About the Author - Czechoslovak Genealogical Society International

Ročenka
Journal of the Czechoslovak Genealogical Society International
Volume 7 2006
Table of Contents
3 – Editor’s Message
by Paul M. Makousky
4 – The Valachs of the Carpathians
by Kevin Hannan
11 – The Celts in Moravia and the Vestiges They Left Us
by Frank Soural 15 – Czech American DNA Study: Applying Genetic Genealogy
by Leo Baca
18 - Czech Emigration to the Russian Empire
author unknown
23 – Immigration to Crimean Czechs to North Dakota
by Bern Pavlish
28 - Historical Family Structure in Slovakia
by Marta Botíková
32 - Hovĕzí Land Survey from 1st Half of 19th Century
no author
36 - Čermná, a Summary of its History
by Jaroslav Jansa
38 - History of Emigration from Čermná
by Jaroslav Jansa
47 - Finding Your Slovak Ancestors (Genealogy book)
Front and Back Cover Photo Credits:
Front Cover:
Woman with the key to her old wooden Greek Catholic Church in a Rusin village northwest
of Bardĕjov, eastern Slovak Republic. The church was opened for a tour group, revealing
hundreds of historic icons.
Back Cover:
A plethora of Czech houby (mushrooms) picked by Mark Bigaouette, along with his mother
Marcella and friends Luboš and Wendy during an all day hunt. The location was east of
Mýto between Plzeň and Praha (Prague).
Both photos courtesy of Mark Bigaouette, Past President and Founder of CGSI.
Page 2
Ročenka
Volume 7 2006
Ročenka
Journal for the Czechoslovak Genealogical Society
International (CGSI) members
CGSI Board of Directors (at large)
Leo Baca
(Texas)
Ginger Simek
(Minnesota)
Robert Petrik
(Florida)
Helene Cincebeaux
(New York)
Dave Pavelka
(Minnesota)
Mike Prohaska
(Iowa)
Margie Sobotka
(Nebraska)
Jack Smith
(New Jersey)
Lisa Alzo
(New York)
CGSI Officers
President
1st Vice President
2nd Vice President
Treasurer
Recording Secretary
Corresponding Secretary
Eugene Aksamit
Dottie Speidel
Al Kranz
Beth Baumeister
Suzette Steppe
Kathy Jorgenson
CGSI Committee Chairs
Education
Hospitality
Library and Archives
Membership
Newsletter
Product Sales
Publicity
Volunteer Coordinator
Internet (Webmaster)
Ruth Chovancek
Janelle Pavlovec
Wayne Sisel
Joyce Fagerness
Paul Makousky
Jerry Parupsky
Chuck Romportl
Vacant
Bob Bina
Ročenka promotes genealogy of the ethnic groups
that comprise Czechoslovakia as it was formed in
1918. We accept articles of historical and cultural
information, but they must have genealogical significance and all are subject to editing. The deadline for
submitting articles to Ročenka is:
November 1 of year preceeding publication
Ročenka (ISSN 1080-5532) is published every even
numbered year by the Czechoslovak Genealogical
Society International, P.O. Box 16225, St. Paul, MN
55116-0225, a non-profit organization. Copyright
2006 by Czechoslovak Genealogical Society International. The publication is not responsible for the
return of lost or unsolicited manuscripts, photographs
or any other material not submitted with a selfaddressed, stamped envelope. Advertisements, manuscripts, articles, and photographs for the Ročenka
may be submitted to Czechoslovak Genealogical
Society International, Attn: Paul Makousky, P.O. Box
16225, St. Paul, MN 55116-0225.
Permission to copy, without fee, all or part of the
material is granted, provided that the copies are not
made or distributed for direct commercial advantage.
The CGSI copyright notice and the title of the
publication must appear together with the date of the
publication. Also, indicate that the copying is with
permission by CGSI. Abstracting with credit is permitted. To copy otherwise or to republish, requires a
fee and/or permission from CGSI.
Volume 7 2006
Editor’s Message
by Paul M. Makousky
This seventh volume of the Ročenka is defined by the interrelationship
between the articles. Leo Baca’s article about DNA research deals with
studying our ancient ancestry. Kevin Hannan speaks of the possibility of
determining if the Valachs had a common pedigree through the use of genetic research. Quoting Hannan, “The word Valach in old German, Walcha
‘foreigner’ was applied by the Germans to their neighbors, the Celts.”
Frank Soural explains the history of Celtic settlements in Moravia. An early
19th century land survey is published for the town of Hoveži in North Moravia.
These articles describe how our ancestors moved throughout Europe
over the centuries. Contrary to what we may think, ethnic groups were
mobile and there was considerable inter-marriage throughout history. Dr.
Hannan states that Europe was a melting pot, not unlike what we have in
the United States. Over time people do not always maintain their historical
ethnic identity or language.
The movement of people throughout Europe was not all in one direction. While the Celts and Valachs were known to have moved from east to
west, there were later movements from west to east. Due to land shortages
various groups of Czechs and German-Bohemians moved from Bohemia
and Moravia to such places as Bukovina, Russia, Ukraine, Ruthenia and
Romania, not to mention the U.S. The article on Czech Emigration to the
Russian Empire submitted by Bern Pavlish and Immigration of Crimean
Czechs to North Dakota are examples of this. Jaroslav Jansa’s article, History of Emigration from Čermná describes the movement of people from
East Bohemia over time.
From these articles we learn not only about the movement of our ancestors but how they lived in various time periods. This is especially true
in Marta Botíková’s article Historical Family Structure in Slovakia. She
describes Slovak family life as it existed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. One way of distinguishing between people was the type of land they
lived on. The article about Hoveži describes in detail the characteristics
associated with the land. Kevin Hannan’s article on the Valach’s of the Carpathians distinguishes between the lifestyle of the highlanders ‘Valachs’
and the lowlanders ‘farmers’.
While you may not find any of these articles that relate directly to your
family, many of them provide the historical framework that will teach us all
how our ancestors lived.
Please send any information you have to share to Paul Makousky, Editor at [email protected] for consideration in a future issue.
Ročenka
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The Valachs of the
Carpathians
by Kevin Hannan
In this article I wish to summarize my findings on the origins of the Valachs and also point out some inaccuracies
in the popular mythology that surrounds them. My research on the Valachs, also called Wallachians, Wołochs,
and Górals, is based on a study of sources in several languages. Some of those works contradict each other, and
others have little basis in fact. While I cannot claim to
have all the answers about the origins and history of the
Valachs, in an effort to determine historical truth I have
considered the many contradictions in the interpretations
of history. Needless to say, the Valachs remain a controversial topic. With those questions for which we have no
clear historical truths, we must admit that the evidence is
inconclusive and open to debate.
Historical facts and some theories
The linguistic evidence suggests something about the
history of the Valachs. The name Valach comes from Old
Germanic walcha ‘foreigner’. As evident in the cognates
Welsh and Wales, this name was first applied by the Germans to their western neighbors, the Celts. It later came to
be applied to peoples of Romance language, e.g. the Walloons of Belgium. The name was borrowed into Common
Slavic, the language that is the ancestor of all the modern
Slavic languages and that was spoken by Slavs until about
the year 1000 A.D., as volch ‘person of Roman/Romance
origin’. The modern Polish word for (male) Italian is
Wloch. Czech has the archaic form, with the same meaning, Vlach. While these Slavic forms were introduced
from the West, where the Slavs were in contact with German and Romance peoples, the form Valach which we are
concerned with here slipped in through the back door, so
to speak, by way of the Carpathian Mountains, and thus
became a regional and an ethnographic name which was
not known throughout all Czech and Slovak territory. In
the Carpathians, Valach was sometimes a slur, sometimes
a derogatory, regional name. For some people, it had an
ethnic or geographical meaning, though in other times
and places it meant simply a shepherd or highlander.
In Greece and the Balkans, including the highlands
of what is today Albania and Romania, the term Vlach
designated a person of Romance language, and it most
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often was applied to Romance-speaking shepherds. Still
today in several Balkan countries, there survives a Vlach
ethnic minority that speaks a language related to Latin
and that traditionally has maintained a pastoral lifestyle.
The Valachs of the Carpathians are distantly related to the
Balkan Vlachs, somewhat like, if I may offer an analogy,
some contemporary speakers of English in Cajun Louisiana are distantly related to certain Frenchmen who live in
France.
We do not know who were the ancient ancestors of
the Vlachs and Valachs, or what language(s) they knew
before they began speaking their dialect of Latin. Some
scholars posit a biological link to the modern Albanians,
and some believe that the homeland of the Vlachs and
Valachs was Albania. This view is supported by scholars
in several disciplines. One problem encountered in this
research is that several Indo-European languages, for
example Dacian and Thracian, today dead languages for
which sparse evidence survives, were once spoken in the
Balkans. It is very possible that Vlachs and Valachs are
descended, in part, from one or more of these populations
that lost its earlier language and ethnic identity.
The Latin-speaking Roman legions stationed in the
Balkans had some influence on the ethnogenesis of modern Balkan nations. Evidence for this is seen among the
Balkan populations that spoke or still speak Romance languages, such as Romanian and Vlach. Romanians speak
what is today, spatially, the eastern-most of the Romance
languages, Romanian, which is both closely related to
ancient Latin and heavily influenced lexically by Slavic.
Latin had an enormous influence in the Balkans, and we
can suppose that, in certain areas, Latin unified speakers
of diverse, perhaps dying, languages, and further served
as a basis for constituting a “new” ethnic group formed of
varied ethnic elements.
While Americans tend not to view Europe as a melting pot, that is, in fact, exactly what Europe was during
certain periods. Pre-historic populations in some parts of
Europe were formed as a mix of different ethnolinguistic
elements. A fact to keep in mind in considering the origin of ethnic groups and nations is that people and entire
communities sometimes change their language and their
ethnic identification. In parts of the Slavic world, for
example, there are communities today that speak Slavic
languages and consider themselves Slavs, although their
ancestors were Germans. The opposite is true in some
regions of Germany, including parts of the former German Democratic Republic, where the contemporary
German population is, in fact, descended from Slavs. In
nearly all cases, our modern definitions of nationality
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and ethnicity are relatively recent developments that tell
us little or nothing about the ancient ethnogenesis of our
ancestors. Considering the Valachs’ long history of migration and assimilation, one must wonder if ever really
there was a common pedigree for this group, or if already
during the time of Ancient Rome, Balkan ancestors of
the Valachs and Vlachs did not represent a melting pot
of different ethnicities and languages. Perhaps someday
genetic research will shed light on this question, although
it is highly possible that genetics will show the Valachs
of the Carpathians to be a mixture of various ethnic backgrounds.
The story of the Valachs is related to the phenomenon
of transhumance, which is defined as the seasonal migration between lowland and highland pastures. The story of
the Valach migration through the highlands of Ukraine,
Poland, Slovakia, Silesia, and Moravia begins in the 13th
and 14th centuries in what is today Romania. The origins
of the Valach migration through the Carpathians coincide
with the Turkish conquest of the Balkans in the 14th century, when part of the indigenous population of the Wallachian Plain, in what today is Romania, was displaced.
Shepherds of Romance ethnicity and language arrived
in Bukovina (along the contemporary border shared by
Romania and Ukraine) in the 13th and 14th centuries. They
were joined by East Slavs (as we refer to the ancestors of
modern Ukrainians, Belarusians, and Russians) who escaped the Tatar subjugation of East Slavic territory in the
13th and 14th centuries. The term applied to the Valachs of
Bukovina by the local Slav Ukrainians was voloch. It is
not known if the Slav Ukrainians called them this because
they spoke a Romance language or because they came
from Romanian Wallachia. At any rate, the Valachs who
came to Bukovina in the 13th and 14th centuries represented an ethnic group distinct from local Slavs.
This East Slavic form voloch was introduced into
Polish as that population migrated into Poland, so that the
Polish language, then, acquired the East Slavic borrowing Woloch ‘Valach’, beside the native Polish ethnonym
Wloch ‘Italian’. The Czech and Slovak form Valach appears to be a hybrid form derived from blending East
Slavic voloch ‘Valach’ and Czecho-Slovak vlach ‘Italian’.
Valachs in eastern Slovakia are mentioned in a document
dating from the year 1337. The story of the Valachs in
Slovakia is quite complex, due to the fact that much of
Slovakia consists of highlands. For the Valachs in Slovakia, assimilation with the indigenous population was
somewhat smoother and more gradual than in neighboring regions. (Some of the Slovaks who inhabited the Slovak highlands were descended from Slavs who since the
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end of the ninth century A.D. had fled to the mountains
to escape the Magyars). The Valachs never have been
viewed in Slovakia as a distinct community of foreign
ethnic origins. While the Valachs were quite “visible”
in those areas where there was a stark contrast between
lowlands/peasants and highlands/shepherds, for example,
in Poland and Moravia, in Slovakia there was no abrupt
cultural confrontation between the highland Valach and
the lowland farmer.
The migration of the Valachs was accompanied by a
movement of East Slavs, who spoke East Slavic dialects
related to Ukrainian, professed Eastern Christianity, and
established their own highland settlements in Slovakia
and Poland. These people are known today as Ruthenians,
Rusyns or Rusins, or by a local, “tribal” designation, such
as Lemko and Bojko. (The famous Slavic wedding scene
in the Academy Award-winning film The Deer Hunter
was filmed in Lemko Hall in a Lemko ethnic community
on the East Coast of the United States). Definite East
Slavic cultural, linguistic, and religious influences are
noted among the Valachs in Silesia and Moravia, and
these indicate that, along their journey, Valachs adopted
elements of East Slavic culture and interbred with East
Slavs.
Concerning their religion, we note that the Valachs
brought elements of Eastern Christianity with them. An
example still evident in Teschen Silesia is the “holy corner” of the traditional wooden home in the highlands, the
corner farthest from the door, where pictures of Christ
and the saints are displayed and venerated at a home altar.
This tradition, based probably on a pre-Christian custom,
is also preserved today among Russians, Ukrainians, and
Belarusians. To the best of our knowledge, there was
no native clergy among the illiterate Eastern Christian
Valachs. They eventually adopted the religion of the
neighboring lowlanders. Many highlanders in Moravian
Wallachia and Teschen Silesia became Protestant, while
many in Slovakia and Poland became Roman Catholic,
also like those near Hukvaldy, Frenštát pod Radhoštěm,
and Frýdek-Místek in Moravia and Silesia. The Valachs
settled among the Rusyns of eastern Slovakia and southeastern Poland, who were Greek (also called Eastern Rite,
Uniate or Byzantine) Catholic or Orthodox, managed to
preserve their earlier Eastern Christian faith and practices.
The distinctive wooden churches, some of which date
back centuries, today represent the chief architectural
treasure of the Carpathians. Yet religion was not an indicator of identity among the descendants of the Valachs;
those wooden churches have served communities of Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant
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believers.
My book Borders of Language and Identity in Teschen Silesia (New York: Peter Lang, 1996) includes a
survey of Valach history, as well as a detailed bibliography and a reproduction of Dobrowolski’s 1938 map
showing one historian’s reconstruction of the migration
of the Valachs. Though there are unanswered questions
about their history, historical documents do allow us to
plot their gradual, steady progression westward through
the Carpathians. The Valachs passed through Bukovina
and far western Ukraine, then they reached what is today
the eastern borders of Poland and Slovakia. At that point,
one group of Valachs advanced along the southern slopes
of the Tatras through Slovakia, while another group went
along the northern slopes through Poland. Many new
highland settlements were established at that time according to Wallachian Law (ius vallachium in Latin).
Wallachian Law was modeled in part upon an earlier
type of contract between the nobility and settlers called
Germanic Law. The 13th and 14th centuries saw new
settlements established in Slavic territories, often by new
immigrants of German ethnicity, according to Germanic
Law. Those new settlements enjoyed special privileges,
for example, exemptions from the forced provision of labor. In the older settlements, the peasantry was burdened
with much greater obligations towards the nobility than
was the population of the newer settlements. In Teschen
Silesia, for example, we note the existence of the neighboring villages of German Lutyne and Polish Lutyne (today Horní and Dolní Lutyně in the Czech Republic), with
separate town charters based, respectively, on Germanic
Law and on an older, more demanding rule of obligations
that governed the relationship between the peasantry and
the nobility.
The Valachs were highlanders and shepherds. They
were skilled in the crafts of the mountains and forests,
and they had few of the comforts known to the sedentary
peasantry. Wherever the Valachs came into contact with
the agricultural population of the lowlands, it was those
characteristics that distinguished the two groups. Valachs
were able to extract a livelihood from highlands that,
though of great beauty, had little practical value for the
peasant or for the nobility. That talent was highly prized
by the landowning nobility, who granted the Valachs special privileges in the contracts of Wallachian Law. The
obligations assumed by the Valachs were less demanding
than the duties required of the peasantry, and this resulted,
in some instances, of peasants abandoning their lowland
holdings for a less secure, but more independent life in
the mountains. Throughout the Carpathians the Valachs
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for several generations enjoyed an autonomy unknown
among peasant farmers.
This westward movement of Valachs across Slovak
and Polish territory brought them in the late 15th and the
early 16th century to the Beskid Mountains of Teschen
Silesia, whence some of them turned southward through
the Beskids towards eastern Moravia. The arrival of the
Valachs in Silesia and Moravia was facilitated by political
conditions in the Czech kingdom, where two competing
monarchs ruled separate parts of the Czech crown lands.
George of Poděbrady ruled Bohemia from 1458 to 1471,
while Matthias Corvinus of Hungary ruled Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia.
Many descriptions of Czech history suggest that the
traditional lands of the Czech Crown were indivisible
throughout all of history, ignoring the fact that Moravia
and Silesia during certain periods experienced a different
path of political and cultural development from Bohemia.
During the reign of Matthias Corvinus, in eastern Moravia there were increased contacts with Slovakia and other
territory under Hungarian administration. Hungarian nobles acquired estates in the sparsely populated highlands
of eastern Moravia, where they encouraged the settlement
of Valachs with their flocks.
By that time, the establishment of villages in the
neighboring lowlands substantially had been completed,
and those settlements extended up to the foothills of the
Beskids. Beyond that point, the highland soil was too
poor and the forests too dense to support settlements totally dependent upon agriculture. Subsequent generations
of Valachs continued the establishment of new highland
settlements through the 18th century, such as Staré Hamry
near Frýdek-Místek, established in 1649. In a process that
took several generations to complete, the Valachs eventually assimilated with the lowland population, adopting
certain agricultural methods, just as the lowlanders adopted elements of the Valachs’ pastoral economy. As in every
region across which they migrated, in Moravia there was
a symbiosis of Valachs and indigenous lowland Slavs.
Some of the most important historical sources on the
Valachs are the official documents, typically recorded in
Latin, for taxation and administrative purposes, listing
Valach names. Those names suggest that, by the time the
Valachs reached Silesia and Moravia, they were ethnically a hodge-podge that had attracted peoples of various
ethnicity. No matter whether they had come across Polish
or Slovak territory, by the time the Valachs reached Silesia and Moravia they were ethnically of mixed origins.
Clearly, many of the surnames recorded are not of West
Slavic origin, for example Firlejz, Macia, Dias, Pindur,
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Volume 7 2006
Gdul, Fedur, Cican, Andryskuv, etc. Similarly, much of
the distinctive lexicon related to shepherding is not of
Slavic origin, e.g. baca ‘head shepherd’, kosor/kosar
‘mobile fence for sheep erected in the highlands’, etc.
While there is no evidence that the vernacular they spoke
was anything other than Slavic dialects of the Carpathians, the occupational vocabulary of the Valach shepherd
in Moravia and Silesia comprised many words of nonSlavic origin.
The Valachs maintained contacts with their kinsmen
to the east, and it is indeed possible that some individual
Valachs may have reached Silesia and Moravia from distant areas of the Carpathians, perhaps even from as far
away as Romanian territory (though we have no direct
proof of this). Yet we must keep in mind that, overall, the
entire migration process took place over a period of many
generations. That process was gradual enough so that,
typically, it allowed some of the Valachs an opportunity to
assimilate elements of the neighboring lowland cultures
and to intermarry with a neighboring population before
they or their offspring moved westward. The arrival of
Valachs in Silesia and Moravia cannot be viewed as a
massive, direct migration from the Balkans. The Valachs
who finally reached Moravia had assimilated the local
cultures and interbred with local populations along the
way during their long journey.
Culturally, the arrival and settlement of Valachs
meant different things in different regions. The first Valachs in Ukraine exhibited non-Slavic influences from
the Balkans. By the time the Valachs reached eastern
Poland and eastern Slovakia, their culture also displayed
more recently acquired East Slavic elements. In Silesia
and Moravia, the Valachs introduced a culture with those
earlier Balkan and East Slavic elements, but their culture
also exhibited still more recently absorbed elements from
either Slovakia or Poland (corresponding to the journey,
respectively, through the southern or the northern slopes
of the Tatras). Culturally and linguistically, the Valachs of
Moravia and Silesia shared much more with highlanders
in Slovakia, Poland, and Ukraine than they did with any
population in the Balkans.
The Definition of Moravian Wallachia
Those familiar with the language and ethnography of
eastern Moravia know that there is a region called Moravian Wallachia (Moravské Valašsko) that borders Slovakia. Moravian Wallachia is located south of another
highland region, called Lachia (Lašsko); to the south is an
ethnographically rich region known as Moravian Slovakia
(Slovácko). The Beskid Mountains, sometimes called the
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Moravian-Silesian Beskids to distinguish them from other
mountains in Poland that are also called Beskid, connect
Moravian Wallachia and Lachia. Moravian Wallachia
should not be confused with the Romanian region on the
lower Danube, or with the area of Slavonia that, during
the period of Austrian rule, was called Kleine Wallachei.
The regional designation first applied in Slavic to the
whole territory of the Moravian-Silesian Beskids was
Valachy ‘Wallachia’, and the corresponding name in German was die Wallachey. The designation Wallachia, as
applied to the Beskid region, spread to England and other
parts of Europe during a rebellion of the Valachs of the
Vsetin area. From 1620 to 1644 during the Thirty Years
War, the Protestant Valachs of Vsetín staged a fierce rebellion against the Catholic Hapsburgs of Austria. As a
result, the Valachs of Moravia became known, briefly at
least, to the English-speaking world.
Yet the borders of the modern ethnographical and
dialectal regions that are identified as Moravian Wallachia
did not crystallize until the 19th century. Before that time,
the entire area of the Beskids in Moravia and Silesia was
referred to as Wallachia. An English source from 1627
describes Teschen Silesia as “Tessons in the Wallachy.”
Wallachia first referred to all parts of the Beskids populated by transhumant shepherds.
The definition of the modern borders of Moravian
Wallachia tells us something about how concepts related
to nationality and ethnicity are transformed over time.
Dialectologists, including the prominent Moravian linguist and ethnographer František Bartoš, faced a dilemma
in the classification of the dialects of the Beskids. Two
distinct groups of dialects were and still are spoken there.
Bartoš and others decided in the 19th century to define the
dialect spoken in the area surrounding the town of Vsetín,
which shares many features with contiguous dialects in
Slovakia, as Wallachian. That dialect was classified as
a subgroup of several Slovak dialects spoken in eastern
Moravia. (The group of dialects earlier was called Moravian Slovak; today most commonly it is labeled East
Moravian). A different group of dialects spoken in the
mountains to the north, near Frenštat pod Radhoštěm,
Hukvaldy, and Frýdek-Místek, they designated as Lachian. The territory between Vsetín and Frenštat pod
Radhoštěm represents a significant division of dialects,
although the traditional way of life, folk costume, and
traditions were similar throughout the Beskids. Thus, in
order to distinguish the traditional dialects, Bartoš and
other linguists and ethnographers created the linguistic
regions of Moravian Wallachia and Lachia.
In various parts of the Carpathians, the ancient ethn-
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onym Lach had the meaning of ‘lowlander’ and ‘peasant
farmer’, though in past centuries it had been used by East
Slavs to describe a prehistoric tribe of eastern Poland.
Bartoš and others took the names Lach ‘lowlander’ and
Valach ‘highlander’ and they reinvented these as designations for the two contiguous, though different groups of
dialects. Not everyone was happy about this classification. There were highlanders in the newly defined region
of Lachia who traditionally had called themselves Valachs, and some of these were insulted that anyone would
suggest they were Lachian lowlanders. (The highlanders
traditionally have shown great pride in their highland
culture; they have considered the peasant farmer’s way of
life vastly inferior to their own). Defined by ethnography,
and not by dialect, the borders of Moravian Wallachia are
somewhat broader than Bartoš’s dialectal definiton. According to folk culture, Frenštat pod Radhoštěm is considered a part of Moravian Wallachia; although on the basis
of the traditional dialect, the Frenštat region is classified
as a part of Lachia.
Some Guidelines for Research
The Valachs present an opportunity to consider some of
the uses and misuses of history. In discussing the Valachs,
it may be helpful to note how the study of another group,
the Celts, often has been misguided. The Celts are a people of a remarkable culture and tragic history who at one
time or another happened to appear throughout much of
continental Europe, including Bohemia and neighboring
areas, and the British Isles. The great migrations of the
Celts took place during pre-history, so that historical facts
about the ancient Celts are sparse. Yet since archeology,
linguistics, and references in ancient documents suggest
the presence of Celts in so many locations where they no
longer are found today, the Celts provide a convenient
explanation for whatever puzzles of pre-history one might
be confronted with. In the British Isles, for example,
almost anything of archaic or unknown origin may be
explained or legitimized as “Celtic,” though those with a
love of history, as well as those who respect the authentic
past of the Celts, shudder when any falsification of Celtic
history takes place, however harmless the intentions of
those committing the falsification.
Similarly, the Valachs lend themselves to some fanciful turns of the imagination. The origins of illiterate Balkan shepherds who spoke a Latin dialect are distant and
obscure. One can link wandering shepherds to many parts
of the huge territory that stretches from Greece to Moldova to Moravia. As with the Celts, such a background presents a vast stage upon which one can imagine a variety of
Page 8
mythical symbols in the absence of verifiable history.
I would like to point out two errors that occur if one
takes “short cuts” in researching the Valachs: (1) It is an
oversimplification to equate Valachs only with the modern ethnographic region of Moravian Wallachia; (2) One
must realize that there is a vast literature on the Valachs
in many languages. Even some of the highly respected
sources are mutually contradictory. This is not a topic that
lends itself easily to summary in a single essay.
(1) To say Moravian Wallachia is the home of the
Valachs is somewhat like saying that Peru is the home of
the Spanish language. (Yes, in one respect Peru today can
be considered a home of Spanish, just as in another narrow sense, Wallachia is a home to some of the Valachs).
Much of my own research on the Valachs relates to those
who settled east of Frýdek and Teschen in the Silesian
Beskids and in the neighboring Slovak region of Kysuca.
As noted above, these areas are beyond the borders of the
ethnographic region of Moravian Wallachia, which came
to be defined only in the nineteenth century.
Kinsmen of the Valachs of Silesia and Moravia live
throughout the Polish region of Podhale, in the Tatra
Mountains near the popular resort town of Zakopane,
as well as in the territories of Orava and Spiš. The highlanders of Podhale, who traditionally have shared many
characteristics of the pastoral economy and highland folk
culture with the Valachs of Silesia and Moravia, are called
gorale (from Polish gora ‘mountain’, thus ‘mountain
folk’). Here the name Woloch is encountered only in the
scholarly literature (and in a few surnames). The gorale
speak a unique dialect that shares much with neighboring dialects of Slovak, and, like the Valachs, they know
the vocabulary of shepherding with its specific elements
of non-Slavic origin. The gorale, for Poles, have become
an essential symbol of the Polish nation, and some Polish patriots would be shocked to learn that their gorale
share origins not with the people of Warsaw, but with
highlanders in Slovakia, Moravia, and Ukraine. Similarly,
the Ukrainians are fiercely proud of their hucul, the highlander from the Ukrainian Carpathians. For many Ukrainians, the hucul, with our same Carpathian mountain
economy and folk culture, is a symbol of the Ukrainian
nation, even though he lives in a highland border region
distant from the centers of Ukrainian history and culture.
All of these highlanders, no matter what the country or
the national mythology, are idealized as hardy, brave,
physically impressive, and resourceful. In truth, many of
the highlanders who are taller, darker, thinner and with
features more angular than lowland Slavs still today resemble one another, no matter what nationality they claim
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Volume 7 2006
or language they speak.
Nationalism always invokes at least as much mythology as it does historical truth. Those who are interested
in the history of the Valachs are free to enjoy the mythology and the romantic symbols the Valachs evoke, but we
should not ignore the few historical facts that we do possess. A thorough understanding of the Moravian Valachs
comes only by making reference to those highlanders who
settled the mountainous regions of neighboring countries.
Unfortunately, this presents an additional language burden for researchers, which relates to the second point I
wish to make.
(2) Researchers who are interested in the Valachs of
Moravia, but are restricted to English, sometimes must
rely on sources that date to the communist period, when
the Valachs of Moravia were a popular topic for communist ideologists. We previously noted the revolt of
the Protestant Valachs in the area surrounding the town
of Vsetín. That rebellion was cruelly suppressed, and
memory of the insurrection was passed down from generation to generation. It is a fascinating story that also
involves invading Protestant Swedes, who intervened on
the side of the Valachs of Vsetín (though the Swedes and
the Catholic Valachs who lived near Frýdek slaughtered
each other). The Valach rebellion of Vsetín was a popular
theme of Czech communists, and the history of that event
was interpreted in light of communist doctrines on class
conflict and religion. Yet those interested in Valach history must dig beyond the communist popularization of the
Vsetín revolt, even though sources in English are few in
number.
There are complex historical, linguistic, and ethnographical aspects to the Valach question, and significant
sources in the relevant disciplines have been written in
numerous languages, including German, Czech, Slovak,
Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, Bulgarian, Macedonian,
Romanian, Moldovan, and Hungarian. Some prominent
scholars from throughout Central and Eastern Europe
have studied the Valach question, and we find authorities
on this question in Moravia, Poland, Russia, Moldova,
and other countries. A study of the common origins of
Vlachs and Valachs cannot be undertaken by those who
are limited to English as their only research language,
simply because none of the major sources has been translated yet to English.
There are some research tasks that await those who
are not specialists or who may know only one of the relevant languages. One project which someday must be
tackled is the compilation of Valach names from specific
villages in Moravia, Silesia, and Slovakia. Latin manu-
Volume 7 2006
scripts that record local tax information, for example,
contain the names of local Valachs from specific villages.
From these records, we even know the names of the local
Valach leaders, who were identified by the title vojevoda.
Much of the information from the original Latin documents has been reproduced in sources readily available in
Czech and other languages. What has not been done yet
is the compilation and indexing of these names and the
cross-indexing of village names and surnames. Perhaps
someday a researcher interested in surnames or in the history of the highland villages of the Valachs will undertake
this long overdue and worthwhile project.
I personally find the Valach story to be one of the
most fascinating chapters in European history. Brought up
under the influences of the Pan-Slavism that was so dear
to some of the Texas Moravians, I appreciate the Valachs
as a phenomenon that unites several different nations
which share common highland traditions, for example,
music, architecture, and folk crafts. One point that intrigues me is that most of the modern descendants of the
Valachs in Europe know little about the history of the
migrations of their ancestors; most of them are not aware
that they share their ancestral culture with highlanders
who today live in different countries and speak a different language. The descendants of the Valachs, whether
in Ukraine or Moravia or the lands in between, with
time adopted the national consciousness of their lowland
neighbors. They learned to write the “foreign” language
of those neighbors, and they assimilated with them, thus
distancing themselves from their highlander kinsmen
within the borders of other countries who adopted a different literary language and national tradition.
One might conclude that the Valachs/Wołochs/Wallachians/Gorals are a nation that never became a nation.
The Valach story complicates modern concepts of ethnicity and nationality, because it does not fit neatly within a
single definition of identity. Considered from the modern
perspective of the long centuries of Czech history, the
story of the Valachs is peripheral and insignificant. Yet
if we look beyond the borders of the Czech and Slovak
Republics to neighboring nations intersected by the Carpathians, we find a rich heritage that links several cultures
and nations.
About the Author
Kevin Hannan has taught Russian and Czech at American
universities, and currently he teaches in Poland. He completed a Ph.D. at the University of Texas in Austin, with
a major concentration in Slavic linguistics and a secondary concentration in Slavic history. In 1984 he published
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From Silesia to Texas: A History of the Shirocky, Antonczyk and Fojcik Families. His 1996 book Borders of
Language and Identity in Teschen Silesia (Peter Lang,
New York et al: 1996) was awarded the 1996 Orbis Books
Prize. He has published numerous articles on Slavic history, language, and culture.
The Beskid Mountain area of North Moravia, Czech Republic. The people in this area speak a Lachian dialect.
Beskydy. Soubor Turistických map by Geodetický a Kartografický podnik v Praze, 1979.
Page 10
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Volume 7 2006
The Celts in Moravia and
the Vestiges They Left Us
By Franz Gerhard Soural
Long before Slavic tribes came to settle in Moravia in
the 7th and 8th Century AD, Germanic tribes had roamed
the Moravian Countryside, all the while establishing
settlements and later wandering on. This was followed
by the “Völkerwanderung” a restless period of European
resettlement recognized today as the largest migration of
peoples in European history. (200 – 700 AD).
Wandering tribes often left behind evidence of their
brief sojourn. This came to light in Moravia when archeological research began on a summer day in 1861. It was
in Müglitz (Mohelnice) that, during the construction of
a starch factory, numerous ancient urns were unearthed.
The urns contained the funerary ashes of an unknown
people.
Eventually, more than 100 of these clay urns were
dug up. The urns, left as gifts to their dead, were found
in burial mounds. The characteristic bands which embellished the pots and burial urns helped to distinguish the
culture from which they had come. Since that day, Moravia has been a fertile ground for archeologists and still is
today.
Celts in Moravia?
It takes only a cursory look through an on-line encyclopedia (Wikipaedia) to realize the Roman tribal name of
“Celtus” is the first literary reference to the Celtic people.
The Greeks have known them as keltoi or hidden people,
as stated by the Greek Hecataeus in 517 BC. According
to Greek mythology, Celtus was the son of Heracles and
Celtine, the daughter of Bretannus. Celtus became the primogenitor of the Celts. The Romans used Celtae to refer
to the European continental Celtic tribes, but apparently
not to insular Celts living on the British Mainland.
Hence, to the Romans the Celts were of Central European origins and migrated from there in their expansion
to the East, well past Moravia, to the West as far as Spain
and of course, then on to the “Insular” British Mainland.
The “Hallstatt” Culture. (1200 – 500
BC).
western Bohemia a unique culture appeared for the first
time, known as the Hallstatt or Urnenfelder culture (Urnfields). It is considered to be the oldest Celtic culture to
exist. Discovered in the 19th Century and named after the
modern Austrian town of Hallstatt in the Salzkammergut
where a large burial ground containing striped urns with
the ashes of the deceased, as well as, iron objects, trinkets and glass beads, dating to the Iron Age. It was the
first typical Celtic culture that was to spread over most of
Europe in the Millennium before Christ.
We only know about these early Celts from the
Greeks and Romans in their writings and stories as those
Celts left no written history. We do know that the Romans
feared them as barbaric warriors who scared the legionaries and Centurions witless with their fierce cries, sitting
naked, high on their steeds, when attacking them.
When the Celts came to Moravia.
The Celts, arriving in Moravia around 400 BC, were at
the end of a long line of prehistoric settlers in Moravia.
Among the earliest arrivals, preceeding the Celts, were
people from the Lausitz Culture 400 years earlier (ca.
800 BC), they came from the river Danube in Austria.
They left numerous gravesites, particularly on the western
shore of the river Morava (March) near today’s towns of
Heilendorf (Postrelmov), Doubrawitz (Doubravice) and
Schmohle (Zwole).
Around Morawitschan (Moravicany) near Müglitz
(Mohelnice), Archeologists found the largest ancient
graveyard in Moravia with more than 1000 graves. Thousands of vessel like jars and pots, hundreds of simple iron
trinkets, jewelry; needles, amber and glass beads, as well
as, knifes, razors, spinning bobs, amulets and a unique
mold for casting iron sickles were unearthed in one of the
most successful archeological digs in northern Moravia.
The walled settlement of Obersko, on a characteristically flattened hilltop, dating back to the Lausitz culture, situated between the modern villages of Lechovice
(Lechowitz) and Jermany (Irtzmann), was likely destroyed by the approaching Celts around 400 BC.
A unique find of that period was an oven probably
used for baking bread or firing pottery and a bronze
sword unearthed by a plowman working his field near
Ziadlovitz.
The tribe of Celts that left a lasting impression on
the Moravian countryside were those that brought the La
Téne” Culture with them. (500 BC to 100 BC)
With the beginning of the Iron Age in Europe about 1200
BC, centering around Austria, Hungary, Germany and
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Ročenka
continued on next page...
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“La Téne” The culture of distinction
In defining Celtic culture, one that is most readily used,
is the La Téne culture. The name La Téne comes from a
small village on Lake Neufchatel in Switzerland where
the first definitive artifacts of a distinctive Celtic culture
were found by which we know it today. It was there
where a particular style of artwork, metalwork, goldsmithing, and pottery originated, that defined the masterful art of the Celts that we instantly recognize as Celtic
design in today’s world.
The story goes, that at a spot on the shoreline of Lake
Neufchatel, when in 1858 the lake receded to a very low
level and exposed an archeological treasure trove. The
lake bottom was strewn with metal objects. Thrown there
by inhabitants of the lakeshore settlements. The pieces
found were of such exquisite beauty that at first, it was
believed that the area might have been one of a large votive sacrifice.
La Téne culture defined the Celts as a real civilization, one that is differentiated from the rudimentary group
of primitive tribal design. The period produced grander
and more elaborate designs, and some of the greatest
artwork of the period. It was from the middle La Téne
period, that we find pieces in the archeological digs in the
Moravian Lands.
La Téne also featured a complete changeover from
cremation to inhumation, or full body, burial. As a result,
the period now produced artifacts of gold and exquisite
design in gravesites. The Celtic view of life, and death,
was that when a person died, they would be able to pick
up from where life ended, and the afterlife began, as
though there was no stop in the action. Consequently,
many of the day-to-day precious possessions of the
people ended up being buried with them. In the reality of
present day “You could take it with you, then.” Women
were buried with their spangles, jewelry and household
goods and men with their chariots, weapons, gold and silver. The elaborate goldwork, such as the torcs, as well as
the swirling designs known as Celtic knotwork, reached
their zenith in the La Téne period. It has been said they
expressed their religious beliefs in their art form.
Archeologists, over the years, discovered over 150
graveyards, in Moravia, that date to this period. Among
these, large Necropolises containing hundreds of graves,
others in smaller sites, as well as, individual graves, in the
villages and the countryside.
The most prolific Celtic sites in Moravia were undoubtedly in the oppidum (fortified city settlement)
Staré Hradisko near Protivanov and Mount Hostýn near
Bystřice pod Hostýnem (Bistritz). Many of the illustrated
Page 12
artifacts shown here were found at Staré Hradisko
With the La Téne culture the Celts became a flourishing, rich civilization in Moravia. The glory that was Celtica found full flower during this
period. Among the unique discoveries, was pottery produced on a
turntable for the first time, decorated with vertical comb striations
but also slender containers in vase
form. And for the first time burial
sites contained silver and gold
coinage to be used as legal tender
in the afterlife.
Recent discovery of Celtic
artifacts from Moravská Třebová
(Mährisch Trübau).
In the “Moravskotřebovské
Picture: Celtic Coins.
Vlastivedne Listy “ Volume
Struck at the Fortification
10 /1999, p.4-9, a periodical
of Staré Hradisko.
published by the town museum in Moravská Třebová,
contained an article by Mgr
Radomir Tichý, under the title: “Doba Bronzová na
Moravskotřebovsků “, the Bronze Age in the Moravská
Třebová region. It summarizes the results of recent research conducted by the author and others. The research
revealed Bronze Age artifacts of the La Téne, as well as,
the Hallstatt period.
Around the small city of “Městečko Trnávka (Türnau)” 5 localities are described where many pottery
shards and even a
bronze ax were unearthed as recently as
1997. They are on exhibit at the Moravská
Třebová city museum
under the aegis of its
Director, Jana Martinková PhD. The
author describes in
great detail each location of the dig and its
treasures.
Mgr Tichý was
active on the locality
5 in September 1997,
January and May of
1998 located south of
Ax Head. Found near Moravská
the town Městečko
Třebová. (Mährisch Trübau).
Trnávka. A total of 336
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Volume 7 2006
pieces of ceramic shards and flint
like shards and artifacts were found
at this locality. The settlement was
assigned, in part, to the Hallstatt
Urnenfelder culture (Urn-fields) and
also to the La Téne culture.
As in all archeological digs finding artifacts was only a secondary
goal. The project’s primary purpose
was to establish the geometric size
and outline of the settlement and the
number of inhabitants it had at one
time housed.
In all five locations, over 500
ceramic and flinty shards, as well as,
artifacts were found, some of them
0.7 meters below ground.
water.
Celtic Decline
Bronze La Téne Culture artifact with pseudo
filigree decoration. Found in Moravský
Krumlov.
Vestiges in language.
Archeologists claim to have discovered more than 400 Celtic settlements of both cultures in Moravia.
The Celts had no written language
nor did they leave any written symbols behind that could be interpreted
today. However the names of towns,
villages, rivers and mountains were
often taken over by the Germanic
and later the Slavic tribes settling in
the area. Here is a sample of place
names that probably were inherited
from the Celts.
• Müglitz (Mohelnice) –
Likely derived from the Celtic word
Mogul meaning Burial Mound. (Cz
mohil)
• Moletein (Moletin) - Probably derived from the Celtic “Molodunum” in German Mühlsteinberg
or millstone hill. Meant is probably
the “Häuslerberg” situated very near
the village, where Celtic stonemasons hew millstones from the sandstone outcropping.
• Morava (March) – The principal river in Moravia likely derived
from the indo-germanic expression.
“Mori” meaning body of water.
• Moravitschan (Moravicany)
– As above from “Mori” body of
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La Téne bronze figurines found at
Staré Hradisko
With the approach of the marauding
Quads (Germanic tribes) from what
is today’s central Germany (Rhine
- Main area) the period of Celtic
influence that has survived in northern Moravia for close to 400 years,
ended before the start of the first
Millennium, around 100 BC. For the
next 700 years the area witnessed
a progression of wandering Germanic tribes throughout the years
of the Völkerwanderung (200 – 700
AD). The Romans never reached
into Moravia but their traders utilized the commercial routes passing
through the area. The Bernsteinstrasse (Amber road), no more than
a country lane, at the time, servicing
the commercial trade between the
Baltic States and the Roman Empire
wound its way near today’s cities of
Moravská Třebová, Mohelnice and
Brno (Brünn).
When the first Slavic tribes arrived in the 6th Century AD they
must have encountered sporadic
remnants of a Germanic population
and sensed the ghosts of those brave
souls that had settled the land before
them.
About the Author
Gosling figurine. Found in
(Oppidum) Staré Hradisko
Ročenka
After spending a lifetime in an engineering career Frank has not forgotten his “Heimat” Moravia where
he was raised and frequently visits.
He regularly participates in CGSI
and FEEFHS conferences where
he serves as speaker, independent
scholar and translator of documents
people bring him. He is fluent in
German and speaks several European languages.
He is a prolific writer for the
ethnic press, steeped in the notions
of his Homeland. A published author
and contributor to “Ročenka” in his
hometown of Ullersdorf (Losiny)
Page 13
in Moravia. His articles have appeared in the
FEEFHS Journal, the CGSI’s Naše rodina
and Ročenka and the Galician German Descendants newsletters.
He has recently transcribed and translated
5 lengthy Moravian community documents
for CGSI, originally written in the “Kurrent”
script by Austrian scribes in the mid 19th Century. The one about the community of Hovězí
appears in this issue. In addition, he developed a handy guide for a practical approach
to reading the old German cursive scripts
found in civic documents of the former Austrian Monarchy and taught reading the script
to enthusiastic audiences.
Hammered bronze
plate with face
masks found at Staré
Hradisko.
Bronze Mounting, closure on Jug. Found at
Brno-Malomirice (Brünn)
Bronze ring with Rams Head. Found in Malhostovice.
Bronze Ring Emblem. Staré Hradisko.
Stylized bronze head found in Staré
Hradisko
Page 14
Ročenka
Volume 7 2006
Czech American DNA
Study: Applying Genetic
Genealogy
by Leo Baca
Genealogists are often confronted with situations when
records cease to exist. What can a genealogist do? The
classical answer usually involves studies of historical
events and linguistics. But relatively recent advances in
molecular biology have created some new possibilities for
further research. This will take us to the next revolution.
This is the world of genetic genealogy which is DNA testing done with the aim of learning about one’s heritage. It
can provide a key to unlocking some secrets that the normal genealogy paper trail can never reveal and that would
otherwise be unknowable.
These possibilities branch in two different directions.
One involves “normal” genealogical research. DNA testing can be used to connect distant branches of a family
because DNA testing can show whether family branches
have a recent common ancestor. The common term that
is used to describe these efforts is “Surname Studies”.
Currently there are over a thousand of these surname
studies in progress. The second major use of DNA testing
is determining one’s “deep ancestry”. Genetic research
combined with cladistic analysis have yielded some spectacular results regarding the early pre-history of humankind.
Two kinds of DNA testing can be performed. The
first is mitochondrial DNA(mtDNA) testing which is used
for tracing one’s deep ancestral maternal line. Mitochondrial DNA is passed from a mother to all her children but
only females can pass on mtDNA. The other method is Y
chromosome testing which is used to trace one’s paternal
lineage. The Y chromosome is passed from father to son.
Only males can have the Y chromosome test performed
while both females and males can have the mtDNA test
performed.
The test result you receive is called your haplotype.
This is your specific genetic signature. Haplotypes are expressed as a series of numbers which can be compared to
other haplotypes for indications of relationship. There are
Y chromosome and mtDNA haplotypes. A male can have
Y chromosome and mtDNA haplotypes while a female
can only have an mtDNA haplotype since females do not
carry a Y chromosome. The term haplogroup is related to
Volume 7 2006
the term haplotype in the sense that a cluster of similar
haplotypes constitute a haplogroup. It is used to define
genetic populations. More precisely, a haplogroup is a
large cluster of people whose ancestry converges on the
person who was the founding father or founding mother
of the group. Haplotypes are used in normal genealogical
research while haplogroups are used to determine one’s
“deep ancestry”. Haplogroups form a bridge between
genealogy and anthropology.
Since late 2001, Dr. Gary Kocurek(University of Texas) and I have been collecting data from Czech American
Y chromosome and mtDNA test results. We are searching
to see if specific patterns emerge from grouping this data.
We are correlating Czech surnames with Czech villages.
While we have not located a study of mtDNA from the
Czech Republic, we were able to compare the test results
of Czech Americans to Europeans in general. The following is a table showing the results of that comparison:
MtDNA STUDY RESULTS
Haplogroup Dr. Sykes
H
47%
U
11%
X
6%
J
17%
T
9%
K
6%
V
3%
Other(L2)
0%
Total
100%
Czech American
50%
17%
3%
3%
8%
13%
3%
3%
100%
The column entitled “Dr. Sykes” indicates that the
data on the distribution of European data was taken from
the book The Seven Daughters of Eve by Dr. Sykes. As
mentioned above, the term haplogroup is a large cluster
of people who share a founding father or mother. There
are seven European haplogroups, ie, H, U, X, J, T, K, and
V. Ninety five (95)% of all Europeans can be grouped
in these seven haplogroups. Each of these haplogroups
began with mutations that can be traced to one specific
woman. So 95% of all Europeans are descended from
seven women. A look at this preliminary data shows
that Czech Americans closely resemble the distribution
of Europeans for haplogroups H, X, T, and V. There are
significant differences in haplogroups U, J, and K. Since
haplogroup J is a genetic echo of the Neolithic people
who brought agriculture to Europe, this would seem
to indicate that Czech Americans are nearly entirely
descended (maternally) from the Paleolithic hunters/
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Page 15
gatherers that originally settled Europe. One unanticipated result concerned haplogroup K. We have found
that three Czech Texans have exactly the same mtDNA
haplotype as the “Iceman”. This is the frozen mummy
found on the border of Austria and Italy. He is estimated
to have lived over 5000 years ago. We are not sure of the
significance of this finding but it is a curiosity. One other
curiosity is the detection of one example of sub-Saharan
mtDNA(haplogroup L2).
Our collection of Y chromosome data has yielded the
following data:
Y CHROMOSOME TEST RESULTS
Haplogroup
1(R1b)
2(I, I1b)
3(R1a)
9(G, J2, K)
12
16
21(E3b)
Total
Cz. Rep.
19%
19%
37%
11%
6%
0%
8%
100%
Czech American
20%
20%
33%
25%
0%
0%
2%
100%
Haplogroup designations are different for Y chromosome testing than they are for mtDNA. In fact the
terminology for Y chromosome testing has changed. The
haplogroup designations used to be given by numbers.
The new haplogroup designations now begin with letters as do the mtDNA haplogroups, but there is no direct
correlation between the mtDNA and Y chromosome haplogroup designations. A comparison between a relatively
small Y chromosome study from the Czech Republic with
our Czech American study shows a significant difference in that our Czech American data indicates more than
twice the percentage of Neolithic ancestry than what the
data from the Czech Republic shows.
The following is a list of Czech surnames that have
participated in this study:
CZECH SURNAMES
Page 16
The Y chromosome data associated with these surBACA(3)
BALVIN
BARTOS
BENES
BRABEC
BRAVENEC
BULTAS
CEITHAML
CHMELIK
ERMIS
FOJTASEK
FRANTIK
FUXA
GAAS
GIESSEL
GOBLIRSCH
HAJEK(2)
HARTZEL
HERBECK
HERSH
HOLLAS
HRNCIRIK
HURTA
JANCA
JANSA
JEZ
KALBAC
KASPAR(3)
KENT (KULHANEK)
KOCUREK(2)
KRAJNIK
KRENEK(2)
KRENIK
KRISKO (KRSKA)
KRUEGER
KRUPA
KRUPICKA
LACINA
LEDERER
LOKAY
MACHICEK
MARUNA
MASTERA
MINAR
MIZAUR
NEMECEK
PAVEK
PECINOVSKY
POKORNY
POZAREK
PRASEK
PYTR
ROCHEN
RODER
ROEDER
RYBAR
SCHMIDT
SCHNEIDER
SMISEK
SOURAL
SPROSTY
SUGAREK
SVEC
SVEHLAK
UHLIK
VITA
VOSOBA
ZAHORIK
ZATOPEK
ZIMA
names will let genealogists match branches of an extended family. If someone with a surname shown above
has Y chromosome test results that match, then those two
branches of an extended family share a common paternal
ancestor. Purely by chance we had two participants from
the Kocurek family of Hovĕzí, Moravia. One branch of
the family immigrated to Texas in the 1850s while the
other branch left in 1880s. The Y chromosome test results
matched. Recently we’ve had a match between a central
Texas Roeder line and a Roder line in eastern Moravia.
As more Czech Americans participate in this study, the
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Volume 7 2006
number of Czech surnames will grow and the database
will become increasingly useful for genealogical purposes.
If you wish to learn more about these types of DNA
testing, please take a look at the Oxford Ancestors website (http://www.oxfordancestors.com) or the Family
Tree DNA website (http://www.familytreedna.com). If
you wish to participate in this study, please email me at
([email protected]). The cost of a 12 marker Y chromosome test is $99+$2 shipping. The cost of an mtDNA test
is $145+$2 shipping is done separately. If both tests are
run concurrently, the cost is $189+$2 shipping.
If you wish to learn more, the following is a list of
books that you may find to be helpful:
Steve Olson. “Mapping Human History-Discovering
the Past Through Our Genes.” 2002.
Stephen Oppenheimer. “The Real Eve-Modern Man’s
Journey Out of Africa.” 2003.
Chris Pomery. “DNA and Family History.” 2004.
John H. Relethford. “Reflections of Our Past-How
Human History Is Revealed in Our Genes.” 2003.
Colin Renfrew & Katie Boyle. “Archaeogenetics:
DNA and the Population Prehistory of Europe.” 2000.
Megan Smolenyak and Ann Turner. “Trace Your
Roots with DNA.” 2004.
Bryan Sykes. “The Seven Daughters of Eve.” 2001.
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Spencer Wells. “The Journey of Man-A Genetic Odyssey.” 2002.
About the Author
Leo Baca is a fourth generation Czech Texan whose
primary interests lie in documenting the arrival of
Czech immigrants to America. Leo’s other interests
include researching Valachian history and the ap-
plication of genetics to traditional genealogical research.
Leo has conducted Czech genealogical research for
nearly thirty years. He has published the nine volume
series- Czech Immigration Passenger Lists, Volumes I-IX
and an English translation of Dr. Jaroslav Stika’s “The
Ethnographic Region of Moravian Wallachia: Its Origin
and Development.” From time to time he has published
articles and presented seminars on Czech genealogy, history, and genetics. His interest in genetic genealogy began
in 2001. This ultimately led to the genetic genealogy
study of Czech Americans that he is currently conducting.
He is a member of numerous Czech organizations. He
was a founding member of the Czech Heritage Society of
Texas and the Texas Czech Genealogical Society, and he
is currently serving his second term on the Czechoslovak
Genealogical Society International Board of Directors.
Ročenka
Page 17
Czech Emigration to the
Russian Empire
The Melitopol region is a multi-national area. In ancient
times along northern shores of the Black Sea, there were
Greek colonies. Later, nomadic Pecheneg and Polovtsian
tribes invaded the area, followed by Nogai Tartars. At the
end of the eighteenth century, after the region was incorporated into the Russian Empire, Russian and Ukrainian
villages were founded on the banks of the Molochna River, along with a monastery and some German settlements.
After the Crimean War [1853-1856], Bulgarian emigration to Russia increased dramatically. At the same time
the serfdom law was changed, causing the mass emigration of Czechs to the Russian Empire, mostly to Ukraine.
In the Czechoslovak Republic, created in 1918 from
the part of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, many
historians were researching the emigration problems. In
the Twenties and Thirties of this century, Czech researchers I. Auerchan, M. Nemeczek, I. Kudela, and I. Czervinka, as well as L. Cichocka from Poland, published several
interesting books about these problems. During the Soviet
period the Czech emigration to the Russian Empire was
analyzed in publications by national (Russian, Ukrainian)
historians such as A. X. Klevansky and S. K. Sekirinsky,
as well as in the dissertation by Z. N. Kovby.
Using publications from these historians; documents
from the archives in Kiev, Odessa and St. Petersburg;
and the memoirs of descendants of Czech emigrants, the
author [of this article] has tried to present some aspects
of Czech emigration to Russia, it causes, course and life
conditions of the Czech emigrants in Imperial Russia and
the Soviet Union.
* * *
Emigration of Czechs began as early as the Medieval
Ages as a result of the defeat of the Hussites’ uprising and
consolidation of the German influence over the Czech
territory. The “Thirty Years’ War” and the final victory
of the Habsburg army over the Czech army in 1620 at
Bílá Hora (White Mountain) brought an end to political
independence of the Czech land. It became a province
of the Habsburg monarchy and it was called “Bohemia.”
New feudal and Catholic administration introduced religious discrimination and persecution. Czech citizens were
deprived of their lands, which were given to [German]
foreigners. This situation caused the massive migration of
Page 18
Czechs to France and later to America.
The next period of emigration took place in the
nineteenth century when Bohemia (the most developed
province of the Austrian Empire) entered the Industrial
Revolution. This revolution caused massive land depravation of small farmers, shrinking markets for craftsmen
and increasing the persecution of Czechs. The emigration
reached its maximum in the Sixties through the Eighties
of the nineteenth century. In the first half of the nineteenth
century emigration was mostly to America, but in the second part of the century Czechs were emigrating to Russia.
When the serfdom law was abolished in Russia,
Czechs started to settle the Crimean peninsula, Volhynia
and the Caucasus, establishing new villages and occupying large sections of big towns like Kiev, Odessa and
Kharkov. The Czech emigration to Russia was supported
by nationalist and liberal representatives of the Czech
middle-class, such as F. Palacký and F. Rigert; Lev Kochubey, prince of Poltava; and Franz Prchybla.
The Czech settlements in some regions of the Russian Empire met with very supportive sociological, economical, national and political conditions, such as the
low population in western and southern Ukraine. In 1864
and 1865, laws prohibited Polish Catholics from buying
land around Kiev and Volhynia (under-developed agriculture and lack of territorial claims between Bohemia
and Ukraine). Additionally, Czechs were attracted by the
similarity of the language, traditions and hope for Russian
help in the Czech struggle against German expansion. As
a result in the period from 1861-1914, 120 to 150 thousand Czechs settled in Ukraine, founding approximately
150 villages or settlements.
Interests in the development of its peripheral provinces as well as good relations with Austria, initially, the
Russian Empire did not support Czech emigration, but
they also did nothing to prevent it. Finally in 1870 when
the emigration became very massive and its positive effects on the economy were quite visible, Czech emigrants
were granted similar privileges as their German counterparts. They were granted citizenship without a police confirmed declaration of loyalty and the five years of prior
residency. They also were excluded from conscription and
for the first five years, they did not have to pay any taxes.
Author: unknown
Source for this article is shown on the top of page 20.
• From the Ukrainian newspaper, Melitopol Daily
Times, formerly known as Serp I Molot [Sickle & Hammer]. Printed ca 14 OCT 1993.
Ročenka
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Volume 7 2006
Ročenka
Page 19
The newspaper story was sent by Valya Dolechek of
Novgorodkovka, Zaporizhia Oblast, Ukraine to George
L. Kubischta of Dickinson, Stark Co., North Dakota in
1998.
• Translated from Russian to English by Edward Kluk,
Physics Professor at Dickinson State University, Dickinson, Stark Co., North Dakota in 1998.
• Additional information within brackets “[ ]” by Bern
F. Pavlish, Dickinson, Stark Co., North Dakota.
The History of Czechohrad
As our readers already know, the inhabitants of the
former Czech colony, Czechohrad, which is located in
the Melitopol region, founded a branch of the Czechoslovakian cultural and educational society, named
after J[an] A[mos] Komenský, and gave it the name
“Czechohrad.”
An absolute reasonable question arises: What is the
origin of the Czechs living here in the southern part of
Ukraine and what brought them here? In order to answer
this question we have to take a short trip through history.
After 1620, when the Czech army was defeated at the
Battle of White Mountain, Bohemia became a part of the
Austrian Empire for the next three hundred years.
Bohemia had become a pearl in the empire of the
Habsburg’s, one of the most industrialized regions of the
empire. The Czechs, however, found themselves in extremely dire straits in their native land. The Germans controlled the majority of institutions and industrial facilities.
The German language was exclusively the language of
education in the majority of universities and the language
for bookkeeping and state organizations. The Czech
language as well as Czech customs and traditions were
constantly cracked down by the German administration.
Austrian government intentionally conducted the policy
of “Germanization” of the Czech people.
Constant suppression of the Czechs by the Austrian
government as well as social and national oppression
led to the mass Czech transmigration out of the country.
However, contrary to the situation in the 17th - 18th centuries and the beginning of the 19th century, when the
Czechs moved mostly to the United States, Canada, and
other western countries, the Czech emigration to Ukraine
started to emerge beginning in the second half of the 19th
century, when Russia abolished serfdom in 1861.
After the abolition of serfdom the landlords lost their
free laborers on their properties and they were forced to
accommodate to the new economic conditions. Due to the
fact that Ukraine was not a highly populated country at
Page 20
that time, some of the lords needed to search for workers
abroad. One of these landlords was Prince Lev Viktorovich Kochubey -- owner of the family property in the
village of Dykan’ka, Poltava region -- and he was also
the one who happened to unintentionally start the Czech
emigration to southern Ukraine.
On March 31 Prince Kochubey signed a contract
with Louis Levinson’s Berlin firm, stating that 60 workers from Germany should be hired. In the summer of that
same year, Levinson’s agents also appeared in eastern Bohemia and started to recruit people. While doing so, they
violated several important clauses of that agreement: first
of all, Prince Kochubey required crop laborers to be sent
to his property, but the majority of those recruited were
craftsmen; second, the Crimean Peninsula was announced
as a destination point; and third, the quantity of the recruited significantly exceeded what Kochubey needed. All
these contract violations of the agreement finally led to
the mass Czech emigration to the southern Ukraine.
The first people to start the resettlements were the
inhabitants of Újezd [Dolní Újezd and Horní Újezd],
Litomyšl and Vysoké Mýto regions. In late August, 1861,
approximately 40 families -- after having received their
papers and selling their properties for pennies -- went via
the Danube River to Odessa, where the manager of Kochubey’s property, with his drays [sledges or sleds used
for hauling heavy loads], had already been waiting for
them. At the end of September -- having covered the distance from Odessa to Dykan’ka in 23 days -- the travelers
arrived at their destination where the owner of the property, Lev Kochubey, met them with joy.
Having settled in the specially prepared Ukrainianstyled houses, the Czech travelers rested for several days
after their long journey. It was discovered at that time that
the majority of the newcomers were craftsmen and not
very knowledgeable in raising crops. But what could Kochubey do? According to the agreement, the Czechs had
to work at his property for three years. Part of the group
received jobs at the brewery, distillery, and blacksmith
shop, but there were no jobs for most of the craftsmen.
Rumors spread that people, who were willing to resettle, would receive land in the Crimean Peninsula for almost next to nothing. The Czechs, having received Prince
Kochubey’s permission, went to Crimea in the Spring
of 1862. There were only ten families who remained in
Dykan’ka -- the families of those Czech craftsmen who
still had their jobs.
At that time, in the Spring of 1862, several groups of
emigrants from Bohemia went to Ukraine. Each of these
groups consisted of 80 - 90 families. A smaller group of
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Volume 7 2006
emigrants chose their way through the Bukovina region
to Kherson, then farther south down to the city of Simferopol. The majority, though, sailed down the Danube to
Odessa, by boat to Kozlov (now Yevpatoriya), and then
on to Simferopol.
This journey was not easy for the emigrants. The
Czechs didn’t know the language and the customs of the
foreign country, so crooks often took advantage of them
by drawing out the rest of their money. The travelers had
such a pitiful appearance that people often gave charity
and handouts to the children and their mothers. Even in
Crimea they could not find happiness for a long time.
Everlasting searches for work, the lack of money, and a
place to live revealed how far from reality their dreams
of getting rich quick were. Some of them gave up and
returned to Bohemia. But for those who chose to stay decided to unite and find their better fortune together in the
country that was going to become their Motherland.
Just after the Crimean War [1853-56], about two to
three million Tartars left the Crimean Peninsula for Turkey, abandoning their villages and property. When the
Czechs applied to the government with the proposition to
petition them land, they were given a former Tartar village to commence their settlement. In 1863 the first Czech
colony in Ukraine was established under the name “Bohemka” [also known as Dschadra, but was later changed
to Lobanove in 1946].
Having taken the oath to the Czar, the Czech emigrants had become citizens of Russia. Each family received 12 dessiatine [approx. 32 acres], a 175 ruble loan,
and accommodations for settlement of former Tartar villages. The Czech villages, Tabor-Kirej and Zarekwitsch
were founded that same year. The biggest Czech colony
in Crimea, Alexandrovka, was founded the following
year.
The problems that the Czechs faced were not over
though. During the next several years the Czech settlers
suffered shortages due to droughts and locust invasions
(in 1866). The soil of northern Crimea was hardly acceptable for raising crops, which yielded small harvests, especially on the small pieces of land that the Czechs owned.
This did not justify the intensity of the work that they had
to put into it. From this situation a group of settlers decided to create a new colony in order for those, who stayed
at their old place, to increase their plots of land. In 1867
permission to start a new colony was granted.
In the beginning of March in 1869, ninety families
from the colonies of Bohemka, Tabor-Kirej, Zarekwitsch
and Alexandrovka went to the Melitopol region where
they started a new colony. The winter was warm and
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almost without snow, but at the end of March, when the
settlers had arrived at Melitopol, it started to freeze. The
Czechs were temporarily housed in the German colonies
where they waited for the chill to pass. In the beginning
of April, on parcel No. 38, located 20 versta [approx. 12
miles] west from Melitopol, the colony had been founded
and received its name -- Czechohrad.
Spring came late that year. Sudden frosts with chilling eastern winds blowing over the open steppe disturbed
the new settlers. On top of that there was an additional
problem with water. The settlers had to bring water from
the neighboring property or from the nearby village of
Shul’hivka (now Novonikolayevka), which was 7 versta
[approx. 4 miles] away. When the frost retreated the settlers started to dig wells.
Their first dwellings were dugouts covered with sod
roofs. These primitive homes didn’t have any windows,
but there was a small hole in the ceiling which was covered with cow hide. The settlers had to develop the land
manually for the first two years. Later, they acquired
plows and started to use draft horses. Having received
just nine dessiatine [approx. 24 acres] of land, the settlers
were forced to lease more.
But even at their new settlement the Czechs experienced misfortune. In 1869 the crops did not grow and it
is hard to imagine that the Czechs would have avoided
starvation unless Ivan V. Martens from the village of
Molochansk had lent them the seeds, according to the
request of the supervisor, Mr. Padeysky of the Bulgarian
colonies in the Melitopol region. But maybe the Czechs
had to survive all these hardships in order for Czechohrad
to become a thriving village after all.
Czechohrad is a typical Czech village with wide and
straight streets. The houses are built with their fronts
facing the street, far enough from each other, and with a
“mandatory” garden and a fence.
The Czechs were able to preserve their customs and
traditions almost without change for more than 120 years
of their life in Ukraine. Especially concerned were the
Czechs about the preservation of their language. For example, in 1875 there was a school built in Czechohrad
where the Czech and Russian languages were taught.
Before this school was built, the children attended the
teacher’s house. In 1893 the grammar school opened and
in 1910-1911, it became a two-class school with a three
year program. This school existed until 1937, when all the
Czech national schools were closed.
If now, after having read this article, you wish to find
Czechohrad on a map of either Ukraine or Zaporizhia
region, you will be unsuccessful. The word “Czechohrad”
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Page 21
had disappeared from maps comparatively recently in
1946, when the infamous campaign of renaming Czech
(and not only Czech) villages and cities took place.
Czechohrad has disappeared from the map, but it will
always remain in people’s hearts.
It is known now as Novgorodkovka. This name was
born by the whim of a mindless bureaucrat who crossed
out with one stroke of his pen the entire history of many
generations. At that time the original and beautiful names
started to disappear in order to be substituted by the various and colorless names like Novgorodkovka [stems from
the combination of two Russian words: ‘new’ and ‘town’]
Novgorodychi [same as before] and Novobezbatchenkiy
[the name is probably invented by the author of this article, in which he humorously combines two Ukrainian
words, meaning ‘new’ and ‘without parents,’ in order to
stress his point].
The time has come, however, to restore justice in
history and to return the original name to our native village -- the name that was given to it by our ancestors
-- that proud and one-of-a-kind name, “Czechohrad.”
There are many Novgorods, but there will be only one
Czechohrad!
Author of story: V. Mokhov
(Wednesday) 29 Aug. 1990.
• The newspaper article was sent by Valya Dolechek of
Novgorodkovka, Zaporizhia Oblast, Ukraine to George L.
Kubischta of Dickinson, Stark Co., North Dakota on 19
FEB 1992.
• Translated from Ukrainian to English on 26 Feb. 1999
by Eugene Koba of Euclid, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio for Bern
F. Pavlish of Dickinson, Stark Co., North Dakota.
• Additional information within brackets “ [ ]” by Eugene Koba and Bern F. Pavlish.
Editor’s Note
The maps on pages 24 and 25 belong with this article.
They were placed with the associated article about Crimean Czechs to North Dakota to allow the colored maps to
all be located in the centerfold.
•
From the Ukrainian newspaper, Serp I Molot [Sickle
and Hammer]. Editor: Melitopol Regional Committee
of the Communist Party of Ukraine. No. 138, vol. 12979,
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Ročenka
Volume 7 2006
Immigration of Crimean
Czechs to North Dakota
By Bern F. Pavlish
In 1861, Czar Alexander II (r. 1855-1881) abolished serfdom in the Russian Empire and invited foreign emigrant
farmers from the German lands and the Austrian provinces of Bohemia and Moravia, to settle in South Russia
(today called Ukraine). It was agreed that the Czar would
grant the new settlers: 81 acres of free land; Catholics and
Protestants would have their own colonies; the colonists
would have their own local government; and young men
would be free from military conscription. Two basic reasons why Russia was more appealing to the Czechs than
the United States were: (1) the Slavic similarities between
the Czech spoken tongue and Russian; and (2) the United
States was in the middle of a civil war.1
With Czar Alexander II’s invitation, hundreds of
Bohemian and Moravian families volunteered to leave
their humble dwellings and make South Russia their new
home. It was intended that the Czech settlers would settle
north of the city of Poltava, but that all soon changed. By
1863, many of these Czech families were to be re-settled
on arable lands located on the Crimean Peninsula. In the
years that followed, emigration to Poltava ceased, and
chain migration proceeded directly to the Crimean Taurida District from East Bohemia.
But prosperity on the Russian steppe was short-lived.
After only 14 years, the “Ukase of 1876” was signed into
law, revoking all rights and privileges given to German
and Czech colonists.2 Shortly thereafter, the sons of the
colonists were drafted into the Russian military, fighting and dying in wars such as the Russo-Turkish War of
1877-78 and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05. By the
late 1880s, many Crimean Czechs, as well as Black Sea
Germans, had lost all faith in Russia.3 Families were torn
apart by those who decided to accept the changes and stay
in South Russia and for those who decided to leave the
country and immigrate to America.
In 1886, three men from the Crimean Czech village
of Czechohrad (renamed Novgorodkovka after 1946)
crossed the Atlantic Ocean to scout for arable lands in
North America that were suitable for massive farm settlement. These men were Anton Hanel, Sr., Wenzel Sadowsky, Jr. and Paul Kussy (Pavel Kusý). After traveling
to several areas in the Upper Midwest, the spot that they
had chosen to be their new home was near the village of
Menno, Hutchinson Co., Dakota Territory, which was
Volume 7 2006
about 15 miles
north of the town
of Yankton.4 Menno had been established in 1879 and
had already been
attracting many
German-Russian
farmers. The settlers were drawn
to this area because of its rich,
virgin top soil and
Czar Alexander II
the fresh water
supply of the James River. The three men reported back
to the Crimean Czech families to tell them what they had
discovered.
In early May of 1887 the first pioneer wave of Czechs
from the Crimea arrived in Menno. In June, sixteen men
declared their intent to become United States citizens at
the county courthouse in Olivet, Hutchinson Co., Dakota
Territory. They were: Wenzel Sadowsky, Sr., Wenzel
Sadowsky, Jr., Franz Sadowsky, Anton Hanel, Sr., Frank
Kovash (Franz Kovař), Frederick Kostelecky (Fridrich
Kostelezky), Wenzel Rambousek, Josef Rambousek,
Joseph Pavlish, Sr. (Josef Paulisch), John Kinzel (Johan
Kynzl), Franz Urbanec, Vincent Urbanec, Sr. (Vincenc
Urbanec), Václav Hurich, Karel Wokal, Joseph Hushka
(Josef Huschka) and Joseph Polensky, Sr. (Josef Bolenski).5 Paul Kussy’s Declaration of Intent could not be
found.
Unfortunately for the Czech families, the settlement of German-Russian farmers to the Menno area had
taken up most of the suitable land at that time. Since
there wasn’t enough land for these families and for those
who would later follow, all the Czech men had to make
an important decision. They all decided to head north
to the second destination picked out by the three scouts
which was near the village of Bowdle (in present-day
Edmunds Co., South Dakota). Apparently, the group was
not impressed, and so, moved on to the third destination
of choice, Bismarck (in present-day Burleigh Co., North
Dakota). Again, the Crimean Czechs were unable to find
enough land for homesteading next to one another. But
there was still one more place to go, and that was 100
miles west, to the booming, little village of Dickinson.6
In 1887, Dickinson was only five years old and had
been previously known as “Pleasant Valley” before the
Northern Pacific Railway came through in 1882.7 Apparently, the Czech families had no money to board passage
Ročenka
Page 23
Page 24
Ročenka
Volume 7 2006
MAP OF THE CRIMEA IN THE TAURIDA DISTRICT – 1882
onto the train in Bismarck, and so, had to wait for the
flooding waters of the muddy Missouri River to recede
in order to cross it with their horse-drawn wagons. According to the Dickinson Press newspaper, the first Czech
pioneers from the Crimea arrived in the village of Dickinson on July 14, 1887, consisting of 48 men, women and
children. Shortly thereafter, the men were taken to open
prairie lands available for homesteading just north and
west of the small town.8
The Czech pioneer families were so happy that their
journey had finally come to an end. For the next 30 years,
chain migration of Czech families from the Crimean Taurida District (particularly the Catholic villages of Alexandrovka, Bohemka [also known as Dschadra], Czechohrad,
Zarekwitsch and Tabor-Kirej) immigrated directly to the
Dickinson area.9 In 1898, the Northwestern Improvement
Company deeded a 40 acre piece of land to the Czech
families to build themselves a town and church about 14
miles north of Dickinson.10 This community was named,
“New Hradec.” With the Communist takeover of Imperial
Volume 7 2006
Russia in 1917, immigration came to a grinding halt from
these Czech colonies.
The following is a list of some of the Czech (Bohemian) and German-Bohemian families who had left East
Bohemia in the 1860s and 1870s to settle in the Crimean
Taurida District of South Russia, and then later, re-settled
north and west of the Dickinson area starting in the year
1887:
Ročenka
Barta (Bárta)
Bezdicek (Bezdíček)
Binstock (Bienstock)
Blatz (Plotz)
Blecha
Bren (Břeň)
Brydl (Brydl)
Buresh (Bureš)
Chastek (Částek)
Chalupnik (Chalupník)
Cinder (Cindr)
Page 25
Dolajak, Dolechek (Doleček)
Dvorak, Dworshak (Dvořák)
Faiman, Faimon (Fajman)
Fendrich (Fendrych)
Ficek
Fisher (Fišer)
Frenzel
Hanel (Háněl)
Havelka
Hibl (Hýbl)
Hondl
Hurich (Hurych)
Hushka, Huschka (Huška)
Jedlicka (Jedlička)
Jilek (Jílek)
Jirges
Kadrmas
Page 26
Karsky (Kárský)
Kinzel (Kincl; Kyncl)
Kolar (Kolář)
Komberec
Kostelecky (Kostelecký)
Kovash (Kovař)
Kralicek (Králíček)
Krehlik (Křehlik)
Kubas
Kubik (Kubík)
Kubischta, Kubista (Kubišta)
Kudrna
Kussy (Kusý)
Lipensky (Lipenský)
Luptak (Lupták)
Marsh (Mareš)
Meduna
Ročenka
Markel (Markl)
Mihulka
Nadvornik (Nádvorník)
Novotny (Novotný)
Pachl
Pavlicek (Pavlíček)
Pavlish (Pavliš)
Petrik (Petřík)
Pirkl
Polensky (Polanský)
Praus
Pribyl (Přibyl)
Privratsky (Přívratský)
Rambousek
Ridl (Rýdl)
Roller
Sadowsky (Sádovský)
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Samek
Semerad (Semerád)
Srsen (Sršeň)
Sevela (Ševela)
Simek (Šimek)
Splichal (Šplíchal)
Steffan (Stefan)
Stranik (Straník)
Stransky (Stránský)
Svihl (Švihel)
Sykora (Sýkora)
Trinka (Trnka)
Tuhy (Tuhý)
Uchytil
Urbanec
Veverka
Volesky (Voleský)
Wendel
Wokal (Vokál)
Zastoupil
Zimbrick (Zimprich)
References
of village and maps of Russia as prepared by Dr.
Karl Stumpp for the Heimatbuch der Deutschen
aus Russland. Prepared by Betty Lang, Alberta
Chapter (Bismarck: Germans from Russia Heritage Society, 1993), pages 9-1-1, 9-1-2, 9-1-9 and
9-1-10.
10. Parish Centennial History Book Committee, The
Church of Saints Peter and Paul, New Hradec,
North Dakota: 1898 - 1998, (Dickinson: Professional Printing, 2003), page 2.
About the Author
1. Aberle, Msgr. George P., From the Steppes to the
Prairies, (Bismarck: Richtman’s Printing and
Packaging, 5th Edition, 1993), page 54.
2. Ibid, page 70.
3. Ibid, page 68.
4. Sherman, William C., editor, etal. “Czechs,”
Plains Folk: North Dakota’s Ethnic History,
(Fargo: North Dakota Institute for Regional
Studies, North Dakota State University, 1988),
page 317.
5. Declaration of Intent Book No. 345, Hutchinson
County, Dakota Territory (South Dakota Historical Society, State Archives), pages 193-196 and
215.
6. Dunn County Historical Society, “We the Czechs
of this Area,” Dauntless Dunn II: The History
of Dunn County, North Dakota - 1989, (Dunn
Center: Dunn County Historical Society, 1989),
page 64.
7. Centennial Roundup: A History of Dickinson,
North Dakota, (Richardton: Assumption Abby
Press, 1982), page 10.
8. Newspaper Article, “Ten families of Russians arrived here last Thursday,” The Dickinson Press,
Dickinson, Stark County, North Dakota, Saturday, July 16, 1887, Volume V. No. 16, page 3.
9. Village Alphabetical Index, Compiled from lists
Volume 7 2006
Bern F. Pavlish earned a B.S. Degree in History at North
Dakota State University in Fargo, North Dakota. He has
had a lifelong interest in genealogy. An aunt was a major
influence on him as a youngster with the many family
journals she possessed. He asked his paternal grandfather
many questions about how other Pavlish’s were related
in the Dickinson, North Dakota area. Bern began his own
independent genealogy following the passing of his first
grandparent in 1988. His ancestry is both Czech and Polish. Through the help of an older gentleman he learned
about his Czech ancestors’ emigration and settlement in
the Crimean Region (in what is now the southern part of
Ukraine). To obtain information about his family in the
Czech Republic he hired Jaroslav Jansa, a professional researcher and the author of the Čermna article on page 36.
The Minnesota Genealogical Society in Golden Valley, Minnesota was also a major source of information for
Bern. Using the CGSI collection, he was able to research
geographic maps, rare books and submitted family histories in one convenient location. In 2004, he published
his first book, “The Paternal Ancestors of Frank M. and
Agnes Pavlicek Kadrmas: 1649 - 2004.” He plans to have
finished a second family history book by the Fall of 2006.
Bern’s Czech ancestral lines include Pavlish,
Privratsky, Kadrmas and Pavlicek.
If you run across family names in this article or have
information to share with Bern, he can be reached by email at: ([email protected]).
Ročenka
Page 27
Historical Family
Structure in Slovakia
by Marta Botíková, Comenius University Bratislava, Slovakia
The ethnological point of view on family and its traditions is very complex. It includes the study of historical
development of the family structure as well as the study
of today, of the present status and way of life within the
family. In this article I will concentrate on the situation as
it existed during the end of the 19th and mostly the first
half of the 20th century.
Ethnology studies the relations between family members in the meaning of cultural relations - e.g. such as the
proper way to address him or her according to the status
within the family. Kinship terms reflect very much from
the family structure. For example, there is an interesting
phenomenon petrified in the Slovak language - distinguishing between relatives from Ego‘s mother’s and father‘s side (e.g. strýc a ujo). See endnote.
Let me turn your attention towards the word “family.”
In Slovak as well as in Czech, as you know it is rodina.
This means that the married couple - the matrimony became family upon the birth (or adoption) of their child.
“Čakajú rodinku” is being told about the pregnant woman
even today. On the other hand any married couple, even
if they did not have children, were a part of some family,
family of their parents or brothers - so we can say that
there were at least two generations in the traditional family. Exceptions were rare and had special reason.
Family life reflects the economic situation of the family, what is the primary occupation, subsistance - but also
the economic stage or characteristics of the certain region
or country – what does a certain household look like, who
resides together in the household, relatives and unrelated
persons and what does this mean for forming the way of
everyday life.
How is the family property being handled? And even
more important - how is the property divided among the
heirs - what are the norms and what is the reality? The
slow development of agriculture in Slovakia was related
in large measure to the ways in which family property
was inherited and divided. Statistics from the first half
of the twentieth century indicate that people working in
agriculture were not differentiated much socially. Most
belonged to the class of small producers and landowners,
those with five to ten hectares of land. This situation was
a consequence of long-lived feudal traditions, especially
Page 28
Slovak family from the village of Šarišske Dravce taken in
1900. Source: Múzeum SRR Prešov, ng 8928
those that required fulfilling the legal claims of all the
sons of a family to equal parts of the family property.
Sons often continued to live with their parents, even after
marriage, because only those who worked on the family
property had the right to inherit. Family property (in Slovak otcovizeň, dedovizeň–that means, the land of the fathers, forefathers) was divided when the father, who was
in fact not the owner but the manager of the property, died
or, being old and weak, decided to retire. This could have
happened even when the sons themselves had reached the
age of grandfathers.
In fact, a family during its lifecycle continued to grow
and shrink. When a young woman married, she became a
member of her husband‘s family. From her father‘s family she received a dowry. Daughters inherited only in the
rare case- when there were no male heirs. For a married
woman her husband‘s family became most important
because her children were brought up in that family and
were the potential heirs of their father’s property. Even
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Volume 7 2006
the family and earn their living in
some other profession.
By what was said it is obvious that the family was a dynamic unit. It extended and narrowed.
If somebody wanted to emphasize the overly extended structure
of a family, it was described as “to live on one loaf of bread”, at
“one table”, “at a common plate.”
Really this was the main feature
of such a family - they managed
everything in common, ate together and did not form separate
economical units. Every family
member not only had a right, but
was also responsible for the property development. That meant
that even those who earned money out of the family (migrated
near or far) were obliged to give
their income to the family - this
concerned also our compatriots,
emigrants to the U.S.- at least
those who did not decide to remain in the United States for ever
- they sent their earnings back
home - through Tatra banka at the
Caption: Rodina Považanova (Murári) from Pukanec, Slovakia in 1918.
turn of the 19th and 20th centuries
Source: Fotoarchiv Peter Klimko, NU SAV - ENS
millions of crowns came to Slovakia from those who felt obliged
to their family and in a way secured their position within
the family in the case they would return.
when women became equal heirs by law in the first half
In such big families there was no need to hire serof the nineteenth century, they usually did not use this
vants. Most of the works could have been fulfilled by
right in the hopes that their sisters-in-law also would folthe family members - usually according to instructions
low suit and not join the heirs of the property their chilof the oldest man - father or grandfather - “gazda” or the
dren might claim from their husbands’ families.
gazda‘s wife “gazdina” who was the oldest among the
The equality of shares is evident not only from the
women in the family and her competence concerned the
appearance of the countryside but also in values practiced
typical female sphere of the household.
in everyday life. The importance of the family as proCertainly there were cases or examples of having
tector of the individual is obvious in Slovak traditions.
servants, mostly within wealthier peasants’ households
Within this close-knit type of family all members were
where there was a need for regular help (e.g. large propimportant, including aging relatives. Old parents stayed
erty, no sons, no daughters, the daughter or daughter-inwithin a family, and the sons and daughters-in-law were
law having baby/-ies and not ready to work all day long,
obliged to care for them. A family took care of all its
etc.). Servants (men, or women or children) were hired
members, including the handicapped ones. This kind of
usually for a year. It might have happened that a servant
family structure was most evident in rural areas. It difstayed with his family for all his life. This was usually the
fered within the community of craftsmen because a craft
case of a male servant who worked in the farm and never
was passed on “from father to son.” When there were
married, never had his own family. It was not uncommany children in a craftsman’s family, some had to leave
Volume 7 2006
Ročenka
Page 29
Fields shown as strips in Liptovská Teplička, Slovakia.
Photo by O. Nehera 1962, NU SAV - ENS, neg 2361
mon that such a life destiny was a way of survival for the
handicapped. Examples can be found in Slovak realistic
literature, in the works of Tajovsky or Kukučín.
Women servants were rarely hired as farm-hands
in Slovakia. As I have already mentioned, there was no
special need for women‘s work, as in most of the cases
there were daughters and daughters-in law to fulfill the
tasks. The situation was different in the smaller or bigger
towns, in the families of craftsmen, shopkeepers or clerks.
Those families hired servants - especially young girls for
household work - such as looking after children, cleaning the house, helping in the kitchen. The craftsmen‘s or
shopkeepers‘ families - both in the town or in the village
place - were different in structure. They were formed by
the married couple and their children - eventually also by
the grandparents. The wife had to help in the workshop or
in the store and so she needed help in the household. The
Page 30
female (girl) servant might have stayed with the master‘s
family for a year or two. Here she had an occasion to earn
some extra money and to buy her trousseau (personal possessions of a bride) or had some savings before she got
married.
Unfortunately we do not have much evidence about
the urban families way of life as nearly no ethnographic
research was done concerning this topic. From the few
sources available I can state that there was not much difference between peasants‘ and craftsmen‘s families in the
village location. Their way of life was very much alike.
The craftsmen in the village were never living from their
craft alone, but combined it with the work on the fields.
In general, as already mentioned, the possessions
were divided among the descendants in every generation and so at the second half of the 19th century the
livelihood was supplemented by other sources, usually
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Volume 7 2006
by seasonal work either in agriculture or in industry, or
construction. According to this need within a complex
family there were members who migrated occasionally
or regularly, men or women, married or single. The main
motivation for the family to stay together was the shared
property enlarged by the income of those migrant members and consumed by all the members.
The real property division was never restricted by law
under Hungary or later Czechoslovakia.* The first such
restriction was a law passed in 1947 giving standards of
the smallest land ownership. According to this law the
territory of Slovakia was divided into regions with prevailing production (grain, sugarbeats, potatoes, pastures)
and the smallest possible acreage of one share. When the
law, which had to help the process of industrialization of
the country came into practice it was already outdated, as
the lands were divided into much smaller portions in reality. In historical Hungary – as opposed to e.g. the Austrian
and Czech lands, there was never a law passed giving the
right to one heir only. That was one of the reasons for the
“natural” solution, which occured mainly in the 30s of the
20th century - the restricted reproduction or birth control.
To restrict the number of heirs seemed to be the only way
to keep the family prosperity at a certain level in the years
of the world economic crisis. Why didn’t this solution
occur earlier? In the time of the abolishment of serfdom
most of the Slovak peasant families in Slovakia were in
much the same position – they had no other chance but
to buy their land from the landlord, which was a problem
during the bad economic situation. Any enlargment of
the family in the following generation would lead to its
economic failure. There was another solution - emigration
- and that formed the first big wave of emigration to the
U.S., with the idea of the emigrants to earn money and
return, to improve their situation back home. This emigration caught a great number of people from nearly all regions of Slovakia. As the first wave of emigration mainly
consisted of men - it led to a restricted reproduction at the
same time. In the thirties of the 20th century there was
no alternative - the economic crisis was worldwide, there
was nowhere to emigrate and the solution of birth control
seemed to work particularly in the southern regions of
Slovakia. In the official statistics it was indicated by the
young marriage age of women, postponing of the first
pregnancy and unfortunately also the high death rate of
young women.
These few remarks on family structure, relations and
their cultural consequences prove that a family is really
a changing unit which depends on internal and external
factors. It is dependent on economic sources and the way
Volume 7 2006
it handles them depends on existing law (formal as well
as informal). For us - as family members - it is the closest
and emotionally important group of people usually ready
to help, to share good, successful moments in our lives as
well as the problems which occur.
* Slovakia was referred to as Upper Hungary while
under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which
lasted until the end of World War I.
The article is based on the book by Botíková, M.
(ed.): Slovak Family Traditions. Bratislava, Veda publishing house 1997. It was written under the grant project
VEGA.
About the Author
PhDr. Marta Botíková, CSc. is an Associate Professor at
Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia. Since 2003
she has served as head of the Department of Ethnology
and Cultural Anthropology in the Philosophical Faculty
at Comenius University. In 1989 she worked at the Biographical Institute of Matica Slovenska in Martin. From
1986 to 1988 she worked in the Research Department of
the Institute for Slovaks Abroad at Matica Slovenska. She
was a speaker at the 2005 Back to the Homeland Conference in Bratislava, speaking about this same topic.
Dr. Botíková speaks Slovak, English, Hungarian and
Russian. She is married to Jan Botík and has two daughters, Zuzana and Daniela.
Endnote: The words Strýce a ujo, refers to uncles on
the father’s and the mother’s side. (See page 28, paragraph two).
Ročenka
Bratislava Town Crest
Page 31
Hovězí Land Survey from 1st Half of 19th Century
Crownland Moravia
District Hradisch (Uherské Hradištĕ)
Valuation District – Nr 15 Taxation District Wsetin (Vsetín)
Land Registry –Appraisal– Record Of the Community Howiesy (Hovĕzí)
Introduction
Paragraph 1
Topography
The community of Howiesy (Hovĕzí) with its built up properties lies 8 Austrian miles (i.e. approximately 61 km or 38 English
miles) north of the county seat Hradisch (Uherské Hradištĕ) and forms a fairly wide valley area which branches to the north and
south into smaller valleys and with it forms a well protecting mountainous grouping which forms towards the north, south, west
and east the highest mountain regions of the area.
The close vicinity of the Carpathian Mountains, its own elevation and being surrounded by large tracts of forestation puts this
community into a raw and cold climate, which in turn protects the valley floor from the rawest winds.
The village itself is partly closely built (together), partly in single lots and houses. Next to the houses are normally found the
gardens onto which is attached the better farmland and immediately in higher elevations the farming is, more or less, in competition with the remaining land. The valley floor consists mainly of meadowland; the higher ground takes up the pastures and
forests. The entire area of the community measures 9956 Joch (in Czech “jitro”) and 53 Klafter (in Czech “sáh”) [10,554 acres]
where the extend of the distance of the pastures to the farms does not effect the operation, since the spread - out farms are situated mostly in a circle around the village.
Beside the living quarters of the property owners there exists only a church, parsonage and school. Then for the Protestant faith
(Augsburg confession) owned Filial Prayer house as well as a manorial well-funded Fee-farm. The catholic parsonage and
school is administered by the manor house in Wsetin (Vsetín), which includes the patronage, as well as, the village administration rights. Curiosities, historical recollections and folk-tales do not exist in this community.
Paragraph 2
Borders
This community is bordered in the north by the community Johanisow (Janova) in the east by Hallenkau (Halenkov) in the
south by Ziedechau **, Ornitz** in the west by Austy (Usti) and Johanisow (Janova)
** could not be confirmed on a modern map
Paragraph 3
Population
After the Inscription Certification Results of the year 1840 the male population consists of 1633 and the female of 1682 souls.
Hence together 3315 subjects who live in 492 houses and make up 787 residences of which 781 residential tennants occupy
themselves with agricultural production, 3 with trades and 3 with public offices.
The normal fare is rarely meat, more with flour, milk and vegetable dishes, the latter consisting of cabbage and potatoes.
The larger farm allottments employ 1 farm worker,1 maid and 1 herdsman.
Page 32
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Volume 7 2006
Livestock held
Livestock in this community consists of:
Horses
112
Oxen
234
Cows
853
Calves
200
Pigs (Borstenvieh)
300 Improved sheep
500
Common sheep 2736
Paragraph 4
animals
“
“
“
“
“ and
“
The horses and the horned animals are usually raised locally, as are the common sheep. Only the manorial House buys its draft
animals of a better quality in the neighboring Hungary or from dealers where also the horned animals for fattening are bought.
The improved sheep are the property of industrial branch of the Manorial estate Wsetin (Vsetín).
The normal feeding of the horses, aside from the grazing time, consists of a combination of shredded clover, hay, barley or oat
straw and only following hard work a small addition of oats and hay is given.
Cattle receives, besides hay and straw from the threshing floor and in summer, as are sheep, fed by grazing on pastures.
Pigs enjoy, outside the fattening period, in addition to grazing on the pasture, food remnants from the household.
Horses and oxen are used for any local draft and hauling work and in winter are used in hauling lumber. Cows are kept to provide milk and lard needs of the houshold. Pigs are kept for the meat and fat usage of the household.
The sheep deliver to the account of the manorial estate the proceeds of the sale of the wool, whereas the wool and the coats of
the common sheep is used to clothe the owners of the animals.
The larger farm operations keep 2 horses or 2 oxen, 3 cows, 1-2 young animals, 6-7 sheep, and 2 pigs.
An expanded chicken farming operation does not exist (in this community).
Paragraph 5
Rivers, creeks, ponds, lakes, swamps
The community is cut through, from east to west, by the navigable (by floats) Bötschwa river (Vsetínská Bečva) during high
water levels, that in turn is fed from north to south by the Ladezowy** Howiesky, Bratersauka** and from the south to the north
by the Stribnick, Uhersky, Hulensky** , Richawa** and Ezen...sky** creeks.
The Bötschwa river powers 2 mills and on the Hulensky creek 1 mill and a sawmill. The Richawa creek has 1 mill and on the
Boronsky** creek there is 1 mill in operation.
The river mills have 3 stones and the mills on the creeks have one stone in operation. The occasional flooding is of no consequence
** These creeks (rivulets) could not be found on a modern map.
Paragraph 6
Roads and Paths
The road from Wsetin (Vsetín) to Karlovitz (Velké Karlovice) runs through the valley of the Bötschwa (Vsetínská Bečva) and
branches into a commercial road leading into Zdichov (Zdĕchov). Both roads are well maintained, competitively between two
manor houses. However the country roads and paths are left to the care of the community and are in mostly poor condition..
Paragraph 7
Markets
Products remaining for sale are brought to the 5 Miles distant marketplace Zlín which are held every Saturday at the Weekly
Market and where the aforementioned commercial road and from there on the Nazagedle ** road mostly in a level position (no
mountains) is being utilized. However, large producers (owners) of oats seldom visit this market.
** this road coud not be verified on a modern map.
Volume 7 2006
Ročenka
Page 33
Paragraph 8
Cultivated, unused and unusable Properties – According to the predetermined measurements and the established class extracts thereof the cultivated land constitutes the following:
On arrable land
on meadows
on Gardens
on pasture land
on high forest and scrub land
on farm land with fruit trees
on meadows with forestry
on Trischfeldern (See note below)
Summa (sum)
Additional construction area with
Sum of the productive area
Adding regulated land, roads, paths, rivers
And tax free construction area with
Grand Tota
2601
927
47
2760 2272
55
110
762
9593
36
9630
Joch
“
“
“
“
“
“
“
Joch
“
“
173 Klafter
248
“
1492
“
808
“
697
“
869
“
714
“
1321
“
1521 Klafter
1017
“
938
“
325
9956
“
718
“
Joch 33 Klafter
(approx. 980 acres)
(approx. 51 acres)
(approx. 2925 acres)
((approx. 2410 acres)
((approx. 59 acres)
((approx. 117 acres)
((approx. 810 acres)
(approx. 10170 acres)
(approx. 39 acres)
((approx. 10209 acres)
(approx. 345 acres)
(10554 acres)
From this compilation result the following relationships of the individual categories to one another.
The cultivated properties relate to the unused properties as
258 to 1
and to the unusable as
29 to 1
But the unused relate to the unusable as
1 to 9
Paragraph 9
Agricultural Products - Normally produced in this community are:
On the cultivated farm land, summer wheat, corn, barley, oats, cucumbers, and potatoes.
On the pasture land: sweet hay
In the gardens: sweet grass, and tree fruit. On the meadows: sweet grazing grass. In the forests: hard and soft firewood and lumber. On arable land with fruit: besides the produce, plums.
On the pastures with trees, besides the sweet pasture grass, hard firewood.
The Trischfelder ** provide in addition to the oat harvest, grazing on sweet fodder. In the past several years the potato crop has
increased significantly.
** Trischfelder = Trisch field is a low quality meadow land
Paragraph 10
Cultivation of the soil – The greatest diligence and the most care is given by the local farm property owners to the farmland by
working, tilling and fertilizing the soil. The meadows receive, aside from the cleansing of the sod - bed in the spring, no special
treatment. The gardens with the farm land with fruit trees enjoy a timely fertilization and care of the trees, according to need.
The latter consisting in the normal cutting and pruning of the branches loosening of the earth around the trunks and the planting
of young trees. The pasture land and the forests are left to nature; the useage of the former is left to a regulated period of access.
The cause of the disproportionality of the meadowland is not to be found in the area of the land, as half of the meadowlands
consist of single crop valley meadows and on dry mountain inclines, here in this cold climate, this problem cannot be overcome
with a better cultivation by planting of herbal fodder.
In respect of the individual types of cultivated acreages, already mentioned in Para 8, it has to be said that the arable land constitutes, with the exception of expansive pasture and forestry operation, the dominating cultivation type. Following in decreasing
order are the meadows then the Trisch and the garden land; hence the economic relationship appears to be well maintained.
Utensils utilized in the individual agricultural tasks performed are limited to the usual plane or land – plough, iron harrow, wagon with rails and the dung cart, sickle, scythe and the rake.
Page 34
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Volume 7 2006
In addition to these tools required in the working of the farm and pasture lands there are the spade, shovel, fork, ladder, windmill, axes and saws for the subsequent harvesting and processing of products until they can be turned into a useable state.
Winter crops are planted in the month of September the summer crop is planted in the month of April. The harvest of the former
occurs at the end of July and the latter at the end of August or at the beginning of September.
Paragraph 11
Agricultural products and value of same - The products shown in paragraph 9 of the agricultural land are mostly of very
good quality. The often marketed oats obtains its appropriate value. Otherwise, most products of the farm and the meadow land,
as well as the gardens, are dedicated to the annual consumption by the household.
Noteworthy is the sale of the wood from the manorial forests of this community which is transported as firewood to areas with
marginal supply of forest product.
Paragraph 12
Kinds of real property ownerships and number of land allotments –
In this community exist Dominical (town) and rustical housing lots. Free extra land lots (free of tax) do not exist.
Of land allotments are available:
252 Farm lots with area
6 Klafter 46
3 Podseker (parcels)
6
“
12
17 Chalupner (cottagers)
2
“
19
6 Alottment cottagers
1
“
10 3 (Katastrirte) Land registry allotments
429
“
3
144 town houses
16
“
17
62 Half farmers (Halbenbauer) &
6 Zdiachoroner so-called Überland = houses 2
“
13
Joch
“
“
“
“
“
(approx. 49 acres)
(approx. 13 acres)
(approx. 20 acres)
(approx. 11 acres)
(approx. 3 acres)
(approx. 18 acres)
“
(approx. 14 acres)
Paragraph 13
Houses – The local buildings with the exception of the publicly owned and the Manorial buildings, are constructed of wood and
covered with shingles. The residential houses consist of 2 chambers, basement and a kitchen. The farm buildings consist of the
necessary stalls for horses, cows and sheep, a small granary and the barn. All living and farm buildings are in an average state of
construction in their expansion, however, proportionate to their allottment. Until now none of the houses are insured.
Industrial Trades – do not exist in this community
Paragraph 14
Editor’s Notes
The original document was handwritten in the old German script and translated from German to English by Frank Soural at the
request of Paul Makousky, Editor of Ročenka. The German title is Catastral – Schätzungs – Elaborat.
This translated land document for the village of Hovĕzí and the four villages listed below is from the Stabilní katastr - Vcenovaci operaty (Stable Land Registry), collected between the years 1824-1860), which includes also the so-called Indikační Skizzy
(Indication sketches), or as we know them, Cadastral Maps or plat maps.
Other villages in North Moravia that we have this information for include, Tichá, Mniší, Nový Hrozenkov and Zádveřice. The
documents were obtained for CGSI back in 1994 by Milan Čoupek. He was formerly assistant director of the Moravian Provincial Archive in Brno.
Village Maps - To view a detailed map of this village or any of your own villages, go to (www.mapy.cz). Enter your village
in the blank horizontal box in the top right of page. Then click the button called Hledej. Using the + button on the vertical bar
zooms you in. Click on the letecky button to get an aerial view.
Volume 7 2006
Ročenka
Page 35
ČERMNÁ, a Summary of
Its history
By Jaroslav Jansa
Translation from Czech by Steve Wencl  
Čermná was established along with the neighboring villages and towns during the colonization period of East
Bohemia in the 13th century. The first written report of
the village is from the year 1304, but the village is older
then that date. The oldest well preserved building in the
village is the Catholic church tower, which according
to some sources is from the year 1551. The church was
originally wooden, in the second half of the 17th century
it was rebuilt into stone and masonry. Likewise the pond
in the middle of the community and preserved to this day
was created well-before the year 1500.
Names of some of the citizens known to be in
Čermná in the year 1530: Jíra Zeman, Pavel Dobeš,
Martin Liska, Jan Biskup, Jíra Medek, Jan Pavlů, Jíra
Rosypal, Jíra Vanoch, Martin Ssothna, Jan Dutcho, Vanek
Novák, Jan Klacz, Petr Mlynář, Vanek Nováček, Jan Michalek, Martin Wilyk, Matouss Wsustek, Stepan Prasse,
Pavel Zelezný, Martin Bartoss, Jan Niklasek, Petr Krzyz,
Hanus Sedlman, Pavel Puknar, Barton Kryk, Martin Rziha, Jan Strziz, Vondra Jandl, Jan Mrkvin, Jíra Koudelka,
Martin Nykl, Jan Deyma, Jan Pliva, Matouss Hejný,
Kuba Zeman.
Other settlers had only one name: Viktorín, Wašku
(Vaško), Mach, Wit, Trlenda, Hanus, Juklik, Štĕpan, Pardubský, Henyk, Mikeš, Faltys, Ambroz.
In the Protestant church records from the dates of
1530-1560 are found: Linhard Rapl, Vanek Ssotna, Jirik
Tkadlec, Jirik Kadrman, Jíra Rezek, and Klimeš, Mertka,
Rysl, Rubin, Partl, Tavroh.
In 1568 the names of other Čermná settlers appear on the tax roll: Vávra, Veverka, Martin Vřetenák,
Matouš Vlček, Martin Kostelník, Jan Safranek, Portl
Prstny, Matouš Hamáček, Pavel Klimeš, Ambroz and
Jan Koudelka, Jíra Rysanek, Kuba Herb, Petr Liska, Jan
Solwic, Jan Žiampach, Petr Czizek, Jakub Strziz, Barton Hindru, Mareš Ziubu, Jan Drtina, Anna Petrzicka,
Petr Herbke, Jan Starý, Markyta Raplová, Zuzana Ciermacká, Matey Klimešu, Petraczek, Havliczek, Petrlka,
Jukliczek.
After the year 1600 these surnames arrive to Čermná:
Bartoš, Betlach, Bednář, Burian, Bouchal, Brut, Coufal, Cziz, Dušek, Doubrava, Drtina, Falteysek, Foltl,
Feit/Feyth, Faltus, Frylich, Fuchs, Gryger, Horáček,
Heyl, Hauf, Hnatek, Hofman, Hejný(Hajný), Chromý,
Page 36
Janoušek, Jilk, Jandera, Jirásek, Kholer, Kotek, Kouřil,
Kupka, Krejči, Lešikar, Lzickar, Motl, Marek, Mareš,
Maček, Maryska, Mach, Mikoláš, Martinek, Matĕju, Mistru, Mačát, Novák, Pirkl, Pitman, Podhajský, Pecháček,
Rychtář, Stanzl, Slanina, Šles (Schles), Šponar, Schlesiger, Tomášek, Taierle, Uher, Vejprachtický, Vávra,
Vašku, Zys, Zalman.
During the terrible Thirty Years War (1618-1648)
many citizens of Čermná perished. The parish house
along with many homes and farms were destroyed. In the
period after 1670 the parish house and other buildings
were either rebuilt or repaired. At various times the nearby villages of Petrovice, Verměřovice, Lanšperk, Dolní
Dobrouc, Horní Dobrouc, Ostrov and Jakubovice were
under the administration of St. George´s Catholic Church
in Čermná.
German families from the nearby villages of Ostrov
and Jakubovice had mass said in the German language
two times a month at St. George’s Church in Čermná.
In these historic periods the inhabitants of Čermná were
predominantly of Czech origin. The settlers of the upper
part of the community of Čermná were for the most part
of the evangelical Czech-Brethren faith, (Protestant) the
majority of the inhabitants in the lower part of the village
were Catholic. Many inhabitants of the evangelical faith
left Čermná after the year 1650 for neighboring countries,
but mostly for Germany.
In spite of this emigration many of the families with
the old original surnames remain in the village to this
day: Vaško, Šponar, Dušek, Mareš, Marek, Motl, Sleziger,
Bednář, Šubart, Šilar, Faltejsek, Vyprachtický, Kilar, and
Pecháček.
We currently also have families with these surnames
in the village: Ceinar, Fischer, Andrle, Hrdina, Hausler,
Macháček, Matějka, Hybl, Vasatko, Vondra, Jansa, Kuzilek, Bureš, Janda, Kleker, Barta, Urban, Apl, Řehak,
Miller, Šubart, Chládek, Beneš, Horák, Bouchal, Junek,
Zalman, Swercl, Polák, Kubin, Matějiček, Valenta, Chaloupka.
The community experienced four emigration waves
(see “Vystehovalectví” aticle*). The first wave took place
in the whole Lanškroun region. The cause of this emigration was the extreme oppression and obligatory labor
demands at that time.
The second wave dates to the years 1736 to 1744 during
the Counter-Reformation. During this period many Evangelical families left for Germany and near Berlin they
established the Community of Rixdorf.
Nevertheless the number of inhabitants gradually increased. Further families are recorded with the surnames:
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Volume 7 2006
Bin, Budis, Balcar, Formanek, Hejgrlik, Kaska, Kos,
Kada, Marzik, Novotny, Peskar, Palicka, Peterka, Ptacek,
Pokorný, Peterka, Vilimek, Paukrt, Merta.
Less numerous were families with the following surnames: Černý, Lehky, Jezek, Rysan, Janku, Černohous,
Votava, Vilemský, Zpievak, Skalický, Formanek, Čada,
Zedník, Travniček, Teykl, Koubek, Lehky, Pech, Horacek, Valenta, Taraska, Adolf, Braulik, Chladek, Blažek,
Brezina, Byr, Hlavatý.
A further minority of families came mainly from the
neighboring villages inhabited predominately by Germans. These families were:
Felcman, Wagner, Hauenschild, Niederle, Weber, Lux,
Peichl, Langer, Wurst, Sontag, Hofmann, Schromm, Saliger, Steiner, Stibitz, Tschepen, Schoberle, Verner, Berg,
Grus.
Around 1850 the number of inhabitants rose above
3,000. This Čermná became the second largest town in
the Dominion at that time, second only to the city of
Lanškroun. The greatest emigration wave from the village
took place between 1850 to 1900.
Almost 1,000 citizens left Čermná mainly for the
United States. (Majority of them are noted in article “Vystehovalectví”).
Emigrants were not deterred from emigrating even
after the first group heading for Texas had nearly all perished. (Note: they were mostly of the evangelical faith
from the upper part of the village). In 1900 Čermná again
had 3,000 inhabitants. Between 1914-1918 (World War I
) about 100 young men from Čermná were killed, many
more were wounded.
After the war there was rapid development in Čermná
due to the situation in the new democratic state of
Československo.
Other family surnames noted in Čermná at that time
included: Barnet, Bašek, Beneš, Brich, Brtek, Celba,
Cimprych (Cimprich), Černohorský, Čada, Danda,
Doleček, Doležal, Dostál, Drábek, Faltus, Filáček, Hampl, Havelka, Havlíček, Hes, Hrabáček, Hynek, Jírasek,
Chaloupka, Jamenský, Janeček, Kalous, Kaše, Kaube,
Komárek, König, Kostomlacký, Kratký, Křivohlávek,
Kulhánek, Kunert, Kvíčala, Lenfeld, Lipenský, Liska,
Maleček, Manl, Marx, Matyáš, Mikula, Nastoupil, Felcman, Kapoun, Stepanke, Ruprych (Ruprich), Netušil,
Mrázek, Moravec, Mencl, Lochman, Holeček, Kaloušek,
Malý, Kvapil, Netek, Suchomel, Bilý, Holanec, Pecivál.
In 1935-1936 the village of Čermná was divided into
Horní (upper) and Dolní (lower) Čermná.
In 1994 Dolní Čermná had 1,304 inhabitants and
Horní Čermná 1,047 inhabitants.
* The author mentions an article entitled
Vystěhovalectví, which refers to Czech Emigration to
the USA. We are not certain of the source of this article,
perhaps it is one that he authored. There is also a book
about the History of Czech Emigration to America by
the late Czech historian, Josef Polišenský. It is called
Vystěhovalectví do Ameriky (Emigration to America)
1848-1914 (Praha: Univerzita Karlova, 1992).
Old postcard with Catholic parish of Sv. Jiří (St. George) on the right with
Chapel of St. Barbara. Courtesy of Mark Bigaouette.
Volume 7 2006
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History of Emigration
from Čermná
 
Foreword
by Jaroslav Jansa
Čermná is a small village in East Bohemia that many
Americans can trace their family roots back to. Čermná
has lost many citizens over the last 200 years or so as
they immigrated for better lives or for religious reasons. First they immigrated to Germany, to a region called
Lusatia (Lužice), home to the Wendish/Sorb people,
which is East of Dresden, or to Berlin. They were mainly
protestant Czechs and some German Bohemians from
the upper parts of the village. A large number of the same
people in the 1850s departed for central Texas. Soon
after some Catholic German Bohemians, and Czechs
settled in Wisconsin, near Madison – Sun Prairie and
Watertown. Then mainly Catholic Czechs relocated to
many places including a small town in western Wisconsin
called Cherma. Basically the upper (Horní) part of the
village is and has been Protestant and the lower (Dolní)
part Roman Catholic. The upper part of the village became more German Bohemian over the last 200 years,
as the Czechs moved away. Right in the middle between
them ran the Nazi Protectorate border during the Nazi
occupation, 1938-1945. A lot of smuggling occurred between them during the war! This article was in large part
translated from a chapter of the book, 700 let obce Dolní
Čermnĕ (700th year community of Čermná) a book written in 2004 in honor of the 700th year of the first written
mention of the community of Čermná in 1304. The village was founded long before this date – about the year
1100. CGSI has this book in its library holdings. This
chapter was written by CGSI member and genealogical
researcher, Jaroslav Jansa, Dolní Dobrouč 460, 561 02,
Czech Republic. He is one of the Professional Genealogical Researchers listed on the CGSI website, (www.cgsi.
org). Translated by CGSI member Steve Wencl, commissioned by and organized by Mark Vaško-Bigaouette, the
founder and Past-President of CGSI. It is his grandfather
Vaško’s family line that comes from this village. 
At the very end of the article is a listing of Čermná from a
Czech gazetteer from about 1900? The Society would be
VERY interested in acquiring these old gazetteers for our
Library – please contact us if you can help!
A CGSI member has offered to be the clearing house
for Čermná. Chris Falteisek has offered to compile a
list of surnames being researched from Čermná and or
Page 38
to put people searching the same family lines in contact
with each other. Contact Chris Falteisek at his email address: ([email protected]) or mailing address: PO
Box 62,  Prescott WI, 54021-0062.
Finally I challenge YOU the members of CGSI to
find articles of your ancestral village, and publish them, 
so you too can find other people doing family history
research from your village – it’s now up to you!    
Čermná
Čermná has its own centuries old tradition of emigration.
The first great wave of emigration from Čermná is recorded in the Book of Deserters, which covers the period
between 1588 and 1628. In that time period the owners of
the village was the Estate of Lanškroun-Lanšperk, namely
the family of Hrzán. They created the above mentioned
book to record the names of serfs who left without permission from the local dominion and their property or
inheritance was turned over to his Lordship.
The Estate carefully recorded the inheritance amounts
of its inhabitants, calculated into financial sums connected to real estate, mills, cottages, etc., from which the
individual deserters left. This activity was an annual judgment situation chosen to benefit the former owners of the
Estate, the Hrzán clan and used later after 1622 when the
Liechtenstein family ruled the area.
Almost fifty villages of the local domain have entries
concerning emigration recorded in one book. Since there
was so much emigration activity originating in Čermná,
there had to be one book established for this community
alone. As far as the study of causes and the structural
character of emigration are concerned, two causes of emigration and two categories of emigrants emerge.
The first cause in the first category of people was the
forced-mandatory labor on dominion property. This concerned above all orphans, who were totally thrown into
unpaid slave-like work. For example, at the Manor, on the
Dominion farm, in mills, in the sheep-pens, in the forests,
etc. According to old feudal customs, the owner of the
dominion had the right to use adolescent children who did
not have parents as he wished.
The orphans were often mistreated by dominion officials, managers, foresters, manor stewards and others.
Since the orphans were not locked up, many ran away
from this servitude and then their prospective inheritance
fell into the hands of the Lordship.
The second numerous group of emigrants were men
and women who wished to get married to an individual
from another dominion. The cause of their emigration
was the denial to move without permission of the author-
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Volume 7 2006
At right is Joseph Vaško, Great Grandfather of Mark
Bigaouette. Taken in Čerma ca. 1926.
and Kača, children of Jan Vřetenák, Matěj
Wašek, Jakub Wašek, Jakub Viktorín, Václav Petráš; Jan, Petr and Jakub, children of 
Václav Chládek; Zuzana Matěj and Adam,
children of  Bartoloměj (Portle) Mrátný,
Jan Dušek, Pavel and Petr Kotek; Jíra and
Matěj, sons of Jan Heyle called Janda;
Matěj and Matouš Žampach.
It is recorded that from these individuals the Hrzán clan had collected 865 kop
grošů by the year 1627. (This amount was
equal to two large mills or four of the larger
estates.)
The Book does not contain the names
of property-less (land-less) serfs and their
children, who as well left Čermná. Since
they didn’t have any property and the Lord
couldn’t take anything, they weren’t registered.  Their number could be just as large
as the registered emigrants.
Since almost half of the registered
emigrants came from the upper part of the community of
Čermná where the majority were of the Brethren faith it
can be said that religion played no part in the emigration
process, as there are no entries in the Book concerning
reasons based on religion.
After the Thirty Years’ War the situation radically
changed. Protestants had to leave the area, this affected
ity. When they weren’t granted permission, they simply
ran away. As in the case of the orphans, their property fell
into the hands of the owners of the Estate. The emigrants
made new homes in neighboring and distant regions of
Bohemia, in Moravia, Silesia, in Austria, in Hungary and
in the German Lands.
The previously mentioned book contains the registration for the following emigrants: Jan Wlček, Jiří
Jirásek, Kača Jirásková,
Anna Šafránková, Martin Jíra, Jan and Matěj
Hamáček, Kača and Jakub
Petrovi, Jiří Liška, Dorota
Mikšová, Jakub Prasse,
Vondra Hroch, Jíra Hladký,
Dorota Žampachová,
Matouš Wašek, Jan Dušek,
Jíra Drtina, Anna, Manda
and Jan Dlouhý, Martin
and Marjan Hajný, Zuzana, Manda and Jan Rapl,
Petr Hajný, Adam and Jan
Vaňků, Jakub Hyrnyk, Vondra Hernyk, Petr Peterka,
Matěj Veverka, Anna, Kača,
Manda, Martin, Matouš
and Jíra, children of  Michal Vaňka, Jan and Václav
Šotna, Mariana Hajný,
Bohemian folk dance group taken in 2004 during 700 Year Celebration of the town of Čermna.
Anna Krejčí; Jan, Mach
In background is Čermenský rybník (Čermna Lake).
Volume 7 2006
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Page 39
the Protestant nobility and the middle to upper class for
the most part. Emigration from the country-side had
been stopped earlier, because there would be nobody to
work on the dominion, church, and monastery estate.
The post war situation (1622) is noted for the census
information. (Note: this refers to the Czech War, the first
part of the Thirty Years’ War) Residents were listed according to religion, occupation, marital status and age. In
1651 all the serfs living in Čermná were listed as catholic
as was required under the re-catholization process. The
majority in the upper part of Čermná were followers of
the Union of Brethren. Their descendants in many cases
kept in secret the protestant faith of their fathers and
grandfathers. Sometimes they went into exile, but not into
neighboring Moravia as re-catholization was going on
there as well.
In Hungary there was often warfare between the
Habsburg and Turkish armies, so that was not a good
choice for most. The situation was easier in Silesia and
Saxony for the exiles.
In the first decades after the Thirty Years’ War, (1618
– 1648) emigration from Čermná declined from its high
point.  The older generations for the most part had not
experienced the hardships of war. The decrease in the
middle and younger generation had a serious effect on the
entire work-force number.
The Lordship had to fill the gaps within the Dominion in order to maintain an effective operation on the
estates. Abandoned rural homesteads were filled by serfs
of the cottage class and the cottages were filled by serfs
of the day-labor and property-less class without regard to
religion.
The Re-catholization Commission operated in gradual circuits, which meant that they spent only a few days
in parts of the local region visiting an individual village
once. This was a very difficult task as it was hard to return the secret protestants back to the Catholic Church.
The one-time visits to the village had little future consequence on an individual’s spiritual faith. During the Thirty Years’ War the Catholic Parish in Čermná was deserted,
devastated and the community did not have its own spiritual leader. The same situation plagued all the neighboring villages. The entire parochial district of the Lanšperk
Dominion had only one priest (sometimes just a chaplain)
situated in the town of Ústí nad Orlicí. This pastor had
responsibility over 30 communities and settlements.
The change came in 1663, when the community of
Čermná along with 10 other villages came under the
administration of the Parish in Jablonné nad Orlicí. After another 7 years of repair and rebuilding, the parish
Page 40
in Čermná
acquired its
own catholic
priest.
In the
following
years taxes
rose and so
did the mandatory work
demands
of serfdom
on the general population. The
Habsburg
Monarchy
maintained a
large army
in the area
Commerative card with the date of the
due to posfirst written reference to Čermna.
sible unrest.
In reality there was never enough resources to support
such a force, which added to the problem. The economic
demands of the government continued to rise and often
the serfs rebelled. These rebellions were put down with
harsh military force.
This situation became a cause for emigration. Before
1700 and more in periods after that year a few Čermná
residents decided to leave for Silesia and Hungary. This
concerned more the protestant population, the members
of the Czech Brethren. They could not tolerate the pressure of the forced return to the Catholic faith along with
life associated with serfdom. In their view they had to
emigrate to maintain their orthodox faith and a clear conscience before God.
The Habsburg Monarchy began to experience bad
relations with the neighboring protestant lands in this
period of time, especially with an aggressive Prussia.
Emigrants coming from Bohemia and Moravia to Silesia
were considered by government officials as a source of
destabilization towards unfriendly Prussia. 
Among the exiles in Silesia there were many disagreements concerning religion and social character.
After 1717 the situation became so bad, the exiles left
for neighboring Lusatia, in Saxony. (the area where the
Wends or Sorbs resided).  They settled just across from
the North Bohemian border in the Dominion of Honnersdorf u Zhořelec (Görlitz).
In a matter of time dissension grew between the ex-
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Volume 7 2006
iles and the local authorities along with the established
Out of fear that they should be returned to Bohemia,
Lutheran and Reform churches. The local authority imthe emigrants left Gerlachsheim for the Prussian frontier.
posed elements of the Lutheran rite into the Czech BrethAs soon as they received permission to settle in Prussia,
ren services. The new settlers were pressed into serfdom
they made their way to Rixdorf, a village near Berlin. In
just like they had been in their homeland.  They were not
1737 they obtained the land in which they built their
allowed to hold services in their homes, they couldn’t
homes and a Czech church. After the invasion of Silesia,
do any mission travel and were not allowed to return to
Moravia and Bohemia by Prussian armies in 1741, the
Bohemia and bring back any further emigrants. In the end
tide of emigration increased, especially from eastern Bothe situation led to the Czech speaking emigrants being
hemia. In the following year of war, Pavel Vejprachtický
arrested and others expelled.
at that time the Magistrate of the colony in Rixdorf,
They left for neighboring Herrnhut but they weren’t
returned to Čermná. At the Dominion headquarters in
there long. Saxony denied entry to further emigrants, so
Lanškroun he secured permission and protection in leadthe whole community left in mass onto the road to Prusing a further 50 new emigrants back to Rixdor.
sia. The exiles were stopped on the outskirts of the city of
Further emigrants from Čermná went to Silesia after
Chotěbuz (in German, Kotzobendz) and their minister Jan
its loss in 1742, when it became part of Prussia, and to
Liberda was arrested.
other regions of Bohemia and Moravia.
After being released from detention some of the exThe exiles at first lived in poverty, but often found
iles individually began to make their way to Berlin and
substantial help. Many of them knew how to read and
then settled on Friedrich Street without any hindrance.
write. They brought many books with them from home,
Other exiles left Chotěbuz for Lusatia and found refuge
above all the bible which was the basis of their life. They
in Gerlachsheim, where there was already a large Czech
wrote and sent letters often to their friends and family in
colony in which a few refugees from Čermná could alBohemia. They didn’t speak German, so in negotiations
ready be found.
with officials a translator was a necessity. They wrote in
Some of the exiles returned to Bohemia frequently
their biographies in detail about their origin, their youth
to visit relatives and friends. Officials of the Habsburg
in Čermná and their life in exile.
Monarchy often assumed these people were Prussian
The records of Čermná and the records of researcher
spies and had them arrested. Relatives of the emigrants
Otto Cejnar contain the names of emigrants from Čermná
were followed and often interrogated by church officials,
who left in this described era and the years following for
magistrates and dominion officials and finally imprisRixdorf (Berlin):
oned. Some of the members of the United Brethren from
 
Čermná visited their fellow-countrymen in Lusatia and
Anderle Jan and Rosina
Lešikar
Saxony, then returned home for their families and friends
Jan and Marie
to emigrate from Čermná.
Bárta Jan and Marie Vašková
Mačát Jan and
Pavel Vejprachtický a son of a
Čermná farmer did this. In the beginAnderle Jan and Rosina
Lešikar Jan and Marie
ning of the year 1736 he visited Czech
Bárta Jan and Marie Vašková
Mačát Jan and Veronika Mareš
immigrants in Lusatia, after his return
Bednář Jan and Katerina Šponar
Mačát  Jan and Anna
to Čermná he was jailed three times.
Bednář Jan, single
Mareš Jan and Rosina Pitman
After his release he emigrated with his
Bednář Martin and Rosina Kupka
Mareš Martin and Anna Pitman
whole family to Gerlachsheim. During
Bednář Václav and Rosina Motl
Mareš Martin and Marie Bednář
1736 a good 72 people from Čermná
Coufal Jan a Rosina Mareš
Motl Rosina, single
and its local area went to GerlachCoufal Jiří  and Anna Pecháček
Novák Ondřej and Anna Šponar
shelm. 
Coufal Martin and Marie Pecháček
Pecháček Martin and Marie Pitman
In October of that same year
Dušek Jan and Anna Vejprachtická
Pitman Jakub and Kateřina Jansa
another 21 people from Čermná emiDušek Jan,  single
Pitman Jan and Marie Šponar
grated. After a few days the Prince of
Dušek Matěj and Rosina Mareš
Pitman Martin and Rosina Bednář
Lichtenstein owner of the Lanškroun
Dušek Pavel and Kateřina
Pitman Ondřej and Kateřina Lešikar
Dominion intervened with the Saxon
Faltejsek Jan and Magdalena Mačát
Podhajsky Jan and Anna Bednář
Elector against the drain of his serfs
Hnátek Pavel and Eva Dušek
Šponar Martina Katerina Anderle
from his dominion.
Hnátek Tobiáš and Anna Šponar
Šponar Martin and Judita Machova
Jansa Antonína and Anna Bednář
Šponar Matěj and Kateřina Dušek
Volume 7 2006
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Page 41
Jansa Antonína and Anna Bednář
Jansa Antonín and Anna Mačát
Jansa Jan and Anna Novák
Jansová Dorota, single
Jansová Rosina, single
Jelínek Jakub - Kateřina Applová
Jelínková Marie - daughter
Anna Pitmanová and Martin Mareš
Pecháček Martin and Alžběta Justová
Kristek Jiří and Kateřina Motlová
Kupka Jiří and Marie Vejprachtická
Lešikar Martin and Kateřina Mareš
Šponar Matěj and Kateřina Dušek
Šponar Pavel, Jiřík and Jan – both single
Vejprachtická Rosina, single
Vejprachtický Jan and Marie Balcar
Vejprachtický Jan and Anna Marek
Vejprachtický Jan and Kateřina Pitman
Vejprachtický Jiri and Kateřina Sponar
Vejprachtický Martina Marie Bednář
Vejprachtický Martin and Anna Vašíček
Vejprachtický Pavel and Anna Novák
Vejprachticky Pavel and Kateřina Coufal
After the end of the first and second “Silesian Wars”
in 1745 the Austrian Empress Maria Teresia strengthened
the authority of the state officials and gradually consolidated affairs. Because of commerce the large number of
emigrants from Čermná after 1750 more than doubled.
The wave of emigration then dropped off. The serfs lived
in hope of receiving more personal freedoms. In 1781
serfdom was abolished and more religious freedom was
allowed. In 1784 a Evangelical Church was established in
Čermná and not too long afterwards a chapel was built in
the upper part of the community. However a majority of
the residents of the community were of the Catholic faith.
The third wave of emigration from Čermná came
about in the middle of 19th century. The revolutionary
year of 1848 did bring about the further abolishment of
serfdom and more personal freedom, but soon there was
an imposition of limits on basic freedoms by the Austrian
Monarchy. This had consequences on the economic, social and collective sphere of public life. In the more poorer economic areas of the Monarchy there was a strong
rise in emigration. The Austrian officials didn’t prevent
emigration, but rather tried to direct it towards the most
undeveloped areas of the Empire, like the provinces in
the Balkans.
Emigration from Čermná had its main cause in the
dramatic overpopulation of the community and the region
as a whole. The rise in the level of agricultural production
after 1800, the introduction of new crops, the raising of
potatoes and such, had the result of improving the nourishment of the people and lowering child mortality. The
end result was a steep rise in the population. In some of
the small one room cottages in Čermná one could find 10
to 20 people residing. The social-economic conditions
rapidly worsened in such large families. Many families
started to leave and emigrate to the Banat area of western
Page 42
Romania. With the building of the railroad linking the
Czech Lands with the ports in Germany came many passenger-ship agents and rail-companies luring the residents
to emigrate to the New world (the United States).
Some individuals left Čermná for the Balkans (Croatia and Bosnia) and also for large German cities. Contact
with Rixdorf had fallen off. The descendants of the Czech
emigrants were for the most part Germanized, they had
lost the Brethren faith on which their fathers and grandfathers had clung. They lost their Czech churches, schools
and the Czech language and more over any national consciousness. Only a few Czech names remained.
The first large group of residents from Čermná and
also from the nearby village of Nepomuky to leave for
the USA was organized by Josef L. Lešikar in 1851. On
the basis of a letter from Josef E. Bergman, who had emigrated to Texas from Kladsko, Josef Lešikar related to his
neighbors a story of his travel, and great possibilities in
the new country of Texas. Initially he gained the interest
of 118 people but in the end 44 of them did not go along
because they had received news of adverse conditions
in the USA. Josef Lešikar’s wife did not take part in the
preparations and in the end would not let her family leave
for the USA.
A group of 74 emigrants, mainly from Čermná and
Nepomuky left the railway station in Ústí nad Orlicí on
November 7, 1851 for the port of Hamburg, Germany.
 They were:
Jan Šilar, wife Rosálie and 3 children,
A widow Johana Šilarová and son Bernard,
Josef Lešikar, wife Anna and 4 children,
Josef Ježek, wife Rozina and 2 children,
Anton Votava, wife  Anna and 3 children,
Josef Rypl, wife Anna and  3 children,
Josef Šilar, wife Terezie and daughter Anna,
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Volume 7 2006
Vincenc Šilar, wife Anna an 2 children,
Karel Šilar, wife Anna and 2 children,
Josef Šilar, wife Rosalie and 3 children,
Josef Mareš, wife Terezie and 2 children,
Josef Šilar, wife Anna and 6 children,
Václav Motl, wife Anna and 3 children,
Jan Coufal, wife  Veronika and 3 children,
Jan Rypl from Nepomuk,
Jan Resler from Heřmanice, wife Karolina and 3 children.
The expedition ended tragically. During the voyage
the emigrants suffered from hunger and thirst and some
died. More died after reaching New Orleans and during
the travel to the interior. In the end, only 38 of the original 74 emigrants remained alive after 17 weeks of travel.
There was no news about the first group in Čermná for a
long time.
Josef Lešikar organized the next group, this one
included his family. At the end of the year 1852 news
reached Čermná concerning the tragic experience of the
first group of emigrants. Some of the interested declined
to go because of this bad news. During the next year Josef
Lešikar concentrated on further interested prospects and
on the 9th of October, they left Čermná. On November
11, 1853 they sailed on the ship “Suwa” from Bremerhaven, Germany for the USA. The voyage lasted 7 weeks.
In all 88 people took part in the voyage with 2 babies
born during the trip.
They were:
Josef Jirásek, wife Anna and daughter Anna,
Josef Lidumil Lešikar, wife Teresie and 4 sons,
Karel Lešikar, wife Anna and 3 children,
František Marek, František Ripl, Františka Riplová,
Josef Mareš, wife Anna and 6 children,
František Šilar, wife Rosalie and 2 sons,
Ignac Šilar, wife Teresie and 6 children,
Jan Šilar, wife Terezie and 3 children,
Jan Šilar, wife Rosalie and 3 children,
Josef Šilar, wife Kateřina and son Vincenc,
Pavel Šilar, wife Kateřina and 5 daughters,
Vincenc Šilar, wife Františka a daughter,
František Bušek from Heřmanice with wife Marie,
František Čermák from Džbánov with wife and a son,
Václav Janeček from Džbánov with wife Anna,
Jan Slezák from Česká Třebová with wife Anna,
Josef Tauber from Vodĕrady with wife Anna,
Josef Zachař from Sloupnice,
Amalié Coufalová from Čermná.
After their arrival in Galveston they continued on into
Volume 7 2006
the interior of Texas in wagons drawn by oxen. In the first
years they lived in crude lodging situated in terrible conditions. They raised corn and cotton on poor land parcels
without any equipment, hand-tools or draught animals.
The biggest shock for the emigrants was slavery. Being
of a Christian order, they just couldn’t agree with slavery.
They weren’t used to such a situation even in their homeland. They often gave refuge to the black slaves in their
homes prior to their flight to the North. This above all
angered slave-owners of German origin living in the surrounding area, thus leading to hostile relations. Some of
the Czechs contemplated a return to the Old Country. Fortunately after two years there was a period of good crop
yields and the situation improved.
Between the years 1853 to 1854 the emigration wave
reached its highest peak. The focal points of emigration at
this time were the Lanškroun and neighboring Litomyšl
and Vysoké Mýto regions. Emigrants of German nationality, Bohemian Germans from Lanškroun and the neighboring villages at first also concentrated on Texas, later
Wisconsin became the focus of their destination. In
the following years interest in emigration declined.
The cause was the crisis in the American economy in
1858, and the expected war between the North and South
in 1861. The Čermná settlers lived through the following difficult period and were  subjected to many wartime
hardships.
Above all they didn’t agree with the war, their sympathy was with the northern states associated with the
Union. Sons of Czech colonists refused to join the Southern army of the slave holding states associated with the
Confederacy. When they were forced to join the Army,
they deserted in mass and hid or ran away to Mexico. The
Army formed groups of soldiers who used tracking dogs
to search for the deserters. The local area slave-owners
raided the residences of the settlers day and night under
the assumption they were hiding deserters. This happened
at the Lešikars, the Šilars, the Votiks, the Rypls and others. Josef Lešikar was supposed to send his four sons to
the war. The oldest went to serve in the Territorial Army,
the youngest went to Mexico and the other two had to
join the regulars. Soon they deserted and hid in the forests. They could not go near their parents’ home as it was
being watched.
Josef Lešikar writes that six young men, German
colonists came to his place and wanted to hang him. It
must be said that American locals were not as fanatic as
were many German slave-owners. This was a terrible
time and when in 1865 the Civil War ended, everyone
was relieved.
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Peace brought with it a rapidly improving financial
situation, prices of cotton and other commodities rose.
The Čermná settlers bought more land and equipment or
moved to better surroundings. In 1866 the Austro-Prussian War broke out in the Old Country. The war partially
halted the current of emigration. After the war was over
the number of emigrants from the Austrian Monarchy
once again multiplied.
In the following decades further residents left overcrowded Čermná mainly for the USA, but also for the
Balkans, the Ukraine, Russia and Austria concentrating
mainly in Vienna. If the exiles wanted to leave the Empire
with proper documents, they had to apply at the respective district office, law enforcement office, regional office
or a related government office. Further they had to apply
at the military office in their home community, to prove
they had no military obligations. Finally they received an
Austrian travel-pass (Reise Pass) which was valid for 4 to
6 months, then they could legally travel abroad.
Illegal emigration was several times greater. The borders were not being watched closely and anybody with
legitimate looking documents could purchase a ticket
and get on a ship. Among those leaving there was often
debtors, recruits, illegitimates who left with relatives or
friends, released criminals and various adventurers. The
majority were made up of everyday property-less people
looking for a better existence. The minority were the
people who sold their houses, farms or some other assets
and had a sum of cash with them when they left. Between
1850 to 1914 more than 1,000 people left Čermná mainly
for the USA.
They were:
Andrle Franc and  his brother Petr
Andrle  Franc senior with family
Andrle Vincenc, wife Rosálie and daughter Rosálie
Andrle Jan and František
Aplová Barbora and Pavel Apl
Appl Petr, Pavel and Barbora, Rosálie Balcarová
Appl Jan, Josef and Anna, Appl Václav
Balcar Vincenc, wife Jenovefa, children Čeněk, Josef and
Anna
Bárta Vincenc, wife Anna, and 3 children
Bártová Terezie, daughter Marie and Terezie
Bárta Josef and Bernard
Bárta Vincenc, wife Anna and 6 children
Bednář Josef, wife Anna and 5 children, Terezie
Bednářová
Betlach Vincenc, wife Františka and 5 children
Betlach Jan senior, Josef senior, Josefa Betlachová
Betlach František, Jan and Josef
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Betlach Rudolf, Bernard and Emilián
Betlach František, Pavel and Terezie
Coufal Josef senior and Josef Coufal junior
Coufal František, wife Terezie and 3 daughters
Coufal Josef, wife Johana and 2 sons
Coufal Jan and Františka
Coufal Jan, wife Veronika and 3 children
Cejnar Franc, Karel, Marek and Františka
Dušek Arnold, wife Matylda, son Jan
Dušek Franc, wife Teresie and 3 children
Dušek Čeněk, wife Anna and 7 children
Dušek Jan, wife Anna and 6 children
Dušek Josef, wife Rosalie and brother-in-law František
Dušek Jan, wife Mariana and 5 children
Dušek Karel, Adolf, Františka and Rosálie
Dušek Franc, wife Josefa and 2 daughters
Dušek Josef,  Anna, Sidonie
Dušek Vincenc, Dušek František
Dušková Anna, son Josef, grandson František
Dušek Vincenc, wife Amélie and 5 children
Dušek Josef, wife Rosálie, their son and daughter
Dušek Josef, wife Anna, 2 sons and 2 daughters
Fait Vincenc
Faltejsek Jan, wife Rosálie
Faltejsek Peregrin, Terezie, Josef
Faltejsek Josef senior, František
Faltejsek František, wife Karolina and 2 children
Faltejsek František and Pavel
Faltejsek Josef, wife Anna
Formánek Celestýn, sister Otylie
Formánek Josef, wife Anna
Haizler Vincenc, wife Johana
Hejl Josef, wife Františka and 7 children
Hejl Vincenc, Hejlová Emilie
Hejl Ignac, wife Františka, daughters Lucie and Anna
Hrdina Jan, Marie, František and Jan junior
Holeček Josef, wife Anna, son Josef
Chaloupka Vincenc, Rosálie Chaloupková
Chaloupka Vincenc, wife Rosálie and 4 children
Jansa Jan, wife Ludmila and 3 sons
Jansa Josef, wife Barbora, 2 sons and daughter
Jansa Jan, wife Marie and 2 children, brother Vincenc
Jansa Vincenc, wife Františka and son Vincenc
Jansa Jan, wife Rosálie and 4 children
Jansa Jan, wife Terezie and son Jan
Jansa Franc, wife Anna and 5 children
Jansa  Franc, wife Františka
Jansa Josef, born 1843, Jansa Josef born 1848
Janovec Josef, wife Anna and 6 children
Janda Vincenc, born 1868
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Volume 7 2006
Janda Jan V., wife Rosália Kubka and 4 daughters
Ježek Josef, born 1864, Adolf born 1867, Anna born 1855
Junek Josef, wife Terezie and son Josef
Junek Jan and wife Rosálie
Jániš Vincenc, wife Alžbĕta and daughter Anna
Jiřásek Josef from number 250
Krátký František, Emilie Krátká
Kaška František, born 1859
Kužílek Josef, wife Františka, daughter Terezie and Anna
Kobza Josef, wife Markéta and 6 children
Klekar Jan born 1892 and Eustach
Klekar Jan and sisters Anna and Rosálie
Klekar Jan and brother Eustach
Klekar Vincenc, wife Anna and 5 children
Kupka Vincenc, born 1854
Langr Josef, wife Rosálie, son Josef
Langr Josef, wife Marie, daughter Anna and son Josef
Langr Jan, wife Terezie and daughter Rosálie
Lešikar Josef, sisters Anna and Rosálie
Lešikarová Terezie, daughter Terezie and Františka
Lešikar Josef, wife Rosálie
Lešikarová Emilie, and Marie
Lešikar Jan, wife Rosálie and 7 children
Marek Bernard, wife Františka and 5 children
Marek Vincenc, Josef, Terezie, Petr
Marek Čenĕk, wife Terezie and 4 children
Marek Bernard, son Bernard, daughter Emilie and Josefa
Marek Jan, wife Anna, son Vincenc
Marek František, Jan Marek
Marek Čenĕk, wife Terezie and 3 children
Marek Josef, wife Marie and 3 children
Marek Jan, wife Terezie and 6 children
Marek Jan born 1834, Antonín Marek born 1882
Marek František born 1848, Františka born 1875
Marek Ludvík, wife Rosálie
Marek Vincenc, Josef, Anna, Rosálie
Marek Vincenc, wife Anna, František and Benjamin
Mareš František, wife Johana and 5 children
Mareš Jan, wife Anna and 6 children
Mareš Vincenc, wife Johana and 2 daughters
Mareš Josef, wife Marie and 6 children
Mareš Vincenc, born 1844, Terezie born 1857, Josef born
1871
Mareš Josef, wife Františka, Amalie born 1841
Marešová Terezie, born 1842, Barbora born 1869
Macháček Josef, wife Anna daughter Anna
Macháček Petr wife Matylda and 4 children
Maixner Vincenc, sister Terezie
Majvald Jan wife Anna and 2 sons
Mařík Josef, wife Teresie, son Josef
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Motl Karel, wife Terezie and 5 children
Motl Vincenc, wife Františka
Motl Vincenc, born 1854, Motlová Anežka born 1869
Motl Bernard, wife Rosálie and 6 children
Motl Josef, wife Rosálie, Josef born 1877
Merta Vincenc, wife  Anna and 5 children
Merta Jan, born 1870, Anna born 1866, Anna born 1869
Matĕjka Karel, wife Josefa, son Čenĕk
Muller Petr, born 1854, Josef born 1866
Novák Vincenc, born 1826, Josef born 1888, Vincenc
born 1882
Netušil Bohumil, born 1892
Nastoupilová Anna, sister Matylda and Františka
Pecháček Jan, wife Františka
Pecháček Petr Pavel, born 1874, Marie born 1868
Pecháček Mikuláš, wife Viktorie
Pecháčkova Filomena, born 1861 and Františka born
1849
Pecháčkova Filomena, born 1881 and Františka born
1869
Pecháček Josef, born 1854, Marie born 1852
Pecháček Josef, wife Františka and 4 children
Pecháček Josef, born1871, Vincenc born 1865
Pecháček Vincenc, wife Františka and 5 children
Pecháček Karel, wife Anna, daughter Marie
Pecháček Vincenc, wife Anna, son Jan, daughter Anna
Pecháček František, brother Emil and Jan
Pecháček Ferdinand, born 1852, Anna born 1872
Ptáček Vincenc, born 1849, Jan born 1857
Pirkl Antonín, wife Rosálie
Rypl Vincenc, wife Anna
Rypl Jan, wife Františka and daughter Ludmila
Ripl Josef, wife Anna
Sonták Karel, wife Vincencie and 3 children, Rosálie born
1898
Skalický František wife Antonie
Suchomel Petr, brother Josef and his wife Františka
Šilar Josef, wife Anna and son Vincenc
Šilar Jan, born 1867, Vincenc born 1877
Šilar Filip, wife Teresie and 2 children
Šilar Vincenc, wife Anna
Šilar Jan, wife Anna
Šilar Vincenc, brother Franc, sister Anna
Šilar Vincenc, wife Teresie and 4 children
Šilar Vincenc, born 1836, Rudolf born1872
Šilar Franc, wife Františka and 2 children
Šembera Jan, wife Teresie and 3 children
Štěpánek Vincenc, born 1869, Emil born 1882
Švec Josef, wife Anna and 6 children
Šubartova Anna, born 1895
Ročenka
Page 45
Tajerle Franc, wife Kateřina and 8 children
Urban Karel, wife Rosálie and 4 children
Urban Franc, wife Marie and 4 children
Uher Franc, wife Anna and 6 children
Ulrich Vendelín, born 1856
Vacek Josef, wife Magdalena and 7 children
Vacek Jan, and sister Anna
Vacek Vincenc, born 1872, Josef born 1885
Vávra Vincenc, wife Marie
Vávra Franc, born1846, Bernard born1881
Vašátko Jan, and Vincenc
Vaško Josef, wife Rosálie and 3 children, Emilie born
1870
Vurstová Marie, Výprachtický Vincenc
Vostárek Jan, wife Františka and 4 children
Zpĕvák Vincenc, born 1846
Žanda Jan, wife Anna and 6 children
 
Many more emigrants left, but they are not listed in
this roll. The emigrants from Čermná found in the USA
new homes and a satisfactory life.
Emigration from Čermná ceased in 1914 due to the
First World War and the establishing of Czechoslovakia
in 1918. A further emigration wave was linked to the
events related to the Second World War. Residents of the
mainly German speaking villages in the surrounding area
supported the ambitions of fascist Germany, the breakup of Czechoslovakia and the liquidation of the Czech
nation. During the war most of the Bohemian Germans
swore allegiance to Germany and to German nationality,
and after the war in accordance to international agreements they were expelled and sent to Germany. Czech
families from the Ukraine, Volhynia, Russia, Romania
and elsewhere, were brought in and settled in the neighboring border villages. The main flow of resettlement into
the local Sudeten villages and towns came from neighboring Czech villages and the interior regions. After the
war, 75 families - about 250 people left Čermná for the
Lanškroun area. That was the fourth wave of emigration
from Čermná and the current and future generations of
the local population perhaps can hope it was the last one.
documentation services of clients’ ancestral homes and
villages in their present condition. He supplements his
information with maps and when available, postcards and
additional information about the localities. Furthermore
he brings the genealogy to life by providing descriptions
of historical events during the period of the clients’ ancestors life in Bohemia or Moravia. His searches include
registry records, land books and other archival materials.
He can obtain copies of baptismal, marriage and death
record entries from the matriky.
Jaroslav is the author of many books, including 700
let obce Dolní Čermnĕ, Historie rodu Pecháčků, Kronika Rodu Štĕpánkova, Historie mlýnu a pily č. 44 v
Dolní Dobrouči, Vyprávění o Šejvu, and Historie hradu
Lanšperka.
His website address is: (www.usti.cz/pub/genealogie/)
He can be reached by e-mail at: (tomas.mikyska@tiscali.
cz).
Mark Vaško-Bigaouette, is the founder of CGSI
and its President for the first nine and a half years. Mark
has been leading genealogical tours to the Czech Republic and Slovakia since 1992. His tour web site is
(www.czechheritage.com/cshistory.html). Having visited
hundreds of villages in over 50 trips to Central Europe
including a special heritage trip in 2004 in honor of the
700th anniversary of Čermná, he knows Central Europe
very well. His Vaško family history has been traced back
to about the year 1480 in Čermná, which is about as far
back as the records go. However the Vaško family was
almost certainly in Čermná since the village was founded
over 900 years ago. The old postcards in the article are
just a few in Mark’s extensive postcard collection.   
About the Author and Commissioner of
Article
Jaroslav Jansa, is a professional genealogical researcher,
who has been doing research in the Czech Republic for
over 15 years. His work includes searching data about
ancestors of clients and compiling Family Group Sheets
for individual generations. He provides photographic
Page 46
Ročenka
CGSI JUNE QUARTERLY MEETING
Saturday June 10th 9 am to 4 pm
Hillsboro, Wisconsin Public Library
Resources include the 1651 Religious Census and
1653 Berni Rula as mentioned in the March
issue of Naše rodina, telephone directories of the
Czech and Slovak Republic, gazetteers, maps, etc.
Make a day of it by attending Hillsboro’s Annual
Český Den (Czech Day) celebration at the
Firemen’s Park on Hwy 33 West of town.
For further details: www.cgsi.org
Volume 7 2006
Finding Your Slovak Ancestors, is a
book by Lisa A. Alzo that was published
in 2005. Her book covers research topics
that Slovak genealogists have been waiting for. The book is available for sale
from the CGSI. Please refer to the Sales
Order Form on page 38 of the March
Naše rodina or look for the Order Form
in the upcoming June issue.
Lisa is freelance writer, instructor and
lecturer. She has also authored the
books, Three Slovak Women (Gateway
Press, 2001), Baba’s Kitchen (Gateway
Press, 2005) and most recently, Images
of America: Pittsburgh’s Immigrants
which will be published by Arcadia in
late May 2006.
Beginning with the December issue
of Naše rodina she will have a regular
beginning genealogy column.
Volume 7 2006
Ročenka
Page 47
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