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Modes of Immigration
Politics in the Receiving States
Gary P . Freeman
University
of Texas at Austin
Austin , TX 78712
Prepared
for
presentation
Societies : Implications
at
a
Conference
on
Immigration
Into
Western
and Policy Choices , Charleston , South Carolina , May
13-14, 1994 .
302838907/
Abstract
politics
The
strong
immigration
of
are
that
similarities
in
generally
of
supportive
states
expansive
display
states
of democratic
Nonetheless , three groups
democratic
liberal
exhibits
policies .
distinct
modes
of
immigration politics . Divergent immigration histories mold popular attitudes
toward migration
immigration
speaking
and ethnic
policy
and
politics
Zealand ) have long histories
machineries
webs
of
highly
interest
politics
institutionalized
expansionary
groups
the degree
and affect
institutionalized .
(
1) The
to which
English -
States , Canada , and Australia /New
of relatively
planning
of immigration
political
is
(
the United
societies
settler
heterogeneity
open immigration , well-developed
and regulation , and densely
advocating
are
expansive
strongly
organized
policies .
biased
in
Their
favor
of
immigration policies and are relatively immune to sharp swings
in direction .
(
2) A number of European states
(
especially France , Britain ,
Germany , Switzerland , the Netherlands , Sweden , and Belgium ) experienced mass
migration
only after the Second World War and in a form that has introduced
significant
pressures
what
from legal and illegal migrants
most
see
Immigration
highly
new ethnic minorities . The responses of these states to current
as the unfortunate
politics
volatile
and
in
these
crisis
likely
those
is partially
(
3) European
recent
episodes .
institutionalized
states
that
were
and
until
pressures for the first time in their modern histories , under
conditions , and
national
of
(
Spain , Portugal , Italy , and Greece ) are dealing
recently sending countries
with migration
consequences
states
conflictual .
and asylum seekers are shaped by
policies
within
to be steeper
in
the
context
the European
of
intensifying
Union .
than those European
Their
states
expect the "normalization " of immigration politics
coordination
learning
in group two .
curves
of
are
We should
in both sets of European
states , but not on the model of the English -speaking democracies , which are
likely to remain unique in their openness to mass immigration .
1
guiding
The
immigration
question
of
this
poli tics can accommodate
paper
is
whether
all the liberal
a
single
model
democratic
of
receiving
states . I will argue that there are important characteristics of immigration
politics
common
pressures
emanate from an increasingly
to
the
liberal
democracies .
Broadly
global migration
similar
migration
and refugee system .
This system consists not only of the push and pull factors that help create
population
relating
movements
to
human
similarities
democracy
on a massive
rights ,
in immigration
scale but also evolving norms and values
migration ,
politics
and
refugees .
1
derive
More
from the features
directly ,
of liberal
itself that affect the way such regimes process migration
issues .
It is to these political variables that this paper is addressed .
For
all
significantly
immigration
commonalities , receiving
divergent
histories .
with distinct
societies
their
modes
immigration politics
There
states
(
Australia , Canada , New
politics .
of receiving
states , each
The English -speaking settler
Zealand , and the United
most important traditional immigration
display
as a result of their peculiar
are three subsets
of immigration
nevertheless
States ) are the
countries in the world . Migration was
critical to their founding and national development . A second group is made
up of those Western
after
European
the Second World
colonial
territories
states that mounted
War and experienced
(
most
importantly ,
temporary
inflows
number of European
from colonial
Germany ,
Switzerland , the Netherlands , Sweden , and Belgium )
.
labor programs
France ,
and exBritain ,
Finally , there are a
states that have only recently gone from being countries
hese are among the most important factors pushing states to develop
^
immigration policies and requiring them to deal with rising ethnic heterogeneity .
The volatile mix of runaway population growth in the Third World , the break -up
of the Communist bloc , growing disparities between the rich and poor states , and
intensifying communications and travel networks between them constitute what may
be seen with only some exaggeration as a common shock to the Western industrial
nations under discussion , and not only to them . In this paper I take these
phenomena as creating a highly constraining context within which immigration
politics and policy is played out (
Zolberg , et al ., 1989; Salt , 1991; Meissner ,
et al ., 1993).
2
of emigration
seekers
to experiencing
pressures
and asylum
.2
(
Portugal , Spain , Italy , and Greece )
by
begin
politics
found
distinctive
democratic
discus sing
in
modes
states
considering
liberal
all
of immigration
with
whether
three
further institutionalization
Immigration
Most
politics
I
then
in the three
immigration
patterns
will
investigate
subsets
histories .
persist
immigration
of
of Western
I conclude
or how
of the global migration
the
they
by
might
crisis and the
of immigration politics and policies in Europe .
Politics in Liberal Democracies
literature
of the academic
that the politics
characteristics
democracies .
distinctive
these
broad
those
change as a result of the pressures
suggest
migrants
from illegal
and newspaper
of immigration
in liberal
headlines
these days
democracies
is highly
volatile , rancorous , and restrictionist . One can hardly deny that conflicts
over immigration can be intense and that in recent years immigration politics
in certain countries has taken a nasty turn . Nevertheless , I want to argue
that there is in general an expansionary bias in the politics
in liberal democracies
such that official policies
of immigration
tend to be more liberal
than public opinion and annual intakes larger than is politically
have
developed
this
argument
in
considerable
detail
optimal .
elsewhere
(
Freeman , 1993); all I can do here is summarize its major points .
I begin
with a simple political economy model of policymaking in liberal democracies ,
which are systems characteri zed by free constitutions founded on individual
rights , competitive party systems , and regular elections . The optimality
policies
in
such
political
systems
I
define
in
terms
of
the
of
rational
his paper deals exclusively with Western democratic states in Europe ,
North ^
America , and Australasia . In doing so it ignores a number of interesting
cases that deserve further study : the other settler societies in the New World ,
especially Argentina (
Jenks , 1992), newly democratic European states that are
also undergoing new migration pressure (
Bulgaria , the Czech and Slovak Republics ,
, and certain Asian societies that
Hungary , and Poland (
SOPEMI , 1994, pp . 107-156)
have already or are rapidly becoming important countries of destination ,
especially Japan, South Korea , Taiwan , Malaysia , and Hong Kong (
Meissner , et al,
1993, pp . 67-73; Postel -Vinay , 1992; Cornelius , 1993a; SOPEMI , 1994, pp . 57-62)
.
3
3
citizen -voters .
of individual
preferences
by this criterion , is that preferred
utility -maximizers
by the median
policy ,
voter where voters
are
with complete information . The politics of immigration in
can be analyzed
such systems
The optimal immigration
of individual
at the level
voters , organized
groups , and state actors .
Liberal
democracies
rigorous
encourage
and
are
free
open
political
debate
because
the
obtaining
incentives
to become
information .
public
of
democracies , nevertheless , tend to be
that
issues .
ignorant
rationally
informed
One might
systems
Citizens
of many
fail to override
assume that immigration
tolerate
and
in
issues
the costs
of
is one of those
highly salient and emotive issues about which voters would feel strongly and
with
respect
to which
they would
develop
well-informed
argue , nevertheless , that there are serious barriers
information
opinions .
I will
to the acquisition
of
about immigration and that there is a highly constrained process
by which immigration issues are debated that distorts the information that is
available .
The
most
direct
barrier
to
information
about
scarcity and ambiguity of official data . Governments
only the most speculative
data , such as it is, is not generally
serious
problem , however .
misperceptions
systematic
The
on society
toward
"temporal
is
the
often have
intake , legal or
and economy .
available
to the public .
dynamics
of
about their characteristics
tendency
themselves
information about the immigration
illegal , its composition , or its effect
more
immigration
migration
Official
There is a
flows
foster
and consequences that amount to a
illusion ."
The effects
of migration
tend to be lagged ; the short -term benefits oversold and the long -term costs
denied or hidden to show up clearly only in the outyears . The same might be
said ,
of
course ,
characteristics
about
many
of migration
public
processes
policies ,
but
there
are
that make them especially
several
productive
his is not the only , and certainly not the most common , criterion by which
^
immigration policy can be evaluated ; economic , cultural , and social effects may
be equally important . For discussions of alternative evaluative strategies with
respect to immigration , see Gibney , 1988, and Barry and Goodin , 1992 .
4
of illusion . Among these are the tendency for migration flows to start small
and build up over time , especially as a result of chain migration
reunion
develop
(
Birrell , 1990), and the tendency for temporary
into
permanent
settlements
(
Miller
information
is
and
and family
labor migrations
Martin ,
to
1982 : 106-107;
Castles , 1984 ).
The
scarcity
of
seen
immigration
as a virtue .
policy
see
Van
of migrant
The boundaries
of
legitimate
streams ,4 and subjecting
to abusive charges of racism
Dijk , 1992)
.
The
analyze
immigration
are
Indeed ,
immigration
is
anthropologists
the
constrained
scholars
with
one
and more
and
notable
policy
conservative
of
over the
those who criticize
(
for an example of the genre ,
intellectuals
exceptions
on
that may
discussion
are narrow , precluding , for example , argument
ethnic composition
liberal policies
by
in liberal democracies , a constraint
"discourse " over immigration
fairly be
exacerbated
which
who
generally
liberal
political
interpret
and
sympathetic .
sociologists
scientists
and
and economists
tend to agree . What may be called the folklore of immigration —the stories ,
myths ,
and
romantic
images
of
valiant
and
plucky
individuals
seeking
opportunity abroad —provides compelling resources for those seeking to shape
public discussion
in expansive directions
and constitute daunting obstacles
for critics . There is, obviously , a negative folklore as well—the dangerous
migrant
coming
balance
in liberal democracies
"to eat
our bread " as the French
liberal
in the public debate
democracies
indifferent
is
if not more
puts
it—but
the
is likely to be positive .
Given the costs of information
introduced
slogan
slower
about immigration
over immigration
to
mobilize
and the distortions
policy , public
and
opinion
crystallize , and
in
more
favorable to immigration , than it would be if more
and better information were available .
here has been a marked trend away from ethnically explict selection
^ in the immigration policies of liberal democracies (
criteria
the United States
in 1965, Canada in 1968, Australia in 1973, and New Zealand in 1974)
. Having
forgone the prerogative to control the ethnic composition of flows , these
countries adopted the position that questions about the wisdom of the unselected
flows that resulted from universalism were illegitimate as well .
5
the state of public opinion about immigration , however , it is
Whatever
that
obvious
directly
no
over
liberal
democratic
policy .
5
immigration
voluntarily
state
Individual
consults
citizens
may
the public
affect
the
government '
s immigration decisions only indirectly at elections and elections
are clumsy mechanisms
elections
for mandating
are framed by political
clear , strong , or divergent
parties
Messina , 1989 )
.
off
the
In a number
and parties
choices .
Issues at
do not normally
take
There
is a
issues .
later , for the major political
seek a consensus across the political
conflicts
policy
on immigration
positions
strong tendency , to be discussed
immigration
particular
parties
to
spectrum that has the effect of taking
agenda
(
Katznelson , 1973; Freeman , 1979 ;
of countries
right-wing
fringe
parties
have
and give voice to anti-immigrant opinions , but although
emerged to mobilize
they have attracted substantial support at times , they have claimed few seats
in national parliaments , and have little or no chance of participating
(
Schain , 1990; Messina , 1989; Layton -Henry , 1992; Schoen ,
forming governments
1977 ; Cheles , et al ., 1991; Ford, 1991, Wust , 1993).
however , that
in or
their
general
failure
is more
the
It should be clear ,
result
of their
extreme
positions than an indicator that the alarms they raise about immigration
fail
to touch profound chords within mass publics .
The dynamics of consensus management
with
the
governments
limited
electoral
typically
clout
of
among the major parties , combined
extremist
movements , means
enter office with no seriously binding
that
commitments
on
immigration . To understand the forces behind the policies they adopt we need
with organized
groups between
elections because immigration politics in liberal democracies
is dominated by
to investigate
how public
officials
the organized public . The direction
interact
of policy
is mostly a function of which
fragments of the public have the incentives and resources to organize around
immigration
direct
issues . As it turns out, those who benefit
and concrete
ways are better placed
to organize
from immigration
in
than are those who
'
The only state that does is Switzerland where citizen initiatives
forced restrictive
proposals before the electorate five times since
.
(
Hoffmann -Nowotny and Killian , 1979 ; Hoffmann -Nowotny , 1985)
have
1970
6
s costs . Immigration tends to produce concentrated bene fits
bear immigration '
and
costs ,6
diffuse
to organize
incentives
think
giving
of immigration
who
those
who bear
than persons
regulation
from
benefit
immigration
It is useful to
its costs .
and control as a public
greater
good that lacks a
concrete and organi zed constituency to produce it .
It
not
is
difficult
immigration : employers
an unskilled
to
identify
principal
the
of
beneficiaries
in labor-intensive industries and those dependent
workforce , businesses
growth
that profit from population
estate , construction , etc .
)
, and the family and ethnic
relations
on
(
real
of those
making up the immigrant streams . The immediate costs of immigration do fall
disproportionately
on
that
minority
of
the
population
competing
services , but
for scarce jobs , housing , schools , and government
immigrants
with
these groups , the least advantaged in the society , lack the resources to make
their voices heard .
falling belatedly
are diffuse ,
More generally , the costs of immigration
on the population
as a whole .
The concentrated
benefits
and diffuse costs of immigration mean that the interest group system around
immigration
issues is dominated by those groups supportive of larger intakes
and, by implication , the organized public
is more favorable to immigration
than the unorganized public .
To complete this model of immigration
the state
actors
who actually make policy .
vote-maximi zers, then
pressure
poorly
politics one needs now only add
of groups
articulated
one
predicts
favorable
opposition
incentives
politicians
reinforced
by
a strong
have
will
respond
to immigration , ignoring
of the general
to
follow
anti-populist
should not seek to exploit
they
If one assumes
the
norm
public .
lead
of
to
that they are
the
organized
the widespread
but
The self-interested
organized
that dictates
groups
are
that politicians
racial , ethnic , or immigration -related
fears in
order to win votes . Votes may be won through immigration policy decisions ,
^The analysis in this section builds on the framework devised by James Q .
Wilson (
1980) that derives four types of politics from whether the benefits and
, interest group
costs of policies are concentrated or diffuse : client (
cb, dc )
(
.
cb,cc), majoritarian (
db, dc ), and entrepreneurial (
db,cc)
7
but only those that are expansive
The typical mode
are fully legitimate .
7
politics , therefore , is client politics , a form of bilateral
of isanigration
influence in which small and well-organized groups intensely interested in a
policy
with those officials
develop close working relationships
for it .
little
Their interactions
outside
expansive
take place
interference .
immigration
Client
largely
politics
out of public
is strongly
exhibits
fluctuates , that
a tendency
view and with
oriented
toward
policies .
It is obvious , of course , that the politics
democracies
responsible
salience
its
and
ebbs
to go through predictable
normally placid politics
of immigration
in liberal
flows, and
that
it
At times , then , the
cycles .
is transformed into a more intensely
of immigration
interest —group politics , or, rarely , into a critical majoritarian
contested
cycles focus on economic conditions
politics . Most analyses of immigration
in the receiving states . In this view , which can hardly be denied , there is
"good times /bad times " dynamic
encouraged
during
unemployment
for
rises .
conditions
they
in which migration
phases ,
expansionary
but
is tolerated
sharply
curtailed
Immigrants during bad times are targeted
may
have
no
part
in
causing
or even
when
as scapegoats
(
Kindleberger ,
1967;
Hollifield , 1992)
.
Economic
conditions
cycles , however .
are
not
the
only
basis
for
immigration
policy
There is also what might be thought of as a natural cycle
based on the dynamics of migration processes themselves , processes that begin
with
an
through
initial
family
phenomenon
influx, followed
reunion
and
that typically
chain
by
settlement /
migration
and
secondary
processes .
Migration
takes some time to develop ; it starts
builds up gradually , feeding upon itself along the way .
migration
Temporal
is
a
small and
illusion
means that public opinion and group politics are always playing catch-up with
the realities
of migration
flows .
It might
seem on first glance that the
'
'Restrictive appeals are made , of course, especially by fringe parties and
occasionally by major parties , but they always excite charges of racism and
denunciations for opportunism . See , for example , the furor caused by Margaret
.
Layton -Henry , 1992, pp . 94-95)
Thatcher '
s comments in 1978 (
8
cycle is in the early stages when the
most critical period in an immigration
first migrants arrive ; over time , it might seem , the host society will become
more
and adapted
comfortable
I am advancing
argument
In fact, the logic of the
to the newcomers .
suggests
to immigration
opposition
the opposite :
cycle , at least in the
should grow over the life of a natural immigration
medium term . The contingent effects of economic conditions may accelerate
of natural cycles , but they should not eliminate
retard the dynamics
or
them
altogether .
In summary , immigration
in liberal
politics
democracies
exhibits
an
expansionary bias . Popular opinion is typically restrictionist , but not well
articulated . Organized opinion , responding to the distribution
of immigration , is more favorable . Organi zed opinion has more
and benefits
impact
on
policy
electoral
politics
because
interest
immigration
vote-maximizing
nonetheless
tends
within particular
to evolve
immigration
most
level
general
empirically
is
how
possible .
close
the
into
clientelistic
a more
open
immigration politics
The
model
it
in
their
politics
of
interest —group
cycles .
question
fits
to the evolution of political
pertinence
find
politicians
The normal
to cater to it .
This model of liberal democratic
the
of the costs
actual
that
is formulated at
must
cases .
addressed
be
I discuss
conflict over immigration
its
in three
sub-sets of liberal democracies . I argue that the model accounts for broad
in all the cases , and that it allows us to pinpoint those features
patterns
of particular
principal
states
that drive
in unpredicted
directions .
The
differences between the three classes of cases have to do with the
timing and circumstances
degree
politics
to
of their first major immigration experiences and the
immigration
which
flows,
politics ,
and
policies
have
been
institutionalized .
The English -speaking Settler Societies
No states fit the model of immigration politics
than
those
settler
societies
of
primarily
Canada , New Zealand , and the United States
British
just laid out better
origin
(
Hartz , 1964)
.
—
Australia ,
Immigration
was
9
integral to their founding and development as nations . They are prototypical
countries
of
immigration
policies
and they
immigration
permanent
for
stand
settlement .
alone
in
today
Although
encouraging
immigration
flows
ma ss
and
have fluctuated over the course of their national histories , their
interaction
with
immigration
consequences
is intimate , of
in the settler societies
was forged years
and its social
longstanding , and well -institutionalized .
The politics
ago and was
of immigration
during
institutionalized
critical to national development
immigration
was
experiences
eras when
population
movements
were
or even survival . The timing of these first
critical
in
producing
a
receptive
cultural
context for further waves of migrants , even when the early inflows stimulated
and social conflict
sharp resistance
(
Archdeacon , 1983; Jupp, 1991 ? Price ,
is as a result positive
1974; Higham , 1963). The folklore of immigration
and
there is a rich historical memory to draw upon that places new immigration in
positive
context .
All of this dulls the public '
s reaction to immigration
and immigration policy and provides more opportunity for proponents of larger
intakes to shape decisions .
indicate that publics
Polls consistently
rates of immigration
larger
intakes
either believe
that current
are about right or are too large ; majorities
are, to my
knowledge , nonexistent
demanding
(
Betts , 1988; Economic
Council of Canada , 1991; Holton and Lanphier , 1992; Simon , 1985, 1987 ; and
.
Fair/Roper Poll, 1992; McAllister , 1993)
Despite this public
or opposition , and often in apparent disregard
governments
in
the
settler
societies
intakes in the last two decades .8
about is an interesting
Part
of
an
indifference
of rising unemployment
substantially
increased
How this remarkable
rates ,
immigration
dis juncture has come
question .
answer
is to be
found
in the
fact
that general
public
opinion is poorly articulated . Ordinary voters in the settler societies
are
For a comparative overview of the evolution of intakes in these three
'
There is diversity among the cases , especially
cases , see Freeman , 1992 .
Australia
which curtailed intakes in recent years in the face of rising
unemployment . See also , Betts , 1988; Economic Council of Canada , 1991; and Bean
and Fix, 1992 .
10
rationally ignorant , often indifferent , and rarely organized or consulted for
their views on immigration .
that may
politicians
from mobilizing
or parties
the sorts of
norm that prevents
and by the anti-populist
raised
be
is constrained ,
rules that limit
vitiated , by informal
though not completely
questions
Public debate over immigration
over immigration .
discontent
Immigration politics is made in the context of a dense web of organized
groups whose orientations are overwhelmingly receptionist
groups , reasonably
enough , that politicians
attend .
and it is to these
The most
active
and
influential private sector players are employers , ethnic advocacy groups , and
civil
and
human
rights
organizations .
The
significant
most
organized
counterpoint to this consensus has traditionally been labor unions , but they
have generally come to support immigration , resigning themselves to defensive
rather than restrictive meausures such as employer sanctions against hiring
illegal workers and labor certification
procedures
inflows to employment sectors where demand is high
tying the composition
of
(
Warhurst , 1993; Briggs ,
1984; Jupp, 1993; Betts , 1988, 1993; Parkin and Hardcastle , 1994; Freeman and
Betts , 1992).
Political parties in the settler societies rarely attack immigration as
means
of appealing
for votes .
Instead , there
is a marked
tendency
to
develop an interparty consensus (
almost always expansionary , sometimes status
quo) in order to take immigration out of politics
(
Katznelson , 1974; Freeman ,
1979 ; Messina , 1989; Freeman and Betts , 1992; McAllister , 1993)
.
occasional
roundly
When the
candidate does raise critical issues , he or she is likely
condemned
spokespersons ,
immigration
considerable
by
and
leaders
by
are unheard
ground
the
of
mass
the
major
media .
New
of, though the Reform
recently
and
its
parties , by
views
parties
Party
on
to be
pro-immigration
organized
in Canada
immigration
around
has gained
are
highly
critical . Generally , there is no political space for political entrepreneurs
or parties to stake out new claims on the issue .
11
Policy
states is made
in these
and carried
out by
institutions
with
ample experience managing immigration . As a recent international survey put
it, in the immigration
the
majority
ability
nations
of
the
population
migration
to manage
has
flows
confidence
in
the
there
. . . because
governmen ts
are explicit
laws, policies and administrative structures for regulating immigration
processes , channelling public debate , and Grafting political consensus
(
Meissner , et al ., 1993, p . 39)
.
This does not mean that immigration is well-managed , or that policy outcomes
typically
evidence
resulting
fit their
that
intentions .
immigration
in significant
policies
have a more sophisticated
badly
in
executed
annual ceilings
in economic
there is reason to believe
states ,
these
abuse of the asylum
or targets .
Canada and
and carefully planned migration
conditions
more
that their programs
rapidly
program
than the U .
S., but
have considerable
error in them that belies their surface rationality
slack and
(
Burstein , 1992 ; Birrell ,
In all three countries , immigration
1992; Freeman , 1994)
.
is considerable
States , and certainly they are able to respond to
on paper than the United
short-term changes
are
illegal migration , widespread
system , and over or undershooting
Australia
contrary , there
On the
policy
is driven
by the principle of family reunion which dominates overall numbers as well as
considerable
humanitarian
portion
categories
The institutional
is
developed
in
the
of
supposedly
economic , independent , or
refugee -
(
Lloyd , 1993).
and social framework within which immigration policy
English -speaking
settler
societies
produces
client
politics , the mode predicted by the model . Policy is normally created within
tightly
constrained
subsystem
largely
out
of
public
view
and
with
comparatively little broad debate . There is a minimum of conflict and policy
change occurs incrementally
Immigration politics
and infrequently .
is not static , however . It is just as cyclical in
the settler societies as elsewhere ; the cycles are simply less extreme .
In
the current global crisis , for example , these countries lag far behind the
12
European
states
in
prominently
onto
of
anti-immigrant
levels
national
illegal
of
have pushed
entry
agendas , but
even
it
so
movements
and
influxes of asylum
Economic recession , unanticipated
restrictive policies .
seekers , and rising
development
the
immigration
more
of
high
a matter
is
politics only in Australia , and arguably , Canada . Although numbers are being
reduced in Australia , it is more likely that the effect of the current cycle
conflict will be to redouble efforts to deter asylum seekers
of immigration
and prevent
permanent
illegal migration
alter the commitment to
immigration .
European
The
than to substantially
States with Post-colonial and Guestworker Migrations
distinctive
feature
that
sets
Great
Britain , France , Germany ,
Belgium , the Netherlands , Sweden , and Switzerland
societies
is that their modern experience
apart
from the settler
of mass immigration
occurred when
they were already fully developed national states . They entered the current
period conditioned
by their experiences
of migration
during the years after
World War II, a migration that was narrowly economic , and for certain states ,
largely unintended
after -effect of colonialism .9
For the settler
societies
immigration
had been
periods
at different
essential to supplement natural increase . Despite intense labor shortages in
specific
sectors
and
low
European
states
can
in
insufficient
population
fertility
no
rates , the
meaningful
bases .
Even
sense
when
measure to meet
be
states
recruited migrants , it was never for immigration
necessary
densely
populated
described
or
Western
as
employers
having
actively
in itself , but rather as a
labor needs that was pursued at times recklessly
France is the country that fits least comfortably into this subset of
'
states . France had received more substantial immigration in the nineteenth
century than any other European state . Labor migrants were actively recruited
before and after the First World War (
Cross , 1983; Bonnet , 1976; Strikwerda ,
1993; Ogden and White , 1989)
. As Patrick Weil notes , when the economic crisis
hit in 1973-74 only France among the European states had both a long tradition
of immigration and previous experience of managing immigration during a period
Weil , 1992, p . 62). With substantial caveats , I will
of economic setbacks (
argue , nonetheless , that France bears a closer resemblance to the other countries
of post -colonial and guestworker migrations than to the settler societies .
13
Nor was immigration
and at times with great trepidation .10
necessary
for or
normally important to the nation -building process or integral to the national
identities
of European
On the contrary , large-scale
states .
immigration
(
much of it non-European in origin ) was for many of these states a wholly new
development
that
posed
nationality
and
emerged
accommodate
themselves
serious
in
dilemmas
countries
with
with
no
to the cultural demands
respect
citizenship
to
history
or
inclination
and
to
of such distinct minorities
(
Brubaker , 1989, 1992; Leca , 1992)
.
The politics
of immigration
in these states today is haunted by the
mistakes , failures , and unforeseen consequences of the guestworker era and by
the social conflicts associated with the new ethnic minorities created during
that time . Perhaps the most powerful legacy is the conviction that temporary
labor programs
(
Miller
will
inevitably
and Martin , 1982)
.
public '
s
consciousness
pressures
from developing
turn into processes
This
that
message
Hammar
is
predicted
of permanent
deeply
so
in
1985
migration
seared
that
into
the
"Migration
countries may increase in the future , but Western
Europe will be reluctant to allow large-scale labor immigration again " (
1985,
p . 244; cf . Messina , 1990).
any further
significant
Another
migration
lesson of the guestworker
will be
largely
era is that
non-European .
Because
governments
in the region recognize the special problems associated with the
integration
of such populations , this has further reduced their willingness
to experiment . Finally , a legacy of the guestworker era is the common belief
that immigration cannot be effectively managed and controlled by governments .
There is a general
skepticism
control borders , and manage
held
as much
by
public
about state capacity
migration
officials
to master
in the national
as by
the man
in
immigration ,
interest
the
that seems
street
contributes palpably to the general sense of unease migration
and that
provokes .
In the immediate postwar
period , the French government
considered
"
launching a program of permanent immigration in order to remedy the demographic
deficit caused by war losses and long-term population decline . The program was
never fully implemented and a temporary manpower strategy quickly supplanted it
(
Freeman , 1979, pp . 68-72; Georges Tapinos , 1975)
.
14
The result of all this is that the response of publics and governments
toward
is much
immigration
Immigration
politics
positive
less
in Europe
than
in the
sharper edge
has a much
settler
societies .
and it has gotten
sharper still as the asylum crisis has unfolded since 1989 . Compared to the
settler societies there is more overt conflict and much more violence . Most
seriously , extremist
have
pushed
parties
policies
have had significant
success at the polls
and
right .
Nevertheless , given
the
noticeably
the
to
hysterical tone of much critical analysis of the politics of immigration , it
picture , from the first days
of postwar
is worth
noting
migration
through the asylum crisis , is close to the predictions of my model .
The
politics
fundamentally
that the overall
of
immigration
in
these
states
is,
I
want
to
argue ,
liberal democratic politics .
European public opinion was at least mildly skeptical about immigration
from the beginning , but in the common pattern of liberal democracies
ignored by the politicians
were
especially
poorly
evident
and parties . Although publics grew increasingly
as time passed , they were slow to mobilize and their
alarmed about migration
views
it was
articulated .
in public
The
reaction
process
of
temporal
illusion
is
labor programs , which
to temporary
started slowly with little fanfare and less public discussion and which were
touted , after all, as being only temporary
(
Thranhardt , 1992, pp . 41-42)
.
One would have to say that European citizens were sold a bill of goods with
respect
to these programs , which were elite-driven
and packaged
turned out to be , in retrospect , seriously misleading
labor
migration
was
supposed ,
"allocational " benefits
costs
Straubhaar
migration
while
Temporary
puts
it,
to
avoiding
the
"distributional "
produce
the
(
1992)
.
Organized
early
of
as
promises .
with what
on
opinion , on the other
and dominated
by
groups
hand, was
having
strongly
a direct
interest
pro-immigration
in migration .
Employers mostly had the field to themselves . Indeed , business associations
and individual firms took the leading role in recruiting foreign labor and in
15
pressing governments to negotiate labor agreements with sending states . The
unions were either confused , collaborationist , or overridden .
Public
officials
sought
to establish
an elite
consensus based
on a
tacit agreement to abide by an anti-populist norm . Policy was typically made
in administrative
parliamentary
contexts , without
supervision
public
participation , and with
(
Hammar , 1985, p . 277-287)
.
little
A nearly pure form of
client politics emerged that lasted in most states until the immigration stop
in
the
11
mid -seventies .
recruitment
Even
was done without
the
decision
public
important
to
an
bring
consultation
end
to
labor
and, one has to
(
1985) describes
infer , not in direct response to public unrest . As Hammar
it:
The decisions of France , German , and Sweden to 'stop ' immigration have
an
important
debate
feature in common :
and parliamentary
changes
in government
they were all made without
discussion
that usually
surrounds
(
p . 285) . . . It is
policy
that such a dramatic change of policy
public
important
. . . astonishing
. . . affecting so many interests
and full of future implications , could take place without major debate
between
political
interest groups
The
conformed
politics
parties
and
without
conflict
between
domestic
(
p . 298)
.
of
in important
immigration
respects
in
these
states
to the liberal
until
democratic
at
least
model
1973
and was ,
consequently , vastly more expansive than mass opinion would have justified .
After
1973 things began
been the occasion
and unemployment
the decision
new entries
to change .
for the imposition
reached
The recession , the onset
of the recruitment
levels unprecedented
to end further recruitment
remained high or even rose
began to set in that permanent
of which had
halt , was prolonged
in the postwar era .
Despite
of workers , however , the numbers of
(
Castles , 1984)
.
ethnic minorities
As the reali zation
had been created , citizens
Great
Britain
and
Switzerland
are
important
exceptions
this
to
"
generalization . British policy was made in much more open fora and public
opinion was aroused earlier than on the continent . The peculiarities of the
Swiss constitution permitted mass participation and the relatively large size of
the migration provoked it earlier than in other states .
16
had
incentives
greater
to develop
views , express
them, and organi ze.
number of highly controversial events brought to light the implications
the new multicultural
in Europe
A
of
society that had been created —the reaction of Muslims
affair , the conflict
to the Rushdie
over Muslim
scarves
in the
schools , the domestic political flack over the Gulf War , conflict between the
and ethnic
authorities
failure
with
of governments
which
they
parents
practicing
to halt
immigration
responded
female circumcision , etc .
The
in 1973 and the indecisiveness
of
to the aftermath
1973 contributed , it seems
clear , to a growing perception among the public that states were incapable of
managing
immigration ,
challenges
extremist
posed
parties
by
the
played
new
borders ,
their
controlling
minorities .
or
with
the
entrepreneurs
and
dealing
Political
on but did not create these fears .
They
crudely
violated both the rules of proper discourse about immigration and the antipopulist
norm .
Immigration policy and politics were not sufficiently institutionalized
to withstand
these pressures .
have established
off
attacks
The migrants
themselves
were too recent
to
the networks and political resources to enable them to fend
that
in the settler
societies
provoked
withering
and massive
counterattacks by the spokespersons for ethnic groups . Anti-racist movements
developed
to fill this void , and with
necessarily
considerable
effect , but
they were
ad hoc , episodic , and overly dependent on the support of liberal
sympathizers
rather than being able to mobilize ethnic power in self-defense
(
Layton -Henry , 1990; Ireland , 1991)
.
Client politics began to evolve into interest group politics , the form
predicted
Wilson
by
concentrated
(
1980)
.
terms of the economic
more
difficult
when
both
benefits
The benefits
contributions
to perceive
and
costs
are
perceived
of immigration , which had been
of migrants
in recessionary
to
be
sold in
to growing economies , were
times
with
high
unemployment .
Moreover , the costs of immigration appeared to be both more concentrated and
to fall on a larger
portion
of the population
than in the earliest
days .
17
in the schools , in neighborhoods , and elsewhere
Competition
accentuated the
impact of a policy that now appeared out of control .
The asylum
crisis
that
followed
the destruction
of the Berlin
Wall
moved immigration to the stage of high politics . It forced the major parties
to take stands , which took much of the sting out of the extreme parties , but
pushed policy to the right . How far these European states have come from the
client politics before 1973 can be seen in how quickly elites today move to
avert further conflict and cleavages by cracking down on illegal migration ,
dealing
more
individuals
forcibly
with
fomenting
asylum
violence
claims , and hitting
against
foreigners .
back
at groups
and
act as if they
Elites
believe that the best means for managing conflict is to reassure voters with
stance . In the first phase of postwar migration , on
tightly restrictionist
the other
hand , "responsible
ignore public
immigration
criticism
politics
seen
elites " had
and maintain
it as their
immigration
levels .
obligation
to
The dynamics
of
are now partly reversed .
One of the most
important
features
of the national
responses
to the
asylum crisis is that they are being fashioned in a context of intensifying
multilateral
cooperation , especially but not only through the European Union .
It is too early to know what the outcome of this will be, how far national
immigration
policy
decisions
will be moved
to the Community
level , but
seems clear that the internationali zation of immigration decisionmaking
be especially
decisive
it
will
for the third set of countries .
The New Countries of Immigration
Portugal ,
Spain ,
Italy ,
and
Greece
have
only
recently
made
the
transition from sending to receiving countries . Their status with respect to
immigration has changed swiftly , but the underlying forces leading to it have
been underway for some time .
Return migration
first exceeded emigration
in
Italy in 1972, in Spain and Greece in 1975, and in Portugal in 1981 (
King and
.
Rybaczuk , 1993, p . 176)
new migration
These states have now begun to receive significant
from outside the European Community at the same time that they
continue to send workers abroad
(
SOPEMI , 1993)
.
18
The
that
forces
have
contributed
economic
growth , the
informal
sectors , lax to non-existent
intense migration
development
pressures
of
to
these
changes
labor
segmented
immigration
include
markets
with
from nearby countries .
more by push
they
roles
are
taking
on
new
in
an
review ,
In a thorough
may be pre-industrial ), they come mainly
countries , are propelled
large
control mechanisms , and
(
although
King and Rybac zuk conclude : "these immigrants are post -industrial
their backgrounds
rapid
from Third World
forces than attracted by pulls , and
increasingly
segmented
local
labour
market " (
1993, p . 204)
.
Push factors are surely dominant . Rosoli
the new divide
societies
separating
the receiving
has shifted decisively
Some 340 million
persons
live to its north .
(
1993, p . 281) observes that
states of Europe
from the sending
south , running through the Mediterranean .
live along its southern rim, 100 million more than
Wage and living standard gradients are steep .
It would
be a mistake , however , to underestimate the strength of the demand for labor
in certain of these countries . Even if that is not the principal reason for
migration
pressures , it affects governmental
attitudes toward those seeking
to enter the country .
There
are
two
significant
circumstances
within
which
political
responses to these dramatic changes are being fashioned , one domestic and the
other external . The first is the near complete absence of any institutional
mechanisms
or
administrative
experience
immigration . This is definitionally
with
planning
or
regulating
true for all states experiencing their
first mass immigration , but the slate appears cleaner in southern Europe than
it was in the New World
there
from
sender
Europe , if only because
or in northern
to receiver
has been
so
fast
and
the shift
unanticipated .
The
external factor is, of course , the role of the European Union in influencing
immigration
decisions
the asylum crisis .
as it moves toward further integration
and deals with
How states will respond to the challenge of migration
is
not obvious . The evidence is quite mixed and certainly not all in . As they
move to put in place
instrumentalities
with which to regulate immigration ,
19
states are embracing
an ambiguous mix of inclusive and exclusive
The balance so far is certainly moderate
The
legal
lack
or
of
institutional
illegal ,
is
evident
if not inclusive .
preparation
in
for
paucity
the
regulations
for the
Martiniello
writes :
Before
admission
or exclusion
1986 no Italian immigration
of
reliable
statis tics,
statutory rules and
foreigners .
of
policy
immigration ,
significant
in Greece , and in the absence of comprehensive
especially
measures .
About
as such existed .
Italy ,
The sole
existing text regulating the entry of foreigners on Italian soil was a
police decree of the thirties , under fascism , which gave the police the
discretionary power to give or to refuse a sojourn permit
1992,
.. . (
p . 207)
.
Spain adopted its first comprehensive immigration law in 1985 (
for a detailed
analysis , see Corredera
efforts
have
nationals
been
.
Garcia and Diez Cano , 1993)
limited
mainly
to
facilitating
Portuguese
the
and Greek
return
of
their
from abroad .
As policies have evolved , especially in Italy and Spain , they have been
beset
by
administrative
contradictory
impulses
European immigration
deficiencies
they embody .
that
derive
in
Generally , one may
part
from
say that
the
southern
policy has been directed toward partial and ineffective
attempts to organize legal entry , curtail illegal entry , and regularize those
already
inside the country without
authorization .
These efforts sometimes
work at cross-purposes . The regulation of legal immigration has required, as
already noted , the drafting of new laws and the issuing of new administrative
orders
establishing
permits , and
for admission , granting
procedures
recognizing
and
protecting
foreigners . Curtailing illegal migration
social
have
been
most
prone
to
political
and work
rights
of
has been limited for the most part
to the imposition of visas on certain states
nationals
and
residence
stay
instrument thus far has been legali zation .
(
the Mahgreb most notably )whose
illegally .
The
dominant
policy
Italy resorted to this device in
1981, 1986, and 1990; Spain in 1985 and 1991 .
Only modestly
successful in
20
that they provoked
Asylum policies
months
border
in form and there is
stricter
states have become
in these
of 1990 .
.
(
Rellini , 1993, pp . 184-186)
further illegal migration
some evidence that they are modestly
the Italian
to come forward , there is evidence
population
the undocumented
persuading
Refoulements
stricter in practice .
from 13,900 in 1989 to 24,000 in the first
jumped
at
six
rose from 837 to 2,280 in the same period , but
Expulsions
(
Calavita ,
only about one-tenth of illegal aliens apprehended were deported
One commentator on the Spanish case notes that persons denied
1993, p . 36)
.
asylum are given three months to find work and become legalized . Those who
prefer
simply
not to bother
vanish
into the informal
(
Cornelius ,
economy
1993b, p . 30).
The
chief
immgration
states
is pressure
flatly
European
factor
that
policies
and example
"Italian
assert
that
. . . and by
Italy
was
Italy as the weak point
(
p . 215 )
.
Cornelius
immigration
from the European
policy
is
states
Union .
largely
to
inspired
proposed
"by
the
other
of the European belt
assertive
law was "almost
the
He goes on
countries
who
to be constructed "
about Spanish policy .
entirely
by
the European
by
European
master
Martiniello
1992, p . 210 )
.
policy in 1985" (
pushed
is equally
these
of
the orientation
considered
comprehensive
effort
migration
Community in terms of migration
to
the
driving
the result
The 1985
of external
pressure associated with Spanish entry into the European Economic Community ,
on January 1, 1986 . . . " (
1993b, p . 17).
and
equally
dictated
with Spain '
s European partners
(
.
p . 30)
reformed
harmonizing
The
politics
resemblances
Mass
refugee
publics
policy
of
immigration
to the liberal
are
described
(
Spain ), or increasingly
were
The newly imposed visa controls
in
democratic
as
either
by
the
southern
Europe
model
have
we
indifferent
restive and incipiently
necessities
bears
observed
of
remarkable
elsewhere .
,
(
Portugal )
receptive
(
Italy )
.
No matter
racist
which , public opinion has not been a major influence on policy . The critical
case is Italy , where there is some evidence of mass opposition
the
respondents
in
a
1989
poll
thought
immigration
(
85 percent of
should
either
be
21
or prohibited
discouraged
Nonetheless , policy
altogether )
.
is basically
receptive ; the trade unions are sympathetic ; the major parties
conspiracy
of silence
issue ; decisions
to keep extreme
from running
parties
are made by administrative
decree
away with
forum ; and there is minimal public discussion
.
1993, pp . 29-34)
In Spain , likewise , the immigration problem
defined
by
government
officials
as
a
the
rather than in the more
open parliamentary
"is
engage in a
delicate
(
Calavita ,
balancing
act :
maintaining enough control over illegal flows to prevent the numbers of
foreigners
from
backlash , while
growing
rapidly
too
also supplying
and
provoking
an adequate , low— cost
keep the economy growing and attract foreign
a
xenophobic
labor
force to
investment " (
Cornelius ,
1993b, p . 3)
.
Are we witnessing a reprise of the guestworker saga of the sixties and
seventies ?12
Will these new immigration
and Rybaczuk
argue that this migration
states travel the same road?
has "some historical
parallels , but
the search for historical analogy should not obscure the essentially
specific context of the model of emigration
204)
.
King
new and
into southern Europe " (
1992, p .
Moreover , given the example of the guestworker experience , one might
expect that the learning curve of the new countries
of immigration
will be
steeper than that of their northern neighbors . But listen to the words of a
top Spanish immigration policymaker
Other EC members
interviewed by Cornelius :
talk about the need for a '
zero-immigration
but this is completely
unrealistic
for Spain
policy ,
. . . We want them to
recognize Spain '
s objective need for foreign labor . Spaniards won '
t do
certain
kinds of jobs , and we need to channel foreign
these needs
labor to meet
(
Quoted in Cornelius , 1993b, p . 45)
.
If you close your eyes and ignore the Spanish accent , this explanation
of
policy sounds very much like what one might have heard in Paris thirty years
ago
(
Freeman , 1979, p . 84)
.
Meissner , et al . argue that Japan , for all its insistence to the contrary ,
"
is well along the road to recreating the sort of temporary labor program that
emerged in Europe in the sixties (
1993, p . 72)
.
22
Conclusion
evidence
The
accommodates
politics
Within
in
this
paper
fundamental
is that
features
a
model
single
of
all
the
these general parameters , there are three distinct
of
immigration
receiving
states .
subsets of states
whose immigration politics are marked by the timing of their first experience
of mass immigration
of immigration
The politics
first
in
is institutionalized .
and the extent to which politics
is being
in Europe
the post -guestworker
societies
rapidly
and now
institutionalized ,
in the new
countries
of
immigration . As it does normalization will take place . The normal politics
of immigration
in liberal democracies
is, as I have argued , expansive
and
inclusive . This does not imply , however , that the European states will adopt
the mode
of politics
found in the settler
and policy
societies .
Distinct
modes are likely to persist in each subset of states . The settler societies
are likely to remain the only states willing to mount large-scale programs of
permanent immigration . The European states will , to a large extent , work out
their immigration issues collectively within the European Union , though it is
not
a given
states
of
that
common policies
Europe
immigration
will ,
for
the
will
most
be
The post -guestworker
adopted .
part , try
to
avoid
permanent
new
for work . One interesting question for these states is whether ,
as they are already tentatively
recruiting temporary
labor again , they will
be able to manage these programs more effectively this time around . Another
is how they will deal with the issues of multiculturalism , national identity ,
and citizenship
countries
of
raised by the ethnic populations they already have . The new
immigration
temporary migration
societies .
model
appear
to have
the option
and, thus, escape the thorniest
to resist
even
issues of multi-ethnic
Early evidence , as well as the logic of the liberal democratic
developed
option .
would
in this paper , suggests
that they will
not exercise
that
23
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