to survive (Hoang 1968: 230 , 239-240). The disruption in northern Viet
Nam during the late 1940s and early 1950s caused a number of northern Vietnamese
to migrate to Sai Gon and other locations in southern Viet Nam ( Hess 1977: 89-90 ) ,
thereby weakening the extended family structure of northern Vietnamese society.
The introduction of communist ideology into North Viet Nam brought a change
in economic and political ideology, as well as a desire to change social relations ,
one of the most important of which was the abolition of Confucianist beliefs within
Vietnamese society (Nguyen Khac Vien 1974: 46-47 ). Especially targeted was the
basic unit of Vietnamese society, the family, where the objective was to modify
family relations so that individual loyalty was transfered f r o m the family to the
state. This transformation was not aimed at destroying the family unit per se, b u t
reversing Confucian family philosophy b y having the state replace the family as
each individual's primary responsibility ( Hoang 1968: 278-279 ).
An additional
objective was the destruction of the established social order , though it has been
argued that this objective achieved only limited success ( Honey 1963).
Following the 1954 Geneva Accords , 768 672 Northern Vietnamese refugees
were transported b y American and French carriers to southern Viet Nam with an
estimated additional 109 000 people arriving without assistance ( Wiesner 1988: 6 ).
The communist ascended in North Viet Nam often induced family divisions along
political lines , with possibly children , or even spouses, actively supporting
different sides in the conflict ( Hammer 1966: 213; H u n t 1982: 147). This in t u r n
caused an increased destabilisation and restructuring of Vietnamese society and
families ( Wiesner 1988: xvii-xviii , 96-97).
The inflow of the Northern Vietnamese
refugees caused massive disruption throughout South Viet Nam , and the use of
some of the refugees as political instruments b y successive Southern Vietnamese
governments, but especially the Catholic President Ngo Dinh Diem , alienated large
portions of the predominantly peasant Buddhist Southern Vietnamese society
( Wiesner 1988: 17-18).
The same source used b y Wiesner ( 1988: 8} later provides a higher f i g u r e
of 928 152, though the former figure is the most widely cited figure.
I n an informative footnote Doan and Chanoff noted that:
Under [ South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van ] Thieu , the
sarcastic Vietnamese reorganised the traditional
[ social ]
hierarchy [of intellectual, farmer, craftsman and merchant , i.e.
nhat si, nhi nong, tar
n cong , tu thuong} to nhat tuong, nhi cha,
tar
n ma, tu d i' that is, generals, priests, puppets ( i.e., those
with American university degrees) , and finally prostitutes.
( Emphasis in original) ( 1986: 34 )
However , Luce and Sommer offer an alternative view , from the perspective
of wealth.
"Nhat di, nhi tuong ", goes the new Vietnamese expression first t he prostitutes, second the generals. To the cynical, this
represents the current hierarchy.
The scholars and
intellectuals , respected in years past , are now alienated ,
forgotten men , and it is the farmers a n d the workers who
suffer from the direct effects of the war . ( 1970: 36 )
In the wake of the massive populations movements and economic changes of
the mid-1950s there is little reliable information on changes
o t Vietnamese family
structure. However, a small survey of 157 employees of various firms in Sai Gon
conducted in the late 1950s found that 43.9 per cent of workers were living with
their nuclear family, 43.9 per cent were living with their extended family, 5.7 per
cent were living with friends and 6.4 per cent were boarding and living without
family members ( Hendry 1960: 64).
This provides some evidence that urban
Vietnamese people of the day lived in a variety of family situations, not all of
which were the traditional conceptualisation of an extended family. Commenting
on his survey Hendry goes on to note:
Adisproportionate number of divorced women seem to enter the work
force. The overall pattern of family structure [in Sai Gon ] probably
differs to some extent from that which would be found in rural areas ,
but the findings do not contain anything which , on the surface at
least , indicates rapid or extreme breakdown or traditional family
relationships as a result of industrialization. ( 1960: 68 )
While the position of women in South Viet Nam improved after the Second
World War , as middle class urban women gained more authority within the family
( Hess 1977: 115-134), there is also evidence that Vietnamese women exerted much
more power in the family than was generally perceived b y outsiders and formally
recognised b y scholars ( Lam Quang Thi 1986: 166-168). iu
The American presence also reintroduced the notion of individualism and
materialism ( Zasloff and Goodman 1972: 10) , first brought b y the French, and thus
the ideal of individual material wealth became important , predominantly in major
urban locations where the Americans resided (Nguyen and Tran 1980: 110-111).
These philosophies , together
with the introduction of other aspects of American
culture, brought changes in attitudes in some quarters of Vietnamese society.
However, it was the magnitude of the American presence which contributed to the
extent of these changes, which in turn acted as a catalyst in stimulating changes
in Vietnamese society which had been ongoing since before French colonialism .
However, the extremes of wealth in South Viet Nam and the disruption of life d u e
to the war created a situation where civil disruption spread and the previously
virtual indestructible family solidarity became eroded.
This in t u r n brought to
the forefront the main traits of South Vietnamese urban society of the day selfishness a n d factionalism ( Nguyen and Tran 1980: 156).
Hess makes an important observation, which will
relevance:
prove
o t
be of
later
During the twenty-one years of contested rule in South Vietnam
between 1954 and 1975, the family continued
o t provide the basis for
all patterns of Confucianistic authority in Vietnamese society. By
continuing to give primacy to the family above all other human
10
For a general discussion of women in contemporary Viet Nam see the diverse
and extensive interviews in Mat ( 1983: 37-196).
Although Luce and Sommer ( 1970: 28-34 ) indicate that the Second Indochina
War had not adversely impacted upon the Vietnamese family institution, the
evidence, for example Pepper ( 1967) , does not support this proposition .
12
For a comprehensive discussion of urban life in Sai Gon during the early
1960s see Hoskins and Shepherd ( 1965). The authors are unaware of a n y
other publication which so comprehensively covers this issue at that time.
groupings, Confucianists in South Vietnam contributed
o t the
institution of drastic Confucianistic role changes within their
individual families and the weakening of the authority of the Republic
of Vietnam. Public law and order, dependent on well-ordered families ,
degenerated both from erosion of individual family authority and from
individual family efforts
o t survive economically , spiritually, and
socially.
Ancestor worship , the foundation of Confucian authority, was
jeopardized b y widespread Vietnamese migration away from ancestral
villages throughout all regions of Vietnam. ( 1977: 84)
The main result of these changes was that tradition declined in South Viet Nam
during the 1960s and 1970s ( Hess 1977: 251-252 ) , which in turn changed the nature
of the Southern Vietnamese urban family. This decline and these changes have
been exacerbated b y the substantial economic changes in southern Viet Nam over
the past two decades.
Possibly the most substantial social disruption in southern and central Viet
Nam , and
o t a lesser degree northern Viet Nain , was that brought about b y the
flight of more than two million refugees and the internment of hundreds of
thousands of people , predominantly males , in re-education camps throughout Viet
Nam. These events resulted in the temporary and permanent fragmentation of a
large proportion of Vietnamese families , predominantly those in urban environments,
the consequences of which have yet to be researched within Viet Nam. The
absence of male family members from families not only changed power relations
within nuclear and extended families , but also provided substantially different
experiences for male and female partners. If the partners were later reunited,
sometimes after a period of u p to a decade , they had
o t go through a process of
renegotiating their relationship. This renegotiating process was generally painful
and often unsuccessful with many couples divorcing or separating.
Recent research conducted in a rural area of northern Viet Nam ( Liljestrom
1987: 13-19, 27-29 ) provides evidence of a social revolution in the thinking and
social life of the Vietnamese.
The evidence suggests that the notion of the
extended family has become obsolete in the thinking of an increasing number of
Vietnamese people . One aspect of this change is that the gender imbalance within
Viet Nam has created a situation where ito
is, t a degree in some regions, becoming
acceptable to be a single never-married mother , although this is primarily
restricted
o t women in their thirties or older. Le Thi ( 1987: 10) supports this
proposition ; from her research in Vinh Phu province in northern Viet Nam , more
than a quarter of the unmarried women are over 30 years of age, and a relatively
large proportion of the never-married women have children , though this proportion
is not quantified.
I n contemporary Vietnamese society women have greater influence in the
family and a stronger economic role in society than in Western society, which has
partially resulted from the wars , where men have been forced n
o
it
the armed
services. There is generally a higher percentage of women in all industries and
most professions, such as doctors and lawyers, than in most Western countries.
I n the modern Vietnamese family the wife is considered virtually equal to her
13
For a discussion of village life in northern Viet Nam during the mid- to late
1970s see Houtart and Lemercinier ( 1981, 1984).
14
See also the recent article b y Murray Hiebert in the Far Eastern Economic
Review ( 24 February 1994: 60-61) f o r an update on this issue.
husband, unlike in Chinese societies ( Yu 1978: 2). She plays a central role in the
decision making process of the family and frequently controls family finances.
The above paragraphs suggest that there is no single concept of what
constitutes the family norm in modern and contemporary Viet Nam. There are
regional and locational ( rural-urban) differences in structural Vietnamese family
norms. The paper has not , and will not , address variations in this norm which
exist among the various ethnic minorities in Viet Nam.
Although Vietnamese
perceptions of the family may range from that of the basic nuclear family, the
three generational family or the extended family including uncles, aunts, etc., the
dramatic economic , political and social changes in Viet Nam since the beginning of
this century have changed the notion that the Vietnamese f amily is very closeknit. These changes within Viet Nam on the notion of the family are also present
among the younger generation of Vietnamese diaspora. The young diaspora do not
maintain modern or traditional conceptualisations of the Vietnamese family.
A
growing frequency of these young ( single) Vietnamese desire to live apart from
their parents, and their notions of the family are increasingly becoming dominated
b y t he concept of the nuclear family, with weak bonds to the extended family, and
increasingly also even their parents.
3.
THE FAMILY: A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
There is a great deal of contention currently, in all circles of society, as to
whether 'the family ' is in decline - some argue that the family is adapting
o t
change, others argue that it is disappearing, some suggest that the family should
be abolished, whilst others defend the family and encourage the maintenance and
sustaining of 'traditional family values '.
This section draws on the main
sociological perspective relevant to a discussion of the family and conditions of
living associated with families. Talcott Parsons' theory , as it relates to the family,
is specifically examined.
Afunctionalist perspective emphasises the changes in functions performed
b y the family and the influence this has on family forms and structure
The functionalist perspective stresses that the
( Goldenberg 1987: 131).
macro-social environment has a profound influence upon the family, such that
changes in the larger environment may result in changes in the family ( Kornblum
1988: 396). The family is viewed as responding and adapting to changes in the
macro-social environment; two significant changes implied to have impacted upon
the family include urbanisation and industrialisation ( Kornblum 1988:
396).
However, other changes in the macro-social environment may have potentially
influenced (and may currently be influencing) the functioning, structure and form
of the family - such as economic conditions , the women 's movement , the
introduction of birth control tablets ( the pill ) and demographic changes ( Persell
1987; 294). The education of children has been a noted example of one of the key
functions of the family that changed as a result of changes in the macro-social
environment.
With industrialisation and increasing occupational specialisation ,
educational institutions became more prominent. The education of children became
the function of the school and no longer the function of the family.
In his analysis , Talcott Parsons , although strongly influenced b y the
classical typology tradition , adopted a structural functionalist perspective
( Goldenberg 1987: 130).
Parsons regarded changes in the family ( structure,
formation, etc. ) as adaptive and natural responses to the changes in the
macro-social environment ( Goldenberg 1987: 131). Parsons argued that changes in
society necessitated changes in the functions required of the family , thus
facilitating transformations in the structure of the family ( Cuff and Payne 1984:
48; Goldenberg 1987: 131). Rationalisation , urbanisation and industrialisation were
key factors, according to Parsons , that resulted in changes in family patterns f r o m
the clas sical extended family to the isolated nuclear family ( Goldenberg 1987: 131).
It was proposed that the isolated nuclear family ( INF ) was best suited to
industrialised society, as the INF could most effectively fulfil the functions
required of a family in that environment - the INF had evolved and adapted to
suit the macro-social industrialised environment ( Bilton et al. 1987; C u f f and Payne
1984: 48; Goldenberg 1987: 131).
Parsons posited that changes in the family occurred normatively ,
interactionally and structurally as the modal family pattern moved from the
classical extended family to the isolated nuclear family ( Goldenberg 1987: 131).
Normatively, for example , changes occur so that intervention or non-intervention
across generations is stipulated ( Goldenberg 1987: 131). That is, as the modal
family pattern of the classical extended family ( C E F ) evolved to the I N F, the
authority of parents and grandparents normatively changed. Structural changes
have occurred in conjunction with the evolution of the INF - such as the increase
in the number of neolocal households and the rising importance of the family of
procreation as opposed to the family of origin ( Goldenberg 1987: 132). Parsons
also suggested that changes in patterns of interaction in families occurred with
industrialisation - such that the increasing geographic mobility , he associated with
an achievement oriented society , lead to the family of procreation being
increasingly isolated from extended family networks - thus facilitating and
perpetuating the predominance of the INF ( Goldenberg 1987: 132). I n essence ,
Parsons ' theory proposes that increasing industrialisation and urbanisation has
necessitated changes in the functions of the family and has lead to increased
geographic and social mobility. This has resulted in the predominance of the
isolated nuclear family , which evolved to suit industrialised and urbanised
societies.
It was rationalised that mobility would lead
o t the progressive isolation of
the nuclear family and that mobility was a co-requisite of an industrialised labour
system ( Goldenberg 1987: 133). Mobility was viewed as a precipitating cause of
isolation because 'mobility seems likely to reduce the number of local kin available
for interaction as well as reduce the interaction over time with close kin who live
elsewhere' ( Goldenberg 1987: 133). Thus, Parsons inclusion of the term 'isolated '
in the concept of the 'isolated nuclear family' was deliberate and proposes the
diminishing of ties and communication between the nuclear family ( or family of
procreation ) and the family/ies of origin.
However, Parsons ' model is not without criticism and evidence opposing
Parsons ' theory has been generated from a number of sources - research within
America , cross-cultural research and historical analysis. Early research indicated
that working class families in America and England did in fact have quite
prominent and personally important ( i.e. considered highly important b y those
involved) extended kinship relationships - quite a different phenomena to that
proposed b y Parsons. This research finding continued
o t be an occurring theme.
However , those defending Parsons ' model reiterated Parsons' earlier commentaries
that suggested his model would most appropriately apply
o t white middle-class
Americans ( Goldenberg 1987: 135).
It was considered that lower-class and/or
ethnic families did not experience the mobility typical of that associated with the
middle class, and that because of differences in culture, socialisation and/or
values , the lower class and/ or ethnic family may have different familial attachments
However , further research conducted in America with
( Goldenberg 1987: 135).
upper- and middle-class families was also f o u n d not to support Parsons ' theory
of the isolated nuclear family.
15
For a brief synopsis of this research see Goldenberg ( 1987).
Cross-cultural research has yielded results that contest Parsons ' theory; for
example, Japan has both high levels of industrialisation and urbanisation but the
Japanese familial system is not isolated nuclear ( Goldenberg 1987: 138). Other
criticisms suggest that Parsons has confused two phenomena - industrialisation and
urbanisation.
It is f u r t h e r contended that these two phenomena may occur
separately or in a different sequence, that may produce quite different effects.
These variations in patterns of industrialisation and urbanisation, a n d differences
in effects, are not represented in Parsons' theory.
Historical evidence examining household size has identified potential problems
-with Parsons ' theory.
'This evidence suggests that in Britain relatively more
isolated nuclear units became common prior to the advent of industrial-isolation
a n d could possibly have been a necessary condition f o r that industrial
development ' ( Goldenberg 1987: 138). Thus , the isolated nuclear family may have
preceded industrialisation according to British historical evidence - contrary to
Parsons' theory that industrialisation precipitated the emergence and predominance
of the isolated nuclear family. I n addition, it could be argued that with the
advances in communications technology, geographic mobility does not necessarily
facilitate progressive isolation as Parsons' model stipulates. It can be reasoned
that communication between the family of origin and the family of procreation does
not diminish or stop as a consequence of geographic mobility , rather the
communication qualitatively changes from face to face situations to communication
via means such as the telephone. Similarly, changes in transportation may make
traversing distances, to visit extended family , more viable for neolocal nuclear
families. Thus the nuclear family need not necessarily be considered 'isolated '.
Moreover , according to the conflict perspective, changes in the family have
occurred because of conflict between the family and other institutions, and because
of conflict within the family itself ( Kornblum 1988: 397 ).
Changes in family
formation, structure and functioning are all a consequence of these conflicts. For
example, one of the most recent social movements that can be identified as
potentially being partially responsible for today 's family is the feminist or women 's
movement.
The feminist movement challenged the traditional roles of women ,
questioning these roles both in the family and in the paid work force. Compared
o t the 1960s, today there is a higher rate of divorce ( McDonald 1990: 16), a greater
number of single mothers ( Wolcott 1990: 32 ) and more women in paid employment
These trends may be linked to the women 's movement
( McDonald 1990: 14 ).
( McDonald 1990: 13).
Thus , whilst the structural functionalist perspective of Talcott Parsons has
number of inherent difficulties, it is one perspective that has particular
relevance to the discussion concerning the Vietnamese family and the conditions
of living associated with the Vietnamese family in the diaspora.
4.
VIETNAMESE FAMILY PROFILE - FROM THE 1991 AUSTRALIAN CENSUS
Due to the high cost of purchasing Australian population census data , social
researchers have only limited access
o t THE 1991 Census data. The following
tables provide a brief statistical profile of the Viet Nam-born families in Australia ,
with data on the Other Asia-born families provided for comparative purposes. Note
that this data is based on birthplace, and not ancestry or ethnicity, and it is
possible that not all of the people in the family or household were born in Viet
Nam . For example, some ethnic Chinese may have been born in China, but their
children born in Viet Nam and grandchildren born in Australia. Whilst most of the
ethnic Vietnamese in Australia have been born in Viet Nam , a significant proportion
of t heir children have been born in Asian refugee camps or in Australia. T h u s
the following tables provide a general statistical overview which may not
necessarily be totally accurate.
_
_
The data in Table 1 indicates that 90.0 per cent of the Vietnamese
households consist of single family households , where the family may be a nuclear
family , a three-generation family or an extended family.
An additional 6.0 per
cent of Vietnamese households comprise contain multiple families , proportionally
almost twice as many as the Other Asian households in Australia.
Group
households and single person households are more prevalent in the Other Asiaborn community due
o t the large number of Asian overseas students studying in
Australia.
Table 2 gives the distribution of the number of people in households b y
birthplace and clearly shows that the Viet Nam-born reside in larger households
than the Other Asia-born. The bottom line of the table indicates that there are
about 1.2 more people in Viet Nam -born households than in Other Asia-born
households. This result may be expected from the previous table as Vietnamese
households have more families in them than the Other Asia-born households. It
is interesting
o t note that more than one in nine of the Viet Nam-born live in a
household of eight or more residents.
Table 1
Percentage Distribution of Household Type b y Birthplace
Household Type
_
_ __
__ _ _
_
Country of Birth
_Viet Nam
Other Asia
One Family Household
90.0
89.0
Two Family Household
5.8
3.0
Three or More Family Household
0.2
0.1
Group Household
1.4
1.7
_ 2.6
_ 6.2_
_
_
_
Single Person Household
_
Number of Households
12 283
48 613
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS ) ( 1991 Census, Table CSC6049).
Percentages may not total 100.0 per cent due to rounding.
16
The Australian Bureau of Statistics ' (ABS ) definition of what constitutes a
family has changed somewhat over the past decade , and is likely
o t continue
to change as confusion grows. For the 1991 Census a family was generally
defined as parent( s ) and offspring, but may also include a widowed
grandparent. According
o t the ABS coding instructions a family cannot have
two married or de facto couples; thus if a household offspring is married
or there are a set of two grandparents in the household , as well as the
married couple, then this household contains two families - the married
couple as the primary family and the grandparents or married offspring as
the secondary family. However, a family can comprise a couple and their
offspring and other single relatives , such as aunts, nieces , cousins, etc.
Thus, following the current 1991 Census convention, the family may be a
nuclear family, a three-generation family or an extended family.
Table 3 furnishes data on the median number of dependent offspring in the
household and clearly reveals that the Vietnamese households have more dependent
offspring than the Other Asia-born households. On average the Vietnamese have
43.5 per cent more dependent offspring in their households than the Other Asiaborn , while the Other Asia-born are much more likely to have no dependent
offspring.
The data presented in Table 4 indicate that the Vietnamese households have
about the same number of elderly residents as the Other Asian households, and
that there is no major variation in the distribution of the number of elderly
persons in Asian households , for the birthplace categories shown. The data in the
table indicate that once the 'not applicable ' cases are pro-rated only about oneeighth of the Vietnamese and Other Asian communities live in households with
elderly people , with very f e w households having more than one elderly person
resident.
Finally , data displayed in Table 5 provide an indication of the type of family
in which the Viet Nam-born and Other Asia-born reside. More than one in six
Vietnamese families are single-parent families, with most of these being families
with dependent children. Single parent families are much more pronounced in the
Vietnamese community than in the other Asian communities.
Table 2
Percentage Distribution of Number of Residents in Household b y Birthplace
Number of Residents in Household
_
_
_
Country of Birth
Viet Nam_ Other Asia
One
1.8
5.0
Two
7.0
17.1
Three
12.3
19.2
Four
19.4
25.4
Five
18.7
15.5
Six
19.8
8.7
7.9
2.4
Seven
Eight or More
Not Applicable
^_
Number of People
Median Number of Residents in Household_
11.3
2.0
1.9_ 4.8
122 318
5.47
565 281
4.25
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS ) ( 1991 Census, Table CSC6202).
Percentages may not total 100.0 per cent due to rounding.
**
'Not Applicable' refers to people residing in non-private dwellings, such as
college dormitories, hotels , hospitals , prisons , etc.
_
Additional data presented in Coughlan ( in press) indicates that 80.0 per cent
of families headed b y individuals born in Viet Nam consist of families with
dependent and non-dependent offspring. Of the families which consist of only
couples or two parents, 82, 2 per cent embody families where both partners where
born in Viefc Nam , with an additional 13.6 per cent having one partner born in Viet
Nam and the other born elsewhere in Asia and the with one partner born in Viet
Nam and the other born in other countries, mostly in Australia. Only 5.0 per cent
of the Viet Nam-born community live in single person families.
These tables briefly inform us that more than nine-tenths of the Vietnamese
households consist of a basic single family household or a single person household ,
and thus very f e w Vietnamese households contain multi-nuclear families.
In
addition, 85.2 per cent of the Viet Nam-born community living in households are
not living with elderly people . The generally accepted traditional Vietnamese
conception of a 3-4 generational extended family household is largely absent from
the diaspora in Australia. Finally , more than one-sixth of Vietnamese families in
Australia are single parent families, a statistic which reflects a greater
fragmentation of the Vietnamese family in Australia than in Viet Nam . Now that we
have briefly provided a statistical profile of the Vietnamese family in Australia, let
us momentarily consider some of the principal factors influencing change in the
Vietnamese family structure in Australia .
Table 3
Percentage Distribution of Dependent Offspring in Household b y Birthplace
Number of Dependent Offspring in Household
_
_
_ _
_
_ _
_
_
_
Country of Birth
_
Viet
_ Nam _
Other Asia
None
23.3
36.5
One
18.4
18.1
Two
23.6
24.0
Three
16.6
11.4
Four
10.1
3.9
Five
4.0
0.9
Six
1.5
0.3
Seven
0.5
0.1
Eight or More
**_
Not Applicable
Number of People
Median Number
of Dependent Offspring in
_
_ Household
0.3
0.0
1^9_ 4.8
122 318
565 281
2.27
1.50
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS ) ( 1991 Census, Table CSC6202).
Percentages may not o
ta
tl
100.0 per cent due to rounding.
**
'Not Applicable ' refers to people residing in non-private dwellings, such as
college dormitories , hotels , hospitals, prisons , etc.
Table 4
Percentage Distribution of Number of People Aged 65+ Years Old in Household
b y Birthplace
Number of People Aged 65+ Years Old in
Household
_
_
_
_
_
Country of Birth
_
_ Viet Nam
Other Asia
None
83.6
81.8
One
10.9
9.9
Two
3.4
3.5
Three
0.2
0.1
Four
0.01
0.0
Five
0.0
0.0
Six
0.0
0.0
Seven
^_
Not Applicable
Number of People
Median Number
of People Aged 65+ Years Old in
_
Household
0.0
L9_ 4.8
122 318
565 281
0.59
0.58
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS ) ( 1991 Census , Table CSC6202).
Percentages may not o
ta
tl
100.0 per cent due
o t rounding.
0.0 ' implies that a number of cases are present, but their percentage of the
*'
total is <0.05 per cent.
**
'Not Applicable ' refers to people residing in non-private dwellings, such as
college dormitories, hotels , hospitals , prisons, etc.
5.
THE PRINCIPAL
AUSTRALIA
CAUSES OF CHANGE FOR
THE VIETNAMESE FAMILY IN
From our consideration of the notion of the family in Viet Nam we learnt that
there is no such entity as the universal Vietnamese family type. Vietnamese
families may consist of large closely -knit extended families living in close physical
proximity , to small nuclear families, single-parent families, and increasingly families
which comprise women who have never been married. The Vietnamese family in
Australia has undergone a metamorphosis in its transitional integration n
o
it
Australian society. This change may be due
o t a large number of factors , such
as adoption of Australian cultural and social norms; cultural shock; emotional stress
due
o t the migration process and integrating into multicultural Australian society;
family fragmentation do
u e t the forced separation imposed b y migration; financial
pressures of re-establishing the family in Australia and continuing
o t support the
family in Viet Nam ; loss of ( extended ) family support networks which remain in Viet
Nam ; gender role changes within the family; rejection of previous ( traditional )
norms perceived as being repressive, etc. For the convenience of this paper these
factors may be grouped into three sets of factors: cultural, economic and
environmental. It is impossible to comprehensively discuss how these three sets
of factors influence Vietnamese families in Australia, though it is possible to briefly
discuss how these factors impact Vietnamese families in Australia and cause change.
Table 5
Percentage Distribution of Family Type b y Birthplace
Family Type
_
Country of Birth
_ Viet Nam
One Parent Family With Dependent Child ( ren )
One Parent Family Without Dependent Children
Two Parent Family With Dependent Child ( ren )
Other Asia
15.5
9.6
2.1
2.7
67.7
59.4
Two Parent Family Without
_
_ Dependent Children_
_
14.8_ 28.3_
Number of Families _
30 319
145 586
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS ) ( 1991 Census, Table CSC6045).
Percentages may not total 100.0 per cent due to rounding.
5.1
The Australian Environment
The very cold winters of southern Australia are unwelcomed b y elderly
Vietnamese, especially those who have lived most of their lives in tropical southern
Viet Nam. During the coldest months in Australia some elderly Vietnamese never
venture outside their dwelling for weeks or possibly months.
The physical
discomfort they feel restricts their physical movements beyond their dwelling, and
thus restricts their role in the community and in the family.
Apart from the climate , the physical structure and size of Australian
housing, and local government housing regulations on the number of occupants
who may reside in a dwelling , at times causes the fragmentation of families. Some
families in Viet Nam lived in large 2-4 story dwellings in cities
or spacious rural
dwellings, which accommodated 10-20 people - middle-aged parents, their married
adult children with their spouses and grandchildren - in other words , an extended
family in one dwelling.
Most Australian houses have only 3-4 bedrooms and
apartments 2-3 bedrooms. It is physically not possible to fit one extended family ,
which consists of 3-4 nuclear families in one dwelling. While the families may be
willing to live with the crowding , local housing regulations may set limits on the
number of people able to reside in the dwelling.
Because of this situation
17
What we have noticed over the years is that the Vietnamese-Australian
concept of crowding moves away from the Viet Nam norm to the Australian
norm as the Vietnamese-Australian integrate into Australian society. In the
first f e w years having 10 adults living in a 3 bedroom home may be
extended Vietnamese families may endeavour to split-u p and occupy separate
dwellings in close proximity
o t each other. Thus the physical structure of Western
housing and Western housing regulations influence the habitation practices of
Vietnamese-Australian families. However , it is probably differences between the
Australian and Vietnamese economies which has the largest impact on Vietnamese
families.
5.2
Differences Between the Australian and Vietnamese Economies
While Viet Nam is an agrarian society with about 79.9 per cent of the
population residing in rural areas ( Coughlan 1994: 37 ), Australia is a postindustrial society with 62.4 per cent of its population located in the
State/Territory capital cities.
During the twentieth century Australian
governments have established a comprehensive and extensive welfare system, while
in Viet Nam the family is the principal welfare system.
While the Australian
welfare system can provide financial support to the disadvantaged - single
parents, the disabled , the unemployed , war veterans , etc. - in Viet Nam the
disadvantaged must seek support from their family. It may be argued that in Viet
Nam the lack of a comprehensive government-initiated welfare system strengthens
the family; at time in Australia the welfare system has been accused of fragmenting
the family. The Australian welfare system provides financial assistance to the
disadvantaged, as well as other benefits and concessions , sufficient to provide the
basic necessities of life.
I n Australia and Viet Nam the cost of living is so high that most adult family
members must work in order to support the family , though this is more crucial in
Viet Nam than in Australia. While young working parents in Viet Nam may leave
their young children with elderly relatives to care for them during the day, this
option is often not possible in Australia either due to the relative absence of
elderly parents ( see Table 4 ), or the physical separation between adult children
and their parents makes daily commuting impossible.
Thus the substantial
differences between the Australian welfare economy and the Vietnamese family
economy, as well as differences in the economic development of the two countries,
provides a contrasting social environment for the Vietnamese family. However ,
apart from the issues already addressed , the main cause of change within
Vietnamese-Australian families is the cultural differences between the two
countries.
5.3
Australian and Vietnamese Cultures : A World Apart
The immense differences between Asian and European cultures are readily
known, and need not be enumerated here, if that were even possible.
Contemporary family-centred Vietnamese culture comes face-to-face with individualcentred European culture with the Vietnamese diaspora in the West.
While
Vietnamese parents may attempt to instil traditional Vietnamese family values in
their children within the home , they are in direct conflict with the Western media
computer games, music , newspapers, television , video , etc. - in their living
rooms , that alone Australian cultural norms which await them outside the physical
confines of t heir homes. For young people who are spending most of t heir waking
hours at Australian schools and interacting with Australian media , attempts b y
Vietnamese parents to inculcate their children with Vietnamese values often looses
out; their children are culturally more Australian than Vietnamese. Though they
may speak Vietnamese and eat Vietnamese food , the young generation of
Vietnamese-Australians who have been educated in Australian primary schools are
acceptable, b u t after a few years this earlier norm is rejected and generally
mainstream Australian norms adopted.
more Australian than Vietnamese , though their parents and some members of the
Vietnamese community may wish
o t debate this issue.
During the integration process it is not only young Vietnamese who are
changing, b u t also young adults. It is readily acceptable that individuals at
different stages of the life-cycle accept and adapt
o t change in different ways,
probably
strongly
and this difference is
most
felt within the family, where children
adapt differently to their parents and where wives adapt differently
o t husbands.
During this process of adaptation and change family roles alter , or ma y even be
transposed, and there are fluctuations in family power relations . Although the
function of the family unit may not change duration this metamorphosis, the
structure of the family changes as the roles of individual family members change,
and as family members reformulate their conceptualisation of the family.
The differences in Vietnamese and Australian cultures and traditions have
resulted in the development of divergent institutional structures , such as the legal
and welfare systems, over time . Domestic violence , though widespread , is generally
abhorred in Australia , though this is less so in Viet Nam ; extra-marital affairs
generally result in separation and divorce in Australia , while in modern Viet Nam
they are generally considered as acceptable , though not encouraged , for males , and
totally unacceptable for females. If marital problems arise in Viet Nam the aged
parents of the couple, or other elderly relatives , would pressure their married
children
o t stay married , or at least attempt
o t resolve the problem; in Australia
often the elderly parents are not here , and even if they are here their opinions
are neither accepted nor sought. I n Viet Nam the single parent or divorcee may
become a burden on their family , in Australia they may become a burden on the
welfare system .
There are substantial differences in cultural attitudes and perceptions
These cultural
surrounding the family in Vietnamese and Australian society.
differences, together with economic and environmental dissimilarities , are dictate
that Vietnamese families in Australia will encounter substantial pressures as they
attempt to integrate into multicultural Australian society.
6.
OBSERVATIONS OF CHANGE IN THE VIETNAMESE FAMILY IN AUSTRALIA
There are a number of issues which could be addressed when considering
changes Vietnamese families experience after their arrival in Australia , apart from
changes which may be expected from progression through the life-cycle. The two
main issues which I wish
o t consider here are conceptualisation of the family and
closeness of the family, both of which are strongly influenced b y the age of
individuals upon their arrival in Australia. The complexity of socio-cultural and
economic changes within the Vietnamese community as a whole , that alone within
individual Vietnamese family units, dictates that the following presentation be
generalised. It is impossible, except in a detail analysis, to provide an accurate
description of the broad spectrum of attitudes which Vietnamese-Australians have
towards the family institution.
The principal author has had almost two decades of involvement with and
observation of the Vietnamese community in Australia , which has incorporated
friendships with many families for almost two decades. From our experience we
believe that the age at which individuals arrive in Australia is one of the main
factors influencing attitudes towards existing families and to their own family
formation. Basically the younger the age an individual arrives in Australia the
more likely they are to deviate f r o m Vietnamese family norms; and conversely , the
older an individual upon arrival in Australia the more likely they are attempt to
maintain Vietnamese family norms.
As noted above, young people ( taken to be school-age children) are very
much influenced b y the media and schooling , and are thus more likely to adopt
mainstream values as portrayed b y these institutions. B y the time many of these
children become adults they remember very little about Viet Nam , and frequently
have difficulty in relating to older members of the community who were raised in
Viet Nam. In the family environment this results in both inter-generational and
inter-cultural conflict.
At times these young people see no benefit in being
Vietnamese, nor in maintaining Vietnamese cultural norms.
Their bonding with
their parents and their culture is frequently diminished , as they desire to be seen
as being Australian , and possibly Vietnamese-Australian , but not Vietnamese. This
division between the young people 's attifcudinal and cultural perceptions and
practices , and that of their elders , generally results in greater separation between
family members , rather than the traditional closeness noted above. This separation
may not only be cultural and emotional , but is more than often spatial; with spatial
separation in t u r n justifying infrequent physical contact.
On the other hand , Vietnamese who have arrived in Australia as adults , even
if only in their mid-20s , generally seek
o t maintain the notions of family which
they brought with them from Viet Nam. Though these individuals may accede to
some changes, such as accepting spatial separation of the family , they still seeking
to remain culturally and emotionally close to their families , either through frequent
physical or verbal contact , if not through correspondence. This group also are
particularly close to their families in Viet Nam , and generally seek to help them
as much as possible . Although the younger members of this group may accept
changes in family structure due
o t Australian conditions , the middle-aged and
elderly often find it difficult
o t accept a n y change from what was their norm in
Viet Nam. For example, younger married members of this group may wish
o t live
with their parents or parents-in-law , though realise this is generally physically
impossible due to the high cost of obtaining an appropriate dwelling , especially
after children come along. I n this situation the two components of the family
would probably attempt
o t occupy separate dwellings within close walking distance
from each other, that is in the same neighbourhood, and thus maintaining the close
family relationship which was present within the family prior to emigration.
Change in individual conceptualisations of the family are not only influenced
b y age upon arrival in Australia , but economic circumstances are also most
important in this regard. As a generalisation , in Australia Vietnamese people seem
o t become more self -centred and less extended family-centred; there is no longer
strong desire
o t either maintain contact with or assist extended family members.
Vietnamese immigrants who have recently settled in Australia work hard
o t
economically and socially establish themselves (and their families ) in their new
homeland. When finances are available they would financially assist firstly nuclear
For example,
family members and then extended family members in Viet Nam.
sending $2-3 000 per year to their parents, and then possibly $500 to their
o t uncles, aunts, cousins , etc.
brothers and sisters, and a few hundred dollars
However, after a number of years in Australia their desire
o t assist their family
and relatives in Viet Nam wanes substantially . After five years or so in Australia ,
and if they are able to obtain and maintain employment, Vietnamese-Australians may
decide to b u y a new car , then an apartment or a house. Their repayment and
mortgage commitments
o t these material possessions , and possibly more children ,
o t
dictate that they cannot continue to send thousands of dollars each year
relatives in Viet Nam . The financial commitment to extended family members will
become a non-commitment , and they will probably send less money to their
is
be non-Vietnamese b y changing their names,
Some actively try
o t
disassociating themselves from the Vietnamese community and , in some cases ,
having cosmetic surgery.
immediate family in Viet Nam. Changing economic and family situations in Australia
weakens contacts between relatives , whether the relatives be in Australia , Viet Nam
or elsewhere. The younger generation in particular
comes to see the extended
family, and possibly even parents still in Viet Nam , as a drain on their own
resources.
The desirability of maintaining extended family contacts essentially
evaporates, and contact with parents and siblings in Viet Nam is substantially
reduced. This not only exists in the relationship between Vietnamese in Australia
and their relatives in Viet Nam , but also between Vietnamese with relatives ,
including siblings, in Australia . As a generalisation the frequency of contact
between extended, and sometimes nuclear , family members decreases substantially
over time , as individuals become more concerned with their individual position or
their individual nuclear family.
Changing expectations are also influenced b y adverse experiences, where
domes bic violence , interfering parents ( or parents-in-law ) and marital infidelity are
important, though not the sole considerations. Occurrences of domestic violence ,
interfering parents-in-law and marital infidelity exist in most societies , and they
are not absent in Australian and Vietnamese society. However , while it may be
argued that Vietnamese cultural norms and laws provide greater acceptance of
these occurrences than Australian cultural norms , Australian laws, both in theory
and practice , provide greater protection
o t women than is the case in Viet Nam.
At the same time , whereas interfering parents and parents-in-law are commonplace
in Viet Nam , they have been a cause of marital disruption and dissolution in
Vietnamese-Australian families if both partners hold divergent expectations of the
roles of parents and parents -in-law in their marriages. An increasing number of
Vietnamese-Australians are now deciding that their parents should remain in Viet
Nam and not emigrate to Australia as they are concerned what their parents may
disrupt their own successful marriage. Possibly this is one of the main reasons
why 5 000 elderly Vietnamese have been abandoned b y their children in Australia.
Observations also suggest that Vietnamese family units which emigrate intact ,
or almost totally intact , have a far greater chance of remaining 'close ' together
after settlement than families where the members have emigrated at different times.
I n the latter situation , family members are not only physically separated for
extended periods of time , but also undergo different migration and resettlement
experiences. This creates a situation where the reintegration of the family upon
reunification is extremely difficult when family power and role relationships are
being renegotiated.
Finally , it may be argued that the 15 000 Vietnamese-Australian visiting Viet
Nam each year is an example of the closeness of the Vietnamese family. However,
o t find
significant proportion of this group are single Vietnamese males seeking
awife in Viet Nam , or Vietnamese-Australian businesspeople seeking investment
opportunities in Viet Nam. Although the majority of these Vietnamese tourists go
to see family and relatives , as well as the country, for the majority the trip is not
the annual visit to see relatives . Although some Vietnamese-Australians return to
Viet Nam each year to see relatives , f o r the majority the may return once or twice
decade , if at all. These people see their f u t u r e in Australia , not in Viet Nam ,
and the trip
o t visit relatives in Viet Nam is perceived more of a burden than a
pleasure.
19
At this stage some members of the Vietnamese diaspora start complaining
that their families always ask for money , and are unwilling to help
themselves. Some Vietnamese diaspora almost break-off contact with their
families in Viet Nam at this time as they believe that their families in Viet
Nam consider them
o t be a bottomless source of cash.
7.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
There is no such entity as the traditional Vietnamese family, except in the
stereotypical generalisation of some authors and scholars.
Through recorded
Vietnamese history there have been a variety of notions of what conceptualises the
Vietnamese family. These variations also exist between different social strata of
society in various geographical locations within Viet Nam.
The stereotypical
traditional large extended Vietnamese family is a concept propagated b y a maledominated Confucian literati who controlled Vietnamese literature and scholarship
for most of recorded history . U p until the early twentieth century the Vietnamese
household may be perceived as often being comprised of 2-3 generations of
possibly several nuclear families in one dwelling , while maintaining a close
relationship with extended family members.
However, social disruption due to modern warfare , Western cultural
penetration and urbanisation have changed the nature and f u n ctioning of the
Vietnamese family. Recent research in Viet Nam over the past decade b y Professor
Le Thi Nham Tuvet and Dr Le Thi Q u y have confirmed the existence of these
ongoing changes. Homelessness and children abandoning their parents appear
to be as prevalent in contemporary Viet Nam as they are within the Vietnamese
diaspora in Australia. Unfortunately many commentators on the social conditions
of Vietnamese in the diaspora are unaware of recent social trends within Viet Nam ,
and thus the relationship between the evolution of Vietnamese society and changes
within the Vietnamese diaspora are ignored.
When discussing changes in the Vietnamese-Australian conceptualisation of
the family it is most important to be aware that the Vietnamese conceptualisation
of the family in Viet Nam is also changing over time , though Western scholars have
Vietnamese
little information on the situation in contemporary Viet Nam.
conceptualisations of the family are changing, whether in the diaspora or in Viet
Nam. While younger members of the Vietnamese diaspora are rapidly adopting
Western cultural behaviour and norms , including notions of the family , young
Vietnamese in Viet Nam are also changing, and will probably do so more rapidly
now that the American trade embargo was lifted in early February 1994.
The major weakness of this paper is that is primarily based on the personal
observations, and at times involvement, of the first author. Close friendships
formed over the past two decades with many Vietnamese-Australians generally still
remain , thus permitting observations and participation in family dynamics.
Although it was tempting to select specific cases and consider changes within
these families since their arrival in Australia, it was decided that it was best at
this time to provide a general overview of our observations, and in a later paper
The information we
provide a more detailed discussion of individual cases.
presented above is a general overview from the cases we know.
Over time the Vietnamese family in Australia is becoming more like the
Australian family: it is increasingly becoming a two-generation nuclear family , and
the proportion of single-parent families is also increasing. The family is also not
as close as in the past, especially as new technology invades the home and the
demands of contemporary life provides fewer opportunities for extended family
members to physically interact. The demands of parenthood , the lack of traditional
child care facilities ( in the form of elder siblings or parents ) and the time
20
These two Ha Not-based researchers have produced b y f a r the most
important sociological research on the family and women in contemporary Viet
Nam . It is unfortunate that relatively little of their research has been made
available and disseminated in English.
required to maintain a household have also acted to reduce the amount of time that
relatives can spend together. The close extended family is largely absent from the
Vietnamese community in Australia , rather it is the small nuclear family which is
the norm.
The extended family has withered in the Vietnamese-Australian
community, as it is also gradually faded in Viet Nam . As the conditions of postindustrial post -modern society dictate , it is being replaced b y the two-generation
nuclear family with weak extended family links.
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