here - RRPP

Transcription

here - RRPP

Regional Research
Promotion Programme Western Balkans
Edited by
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković
Jelena Kleut
Urednice
Jelena Kleut
Promotion Programme Western Balkans
Regional Research
EUROPE, HERE AND THERE:
ANALYSIS OF EUROPEANIZATION DISCOURSE IN THE
WESTERN BALKANS MEDIA
Edited by
Jelena Kleut
Novi Sad, 2013
Faculty of Philosophy
Department of Media Studies
Oficial representative
Ivana Živančević Sekeruš, Dean
Reviewers
Svetlana Slapšak
Darko Štrajn
Rade Veljanovski
Damir Arsenijević
Translation into English
Ana Milenković
Marija Ličina
Mitko Pištolov
Print
Štamparija Feljton
Stražilovska 17, Novi Sad
Print run
1,000
Prepared within the framework of the Regional Research Promotion Programme in
the Western Balkans (RRPP), which is run by the University of Fribourg upon a mandate
of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, SDC, Federal Department of
Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in the publication are those of the authors and do
not necessarily represent opinions of the SDC and the University of Fribourg.
EUROPE, HERE AND THERE:
ANALYSIS OF EUROPEANIZATION DISCOURSE IN THE
WESTERN BALKANS MEDIA
КИ Ф
А
ФС
КУ
Л ТЕ Т
ФИЛОЗО
Edited by
Jelena Kleut
Novi Sad, 2013
Contents
1. Introduction .................................................................................................................... 7
2. The countries of the region in the process of accession to the EU ............................. 9
2.1. Bosnia and Herzegovina in the process of accession to the European Union
Belma Buljubašić ........................................................................................................... 11
2.2. Montenegro in the process of accession to the European Union
Marija Ivanović ............................................................................................................. 17
2.3. The Republic of Macedonia in the process of accession to the European Union
Dejan Donev .................................................................................................................. 19
2.4. Serbia in the process of accession to the European Union
Nikola Marković, Vuk Kešelj ......................................................................................... 25
3. Media scene................................................................................................................... 31
3.1. Media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Lejla Turčilo .................................................................................................................. 33
3.2. Media scene in Montenegro
Dejan Lučić, Ivan Otović ............................................................................................... 39
3.3. Media scene in the Republic of Macedonia
Dejan Donev, Jordan Dukov, Vlatko Chalovski, Veronika Kamchevska, Naum
Trajanovski .................................................................................................................... 45
3.4. Media scene in Serbia
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković .......................................................................................... 53
4. Theoretical and methodological framework of the research ................................... 59
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, Jelena Kleut
5. Europe and Europeanization – Comparative analysis of print and broadcast media
reporting in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia ............ 71
Dejan Pralica
6. Media reporting about European integrations and the idea of Europe in Bosnia
and Herzegovina .......................................................................................................... 81
Lejla Turčilo, Belma Buljubašić
7. Media reporting about European integrations in Montenegro ............................... 93
Nataša Ružić, Andrijana Rabrenović
8. Reporting on the Europeanization in the Republic of Macedonia ....................... 109
Dejan Donev, Jordan Dukov, Vlatko Chalovski, Veronika Kamchevska, Naum
Trajanovski
9. The analysis of media reporting on Europeanization in Serbia ............................ 121
Smiljana Milinkov, Zlatomir Gajić, Ksenija Pavkov
10. Discursive representation of Europeanization process actors in print media ..... 133
Brankica Drašković, Jelena Kleut
11. Fears and hopes related to the EU: Discourse strategies of the comments on
Politika’s media portal............................................................................................... 147
12. Public Broadcasting Service reporting in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a relection
of the dominant political discourse about the EU................................................... 159
Lejla Turčilo, Belma Buljubašić
13. Cultural events in the EU countries considered not interesting to the media in the
Republic of Macedonia.............................................................................................. 167
Daniela Blaževska
14. EU integrations and broadcast media – facts without contexts ............................ 173
Dejan Lučić
15. Concluding remarks ................................................................................................. 185
Dejan Pralica
16. Appendices ................................................................................................................. 187
Code sheet for print media ....................................................................................... 189
Code sheet for radio .................................................................................................. 195
Code sheet for television............................................................................................ 201
Code sheet for online texts ........................................................................................ 207
Code sheet for comments .......................................................................................... 213
About the contributors and researchers .................................................................. 217
1. Introduction
7
1. Introduction
Today the media construction analysis of Europeanization process is one of the
priorities in the region of western Balkan countries, in this case Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. Considering that another country from the region of
former Yugoslavia (Croatia) is completing the process of accession and that the others are
in preparation stages, though burdened by internal discords on how much of a challenge
it is to be in the EU in the irst place, then it is clear that the role of the media in this
interregnum is essential in creating positive/negative image of the EU.
The project “Europe, Here and There” is the fruit of common efforts by researchers from
the Department of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy, the University of Novi Sad
and the Faculty of Political Sciences, the University of Sarajevo as well as independent
researchers from Montenegro and Macedonia. Our expertise in deconstructing media
policies was recognized within the Regional Research Promotion Programme in the
Western Balkans which is supported by Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation
and the University of Fribourg.
This collection of papers, prepared on the basis of research results, is organized into
ive thematic units. First of all, an overview of the situation, signiicance and importance
of the media sector of each of the countries participating in the project are given in the
introductory part as contextual information necessary for better understanding of the
research results as well as the texts in which current position in the accession process
is examined with a focus on the characteristics and socio-political situation in posttransitional societies of the western Balkans. The second part is composed of individual
reports on media content quantitative and qualitative analysis of the topics related to the
EU accession from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The
third part is a comparative perception of editorial policies and a deconstruction of media
discourse. The fourth part contains individual research papers on challenging topics that
resulted from the complete corpus. Of course, the information referring to the scientiic
research process as a whole has not been omitted.
All of the above indicates the complexity, multiple layers and extensiveness of the
study on the deconstruction of media reporting about the European Union accession in the
four countries of the western Balkans during 2012. We are submitting it to the scientiic
and professional public for review in hope that it will contribute to raising professional
standards of post-transition countries’ media by pointing out prototypical strategies that
(do not) contribute to better understanding and tolerance, elements that are so important
for achieving democracy in post-conlict societies.
Novi Sad, May 2013
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, PhD
Jelena Kleut, MPhil
2. The countries of the region in the process of accession to the EU
11
Belma Buljubašić
2. 1. Bosnia and Herzegovina in the process of accession
to the European Union
2. 1. 1. Public administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina
The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is divided into two entities: the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. The Brčko Distrikt, which is not a part
of any of these two entities, was oficially established in the year 2000 and it stands as
an independent administrative unit. The district was established by the decision of the
Permanent Court of Arbitration, the sovereignty over which was given to the institutions
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This division to entities is the result of the Dayton Peace
Agreement that was initialled on 21st November 1995 at Wright Petterson Air Force Base
in the near vicinity of the city of Dayton. This Agreement was oficially signed on 14th
December 1995 in Paris and by it the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina was terminated.
The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina states that “Bosnia and Herzegovina is a
democratic state that functions in accordance with law and based on free democratic
elections.”
Both entities have a very high level of autonomy: the Federation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina is divided into ten cantons which also have a high degree of autonomy,
their own governments and parliaments. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a state that is
unique in its public administration. This complexity of political structure is relected in
the administration at the state level, entities, the Brčko District and the canton level.
The presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina has three members and every four years
members from all three constitutive nations are elected; a Bosniak and a Croat in the
Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a Serb in Republika Srpska. The Council of
Ministers represents the executive power, whereas the bicameral Parliament is the highest
legislative body and consists of the House of Representatives and the House of Peoples.
The judiciary consists of the Constitutional Court (the state level), the Court of Bosnia
and Herzegovina and the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council that was established
later on.
As it stands in the Commission staff working document – the European Commission
Report from 2011: “The Constitution, which is Annex 4 to the Agreement, established
a complex institutional architecture which remains ineficient and is subject to different
interpretations. The complicated decision-making process has contributed to the delay of
structural reforms and the reduction of the country’s capacity to make progress towards
the EU” (Evropska komisija, 2011).
The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is discriminatory, which is relected in
a lack of the possibility of passive electoral rights for the citizens of so called “Others”
12
(the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina who are not a part of the constitutional nations),
as well as the Bosniaks and Croats in Republika Srpska and the Serbs in the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina.” In the Article 2 (Human Rights and Liberties) of the
Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina it is stated that the rights and liberties immanent
in the European Convention on Human Rights “are directly implemented in Bosnia and
Herzegovina”. In the Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights titled
“Prevention of Discrimination” it is stated that enjoying human rights and liberties is
ensured “without discrimination on any ground, such as sex, race, colour of skin,
language, religion, political or any other opinion, national or social origin, connection
to any national minority, inancial standing, birth or any other status.”. The Constitution
of Bosnia and Herzegovina is inherently contradictory and therefore it demands certain
changes. Current state administration is dysfunctional and presents a major sticking point
in the process of the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union. The
Sejdić-Finci Case has still not been implemented, but it has served to start debates about
the change of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Electoral Law which
are indispensable for further work.
2. 1. 2. The presence of the Ofice of the High Representative
in Bosnia and Herzegovina
By the Dayton Peace Agreement it was arranged that the High Representative should
supervise the implementation of civil aspects of this agreement and that the Ofice of the
High Representative be present in Bosnia and Herzegovina up until the moment Bosnia
and Herzegovina is ready to take over the responsibility for state affairs. In order for the
Ofice to cease to exist all of the following ive conditions and two special conditions (so
called 5+2 package) must be met:
1. Acceptable and sustainable solution for property division between the state and
other levels of government,
2. Acceptable and sustainable solution for the question of military property,
3. Establishing the inal status of the Brčko Distrikt,
4. Fiscal sustainability (promoted by the agreement about the methodology of
setting permanent coeficient of division of means gained by indirect taxes and
establishing a state iscal council),
5. Conducting the rule of law (that is to be relected through the implementation of the
State strategy for working on the subjects of war crimes, the Law of Mobility and
Residence of Foreigners and Asylum and the Strategy for Reforming the Judiciary
Sector), as well as 1) signing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement and 2)
stable political situation.
The current High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina is Valentin Inzko whose
mandate started in March 2009.
13
2. 1. 3. Relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina
and the European Union: The most important events
The relation between the European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina was established
in April 1992 after Bosnia and Herzegovina’s independence had been declared and it was
continued after the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed in 1995. The EU Council set
political and economic conditions for bilateral relations already in 1997 and consequently
Bosnia and Herzegovina was given the possibility of using the autonomous trade beneits.
A year later, the Consultative Task Force EU- Bosnia and Herzegovina was formed to
secure technical and professional help in the ield of administration, regulatory framework
and politics.
In May 1999 the EU starts the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) which for
the irst time offers the possibility of integration for Bosnia and Herzegovina into the EU,
along with four other countries of South-Eastern Europe (ive today, since former Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia are now countries Serbia and Montenegro): Albania, Croatia,
Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro (Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova BiH, 2013). The
main features of SAP strategy are: equal conditions for everyone, clear perspective of EU
membership, individual approach and importance of regional cooperation.
The same year in July the Stability Pact was agreed upon, the main aim of which
was to bring closer the countries of the region to Euro-Atlantic integrations, as well as
reinforcing regional cooperation. The Pact was oficially established at the Summit of
leaders of the countries of Europe, Canada, Japan and the USA, held in Sarajevo in July
1999.
The highlights of the year 2000 were:
1. March 2000: The publication of the EU Road Map by which 18 key conditions
that are to be met by Bosnia and Herzegovina were established in order to perform
the Study of Feasibility necessary for the beginning of negotiations for the
Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA).
2. June 2000: In the conclusion of the European Union Council it was stated that all
the countries in the region that had been included into the SAP were considered
potential candidates for the EU.
3. November 2000: The SAP was oficially conirmed by the EU and the Western
Balkans countries at the Summit in Zagreb.
4. December 2000: The EU Council adopted the CARDS, i.e. the EU technical
assistance programme for assistance, stabilization and development of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and ive other countries in the region.
In the year 2000, free-trade access for products of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the
European Union market was introduced.
In March 2002 special representative was appointed and the EUPM – European Union
Police Mission began. “The mandate of the EUPM focuses on the ight against organised
crime and corruption” (Evropska komisija, 2011).
14
At the end of 2002 (in December), European Commission announced that the
conditions that had been set in the Road Map had been mostly met.
These were the highlights of the year 2003:
1. In March, work on the Feasibility Study started, and European Commission
forwarded a questionnaire to the Council of Ministers concerning economic and
political administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as the other sectors
necessary for concluding the Stabilization and Association Agreement.
2. In November the European Commission adopted the evaluation of the Feasibility
Study, i.e. the proposition of the Readiness Assessment Report for Bosnia and
Herzegovina to start the Stabilisation and Association Agreement negotiations,
whereby 16 ields of priority that needed to be resolved before the beginning of
the negotiations were stated.
The Summit in Thessaloniki in 2003 conirmed the EU support for the countries of
the western Balkans whereas the countries accepted the contents of the “Thessaloniki
Programme for the Western Balkans: Moving Towards the European Integration” and
made a commitment to see through its implementation.
In 2004 the EU instituted the irst European partnership for Bosnia and Herzegovina
while by the end of the same year the up-to-then SFOR was replaced the EUFOR.
The European Commission recommended the beginning of negotiations over the
Stabilisation and Association Agreement in 2005, after Bosnia and Herzegovina had
shown progress in the implementation of 16 priorities, so a draft of a regulation was
passed to the EU council and the Regulation was adopted in November 2005. Oficial
negotiations started on 25th November 2005.
At the beginning of 2006, the irst meeting of the Reform Process Monitoring was held
at which the amended edition of the Partnership for Bosnia and Herzegovina was adopted.
The RPM replaced the earlier CTF (Consultative Task Force). In April the meeting of the
Economic Dialogue between the EU and Bosnia and Herzegovina was held.
The negotiations over concluding the Stabilisation and Association Agreement were
inished in January 2007, while its initialling and signing depended on the political
situation in the country.
The Stabilisation and Association Agreement of Bosnia and Herzegovina was initialled
in December 2007 and signed in Luxembourg on 16th June of the following year.
The Agreement was signed between the European Communities and their members
and Bosnia and Herzegovina in 23 languages of the European Union and the three
languages of Bosnia and Herzegovina. “The Stabilisation and Association Agreement
is a new, third generation of European agreements offered exclusively to the countries
in within the Stabilisation and Association Process that enables establishing close and
permanent relationship with the European Union, as well as the likely membership in the
European Union” (Direkcija za evropske/europske integracije, 2013).
The Stabilisation and Association Agreement is one of the most important events
in the relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU and acts as an important
element of stabilization - political, economic as well as security stabilization, while at the
same time representing an important element of regional cooperation. The main goal of
15
the SAA is the formal association of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU in the time period
of six to ten years when the signatory country should adapt its laws and regulations to
the EU.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is the last of the countries in the region that signed the
Stabilisation and Association Agreement. The Interim Agreement took effect on 1st
July 2008 and remains in force until the ratiication of the Stabilisation and Association
Agreement.
The irst meeting of the Interim Board for Stabilisation and Association was held in
November 2008. The main mission of this Board is monitoring fulilment of the criteria
set by the Interim Agreement.
The process of terminating the visa regime for citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina
began in 2008, and since 15th December 2010 the citizens have been able travel to the
Schengen countries without visas. Before this decision was reached, the authorities in
Bosnia and Herzegovina had had to fulil 174 technical criteria, the most important of
which was introducing biometric passports. The European Commission recommended
terminating visa regime for Bosnia and Herzegovina on May 27th, which was accepted by
the European Parliament on 7th October.
In July 2011, the irst meeting of the Structural Dialogue between Bosnia and
Herzegovina and the European Union about judiciary system was held.
In the European Commission Report of Bosnia and Herzegovina progress in 2012,
it was stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina had achieved progress in the fulilment of
political criteria for the European Union membership; however, this progress was deemed
limited. The improvement was seen in forming the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, adopting the Law of Census and Law of the System of State Assistance and
starting the Structural Dialogue on Judiciary.
The irst Road Map, which concerned directing the Constitution amendment in
accordance to the Sejdić-Finci verdict to the parliamentary procedure term, was not met.
A minor progress was made in the functioning of trade economy which calls for
further reforms: “A progress has been made in adjusting domestic legislation with the
EU legislation in the domain of competition, intellectual property, research, freedom of
movement of goods, as well as the matters of safety and liberty. Further on, insuficient
progress has been noted in the ield of freedom of movement of people and services,
public procurement, employment, food safety, environmental protection” it is stated in
the media review of the European Commission Report for 2012.
The rapporteur of European Parliament for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Doris Pack
presented the Draft of Bosnia and Herzegovina Resolution in February 2013, where all
the political and economic problems in the country were stared, and warned that Bosnia
and Herzegovina was in danger of even further stagnation because of a lack of common
vision in the country.
16
2. 1. 4. Citizen support of the EU association process
Despite the fact that the media do not report in detail about the association process of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, leading to the lack of information about the process that reaches
the public, the percentage of citizens that support the accession to the EU is surprisingly
high, as high as 76.5% of the total population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This percentage
is higher in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina than in Republika Srpska, so that
79% of the population of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina supports the EU
membership, while in Republika Srpska this percentage is 67%. This is the result of the
research from January 2012 carried out by the Directorate for European Integration as a
support of the EU Awareness II project. As it was stated, the main reason for the support
to EU accession, as answered by one third of the surveyed, is the possibility of better
employment, while other reasons are: the guarantee of permanent peace, political stability
and freedom of movement. As the most important reform that would contribute to the
quality of life in Bosnia and Herzegovina respondents stated the ight against corruption.
Even before the beginning of the negotiations over Stabilisation and Association
of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union, 83% out of 967 surveyed citizens
(survey conducted by the GFK Group, 2013) emphasized that they had a positive attitude
towards the EU. It is interesting to ind that in this survey the citizens of the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Brčko District gave more support to the membership
(85%) than the citizens of Republika Srpska (75%) did.
References
Direkcija za evropske/europske integracije (n. d.). Evropska komisija objavila Izvještaj
o napretku BiH za 2012. Retrieved from: http://www.dei.gov.ba/dei/media_servis/
vijesti/?id=10810. (Accessed: 18 Feb 2013).
Direkcija za evropske/europske integracije (n. d.). Pridruživanje BiH Evropskoj uniji
podržava 76,5 odsto građana. Retrieved from: http://www.dei.gov.ba/dei/media_
servis/vijesti/?id=9463 (Accessed: 18 Feb 2013).
Europska konvencija o ljudskim pravima. Retrieved from: http://www.hjpc.ba/dc/pdf/
Europska%20konvencija%20o%20ljudskim%20pravima.pdf (Accessed: 18 Feb
2013).
Evropska komisija (2011). Radni dokument osoblja komisije: izvještaj o napretku Bosne
i Hercegovine u 2011. godini. Brisel: Evropska komisija. Retrieved from: www.dei.
gov.ba/bih_i_eu/najvazniji.../dokumenti_eu/?id=8606 (Accessed: 18 Feb 2013).
GFK Bosnia (2013, 24 Apr). Podrška građana BiH eventualnom ulasku u EU. Retrieved
from:
http://www.gfk.ba/public_relations/press/press/003217/index.ba.print.html
(Accessed: 28 Apr 2013).
Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova BiH. (n. d.). Sticanje članstva u EU. Retrieved from: http://
www.mfa.ba/vanjska_politika_bih/multilateralni_odnosi/evropska_unija/sticanje_
clanstva_u_eu/?id=45 (Accessed: 18 Feb 2013).
17
Marija Ivanović
2. 2. Montenegro in the process of accession to the European Union
2. 2. 1. The course of negotiations
After the referendum held on 21st May 2006, Montenegro declared its independence.
All the members of the EU recognized the independence, so the negotiations with
Montenegro, as a sovereign and independent country began in July the same year. The
Stabilisation and Association Agreement between European communities and their
member states and Montenegro as well as the Interim Agreement on trade and traderelated matters were signed in October 2007.
The Interim Agreement and the Stabilisation and Association Agreement took effect in
January 2008 and May 2010 respectively, the latter after being ratiied by all signatories.
The Council adopted the European partnership with Montenegro on 22nd January 2007.
By signing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, Montenegro formally committed
itself to the European community and its members, in this way accepting a part of
responsibility for the future of Europe. The Agreement was unanimously approved in the
Parliament and ratiied on 13th November 2007.
Montenegro forwarded its European Union accession application on 15th December
2008. On 23rd April 2009, the Council of European Union referred the application to
the European Commission in order for them to provide the opinion about Montenegro
accession application. This was followed by European Commission`s Questionnaire
delivered by the European Commissioner Olli Rehn that consisted of 4000 questions
dealing with all the ields of the EU acquis communautaire. The Prime Minister at the
time, Milo Đukanović, returned the completed questionnaire to Mr. Rehn on 9th December
2009.
Based on the questionnaire the European Commission issued an opinion and
recommendation that the EU Council assign Montenegro the status of a candidate. The
European Commission noted that Montenegro had made a considerable progress in the
process of European integration and gave recommendation for Montenegro to be given
the status of candidate on 9th November 2010. Following this Montenegro gained the
oficial status of candidate on 17th December 2010.
After the second Progress Report (forwarded to Montenegro annually) in October
2012, it was assessed that Montenegro was on a positive course towards the European
Union. Furthermore, EU oficials described Montenegro more than once as a front runner
of the western Balkans countries on their course towards the European Community. In
December of the previous year, Montenegro oficially opened and then temporarily closed
the irst chapter of European acquis – Chapter 25 “Science and Research”.
18
2. 2. 2. The main obstacles
In the 2012 Progress Report, the European Commission assessed that Montenegro
stood on a good course in the ield of European integrations. However, the Commission
also expressed concern with respect to fulilment of certain criteria, mostly of political
nature. Some of the problems emphasized by the Commission were:
• Organized crime prevention;
• Reinforcement of the anti-corruption initiative;
• Reinforcement of the rule of law;
• Reinforcement and improvement of judiciary transparency;
• Reinforcement of the proactive role of all the institutions in Montenegro;
• Reinforcement of public administration;
• Reinforcement and protection of consumer rights in Montenegro;
• Resolving the question of displaced persons and closing the Konik 1 and 2 Camps;
• Acceleration of amending the Constitution;
• Inclusion of the civil sector into EU integrations, etc.
2. 2. 3. Public opinion
The last two years have been of utmost importance for Montenegro when it comes
to the process of European integrations. “The Great Eye” of Europe, along with the rest
of the world, observes even the seemingly irrelevant steps made by the state, since EU
oficials want to present Montenegro as an example of how the progress of all the other
potential/future members of the Union should proceed. It was customary earlier that the
membership came irst and then the evaluation of what the country had achieved in order
to access the Union followed. Croatia is the last country to access the European Union
following this regime. More strict rules are now applied and Montenegro is the irst
country that follows these steps. Thus, the candidate country cannot become a part of the
European Union until the progress in all important ields is evident. This is an important
piece of data for comprehending the predicament in which Montenegro is found and the
importance of the public opinion as either an instigator or a sticking point of Montenegro’s
progress on its course to the EU.
Montenegro acquired the status of candidate for European Union membership in 2010.
At that time a notable majority of political parties and population supported the accession to
the European Community. However, the public opinion survey carried out by the CEDEM
agency (from September 23rd to September 30th) shows that only 59.9% of Montenegro
population favours the continuation of European integrations. The membership in the
European Union is advocated by the smallest percentage of citizens in the last few years.
The reasons for the drop of trust in EU institutions are mostly of economic nature
– stagnation of Montenegrin economy and the lack of foreign investments, the crisis in
Greece and Spain as well as the restraint of certain members of the Union from extension.
Despite the on-going issues within the European Union, there is no indication that an
anti-European front might appear in Montenegro. This serves to prove that both the
government and parliamentary opposition party advocate the EU accession as fast as
possible (which is not the case when it comes to the question of joining the NATO).
19
Dejan Donev
2. 3. The Republic of Macedonia in the process of accession
to the European Union
2. 3. 1. Introduction
Since the independence achieved in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia is attempting
to become part of the family where it belongs geographically. It is so because Republic
of Macedonia is surrounded by neighbours with whom the country shares the history, the
reality and the European future. Hence, the desire to join the European Union comes from
the idea to always be a constructive and relevant part of the big family.
In this context, the Macedonian citizens are irmly convinced that the place and the
future of Republic of Macedonia is the big family of European nations, hand in hand
with all the nations that comprise the European Union. As shown in the public opinion
survey conducted by the Institute for Democracy, Solidarity and Civil Society done for
of the Secretariat for European Affairs in April 2006 (Стојменовски, 2010: 5), as well as
in subsequent researches, around 83% of the citizens support Macedonia’s entry into the
European Union. The same results are reached by the surveys conducted by IRI, SEA and
IDSCS, eloquently pointing to the same trend, which till date has been consistently high,
with the support ranging between 83% and 97%1. This clearly shows that the Republic of
Macedonia places highest priority to the Euro-integration process regardless of the other
problems that the country is facing.
2. 3. 2. Sequence of major events in the process of EU accession
In a historical vivisection, this determination can be clearly seen through the following
events which marked the path of the Republic of Macedonia in joining the European
family. Namely, with the proclamation of the independence in January 1991, as well as
with the positive conclusion regarding the independence by the Arbitration Commission
of the European Union at the beginning of 1992, the Republic of Macedonia has set the
goal of becoming a member of the European Union as one of its strategic objectives.
For this purpose, in October 1992 in Brussels, at the EU headquarters, the Republic
of Macedonia has appointed a representative, while full diplomatic relations with the
European Union were established on the 22nd December 1995 when the Mission of
the Republic of in the EU was opened. With this, the European Union has initiated the
negotiations with the Republic of Macedonia in order to conclude an agreement with a
wide range of cooperation activities in trade, inancial operations and transportation2. Two
1
2
Depending on the agency that conducted the survey and the methodology used.
In June 1996 in Brussels, the Republic of Macedonia and the European Community signed
20
years later, in 1997, the European Union established a permanent Ofice of the European
Commission in the Republic of Macedonia, which was raised at the level of a Delegation
of the European Commission in March 2000.
In order to implement the reforms necessary for accession and EU membership, on 10th
March 1996, the Republic of Macedonia became one of the countries that have gained the
right to use the PHARE program, created by the European Union to support the reforms
i.e. to provide support to the transformation of the political and economic systems of the
countries in Central and Eastern Europe going towards the EU accession.
Keeping this course of accession to the European Union, in February 1998, in Ohrid,
the irst political dialogue between the Republic of Macedonia and the European Union
took place. The same month, with a unanimous decision, the Parliament of Republic of
Macedonia adopted the Declaration for development of the relations between Republic of
Macedonia and the European Union, stating that the “EU membership is a strategic goal”
(Secretariat for European Affairs, 2006: 11), concurrently requesting the engagement of
all capacities in order to achieve that goal. In accordance with the Declaration, on the 21st
and 22nd March 1998 in Skopje, the irst meeting of the Council for Cooperation between
the Republic of Macedonia and the European Union was held. This Cooperation Council
was set up as a body responsible for monitoring the implementation of the Cooperation
Agreement, the achievements and the developments in the structural reforms, and it
successfully operated until the establishment of the new bodies with the Stabilization and
Association Agreement.
With the introduction of the phrase “Western Balkans”, in May 1999, the European
Commission established a framework for cooperation between the European Union and
the countries of the so-called “Western Balkans”3. In other words, within the Stability Pact
for South Eastern Europe, the European Union proposed a newly designed form of gradual
integration in the EU – Stabilization and Association Agreement4. In this line of action,
and with faster tempo than before, on 21st and 22nd June 1999, the European Commission
in its Feasibility Report concluded that Republic of Macedonia is ready to start the
negotiations for signing a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA). Hence, the
Council of EU Ministers invited the Commission to present formal recommendations for
negotiating directives to the SAA with the Republic of Macedonia, which were adopted on
the 8th September 1999. Consequently, the Council mandated the Commission to start the
negotiations. This prompted the raising of the level of cooperation between the Republic
of Macedonia and the European Union, and the formal launch of the negotiations for a
potential membership in the European Union.
the Cooperation Agreement as well as a Treaty in the ield of transportation, followed by textiles,
which came into force in January 1998 after the Parliament of the Republic of Macedonia ratiied
and the EU Council accepted the same.
3
Republic of Macedonia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia.
4
The essence of the approach in the Process of Stabilization and Association (SAP) of the
European Union is to offer the countries of the so-called Western Balkans a closer cooperation
with the European Union - by concluding associative agreements similar to the Europe treaties,
which were concluded with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
21
In the attempt to create a favourable climate, with optimism regarding the enlargement
of the Union, in June 2000, in Feira, Portugal, the European Council took a stand that all
countries involved in the Stabilization and Association Process, are potential candidates
for membership in the European Union. Hence, in autumn of that year, at the margin
of the Zagreb Summit, the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union adopted the
Regulation which introduced preferential trade relations with the countries participating
in the Stabilization and Association Process.
A positive beneit resulting from it is the fact that on 9th April 2001 in Luxembourg, the
Republic of Macedonia became the irst country, out of all SAP participating countries,
to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement. On 12th April 2001, the Parliament
of the Republic of Macedonia, by acclamation, ratiied the Agreement and on 1st June
2001, the Interim Agreement on trade and trade-related matters between the Republic of
Macedonia and the European Union was enforced. Shortly after, on 4th April 2002, the
Republic of Macedonia has received the irst annual report by the European Commission
in respect to the Stabilization and Association Agreement, which was of particular signiicance because it came immediately after the war conlict in 2001.
In line with the commitments of the European Union to speed up the process of
Macedonia’s EU integration, on the 20th June 2003, the leaders of the member countries
adopted the “Thessaloniki Agenda for the Western Balkans”, which conirmed the
European perspective of the countries in the region. This document has set the instruments
of accession in the process of stabilization and association.
With this, Macedonia’s wish for its European dream to turn into reality became
visibly clearer and more precise. For this purpose, in February 2004, the Macedonian
Parliament adopted the “Declaration for submission of application for membership in the
European Union” and it was foreseen to submit the application for membership on the
26th February 2004. But, on that same day, the President of the Republic of Macedonia,
Boris Trajkovski tragically lost his life in a plane crash. Consequently, the submission of
the application for the EU membership was postponed for a later date – 22nd March 2004.
In Dublin, Republic of Ireland, the Government of Republic of Macedonia submitted the
application demonstrating the strategic commitment to be part of the European Union,
and the willingness to take responsibility for it. With this act, the Republic of Macedonia
has formally conirmed previous clear political commitments for membership in the
European Union.
With the objective to join the big family sooner, on 6th September 2004, the Government
of the Republic of Macedonia has adopted the National Strategy for European Integration,
while a month later, on 1st October 2004, the President of the European Commission
Romano Prodi submitted the Questionnaire5 to the Government of Republic of Macedonia.
On 31st January 2005, after a four-month work on the questionnaire, answering around
3,000 questions, the Government of Republic of Macedonia completed the Questionnaire
for the purpose of drafting the opinion of the European Commission on the application of
It is a tool created by the European Commission through which data is collected about the
level of preparedness of the country for membership in the European Union and for the start of the
negotiations for the EU membership, which is practically scanning the overall performance of the
applicant country.
5
22
the Republic of Macedonia for the EU membership. On 14th February 2005 in Brussels,
the Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Macedonia submitted the responses
to the Questionnaire comprised of 14,000 pages to the European Commission President
Jose Manuel Barroso.
After carefully and thoroughly conducted analysis measuring the progress achieved
by the Republic of Macedonia, on 9th November, the European Commission announced
its Opinion on the application of the Republic of Macedonia for EU membership, and
has unanimously decided to recommend the European Union to grant the Republic of
Macedonia a status of candidate country for EU membership, as recognition of the great
achievements in the legislative framework related to the Ohrid Framework Agreement of
2001 and for the progress made in the four-year implementation of the Stabilization and
Association Agreement. With this, at the Summit in Brussels which took place on 17th
December 2005, the European Council welcomed the Opinion of the Commission on
the application of the Republic of Macedonia for the EU membership and the signiicant
progress achieved by the Republic of Macedonia towards meeting the political criteria set
by the European Council in Copenhagen in 1993 and the requirements of the Stabilization
and Association Process set by the Council in 1997, and decided to grant Republic of
Macedonia the status of a candidate country for EU membership. With this achievement,
Republic of Macedonia joined Turkey and Croatia as candidate countries
After this, the activities in the process of joining the European Union had a continuous
tempo, setting the attention at the next target – starting negotiations for membership in the
European Union. In the meantime, the Republic of Macedonia became the irst country
in the region whose projects were approved by the European Commission and the irst
country in the region to sign a inancial agreement which allowed for the use of IPA funds.
Also, one of the positive signs that came as an encouragement boost from the European
Union was also the agreement on the visa liberation and the readmission agreement. To
conirm this, the visa liberalization dialogue was launched in February 20086.
One month later, the European Commission has adopted the Report on the countries
from the Western Balkans which deines the benchmarks for moving forward into the
next stage of the accession process. As a result of the Report, on 14th October 2009, in
accordance with the progress made by the Republic of Macedonia in reference to the
process set by Stabilization and Association Agreement, the progress in meeting the
political criteria, the process of compliance with the European legislation and the progress
in all areas covered in the dialogue on the visa liberalization – the European Commission
recommended start of negotiations for full membership of the Republic of Macedonia to
the European Union.
In December 2010, the EU Council has conirmed the assessment of the European
Commission that the Republic of Macedonia suficiently fulils the political criteria
and noted that the European Commission re-afirms its recommendation for start of the
accession negotiations with Republic of Macedonia. The same happened in 2011, as well
as with the latest report by the European Commission dated 10.10.2012. (SEC, 2012: 1).
According to the country’s progress in the area of justice, freedom and security and the
fulillment of the benchmarks within the dialogue on visa liberalization, on the 19th of December
2009, the visa regime for Macedonia was canceled.
6
23
2. 3. 3. Conclusion
The Republic of Macedonia is still waiting for a date for negotiations. And while
waiting, what is requested from the Republic of Macedonia is to be even more agile
and to work on achieving the reforms set as conditions by the European Union. This
means to fully and completely meet the political criteria set by the European Council
in Copenhagen in 1993 including the requirements of the Stabilization and Association
Process set by the Council of Europe in 1997. This means to extensively change the
attitude of the Macedonian actors, which basically would amount to accepting the already
offered by the other side, in order to avoid, in a rather infantile manner, the obligations
which the integration process is necessarily imposing. That is why one should abandon
such a relationship towards Europe, characterized by “two I’s and two E’s – inertia,
improvisation, elections, excuse (...) The task demands replacement of the current one
with a new policy of 3 S’s: self-initiative, strategy and seriousness” (Тасковска, 2004:
137–138).
This is because the integration of the Republic of Macedonia into the European Union is
a process that should facilitate the reforms in the economic and political system, including
the legal system in accordance with the principles, objectives and the legislation of the
European Union. All these reforms have the purpose to make the Republic of Macedonia
ready and to be able to responsibly meet the new reality offered by the membership in the
Union, instead of furthermore posing as a subject of empty rhetoric, a tool for collecting
daily political points or a reason for quasi-scientiic studies with way too many illogical
and unsystematic incompetent quote-based fragments of foreign literature.
On the other hand, a summary can be provided using a witty message that in 2003
appeared in the Macedonian public. It contained as a stylized star/sun, with the message
“The sun, too, is a star”, in the interest of popularization of the European idea and the
belonging of the Republic of Macedonia in the European Union. Namely, besides the fact
that the star is a sun, also the sun becomes (remains) a star too, and it represents
“a relection of the unbearable everlasting ontological duality of Macedonia.
Historically, geographically and culturally, Republic of Macedonia has always
been in Europe. Today, the Republic of Macedonia does not actually participate
in the most important institutional and life form of Europe – the European Union.
The Republic of Macedonia is in the loop (Europe), but not in the circle (European
Union). The form and the content are in disharmony and that duality becomes
unsustainable and unbearable. The sun has to become a star in order to become a
sun” (Тасковска, 2004: VII).
References
Европска Комисија (2012). Извештај за напредокот на Република Македонија 2012.
SEC (2012), 332. Retrieved from: http://www.sep.gov.mk/content/Dokumenti/MK/
PR2012_MK3(2).pdf (Accessed: 7 Feb 2013).
24
Секретаријат за европски прашања (2006). И сонцето е ѕвезда. Скопје: Секретаријат
за европски прашања.
Стојменовски, Г. (2010). Поддршката на граѓаните на процесот на пристапување на
Република Македонија во Европската Унија. Скопје: Институт за демократија
“Societas Civilis” (IDSCS). Retrieved from: http://www.idscs.org.mk/images/stories/
upload/scientiic/Analyses/ (Accessed: 6 Feb 2013).
Тасковска, Добринка (2004). Сонцето (о)станува ѕвезда. Скопје: Правен факултет.
TNS Opinion & Social (2009). Standard Eurobarometer 71 - Public opinion in the
European Union. European Commission’s Directorate-General for Communication.
Retrieved from: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb71/eb71_en.htm
(Accessed: 6 Feb 2013).
TNS Opinion & Social (2012). Standard Eurobarometer 78 - Public opinion in the
European Union. European Commission’s Directorate-General for Communication.
Retrieved from: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb78/eb78_en.htm
25
Nikola Marković
Vuk Kešelj
2. 4. Serbia in the process of accession to the European Union
2. 4. 1. Yugoslavia and the EU
Yugoslavia, along with Serbia as a part of it, had diverse relationships with the
countries that were to be initiators of the process of European integrations (Belgium, the
Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, Italy and Germany) and these usually relected either
traditional political-military alliances or rivalry. With the Cold War gaining momentum,
a new segmentation that Yugoslavia did not want to take part in appeared in Europe. The
conclusion of the irst trade agreement between the European Economic Community and
Yugoslavia in 1970 marked the beginning of a few decades long successful cooperation that
followed. This cooperation and partnership reached its climax in 1990 when Yugoslavia
was included in the European Community programme for assistance and reconstructing
for the countries of Eastern and Middle Europe – PHARE. However, in Yugoslavia, which
was one of the 15 most important partners of the Community at the time, armed conlicts
began followed by sanctions, which led to terminating all forms of cooperation between
Serbia and countries of the European Union. At the beginning of 1999, along with crisis
and war escalation in Kosovo and Metohija, the Union started preparing a comprehensive
policy regarding South Eastern Europe. This was called the Stabilisation and Association
Process and was directed at the development of relations between the European Union
and Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. The main parts of the Stabilisation and Association Process were:
• new generation of contractual relations deined by the Stabilisation and Association
Agreement,
• Community Assistance for Reconstruction, Development and Stability in the
Balkans (CARDS Programme),
• autonomous trade regime,
• political dialogue.
2. 4. 2. Serbia after democratic changes
Approaching the European Union became Serbia’s priority once again in 2000, after
the elections and democratic changes, as well as the extradition of the then president
Slobodan Milošević to The Hague tribunal, so European integrations and full membership
became the main aims of the new government. In the following years the European
Union became Serbia’s largest trade partner with more than 50% of total Serbian export
26
being exported to the territory of the EU and more than 2 billion of non-refundable aid
invested in Serbia since 2000. Apart from that, the European Union is the major donor to
Serbia, providing inancial support for political and economic reforms in Serbian society.
Immediately after the democratic changes of the 5th October, the then president of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Vojislav Koštunica was summoned to the EU Summit in
Biarritz, and on 8th October the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia started the Stabilisation
and Association Process. In June 2001, the European Council declared that all the countries
participating in the Stabilisation and Association Process were “potential candidates” for
the membership in the EU. Following the democratic changes, the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia applied for the membership in the Council of Europe. However, considering
the need to redeine the relationships between the two entities, on 14th May 2002, Serbia
and Montenegro signed the agreement which led to adopting the Constitutional Charter in
February 2002 that constituted the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro as the successor
of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Serbia formed a negotiating team in 2005, while
the document that was of the utmost importance for the continuation of negotiations, the
Feasibility Study on Serbia’s readiness to negotiate with the EU about the Stabilisation
and Association Agreement was received the same year in April. The standpoint for
negotiations was adopted in September. The inishing round of technical negotiations was
completed on 10th September 2007, while the Stabilisation and Association Agreement
(SAA) and the Interim Trade Agreement were ratiied by the Serbian Parliament on the
9th September the following year.
2. 4. 3. The Stabilisation and Association Agreement
The Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) is an international contract the
signing of which granted Serbia status of an EU associated country. It is the irst relation
deined by an agreement between the EU and a western Balkan country that wants to
become a member of this organization. It also marks the beginning of the transition
period within which the country adjusts its legislation to EU regulations. Serbia signed
the Agreement with EU member states in Luxembourg on 29th April 2008. Meanwhile,
after a two-year postponement of the ratiication caused by insuficient cooperation with
the Hague Tribunal, the agreement was ratiied by 26 EU Member states. The Agreement
by itself regulated almost all aspects of mutual relations, particularly the economic. The
two key obligations that Serbia took over by signing this Agreement were setting up a
free trade zone and aligning its legislation with the EU accumulated legislation (Acquis
Communautaire). The Serbian Parliament ratiied the SAA and Interim Trade Agreement
on 9th September 2008. However, the agreement did not enter into force then since the
European Union decided to put it on hold until Serbia achieved full cooperation with the
International War Crimes Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Two years after the
signing, on 14th June 2010, the Foreign Ofice of the Council of Europe decided to start
the process of ratiication of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between
the EU and Serbia. The decision was made after the International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia Chief Prosecutor Serge Brammertz expressed his positive view on
Serbia’s cooperation with the ICTY.
27
2. 4. 4. The Interim Trade Agreement
The Interim Trade Agreement was just one part of the Stabilization and Association
Agreement signed between the EU and Serbia, and it referred to the liberalization of
mutual trade. Starting from 30th January 2009 Serbia began unilateral implementation
of the interim trade agreement, which was temporarily put on hold by the EU due to
the lack of progress in Belgrade’s cooperation with the International Criminal Court in
The Hague. By implementing the agreement Serbia enabled liberalization of importing
goods from the EU, while this unilateral implementation was aimed at opening Serbian
economy as soon as possible, adapting business entities to market conditions and
increasing competitiveness of Serbian products in the region. Resuming the agreement
by the EU on 1st February 2010 created a possibility for the export of most national goods.
The agreement also envisaged a gradual liberalization for more or less sensitive products
until 2014.
2. 4. 5. Visa liberalization (the so called “White Schengen” list)
Probably the most impressive moment in the relations with the EU for Serbian citizens
occurred on 30th November 2009, when Serbia was placed on the “While Schengen” list.
This meant establishing visa-free regime between Serbia and the Schengen area countries.
After almost two decades, Serbia citizens could travel freely, go on vacations and move
freely in the countries signatories of the Schengen treaty without previously obtaining
visas. The decision on visa liberalization, as it was then shown by public opinion surveys,
affected the overall mood of the citizens and raised their support of EU integration processes.
Adhering to that, some warnings on possible reintroducing of visa regime, due to
problems caused by false asylum seekers that became frequent during 2012, affected the
public and reduced the level of its support for EU integrations. The “White Schengen”
list was preceded by the Visa Relief Agreement and the Readmission Agreement between
the European Union and the Republic of Serbia, signed on 18th September 2007. These
two agreements represented the irst step towards establishing the visa-free regime. The
irst one simpliied the procedure and reduced the costs of visa issuing and speciied
which categories of people should be issued visas for a longer period of time, as well as
the categories that were granted free visas. On the other hand, the aim of the Readmission
Agreement was establishing fast and effective procedure of entering, staying temporarily
or permanently on the territory of any European Union member state or Serbia. These
agreements entered into force on 1st January 2008.
2. 4. 6. The status of candidate
Along with Macedonia, Montenegro and Turkey, Serbia is one of the four states that
are potential candidates for European Union Membership. The country was granted
the candidate status by the European Council’s decision on 1st March 2012. At the
moment Serbia is expecting a new positive opinion of the European Council about the
28
date to start its negotiations about the full membership in the Union. According to the
last conclusion of the European Council this decision will follow when Serbia, besides
fulilling the conditions set to all other candidates as well, makes further progress in
normalizing relationships with Pristina, that is, when Serbia meets the criteria deined
by the European Commission. After the status of candidate has been gained, the next
step in the process of European integrations involves preparations for setting the date for
starting negotiations on the membership. The very decision on granting candidate status
was preceded by several positive opinions regarding the readiness of Serbia to receive
that status. In the report issued on 12th October 2012, the European Commission, in its
opinion on the Serbia’s candidacy, recommended that Serbia should be granted the status
of a candidate for joining the European Union, as well as that the negotiations on its
membership should start as soon as Belgrade makes progress in the dialogue with Pristina.
The recommendation by the European Commission followed three months after Serbia
had arrested the last Hague fugitive, the war leader of the Serbs in Croatia Goran Hadžić.
On 26th May of the same year, the most wanted of all Hague fugitives, the former military
commander of Republika Srpska, General Ratko Mladić was arrested. This, according
to the assessment of the European Council at the Summit held on 9th December, meant
an important progress in meeting the political criteria deined by the European Council
in Copenhagen and terms of stabilization and association, as well as a satisfying level
of cooperation with International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The
Hague. However, despite all the praise, the European Council at this occasion postponed
the decision on granting Serbia candidate status until March 2012, when it was granted.
2. 4. 7. Important dates
The important dates concerning the relation development between Serbia and the EU
are:
• 1st March 2012: Serbia was granted the status of candidate for the EU membership.
• 12th October 2011: The European Commission recommended that Serbia became
a candidate country for the EU membership, and stated that this country would be
ready to start the negotiations about joining as soon as further good progress was
made in one key area.
• 20th July 2011: The last ICTY fugitive, Croatian Serb wartime leader, Goran
Hadžić was arrested.
• 26th May 2011: The former Bosnian Serb military commander Ratko Mladić
was arrested and extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia, where he was tried for war crimes committed during the War in
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
• 1st February 2010: The Interim Agreement entered into force.
• 22nd December 2009: Serbia oficially applied for the EU membership.
• 19th December 2009: The visa free regime was established.
• 1st January 2009: Serbia started implementing Interim Agreement with the EU.
29
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
21st July 2008: War crime indictee Radovan Karadžić was arrested.
29th April 2008: The signing of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement and
Interim Agreement with Serbia in Luxembourg.
17th February 2008: The Assembly of Kosovo declared independence.
June 2006: Following the declaration of independence of Montenegro, Serbia
became the legal successor to the State Union.
21st May 2006: Montenegro declared independence.
3rd May 2006: The negotiations about the SAA were suspended due to the lack of
progress on cooperation with ICTY.
October 2005: Negotiations for the Stabilisation and Association Agreement were
launched.
3rd April 2003: Serbia became the 45th European Council member country.
July 2001: The establishment of the EU-FRY Consultative Task Force.
5th October 2000: The fall of Slobodan Milošević’s regime.
1999: The EU recommended the new Stabilisation and Association Process for
ive countries of South-Eastern Europe, including Serbia.
2. 4. 8 Citizens’ support to European integrations
According to a survey performed by the European Integration Ofice, the greatest
support of Serbia’s accession to the European Union occurred in 2003 when 73% of the
population favoured the accession. However, during the next ten years, citizens’ support
was in a gradual decline. According to the most recent data from December 2012 it
amounted to 41%, which is at the same time the smallest percentage recorded since these
surveys have been performed. Thirty-one percent of the surveyed voted against accession,
while those who saw the process of EU integration in a positive way usually stated better
future for the youth and greater employment possibilities as the greatest advantages.
Despite the drop of trust in the EU, the great majority of the citizens, 66%, support
the reforms in Serbia, but do not necessarily link these processes with the process of
accession. Citizens ind the events concerning Kosovo crucial for Serbian accession
and when asked to determine the terms for joining the EU, 47% of the citizens marked
precisely Kosovo, i.e. resolving the status of Kosovo as the main condition.
References
EurActiv – Evropska unija na srpskom internet portalu (2012, 5 Apr). Proces ratiikacije
SSP-a. Retrieved from: http://www.euractiv.rs/srbija-i-eu/452-ratiikacija-ssp-a
Kancelarija za Evropske integracije Vlade RS. (n.d) Istorijat. Retrieved from: http://www.
seio.gov.rs/srbija-i-eu/istorijat.115.html (Accessed: 28 Feb 2013).
30
Kancelarija za Evropske integracije Vlade RS. (n.d.). Sporazum o stabilizaciji i
pridruživanju. Retrieved from: http://www.seio.gov.rs/srbija-i-eu/ratiikacija-ssp.116.
html (Accessed: 28 Feb 2013).
Kancelarija za Evropske integracije Vlade RS (2012, 10 Oct). Izveštaj o napretku
Srbije za 2012. godinu. Retrieved from: http://www.seio.gov.rs/upload/documents/
eu_dokumenta/godisnji_izvestaji_ek_o_napretku/izvestaj_napredak_2012.pdf
(Accessed: 1 Mar 2013).
Kancelarija za Evropske integracije Vlade RS (2012, Dec). Evropska orijentacija
građana Srbije, Trendovi. Retrieved from: http://www.seio.gov.rs/upload/documents/
nacionalna_dokumenta/istrazivanja_javnog_mnjenja/istrazivanje_dec_2012.pdf
Kancelarija za Evropske integracije Vlade RS (2012, 5 Oct). “Otvorena vrata” u Kancelariji
za evropske integracije. Retrieved from: http://www.seio.gov.rs/%D0%B2%D0%B5
%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8.39.html?newsid=1313 (Accessed: 9 Apr 2013).
Moja Evropa (n.d.). Srbija i EU. Retrieved from: http://www.mojaevropa.rs/srbija-i-eu/
SEEbiz Srbija (2013, 29 Jan). Podrška građana Srbije ulasku u EU najniža u deset godina.
Retrieved from: http://rs.seebiz.eu/podrska-gradana-srbije-ulasku-u-eu-najniza-udeset-godina/ar-55643/ (Accessed: 9 Apr 2013).
3. Media scene
33
Lejla Turčilo
3. 1. Media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina
By its very constitutional arrangement Bosnia and Herzegovina is a divided society
and this fact is directly relected in the country’s media image. As it was shown by most
of the past research (Turčilo, 2011), the media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina is, just
like the political system of the country, divided along regional and ethnical lines. Further
on, the media market is fragmented and overly satiated. According to the data by Bosnia
and Herzegovina Press Council (a self-regulatory body for print and online media)7 and
Communications Regulatory Agency (the electronic media regulator)8, 9 daily papers, 4
news magazines, 98 periodicals (50 in the Federation, 48 in Republika Srpska) are printed
in Bosnia and Herzegovina; 46 television stations (three of which are a part of the Public
Broadcasting Service: FTV –Federalna Televizija [Federal Television], RTRS – Radio
Televizija Republike Srpske [Radio-Television of Republika Srpska] and BHT [Bosnia
and Herzegovina Television]) and 151 radio stations (three of which are a part of the
Public Broadcasting Service: Radio Federacije BiH [Radio of the Federation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina], Radio RS [Radio of Republika Srpska] and BH Radio1 [Bosnia and
Herzegovina Radio1]) are registered. Media annual income (from advertising, PBS taxes,
donations, public inancing) is estimated at about 60 million euros per year, 60% of which
belongs to public broadcasters.
The Public Broadcasting Service most conspicuously relects the division of the media
and public scene. It was formed by transforming the former Radio Televizija Sarajevo
[Sarajevo Radio-Television], under the heavy pressure of international community. Its
speciic and complex structure follows the policy of ethnical proportions and the so called
“national key” that can be seen in both the employee structure and the programme content.
The Public Broadcasting Service of Bosnia and Herzegovina is comprised of two entity
broadcasters: Federalna Televizija and Radio Federacije BiH on one hand and Radio
Televizija Republike Srpske on the other, as well as one “umbrella” broadcaster (BHT1
and BH Radio 1). Along with numerous inancial and personnel problems, the Public
Broadcasting Service is faced both with the problem of technical underdevelopment (lack
of modern equipment and digitalization) and with direct political and economic pressures.
The research conducted by the Media Plan Institute in 2010 (Udovičić et al., 2010) showed
direct link between political elite and the entities’ public service that particularly favoured
certain political options and reported positively on certain political subjects.
The legal frame of media operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is relatively good. Bosnia
and Herzegovina, as a member of the European Council, accepted all the international
conventions of human rights and included them into the Constitution of Bosnia and
Herzegovina (Annex 4 to the Dayton Peace Agreement) by which citizens of Bosnia
7
8
http://www.vzs.ba
http://www.rak.ba
34
and Herzegovina are guaranteed the freedom of speech. In order for this constitutional
act to be implemented in practice, and due to not reaching consensus in both entities
for its application, the High Representative of the International Community in Bosnia
and Herzegovina announced the decision on freedom of information and abolition of
criminal penalties for insult and defamation (published in the Oficial Gazette of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, No. 14/99). The Law on Free Access to Information (passed by the
Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina in October 2000) deines information
as a public asset that belongs to all the citizens and states that the authorities are obliged to
submit every piece of information to the citizens. At the level of entities there are also laws
on free access to information which are aligned to these state laws. Law on the Basis of
the Public Broadcasting System and the Law of the Public Broadcasting Service of Bosnia
and Herzegovina (passed in May 2005) regulate the operation of the Public Broadcasting
Service. The former concerns the regulation of relations between the three public services
(PBS BiH, RTV FBiH and RT RS) and forming the Corporation of Public Broadcasting
Services (which has not been established yet due to the lack of political will), while the
latter gives directives for adjusting the programme of the three broadcasters so that they
are adapted to the needs of all three constitutive nations (Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks)
as well as available in three languages and two scripts (these do not, however, give any
directives concerning the national minorities’ programme); they regulate the employees’
positions and salaries, as well as their obligations in case of strike. The Law on Protection
against Defamation in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (published in the
Oficial Gazette of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, No. 59/02), the Law on
Protection against Defamation in Republika Srpska (published in the Oficial Gazette
of Republika Srpska No. 37/01) and the Law on Protection against Defamation in the
Brčko District (published in the Oficial Gazette of the Brčko District No. 0-02-022213-03) regulate the protection against defamation, which, as already said, has been
decriminalized. At the moment any kind of legislative concerning media property is nonexistent, but the matter of the concentration of media ownership has been regulated by the
Rule of the Communications Regulatory Agency and the Law on Competition in Bosnia
and Herzegovina (published in the Oficial Gazette of Bosnia and Herzegovina 48/05)
The rights of journalists (as well as all the others employed in Bosnia and Herzegovina)
are regulated by the Labour Law (published in the Oficial Gazette of the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina No. 43/099, 32/00, 29/03) that obliges employers to conclude
employment contracts with journalists. (The contract deines employers’ obligations to
pay health and pension insurance, regulates working hours, a right to vacation, a paid
leave and the level of salary.)
Self-regulation of the print and online media and regulation of the broadcast media is
performed through the Bosnia and Herzegovina Press Council and the Communications
Regulatory Agency. Bosnia and Herzegovina Press Council9 as a self-regulatory body
for print and online media and a full member of the Alliance of Independent Press
Councils of Europe, mediates between the unsatisied readers and print and online media,
monitors the application of the Print and Online Media Code in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
improves professional standards in print and online media and protects the public from
9
http://www.vzs.ba
35
unprofessional media writing on one hand and the media from political, economic and
other pressures, on the other. Communications Regulatory Agency10 issues permits for the
areas of broadcasting and telecommunications in an open and fair manner and improves
professionalism and work sustainability of the telecommunication and electronic media
operator communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As opposed to the Press Council,
the Agency has the ability to sanction unprofessional media, starting from warning to
inancial sanctions and inally denying the broadcasting license.
It should also be noted that the Press Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina and
Communications Regulatory Agency have certain operational issues. When it comes to
the Press Council, these issues concern mainly the fact that citizens do not use their right
to complain to the Council enough and the fact that the media often ignores the Council’s
recommendations (they do not issue denials, apologies, etc.) However, the biggest issues
for the Regulatory Agency are the political pressures from the part of the state institutions
and the political elite that continuously try to turn this independent body into a state body,
making the election of the Regulatory Agency chairman a subject of extreme political
discussion and confrontation.
The structure of the media employees in Bosnia and Herzegovina is fairly dificult
to establish, since the data available to journalist associations (there are six of
these associations in Bosnia and Herzegovina: four in the Federation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and two in Republika Srpska) are imprecise. This is due to the fact that
not all the journalists are members of these associations; some associations do not
keep precise records of the membership, while some allow non-journalist (journalism
students or teachers) to become members. Nevertheless, according to this incomplete data
there are 1758 journalist in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Journalist Association of Bosnia
and Herzegovina has 627 members, “BH Journalists” association has 413 members,
the Association of Croat Journalists in Bosnia and Herzegovina has 413 members, the
journalist association “Apel” 50 members, the Association of Journalists in Republika
Srpska has 385 members, while the Independent Union of Journalists from Republika
Srpska counts 100 members).
The pressures on the media and journalists in Bosnia and Herzegovina are diverse, but
speaking of them it is necessary to look back at one structural error that was made during
the transition in the media sphere and that in a certain way is being repeated even today.
Namely, at the very beginning of the transition from state into private ownership (in the
media sphere as well) it was believed that, once the media were freed from the state
inluence, they would have all the preconditions to function as key protagonists of the
democratic processes in the country. This, unfortunately, did not happen. It could be, in
fact, claimed that the media were not freed from the state inluence, but that this inluence
was replaced (or expanded) by the inluence of political elite. Or to be completely precise,
the only reason why the state is not pressuring the media is the fact that it is simply not
strong enough. On the other hand, the political elite that are a part of the state bodies
but often act as autonomous protagonists, are powerful enough to pressure the media
and journalists in a very subtle way, cooperating with economic elite and media owners.
However, the debate about the inluence and pressure on the media still remains on
10
http://www.rak.ba
36
the ground of discussing political pressures, without including their connection to the
economy in the matter. Since politics and business are two inseparable areas, the most
proitable business in Bosnia and Herzegovina being precisely politics (while numerous
political decisions in essence remain politically motivated), the inluence over journalists
(especially in the case of private media that are a business sphere in itself) becomes more
clear and obvious.
One of the evident pressures upon journalists is the concentration of media ownership
that decreases the “maneuvering space” for journalists, i.e. the possibility to work for
some other “big boss”11, depending on their own orientation. One of the other more
prominent latent pressures is the so called “buying the media with no money down”.
This refers to “bombing” the media with PR content, undoubtedly the consequence of a
new philosophy of trade by large companies and political elite that direct most of their
communicative activities to creating positive image through “unpaid marketing”, which is
actually PR. Some research12 show that almost one fourth of the media content in Bosnia
and Herzegovina is based on the PR materials delivered by large companies or political
institutions and organization. Public relations are an area that has been developing very
fast and intensively in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which puts the media under constant
pressure of publishing information in favour of the clients of large PR agencies. This
trend of buying media space without money is followed by another trend that limits the
free low of information: the so called “purchasing the silence” by means of “helping the
media” on the part of political and economic elites13.
When it comes to direct pressures upon journalists, these seem to be somewhat more
conspicuous, although the situations is a little better comparing to the period immediately
after the war14. Despite the fact that there are still journalists that work and live under
police escort, since their life is literally endangered, the more prominent form of the
pressure upon journalists today concerns their work conditions in editorial ofices.
The research of the “BH Journalists” association15 shows that 43.5% of the surveyed
journalists in Bosnia and Herzegovina (44% in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
and 43% in Republika Spska) hold that journalists have extremely bad inancial standing
and work conditions, which is directly relected in the quality of their reporting. Further
These “big bosses” are still domestic wealthy individuals and/or companies and not global
corporations. The only global corporation at the moment is Al Jazeera Balkans, while the local
media are the property of rich individuals who are the owners of other businesses as well.
12
Vedada Baraković’s PhD thesis entitled Strukturiranje medijskih sadržaja pod utjecajem
odnosa s javnostima (Structuring the Media Content under Public Relations’ Inluence) was
defended at the Faculty of Political Sciences in Sarajevo in July 2008. Unpublished dissertation.
13
In 2010 the government of Republika Srpska gave more than 5 million KM to the media in
Republika Srpska as “aid in overcoming the economic crisis”, which was undoubtedly a way of
“indebting” this media to prevent them from writing critically about the Government’s activities
and favouring its oficials in the 2010 pre-election campaign.
14
“BH Journalists” association has an open telephone for journalist help: Free Media Help Line;
it is possible to ind reports on attacks on journalists by years. Available at http://www.linija.
bhnovinari.ba.
15
http://www.bhnovinari.ba
11
37
on, the direct pressure by elites (in the sense of threats to journalists) has been replaced by
forming interest connections to the media owners with whom the political and economic
elites jointly deine “the media politics and strategy” that thereafter excludes critical
writing. On the other hand, the journalists consider the following to be the greatest
pressures: non-existent or inadequate employment contracts (which do not specify the
salary), being underpaid, inadequate working hours and iring without any announcement
or explanation (Vijeće za štampu BiH & Udruženje BH Novinari, 2012). All this together
with poor or no reaction from the audience demotivates journalists to pursue investigative
journalism.
The education of journalists is an additional issue: although there are seven different
media studies at public universities in Bosnia and Herzegovina16 and one at a private
university17, most of them work in exceptionally dificult conditions, dealing with
underpaid and understaffed personnel, enormous number of students (50-100 of full-time
students, inanced by the state, i.e. canton, 150-200 of self-inanced students and at least
50 students that work every year while studying) as well as still relatively out-of-date and
exceptionally theoretical curriculum.
In conclusion, the media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina is burdened by numerous
dificulties, which are directly relected to the work of journalists and (un)professional
journalism. Journalists are well aware of these dificulties and issues; however, they
hold that they cannot solve them by themselves (Vijeće za štampu BiH & Udruženje BH
Novinari, 2012) and need a systematic support, instead.
References
Turčilo, L. (2011). Politika-mediji-biznis: u globalnom društvu i u BiH. Sarajevo: Vlastita
naklada.
Udovičić, R. et al. (2010). Izbori 2010 u BiH: Kako su mediji pratili izbornu kampanju.
Sarajevo: Media Plan Institut.
Vijeće za štampu BiH i Udruženje BH Novinari (2012). Indikatori za procjenu medijskih
sloboda u zemljama članicama Vijeća Evrope: Izvještaj u sjeni za BiH.
Online sources
Free media help Line. Available at http://www.linija.bhnovinari.ba.
Udruženje BH novinari. Available at http://www.bhnovinari.ba.
Vijeća za štampu BiH. Available at http://www.vzs.ba.
Regulatorna agencija za komunikacije. Available at http://www.rak.ba.
There is one faculty in Sarajevo, one in Tuzla, one in the East Sarajevo, two in Banja Luka and
two in Mostar.
17
Located in Travnik.
16
39
Dejan Lučić
Ivan Otović
3. 2. Media scene in Montenegro
Media pluralism became reality in Montenegro in the last decade of the 20th century
when the irst private media were established (Lučić, 2012). In July 1990 the Monitor
weekly was founded. It was at the time the only independent professional media in the
country and the only oficial organ that openly stood against the upcoming nationalism
that was soon to develop into a civil war and lead to the breakup of the Socialist
Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. The news agency Montena Fax, another independent
media in Montenegro, started operating three years later, while the irst private radio
station Elmag was created in June 1994. Only a month later Antena M, another private
radio station, started operating (Zadrima, 2004). The irst private television stations, Blue
Moon (today’s MBC) and Sky Sat, were founded in 1995. From the beginning of the 90s
up until the end of 2011, over ten television stations with national coverage and over ten
radio stations were founded, while ive dailies, two weeklies and various periodicals were
competing on the press market.
In the irst years of transition the media were closely linked to political parties and some
interest groups, which often made them disregard citizens’ right to veriied and impartial
information. The transitional division of Montenegrin society has still not been surpassed,
which is relected in the media sphere as well. On one hand, we have the media with the
administrative policy close to the ruling circles, but on the other there are also those that
confront current authorities openly, such as the dailies Dan and Vijesti. However, this
legitimate dualism in the administrative policies of media does not diminish the serious
issue of preserving the profession of journalism and its ethics and standards. This issue is
relected in the lack of a uniform national self-regulatory body that would supervise and
point out the omissions in the work of the media. During 2011 and 2012, the president of
Montenegro Filip Vujanović and the Delegation of the European Union to Montenegro
have organized two press conferences with the subject of media self-regulation (RSE,
2011). Despite the efforts of the former chief of the Delegation of the European Union
to Montenegro Leopold Maurer and the President Vujanović, the uniform journalists’
self-regulatory body ceased to exist and the media were divided into two self-regulatory
bodies. At the beginning of March 2012, the Media Self-Regulatory Body was formed
gathering 19 print, broadcast and internet media. This body was not supported by the
representatives of the three most important media in Montenegro: the dailies Vijesti and
Dan, the Monitor weekly and Vijesti the television (Beta, 2012). Two months later Vijesti,
Dan and Monitor formed the Press Council, the aim of which was mediation between
individuals and institutions that believe themselves damniied by these three media and
issuing a public warning when the offence occurred (Vijesti, 2012). Apart from these two
self-regulatory bodies, there are two journalists’ associations that often have opposite
opinions concerning the matters of trade.
40
The not so idyllic image of the Montenegrin media scene, which was additionally
complicated by the last unannounced notices of journalists and other media employees
in the daily Vijesti and Monitor weekly, was brightened a bit by forming the Media
Trade Union in April 2013. The Trade Union was formed as a part of the Association of
Free Trade Unions, a younger trade union organization of the labourers of Montenegro
and it consisted of professionals from almost all Montenegrin media. In the initiative
for forming the Union it was stated that modern and organized unions are a necessary
condition for the protection of employees’ professional and socioeconomic interests. The
employed in the media of Montenegro, as well as their colleagues in other ields of work
were daily faced with the consequences of transition process that lasted more than a few
decades and that devolved the value system as well as institutional responsibilities. The
aim of the Union was to better the socioeconomic position of the employed through the
improvement of social dialogue and collective negotiation.
According to Montenegrin laws, the media have the right to carry out their work freely
without pressure from the outside. The current regulation (ARDCG, 2013) comprises the
Law on Media (2002), the Law on Broadcasting (2008), the Law on Electronic Media
(2010), the Law on Digital Broadcasting (2011) and the Law on Copyright and Related
Rights (2011), which, according to the evaluators have been adjusted to the European
regulations.
Montenegro decriminalized defamation at the end of 2011, which should have
presented an additional stimulus for journalists to report about the events and occurrences
of public interest freely, accurately and without fear. This is particularly important
because earlier many politicians and inluential people used to bring criminal charges
against journalists for defamation and offence, mainly to prevent publishing information
that was not favourable to them. At the same time, journalists used to resort to autocensorship fearing the legal action.
Despite all of the above, journalists and the media daily encounter numerous tests,
primarily the lack of inancial means necessary to create quality programme. In the last
few years there have been several attacks on journalists and media property; such as
the attacks on the Vijesti journalist Olivera Lakić and Televizija Crna Gora journalist
Mirko Bošković as well as torching the vehicles owned by the daily Vijesti. The
competent authorities in most of the cases have still not established who the attackers
and the coordinators of the attacks on the journalists were. In the Report on Progress
of Montenegro for 2012 (Montenegro Government, 2012) the European Commission
assessed positively the decision of Montenegrin authorities to decriminalize defamation
and stated that the progress had been made in promoting the freedom of expression, but
it was still necessary to concentrate effort on the investigation and criminal persecution
in the cases of violence against journalists. It was assessed that media scene was still
very politicized and divided. Further on, it was emphasized that the reform of public
broadcasting service was necessary in order to achieve its contemporaneity and selfsustainability.
According to the last report on the level of the media freedom in the world by the
Reporters without Borders organization, Montenegro is in 113th place, which shows a
six-place drop compared to the previous report. Reporters state that the main reasons
41
for this ranking of Montenegro are the attacks of various power centres on the media
and journalists as well as the disrespect of the legal regulations that protect media rights.
A lack of professional solidarity and political colouration on the occasion of reporting
make it impossible for the media to confront external pressures in the appropriate manner,
claims this organization. “Out of Balkan countries, Montenegro, Macedonia and Albania
are at the bottom of World Press Freedom Index and score fairly bad. Judiciary issues
(often due to poor legislation) that make the access to information impossible, physical
and psychological violence against those who work in editorial ofices, using marketing
as a weapon, as well as grey economy that often controls the vital part of the media create
the obstacles that prevent freedom of reporting and information”, it was stated in the
Reporters without Borders report (Dan, 2013). In January 2012, according to the daily
Dan Montenegro was in 107th place. In the 2008 Index it was 74th, in 2009 it was classiied
as 77th, while in October 2010, the Reporters assessed it belonged to 104th position.
Immediately after the publication of this Report, the Government’s Public Relations
Bureau put up a notice that the Reporters’ assessment about the status of the freedom of
media did not correspond to reality, but it was rather a result of personal evaluation of
local contributors of this organization that had been used in order to prepare this report
(Portal Analitika, 2013). It was stated from the Bureau that the reports of the European
Commission and other referent international organizations following the freedom of the
media in Montenegro, concluded that Montenegro had recorded a continuous progress in
this area. In an interview for German-French television station Arte that was broadcast by
Vijesti, the EU Ambassador in Montenegro, Mitja Drobnič said, referring to the Reporters
without Borders Report, that he “couldn’t say that there is no freedom of the press” in
Montenegro (Vijesti, 2013) because “in different newspapers we can read about many
cases of corruption and organized crime”. According to what he said, most of the media in
Montenegro was not friendly disposed towards the Government, which meant that “there
isn’t a situation where the Government controls the media or hamper them to write about
the issues that they ind disagreeable”.
In the Freedom House Media Report for 2012, the countries of western Balkan were
characterized as partially free. The exception to this was Montenegro and Kosovo that
recorded a modest progress while all the other countries registered a drop on the list
(Portal Oneworldsee, 2012). Montenegro advanced on the list from 80th place and 37
points to 75th place and 35 points. By the end of the last year, the OSCE Senior Media
Advisor Michael Stone stated that there was prominent media pluralism in Montenegro
(Portal Analitika, 2012). Stone, who was the founder of several media in the transition
countries, emphasized that he was surprised by the facts that there were as many as ive
dailies in Montenegro and that the Montenegrin media covered the subjects of public
interest, which was exceptionally good.
Montenegrin press market comprises the daily Pobjeda, still in the state’s controlling
interest, private papers Vijesti, Dan, Dnevne Novine and Blic Crna Gora. The estimated
number of potential readers in Montenegro is around 550 000. Of course, the circulation
cannot reach that number because the papers are lent for reading. The research showed
that the newspapers were read by almost 70% of the potential reading audience (Zadrima,
2004). According to the research by the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights in
42
September 2012, 48% of the surveyed trusted the daily Vijesti the most, 28.5% trusted
the daily Dan, and 14% of the surveyed chose Pobjeda. Dnevne Novine was the irst
choice for 6% while Blic Crna Gora was chosen by 0.9% of the surveyed (CEDEM,
2012). The same research showed that Vijesti and Dan marked a drop in trust of around
one percentage in comparison to the previous year. Pobjeda suffered a slight drop, while
Dnevne Novine and Blic Crna Gora marked an increase in trust.
Montenegro is abundant in broadcast media so, apart from the two channels of Radio
Crna Gora, it has 14 local public broadcasters and 38 commercial broadcasters. There
are two channels of Televizija Crna Gora on the market, three local and 16 commercial
televisions, as well as seven KDS/MMDS/IPTV/DTH operators.
According to the mentioned research by CEDEM, local radio stations were trusted by
one fourth of the surveyed population. Out of the news and current affairs radio stations
that have national coverage, the most trusted was Radio Crne Gore with 18.5%, Radio
Vijesti with 4% and Radio Antena M with 0.7%. Compared to the research from December
2011, Radio Crne Gore and Radio Vijesti marked an increase in trust, while Radio Antena
M marked a drop.. In the case of television stations, the most trusted, by more than a half
of the surveyed, was Televizija Vijesti, followed by the irst channel of Televizija Crne
Gore with 21.5%, Pink M with 8.5%, Televizija IN with 8.1% as well as Atlas and Prva
Crna Gora television stations with 3.7%. Televizija Vijesti marked an increase in trust
of almost 20% compared to December 2011. The irst channel of Televizija Crne Gore
marked an increase in trust, as well, although a more modest one, while all the other
television stations, apart from Prva, marked a drop in trust.
The daily Pobjeda is owned by the state and all the past attempts of privatization
have failed. Most of the population sees Pobjeda as an oficial organ of the establishment
that serves the purpose of the government’s clash with the opposing media. Blic Crna
Gora and Dnevne Novine are the youngest dailies in Montenegro that still have not
secured their position and impact on Montenegrin society. Dan is the best-selling paper
that is pronouncedly opposition-oriented and deals with issues of Serbian community in
Montenegro. It is one of the few media that do not support Montenegrin EU integrations
unconditionally. The daily Vijesti has an important inluence on social events, since it
sees the current establishment as an obstacle for political and economic progress of
Montenegro. The most important weekly is Monitor that was ighting the war enthusiasm
during the nineties and was one of the supporters of Montenegrin independence. In the
last few years it has been faced with dificult inancial situation and a small number of
readers.
The majority of the registered radio stations does not broadcast serious informative
programme. Radio stations with national coverage, such as the two channels of Radio Crna
Gora, Elmag radio and Antena M, apart from music provide documentary and informative
content as well. In the market that counts about 625.266 citizens, two television channels
of the Public Broadcasting Service and four commercial television stations with national
coverage are broadcast. One should bear in mind that this limited market compels the media
to compete for viewers’ predilection, often by resorting to sensationalism. According to
the research by Ipsos Strategic Marketing in December 2012, the television station with
the best viewer rating was Vijesti. The central news programme of this television, Vijesti
43
u pola 7 was watched by 60% of the population. The research stated an increase in viewer
rating of the Public Broadcasting Service, while the reasons mentioned for this were the
change of programme scheme and the new personnel. The central daily newsreel was
watched regularly by 31.5% of the surveyed. Web portals have lately become a primary
source of information for a large number of citizens of Montenegro, the most popular web
portals being Vijesti, Café del Montenegro and Analitika.
References
Agencija za elektronske medije: http://www.ardcg.org/index.php?option=com_
docman&task=cat_view&gid=48&Itemid=26.
BETA (2012, 7 Mar). U Crnoj Gori osnovano medijsko samoregulatorno telo. Retrieved
from: http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Drustvo/310934/U-Crnoj-Gori-osnovano-medijskosamoregulatorno-telo (Accessed: 11 Apr 2013).
Centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava (2012, Sept). Političko javno mnjenje Crne Gore.
Retrieved from: http://www.cedem.me/sr/programi/istraivanja-javnog-mnjenja/
politiko-javno-mnjenje/viewdownload/36-politiko-javno-mnjenje/346-politikojavno-mnjenje-septembar-2012.html (Accessed: 12 Apr 2013).
Dnevnik Dan (2013, 30 Jan). Loši sudovi koče slobodu medija. Retrieved from: http://
www.dan.co.me/?nivo=3&rubrika=Politika&datum=2013-01-30&clanak=365272
Izvještaj EK o napretku Crne Gore (2012). Retrieved from: http://www.gov.me/
ResourceManager/FileDownload.aspx?rId=119553&rType=2 (Accessed: 15 Apr
2013).
Lučić, D. (2012). Primjena konvergiranog novinarstva u crnogorskim štampanim
medijima (Vijesti, Dan i Pobjeda), master thesis, July 2012, Podgorica, Fakultet
političkih nauka, Univerzitet Crne Gore.
Portal Analitika (2013, 31 Jan). Vlada: Izvještaj Reportera bez granica nerealan. Retrieved
from:
http://portalanalitika.me/drustvo/vijesti/88933-vlada-izvjetaj-reportera-bezgranica-nerealan.html (Accessed: 11 Apr 2013).
Portal Analitika (2012, 26 Oct). Iznenađen sam brojem medija u Crnoj Gori. Retrieved
from:
http://www.portalanalitika.me/drustvo/tema/78187-iznenaen-sam-brojemmedija-u-crnoj-gori-.html (Accessed: 11 Apr 2013).
Portal Oneworldsee (2012, 3 May). Sloboda medija 2012: zabrinjavajući slučaj Zapadnog
Balkana – Makedonija. Retrieved from: http://oneworldsee.org/sh/content/slobodamedija-2012-zabrinjavajuci-slucaj-zapadnog-balkana-makedonija (Accessed: 11 Apr
2013).
Portal Radija Slobodna Evropa (2011, 25 Nov). Crna Gora pred izazovom medijske
samoregulative. Retrieved from: http://www.slobodnaevropa.org/content/crna_gora_
pred_izazovom_medijske_samoregulative/24203977.html (Accessed: 12 Apr 2013).
Portal Vijesti (2008, 28 May). Osnovan Savjet za štampu. Retrieved from: http://www.
vijesti.me/vijesti/osnovan-savjet-stampu-clanak-75612 (Accessed: 11 Apr 2013).
44
Portal Vijesti (2013, 6 Apr). Drobnič: Afere u Crnoj Gori se moraju raščistiti do kraja.
Retrieved from: http://www.vijesti.me/vijesti/drobnic-afere-crnoj-gori-se-morajurascistiti-kraja-clanak-121952 (Accessed: 12 Apr 2013).
Zadrima, M. (2004). Crna Gora. U Hrvatin, S.B., Petković, B. Zadrima, M., Medijsko
vlasništvo i njegov uticaj na nezavisnost i pluralizam medija (pp. 38–59). Podgorica:
Institut za medije Crne Gore. Retrieved from: http://www.mminstitute.org/okruglisto/
Medijsko%20vlasnistvo.pdf (Accessed: 15 Apr 2013).
45
Dejan Donev
Jordan Dukov
Vlatko Chalovski
Veronika Kamchevska
Naum Trajanovski
3. 3. Overview of the media landscape in the Republic of Macedonia
3. 3. 1. Features of the media space in the Republic of Macedonia
3. 3. 1. 1. The division of the media space
In the Republic of Macedonia, in reference to the broadcast media outlets, there is a
dual media system, composed of public broadcasting outlets and commercial broadcasting
outlets18. According to the oficial data from the Broadcasting Council of the Republic of
Macedonia, “besides the public broadcaster MRTV that has three TV channels (MTV
1, MTV 2 and Parliamentary Channel) and MKTV-SAT i.e. the satellite channel for
the Macedonian viewers living abroad, i.e. 6 radio programs –the broadcasting space
of Republic of Macedonia has a total of 157 TV and radio emitters or broadcasters”
(Совет за радиодифузија на Република Македонија, 2012a: 6–8). Out of the total, 77
outlets are commercial TV stations (5 which broadcast via terrestrial transmitter at a state
level, 13 outlets broadcast via a satellite transmitter, 10 outlets are regional and 49 outlets
are local television stations)19. The national commercial broadcasters are: Kanal 5, Sitel,
Telma and Alsat-M. The ifth one, A1TV was closed on 31st July 2011 due to insolvency,
i.e. bankruptcy due to unpaid liabilities. In terms of radio stations, there are a total of
77 commercial radio stations. Out of these, 3 are broadcasting on the entire territory
of the Republic of Macedonia i.e. provide national coverage (Antenna 5, Kanal 77 and
In addition to the public broadcasting service, broadcasting is performed by broadcasting
companies (or commercial providers of audio-visual content), and nonproit broadcasting entities.
19
Permission for broadcasting via satellite transmitter has been issued to a total of 7 broadcasters.
Two are established by natural persons: TV Sonce and TV AB Kanal. Four are established by
legal entities: TV Sitel 3, TV 24 News, Alpha TV, Kanal 5 Plus, while Nasha TV is owned by
three natural persons and four legal entities. For broadcasting locally, permission have been
issued to 49 television stations, out of which 43 are established by a single legal entity, ive have
been established by legal entities, and one has mixed ownership (Совет за радиодифузија на
Република Македонија, 2012b: 70).
18
46
Metropolis)20, 16 broadcast on regional level and 58 broadcast locally. There are also 3
non-proit local radio stations21.
In terms of print media, the irst daily newspaper, owned by the state, was NIP Nova
Makedonija22. In March 1996, the private daily newspaper Dnevnik appeared, which
was founded via the publishing company “Krug” by three journalists (Mile Jovanovski,
Branko Geroski and Alexander Damoski)23, marking in fact the start of the pluralism in the
ield of print media. In 2003, the German WAZ purchased the newspapers Dnevnik, Vest
and Utrinski Vesnik, followed by the purchase of the weekly magazine TEA Moderna and
Globus. With this purchase, WAZ has gained dominance in the market with the capacity
for printing and distribution activities under the umbrella of MPM. After ten years of
success in the market, MPM was sold to Orka Holding for 6.9 million euros, which in
August of 2012 sold 50% of the company to “Internet Group”, owned by “Telegraph”.
Eight years ago, the total circulation of all newspapers reached the igure of 150,000
copies, while at this moment it is around 60,000 copies. The leading newspapers in
Macedonian language are Dnevnik, Vest, Utrinski Vesnik, Vecer and Nova Makedonija,
while the leading newspapers in Albanian language are Lajm, Journal Plus, Koha and
Fakti. In terms of average market share, the numbers are as follows: “Den24 – 0.5%,
Dnevnik – 3.5%, Fakti – 0.1%, Fokus – 1.1%, Kapital – 0.1%, Koha – 1.3%, Lajm –
0.4%, MK Sport – 1.0%, Nova Makedonija – 1.0% , Utrinski Vesnik – 1.0%, Vecer – 1.1%,
Vest – 6,1%” (Ipsos Strategic Puls, 2012). The market has several weekly magazines and
among them are Kapital, Gradjanski, Fokus and Republika. The weekly magazine Fokus
has the most critical attitude toward the government and till date is the magazine with the
most lawsuits for defamation and slander lodged by political igures. At the same time,
several publications have disappeared from the market, like the weekly magazine Forum
for example.
At the same time, the number of internet news websites is continuously growing. The
biggest disadvantage of this journalism category is the fact that the internet news portals
only copy information and news reports from foreign and domestic media outlets, with
a very small number of news reports and information researched by journalists working
for these websites.
3. 3. 1. 2. Legislation
The manner of liberalization of the Macedonian media after 1991 has profound
inluence on the current situation in the print and broadcast media outlets, as well as on
Three radio stations that are licensed to broadcast program at state level are owned by domestic
capital. Radio Kanal 77 was established by a legal entity, while Antena5 and Metropolis with
prevailing musical content are established by natural persons.
21
These are university radio-stations.
22
At the beginning of 2000 started the decline of this largest news publisher, followed by a
privatization process.
23
First independent newspaper in Macedonia was the daily newspaper Republika, which hit the
market in 1991, but closed after 218 published editions.
24
It was closed at the beginning of 2013.
20
47
the status of the journalists. Namely, with the independence of the Republic of Macedonia
and the adoption of the Constitution in November 199125, for the very irst time, the
conditions were created for establishment of independent private print and broadcast
media outlets. In the irst years until 1997, the general belief among politicians and the
journalistic community was that this process should evolve freely, without any laws that
would restrict the media, because that would post a restriction or limitation on the freedom
of expression guaranteed by the Constitution dated 1991.
Hence, the fact that the media pluralism was established before the legislation has
signiicantly inluenced the subsequent development of the broadcasting industry and
the speciicity of the Macedonian media market. In compliance with the legislation
on broadcasting from 1997, which was the irst codiication for regulation of media
ownership, the Government of Republic of Macedonia had the principal right to award
broadcasting concession, which at the same time meant interference of the Government
in media independence. In this regard, in 1997, when the Law on Broadcasting26 was
adopted, Macedonia had more than 300 radio and TV stations, and after the irst two
Notices for awarding of concessions, a total of 127 commercial broadcasters were
legalized. In 2001 and 2004, within two new Notices for awarding of concessions, new
concessions on national and local level were awarded, meaning that the frequency space
was used to the maximum. Meanwhile, the broadcasting was performed in compliance
with two forms: commercial (private) broadcasting organizations and public (national or
municipal) broadcasting organizations.
Given the above fact, the pluralism in the broadcasting in the Republic of Macedonia,
as one of the fundamental values of the new democratic society, both real and normative,
was established in the period between 1991 and 2005.
“The broadcasting system was fully completed in 2005 when the new Law on
Broadcasting was adopted, which is fully harmonized with the European Union
legislative. The Law was followed only by changes and additions to the same Law
on Broadcasting i.e. twice after the irst enactment in 2005 and the last changes
and additions were enacted in 2011” (Совет за радиодифузија на Република
Македонија, 2007: 25).
In this in-between period, some weaknesses still existed but new ones also appeared.
In fact, despite the last changes and additions to the Law on Broadcasting, the Law in
2005 clearly speciied that there is a complete ban for politically exposed persons to
be media owners, however the changes to the law mainly referred to changes on the
subject of who can be a media owner, the regulation of foreign capital and the manner of
issuance of the media work licenses. Moreover, in 2010, the Government again tried to
intervene and to adopt a new Law on Media that would regulate print and broadcast media
outlets following the example of some European countries. For many, this regulation was
considered to be an inappropriate way which is to violate unbiased journalistic reporting
(ОБСЕ, 2012: 5–7). This legislation project was oficially announced by the Government
25
Article 16, paragraph 2, guarantees the freedom of speech, public address, public information
and the free establishment of institutions for public information.
26
The Law on Broadcasting was adopted in 1997, followed by a new Law on Broadcasting
adopted on 29th November 2005.
48
also during the high-level discussions with the European Union. In early 2012, for the
irst time, the law was unoficially materialized as non-paper text, an initial draft version,
which was prepared by an expert team of the Ministry of Transport and Communications
of the Republic of Macedonia. Considering all of the above, it is clear that the current
Government establishment in the country is considering a thorough redeinition of the
media system of the Republic of Macedonia, taking into account that the “scope of that
redeinition, just by reviewing this non paper, infringes very strongly upon the rights and
freedoms of the media and the public expression” (Ордановски, 2012: 127–129).
3. 3. 1. 3. Economic and political inluence on the independence of the media
It is quite obvious that the general situation adversely affects the print and broadcast
media outlets but it also affects the status of the journalistic profession in the Republic of
Macedonia. The indicator of their current status is their employment status and monthly
salary, as well as their social security. This overall economic-social status made the
journalists vulnerable and subjective to certain economic offers and corruptive practices.
This is further relected by the ownership concentration of the media outlets or by
the forms of inluence of the media owners on the media outlets. This refers to the
transparency of media ownership structure, which is one of the most important factors
of the relationships of the inter-democracy and media and journalistic standards, and
it is deeply associated with objectivity, neutrality, facts and the hidden motives of the
media outlet. Also, one “should keep in mind that today’s media outlets in Republic
of Macedonia, without exception, are part of entwined corporate ownership structures
in which the interesting inluences are very often invisible or dificult to identify”
(Ордановски, 2012: 52–53).
Namely, a number of active and former politicians and their closest family members or
close relatives own different media outlets, and some of them own even very inluential
media outlets, revealing the non-applicability of the law regarding the conlict of interest.
Although the law prohibits this, still, in reality it is very dificult or impossible to enforce
such provision, because the same media owners use different techniques and methods,
i.e. from establishment of subsidiary companies, to registering the companies to their
friends and relatives (Совет за радиодифузија на Република Македонија, 2012b). For
example, with the closing of A1 TV, two commercial televisions TV Sitel and Kanal 527
became dominant in broadcasting, and both televisions are owned and managed by the
sons of the leaders of smaller political parties, members of governing establishments.
“This situation is associated with the interests of owners of private media outlets which
generally have inancial and strategic interests to inluence the political decision-making.
Hence, they often have clear ideological positions and even personal political ambitions”
(McQuail, 2005: 241).
In terms of economic pressures, it should be emphasized that “the total revenue
generated by the commercial television stations broadcasting on national level (through
After A1 TV closed its doors in 2011, these media outlets have generated the highest revenue
from selling advertising time. (Совет за радиодифузија на Република Македонија, 2012a: 6).
27
49
terrestrial or satellite transmitter) amounts to 1,367.27 million MKD. The highest revenue
was generated by TV Sitel (587.49 million MKD) and TV Kanal 5 (348.57 million
MKD). The sale of advertising time generated 95.46% of the total revenue” (Совет за
радиодифузија на Република Македонија, 2012a: 6-8). Also, the public broadcasting
service MRTV which is mainly inanced from the budget of the Republic of Macedonia
just recently was allowed to also broadcast commercial advertising. The EU Commission
once again commented on this issue in the 2012 Progress Report, indicating that “there
is still a concern that much of the advertising campaigns funded by the Government are
aimed at media outlets who are supportive of the government” (Европска Комисија,
2012).
This just conirms the fact that the Government is one of the biggest advertisers on the
media market in Macedonia in the past years. Under the guise that the government ads are
for the “beneit of everyone”, the government remains to be the most frequent advertiser
in the media outlets conducting on-going media campaigns as well as targeted audience
campaigns (Совет за радиодифузија на Република Македонија, 2012a). Considering
that, the already strife-torn media market created a situation where the media outlets
became dependent from the commercial pie that is being shared between multiple media
outlets – the ones close to the government elite get most of the government pie of ads
and commercials. This economic dependence from the state as advertiser directly affects
the quality of the program as well as the level of reporting freedom, so consequently it
affects the level of professionalism too, initiating moral erosion within the media outlets
and among the journalists.
3. 3. 1. 4. Status of the freedom of media
The transparency in terms of the media ownership structure has a great impact on
the media freedom i.e. on the freedom of expression, and thus on the existence of real
democracy, considering that the freedom of expression is a necessary precondition for a
real democracy. This is being emphasized speciically due to the fact that “the functioning
of pluralism is impossible without a ‘market of ideas’, free communication of information,
opinions, ideas” (Тасковска, 2004: 254).
In this regard, the Macedonian Constitution contains standard and well formulated
framework for freedom of expression represented through norms. At the same time,
the Republic of Macedonia has ratiied the relevant European and international legal
documents which guarantee and govern the protection of freedom of expression, starting
with the ratiication of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms in 1997. Also, the Republic of Macedonia has accepted the
European Convention “Television without Frontiers”, which was ratiied in 2003, and
also participates in the preparations for harmonization with the latest Audiovisual Media
Services Directive of the European Union. Moreover, the Republic of Macedonia is among
the small number of countries in South East Europe to have adopted the Framework
Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, ratiied in 1997, which refers to
providing equal access for national minorities to the media. At the same time, freedom of
expression is guaranteed by the Law on Broadcasting to ensure “freedom of expression
50
in broadcasting in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and
in accordance with the international treaties ratiied and acceded by the Republic of
Macedonia” (Broadcasting Act 2005, Art. 2).
Hence, in a normative sense, the Republic of Macedonia has a satisfactory framework
to guarantee and protect the freedom of expression. But what is the reality? It is
“a condition that may need to be deined as ‘distorted freedom’, i.e. a situation
in which the media are not free enough in the areas in which under a democratic
society, the media must be free, but on the other hand they are almost absolutely
‘free’ in areas in which other countries have certain legitimate restrictions”
(Тасковска, 2004: 258–259).
This has been pointed out by number of domestic and international organizations in
recent years, especially during 2010, 2011 and especially 2012, who are expressing concern
about the freedom of expression in the country. In the summer of 2011, the organization
Reporters without Borders expressed the concern about the media freedoms being
violated in Republic of Macedonia (Reporters without Borders, 2011). In conirmation
of this, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights of the Republic of Macedonia has
issued a negative assessment of the situation with the freedom of expression and media
in Macedonia, by saying that:
“the freedom of the media is generally contaminated by the inluence of the political
parties in the editorial policy, which is more than obvious. Furthermore, the
already provided recommendations in the European Commission Report are being
brutally ignored, while the selective application of the Law on Broadcasting by the
Broadcasting Council is the mode of work of this regulatory body” (Хелсиншки
комитет за човекови права, 2012: 8).
Also, the latest Report by the European Commission dated October 2012, stated that
“the constitutional and regulatory framework for the freedom of expression is good, but
consistent and transparent implementation needs to be provided, which is to be in line
with the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human rights” (Европска Комисија,
2012: 46). In this sense,
“the constantly repeated comments in most of the reports by the European
Commission for Republic of Macedonia refer to the political inluence on the media
and the journalists, to the impact of the government sponsored advertising on the
editorial policy of the media, to the political pressures on the Broadcasting Council
and on the Public Broadcasting Service MRT as well as to the fact that sustainable
funding for these two institutions has not yet been secured” (Македонски институт
за медиуми, 2012: 7–8).
This situation in the Macedonian media and journalism signiicantly affects the
freedom of expression as a fundamental ideal which all media and journalists should
strive to. The fact that the ideal has been impaired is conirmed by the results of the
researches carried out by organizations that measure the index of freedom of expression
and where according to the last ranking, Republic of Macedonia is placed on the 116th
position (Reporters without Borders, 2013).
51
At the same time, despite the major objections and comments in the European
Commission Progress Reports, the business community close to the government continues
to buy media outlets, thus usurping the media scene which tends to inform and report in a
unidirectional fashion and does not provide a complete and objective picture of the social
processes in the country, but serves to promote government campaigns. There are also
numerous examples of political and personal pressures and affairs in the Macedonian
daily life which suggest that the media generally are not free enough in the performance
of their tasks.
3. 3. 2. Conclusion
The media scene is being constantly under attack, criticized by the European Union
and other reference institutions and activists, indicating that the media and the journalistic
profession is constantly under pressure from political and economic elites. “Media
ownership, the economic pressures, the lack of respect towards professional standards
and the lack of ethics seem as dominant problems in the media scene in the Republic of
Macedonia” (SEEMO, 2011).
However, despite the stern assessments by the international and domestic community,
it should be noted that in the Republic of Macedonia, the establishment of new media
outlets that are critical of the government is not being hindered.
“It is an indisputable fact that Macedonia, as well as all other post-socialist
countries, including the last ive countries that became members of the European
Union (Slovenia, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria), had problems
with freedom of expression and in general with the public and media sphere.
The pluralisation of the media sphere and the creation of market conditions and
competition did not automatically contributed to the increase in the degree of
freedom of expression, articulation, critical public and participation of the citizens
in the political processes. In Macedonia, freedom of expression was equated with
the record number, but essentially inadequate number of media in accordance
with the size of territory, the number of population and the economic potentials”
(Македонски институт за медиуми, 2012: 9–10).
References
Европска Комисија (2012). Извештај за напредокот на Македонија 2012. Retrieved
from:
http://www.sep.gov.mk/content/Dokumenti/MK/PR2012_MK3(2).pdf
Хелсиншки комитет за човекови права (2012). Квартален извештај за човековите
права во Република Македонија за април - јуни 2012. Retrieved from: http://
www.mhc.org.mk/ system/uploads/redactor_assets/documents/147/quarterly_mk.pdf
52
Ipsos Strategic Puls (2012). Испитување на јавното мислење во однос на пазарот
за електронски комуникации во Македонија. Retrieved from: www.aec.mk/index.
php? option=com_docman&task=doc (Accessed: 17 Feb 2013).
McQuail, D. (2005). Mass Communication Theory. London: SAGE Publications.
Македонски институт за медиуми (2012). Развојот на медиумите во Македонија
според индикаторите на УНЕСКО. Retrieved from: http://www.mim.org.
mk/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=408:analiza-za-razvojot-namediumite&Itemid=61& lang=mk (Accessed: 3 Feb 2013).
ОБСЕ (2012). Извештај на меѓународната мисија за слобода на медиумите за
Македонија. Retrieved from: http://www.znm.org.mk/drupal-7.7/sites/default/iles/
Izvestaj%20sloboda%20na%20mediumi%20makedonski%20maj%202012.pdf
Ордановски, С. (2012). Заробена Демократија. Скопје: НВО “Транспарентност
Македонија”.
Reporters without Borders (2011). Disastrous summer for Macedonian media, with TV
station and three dailies closed. Retrieved from: http://en.rsf.org/macedonia-disastroussummer-for-macedonian-17-08-2011,40797.html (Accessed: 10 Feb 2013).
Reporters without Borders (2013). Press Freedom Index 2013. Retrieved from: http://
fr.rsf. org/IMG/pdf/classement_2013_gb-bd.pdf (Accessed: 1 Feb 2013).
SEEMO (2011). Report on the SEEMO Press Freedom mission to the Republic of
Macedonia / Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 4-6 october 2011. Retrieved
from:
http://seemo.org/iles/Media%20Scene%20in%20Macedonia%20edited.pdf
Совет за радиодифузија на Република Македонија (2012а). Анализа на пазарот на
радиодифузната дејност за 2011 година. Retrieved from: http://www.srd.org.mk/
images/
stories/publikacii/publikacii_2012/analiza%20na%20pazarot%20za%20
radiodifuzna%20dejnost%20za%202011.pdf. (Accessed: 18 Feb 2013).
Совет за радиодифузија (2012б). Анализа на следењето на сопственичката структура
на радиодифузерите и на нивните обврски во поглед на транспарентноста на
сопственоста во периодот од 01 јули до 31 декември 2012 година. Retrieved from:
http://www.srd.org.mk /index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=93&Itemi
d=76&lang=mk (Accessed: 13 Feb 2013).
Совет за радиодифузија на Република Македонија (2007). Стратегија за развој
на радиодифузната дејност во Република Македонија за периодот 2007-2012
година. Retrieved from: http://www.srd.org.mk/images/stories/publikacii/strategija_
za_razvoj_na_ radiodifuznata_dejnost_2007_2012.pdf (Accessed: 8 Feb 2013).
Тасковска, Д. (2004). Сонцето (о)станува ѕвезда. Скопје: Правен факултет.
Устав на Република Македонија. Retrieved from: http://www.dzr.mk/Uploads/ustavrm.
pdf (Accessed: 2 Feb 2013).
53
3. 4. Media scene in Serbia
As reported by BETA (Danas, 2013), Serbia has made progress according to the criteria
for deining media freedom and is now placed 63rd out of the total of 179 countries.
However, the latest report of the international organization for protection of journalists
Reporters without Borders (RSF) has shown that there are still problems in Serbia just
like in other Balkan countries. Only two years earlier (2010) Serbia ranked 85th out of
178 countries.
Does this mean that the status of the media in Serbia has dramatically improved or
something entirely different is involved? The research conducted in Serbia in the last two
years has suggested that media freedom is seriously jeopardized and that the media sector
is in an unenviable position which many analysts compare to the one from the mid-90s
(Veljanovski, 2012; Matić, 2011; Milivojević, 2011; Valić Nedeljković, 2012a, b; Valić
Nedeljković & Pralica, 2012; Radojković, 2012).
“Most journalists in Serbia have been rating the freedom of the media negatively for
a few consecutive years now. Out of 240 editors of the informative media polled in
late 2011, only six (2%) considers that media freedom and reporters’ rights were fully
realized during the year and 21% that only sporadic incidents occurred. About three
quarters of the reporters (72%) think that Serbia has a big problem in terms of media
freedom: there were either serious obstacles for its realization (67%) or absolutely
no conditions at all (5%)... Institutional protection of the freedom of expression and
media freedom is inconsistent and not eficient enough” (Matić, 2011: 14).
Only four out of 27 indicators of media freedom are completely fuliled in Serbia:
the freedom of pursuing a career in journalism, the separation of one’s involvement in
executive organs and performing professional media work, the freedom of access to the
internet and limitedness of the rights of media to exclusive reporting (as cited in Matić,
2011: 8). Protection of the right to freedom of expression is especially jeopardized as well
as the freedom of criticizing state oficials (Matić, 2011: 9).
The very irst indicator, that should provide the security of public media functioning,
and an extremely signiicant one “The right to the freedom of expression and information
by means of media has to be guaranteed by national regulations and exercising this
right has to be guaranteed” is applied in a limited way in Serbia and thus additionally
complicates the media sphere which is already fraught with problems.
Let us recall that adopting a package of democratic media laws in Serbia started in 2002
with the Broadcasting Law, the Public Information Law followed in 2003, then the Law on
Free Access to the Information of Public Interest in 2004 and the last one in the row was
the Law on Electronic Communications in 2010. Apart from the mentioned, the media and
the right to information in mother tongue, i.e. spreading and receiving the information of
public interest as well as founding media, are also deined by the Constitution of Serbia
54
(2006), the Law on the Protection of Rights and Freedoms of National Minorities (2002),
the Law on Copyright and Related Rights (2004), Broadcast Law (2005), the Law on
Advertising (2005), the Statute of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (2006), the Law
on the Capital City (2006), the Law on Local Government (2007), the Law on National
Councils of National Minorities (2009), and inally the Economic Offences Law which
deines both offences against the norms of professional journalists conduct – infringement
of presumption of innocence and violation of minors’ rights28.
The guarantee of the right to information is common to all of the abovementioned
documents, but they do not comply with each other in terms of provisions deining who
can establish media. Media laws advocate that the state should exit media ownership
which would directly diminish the inluence of the ruling centres of power on editorial
policies. Others are the Law on the Capital City, the Law on Local Government and the Law
on National Councils – the state, that is, national councils of national minorities which are
inanced from the state budget, can be media founders and they do not want their rights
to be limited.
After a half of decade of basic media laws application the need for passing new laws
emerged as well as the need for modernizing the existing laws by adapting them to
new conditions - technical and technological (digital terrestrial broadcast of television
programmes), then adapting to conditions of running a business, internal organizations,
complying with international documents in the ield of media and public communications
ratiied in the meantime.
The irst one, inished back in 2009 and waiting to enter the parliament debate, is the Law
on Illegal Media Ownership Concentration, which by all odds will never reach ministers.
The reason is that at the very time that this text was being written (February, 2013) draft bill
of a completely new Law on Public Information and Media was in a public debate. In the
Article 19 Media Founder, this law clearly deines who can(not) be an owner. Furthermore,
in Chapter IV Publicity of Data on Media and Register, this text practically takes over the
most important part of draft Law on Illegal Media Ownership Concentration.
In the meantime in May 2012 the draft Law on Public Broadcast Services was
completed, the destiny of which neither media nor the public have been informed of so
far. The law legalizes regional public services which are deined by the media strategy of
Serbia until 2016 despite the strong opposition of media owners and their associations as
well as journalists’ organizations. Professional public as a whole did not accept the media
strategy well anyway, just like many solutions in this document offered as a vision of the
media sector development in the following four years. It should be added that the strategy
was adopted after two years of stalling, adapting, erroneous procedures and then it was
inally passed in a telephone session of the Government of Serbia under the pressure of
the enforced deadlines (September 2011).
However, the basic question is whether we can actually expect signiicantly better
legal solutions and strategies of development of the media sector considering that the
Decisions about offences against the norms of professional journalists’ conduct was put under
the jurisdiction of trade courts (and not regular courts) which had never before dealt with cases
related to media functioning (Matić, 2011: 15).
28
55
present most active irst vice-president of Serbian Government Aleksandar Vučić, the
Serbian Progressive Party leader, initiated in 1998 the Law on Public Information, the
most restrictive media law in Europe at the time. The present Minister of Finance Mlađan
Dinkić, the leader of the United Regions of Serbia, was the initiator of the Amendments
on the Law on Public Information in 200929, all provisions of which have recently been
declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional court. The present Prime Minister of
Serbia Ivica Dačić, the Socialist Party of Serbia leader, was a high functionary of this
party at the time of Milošević when we suffered the most severe repression against the
media.
Apart from the aforementioned Strategy of development of the system of public
information until the year 2016 (2011) several more strategic documents and their
amendments were passed, such as the Strategy for switchover from analogue to digital
broadcasting of radio and television programmes (2009, amendments 2011) and the
Regulation of switchover from analogue to digital television broadcasting and multiplex
access in digital terrestrial broadcasting (2011 and amended text). Let us recall that Serbia
oficially started digital terrestrial broadcasting of television programme on 3rd March
2012 on a dozen locations using the simulcast model. Neither the public nor the media,
whose programme from then on has been broadcast both digitally and analogously, have
enough information about the realization and possibilities offered by digitalization. It is
unknown how much it will cost the citizens, the state and local/regional televisions to
switch over to digital terrestrial programme broadcasting, which is to be inished by 2015
in Serbia as well as the whole of Europe, or how many people will actually be able to afford
it. Finally, what novelties will this bring in increasing television diversiication when in
Serbia it is scarce even when it comes to public services? A signiicant change in the
process of digitalization is that broadcasters are now in charge of providing audio-visual
media services and the operator, i.e. the Public Company for Broadcasting Equipment
and Communications, for the services of multiplexing, distribution and broadcasting. “In
Serbia there are 133 television programmes broadcast analogously, out of which seven
have national coverage. Thirty programmes are broadcast regionally and 96 locally. The
total of 455 licences for radio and television signal broadcast was issued. The licences
expire from 2014 to 2018” (Poznatov & Obradović, 2012) after which period it is left to
be seen what will happen with the available part of frequency spectrum range. According
to the experiences from the EU, Serbia will probably allocate them to mobile broadband
systems as well. Globalization and consolidation have a detrimental effect on local media
that are an extremely important link in the chain of providing information.
Apart from the fact that they work in an unidentiied legal framework, the media in
Serbia are additionally frustrated by incomplete privatization. Namely, the privatization of
all state broadcast media should have been conducted until 31st December 2007 according
“By Law Amendments foreign natural and legal persons were prevented from directly founding
media in Serbia as well as transferring founding rights on public media from the founder to other
persons, which is in opposition to all constitutional guarantees of media founding and the right of
property. Several new economic offences that can lead to media work ban were introduced apart
from the existing constitutional and legal solutions, for example in case of media that are not
registered in public media register.” (Matić, 2011: 15)
29
56
to the Broadcasting Law and the slightly earlier printed Law on Public Information.
The process of privatization was discontinued by the Conclusion of the Government of
Republic of Serbia about the need to terminate the process of privatization of radio and
television broadcasters in order to ensure programme broadcasting in languages of national
minorities, which was seriously called into question by inadequate changes in ownership.
After privatizing 31 broadcast and 25 print media the process came to a standstill for a
certain period. Till this day it has not been restarted although the legal deadline has long
passed. The majority of the remaining local media protested against privatization. Every
one in three contracts were broken. In the cases of seven broadcast and ive print media
the process of privatization was terminated mainly because new owners did not sign the
contract or pay the prices agreed. Their destinies differ, most were closed down after
years of unclear status or, being completely devastated economically, some attempted to
return under the wing of municipalities with varied results.
Reliable data on the number of state-owned media in Serbia do not exist as the
ownership in them is not transparent. According to some sources there are slightly over
80 media, according to others even over 130.
Economic crisis in Serbia had a negative impact on media work. Cutbacks and media
closedowns are a daily occurrence. Due to dificult inancial situation media owners do not
fulil their legally conferred responsibilities. In 2012, according to ANEM (a regulatory
body) report, National Broadcast Agency instituted proceedings against 35 broadcasters
for suspending licences for programme broadcasting before their expiry date as a result
of long non-payment of broadcasting fees. The same number of illegal broadcasters
continues broadcasting and the competent authorities still lack legal mechanisms and
means for solving this problem eficiently.
According to the data of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia it is
estimated that out of the total sum of 175 million euros, the annual media budget for
marketing, 40% is directly or indirectly controlled by the state. The Anti-Corruption
Council’s 2011 report suggested the existence of ministers’ personal inluence on media
content. This was also conirmed by the analysis of the election campaign 2012 monitoring
in the media which implied that the presence of ruling coalition activities-related content
was signiicantly higher than all others’ participants content in the campaign (Valić
Nedeljković & Pralica, 2012).
One of the unresolved issues for years has been the issue of providing funds to
collective organizations for the protection of copyright and related rights. What should
diminish the tension between the broadcast media and SOKOJ (Serbian Music Authors’
Organization) is signing the Protocol on cooperation between that organization and
ANEM (Association of Independent Broadcast Media) which provides considerable
discounts on extremely high minimal compensations and beneits for overdue debts
payback. “For broadcasters who pay the percentage fee to SOKOJ, the question of the
basis of compensation calculation has been arguable for years; although in this period the
issue was positively resolved for a broadcaster in a legal dispute, it is unfortunately not
binding for the same or similar future cases” (ANEM 2012).
Beside the impoverished market, the media are additionally economically devastated
by legal disputes as well.
57
“The president of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia Vukašin
Obradović said for EurActiv Serbia (European Union Information Website) that
according to the new data in 2011, 242 civil procedures were instituted as a result
of publishing information in the media. As reported by Obradović, almost all of
them were instituted because of blemishing honour and reputation, whereby the
suits, apart from media founders, most often involve journalists and editors. In
these processes punishments prescribe indemniication of damages. Besides that,
prosecutions are conducted for libel and slander in accordance with the Criminal
Law” (Poznatov & Obradović 2012).
What can be seen as a positive step forward is the decision of the new government to
form an international commission for the investigation of murders of the journalists Dada
Vujasinović, Slavko Ćuruvija and Milan Pantić, whose unexplained murder cases have
been burdening the media sector for decades.
At the end of this short review of not even slightly encouraging situation in the media
sector of Serbia it is not easy to provide answers to the question of how many media
publish, broadcast or have portals registered in Serbia. According to the data of Business
registry agency which is in charge of public media registers, there are 1156 media in
Serbia today.
The most numerous are newspapers, 647 publications out of which 20 are daily
newspers. Radio broadcasters are in the second place – 228 out of which 24 do not
broadcast all day, but in certain time periods. Internet media are increasingly numerous
– 133 out of which 103 publish information on a daily basis. There are 91 television
programmes out of which 22 broadcasts only in certain time periods in the day. The rest
are services of news agencies, electronic publications and other media.
Nevertheless, the data is changing on a daily basis. For example, from such a great
number of media, nine owners have gone bankrupt, four being the print media. It is
unknown how many electronic media broadcast without licences (pirate radio stations)
and how many have practically stopped broadcasting anything except for music. Internet
media portals are being opened daily. However, it is dificult to determine how active
they are and in what way, in other words, to what extent these are guided by the wish
to accomplish public interest and satisfy communicative needs of citizens in their work,
which is generally a question that can be posed to most media in Serbia.
References
ANEM (2012). Medijska scena Srbije u septembru 2012 : trideset sedmi monitoring
izveštaj ANEMa. Beograd: ANEM. Retrieved from: http://www.anem.rs/sr/
aktivnostiAnema/monitoring/story/13958/TRIDESET+SEDMI+MONITORING+IZ
VE%C5%A0TAJ+ANEMA.html (Accessed: 31 Oct 2012).
BETA (2013). Srbija napredovala u slobodi medija. Danas, 31. 1. 2013, No. 5603, Vol.
XVI, p. 7
Matić, J. (2012). Medijske slobode Srbije u Evropskom ogledalu: Izveštaj baziran na
indikatorima Saveta Evrope za medije u demokratiji. Beograd: ANEM.
58
Milivojević, S. (ed.) (2011). Profesija na raskršću: novinarstvo na pragu informacionog
društva. Beograd: Centar za medije i medijska istraživanja Fakulteta političkih nauka.
Retrieved from: http://www.fpn.bg.ac.rs/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/Profesija-naRaskr%C5%A1%C4%87u.pdf (Accessed: 10 Feb 2013).
Poznatov, M. & Vukojičić Obradović, S. (2012). Strategijom do boljih medija u Srbiji.
Retrieved from: http://www.euractiv.rs/mediji/4638-strategijom-do-boljih-medija-usrbiji.html (Accessed: 4 Feb 2013).
Pravilnik o prelasku sa analognog na digitalno emitovanje televizijskog programa i
pristupu multipleksu u terestričkoj digitalnoj radiodifuziji, (2011). Službeni glasnik
RS, No. 12/11, 25 Feb 2011.
Radojković, M. (2012). Primena “haos scenarija” na radiodifuziju u Srbiji. In Veljanovski,
R. (ed.), Radio-difuzija u Srbiji: sadašnjost i budućnost (pp. 25–35). Beograd: Čigoja.
Strategija i Akcioni plan za prelazak sa analognog na digitalno emitovanje radio i
televizijskog programa u Republici Srbiji (2009). Službeni glasnik RS, No. 52/2009.
Retrieved from: http://www.mtid.gov.rs/upload/documents/ Strategija za prelazak sa
analognog na digitalno emitovanje-novo.pdf (Accessed: 4 Feb 2013).
Strategija razvoja sistema javnog informisanja u Republici Srbiji do 2016. godine.
Retrieved from: http://www.euractiv.rs/mediji/4638-strategijom-do-boljih-medija-usrbiji.html (Accessed: 16 Feb 2013).
Valić Nedeljković, D. & Pralica, D. (2012). Koga su mediji izabrali… a šta su partije
nudile? Novi Sad: Novosadska novinarska škola.
Valić Nedeljković, D. (2012а).Transformacija državnocentrične Radiotelevizije Novi Sad
u javni servis Vojvodine. In Veljanovski, R. (ed.), Radio-difuzija u Srbiji: sadašnjost i
budućnost (pp. 35–49). Beograd: Čigoja.
Valić Nedeljković, D. (2012b). Sloboda medija u Srbiji: Komparativna analiza 2009-2012.
In Turčilo, L. & Buljubašić, B. (eds.), Vjerodostojnost medija – izazovi globalizacije
i speciičnosti regiona – zbornik sa međunarodne naučne konferencije (pp. 353–368).
Sarajevo: Fakultet političkih nauka.
Veljanovski, R. (2012). Izmene zakona o radiodifuziji – prilagođavanje evropskom
regulatornom okviru. In Veljanovski, R. (ed.), Radio-difuzija u Srbiji: sadašnjost i
budućnost (pp. 127–139). Beograd: Čigoja.
59
Jelena Kleut
4. Theoretical and methodological framework of the research
4. 1. Theoretical framework of the research
With the European national states entering the process of integrations under the wing
of the European Union, the concept of Europeanization has occupied an important place
in various research lows within social sciences and humanities, especially after 2005 and
the failure to strengthen the ties by adopting the constitution.
In the ield of media studies and communication studies, two approaches to studying
Europeanization can be noted (Slaata, 2006).
The irst approach is strongly rooted in the tradition of political communication
research and characterized by normative features. Starting from the factual existence of
various structures and institutions at the level of the EU as well as Habermas’s lament
over the “democratic deicit” of the EU institutions and pan-European public sphere
(2011), this line of research is oriented towards the ways in which topics and agents are
represented in national and political arenas, that is, on media reporting about the issues
that are signiicant for the whole European Union (see, for example, Statham, 2004, 2008;
Koopmans, 2007).
Within this research Europeanization is deined as the creation of post-national
democracy in which the media should turn from national to European level (Pfetsch et al.,
2004 as cited in Mihelj, 2007) in order to encourage and secure participation of citizens
in deliberative processes. Numerous researches that rest on this type of understanding of
the media role include nationally speciic or comparative analyses that deal exclusively
with the countries of the European Union (Schlesinger & Deirdre, 1999; Brüggemann et
al., 2006; Calhoun, 2005; De Vreese et al., 2006).
The role that is assigned to the mass media within normative political science
approach is the role of mediator between European institutions and oficials on one
hand and European Union policies on the other. A general conclusion of the research is
unsatisfactory eficiency of the media in creating pan-European public. For example, the
research by Brüggemann and co-workers (Brüggemann et al., 2006) which encompassed
newspaper reporting in ive EU countries during a twenty-year period reveals that
“segmented Europeanization” is at work: “Within each public sphere we ind more and
more talk about European institutions and policies but there is no indication of an increase
in the debate in between the national public spheres.” (Brüggemann et al., 2006: 6)
The other approach is somewhat more broken down and it consists of a range of studies
following anthropological cultural key for which it is characteristic to view mass media as
60
a social and cultural power forming images of Europe and the process of Europeanization.
Observing Europeanism outside political policy framework, Delanty deines Europe as
an “idea” emphasizing thus that its structure is bounded by historical processes “less
the subject of history than its product” (Delanty, 1995: 4). The author claims that “what
we call Europe is, in fact, a historically fabricated reality of ever-changing forms and
dynamics” (Delanty, 1995: 3) and that “Europe does not exist except as a discursively
constructed object of consciousness” (Delanty & Rumford, 2005: 77).
In this approach the mass media and the texts they produce are not seen as a factor
that inluences the process of Europeanization, but it is the key ingredient of this process
as a discursive construction. Thereby, the emphasis is not on uniication as such, but the
ways in which it is realized in a complex tangle of both cultural and identity inclusion and
exclusion. These multidirectional relations are studied in numerous research areas such
as the issue of identity building and wider regional identities’ development in addition to
somewhat more speciic questions of immigrant communities’ depiction in the media of
the Union (Krzyzanowski & Wodak, 2011).
Among these studies the one that should be brought into sharper focus is the study
“Evroza” (“Eurosis”) by Mitja Velikonja (2007) that analyses the depth and the volume
at which European integration discourse penetrates Slovenian public space in the
years prior to accessing the EU. Following both media discourse and the discourse of
popular artefacts (T-shirts, badges and alike), the author among other things shows how
Europeanism becomes a new identity framework, signiicant part of which is built in the
opposition to the Balkan heritage.
In the public discourse of the western Balkan countries, Europeanization is deined
either in a more narrow sense as a formal process of the EU accession, or more often
in a wider context as a multidimensional process that includes almost all aspects of
social, political, economic and cultural transition. Various government agencies, nongovernmental agencies and EU institutions monitor this process carefully. A part of the
activities consists of media research and citizens’ attitudes towards the European Union. As
far as the media are concerned, quantitative, often administrative perspective dominates in
the studies focusing on the more narrow deinition of the process of Europeanization. The
focus is placed on the assessment of activities and eficiency of the media in promoting
European integrations rather than the role of media from the perspective of deliberation.
From a cultural perspective, the research deals less with mass communication media than
wider identity questions. Both directions are mainly focused on individual countries of
the Western Balkans.
4. 2. Research tasks and objectives
In order to widen and deepen the existing nationally speciic research, our intention
was to make a connection between normative political and cultural approach as well as
to provide a comparative analysis of media discourse on Europeanization using historical
connection of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia as a starting
point. The foothold for relating these two approaches was found in critical discourse
61
studies (van Dijk, 2000; Wodak & Mayer, 2009; Fairclough, 2003) which developed from
the inherited knowledge of sociolinguistics, anthropology, sociology and semiotics and
which are oriented towards examining the roles of social, cultural and cognitive contexts
of linguistic usage.
Europeanization, being the basic subject of the research, was observed as a
multidimensional process going beyond the narrowly deined process of EU integrations
of the western Balkan countries. By adopting critical discourse studies we also observed
Europeanization as a set of social practices and a discourse set (Fairclough, 2001). In
other words, Europeanization was identiied in a wide spectrum of transitional practices
discursively contextualized relative to the European Union and/or Europe. The key
question that we posed was, hence, how the EU, Europe and Europeanization were
represented in the media and how these images were built and disputed.
In their critical orientation, critical discourse studies also set normative requirements
before mass media, observing them either as facilitators of public dialogue leading to social
changes or in a negative light, as agents that work towards the preservation of existing
situations. Dominant discourses about a public problem are, practically as a rule, the
discourses that are most present in the media. And by the choice of topics and interlocutors,
the space given to certain voices as well as the manner of analysing the topics, the media
turns out to be ideological in their work. Therefore, our aim is not only to understand how
the EU, Europe and Europeanization emerge in the discourse but also to perceive the role of
the media (editorial boards and journalists) in creating new perceptions.
Finally, we considered it signiicant to enrich the research based on mass media text
analysis, with the discourse analysis of citizens. The aim of this research direction was to
perceive the way Europe and Europeanization was spoken about outside the institutional
framework and contexts managing the production of mass media discourse. Contrasting
these two types of discourse is signiicantly facilitated due to the development of digital
media and appearance of citizens’ comments on online mass media texts. Therefore, the
observed journalists’ online texts about Europeanization, European Union and Europe in
general, as well as citizens’ comments on these texts were included in the analysis sample
as “twin pairs” (Valić Nedeljković & Kleut, 2012).
4. 3. Research methods, instrument and sample
Two methods were applied in the research: content analysis and critical discourse
analysis. The reasons for the application of both methods are multiple. Content
analysis is a method most often used in normative political approach, whereas critical
discourse analysis is frequently used in cultural approach – combining them at the level
of methodology we also strive to integrate the two approaches. They are compatible
text analysis methods that supplement each other well and that are frequently used for
media product analysis. Content analysis provides higher degree of validity and easier
comparison of results which was extremely signiicant for comparative research on
media reporting on Europeanization. Far more interpretative method of critical discourse
analysis enables deeper analysis, especially the analysis of implicit meanings.
62
4. 3. 1. Content analysis
Content analysis developed as a qualitative and quantitative method (Berelson, 1952)
used to analyse manifest content of communicating. Nowadays it is based on empirical
data and enables researchers to process data, pictures, photographs and sounds as texts
in order to be able to understand what these mean to people, what they enable and
what they prevent as well as what the consequences of the information exchanged are
(Krippendorff, 1980, 2003). When deined in this manner content analysis is similar to
discourse analysis, but considering that the data gathered are also treated as quantitative
units which is especially important when the aim is to establish the extent of reporting on
certain topics, this being the case with the research we are presenting.
In its more than a half a century long history content analysis has grown from a
technique to a method with clearly deined procedures for data collecting, formulating
basic analytical categories and validity check (cf. Glasgow Media Group, 1976; Downing
et al., 1990). These procedures, which will be discussed in more detail in continuation,
were applied in the research Europe, Here and There: Analysis of Europeanization
discourse in the Western Balkans media.
With time the method itself has branched into various approaches: conventional,
directed and summative (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). As Hsieh and Shannon point out, in
conventional content analysis code categories are formulated based on text data, directed
approach begins the analysis from theoretical positions or based on previous research,
while summative analysis involves quantiication and comparison of key words or other
text units which are interpreted relative to a wider context (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005:
1277). In the research that we are presenting elements of all three approaches were used
– in the pilot research categories were developed relative to previous research, next they
were adapted to textual material and lastly interpreted in a wider context.
4. 3. 2. Critical discourse analysis
Discourse analysis was selected as a productive method to examine relations between
the language/media text and society. It differs from other social sciences in that it does not
start from theory and method a priori, although during the analysis it does rely on these
two dominant elements too, it rather builds on the research topic itself (Valić Nedeljković,
2010), which is in this case media reporting of four western Balkan countries on the
European Union in the context of their accession to the Community. Depending on how
much this topic, or any other for that matter, is media represented, also depends how
much it will be signiicant for an average audience member (McCombs, 2002: 2). The
agenda of relevant social questions is created by the media. Their choice and positioning
of selected topics inluences what signiicance the audience will attach to each.
Discourse cannot be understood outside the context it originated from; hence, the
context is in the focus of research for anyone who deals with discourse. Through certain
interactions in a certain place, linguistic and cultural patterns become relevant (Keating,
Duranti, 2011: 333–337). In the light of the mentioned, the presented comparative
63
deconstruction of media strategies in this publication is a signiicant insight into cultural
patterns which largely deine the attitude towards the community of European nations.
“Discourse-functional linguists have attempted as much as possible to include in
their database the context within which the discourse occurs – not just the linguistic
context, but also the ethnographic and extralinguistic context, including both its
social and its physical aspects.” (Cumming, Ono & Laury, 2011: 11).
Norman Fairclough states that critical discourse analysis is exceptionally important
in examining the role of discourse in signiicant social changes and manifestations of
these changes in the discourse; he also mentions that it is a way to study and comprehend
the social change itself (Fairclough, 1995). For western Balkan countries the interaction
with the European Union and their accession are the most signiicant questions that are
expected to lead to a dominant social change. At the same time the issues have been under
a question mark for decades in all four countries that participate in this research project.
The basic postulate of critical discourse analysis, as Teun A. van Dijk (1997)
emphasizes, is that reality is embedded in discourse and constructed through the practices
of writing and speech, or through communicative events that play a role in the reproduction
of power. The author indicates (2008) that critical discourse analysis implies “the study of
power relations, discourse, domination”. He calls this approach “socio-political discourse
analysis” and states that a much more adequate name would be Critical Discourse Studies
(CDS). As an academic approach it is particularly interested in theoretical format and
critical analysis about discourse reproduction of power and social inequality and further
in the detailed analysis of the concept of power. CDS is not interested in all types of
power, but only in the question of power abuse, i.e. the domination which results in
inequality and injustice (van Dijk, 2008: 1). The task of CDS is to contribute to social
changes (van Dijk, 2008: 8). Starting from the hypothesis that the reproduction of power
is possible through a discourse, Teun van A. Dijk (2008: 9) explains that the one who
controls the discourse can indirectly control opinions of people. Furthermore, the control
of opinion indirectly implies the control of action as well. Controlled actions can be
discursive again and thus the discourse of power can indirectly inluence other discourses
which can be of interest to power holders. Applied to media scenes this hypothesis inds
its foothold in daily political practices of all western Balkan countries in which media
discourse control (editorial policy) is one of the dominant patterns of behaviour of both
political and economic power centres. The ones who hold the power, hence, have to
control public discourse irst. As every discourse takes place in a certain context, therefor
contexts should be controlled irstly (van Dijk, 2008: 10).
In media discourse of western Balkan countries, contexts are deined by politicians
before anyone in daily political power relations. Social categories and identities are
created and deined through a discourse. Identity is experienced as something that persists
through time and through interactions. A lack of consistency is marked negatively so
politicians are especially careful about it. They assess whether what they have said is
in opposition to some previous statements as they believe voters and other politicians
will evaluate them compared to how they represent themselves through a public speech
(Keating & Duranti, 2011: 340). Therefore, in critical discourse analysis special attention
is paid to who has a chance to be cited by the media directly and in what way this is done;
64
more precisely, who has the right to public speech and hence the highest inluence and
power reproduction.
Besides socio-political context for the deconstruction of media discourse, the analysis
involves cultural context, the context of media, topic and genre. The task of researchers
according to Elinor Ochs (2011: 71) is to observe various genres which wriggle through
the text and to analyse their connections. Narration usually touches upon the past in order
to affect our present, but also the future. It opens new possibilities for shaping our lives
and moments yet to come.
What is unique about this interdisciplinary science is that “the analysis of units
larger than a sentence in concrete use in a context and situation explains better human
communication and behaviour” (Savić, 1993: 25).
4. 3. 4. Research procedure
Methodological framework of the research was constituted through the adequate
preparation of code sheets and analytical categories in them. In order for code sheets
to be adapted to the research, a preliminary pilot research was conducted. The corpus
for the pilot research encompassed seven cyclically sampled publications, two daily
newspapers from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The
sampling was conducted in June 2012 and the corpus comprises the issues of Dnevni
avaz and Oslobođenje from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Pobjeda and Dnevne novine from
Montenegro, Dnevnik and Vesti from Macedonia and Politika and Dnevnik from Serbia.
Based on theoretical framework and results from previous research a code sheet was
prepared. At a workshop held in Novi Sad from 10th September till 15th September 2012
all project team members tested the preliminary code sheet on a pilot sample. This was
signiicant not only because of code sheet validation for inter-coder reliability, too.
The results of the pilot research lead to minor changes in the code sheet that was used
as the basic instrument in the research.
A total of ive code sheets were prepared (see Appendices). Four of them were created
for mass media content – for coding texts and broadcasts on radio and television, in
newspapers and on informative online portals. A separate code sheet was created for
comments of on-line portals readers.
Code sheets for mass media content have fourteen categories in common. The irst
set is composed of three categories with independent variables: the media in which the
text was published (programme broadcast), date and code. The second set includes the
categories that refer to the authorship and occasion for reporting. The analysis of these
categories provides an insight into the way in which an editorial board approaches certain
topics. The location from which reporting is performed is a special category. The fourth
set contains two categories which are closely related to the topic of Europeanization in
media texts. These are the categories by means of which we analysed whether the topic of
Europeanization was in the main focus, side focus or it was one of many focuses as well as
the category of subtopic within which it was written and spoken about Europeanization.
65
The basic list of subtopics was formed based on the key activities of the European
Union in accordance with the jurisdictions of EU Commissioners (foreign affairs and
security; justice, fundamental rights and citizenship; economy and trade; environment and
climate; etc.). Topics characteristic for western Balkan countries, such as restitution, war
crimes, crime and corruption, Kosovo, and relations between the entities in Bosnia and
Herzegovina were added to these topics. Furthermore, we left some space for additional
topics that might appear as characteristic for certain countries.
Two important categories were subjects and objects of reporting. The subjects were
deined as social agents – individuals and institutions that are action holders about which
the media report and as the main sources on which reporters rely. Objects were deined as
social agents towards whom certain actions and/or statements were directed or assigned
for in the form of address. Subcategories of subjects and objects were formed on the basis
of previous research and they are partially modiied in order to additionally specify EU
bodies and organs.
The inal categories refer to the attitude of the subject towards the accession of the
country (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia) to the European
Union as well as the attitude of the journalist towards the topic. The function of these two
categories was to establish prevailing sentiments of social agents positioned as relevant
by the media (meaning, the ones given the subject position) as well as the sentiments of
journalists themselves and their media.
Apart from these categories which are the same in four code sheets for mass media
content, each code sheet has a range of categories which relect speciicities of each
media. For the press these are: genre, type of the title, size of the text, position of the text
and visual presentation of the text. For radio the categories are broadcast duration, ordinal
number of the information in the broadcast, genres and forms. Similar categories were
used for television as well.
Code sheet for comments of online portals readers includes ten categories. Besides
media, date of publishing and code, the code sheet involves the following categories:
comment length, commentator signature, relation of the commentator with journalistic
text, reply to a comment, attitude to other comments, topic (following the same model as
mass media content) and attitude towards Europeanization.
4. 3. 5. Sample
The sample was formed to be representative for the media scene of each country
in which the research was conducted (see Chapters 3.1 – 3.4). The sample (Table 1)
comprised traditional media (the press, radio, television) and new media (informative
online portals).
The corpus for print media was collected from nine newspapers, three from each
country, whereby two were daily newspapers and one was a weekly. Among them were
tabloids and quality print. When choosing print media as well as other media for Bosnia
and Herzegovina, attention was paid that the media scene relects ethnical and entity
differences.
66
Macedonia
1. Oslobođenje (OS)
2. Dnevni list (DL)
3. Nezavisni (NZ)
1. Dnevnik (DK) 1. Pobjeda (PB)
2. Vest (VT)
2. Dan (DA)
3. Kapital (KL) 3. Monitor (MR)
12
14
Montenegro
1. Makedonski
radio (RMK)
2. Radio Kanal
77 (RK77)
1. Radio CG
(RCG)
2. Radio Antena
M (RAM)
3. Radio Herceg
Novi (RHG)
4. Radio Bjelo
Polje (RBP)
1. FTV (FTV)
2. TV Republike
Srpske (TVRS)
3. Hajat TV (TVH)
4. TV BN (TVBN)
1. MTV 1
(TVMTV)
2. TV Telma
(TVT)
3. TV Tera
(Bitolj)
(TVTR)
1. TV CG
(TVCG)
2. TV Prva
(TVPR)
3. TV Atlas
(TVA)
4. TV Nikšić
(TVNK)
15
1. Blic (Bl)
2. Politika (Pl)
1. Slobodna Bosna
(Sb)
2. Dnevni avaz (Da)
1.a1one.mk
(A1)
1. Vijesti
(Vi)
2. Analitika
(Ana)
7
13
13
9
13
48
TV
Radio
1. Radio BH 1
(RBH)
2. Radio Republike
Srpske (RRS)
3. Radio Stari Grad
(RSG)
4. Federalni radio
Internet
1. Danas (DS)
2. Večernje
novosti (VN)
3. NIN (NIN)
1. Radio Beograd
(RBG)
2. Radio Novi
Sad (RNS)
3. Radio B92
(RB92)
4. Radio
Zrenjanin (RZR)
1. RTS 1
(TVRTS)
2. RTV
Vojvodine
(TVRTV)
3. TV 5 Niš
(TV5)
4. TV Prva
(TVP)
Bosnia and
Herzegovina
Total
The press
Serbia
Total
Radio sample included fourteen radio broadcasters. It was representative in terms of
ownership (public radio services and private broadcasters) as well as in terms of zone
coverage (broadcasters with national coverage and local radio stations). The exception
was made in the case of Macedonia, since in this country there are virtually no local radio
broadcasters.
Television sample was selected using the same model as for the radio and it comprised
ifteen television stations, public services and private broadcasters with national and local
coverage.
Table 1: Overview of the sampled media according to the country and type of media
Criteria for selecting internet news portals were slightly different. In each country
the most visited portal was chosen and then a portal which offers a different political
perspective.
67
Sampling was performed in October 2012 in the period in which each country received
its Progress Report in the process of EU integration from the European Commission.
The sample was cyclic so that it could include all days of the week and the following
dates were selected: Monday, 1st October; Wednesday, 3rd October; Tuesday, 9th October;
Thursday, 11th October; Friday, 19th October; Sunday, 21st October; Saturday, 27th October.
The print media sample consisted of the issues published a day later.
As for the print media, we observed complete issues of newspapers and we sampled
the texts in which Europeanization, Europe and/or the EU appeared at least as one of
many topics. Radio sample consisted of complete news programme that was broadcast
either in the afternoon or in the station’s primetime. Television sample comprised evening
news programmes. The texts were sampled from them according to the same principle as
for print media.
Internet sample encompassed all newspaper texts about Europeanization, Europe and/
or European Union published in the news sections of websites in a 24-hour cycle, as well
as all the comments on these texts published until 12 o’clock p.m. For the texts published
after 8 p.m. the sampled comments were posted until 12 o’clock the following day.
In traditional media the unit of analysis was texts (article in broadcast media),
structurally limited by set visual, audio or audio-visual devices and content-determined
by the coherency of macrostructures and microstructures. A unit of analysis determined in
this way is inite in space, i.e. in time; the corpus is also unchangeable except by the will
of a researcher. It is not subject to changes by the author of the analysed text. Criteria that
determine a unit of analysis apply for a certain period of time for the same corpus as well.
A unit of analysis in online corpus involved text starting from the title and the date
including graphs, photos and comments of the audience with relevant labels such as time
of publishing, date, signature and labels I support/don’t support, like etc.
In certain speciic analyses we used a minimal unit of analysis such as, for example,
only signatures below comments of readers.
As a unit of analysis, each individual text (both newspaper texts and reader’s
comments) was coded. Each code contains the symbol of the country (SRB, BH, MK,
CG), symbol of the media (according to the codes given in Table 1), date (only the day
since all texts are from October 2012) ordinal number of the text, contribution in a certain
media. For example, on Montenegrin television TVCG a programme was broadcast on
19th October and it was third in a row. Its code is CGTVCG19_3. Comment code, apart
from the already mentioned elements, contains the ordinal number of the comment. For
example, in the online edition of Blic a text was published on 11th October, and it was the
irst coded text, the comment on that text was coded and given the code SRBl11_1:55 as it
was the 55th comment in a thread. We will use these codes in continuation when referring
to speciic texts.
References
Berelson, B. (1952). Content analysis in communication research. Glencoe, IL: Free
Press.
68
Brüggemann, M., et al. (2006). Segmented Europeanization: The Transnationalization of
Public Spheres in Europe: Trends and Patterns, TransState Working Papers 37.
Calhoun, C. (2005). Constitutional Patriotism and the Public Sphere: Interests, Identity
and Solidarity in the Integration of Europe. International Journal of Politics, Culture
and Society 18, 257–80.
Cumming, S., Ono, T. & Laury, R. (2011). Discourse, Grammar and Interaction. In Van
Dijk, T. A. (ed.), Discourse Studies: A Multidisciplinary Introduction (pp. 8–36).
London: Sage Publications.
De Vreese, C. H., et al. (2006). The News Coverage of 2004 European Parliamentary
Election Campaign in 25 Countries. European Union Politics 7(4), 477–504.
Delanty, G. (1995). Inventing Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Delanty, G. & Rumford, C. (2005). Rethinking Europe: Social theory and the implications
of Europeanization. Oxon: Routledge.
Downing, J., Mohammadi, A. & Sreberny-Mohammadi, A. (ed.) (1990). Questioning the
Media: A Critical Introduction. Newbury Park: Sage Publications.
Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language.
London: Routledge.
Fairclough, N. (2001). Language and Power (2nd edition). London: Longman.
Glasgow Media Group (1976). Bad News. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Habermas, J. (2001). Why Europe Needs A Constitution. New Left Review, 11, 5–26.
Hsieh, H-F. & Shannon, S.E. (2005). Three Approaches to Qualitative Content Analysis.
Qualitative Health Research 15(9), 1277–1288.
Keating, E. & Duranti, A. (2011). Discourse and culture. In Van Dijk, T.A. (ed.), Discourse
Studies: A Multidisciplinary Introduction (pp. 331–353). London: Sage Publications.
Koopmans, R. (2007). Who Inhabits the European Public Sphere? Winners and Losers,
Supporters and Opponents in Europeanised Political Debates, European Journal of
Political Research 46(2), 183–210.
Krippendorf, K. (1980). Content Analysis. Beverly Hills: Sage.
Krippendorff, K. (2003). Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology. Second
Edition. London: Sage Publications.
Krzyzanowski, M. & Wodak, R. (2011). The Politics of Exclusion: Debating Migration in
Austria. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers.
Lauerbach, G. E. (2007). Political Discourse in the Media. Frankfurt: Goethe University
Frankfurt.
McCombs, M. (2002). The Agenda-Setting Role of the Mass Media in the Shaping of
Public Opinion. Austin: University of Texas.
Ochs, E. (2011). Narative in Everyday Life. In Van Dijk, T.A. (ed.), Discourse Studies: A
multidisciplinary Introduction (pp. 64–81). London: Sage Publications.
Savić, S. (1993). Diskurs analiza. Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet Novi Sad.
69
Schlesinger, P. & Deirdre K. (1999). The European Union – A Sphere of Publics. In E.O.
Eriksen and J. Fossum (eds.), Democracy in Europe: Integration and Deliberation.
London: UCL Press.
Slaata, T. (2006). Europeanisation and the News Media: Issues and Research Imperatives.
Javnost – The Public 13(1), 5–24.
Statham, P. (2004). Pressing Europe? Journalists and the “Europeanisation” of the Public
Sphere, Europub Project Report. Retrieved from: europub.wz-berlin.de/Data/reports/
WP6/D6-2%20WP6%20Integrated%20Report.pdf (Accessed: 1. 6. 2007).
Statham, P. (2008). Political Party Contestation over Europe in Public Discourse. Centre
for European Studies, University of Oslo, Working Paper, 8.
Valić Nedeljković, D. (2010). Zašto obavezni predmet analiza medijskog diskursa? In
Knjiga izvoda iz saopštenja peti naučno-stručni skup “InterRegioSci” (p. 86). Novi
Sad : Vlada AP Vojvodine, Pokrajinski sekretarijat za nauku i tehnološki razvoj.
Valić Nedeljković, D. & Kleut, J. (2012). Predstavljanje siromaštva u tradicionalnim i
novim medijima. Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet – Odsek za medijske studije.
Velikonja, M. (2007). Evroza – kritika novog evrocentrizma. Beograd: Biblioteka XX
vek.
Van Dijk, T. A. (1997). Discourse as Structure and Process. Discourse Studies: a
Multidisciplinary Introduction. I. London: Sage
Van Dijk, T. A. (ed.) (2000). Discourse Studies, Vol. 1-5. London: Sage
Van Dijk , T. A. (2008). Discourse and Power. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan.
Wodak, R. & M. Meyer (eds.) (2009). Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis (2nd
revised edition). London: Sage.
71
Dejan Pralica
5. Europe and Europeanization – Comparative analysis of print and
broadcast media reporting in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Macedonia and Serbia
…”In ‘a Europe’ belonging to citizens, where
the country of birth, nationality or confession do not matter,
people will have a lot to learn from each other” (Jakšić, 2006:109).
5. 1. Introductory note
The media discourse analysis on the topic of Europe and Europeanization in the print
and broadcast media of the four states in western Balkans showed a great interest in this
subject matter on the part of the media. Considering the fact that the long-term political
goal of all four countries (Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina)
is the EU membership, this interest on the part of radio and television stations, press and
web portals does not come as a surprise.
The data acquired in public opinion surveys is related to this and shows that the
population of all four observed countries supports the European Union accession of their
respective countries, Montenegro having the greatest percentage of citizens supporting
the accession (80%) and Serbia the smallest (57%)30. Citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina
(70%) and Macedonia (60%) are in the middle of the scale (Puhalo, 2011: 7, 23, 29, 135).
The analysis of thematic media broadcasts and texts has shown that the media in all
four countries report on the European Union and Europeanization in a similar manner
– adhering to protocol, that is, maintaining the relation of the media – politicians, while
little attention is given to opinions of citizens. “An ever-growing amount of literature in
media sociology and media studies deals with the role and inluence of the media that
encompass news programmes related to the political institutions of the European Union”
(Slaatta, 2006: 8).
30
The data acquired by Ipsos Strategic Marketing research in October 2012 showed that citizens’
support to Serbian EU membership was 48%. According to data acquired during the research by
Government of the Republic of Serbia European Integration Ofice in December 2012, 41% of the
surveyed population declared in favour of the country’s accession to the EU. That was the lowest
support of Serbian citizens to European integrations since 2002. The highest citizens’ support
to the European Union accession of Serbia was in 2003 when 72% of the population declared
in favour of EU integrations (According to the data found on the web site http://www.naslovi.
net/2012-10-22/akter/za-ulazak-u-eu-48-odsto-gradjana/3992498 accessed 10 Feb 2013).
72
5. 2. The scope of reporting
This research encompassed 15 television stations, 14 radio stations, 12 newspapers
and 7 internet portals, which is the total of 48 media from Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia
and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The total corpus amounted to 919 thematic broadcast, online and printed texts, most
of which from Serbia (430), followed by Macedonia (170) and inally Montenegro (160)
and Bosnia and Herzegovina (159) with almost an equal number of news items. The total
number of television news items (for all countries) was 157; there were 158 radio news
items, 351 newspaper texts and 253 internet texts. Table 1 shows the number of texts by
country and by media.
Country
Number
of radio
broadcasts
67
35
26
Number of
television
broadcasts
73
30
32
Number of
newspapers
texts
132
47
86
Number of
internet texts
Serbia
158
Montenegro
48
Macedonia
26
Bosnia and
30
22
86
21
Herzegovina
Total
158
157
351
253
Table 1: The number of analysed thematic broadcasts/texts by the countries and the media
5. 3. The topic of the European Union
5. 3. 1. The topic of Europeanization
A comprehensive analysis of all media showed that the topic of “Europeanization” was
in the main focus of most media coverage. This means that journalists, when writing or
reporting gave priority to this topic, i.e. they did not mention it in combination with other
topics, but mainly put it in the focus of their broadcasts/texts. A comparative analysis
showed that Montenegrin media reporting on the European subject matter was in the main
focus in the greatest percentage of the cases (61%). In the case of Macedonian media on
the other hand, most frequently the European topics were not in the main focus, but in
the side focus (44%), whereas the difference in percentages between the main and side
focus was very small when it came to the media in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina
(45%:43% in Serbia vs. 38%:37% in Bosnia and Herzegovina), which can be seen in
Figure 1.
in Bosnia and Herzegovina), which can be seen in Figure 1:
73
Figure 1: Focus of the topics of Europe, the European Union and Europeanization by countries,
in percentage
Figure 1: Focus of the topics of Europe, the European Union and Europeanization by
countries, in percentage
5. 3. 2. Other topics
If we look further into the matter, we ind that, what is common for all the counties in
the region and the analysed media, is the fact that the most frequent topic of broadcasts/
texts was precisely the enlargement and accession of the countries to the EU. The
difference between this and other topics was most obvious in Montenegrin media, where
the topic of enlargement and accession was present in 48% of the texts, followed by
we look
furtherand
intoHerzegovina
the matter, (35%),
we findMacedonia
that, what (30%)
is common
for allSerbia
the counties
theIfmedia
in Bosnia
and inally
with in
the smallest
(27%).
topic oftopic
civilofand
minority
the region
and thepercentage
analysed difference
media, is the
fact Interestingly,
that the mostthe
frequent
broadcasts/texts
rights was the
registered
in over and
10% accession
of the newsofitems
to betoprecise)
in Bosnia
and
was precisely
enlargement
the (13%
countries
the EU.
The difference
Herzegovina,
while topics
the media
other
countries
did not ind this
subject
matter
between
this and other
was in
most
obvious
in Montenegrin
media,
where
the too
topic of
compelling – in Montenegro only 7% of the news items dealt with this topic, 5% in
enlargement and accession was present in 48% of the texts, followed by the media in Bosnia
Serbia and 3% in Macedonia. Although in all these countries there are ethnic minorities,
and Herzegovina
(35%),
(30%)the
and
finally Serbia
with the
smallest
it seems that the
mediaMacedonia
do not recognise
importance
of reporting
to citizens
onpercentage
what
difference
(27%).
Interestingly,
the
topic
of
civil
and
minority
rights
was
registered
in over
representatives/members of ethnic minorities think about the topic of Europeanization.
the analysis
of the
contentinwe
can learn
a lot about social
issues
and in
10% Through
of the news
items (13%
to media
be precise)
Bosnia
and Herzegovina,
while
the media
stereotypes
illustrated
through
language
and
communication
(according
to
Bell
&
Garett,
other countries did not find this subject matter too compelling in Montenegro only 7% of
20013).
This
kind
of reporting
notinsurprising,
bearing
mind that in
2010 research
the news
items
dealt
with
this topic,is5%
Serbia and
3% ininMacedonia.
Although
in all these
encompassing the print media of all ive countries it was stated that journalists of nine print
countries there are ethnic minorities, it seems that the media do not recognise the importance
media in the ive countries of the western Balkans region (Slovenia, Hungary, Romania,
of reporting
to citizens
on what
representatives/members
of issues
ethnicinsuficiently
minorities think
about the
Montenegro
and Serbia)
“dealt
with topics of minorities’
and nontopicanalytically”
of Europeanization.
theWhen
analysis
of the
content
we can
a lot about
(Pralica, Through
2010: 32).
it came
to media
other topics
covered
bylearn
the media,
socialtheissues
stereotypes
language
(according
topicand
of economy
wasillustrated
commonlythrough
found among
the and
irst communication
ive most frequent
topics to
in Garett,
all ive states:
(15%),
Montenegro
(13%) in
andmind
Bosnia
Bell &
20013).Serbia
This (16%),
kind ofMacedonia
reporting is
not surprising,
bearing
thatand
in 2010
Herzegovina
(9%).
In
the
case
of
speciic
topics,
mostly
related
to
state
issues,
the
main
research encompassing the print media of all five countries it was stated that journalists of
interest of Serbian media was directed towards the topic of Kosovo (20%); in Macedonia
75
74
this was the issue of country’s name (12%), in Montenegro it was judiciary (7%), while
in Bosnia and Herzegovina the most discussed speciic topic was the relation between the
two entities (6%).
5. 4. Location
Since the research was directed towards media reporting about European topics in the
four mentioned countries, it was logical that the most common locations of texts to be
the capital cities of these countries and the EU headquarters. “The country of the media”,
i.e. the capital city of this country was the most frequent location in all observed media,
with the highest percentage in the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina (79%), followed by
Serbian media (73%), signiicantly less in the case of Montenegrin media (58%) and the
least Macedonian media (48%). This kind of data shows that domestic politicians mostly
discussed European topics in their own countries precisely, i.e. that for the observed
subject matter the focus of attention was directed towards domestic audience and not the
audience abroad. The results of the research have shown that authority representatives
believe that it is more important to discuss the European Union “at home” and gain
public’s approval in this way, even though the process of accession to the European Union
does not depend on domestic public, but on European representatives’ standing on this
matter. This can also be explained by the fact that authorities’ representatives lobbied
country’s interests insuficiently when travelling abroad. “This only creates impression
that the representatives considered more important what the domestic public would think
of the matter, than what the reaction of European representatives would be, although the
accession to the European Union of any country, among other things, depends on them”
(Pralica & Milinkov, 2013: 5)31.
Brussels, as a metonymy for the administrative centre of the European Union was in
second place as a location in the media of Montenegro (21%) and Bosnia and Herzegovina
(10%), while in the case of Macedonian and Serbian media, the EU member countries’
location was in second place and appeared in 26% and 19% of the news items. It might
be interesting to mention that “western Balkans countries” appeared as the location only
in Montenegrin media (9%). If we combine the data related to the location and topic of
Europeanization, the results show that the greatest number of broadcasts/texts dealing
with the topic of the European Union accession of the countries in the region came from
Brussels.
5. 5. Subjects and objects of the texts
Media subjects are those individuals or institutions that are given most attention by
the media. Most time is devoted to their statements and they appear most frequently in
live recordings in broadcast media, while in print media they are given most space and
The paper was presented at the Third Euroacademia Global Conference held in Prague on 15th
and 16th May 2013.
31
Media subjects are those individuals or institutions that are given most attention by the
75
media. Most time is devoted to their statements and they appear most frequently in live
recordings Media
in broadcast
whilehave
in the
printopportunity
media theyto are
given
space and
photographs.
subject,media,
therefore,
speak,
theirmost
statements
are
photographs.
Media and
subject,
have greatly
the opportunity
speak, their
statements
are
cited
and interpreted,
thus therefore,
their attitudes
inluencetoforming
the public
opinion
citedtoand
interpreted,
related
a certain
topic.and thus their attitudes greatly influence forming the public opinion
related to a certain topic.
The comparative analysis of media reporting showed similarities in three out of four
countries.The
In all
countriesanalysis
except of
Serbia,
subjectshowed
that appeared
most
in the
comparative
mediathe
reporting
similarities
in three
outresearch
of four
wascountries.
“EU political
bodies”,
which
encompassed
the
European
Union
in
general,
the
In all countries except Serbia, the subject that appeared most in the research was
European Commission as a whole, its members, the European Council,l, the
European
the European
Parliament,
European
Fundsitsformembers,
assistance
European
Unionthe
delegations
countries
Commission
as a whole,
theand
European
Council,
European inParliament,
of the
region.Funds
Thus,for
EUassistance
politicaland
bodies
were found
greatest percentage
by the
European
European
Union in
delegations
in countriesinoftexts
the region.
media
inEU
Bosnia
andbodies
Herzegovina
(41%),
whilepercentage
in Serbianinmedia
they
in the
Thus,
political
were found
in greatest
texts by
the appeared
media in Bosnia
lowest
percentage
(18%).
In
Macedonian
media
this
was
30%
and
24%
in
Montenegrin
and Herzegovina (41%), while in Serbian media they appeared in the lowest percentage
media.
OnInthe
other hand,
the most
frequent
subjects
media
(23%)
state
(18%).
Macedonian
media
this was
30% and
24% in
in Serbian
Montenegrin
media.
Onwere
the other
organs
President,
Ministries,
the Parliament
the(the
like).
As for the
hand,(the
the Government,
most frequent the
subjects
in Serbian
media (23%)
were state and
organs
Government,
subjects
that appeared
leasttheinParliament
the mediaand
texts,
there As
were
any country
the President,
Ministries,
the like).
for no
theexceptions
subjects thatinappeared
least
– the
subjects
were citizens.
Serbia they
were subjects
of 2%
of
in the
media that
texts,appeared
there wereleast
no exceptions
in anyIn
country
the subjects
that appeared
least
texts,
in
Macedonia
3%,
while
in
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
and
Montenegro
citizens
were
were citizens. In Serbia they were subjects of 2% of texts, in Macedonia 3%, while in Bosnia
subjects
of 4% of all
Other individuals
institutions
discussed
theindividuals
European
and Herzegovina
andtexts.
Montenegro
citizens wereorsubjects
of 4%that
of all
texts. Other
Union
(e.g. experts,
governmental
organizations,
journalists
or institutions
thatnondiscussed
the European
Unionpublic
(e.g. igures,
experts, but
nonalso
governmental
themselves)
remained
the background.
The threethemselves)
most frequent
subjects
in the
countries
organizations,
publicinfigures,
but also journalists
remained
in the
background.
of the
region
can
be
seen
in
Figure
2.
The three most frequent subjects in the countries of the region can be seen in Figure 2.
Figure 2: The most frequent subjects in the media of the four countries (in percentages)
The results of the research for this category
77 can be interpreted in the way in which the
subject matter of the European Union and countries in the region is marked as “elite”;
it is mainly reserved for the authorities, both in region countries and in EU member
countries as well as the very oficials of the European Union common institutions. All
other participants discussing the given topic are either media irrelevant, or given little
attention. The results of this category indicate journalists’ application of the 10th factor
of the Galtung and Ruge Scale, which states that the news about an event concerning
mainly reserved for the authorities, both in region countries and in EU member countries as
well as the very officials of the European Union common institutions. All other participants
76
discussing the given topic are either media irrelevant, or given little attention. The results of
10th factor of the Galtung and Ruge Scale,
activities
of
an
elite
political
individual
will
certainly
be published
(Galtung
Ruž, 1993:
which states that the news about an event concerning activities
of an elite
political&individual
31–39).
will certainly be published (Galtung & Ruţ, 1993: 31 39).
Media objects are those individuals or institutions that are discussed by subjects who
Media objects are those individuals or institutions that are discussed by subjects who
express
some sort of opinion (positive or negative) on them. State organs appeared as
express some sort of opinion (positive or negative) on them. State organs appeared as the
the most
themedia
mediaofofallall
countries
except
Montenegro:
mostdominant
dominant objects
objects ininthe
countries
except
Montenegro:
in 37%inof37%
the of
the broadcasts/texts
in
Serbia,
35%
in
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
and
26%
in
Macedonia.
broadcasts/texts in Serbia, 35% in Bosnia and Herzegovina and 26% in Macedonia. On the
On theother
other
hand,
frequent
in Montenegrin
media
were
political
hand,
the the
mostmost
frequent
objectsobjects
in Montenegrin
media were
political
bodies
of the bodies
EU
of thewith
EU 35%
withof35%
of
the
broadcasts/texts.
A
common
trait
among
the
media
of Serbia,
the broadcasts/texts. A common trait among the media of Serbia, Macedonia
and
Macedonia
Bosnia andwas
Herzegovina
the factbodies
that were
EU political
were
Bosnia and
and Herzegovina
the fact that was
EU political
in second bodies
place when
it in
to frequency
their occurrence:
24%of
in Serbia,
23% in Macedonia
in Bosnia
secondcame
place
when it ofcame
to frequency
their occurrence:
24%and
in 13%
Serbia,
23% in
and Herzegovina,
in Montenegro
state organswhereas
were found
second placestate
with 25%
Macedonia
and 13% whereas
in Bosnia
and Herzegovina,
in in
Montenegro
organs
of the in
broadcasts/texts.
the 25%
case of
andInHerzegovina
Serbia,
citizens
were
were found
second placeInwith
of Bosnia
the texts.
the case ofand
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
relatively
notably were
markedrelatively
as objects in
11% and
9% of the
respectively.
and Serbia,
citizens
notably
marked
as broadcasts/texts
objects in 11%
and 9% The
of the
three
most
frequent
types
of
objects
in
the
four
countries
of
the
region
can
be
seen
in Figure
3.
broadcasts/texts respectively. The three most frequent types of objects in the four
countries
of the region can be seen in Figure 3.
Figure 3: The most frequent objects in the media of the four countries (in percentages)
Figure 3: The most frequent objects in the media of the four countries (in percentages)
5. 6. Value attached by subjects to the EU accession
78
As for the value attached to the EU accession by journalists/the media, Montenegro
singled out as the only country where this value remained dominantly neutral (57%),
whereas in other countries it was mainly positive – most in case of Serbia (79%), followed
by Macedonia (63%) and inally Bosnia and Herzegovina (42%).
In the case of this category it is interesting to note the data showing that in Serbia more
than three fourths of media subjects have a positive attitude concerning this country’s
accession to the EU. On the other hand, the citizens’ support to the EU accession is
suffering a constant drop in Serbia.32
32
See footnote 30.
77
5. 7. The role of journalists in reporting about Europeanization
5. 7. 1. Text authorship
The role and credibility of journalists are very important when forming editorial
policy of certain media. Therefore it is important that journalists are visible at every
moment, so that their work can be assessed by the public. The only way in which this
is possible is when journalists’ names are signed below the texts they have written, i.e.
when journalists are announced before broadcasts aired on the radio or television. This
rule of indicating authors’ names and surnames in broadcasts, i.e. initials in the case
of texts, was only partially obeyed; the greatest number of examples of this was found
in the media of Bosnia and Herzegovina (48%), Montenegro (46%) and Serbia (42%),
while in Macedonia the greatest percentage of broadcasts/texts had no indicated author
(39%) while 34% of the news items were signed. In Serbian media the author was not
indicated in 22% of the examples, 32% in Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in Montenegrin
media there was no indicated author in 34% of the examples. If we compare the use of
newspaper agencies services as the source of news, we can conclude that this kind of
news was mainly broadcast by Serbian media (27%), followed by the media of Bosnia
and Herzegovina (18%), whereas Macedonian and Montenegrin media broadcast the
smallest percentage of the news obtained from agencies (8% each). On the other hand,
the media did not use the services of so-called external authors (readers, experts, etc.),
so this category was perceived in a small percentage both in Serbian and Macedonian
media (4%), in a negligibly small percentage of 2% in Montenegro and almost not at all
in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1%). This leads to the conclusion that editors-in-chief do not
trust external contributors regarding authorship.
5. 7. 2. The occasion for reporting
If the greatest number of media broadcasts/texts was found in the category of media
initiative, this means that journalists and editors have made an extra effort in order to
provide information that does not exist in other media or deliver it in a manner characteristic
for that particular media only. This category in media research is much more appreciated
than current events or pseudo-events, when the only obligation of journalists is to attend
events, i.e. retell the information presented by certain political or social protagonists.
Comparative analysis showed that journalists of the media in all four countries relied on
events when reporting. In all four countries current events were dominant in three fourths
of the examples – most in Montenegro (79%), followed by Macedonia (76%), then Serbia
(73%) and inally Bosnia and Herzegovina (64%). Most media initiative events were
found in Macedonian media (21%), Serbian media (15%) and Montenegrin media (13%),
while the least were found in the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina (9%). Pseudo-events,
i.e. reporting from press-conferences, which is considered bad practice in journalism,
were most frequent in Bosnia and Herzegovina (27%) and least in Macedonia (3%). In
Serbian media (15%) and Montenegrin media (13%), while the least were found in the media
in Bosnia and Herzegovina (9%). Pseudo-events, i.e. reporting from press-conferences, which
is considered bad practice in journalism, were most frequent in Bosnia and Herzegovina
78 (27%) and least in Macedonia (3%). In Montenegrin media this category appeared in 9% of
the examples, while in Serbian media it was found in 12% of the cases, as seen in Figure 4.
Montenegrin media this category appeared in 9% of the examples, while in Serbian media
it was found in 12% of the cases, as seen in Figure 4.
Figure 4: The occasion for media reporting
Figure 4: The occasion for media reporting
5. 7. 3. Value attached to the topic by journalists
The value attached to the topic by journalists was either balanced or neutral in the
greatest number of the media and countries. This kind of journalists’ attitude was most
frequent in Macedonian media (75%), followed by Montenegrin media (64%) and inally
the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina (58%). In Serbian media, the value attached to the
topic by journalists was mostly neutral (in protocol news) (47%), and equally positive
80
(23%) and balanced (20%). Negative value attached
to the topic was the least frequent
in the media of all states. The country with the smallest percentage of negative value
examples was Montenegro (4%), there was a slightly higher percentage in Bosnia and
Herzegovina (7%) and approximately the same percentage in Macedonia (9%) and Serbia
(10%) Thus, we can conclude that journalists’ reporting on the topics of the EU was
mainly either balanced or positive.
5. 8. Concluding remarks
Comparative analysis of reporting on the topic of Europeanization by the print and
broadcast media in the four countries of the region shows that the media in Serbia,
Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro have an equal interest for the topic
observed in the analysis.
The strong points of media reporting are either mainly prominently balanced or mainly
positive value attached to the topic of Europe in texts, relatively successful visibility of
journalists (authors of broadcasts/texts indicated) in the greatest percentage in almost all
79
media, as well as making the topic of Europeanization the main focus of reporting in the
greatest number of broadcasts.
The downsides of reporting are placing the predominantly domestic or European
politicians in the foreground, making them both subjects and objects, as well as leaving
minimal space for opinions of citizens and experts on the topic of Europeanization. This
way the media implicitly make clear that they are not interested in the opinions of these
two categories of society. The dominant reporting about events, while only partially
present media initiative events in obtaining statements that would be exclusive and unique
in relation to the competition, can also be considered a downside.
Suggestions for good practice would be similar to those acquired in the 2011 research
when it was stated that “it is not enough to just write about bad things happening abroad
or establish a new section in newspapers (…), but a more careful choice of topics and
collocutors is necessary in order to stimulate regional cooperation and cherish international
relations with neighbours in practice, as well” (Pralica, 2011: 55). Further on, the media
should give a chance to citizens to express their opinion on a certain subject matter (in
this case the topic of Europeanization), as well as cover the topic from an angle of media
initiative events in larger percentage.
“Only a Europe of free people, of self-conscious citizens that ‘walk tall’ can be and
remain a civilization and a cultural beacon to the contemporary world” (Jakšić, 2006:
109).
References
Bell, A. & Garett, P. (2001). Approaches to Media Discourse. Oxford: Blackwell
Publishers Ltd.
Beta (2012, 22 Oct). Za ulazak u EU 48 odsto građana. Retrieved from: http://www.
naslovi.net/2012-10-22/akter/za-ulazak-u-eu-48-odsto-gradjana/3992498 (Accessed:
10 Mar 2013).
Galtung, J. & Holboe Ruž, M. (1993). Obrasci novinarske selekcije vesti. Gledišta
(Javnost i manipulacija – sociologija vesti) 34, 1-6, 31–39.
Jakšić, B. (2006). Stavovi političke i kulturne elite Srbije o Evropi krajem XX i početkom
XXI veka. Filozoija i društvo 2-2006: 107–122.
Pralica, D. (2010). Štampa iz regiona o multikulturalizmu. Mesto i značaj medijskih
studija za međuregionalnu saradnju – zbornik radova I (pp. 25–34). Novi Sad:
Filozofski fakultet.
Pralica, D. (2011). Analiza medijskog diskursa vojvođanske dnevne štampe o aktuelnim
temama u zemljama regiona. In Mesto i značaj medijskih studija za međuregionalnu
saradnju – zbornik radova II (pp. 45–56). Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet.
80
Pralica, D. & Milinkov, S. (2013). Serbia – Media – European Union. Third Euroacademia
Global Conference Europe Inside-Out: Europe and Europeaness Exposed to
PluralObservers. Prague, 15 – 16 March 2013. Retrieved from: http://euroacademia.
eu/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Dejan_Pralica_and_Smiljana_Milinko_
Serbia_Media_Reporting_on_the_European_Union.pdf (Accessed: 20 Apr 2013).
Puhalo, S. (2011). Na putu ka Evropskoj uniji. Banja Luka: Pro Educa.
Slaata, T. (2006). Europeanisation and the News Media: Issues and Research Imperatives.
Javnost – The Public 13(1), 5–24.
81
Lejla Turčilo
Belma Buljubašić
6. Media reporting about European integrations and the idea of Europe in
Bosnia and Herzegovina
6. 1. Introduction: Sample and corpus
The analysis of the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina (both traditional and online) has
shown that there are several important trends when it comes to the reporting about the
EU and Europeanization. The starting hypotheses on which the research of Bosnia and
Herzegovina media discourse about representation of Europe is based are the following:
• The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina approach the topics related to Europe
depending on the occasion (in case of protocol visits by EU oficials, or on
some other occasions) reporting in bureaucratic language which is the dominant
narrative of politicians and state oficials.
• Media discourse is different in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and
Republika Srpska
• Online media report much less about the EU than traditional media, whereas their
users are not too interested in commenting and discussing these topics.
The sample comprised three daily papers, four radio stations, four television stations
and two web portals.
It should be pointed out that attention was given to the fact that the public of Bosnia and
Herzegovina is divided along ethnic and territorial lines during the sampling. Likewise,
this division exists in media space, so some media are predominantly Bosniak, Serbian
and/or Croatian. Since the two entities, or rather three ethnical groups and their political
representatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina, have different attitudes to EU integrations and
the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the EU, this inevitably relects in their manner of
reporting. Thus, it is necessary to make sure that the diversity of attitudes to EU topics is
relected in the media sample. The most read, watched and listened media33 were selected,
those which were deemed to have the greatest inluence.
The daily papers included in the sample are:
• Oslobođenje, the oldest daily newspaper in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also the
newspaper that has kept the tradition of commentaries and analytical approach
in writing about topics important for the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Oslobođenje is mostly read by the middle class society in towns and cities in
Bosnia and Herzegovina – mostly Bosniaks.
33
According to the data by Mareco Index Bosnia agency; http://www.mib.ba.
82
•
Dnevni list, the most read daily newspaper in Herzegovina (http://www.mib.ba),
but also one that targets mainly the Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
• Nezavisne novine, the most read daily newspaper in Republika Srpska (http://
www.gfk.ba). The editor-in-chief of Nezavisne novine is the daughter of the
Serbian member of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Presidency; the paper is mostly
oriented towards covering the topics related to Republika Srpska and mainly read
by the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The radio stations included in the sample:
• BH Radio 1, which is a part of the Public Broadcasting Service in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and a radio station that has national coverage.
• Radio Federacije BiH, which is a part of the Public Broadcasting Service in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, the entity radio that targets the audience in the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
• Radio RS, which is a part of the Public Broadcasting Service in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the entity radio that targets the audience in Republika Srpska
• Radio Stari Grad, the most listened commercial radio station in Bosnia and
Herzegovina that began its work as a local, town radio, but today has national
coverage.
The television stations included in the sample:
• FTV, a part of the Public Broadcasting Service, the entity television station in the
Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
• RTRS, a part of the Public Broadcasting Service, the entity television station in
Republika Srpska
• Hayat TV, the most watched commercial TV station in the Federation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
• BN TV, the most watched commercial TV station in Republika Srpska.
The online media included in the sample:
• Web portal www.avaz.ba, the internet portal of the most read daily paper in Bosnia
and Herzegovina – Dnevni avaz, which mostly publishes news, information and
texts published in the print edition of the papers.
• Web portal www.slobodna-bosna.ba, the portal of the most read weekly in Bosnia
and Herzegovina that publishes a part of the texts found in the magazine and the
rest of texts are prepared especially for the online edition.
6. 2. Public perception of EU integrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina –
other research
From the very start, European integrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been seen as
one of the most important post-war processes upon which the state’s future and prosperity
depend. Nevertheless, after the initial euphoria in the irst phase of the integration process,
the public support to EU integrations and integrations related reforms has recently been in
83
decline. However, it should be noted that this is not classic euroscepticism as much as it is
realization that political and economic issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina are so complex
and huge that not even the integration processes can help in making them any smaller.
Public perception of the EU is different in the two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina:
in Republika Srpska EU integrations are seen as a process that could jeopardize Republika
Srpska, while in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina they are seen as a process that
guaranties the existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state and as an international
solution for the division of the country.
Foreign Policy Initiative in Bosnia and Herzegovina (http://www. vpiarhiva.test.
promotim.ba/eng/monitoring_process_of_eu_integration.html) performed a research
about public perception of EU integrations in 2012. The data acquired in this research
show that Bosnia and Herzegovina citizens see the integrations as a solution for many
issues in the country, as a “tool” to tone down the tensions, to preserve peace and stability
in the country and to improve conditions of life. They also have a strong European
identity, which can come as a surprise, considering the fact that most of the population
has a strongly pronounced national identity. However, citizens stated that one does not
exclude the other.
There are two main aspects of EU integrations present in public debates: the political
aspect of enlargement and the economic aspect. The political aspect is mostly examined
through the debate about whether the EU accession will help in solving the inner division and
issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the main political reasons for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s
stagnation in the process of EU integrations. The main question when it comes to the economic
aspect is the issue of EU inluence on the economy in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Croatian accession to the European Union has intensiied the public debate about the
lack of political will in Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulil necessary preconditions for the
accession. According to the FPI (Foreign Policy Initiative) research, the public in Bosnia
and Herzegovina believes that political subjects do not work much on a structural reform
that would bring the country closer to Europe, thus not acting in the interest of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, but rather in their own. Further on, the surveyed stated that the accession of
a politically unready Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU, would damage the country more
than it would be to its advantage. The majority of the surveyed holds that neighbouring
countries are ready for the accession to the EU. This research showed that citizens in
Bosnia and Herzegovina do not know much about the phase in which Serbia is when it
comes to enlargement, but they emphasize that Croatia is completely prepared for the EU
accession.
Further on, the public thinks that the economy should be stronger for Bosnia and
Herzegovina to be able to cope with the competition pressure from Europe. This is a
considerable pendulum of opinion compared to a few years ago when European market
was considered to be the solution of economic issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and not
an issue by itself. The assumption made by the FPI is that the economic crisis in the EU
provoked this attitude change of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s public to European market.
The public also holds that the process of adopting EU standards and implementing
European legislation is problematic because it depends on the will of six political leaders
in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the surveyed believe that Bosnia and
84
Herzegovina will access the EU once the EU decides so and not at the time Bosnia and
Herzegovina manages to fulil the terms. A powerful wish to depoliticize the process of
Europeanization in Bosnia and Herzegovina was shown in this research performed by the
Foreign Police Initiative.
The research of the public opinion and public attitudes on the EU accession is important
because it points out the way in which citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina understand the
EU association process. This understanding is unquestionably under the inluence of the
media, therefore the research of the media discourse proves to be quite justiied.
6. 3. The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina and European topics:
general conclusions of the discourse analysis
The main conclusion of the analysis of the media reporting on European topics,
Europeanization and the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina is that there is a reduced interest
in these questions, which is manifested primarily through a reduced number of texts
and broadcast news items (86 articles in print media, 31 broadcasts on radio stations, 22
broadcasts on TV stations) as well as through a domination of the news and reports as
reporting genres (the news and reports made up 58% of the content in the press sample,
87% on the radio, while on television 41% of the content was news accompanied by
images and 41% of broadcasts were TV packages). The media usually follow the agenda
set by protagonists of the events related to EU integrations, that is to say, they cover the
events to which they are invited and report about these in the form of the news or report
(a current event was the occasion for reporting in the press in 60% of the cases, the same
situation was on the radio, while on TV a current event was the occasion in 50% of the
cases). These are mostly short articles and/or broadcasts that remain at the factual level,
with no thorough analysis or interpretations.
The value attached to the topics by journalists is balanced in most cases, but an indepth analysis of texts shows that this is actually due to disinterest of journalists and the
media for a “deeper” involvement in the story that might lead to forming a positive or
negative attitude towards the topic. The language is usually full of protocol vocabulary,
reporting the statements of event protagonists without analysis of any other cause and
effect interpretations. These protagonists are mainly representatives of EU political
bodies and state organs of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
A relatively high percentage of the media content with the topic of Europeanization
and Europe in the side focus (40% in the press, 47% on the radio and 32% on television) is
indicative of and only conirms the lack of interest in these topics. The most straightforward
example of the reduced interest in EU topics are online media that were noted to have
exceptionally small number of texts (21) and users’ comments to these texts (26).
Generally speaking, the media attitude to EU topics has been reduced to mere
events reporting, i.e. protocol visits of EU oficials, with no signiicant involvement by
journalists in creating more complex content (in its form and essence) that would allow
fuller comprehension of EU topics and issues for citizens. The media fulil the informative
function, but the orientation and educative functions in this context remain neglected.
85
6. 4. The print media discourse on European topics
During the analysed period the total of 86 texts on topics related to the EU was
published in the three daily newspapers. Only ive of these texts were announced on the
front page, no more than 14% occupied more than a half of a page, while 44% of the texts
were short (consisting of a few lines only).
When it comes to the position of texts in the newspapers (section-wise), we can say that
the ones related to the EU were equally distributed, mostly in internal and international
affairs sections and the EU section, while 16% of the texts were in the commentary/
opinions/columns section (Figure 1).
25
20
15
10
5
0
Figure
articles
on the
werewere
found
(the total
number
of texts)
Figure1:
1:The
Thesections
sectionsininwhich
which
the texts
on EU
the EU
found
(the total
number
of texts)
When it comes to genres, most of the texts were in the form of news or reports,
When
comesgenre
to genres,
of the texts
were which
in the serves
form oftonews
or that
reports,
although
the ithybrid
was most
also present
(12%),
show
the topic
although the hybrid genre was also present (12%), which serves to show that the topic of
of Europeanization was not approached systematically and seriously, but only through
Europeanization was not approached systematically and seriously, but only through reporting
reporting the current events.
the current events.
The initiators of these events were mostly subjects outside the media that participate
in the events that the media only cover (60% of the texts were related to current events,
23% to pseudo events, and only 16% were the texts initiated by the media/journalists
themselves) (Figure 2).
23
27%
27
31%
3
3%
4
5%
14
16%
5
6%
86
Genre
1. News
23
27%
2. Report
27
31%
3. Interview
10 3
12% 3%
4. Article
4
5%
Table
1:
Genres
of
the
texts
about
EU
5. Commentary, column
14
16%
6. Feature story
5
6%
7. Reply
0
0%
The
that
participate
in
8. Letter
to initiators
the editorof these events were mostly subjects outside the media
0
0%
the
events
that
the
media
only
cover
(60%
of
the
texts
were
related
to
current
events,
23%
to
9. Vox populi
0
0%
pseudo events, and only 16% were the texts initiated by the media/journalists themselves)
10. Photo/graphical news
0
0%
(Figure 2).
11. “Hybrid genre” (mixture of several genres)
10
12%
Table 1: Genres of the texts about EU
16%
23%
61%
Event
Pseudo-event
Media initiative
Figure
Figure2:
2:Occasion
Occasionfor
forthe
themedia
mediatexts
texts
The subjects of these events were mostly political bodies of the EU (36%) and state
bodies (22%), while citizens were the subjects in no more than 3% of the articles. Experts
The subjects of these events were mostly political bodies of the EU (36%) and state
were rarely consulted about reporting on EU topics (experts who expressed their attitudes
bodies (22%), while citizens were the subjects in no more than 3% of the articles. Experts
on the very topic were consulted in only 2 articles, while citizens’ associations and nonwere rarely consulted about reporting on EU topics (experts who expressed their attitudes on
governmental organizations appeared as subjects in only 5% of the cases). The fact that
ations and nonobjects (those talked about in the articles) were predominantly political bodies of the
governmental organizations appeared as subjects in only 5% of the cases). The fact that
EU (15%) and politicians from Bosnia and Herzegovina (31%) serves to prove that
objects
(those
talked
about
theway
articles)
were
bodies
of the by
EU
print
media
report
either
oninthe
Bosnia
andpredominantly
Herzegovina political
is seen and
assessed
(15%)
and politicians
from
Bosnia
Herzegovina
(31%) representatives
serves to prove in
thatBosnia
print media
EU
leaders
or how and
how
muchand
organs
and political
and
report
either
on
the
way
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
is
seen
and
assessed
by
EU
leaders
or how
Herzegovina work on fulilling the terms for the accession.
and how much organs and political representatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina work on
fulfilling the terms for the accession.
87
The choice of genre, the occasion of media events and subjects of events show that
in reporting on European topics the print media in Bosnia and Herzegovina are chiely
oriented towards external stimuli, i.e. they follow the agenda enforced by other, outof-media subjects. (Most frequently these are representatives of the EU who undertake
protocol visits to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are then reported in protocol news or
short reports. In these cases journalists become recorders of daily events without serious
professional involvement in contextualizing these visits that would serve the purpose of
satisfying the orientation function which citizens expect from the media).
Print media journalists usually have balanced reports on EU topics (57% of the texts
is balanced), but it is important to mention here that considering the great number of
exclusively protocol news, there is a signiicant number of articles in which journalists
have an absolutely neutral attitude in reporting. Negative value attached to the topic was
found in 5 articles. Balanced reporting about EU topics is seen as a positive indicator,
but neutral value can mean that journalist do not abandon the daily routine of writing
stenographic news, i.e. there is no in-depth analysis of the processes reported in the texts.
Generally speaking, when it comes to reporting about topics related to Europe and the
EU, the print media in Bosnia and Herzegovina fulil solely informative, but not guiding
and educational function of the media. This fact is proven by the dominant genres as well
as subjects and objects in the news. It does not come as a surprise then that the public of
Bosnia and Herzegovina holds that the EU accession depends on the will of EU subjects
and arrangements made by political leaders (as shown in the FPI research), because these
very leaders, arise as dominant subjects of the events and processes related to the EU.
Expert consulting and consulting of non-governmental organizations and citizens are
lacking as well as a broader perspective of the EU that would surpass the framework of
daily political events (topics related to culture, living in the EU, etc.).
6. 5. The discourse of radio and television stations on European topics
Commercial radio stations in Bosnia and Herzegovina generally air an exceptionally
small amount of informative content and even when they do it is usually some kind of
public utility information of local character. It is not surprising thus that the most listened
radio station had an extremely small number of news items about EU topics. On the
other hand, the Public Broadcasting Services broadcast the news and news programmes,
though with a visible difference in interest in EU topics (lower in Republika Srpska than
in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina).
Radio stations were also chiely oriented to broadcasting the news (47%) and reports
(40%) with only supericial information about EU topics (here, the main topics also
remained protocol visits of EU oficials to Bosnia and Herzegovina; in 60% of the cases
the occasion was a current event) Europeanization, i.e. the EU is actually only partly in
focus (Table 2).
88
The topic of the EU, Europe, Europeanization is
11
14
5
1. In the main focus
2. In the side focus
3. One of many topics
37%
47%
17%
Table 2: The focus of radio stations on EU topics
In the case of television stations, there is also a difference in frequency of reporting
on EU topics; however, this is not between commercial and public stations, but between
television stations in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (where this reporting
is more present) and television stations in Republika Srpska (where this reporting is
less present). This is completely in accordance with the fact that political leaders from
Republika Srpska put fewer questions related to Europeanization and the course of
Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the EU on the agenda. This attitude comes from the fact
that, generally speaking, leaders evade the talk about Bosnia and Herzegovina and focus
mostly on internal organization and solving the issues in Republika Srpska. Since in the
case of television stations, state organs and political protagonists were the main subjects
of reporting (36%), this serves to show that TV stations follow out-of-media protagonists
in their forcing the topics that are discussed on the public scene.
On the TV stations, the TV broadcast as a genre was present in 41% of the cases
(beside broadcasts, the news accompanied by live images was also aired in 41% of the
cases), while the main occasions for reporting on television stations were events or
pseudo-events organized by other protagonists and only reported by the media (Figure 3).
5%
50%
45%
Event
Pseudo-event
Media initiative
Figure
3:3:
The
occasion
forfor
TVTV
stations
reporting
in Bosnia
and and
Herzegovina
Figure
The
occasion
stations
reporting
in Bosnia
Herzegovina
There were two highlight events that marked the analysed period and had most media
There
twoofhighlight
that markedHilary
the analysed
period
and High
had most
media
coverage:
thewere
visits
the thenevents
State Secretary
Clinton
and the
Representative
coverage:
the
visits
of
the
then
State
Secretary
Hilary
Clinton
and
the
High
Representative
of the
of the EU Catherine Ashton to Bosnia and Herzegovina (in October 2012) and
the
EU
Catherine
Ashton
to
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
(in
October
2012)
and
the
discussion
discussion about a possible reintroduction of visa regime for Bosnia and Herzegovina due
about a possible reintroduction of visa regime for Bosnia and Herzegovina due to an increased
number of asylum seekers from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the EU. The public broadcasting
services informed about these visits in a protocol manner, reporting about the place and
89
to an increased number of asylum seekers from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the EU. The
public broadcasting services informed about these visits in a protocol manner, reporting
about the place and participants of the meeting, the subject of the talk, the messages
they delivered from the EU and the USA to leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina and vice
versa (mostly in the form of news or reports that answer the classic ive W’s). When it
comes to reintroducing visa regime for Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is interesting to notice
that the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina usually chose Tanja Fajon as a collocutor – a
member of the European Parliament who delivered optimistic messages stating that visafree regime was not jeopardized and the like. This selectivity in the choice of interlocutors
indicates the intention of broadcast media to deliver certain positive messages when it
comes to the EU, but also “inertia” of a kind on the part of the media which is relected in
inviting those representatives of political life in the EU who “take our side”, i.e. who are
known from before to have a positive attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The value attached to the EU and Europe topics by journalists was balanced both on
the radio (53%) and television (73%). It is interesting to notice that television stations
delivered negative value of the subjects attached to the EU least (14%, compared to the
radio with 23% and the press with 28% of information with negative value). It is also
important to mention that when reporting news related to EU topics, the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina TV stations used the terms such as: “Bosnia and Herzegovina on
the road to the EU” (TV Hayat, 9.10.2012), “the support to unitary Bosnia and Herzegovina
and its EU perspective” (TV Hayat, 3.10.2012) and the like. On the other hand, the TV
stations in Republika Srpska instead of the term Bosnia and Herzegovina used Republika
Srpska, whereby there are talks about “cooperation of Republika Srpska’s authorities with
EU oficials” (BNTV 11.10.2012) and so on. This difference in terminology indicates the
difference in approach to EU integrations in the two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The approach in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is based on the representation
of the EU as a guarantee of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s existence, while in Republika
Srpska EU integrations are discussed exclusively in terms of welfare for that entity only.
The so-called “life” topics are lacking on radio and television stations. The topics
related to culture, education, ecology, development, health were present in 5% of the
broadcasts, while on the radio they did not appear at all. The situation indicates the fact that
on radio and television stations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the EU and Europeanization
are presented only through politics and economy sphere. This proves to be an extremely
reduced approach that does not provide complete and suficient information about all
aspects of EU integrations.
6. 6. Online media and users’ comments on European topics
On the two analysed web portals there was a very small number of texts on European
topics (21) and a very small number of comments to these articles (26) which is deinitely
surprising data considering the fact that the portals analysed were those of the most
read daily (Dnevni avaz) and the most read weekly (Slobodna Bosna) in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. One of the reasons for this is certainly the fact that commenting on the texts
is made possible through Facebook user accounts, which means that it is not possible for
90
users to leave anonymous comments. Therefore, the activity of sharing texts on social
networks is more common than the very commenting on the news. However, it should be
noted that the greatest number of comments was found below certain controversial news
concerning interethnic confrontations, crime pages topics and so on. On the other hand,
as shown by our research, EU topics were neither suficiently present on internet portals,
nor obviously attractive enough to incite comments.
Although the number of texts and comments this small is insuficient for drawing
any kind of reliable general conclusions, it should be stated that middle-sized texts were
mostly found on internet portals (38%), always with a photograph (100%), but not with
multimedia content. When it comes to the genre, in most cases there was the news (62%)
and the news taken over from agencies (71%) with the topic of EU enlargement (in 43%
of the cases). On web portals, once again, the dominant topics were the visits of Catherine
Ashton and Hillary Clinton as well as other protocol visits and talks of EU oficials with
political leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Middle sized text comments, signed with full
name and of (5-50 words: 62% of them) stated disagreement with authors of the news,
but were not replied by the authors. In 88% of the cases comment authors did not state
any kind of attitude towards Europeanization, but mostly discussed the protagonists of the
news (political subjects), the relationship of the two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina
(31%) and the like.
From this small number of texts and comments it can be concluded that Europeanization and EU integrations are not dominant topics in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s online
community.
6. 7. Conclusion
The analysis of the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina discourse has shown several
important trends when it comes to reporting about the EU and Europeanization:
• The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina approach the topics related to Europe
according to the occasion (in case of protocol visits by EU oficials, or some
other occasion), reporting in bureaucratic language is the dominant narrative of
politicians and state oficials.
• Media discourse is different in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and
Republika Srpska
• Online media report much less about Europeanization and EU topics than
traditional media, whereas their users are not overly interested in commenting
and discussing these topics.
When it comes to the media presentation and public perception of Europe and EU
integrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the two major issues are: the lack of common
perception of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole (i.e. its two entities), and the
lack of common goals and strategy in the entities in respect to the EU accession (this is
obvious from the examples of reporting by the two public broadcasting corporations in
the two entities with different approach to EU integrations).
91
However, citizens see the tension reduction, peace and stability as main priorities.
They also expect the EU to improve the quality of their lives, but feel that this is not in the
interest of the current political elite. All past public opinion research show that citizens
are generally disappointed with the political and economic situation in the country as
well as reluctance and incompetence of politicians to resolve the accumulated issues and
lead Bosnia and Herzegovina in the direction of EU integrations. Nevertheless, the public
has still not turned towards Euroscepticism, therefore the media inluence remains very
important in this context and will be even more so in the future.
References
Foreign Policy Initiative BH (n. d.). Monitoring of the BiH European Integration Process.
Retrieved from: http://www.vpiarhiva.test.promotim.ba/eng/monitoring_process_of_
eu_integration.html (Accessed: 1 Apr 2013).
GfK BH (n.d.). Retrieved from: http://www.gfk.ba (Accessed: 1 Apr 2013).
Mareco Index Bosnia (n.d.). Retrieved from: http://www.mib.ba (Accessed: 1 Apr 2013).
93
Nataša Ružić
Andrijana Rabrenović
7. Media reporting about European integrations in Montenegro
7. 1. Introduction
Montenegro has been preparing for the EU accession for a long time. And while
politicians promise that the accession to the EU will be a dream come true, experts hold
differing opinions concerning this issue. How do the experts deine the EU? It is perceived
by some as an emerging super power, some see it as an arising federal state, while others
believe it to be an intergovernmental organization that gives support to national states.
(Ruk, 2011: 49). The key standing of the EU is based on the following: the importance
of public law, codiication of conduct through rules and legislation and creating formal
institutions with the goal of setting balance between member countries (Ruk, 2011: 59).
Montenegro strives to fulil all the terms and legislation in order to access the EU. Owing
to the media, citizens at irst seem to be informed in detail about the progress and obstacles
on this road. Moreover, due to the enormous quantity of information placed upon them
and depending on editorial policy, the society has begun to perceive this institution with
more scepticism.
Bearing in mind the whole media scene situation it is interesting to investigate to what
degree citizens are informed about this process. The main hypothesis of this paper is
that the media report supericially about the process of European integrations and do not
improve citizens’ level of knowledge or the level to which they are being informed. The
research includes the following media: the state newspaper Pobjeda and the newspaper
of the opposition Dan, as well as the opposition Monitor weekly. The sample consists of
four radio stations: Radio Crne Gore, Antena M, Radio Bijelo Polje and Radio Herceg
Novi, as well as four television stations: TV CG, Atlas TV, Prva TV and TV Pljevlja. As
for internet portals, we analysed the opposition Vijesti and the internet portal Analitika
which is known for its political inclination towards the authorities.
7. 2. The print media reporting on European integrations
The corpus of the research consists of the oldest daily Pobjeda, the opposition daily
Dan and the Monitor weekly. Based on random sampling it was established that the
highest number of texts were published by the daily Dan (25), followed by Pobjeda (19)
and Monitor (3).
The research was carried out in October during the election campaign, so it is
understandable that in this period the media engaged in the topic of parliamentary
94
elections more than European integrations. For this reason in more than 79% of the cases,
European integrations were not the braking news and only on 10 front pages did we ind
information about this topic. This information was present in equal proportion on the
front pages of both state and opposition media. Thus, both Pobjeda and Dan dedicated
ive front pages to European integrations.34 The front pages of the daily Pobjeda were
dedicated to the positive progress of Montenegro on the course of European integrations:
“Keep the momentum of reforms going” (10.10.2012) “Montenegro is the only success
story in the region”, while front pages of Dan depict a somewhat negative perspective:
“Four investigations on black-marketing in Montenegro” (4.10.2012), “Brussels against
Milo’s return” (12.10.2012), etc.
If we analyse the size of texts, it can be noted that middle (18) and large texts (17)
prevailed in the print media. In the opposition daily Dan mostly middle-sized texts (10)
could be found, while in Pobjeda there were mostly large texts(8). There was the same
situation in Monitor in which we found two large texts, whereas the largest number of
short texts was found in Dan (8). Based on this information we can draw a conclusion
that Dan reported more supericially than the rest of the media on the topic of European
integrations.
In all three media, the informative type of headings dominated, but one sensationalistic
heading was found in Dan: “The maia is money laundering through institutions”
(28.10.2012).
In reporting about European integrations the most frequently used genres were those
providing information, that is, reports and news. The highest number of news items,
reports and articles were written for Dan. In the period encompassed by the research this
newspaper published 10 news items, 8 reports and 5 articles. Pobjeda and Dan had the
same number of reports (8), while Pobjeda had 2 interviews as well. This record shows
that print media reporting on European integrations was mainly based on dull facts and
statements.
7. 2. 1. Negative information mostly found in Dan
The topic of Europeanization was in the main focus of 45% of information, in the side
focus of 36% of information and it was one of many topics in 19% of information. The
reporting topics were versatile. The most strikingly dominant was the topic of enlargement
and accession to the EU (45%), followed by the topics of crime and corruption (13%), and
inally economy (11%). Pobjeda had the highest number of news items that concerned
enlargement and the accession to the EU (10), while in Dan topics related to crime and
corruption (6) prevailed. In Pobjeda and Monitor none of the news items of this character
were found.
In reporting about EU integrations, Montenegro was mentioned as the place of location
in 62% of the information items, Brussels was mentioned in 34% and Strasbourg in 4%
of the cases. Montenegro was mentioned proportionally more in Pobjeda (63%) than in
Bearing in mind the quantity of published texts, Pobjeda had a proportionally higher number
of front pages dedicated to European integrations (26%) comparing to Dan (20%).
34
95
Dan (60%), whereas Brussels was mentioned more in Dan (36%) comparing to Pobjeda
(26%).
As it was expected, in Pobjeda we found state organs (4) and state institutions (3) in
the role of subjects. In Dan, the media were the prevailing subjects (9), i.e. the analyst
journalists, the European Commission (2) and experts (2). In Monitor all three categories
were equally proportioned. Journalists of Dan, Pobjeda and Monitor were frequently
found acting as subjects as well as political leaders Srđan Milić (SNP), Miodrag Lekić
(the Democratic Front political party), the Prime Minister Igor Lukšić, etc. The state
organs were objects in 30% of the cases. In Dan, Montenegro state organs were objects in
8 news items, while the organs of other western Balkan countries and the EU state organs
were equally proportioned (2). In Pobjeda only state organs (4), EU organs (3), European
funds (3) and the European Commission (2) dominated as objects.
In 89% of the cases the texts were signed by journalists or they contained the initials of
text author. A greater number of information items where the author was indicated were
found in Dan (24) and Pobjeda (16). It is commendable that the media were attentive to
signing the information because this is the only way to earn readers’ trust.
The value attached to the topic by journalists was balanced in 66% of news items
and neutral in 28%. Only in a small number of texts the value was positive or negative.
Dan (16) was slightly ahead of Pobjeda (12) when it came to the number of balanced
information items. In Monitor all three items were balanced. Pobjeda had two news items
with positive value attached to the topic by journalists, while Dan had one with negative
value attached.
7. 3. Radio stations about European integrations
During the seven analysed days in October 2012, four stations in Montenegro aired
the total of 35 news items.
Central radio news programmes were recorded in the period of 1st to 27th October
2012, on 1st, 3rd, 9th, 11th, 19th, 21st and 27th October 2012, to be precise.
The radio sample comprised the following radio stations: Radio Crne Gore, Radio
Antena M, Radio Bijelo Polje and Radio Herceg Novi. Out of the following radio stations
one is public broadcasting service with national coverage (Radio Crne Gore), one is a
commercial broadcaster with national coverage (Radio Antena M) and two are local
broadcaster radio stations (Radio Bijelo Polje and Radio Herceg Novi).
According to the number of recorded central news programmes on each radio station,
the following number of programmes was recorded:
Radio Crne Gore – 7 programmes;
Radio Antena M – 7 programmes;
Radio Bijelo Polje – 5 programmes;
Radio Herceg Novi – 7 programmes.
96
Based on the number of recorded central news broadcasts, we conclude that an
overview of the whole state was given, since the research covered the north and south
parts of the country as well as the central part.
During the seven analysed days the highest number of broadcasts about Europeanization
was aired by the following radio stations: Radio Crne Gore and Radio Antena M (12
each), while Radio Herceg Novi (4) had the smallest number of broadcasts.
The shortest programme was aired by Radio Bijelo Polje and lasted 6 minutes and 4
seconds, while the longest was broadcast on Radio Antena M and lasted 34 minutes and
46 seconds. As far as news items are concerned, Radio Herceg Novi had the shortest news
items – 15 seconds, while the longest was aired on Radio Bijelo Polje for 6 minutes and
40 seconds.
7. 3. 1. Enlargement and EU accession in the focus of reporting about the
EU integrations
There are numerous deinitions of Europeanization, but the most adequate for this paper
seems to be the one proposed by Hovel which states Europeanization to be “envisaged as
a process of implementing rules, regulations and institutional structure of the European
Union at a national level” (Hovel, 2003: 2).
Unlike Hovel, Turhan describes the western Balkans Europeanization in a more
picturesque manner: “Western Balkans is still not Europe and in order to ill the vacancy
in the continent, European intellectual interests should be more ambitious in the sense
of enlarging European border in order for it to contain all its natural parts” (Sel Turhan,
2010: 15).
One of the topics related to Europeanization most frequently reported about by radio
stations in Montenegro in the period observed was enlargement and accession to the EU
(46%). Almost a half of news aired referred precisely to this topic. All the other topics
together made 54% of broadcasts, and these being economy and trade (14%), judiciary,
human rights and citizenship (11%), Kosovo (11%), monetary affairs (9%) education,
science and youth (6%) and humanitarian aid (3%).
Reporting about Europeanization at this percentage was based on two events that
marked the period in which the programmes were recorded:
1. The drafting of the Progress Report for Montenegro in the process of European
integrations.
2. The research of the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (CEDEM), which
showed that the number of Montenegrin citizens supporting the EU accession
suffered a 10% decrease comparing to December 2010.
Apart from these two events, the adverse reactions they provoked in government
representatives, opposition parties and the EU representatives also contributed to the
increased number of broadcasts on Europeanization.
Location is also related to the topic of Europeanization. The greatest number of
news on the radio was aired from the country in which the programme was broadcast –
97
Montenegro (63%). The western Balkans countries were in second place, Brussels in the
third with 14% and EU member countries with 6% of broadcast media texts. As far as
location is concerned there was no reporting from Strasbourg, the USA, Kosovo, or any
other country.
The topic of Europeanization was in the main focus of more than a half of aired
broadcasts on the radio (66%), it was in the side focus of 20% and one of many topics
in 14% of the broadcasts. It is exactly the focus of reporting that it is connected with
the two mentioned most reported events and this result correlates with the result of the
Europeanization topic.
7. 3. 2. EU political bodies dominate as subjects in reporting
Political bodies of the EU stood out as subjects in 33% of the broadcasts about
Europeanization, followed by the state organs of Montenegro with 15% and state organs
of other western Balkan countries with the same percentage of broadcast texts. The state
organs of the EU, non-governmental organizations and citizens’ associations had 10%
of the broadcasts each. State institutions, political parties and experts as well as subjects
stated as “other” appeared at a rather low percentage (only 3%).
On the other hand, the stated objects, i.e. those discussed, were the political bodies of
the EU with 30%, followed by state organs (the government, ministries, the Parliament)
with 27% of the broadcast texts. State organs of western Balkan countries were ranked
third with 11%. State organs of the EU countries appeared as objects in 8% of the
broadcasts, while in 5% of the broadcasts political parties and the media acted as objects.
The value of the subject attached to Europeanization was neutral in no less than 82%
of the texts and positive in 18% of the aired texts. It is interesting that there was no
negative value of the subject attached to the accession, which is explained by the fact
that the subjects were EU political bodies in the majority of cases. The most frequently
identiied subjects were European Parliament members, representatives of the European
Commission, European states’ ambassadors, etc.
At the national level, the most common subjects were the Prime Minister of Montenegro,
the President of Montenegrin Parliament, political parties’ representatives, etc.
7. 3. 3. The role of journalists in reporting about Europeanization
When it comes to text authorship, it is interesting that there was an almost identical
percentage of news items where authorship was not indicated and those in which
journalists’ full names (or initials) are stated. The former was the case with 37% of the
published news and the latter occurred in 40% of the news items. Six per cent of the news
was taken from other media, while there was not one case of external or multiple authors.
A current event was mentioned as the occasion for reporting about Europeanization
in 66% of the news, while a pseudo-event occurred in 26% of the news. Media initiated
news made up 9% of the reported news.
98
Out of the mentioned events, those that stood out in the greatest number of programmes
were:
• the publication of the European Commission’s Progress Report draft for the
European integration of Montenegro,
• the research performed by CEDEM about the citizens’ trust decline concerning
the EU accession process,
• several European countries ambassadors’ denial of the claim that the Democratic
Front was the most highly esteemed political party by the West,
• the nomination of Igor Lukšić for a member of the European Academy of Sciences
and Arts.
If we combine the categories of occasion and location, we can conclude that the
greatest number of events (regardless whether these are current events, pseudo-events or
media initiated events) took place in Montenegro. The next in line were the countries of
the western Balkans, inally followed by Brussels and EU member countries. This result
can be explained by the fact that media corporations ind it most simple to send journalists
to report about the events which are dictated by daily socio-political events.
7. 3. 4. Factual genres are dominant in reporting
Factual genres were dominant in reporting; principally, reports, that made no less than
74%, and the news, that made 26% of the reported news items. A complete absence of
radio packages, interviews, feature stories, vox populi and other genres was noted.
This information occurred as headlines (or daily news review) in 40% of the news
reported. It concerned broadcasts referring to general topics present in everyday political
context.
The most characteristic examples of announcements were:
(1) “Austria advocates EU strengthening and its enlargement through the accession
of western Balkan countries. Montenegro will have further support of this country
on its European course, stated the Ambassador Martin Palmer” (CGRCG27_1).
(2) “The Ambassadors of Germany, the UK, France, Italy and Austria denied the
Democratic Front’s statement that this coalition was the only election candidate that
enjoyed clear and visible support by the international community. (CGRBP3_1).
(3) “Montenegro lacks effective verdicts, especially in the money laundering area.
Organized crime remains a reason for concern – it was stated in the European
Commission Progress Report, which will be oficially published on 10th October in
Brussels” (the statement of the Prime Minister Igor Lukšić follows) (CGRCG3_1).
(4) The Director of the Directorate for Anti-Corruption Initiative Vesna Ratković
holds that the European Commission Progress Report relects the real state of
affairs (the statement by Vesna Ratković’s follows) (CGRAM11_1).
(5) “Although the CEDEM research showed a 10% decline in citizens’ trust in the
EU accession, the member of the European Parliament Jelko Kacin says that the
99
EU would be more satisied if the trust in member countries was at the level at
which it is in Montenegro now” (CGRBP3_2)
(6) “The Prime Minister Igor Lukšić nominated as an honorary member of the
European Academy of Sciences and Arts” (CGRCG9_1).
As it can be seen from the announcement, the broadcast information was mainly in the
agenda of political or other European Union bodies, or Montenegrin authorities, whereas
the media acted only as a channel through which this information would be transmitted
to as many people as possible.
Since this was mainly short information belonging to factual genre, it was logical
that in 71% of the news items there was a balanced value attached to the topic of
Europeanization by journalists. This value was neutral in 23% of the news items, while
3% had either positive or negative value.
Negative value attached to the topic of Europeanization by journalists was noted only
in one news item, which referred to the draft of the EU Commission’s Progress Report on
the EU integrations for Montenegro (CGRAM3_2).
Positive value attached to the topic was registered in only one news item and this was
a report from the reception in Austrian Embassy on the occasion of a national holiday,
when the Ambassador of Austria in Montenegro spoke of Austria’s advocating the EU
enlargement towards the western Balkans.
7. 4. Television on European integrations
During the seven analysed days in October 2012, there were a total of 30 broadcasts
on 4 television stations in Montenegro.
Central news television programmes (as well as radio programmes) were recorded in
the period from 1st to 27th October 2012, i.e. 1st, 3rd, 9th, 11th, 19th, 21st and 27th October
2012.
The television sample refers to Televizija Crne Gore, Televizija Atlas, Televizija Prva
and Televizija Pljevlja. Out of these, one television station is a broadcaster with national
coverage (Televizija Crne Gore), two are commercial television stations with national
coverage (Televizija Atlas and Televizija Prva), while Televizija Pljevlja is a local public
broadcaster. For each of these stations 7 central news programmes were recorded.
In the observed period the highest number of news items about Europeanization was
on the commercial Televizija Prva (14), while the same number was aired on TV Atlas
and TV Crna Gora (8 each). Also, commercial broadcasters reported more about the topic
of Europeanization than public broadcasters.
The local public broadcaster Televizija Pljevlja had no news on the topic of
Europeanization, which is an indicator of either insuficient involvement of editors/
journalists in current topics or the lack of interest for the topics that are not directly
affecting local population. One of the reasons why there were no news on Europeanization
on Televizija Pljevlja is the fact that this media is focused entirely on local events.
100
As far as the length of broadcasts was concerned, the shortest was a programme on
Televizija Prva – 21 minutes and 16 seconds, while the longest was a programme on
Televizija Crne Gore – 36 minutes and 22 seconds. When it came to the length of the
news items, Televizija Prva had the shortest news – 24 seconds, but the longest as well – 9
minutes and 31 seconds.
7. 4. 1. Enlargement and accession the main topic of television stations as
well
Television stations reported mainly about enlargement and accession to the EU
(37%) and economy (27%). As the observed period was the period before parliamentary
elections, this topic was found in 10% of the broadcasts. This was also the percentage in
which the topics of judiciary, human rights and freedoms were found in the programme.
Education, science and youth as well as the social politics and inclusion were found in
3% of the news items.
Most news was from the broadcasting country – Montenegro (67%). The same number
of news items was from Brussels and EU member countries (13% each), while 3% were
from both Strasbourg and the USA. It is interesting that there were no news items from
western Balkan countries, Kosovo or other countries.
Europeanization, the EU and Europe were in the main focus of no less than 70% of the
broadcasts, which made two thirds of the total number of news items. This topic was in
the side focus of 23%, while it was one of many topics in 7% of the news.
The main focus of research that was directed precisely at the topic of Europeanization
can be explained by the fact that in the analysed period the events related to the integration
of Montenegro were dominant.
Europeanization was discussed by the state organs of Montenegro (the government,
ministries, the parliament) in 25% of the broadcast texts. In the second place were
political bodies of the EU with 19% of texts. Third were political parties with 13%,
followed by state organs of EU countries, experts and others with 9% of the broadcasts.
Finally, workers and unions, non-governmental organizations, citizens’ associations and
the media talked about Europeanization in equal percentage of 3% of the broadcasts.
On the other hand, political bodies of the EU appeared as objects in 43% of the news
(thus in almost half of the total number). They were followed by Montenegrin state organs
in 17% of the broadcasts. In no less than 13% of the analysed material others were stated
as objects, while state organs of the EU countries and the media acted as objects in 10%
of the broadcasts. The least mentioned as objects were political parties and companies,
irms and entrepreneurs with 3% of broadcasts each.
The value of the subject attached to the EU integration was positive in 59% of the
cases, negative in only 4% and neutral in 37% of the broadcasts.
Positive value attached to the EU integration can be explained by the fact that in most
of the broadcasts representatives of the Montenegro Government acted as subjects – the
Prime Minister Igor Lukšić, the Chair of the Montenegro Parliament Ranko Krivokapić,
101
the Foreign Affairs Minister Nebojša Kaluđerović, the Finance Minister Milorad Katnić
and others. Opposition representatives appeared as subjects as well – the leader of the
Democratic Front party Miodrag Lekić, the member of the Democratic Front presidency
and the Movement for Changes Nebojša Medojević, the vice president of the Socialist
Party of Montenegro Vasilije Lalošević and others.
EU oficials have a positive attitude towards the EU accession in somewhat lower
percentage, while the most media prominent among them is the Chief of the Delegation
of the EU in Montenegro Mitja Drobnič.
On the other hand, the citizens’ support to European integrations declined in 2012
compared to the previous years’ research. For example, the research of the Centre
for Democracy and Human Rights showed that the citizens’ support of Montenegro’s
accession to the EU was 10% lower in September 2012 compared to October 2010 when
70% of the Montenegro population supported the EU integrations. (http://www.cedem.
me/sr/programi/istraivanja-javnog-mnjenja/politiko-javno-mnjenje/viewdownload/36politiko-javno-mnjenje/346-politiko-javno-mnjenje-septembar-2012.html).
7. 4. 2 The role of journalists in reporting about Europeanization
In no less than 60% of the texts broadcasted on television, the authorship was not
indicated, which speaks in favour of unprofessional work conduct and lack of respect for
basic standards of journalism. Journalists were stated as authors using their full name in
only 37% of the news items, while in 3% of the news items the authorship was related to
agencies.
The data that no fewer than eighteen (from the total of 30) news items had no stated
authorship shows a lack of editorial responsibility (consequently journalistic responsibility
as well) in everyday work conduct. The authorship, regardless of whether the author’s full
name was stated or just the initials, should be journalist routine, i.e. a sign of recognizing
journalists that were recruited in certain media organizations.
The news items that do not have stated authorship bring the media in an unenviable
situation where they could be suspected of taking the news from other sources (without
stating so).
No news was registered to be taken obtained from other media, neither there were any
external authors or multiple authorship.
7. 4. 3. Europeanization as the central topic of commercial media
The media reported about current events in no less than 87% of the news items. In
10% of the news items they reported about pseudo-events, while only in 3% of the news
items media initiative was registered.
If we look at the numbers, in no fewer than 26 news items (from the total of 30) the
occasion for reporting was a current event, while pseudo-events were reported in 3 news
items. Only one news item was a result of a media initiative.
102
Connecting the categories of location and occasion, we come to conclusion that the
one and only media initiative was from Montenegro, while two (from the total of three)
pseudo-events were from Montenegro and one in Brussels.
The current events took place mostly in Montenegro (17), four happened in the EU
member states, three in Brussels and one in Strasbourg and the USA each.
Since the greatest number of events (current, pseudo-events and media initiated) took
place in Montenegro, 20 to be precise, we can conclude that the easiest way for editors/
journalists to deal with the topic of Europeanization and European integrations is solely
at the national level.
By the very fact that the media most frequently reported about current events and that
these events were usually almost identical in all the central news broadcasts, it can be
concluded that this is a consequence of editorial/journalist lack of creativity in inding
topics that could be reported about.
In television broadcasts factual genres dominated; primarily the news accompanied
by live images (37%), followed by statements (23%) and reports (10%). In 13% of the
broadcasts there were recorded interviews, while TV packages were present in only 7%
of the broadcasts. Features were identiied in only 3% of the cases.
There was not one report by telephone, vox populi, live reporting, feature story, or
hybrid genre.
Out of all stated factual genres only interviews can be treated as a genre for the
realization of which a thorough preparation of journalists is necessary. From the total of
thirty television broadcasts on the topic of Europeanization, only four were interviews.
Out of those four interviews, one was aired on Televizija Crne Gore, while the remaining
three were broadcast on Televizija Prva. Therefore, Televizija Atlas did not broadcast a
single interview in central news programmes in the period observed.
The interview of the Chief of the EU Delegation in Montenegro Mitja Drobnič for
Televizija Crne Gore (19.10.2012) apart from other things dealt with the role of the
public broadcasting service in the process of European integrations. Interviews aired on
Televizija Prva (3.10.2012, 9.10.2012, 11.10.2012) were thematic interviews, all three
were directly related to the parliamentary elections in Montenegro and therefore implicitly
to the process of European integrations.
Since Televizija Crne Gore is a national public broadcaster, whereas Televizija Prva
is a national commercial broadcaster, we can conclude that this important subject was
primarily dealt with by journalists of commercial media and less by public broadcasters
whose role should be to deal with all socially important issues.
A complete lack of other genres (especially the analytic ones) shows that the topic of
Europeanization is reported on in short forms that do not demand too much preparation
time and inal broadcast in central new programmes. This is lacking at two levels:
1. editors do not force analytical forms,
2. journalists do not show suficient level of involvement, commitment and
perseverance in their work.
103
Both editors and journalists, according to these indicators, satisfy themselves by
delivering the most basic form of information without any deeper, serious analysis.
The value attached to the topic by the author was balanced in 63% of the broadcasts.
Neutral value was noted in 30% of the broadcasts, while positive value was found in 7%
of the broadcasts. Negative value was noted in none of the broadcasts.
If we look at the igures behind the percentages, the value attached to the topic was
balanced in 19 broadcasted texts. Out of these, two broadcasts were aired on Televizija
Crne Gore (news accompanied by live images), three on Televizija Atlas (news
accompanied with live images) and not fewer than 14 on Televizija Prva (four statements,
three interviews, two reports, two TV packages, one feature and two broadcasts identiied
as “other”).
Since the mentioned interviews aired on Televizija Prva were classical interviews
(question – answer) and other genres (on Televizija Prva and other television stations)
were factual, consequently there is a balance in reporting in such a great number of
broadcasts.
If we look at the number of broadcasts, in two broadcasts there was a positive value
attached to the topic by journalists.
Furthermore, in nine of them the value attached to the topic by journalists was neutral.
7. 5. Internet portals about European integrations
The two most visited and popular internet portals in Montenegro are Vijesti and
Analitika. Vijesti portal is in fact a copied edition of the printed issue of daily Vijesti.
Analitika, beside its own news, often takes information from other portals. Based on a
random sample it was established that in October Vijesti published 21 news items about
European integrations, whereas Analitika published 27.
Chiely large (50%) and middle-sized texts (42%) dominated on portals. On Vijesti
there were 13 large texts, while Analitika had 11. Short forms could be found only in 8%
of the information.
7. 5. 1. Portals use analytical approach when reporting about European
integrations
Regarding the headlines on internet portals we can conclude that they were mostly
informative in character (58%), while 23% of the headlines were sensationalistic. Analitika
had 17 informative and 5 sensationalistic headlines, while Vijesti had 11 informative and
6 sensationalistic headlines. Bearing in mind the number of published information items,
it is clear that Vijesti were ahead of Analitika in the number of sensationalistic headlines:
“Crime activities in both public and private sector” (11.10.2012), “Brussels fears for
Montenegrin economy” (3.10.2012).
104
The genres were versatile. Longer forms prevailed on internet portals. Reports were
present in 58% of the information items, followed by the news (21%), while articles
were in third place (13%). Analitika lead in the number of reports (19), whereas Vijesti
had the greatest number of articles. Beside this, Analitika published two interviews and
Vijesti published one column. As it was stated earlier, in Vijesti there was often a more
sensationalistic approach to this topic, but at the same time they employed analytic forms
as well. In this way, Vijesti tried to bring closer and explain in more detail the process of
European integrations, which was not the case with the rest of the media.
In 85% of the information items, internet portals dealt with current events. Pseudoevents were found in 4% of the information, mostly on Vijesti portal, while media
initiative was found in 10% of the information.
A greater number of information items were related to the country in which the portal
was started – Montenegro (44%), 19% was related to the EU member countries as well
as Brussels. The rest of the countries of the western Balkans were found in 17% of the
information. Analitika reported more about Montenegro, while Vijesti reported more on
the information coming from Brussels that concern the country.
7. 5. 2 Enlargement and EU accession as the main topic of internet portals
The topic of Europeanization was in the main focus of all media. However, the main
focus was more present in broadcast media than in the press. On internet portals this topic
was in the main focus in 67% of the cases and in the side focus in 17% of the information.
In Analitika, the topic of Europeanization was in the main focus in 22 information items,
while in Vijesti it was found in 10 news items.
Like in other media, one of the central topics of internet portals was enlargement and
the accession to the EU (58%), economy and monetary affairs were equally present (6%)
as topics, while foreign affairs and security, agriculture, Kosovo as well as the topics
concerning education, science and culture were present in a small percentage (2%).
Political parties (20%) and the European Commission (12%) dominated in the subject
roles. The state organs of Montenegro and other western Balkan countries were equally
present (10%). In 8% of the information public igures had subject roles. Representatives
of political parties Srđan Milić (SNP), Nebojša Medojević (the Democratic Front), Darko
Pajović (the Positive Montenegro), as well as the Prime Minister Igor Lukšić could be
found in this role. Out of the western Balkan countries, subjects were the President of
Serbia Tomislav Nikolić and the Prime Minister Ivica Dačić. The process of European
integrations was usually assessed by the Prime Minister Igor Lukšić as well as some other
government oficials, like the Foreign Affairs Minister.
When reporting about European integrations, Montenegrin state organs were not only
subjects but objects as well. As the object, the Government of Montenegro was present
in 25% of the information, the EU in 17%, while the European Commission could be
found in 13% of the information. The media were also found in the role of the object,
in the cases when state oficials assess media reporting about the process of European
integrations or the degree of media freedoms in Montenegro.
105
The value attached to the subjects towards the EU accession was neutral in 54% of
the cases, positive in 31%, while it was deemed negative in 15% of the information.
The value attached to the subject was mainly positive on Analitika (13), and neutral on
Vijesti (15). Negative value of the subject was present more on Vijesti (19%) compared
to Analitika (11%).
Most of the texts on internet portals were not signed. In no less than 46% of the
information the author was not indicated, while 23% of the texts contained multiple
authorship, 10% of the information was obtained from agencies and 6% from other media.
The greatest number of non-signed texts was found on Analitika (22), while Vijesti had
the greatest number of texts by multiple authors (11).
The value attached to the topic was mainly balanced (58%). Positive value was noticed
in 25% of the information, while negative and neutral value was found in 8% of the
information. On Analitika, the reporting was balanced in 15 news items, while on Vijesti
that was the case in 13 news items. The positive attitude of journalists was obvious in eight
information items on Analitika and four on Vijesti. More negative attitude of journalists
was more prominent on Vijesti (9%) than on Analitika (7%). Based on the number of
headlines and more negative attitude of journalists it is clear that Vijesti reported on
European integrations in a more sensationalist manner than Analitika internet portal.
7. 6. Conclusion
Based on the analysis of the print and broadcast media as well as internet portals, we
can draw several conclusions. European integrations were a current topic even during
the electoral campaign. All media gave considerable attention to this topic. Print and
broadcast media had the same number of texts on the average, 47 and 48 respectively,
while broadcast media had 7 broadcasts on the topic of European integrations on the
average. However, the quantity of the information items does not mean that citizens were
well informed about the process of European integrations. The smallest number of news
devoted to this process was aired by local media. Thus, Radio Herceg Novi aired only 4
broadcasts, Radio Bijelo Polje had 7, while TV Pljevlja aired no broadcasts on this topic
in the period encompassed by the research. This brings us to the conclusion that the local
media give little attention to the process of European integrations.
The common characteristic of all media is the domination of informative genres, i.e.
the news and report, which testiies to supericial media reporting based on statements
and chosen facts depending on editorial policies.
Relevance, as the main element of news value, was present in all media. Therewith, in
print media we did not ind any pseudo-events as opposed to internet portals and broadcast
media. To be more precise, on Vijesti portal there were two pseudo-events, while on the
radio 20% of the news items were pseudo-events.
In print media, as opposed to internet portals, there were also fewer information items
with sensationalistic headlines. As for the topic of reporting, enlargement and accession
to the EU were in the main focus of all media. It is interesting that the press (especially
the daily Dan) gave more attention to crimes and corruption, while other media did not
106
deal with this topic. Apart from the mentioned topic, broadcast media gave little attention
to these topics as well.
While reporting about European integrations, political bodies of the EU and state
organs were found in the roles of subject and object in the greatest number of cases.
All the texts on internet portals were accompanied by visual presentation, as opposed
to print media, but this is explained by the difference in the nature of the media. A greater
number of unsigned texts were found on internet portals, while in the press this category
was rarely seen. Unsigned texts also dominated in broadcast media, which is a relection
of unprofessionalism. Bearing in mind that citizens trust more the texts or broadcasts in
which author is indicated, we can conclude that the print media act more professionally.
The value attached to the topic by journalists was usually balanced in all the media.
Online and TV reporters had more positive value while reporting on the topic.
Citizens were very interested in the topic of European integrations. This conclusion
was drawn based on the fact that citizens were very active in commenting the texts –
the total of 409 comments was published. The greatest number of comments was found
on the Vijesti portal (239), which conirms that this is the most popular internet portal
in Montenegro, while somewhat lower number of comments was found on Analitika
(170). Within this research we analysed exclusively comments (272) related to the topic.
However, in these cases, the comments were used for online users’ arguments and skirmish
on the basis of politics or nationality. When commenting online, users used metaphorical
pseudonyms and in 83% of the cases there was the impression that they did not have a
deinite standing on European integrations.
Based on the performed analysis and stated facts we come to the conclusion that
citizens are being “bombed” by information, but not informed in a quality way about EU
integrations or Montenegro’s progress on this course, although this topic is given a lot of
space. The reporting by all media is entirely based on oficials and politicians’ statements.
Analytical genres are lacking as well as experts’ opinions on this process and somewhat
deeper reporting that would explain what Montenegro would gain by accessing the EU
and what this process of European integrations is relected in.
References
Aleksić, M. (2011). Standardni Eurobarometar 76 - Javno mnjenje u Evropskoj uniji Nacionalni izvještaj: Crna Gora. Retrieved from: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/
archives/eb/eb76/eb76_me_me_nat.pdf (Accessed: 21 Mar 2013).
CEDEM (2012). Političko javno mnjenje Crne Gore. Podgorica. Retrieved from:
http://www.cedem.me/sr/programi/istraivanja-javnog-mnjenja/politiko-javnomnjenje/viewdownload/36-politiko-javno-mnjenje/346-politiko-javno-mnjenjeseptembar-2012.html (Accessed: 1 Mar 2013).
107
Howell, K. (2009). ‘Developing Conceptualizations of Europeanization and European
Integration: Mixing Methodologies.. ESRC Seminar Series / UACES Study Group
on the Europeanization of British Politics Shefield, United Kingdom, November 29.
Retrieved from: http://aei.pitt.edu/1720/1/Howell.pdf (Accessed: 25 Feb 2013).
Nacionalni program za integraciju Crne Gore u EU za period 2008-2012. Retrieved from:
http://www.skupstina.me/cms/site_data/PREDLOZI/NPI.pdf (Accessed: 22 Mar
2013).
Ruk, R. (2011). Evropski mediji u digitalnom dobu. Beograd: Clio.
Sel Turhan, F. (2010). The Europeanization of the Western Balkans: Is It Just A Dream?
Retrieved from: http://www.setadc.org/pdfs/SETA_Policy_Brief_No_54_Western_
Balkans_Fatma_Turhan.pdf (Accessed: 22 Feb 2013).
109
Dejan Donev
Jordan Dukov
Vlatko Chalovski
Veronika Kamchevska
Naum Trajanovski
8. Reporting on the Europeanization in the Republic of Macedonia
8. 1. Introduction
From the independence until today, one of the strategic goals of the Republic of
Macedonia, especially important for its sustainable development, is to become a memberstate of the Euro-Atlantic structures as the best alternative for the future of the country
and for the future of the Balkans. Therefore, as an imperative that leads to a better quality
of life, on the path to the realization of this objective, according to the research carried out
by the major public opinion research agencies35, the membership initiative has extensive
support by a larger percentage of the Macedonian population36. This is mostly due to the
media outlets that play an irreplaceable role, reporting and presenting events associated
with Europe, on how they inluence the country and vice versa.
But at the same time, the Macedonian media outlets in recent years are facing and are
still trying to overcome the profound professional and ethical crisis. This situation also
negatively inluences the role that the media play in reporting on Europe, promoting its
values and social construct, social, political, cultural ... reality, abusing their power and
position to promote events from Europe for current and daily political purposes or to
disguise or cover up certain domestic “big” events, aside from the focus of the watchful
eye of the public.
8. 2. The scope of the research
These are the main motives for initiating and conducting a research with the aim to
scan and analyse the current (dis)interest of the media and journalists in the Republic of
Macedonia in terms of reporting on Europe, in order to obtain a full and comprehensive
IRI, SEP, IDSCS as well as Eurobarometar. For more details, see the analysis by Gorast
Stojmenovski, “The support by the citizens to the process of accession of the Republic of
Macedonia in the European Union”, March 2010. http://www.idscs.org.mk/images/stories/upload/
scientiic/Analyses/Analiza_Poddrskata_na_graganite_na_ procesot_na_pristapuvanje_na_RM_
vo_EU.pdf. Accessed on: 02/08/2013.
36
This percentage is consistently high and ranges between 83% and 97% of the population.
35
110
image of these issues, as well as of the problems associated with the reporting on the
Europeanization. Hence, the analysis represents an attempt to portray the situation and
the conditions in which they create the news contents, as well as the inluence they have
on the general public, by evaluating the quality, the variety and the type of information
being broadcasted i.e. the news content published in the media outlets, related to Europe
and the process of Europeanization.
Due to the speciicity of the media scene in the Republic of Macedonia, in order to obtain
objectively based and impartial data, a selection has been made according to the media type
(print and broadcast), the media ownershio (public, private) and the character of the media
(focus on a speciic target audience). The analysis included the following media outlets:
• Newspapers – daily newspapers Dnevnik and Vest, and weekly magazine Kapital;
• Radio stations – Macedonian Radio 1, Channel 77;
• Television stations - MTV 1, Telma, Terra;
• Online news media - a1on.com.mk.
The analysis used quantitative and qualitative methods, sampling and coding of texts,
articles or broadcasting news associated with Europe and the European Union, released
in the month of October 2012. The sample was cyclical to cover all days of the week
and the following dates were randomly selected: Monday – 1st October, Wednesday – 3rd
October, Tuesday – 9th October, Thursday – 11th October, Friday – 19th October, Sunday –
21th October and Saturday – 27th October. The sample of print media consisted of editions
released a day later.
In reference to the print media, the whole issue i.e. all articles related to Europe and
the European Union were analysed, while in reference to the radio and television, it
included afternoon and evening news37 in prime time slots. For the online publications,
the research included journalistic texts and articles on Europe and the European Union
published on the website in the News section, from 00-24h and all comments on these
articles published until 00:00h. For the texts that were published after 20:00h, the
comments that were published until 12:00h the next day were included in the analysis. In
total, the same included 171 texts – 170 media texts, out of which: 32 TV texts, 86 articles
in the print media, 26 radio texts, 26 online articles and 1 comment.
As part of the analysis of the reporting on Europe, the method of discourse analysis38
was also used. It should be emphasized that the purpose of this analysis was not to evaluate,
label or condemn the editorial policy of the stated media outlets regarding the manner
of reporting on the events related to Europe and the European Union, but to stimulate
contemplation and debate among the journalistic community on the “function” that one
journalistic text may have in the broader social context, through its speciic language and
narrative structure, i.e. to contemplate and openly debate the subtle inluences that the
media texts may have in the Macedonian society.
Central news bulletins.
It represents a qualitative and interdisciplinary approach in the research of the media texts,
which emphasizes the function and the signiicance of the media texts in the speciic social and
political context, avoiding the imposition of culture on substance or style “sanctioning” in the
reporting.
37
38
111
8. 3. The topic and focus on the Europeanization
indicated
title
analysis,thethejournalistic
journalisticreporting
reportingon
onEurope
Europeand
and the
the
As As
indicated
byby
thethe
title
of of
thethe
analysis,
European
Union
is
a
general
topic,
with
the
focus
usually
associated
with
the
enlargement
of
European Union is a general topic, with the focus usually associated with the enlargement
the
European
Union.
In In
thisthis
context,
comment, 51
51 contain
contain
of the
European
Union.
context,outoutofof170
170 articles
articles and
and 11 comment,
information
on
this
topic.
information on this topic.
Considering
thethe
fact
that
Considering
fact
thatthetheRepublic
RepublicofofMacedonia
Macedoniaisisa acandidate
candidatecountry
country and
and isis
expecting
a
date
to
start
the
negotiations
with
the
European
Union,
the
information
expecting a date to start the negotiations with the European Union, the information related to
related to the integration of the country within the European family has great impact on
the integration of the country within the European family has great impact on the general
the general public. Namely, the expectations from the Progress Report, published by the
public. Namely, the expectations from the Progress Report, published by the European
European Commission for the Republic of Macedonia, along with its recommendations,
Commission for the Republic of Macedonia, along with its recommendations, raises
a great
raises a great deal of interest in the media outlets and among the citizens.
On 10th October
th
deal of interest in the media outlets and among the citizens. On 10 October 2012, the
2012, the Commission published the latest report and, prior and after this period, the
Commission
the actively
latest report
and, prior
after this period,
the Macedonian
media
Macedonianpublished
media was
reporting
andand
disseminating
information
related to
the
was
actively
reporting
and
disseminating
information
related
to
the
expectations
for
the
expectations for the country’s progress according to the assessment of the European
th
country's
progress
to the
of for
the European
On 9 October,
Commission.
Onaccording
9th October,
in assessment
an interview
the daily Commission.
newspaper Dnevnik,
which
inwas
an also
interview
for
the
daily
newspaper
Dnevnik,
which
was
also
broadcasted
by MTV,
the
broadcasted by MTV, the EU Enlargement Commissioner Štefan Füle
analyses
th
EU
Commissioner
analyses the while
state on
of 12
the October,
integration
the
the Enlargement
state of the integration
of the Republic of Macedonia,
the of
same
th
October,
newspaper
reports on the
Republic
of Macedonia,
while
on 12reaction
newspaper
reports on the
positive
of the same
Macedonian
opposition
the positive
Report
reaction
the Macedonian
opposition
the Report
by thewelcomed
European Commission
titled
by the of
European
Commission
titledon“The
opposition
the assessment
of"The
the
opposition
the assessment of the European Commission".
European welcomed
Commission”.
Figure1:
1:Europe
Europe and
and EU
Figure
EU as
as media
mediatopics
topics
As presented in Figure 1, foreign policy and security is an issue that arouses interest
in the Macedonian media outlets. In 19 articles, the media outlets have reported on the
diplomatic relations of the Republic of Macedonia with high representatives of the
European Union, as well as about the meetings with political igures from the countries
of the European Union. The monetary affairs of the European Union, due to the inancial
114
112
crisis and disagreements, is an issue that was addressed in 12 articles in the media39.
Economy and commerce, as the key elements for the development and progress of the
Republic of Macedonia, which strives through the European integration to improve the
standard and to unify legislation with the countries of the European Union, is a topic
that journalists have reported about in 25 articles. Only 1 text was devoted on the health
sector, while crime and corruption was a topic addressed in 7 articles, but only in the print
media, while judiciary issues as well as human rights and freedoms were addressed in 5
articles.
After the visa liberalization, for part of the countries from the Balkans, including
the Republic of Macedonia, the issue of abuse of the visa liberalization was raised. The
analysis included only one text accentuating this issue, although at the time of the research,
the abolition of the non-visa regime was a very hot topic. The fulilment of the political
criteria as an important prerequisite for the accession of the Republic of Macedonia in the
European Union also includes the development of the social affairs, policy and inclusion.
In the European Commission Progress Report, Republic of Macedonia has been noted to
have achieved progress, and this fact was reported by journalists in 7 articles. Education,
culture, science and youth were topics addressed by the media in only two articles, as
much as restitution.
In the comments, the columns and the reports, the lead of the text, although containing
information on the political and economic development of the state, which is based on the
views and opinions of the Macedonian politicians, experts and the business community,
in the elaboration of the text, is often associated with the joining of Macedonia in the
European Union, the application of the legislation and the progress of the country
according to the Copenhagen criteria.
An extensive number of articles which were analysed tend to inform on events that are
important for the member states of the European Union. The topic is most often economy
and monetary affairs, but opinions and views of politicians from member states of the
European Union on the progress and euro-integration of Macedonia were also included.
The latter means that the reports on the topic of Europeanization for the most part are
in the secondary focus and usually complement another topic from the European Union
or the implementation of the legislation. But the Europeanization is also mentioned
when the focus of the journalistic reporting is aimed at other issues, which actively links
information about the European Union, although at the side-lines of the text.
When the Europeanization is the focus of the reporting, the media tend to report
mainly about the high-level meetings of the Macedonian political leadership with the
EU representatives as well as about the messages sent by the institutions of the European
Union on the progress of the state and on the monetary and economic stability of the
countries in the European Union (Figure 2).
39
Only the Macedonian Radio and Channel 77 do not have articles on this topic.
113
Figure 2: Focus on the topic of Europe, European Union and Europeanization
Figure 2:
Focus on the topic of Europe, European Union and Europeanization
8. 4. Subjects and objects in the media texts
When
thethis
Europeanization
is the
of the
reporting, the
media
tend to
Having
in mind, it is more
thanfocus
clear that
the Macedonian
media
disseminate
a report
mainly sufi
about
high-level
meetings
the Macedonian
political
withisthe EU
cientthe
number
of comments
andof
opinions,
where the accent
in allleadership
analysed texts
placed
on
the
foreign
actors,
and
in
which
mainly
two
topics
dominate
i.e.
the
period
representatives as well as about the messages sent by the institutions of the European Union
before andofthe
thethe
Report
of the European
Commission
onof
thethe
progress
of in the
on the progress
theperiod
state after
and on
monetary
and economic
stability
countries
the Republic of Macedonia, but also on the topic of the “name issue”, with 20 articles or
European
Union
(Figure 2).fact is that the Macedonian media, during the time of the research,
12%.
An inescapable
actively reported on topics that were crucial to the European Union i.e. the resolution
of the Greek crisis and the frequent protests in Greece, the frequency of meetings of
European leaders for negotiating the austerity measures, on establishing a banking union,
and the use of EU funds.
In reference to the problems that the Republic of Macedonia has in the European
integration process, there are comments, but also and opinions by many foreign diplomats
(Table
For in
example,
opinion
comments
of the
enlargement
Having1).this
mind, the
it is
moreand
than
clear that
theCommissioner
Macedonian for
media
disseminate a
of the European Union, Stefan Füle, are disseminated or reported in almost all Macedonian
sufficient
number
of He
comments
and opinions,
where
thepolitical
accent situation
in all analysed
texts
is placed
media
outlets.
is often quoted
in reference
to the
before and
after
on the foreign
actors,
and in which
mainly
two for
topics
dominateofi.e.
the period
the European
Commission
Progress
Report
the Republic
Macedonia,
as before
well asand the
reference
to his meetings
with the Greek
Foreign Minister
Avramopoulos
in
period in
after
the Report
of the European
Commission
on theDimitris
progress
of the Republic
of
efforts to resolve the crisis in Greece. The UK Ambassador in Republic of Macedonia,
Christopher Yvon, with his opinions, analysis and commentary is also often present in
fact is that the Macedonian media, during the time of the research, actively reported on topics
almost all media. His statements and his position most often refer to highlighting the
that were
crucial to therelations
European
Union
i.e. of
theMacedonia.
resolutionThe
of Swedish
the Greek
crisis Carl
and Bildt,
the frequent
good-neighbour
of the
Republic
diplomat
proteststhe
in German
Greece,EU
theparliament
frequencyrepresentative
of meetingsBernd
of European
forU.S.
negotiating
the toausterity
Posselt, leaders
the former
Ambassador
Republic
of Macedonia
Philip Reeker,
President
Claude Mignon, are all
measures,
on establishing
a banking
union,the
andPACE
the use
of EUJean
funds.
part of the foreign protagonists who have provided their opinions on the Progress Report
or
the relations
between
Republic
of Macedonia
and the
neighbouring has
countries.
In on
reference
to the
problems
that
the Republic
of Macedonia
in the European
integration process, there are comments, but also and opinions by many foreign diplomats
(Table 1). For example, the opinion and comments of the Commissioner for enlargement of
the European Union, Stefan Füle, are disseminated or reported in almost all Macedonian
114
From the domestic political line-up, the President of the Republic of Macedonia
Gjorge Ivanov, the Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir Peshevski and the Foreign Affairs
Minister Nikola Poposki, are the ones whose statements are most frequently broadcasted,
with comments and opinions about the European integration of the country, the name
issue, the Progress Report by the European Commission, the issue of abolition of the visa
liberalization for the Western Balkans, as well as about the relations with the neighbouring
countries. The research also noted the presence of the EU Parliament Representatives
with their views on the Progress Report and the relationship between the Republic of
Macedonia and Greece in reference to the name issue.
International community
Political bodies of EU:
o EU in general
o European Commission
o European Council
o European Parliament
o European funds
o EU Delegation in our countries
State bodies (Government, Ministries, Parliament)
State bodies of the EU countries
State bodies of the Western Balkan countries
Province/Parish/Canton/Local self-government units
State institutions
Political parties
Companies, enterprises, entrepreneurs
Experts
Non-governmental organizations and citizens associations
Public igures
Citizens
Media (editor’s ofice, journalists)
Others
Table 1: Frequency of subjects in the media
6
51
11
25
4
6
4
1
29
30
4
3
4
3
10
11
2
6
4
1
4
4%
30%
7%
15%
2%
4%
2%
1%
17%
18%
2%
2%
2%
2%
6%
7%
1%
4%
2%
1%
2%
It is surprising to acknowledge the absence of statements by the domestic politicians
at the time of the Progress Report, on the name issue, the enlargement of the European
Union and especially on the issues of the abolition of visa liberalization for the Western
Balkans, including the Republic of Macedonia. The Prime Minister of Republic of
Macedonia, Nikola Gruevski has almost no statements on these issues, while the leader
of the biggest opposition party SDSM, Branko Crvenkovski does not have them at all.
Can this be contributed to the selective dissemination of information or is this a lack
of engagement on their part? A number of domestic experts have only a small stake in
the analyses and opinions, which means that the dominant factor in these topics are the
foreign politicians, the European Commission and foreign countries diplomats. British
EU Parliament representative Richard Howitt, who is also the EU Parliament Rapporteur
115
for the Republic of Macedonia, during the month of October, is also absent from the
reports by the Macedonian media.
Most often, the role of object is played by state bodies and institutions of the Republic
of Macedonia (Table 2). The active participation of all the above mentioned European
politicians and diplomats, given the political situation in the month of October, speak about
the overall progress, the progress report, relations of the country with its neighbours, the
use of European funds, Greece (because of the protests that took place in that country), the
political crisis, and the economic crisis are all an unavoidable object in the Macedonian
media reports. The media most often report on the meetings of the Commissioner for
Enlargement of the European Union, Stefan Füle, and the German Chancellor Angela
Merkel with the Prime Minister of Greece, Antonis Samaras, i.e. with the head of the
Greek diplomacy Dimitris Avramopoulos. At the same time, the Western Balkans – the
countries aspiring to become members of the European Union, the potential ban on the
visa regime, the eurozone and the overcoming of the economic crisis, expressed through
various meetings, are most often the objects referred to in the media reports.
International community
Political Bodies of EU:
o EU in general
o European Commission
o European Council
o European Parliament
o European funds
o EU Delegation in our countries
2
39
17
13
2
1
5
1
44
34
17
1
2
4
7
State bodies (Government, Ministries, Parliament)
State bodies of the EU countries
State bodies of the Western Balkan countries
Province/Parish/Canton/Local self-government unit
State institutions
Workers and unions
Companies, enterprises, entrepreneurs
Non-governmental organizations and citizens
1
associations
Public igures
2
Citizens
4
Media (editor’s ofice, journalists)
1
Others
12
Table 2: Frequency of objects in the media
1%
23%
10%
8%
1%
1%
3%
1%
26%
20%
10%
1%
1%
2%
4%
1%
1%
2%
1%
7%
The other media reports are of various kinds, with small presence, such as individual
cases of corruption in the foreign countries i.e. names of representatives of these countries,
the use of EU funds for reconstruction, and the European Union, in a general sense.
Although arguments and facts are an undisputable element to the value of the
still they are not always being disseminated in the public to provide a realistic
portrayal of a 8.
given
eventrelation
or occurrence.
Accordingly,
a the
journalist
at the same time can feel
5. Value
of the subject
towards
Europeanization
responsible towards the norm of impartial and neutral standard of reporting, as well as
Although
arguments
and factsthat
are clearly
an undisputable
element
to journalists
the value of
towards socially
engaged
journalism
defines the
role of
in the
a society.
information,
still
they
are
not
always
being
disseminated
in
the
public
to
provide
a
Hence, the media can very skilfully choose the way to publish information, thus contributing
realistic portrayal of a given event or occurrence. Accordingly, a journalist at the same
to the distortion of the real picture of an event.
116
information,
time can feel responsible towards the norm of impartial and neutral standard of reporting,
as well as towards socially engaged journalism that clearly deines the role of journalists
In accordance with that, the subjects in the journalistic reports can provide a positive,
in a society. Hence, the media can very skilfully choose the way to publish information,
negativethus
or contributing
a neutral position
or stanceoffor
certain
event,
to the distortion
theareal
picture
of ansituation
event. or process. In the analysis,
42 texts Inhave
subjects
have
a positive
attitude reports
or value
relation
towards the
accordance
withthat
that, the
subjects
in the journalistic
can provide
a positive,
Europeanization,
have position
a negative
attitude,
in the
remaining
articles, Inthethesubjects
negative or 13
a neutral
or stance
for aand
certain
event,
situation12
or process.
analysis,standpoint
42 texts have
subjects
post a neutral
(Figure
3). that have a positive attitude or value relation towards
the Europeanization, 13 have a negative attitude, and in the remaining 12 articles, the
subjects post a neutral standpoint (Figure 3).
3: The value relation of the subject towards the Europeanization
FigureFigure
3: The
value relation of the subject towards the Europeanization
At the same time, what is symptomatic is the fact that when multiple media outlets
are reporting on the same event, the subject in one media is an institution or a person,
while in the other media the same may be an object or it may not be involved at all in the
journalistic text. Namely, on 3rd October, the national television MTV and the local TV
station Tera-Bitola were reporting an event119
that had the same focus – “Reconstruction of
the infrastructure in the Pelagonia region with the assistance of the EU IPARD funds”,
where the national television as a subject in the text uses the Minister of Transport and
Communications, while the local television station Tera was reporting on the Minister
as an object. The subjects in this report were the Mayors of Prilep and Bitola given that
this TV station is broadcasted locally. In both reports, the subject does not have a value
relation towards the Europeanization.
8. 6. The role of journalists in the reporting on the Europeanization
Despite the fact that the Euro-Atlantic integrations were and are high on the agenda of
any past and present government establishment in the Republic of Macedonia, it is more
Despite the fact that the Euro-Atlantic integrations were and are high on the agenda of
117 than
any past and present government establishment in the Republic of Macedonia, it is more
evident than
that evident
there isthat
lack
ofisauthorship
of the of
information
(news)
thatthat
arearerelated
there
lack of authorship
the information
(news)
related to the
Europeanto Union,
because
there
is a very
number
of media
outletsoutlets
that have
their own
the European
Union,
because
theresmall
is a very
small number
of media
that have
their
own
permanent
correspondents,
above
all
from
Brussels
(Figure
4).
Not
having
permanent correspondents, above all from Brussels (Figure 4). Not having a correspondent or
correspondent
or avoiding due
to have
a correspondent due as
to cost-effectiveness,
as texts
well from
avoidinga to
have a correspondent
to cost-effectiveness,
well as copying of
as copying of texts from news agencies is an ever-growing occurrence, and this refers
news agencies is an ever-growing occurrence, and this refers to both radio and television news
to both radio and television news programs as well as to print media, and especially to
programsonline
as well
as to print
and refers
especially
to related
onlinetojournalism.
especially
journalism.
Thismedia,
especially
to texts
events and This
developments
in refers
to texts related
to eventsstates.
and developments in the EU member states.
the EU member
joint
Figure 4: Authorship of the texts
Figure
4: Authorship of the texts
The absence of a media initiative is quite evident in all analysed texts, and that very
small percentage is most emphasized in the print media with 26%, as well as in the
broadcast
media,
the television
stations,
with in
25%
5). In
this context,
The
absence
of aespecially
media initiative
is quite
evident
all(Figure
analysed
texts,
and that very
the media initiative is more dominant in the interviews of the weekly magazine Kapital
small percentage is most emphasized in the print media with 26%, as well as in the broadcast
and in the interviews of the national MTV. This is primarily because the biggest number
of the analysed news are the ones that are related to a certain current event dedicated to
Macedonia’s EU integration or to the developments in any of the EU countries. This can
120we have high 92% dedicated to the current
be best seen in the radio coverage, where
events, similarly with online media where the percentage is 88%.
This high percentage of reporting on current events shows the small interest of the
media to self-initiate and report on topics and issues of the European Union, placing
bigger attention to domestic issues and topics. Actually, the journalists in Republic of
Macedonia mostly report from press conferences of EU representatives in Macedonia or
from joint press conferences with the Macedonian subjects. This furthermore conirms
that the media initiative dedicated to topics on the European Union is weak, with the
exception of the period when the European Commission Progress Reports for the Republic
of Macedonia was published.
dedicated to topics on the European Union is weak, with the exception of the period when the
European Commission Progress Reports for the Republic of Macedonia was published.
118
Figure 5: Occasion for media reporting
Figure 5: Occasion for media reporting
In terms of genres, the Macedonian journalists most often wrote reports and news
about the European Union and the Europeanization. High 69% of the contents in terms
of the ms
analysed
radio stations,
including the
online portal
a1on.mk
reports.
It should
of genres,
the Macedonian
journalists
most
oftenare
wrote
reports
and news
be emphasized that the print media which most often published columns and articles by
about the European Union and the Europeanization. High 69% of the contents in terms of the
experts or people from the public and political life who wrote on the topic of European
analysedUnion,
radiohadstations,
includingto the
online
portal
a1on.mk
should
27%. In reference
the other
genres,
the print
mediaare
and reports.
television Itoutlets
emphasized
that the
printinterviews,
media which
often
published
columns
articles
by experts
conducted
several
whilemost
mixing
genres
was only
presentand
in the
television
news
with
3%
and
the
print
media
with
5%.
or people from the public and political life who wrote on the topic of European Union, had
Television
items
without
an image,
while
31% areseveral
27%. In reference
to newscasts
the other broadcasted
genres, the 3%
printnews
media
and
television
outlets
conducted
news illustrated with live news image. For 28% of the analysed television news items,
interviews,
while mixing genres was only present in the television news with 3% and the print
the journalists reported from the actual sites, while for 19% they only broadcasted related
media with
5%. The small number of interviews in the television news which is 9%, as well
statements.
as in the print media, once again conirms the lack of engagement by the Macedonian
Television
3% news
items
without
an image,
while 31% are
journalists tonewscasts
learn about,broadcasted
and thus to inform
the public
of any
additional
content dedicated
news illustrated
with live news image. For 28% of the analysed television news items, the
to Europeanization.
journalists Atreported
theMacedonian
actual sites,
while most
for 19%
they reported
only broadcasted
the samefrom
time, the
journalists
frequently
news coming related
fromThe
the small
oficialnumber
politicalofbodies
of the in
European
Union committed
to is
the9%,
European
statements.
interviews
the television
news which
as well as in
integration
process
of
the
country.
In
most
of
such
news,
the
journalistic
approach
is
the print media, once again confirms the lack of engagement by the Macedonian journalists
to
often informative and connected with current events, because at that time Macedonia was
learn about,
and thus to inform the public of any additional content dedicated to
expecting the European Commission Progress Report for the Republic of Macedonia’s
Europeanization.
EU integration (Figure 6). The balance in the reporting is also due to the large number
of news copied from agencies or disseminated from other media outlets. This is the
reason for the low percentage of positive i.e. negative attitude towards the topic. Lacking
correspondents on the scene of the event affects how a journalist will disseminate the
information and what will be the attitude 121
of the journalist towards the information. This
is quite evident from the articles in the daily newspaper Dnevnik, considering that the
newspaper has a permanent correspondent in Strasbourg, where this newspaper has a
permanent correspondent. In terms of local media, the journalists are reporting on topics
related to local level, most often about information related to the available EU funds and
the cross-border cooperation. The name issue, the Europeanization and the speciic events
related to the European Union, are considered not interesting to the local media.
journalists are reporting on topics related to local level, most often about information related
to the available EU funds and the cross-border cooperation. The name issue, the
Europeanization and the specific events related to the European Union, are considered not
interesting to the local media.
119
Figure
journalisttowards
towardsthe
thetopic
topic
Figure6:6:Value
Valuerelation
relation of
of the journalist
In any case, Macedonian public deserves a more serious and engaged approach by the
anyreporters
case, the Macedonian
public
more serious
engaged
by life,
journalists Inand
on the topic
thatdeserves
clearly aneeds
to be aand
part
of theapproach
everyday
the journalists
and reporters
on the topic sense,
that clearly
to beand
a part
of actions.
the everyday life,
not just
in a declarative
and voyeuristic
but needs
essential
with
not just in a declarative and voyeuristic sense, but essential and with actions.
8. 7. Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the European Union and all of its “manifesting forms” are in the focus
of the public attention in the Republic of Macedonia. One does not even need a discourse
analysis method to observe this phenomenon, but the same becomes rather obvious with
the application of a simple quantitative analysis. However, what this method shows is
122 institutional structures in the Republic of
the manner in which the overall political and
Macedonia gravitate around the concept or the term – European Union.
Actually, the European Union in the case of Republic of Macedonia is an imperative
reality, a presence, and any attempt to isolate the differences during the interpretation of
the Union in Republic of Macedonia can be illustrated by Foucault’s attempt to analyse
the waves, and not the sea. And the archaeology of knowledge (the sea) for a certain
phenomenon is always more crucial than the doxology (waves). Thus, conditionally
according to Foucault, the Republic of Macedonia is deeply affected with and by the
European Union and vice versa, the European Union is essentially present in the Republic
of Macedonia despite the fact that the Republic of Macedonia “does not have a sea”.
121
Smiljana Milinkov
Zlatomir Gajić
Ksenija Pavkov
9. The analysis of media reporting on Europeanization in Serbia
In the European Commission report on the progress of Serbia in the process of
accession to the EU, published on 22nd April 2013, it is stated that Serbia accepted to
accelerate the reforms in key areas, such as the rule of law, judicial reform, anti-corruption
policy, independence of key institutions, media freedom and anti-discrimination policy
(Evropska komisija, 2013). When it comes to media freedom it is stated that a progress
has been made by decriminalizing defamation; however, the facts that media reports
are insuficiently critically balanced and that self-censorship is still present remain. The
research “Profession at the crossroads – journalism at the doorstep of the information
society” also pointed out the critical situation in journalism indicating that the biggest
problems of media in Serbia are low-quality journalism, domination of sensationalism and
tabloid journalism, strong political pressure and the lack of media autonomy (Milivojević
et al., 2011).
Results of the research Europe, Here and There: Analysis of Europeanization discourse
in the Western Balkans media conirms the lack of analytical texts in the media in Serbia
since factual genres such as news and report appear most often; it also establishes that
representatives of authorities and politicians are most conspicuous in terms of the media.
It has been revealed that European integrations in Serbian media are treated as a political
issue whereas problems and opinions of citizens related to this topic occupy considerably
less media space. This manner of reporting – representing certain interest spheres and
not general progress in the society – affects to a large degree the state of losing media
freedom, followed by poor position of journalism in Serbia.
The media discourse sample is composed of broadcast and print media texts on
Europeanization which were published/broadcast in three newspapers, four radiostations, four television stations and two internet portals in October 2012. The idea of
selecting the corpus is based on the endeavour to explore the topic of the European Union
in the media on a representative sample which will cover various approaches and ways of
presenting socio-political situation in Serbia. This is why central informative programmes
of public broadcasting corporations were observed, Radio-televizija Srbije [Radiotelevision of Serbia] and Radio-televizija Vojvodine [Radio-television of Vojvodina],
along with the programmes of commercial media with national frequency Prva televizija
and Radio B92 as well as regional and local broadcast media Televizija 5 from Niš and
Radio Zrenjanin from Zrenjanin. The analysis of print media included traditional and
tabloid-oriented Večernje novosti, a serious current affairs and political daily newspaper
Danas and one of the two most respectful weeklies in the country - NIN. Among internet
portals two were chosen: blic.rs, the approach of which is in the spirit of tabloid reporting
122
that is also characteristic for this media’s print issue, as well as politika.rs which, as the
online publication of the oldest daily in the country, follows aspirations towards serious
journalism,
but research
its frequency
of readers
is more430
modest
compared
the tabloids.
The whole
corpus
comprises
thematic
textsto about
Europe and the
European Union. The highest number of texts on Europeanization was published on internet
portals,
altogether, out of which most on blic.rs portal (118), whereas politika.rs
9. 1. The scope of reporting
published 40 texts (Figure 1).
The whole research corpus comprises 430 thematic texts about Europe and the European
In print media
texts were published, 66 in Danas, 38 in Večernje novosti and 28 in
Union. The highest number of texts on Europeanization was published on internet portals,
the weekly
NIN. out of which most on blic.rs portal (118), whereas politika.rs published
158 altogether,
40 texts (Figure 1).
When it comes to television, the total of
news items on Europeanization was
In print media 132 texts were published, 66 in Danas, 38 in Večernje novosti and 28
broadcast. Not surprisingly, most coverage was given to this topic by public broadcasters
in the weekly NIN.
(33) and RTV (21), then Prva televizija
TV 5 broadcasted the fewest (6).
When it comes to television, the total of 73 news items on Europeanization was
broadcast. Not surprisingly, most coverage was given to this topic by public broadcasters
RTS (33) and RTV (21), then Prva televizija (13), whereas Niš’s TV 5 broadcasted the
fewest (6).
Number of texts
Internet (158)
The press (132)
Television (73)
Radio (67)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
Figure 1: The number of sampled texts by media
Figure 1: The number of sampled texts by media
On the analysed radio stations 67 news items were aired on the topic of Europe, most
of which on the regional public broadcaster Radio Novi Sad (26), fewer on Radio Beograd
(18), even fewer on the commercial national radio station Radio B92 (16), whereas local
125
Radio Zrenjanin aired only seven broadcasts.
123
9. 2. The topic of Europeanization
The topic of Europe, the European Union and Europeanization was in the main focus
in more than a third of the analysed texts (45%) which means that 192 of 430 text were
thematically dedicated to Europe, whereby in most cases they were about the enlargement
or the EU accession (115 texts). The mentioned data are illustrated by the news about the
visit of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine
Ashton and the American State Secretary Hilary Clinton to Serbia, who talked about European
integrations and Kosovo status with government representatives (blic.rs, 27.10.2012).
Other texts that placed Europe in the focus dealt with economy and monetary
policy, namely they had a inancial aspect, whereas on the other hand the topics such as
employment, human rights, social policy and culture were seldom brought in connection
with the process of Europeanization. If the EU was in the main focus of one of the social
topics, they mostly involved statistical data (1), while life stories failed to be mentioned.
(1) Luxembourg – The unemployment in the Eurozone has reached a new peak
of 18.2 million in August. The number of people without jobs has increased by
49,000, but the revised data for July show that the unemployment rate stayed stable
at the level of 11.4%, stated Eurostat. (SRVN2_6)
The research revealed that Europe, the European Union and Europeanization were set
as side topics in numerous texts (43% or 185 texts) (Figure 2). However, it is important to
mention that the main topic of the stated texts was Kosovo and resolving that issue is one
of the main prerequisites for Serbia to obtain the status of candidate for the EU accession.
One of
many
topics
.
In the
side focus
Other¹
Joining and accession
In the
main
focus
0
50
100
150
200
250
Number of texts
Figure 2:
2: The
The topic
Figure
topic of
of Europeanization
Europeanization
Europe and Europeanization were one of many topics the media dealt with in 12%
Europe(53
andtexts),
Europeanization
were onetopics
of many
topics
the media
with economy
in 12% of or
of the content
whereas primary
were
Kosovo,
wardealt
crimes,
the
content
(53
texts),
whereas
primary
topics
were
Kosovo,
war
crimes,
economy
or
agriculture (2).
agriculture (2).
(2) The basic objectives of the census are obtaining a comprehensive overview of structural characteristics
124
(2) The basic objectives of the census are obtaining a comprehensive overview of
structural characteristics of agriculture, compiling databases providing statistical
data required for the development of sustainable agricultural policy, forming
statistical register of agricultural households register and ensuring inancial support
to agricultural households through the use of EU pre-accession funds. (SRDA2_10)
9. 3. Location
Considering that the research focuses on the media reporting from Serbia about the
European Union, central events can be located in two cities – Belgrade as the capital
of Serbia and Brussels as the headquarters of most European institutions. Nevertheless,
if Serbia’s accession to the EU is perceived in a wider context, categories such as EU
member states, the United States of America, western Balkan countries, Kosovo and
Strasbourg emerge.
Having observed the overall results of the analysis, the media had the highest number
of thematic texts from Serbia (62%); in the second place were the ones from the European
Union (19%) and in the third from Brussels (11%).
If the results are compared by media type, it can be concluded that there are no essential
differences: the press (70%), the radio (67%), television (58%) and internet portals (54%)
included most thematic texts from Serbia. On the radio and television Brussels was in
the second place while in print media and on the internet the second place was taken by
European Union countries. The difference can be explained by the fact that in print media
there is more space for topics that are not important on a daily basis than in the case of
broadcast media. Thus, in print media more texts were published on the economic crises
in Greece and Spain, the awarding of the Nobel Prize for Peace to the European Union,
the European Central Bank and the question of introducing the euro as a currency in
Hungary, in other words, topics that are related to EU member countries.
If we make a parallel between the location and the topic of Europeanization, the results,
not surprisingly, demonstrate that the highest amount of texts/broadcasts dealing with the
enlargement and the EU accession came from Brussels, including a part of the texts about
the status of Kosovo published just before or after the meeting of Prime Ministers of
Kosovo and Serbia, Hashim Thaci and Ivica Dačić, and the High Representative of the
Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Catherine Ashton met in Brussels.
Although Kosovo as a topic appeared in 85 texts (20%), only six (1%) were located in
Kosovo, which suggests that journalist wrote about Kosovo from Belgrade and that most
interlocutors given the opportunity to speak on the topic were from Serbia.
125
9. 4. Subjects and objects of media texts
9. 4. 1. Subjects
Subjects are the people who receive the highest amount of attention by the media, i.e.
they are given the opportunity to talk about a certain topic. In broadcast media the voice
of a subject is heard whereas in print media their statements are cited.
The results of the research reveal that subjects who talked most (23%) about the
relations between Serbia and the European Union were representatives of state organs (the
President and the Prime Minister of Serbia, members of the Government and Parliament).
So, on radio stations representatives of authorities composed 26% of the total number
of subjects, 25% on television, internet portals 23% and 21% in the press. Based on the
frequency of appearance in the role of the subject, representatives of European Union’s
political bodies (the European Commission, Council, European Parliament and the EU
delegation in Serbia) emerged in the second place (18%). European oficials most often
had the opportunity to speak on the radio (31%) and television (20%), while in online
texts their statements were cited in 15% of the total number of the texts and 13% in the
press (Figure 3).
The occurence of subjects by media
Journalists-commentators 6%
Experts 9%
The press
Radio
EU members' state officials 11%
Television
Representatives of EU political
bodies 18%
Internet
Representatives of state organs 23%
1 11 21 31 41 51 61 71 81 91
Figure 3: The occurrence of most frequently present subjects by media, expressed in percentages
Figure 3: The occurrence of most frequently present subjects by media, expressed in
percentages
As opposed to other media, on the analysed radio stations European Union
representatives appeared in subject roles more often than state organs of Serbia. Radio
reporters and editors offered most opportunities to political representatives of the EU
to express
their opinion,
in 22
radio on
broadcasts
(31%) out
of the
67 analysed.
For the
As opposed
to other
media,
the analysed
radio
stations
European
Union
comparison’s
sake,
representatives
of
Serbian
authorities
found
themselves
in
subject
representatives appeared in subject roles more often than state organs of Serbia.
Radio
roles in 18 broadcasts aired during the period of research.
reporters and editors offered most opportunities to political representatives of the EU to
express their opinion, in 22 radio broadcasts (31%) out of the 67 analysed. For the
126
State oficials of European Union countries were also noticeable in subject roles
(television 11%, the press 9%, and the radio 7%), while on television and in newspapers
experts appeared in a more signiicant percentage (11%).
Journalists-commentators appeared in the role of the subject (6%), too, and in most
cases (16 texts) comments and columns were published in print media, like the text by
Danas journalist Ruža Ćirković on the Nobel Prize awarded to the European Union and
on the report of the EU on Serbia’s progress (3).
(3) The fact that the EU got the Nobel Prize for Peace is tragic. It’s a pity it didn’t get
the Nobel Prize for Economics as well. Now, that would be comical...(SRDA22_8)
Media gave noticeably less space to citizens, civil organizations, trade unions, workers,
entrepreneurs and members of socially handicapped groups, so they had the opportunity
to express their opinions in less than 7% of the analysed texts.
The results of the research according to which in the highest number of texts/
broadcasts representatives of state organs of Serbia and European political oficials
appeared demonstrate that, when it comes to the European Union, daily relevant and
so-called pseudo-events dictate the choice of interlocutors. They also suggest that the
process of Europeanization is seen as a political matter, whereas citizens and their life
problems are barely visible in the media. All other participators that spoke of the given
topic were insigniicant as well, or they were given very little attention.
9. 4. 2. Objects
The object is the one that is talked about in media texts. Unlike subject, the voice of an
object on the radio and television is not heard, while in the newspapers their statements
are not cited.
Although state organs dominated in subject roles, the research showed they were most
often found in object roles as well, i.e. the representatives of authorities were talked about
in 172 (37%) of 430 texts altogether.
By the frequency of appearance in the subject role, political representatives of the
European Union were in the second place, 111 texts (24%).
The research also demonstrated that there was rotation in certain texts, which means
that when EU representatives were found in the subject role, representatives of Serbian
state organs were in the object role and vice versa.
When it comes to citizens, they were given the opportunity to be in the subject role,
in other words, the opportunity for their opinion to be heard, in almost insigniicant
percentage (2%). Although it can be expected that citizens are talked about if they do not
have the opportunity to do this themselves, the research revealed that citizens appeared in
the object role in only 40 texts (9%). This way, a weekend edition of the newspaper Danas
published a report from the conference on labour legislations, the status of workers and
the unemployed, whereas the state secretary in the Ministry of Labour Zoran Martinović
talked about workers (Danas, 22.10.2012). In the example stated, it can be clearly seen
that, although the text was about the position of workers, they did not have an opportunity
127
to express their opinions; nevertheless, a representative of authorities did speak about
them.
9. 5. The value attached by the subject to Europeanization
A clear attitude of the subject towards Europe and the process of accession was
registered in a half (47%) of the analysed texts. In the majority of the texts (79%) in
which an attitude was expressed, a positive opinion of the subject about Europeanization
was noted.
A high level of positive attitude towards the process of EU accession can be explained
by the fact that most frequently the media assigned the role of the subject to representatives
of Serbian state organs (the President Tomislav Nikolić, the Prime Minister Ivica Dačić
(4), the Vice President of the Government Aleksandar Vučić), whereas the oficial state
policy advocated entering Serbia in the EU.
(4) “Our goal is that the date comes as soon as possible, though essentially, it is not
the most important thing if this happens a month or too earlier or later, but that we
have entered the process that leads to it.” (SRDA28_4)
A positive approach to Europeanization could also be seen in the texts in which
subjects were political representatives of the European Union, ambassadors of European
countries in Serbia (5), international and domestic experts.
(5) The enlargement is one of the most signiicant accomplishments of the European
Union and for Great Britain it remains one of the highest priorities, emphasizes
the British ambassador in Belgrade Michael Davenport for Danas in relation to
publishing Annual Progress Report of the European Commission on the advances
of Serbia in the process of integration. (SRDA12_4)
A negative attitude towards Europe was registered in 12% of the texts, like the example
of the interview with the playwright Siniša Kovačević (6), a member of Democratic Party
of Serbia (DSS) who openly opposes joining Serbia the EU.
(6) “I honestly believe that we don’t belong there, that the multinational and
multiconfessional freak, devised for the sole purpose of Germany’s well-being,
will collapse by itself. Just like similar creations collapsed, like Austro-Hungary,
the British Empire, the Soviet Union”. (SRVN28_1)
9. 6. The role of journalists in reporting on Europeanization
Journalist professionalism and dedication of the media to the topic were interpreted
through a prism of authorship of media texts and genre selection, as well as whether the
reason for a newspaper text was media initiative, current event or pseudo-event.
In most analysed texts (42%) the author of the news, report or other newspaper text
was clearly indicated (full name or initials). Nevertheless, the number of texts taken from
news agencies was not insigniicant either (27%), nor the ones in which the author was
not indicated (22%).
external author, like for example the theatre specialist Jovan Ćirilov who writes for the NIN
128
weekly.
When it comes to the press, 60% of the analysed texts were signed by a journalist
In more than a half (66%) of the analysed television broadcasts the full name and
whereas in 17% the authorship was not indicated. In 7% of the printed texts there was an
surname of the journalist was stated, whereas in radio broadcasts the situation was reverse: in
external author, like for example the theatre specialist Jovan Ćirilov who writes for the
most cases (57%) the author was unknown. These results can be explained by the type of the
NIN
weekly.
media, that is, by larger space in the press or on television for author‘s signature, as well as
In more than a half (66%) of the analysed television broadcasts the full name and
radio practice of stating the name and surname of journalist with more complex forms such as
surname of the journalist was stated, whereas in radio broadcasts the situation was reverse:
radio packages, whereas when airing news and reports authors remain unknown.
in most cases (57%) the author was unknown. These results can be explained by the type of
the media,
thatauthorship
is, by largerofspace
in the press
or on television
author’s
signature,
as well
If the
a broadcast
is compared
to genresforaired
on radio
stations,
we can
assee
radio
practice
of
stating
the
name
and
surname
of
journalist
with
more
complex
forms
that there were only 14 radio packages (21%), whereas the rest were the news (34%) and
such
as radio
packages,
whereas
when
airingonly
news
and
reports
authorswere
remain
unknown.
reports
(42%).
In the period
of the
research
two
radio
interviews
broadcast.
If the authorship of a broadcast is compared to genres aired on radio stations, we can
The research
revealed
thatpackages
in the analysed
television
more
in the
see that there
were only
14 radio
(21%),period
whereas
the restwas
were
the abundant
news (34%)
sense
of genres
than
sinceofthe
number
oftwo
factual
genres
and problem
articles were
and
reports
(42%).
In radio,
the period
thesame
research
only
radio
interviews
were broadcast.
registered.
A
positive
fact
is
that
only
5
news
items
without
images
were
broadcast
(7%),
The research revealed that in the analysed period television was more abundant in the
whileofindividually
most
frequent
were
thematic
packages,
25 and
overall,
i.e. 34%.
Five
sense
genres than the
radio,
since
the same
number
of factual
genres
problem
articles
interviews
were
aired
(7%),
but
statements,
hybrid
genres
and
reporting
from
the
place
of
were registered. A positive fact is that only 5 news items without images were broadcastthe
eventwhile
were recorded
as well
4).
(7%),
individually
the (Figure
most frequent
were thematic packages, 25 overall, i.e. 34%.
Five interviews were aired (7%), but statements, hybrid genres and reporting from the
opposed to television where genre diversity and the presence of thematic
place of As
the event
were recorded as well (Figure 4).
broadcasts were rather noticeable, the press was dominated by factual genres, reports (36%)
As opposed to television where genre diversity and the presence of thematic
and news (18%). Genre difference relative to broadcast media was composed of 22 comments
broadcasts were rather noticeable, the press was dominated by factual genres, reports
(17%), a larger number of interviews (16, i.e.12%), hybrid genres (12%) and only 4 articles.
(36%) and news (18%). Genre difference relative to broadcast media was composed of 22
Considering that a serious informative political newspaper and a weekly were analysed, the
comments
(17%), a larger number of interviews (16, i.e.12%), hybrid genres (12%) and
assumption
wasConsidering
that more analytical
textsinformative
were going political
to be published,
though
was not
only
4 articles.
that a serious
newspaper
and this
a weekly
confirmed
in practice
(Figure 4).
were
analysed,
the assumption
was that more analytical texts were going to be published,
though this was not conirmed in practice (Figure 4).
Figure 4: The frequency of genres in the media
132
129
How much media, i.e. journalists, pay attention to a certain topic is relected in the
occasion for reporting, that is, whether the media report from current events, pseudoevents such as press conferences, or it is a media initiative, meaning the media initiate
topics/stories they consider to be of public importance and which were unexplored till
that moment. In the analysed print media, more than a half of texts (55%) were about a
current event, 15% about a pseudo-event, while 30% were media initiatives.
The majority of television news dealt with current events (90%), such as for example
the European Commission report or the meeting of the Prime Ministers Dačić and Thaçi,
whereas 10% of the texts involved media.
Most radio news (76%) were also a result of monitoring current events, in 22% of the
cases a pseudo-event was involved, whereas only one programme was media initiative.
The majority of the analysed online texts (78%) involved reporting from a current
event while there was the same number of pseudo-events and media initiatives (11%).
9. 7. Value attached to the topic by journalist
When overall results are observed, in most of the analysed texts as well as television
and radio broadcasts, the value attached to the topic by journalist was neutral (47%). It
was positive in 23% of the cases and balanced in 20%, whereas the attitude was negative
in 10% of the texts.
An example of a positive attitude of journalist to the topic of European Union accession
was the news in which the only information reported was the statement of Vojvodina’s
Premier Bojan Pajtić about Vojvodina being praised in the European Commission
Progress Report for Serbia, whereas the so-called “other side” was omitted (Radio B92,
9.10.2012). Additionally, there was an example of a balanced relationship in a television
report in which reaction of position and opposition in Serbia were mentioned after the
meeting of Serbian Prime Minister Ivica Dačić and Kosovo’s Premier Hashim Thaçi in
Brussels (RTV, 19.10.2012).
The analysis of the results according to the type of the media indicated the existence
of differences in the attitudes of journalists to topics in print and broadcast media. In
newspapers, hence, out of 132 analysed texts (47%) the attitude of journalist towards
the topic was positive, whereas in 38 texts it was negative (29%). On the other hand, in
more than a half (59%) out of the total of 73 television broadcasts, the value attached was
balanced and it was neutral in 32% (23 broadcasts), while it was positive in 6 broadcasts
(8%). A more prominent positive journalist attitude towards the topic in the press can be
clariied by the presence of comments and columns (17%) which are characterised by a
clearly expressed opinion of the author. This analytic journalist genre is not characteristic
for television, so only one comment was noted, broadcast in the “Analysis of the week”
on the television Prva.
The value attached to the topic by journalist can be interpreted from the text subject as
well, since journalists and editors are the ones that decide who will get the media space
and how much of it. Just for the reference’s sake, in most of the texts (79%) in which the
attitude towards Europeanization is clearly expressed, it is a positive attitude. From the
130
fact that journalists choose their interlocutors and decide whose voice can be heard, we
can interpret a positive attitude of the journalist towards the topic.
The data that authority representatives (state organs of Serbia, the EU, European
countries, or western Balkan countries) appeared in more than a half (54%) of the texts/
broadcasts in the place of the subject suggested that journalists gave most space and
importance to the very politicians, while citizens’ opinions could be heard in barely 2%
of the analysed texts.
After perceiving the occasion for reporting as well as the fact that for the most
part (73%), we can conclude that reporting was carried out from current events where
main agents were authority representatives; it resulted that most media texts/broadcasts
relected European reality created by political elites, whereas signiicantly less space was
given to analytical texts and life problems of citizens.
9. 8. Conclusion
The research Media discourse about poverty and social exclusion that the Department
for media studies conducted in 2010 and 2011 as a part of Regional Research Promotion
Programme in the Western Balkans (RRPP) indicated the correlation between economic
and political elite on one side and reports on the other. It was also revealed that media
image of the poor in Serbia is “stereotypical, banalized and cold” (Draškovic, 2011:
61). The results of the scientiic research project Europe, Here and There: Analysis of
Europeanization discourse in the Western Balkans media also imply the correlation
politicians – media, whereas citizens are given minimal media attention at least when it
comes to the process of Europeanization.
The research has shown that media in Serbia devote signiicant attention to the
European Union and Europeanization, these topics being in the main focus of nearly half
of the analysed texts (45%). The enlargement of the European Union (Serbia’s accession),
negotiations with Kosovo and economy single out as subtopics. On the other hand, the
media deal with topics such as human rights, social politics, employment and culture.
Broadcast media report on Europe most often from Belgrade and Brussels, while in the
press and online texts, it is often reported from European Union member states, as well.
Media reporting about Europe is dominated by factual genres, news and reports, with
the exception of one television where thematic packages are most common. If we bear
in mind that, as certain theoreticians claim, the future of the print media is in analytical
journalism, we can say that the future of the daily papers in Serbia is questionable, as the
research demonstrates that what is published are mainly reports from the events that were
announced by broadcast media the previous day.
The analysis showed that the media most often convey statements of state oficials
while there are barely any everyday life stories. Therefore, it is not surprising that when
it comes to broadcast media most information about the EU could be heard on public
broadcasters (RTV and RTS, 98 in total), while the least was registered on local media
(Radio Zrenjanin only seven, Niš’s TV 5 six news items), which are in their nature focused
on local events.
131
When it comes to citizens, the opportunity for them to be in the subject role, that is
to say, for their opinion to be heard, is given in an almost negligible percentage (2%).
Although citizens are expected to be talked about if they do not have the opportunity to do
this themselves, the research shows that citizens rarely appear even in object roles (9%),
in other words they are not a topic the political elite discusses.
The basic conclusion is that media reporting about the European Union in Serbia is
dominated by the discourse of state oficials, whether they are representatives of Serbia
or Europe, and that the media made the process of Europeanization elite, separating it
from the daily life and problems of citizens. It can also be said that the educational role
of media is lacking completely.
References
Drašković, B. (2011). Televizijska slika siromaštva i socijalne inkluzije u Srbiji. In Valić
Nedeljković, D. (ed.), Media discourse of poverty and social exclusion. Novi Sad:
Filozofski fakultet.
Evropska komisija (2013, 22 Apr). Zajednički izveštaj Evropskom parlamentu i Savetu
o napretku Srbije u ostvarivanju potrebnog stepena usklađenosti sa kriterijumima za
članstvo, a naročito ključnog prioriteta preduzimanja koraka ka vidljivom i održivom
poboljšanju odnosa sa Kosovom*. Retrieved from: http://www.seio.gov.rs/upload/
documents/Izvestaji/2013/izvestaj_ek_april%202913.pdf (Accessed: 26 Apr 2013).
Milivojević, S. et al. (2011). Profesija na raskršću – novinarstvo na pragu informacionog
društva. Beograd: Centar za medije i medijska istraživanja Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerziteta u Beogradu. Retrieved from: http://www.fpn.bg.ac.rs/2011/06/24/
profesija-na-raskrscu-novinarstvo-na-pragu-informacionog-drustva (Accessed: 26
Apr 2013).
133
Brankica Drašković
Jelena Kleut
10. Discursive representation of Europeanization process actors
in print media
The starting point of this chapter is that Europeanization is not only a sequence of social,
mostly institutional activities such as meetings, law adoptions, changes in production
processes, etc. Of course, it is all that as well, but Europeanization is a discursive practice
used to describe, explain and promote these activities as desirable or reject them as
harmful. Europeanization as a discursive practice comprises relational representation and
the deinition of a social process, the acts the process consists of and its participants.
Delanty claims that the discourse of Europe is “ambivalent in that it is not always
about unity and inclusion, but also about exclusion and the construction of difference
based on norms of exclusion” (Delanty, 1995: 1). New Europeanism, just like the old
(see for example Jezernik, 2007), functions as a discourse construct by means of which
“imaginary communities” unite or separate. The idea of Europe arises from the idea of
non-Europe, from the comparison and rejection through which European self is afirmed.
In this chapter we will try to perceive the way the idea of Europe is represented in
countries striving to become members of the European Union, i.e. among the countries
that are at least geographically a part of Europe, but not a part of the community consisting
of 27 countries. The key relations between the members and the ones that want to become
members are established in the discourse of EU integrations or, wider, in the discourse of
Europeanization. The process which is enlargement for ones and accession for the others
is the basic matrix for deining us and them, us-like-them and us-opposite-them. This is
why we are interested in the position of the countries of former Yugoslavia that are not
members of the EU, especially their oficials and politicians, towards the Europeanization
issues, as well as the position of the EU and its oficials towards these countries.
A considerable number of the ways the topics are presented are journalistic texts that
we analyse, not only of factual genres, but also columns and commentaries. This means
that the subject of our research is the oficial institutional discourse of Europeanization
actors which underwent media-journalistic analysis, but also the discourse of journalists
themselves. Although the two discourses are not necessarily led by the same logic, as
contexts from which they originate are different (Fairclough, 2001), together with readers
of the analysed media they offer “mental models” (van Dijk, 1998: 79) for the interpretation
and comprehension of Europeanization process as well as for later behaviour.
10. 1. Method and sample
The analysis includes the texts published in daily and weekly newspapers in Bosnia
and Herzegovina (Oslobođenje, Dnevni list and Nezavisni), Montenegro (Dan, Pobjeda
134
and Monitor), Macedonia (Dnevnik, Vesti and Kapital) and Serbia (Danas, Večernje
novosti and NIN). During seven days in October 2012 these media published 351 texts.
The highest number was published in Serbia – 132, the same number was published by
daily newspapers in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia – 86 each, whereas the
fewest was published in Montenegro – 47.
In order for us to establish the way representation of Europeanization and its participators
is formed we used the method of critical discourse analysis. By the application of this
method, especially van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach (van Dijk, 2001), texts can be
analysed at the level of macro structures, such as thematic and organizational structure of
a text, or at the level of micro structures, such as syntactic and semantic structures, lexical
units and lexical sets, nominalization or various discourse strategies which are realized
at the micro level.
Since some elements of macro structures have already been analysed in previous
chapters, in this chapter we will dwell on micro structures. As van Dijk assumes “for the
study of news discourse this local or micro level analysis is particularly relevant, because
it allows us to spell out social presuppositions and other implication of news discourse
which may be important elements of underlying ideologies” (van Dijk, 1988: 170).
In the irst section we present a semantic analysis of noun and verb forms used to
describe relations between actors of Europeanization process. We were especially
interested in how activities of European Union representatives and institutions are
lexically formed in media texts and how this is done with the activities of statespeople and
institutions from the four analysed countries. Based on this analysis we design prevailing
constructs in the representations. In the second section we will present an analysis of
metaphors conceptualizing the process of Europeanization and the relations between the
actors in the process.
10. 2. Results of analysis
10. 2. 1. Representation of the European Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia
In the discourse of the analysed media the most common synonyms used for the term
European Union are metonymic forms Brussels and Europe, regardless of them being
in the subject or object position. Examples from the corpus illustrate ways of usage or
situations in which meanings of these words are realized:
(1a) Brussels openly opposes new boundary changes. (SRVN22_1)
(1b) Brussels placed the ball in our court. (MKKL17_10)
(1c) Brussels against Milo’s return. (CGDA10_3)
(1d) The question is not whether we want Europe. The real question is if Europe
wants us. (SRDA10_1)
135
Being the administrative headquarters of the European Union, Brussels is used as
a subject that indicates substitution for the European oficials and bodies that make
decisions related to the process of integration, which is in this case based on spatial
relation. The term Europe in the example (3) is in the semantic position of the object
and a substitute for EU authorities as well, and it is not representing geographically
deined space either. In earlier relections Velikonja interprets the perceived metonymy,
the name European Union often being substituted by the phrase Europe, as the “original
sin” of new ethnocentrism. “On the pretence of simpliication, shortening or eloquence
(“euloquence?”), these expressions are simply equated: political-economic community
assumes geographical and historical name of the continent” (Velikonja, 2007: 34-35).
The analysis of discourse structure suggests that various subjects, relative to the
signiicance of the position they hold, qualify the process of the EU accession differently,
whereas the community itself is seen as an organization with multiple faces. With the
exception of Montenegro, it is principally represented as a dishonest (2a) and hypocritical
community (2b) that threatens (2c) or punishes (2d):
(2a) If it is honest, Europe should change the report. (SRVN12_1)
(2b) …we insist and ask that the EU inally put the cards on the table and say what
the conditions required for the membership will be. (SRVN2_3)
(2c) “Nevertheless, this does not mean that there is a serious political will on the
part of the EU or the USA to twist RS’s hand in order to agree to further selfdestruction,” said Trifković. He believes that this is an empty threat... (BHNZ28_2)
(2d) Nobody is talking about punishing the Balkan countries collectively!
(BHOS20_1)
At times using rather expressive metaphors from genius loci (“Don’t go cutting our
tail nine times like they do to a hound in Banat40”, NIN, 4.10.2012)) fulilling the criteria
from Brussels for the beginning of negotiation on the EU accession are visualised as
enforced, not willingly accepted obligations. Additionally, making a country the object
of threats and punishment evokes subordinate relationship and the feeling of humiliation.
Negative images through which references are made to the superiority of the EU and
powerlessness of the countries in the western Balkans in pre-accession negotiations are
imposed through the metaphor of “carrot and stick41”, especially in Macedonia: “We need
the carrot without the stick from the European Community” (Dnevnik, 10.10.2012). The
metaphor suggests the politics of alternately punishing and rewarding, whereby the EU
has the role of the “rider” with a “carrot and stick” and other countries in the metaphorical
image are “donkeys” that unsuccessfully keep trying to get the carrot.
Anti-EU discourse and negative images of the Union are present to the highest
degree in Serbian media. The starting hypothesis is that the Union is a community of
According to a legend, Lala (a western Vojvodina inhabitant) cuts a dog’s tail bit by bit so that
it hurts less.
41
In the story, a rider hangs a carrot on a stick and holds it in front of his donkey’s snout,
the donkey steps forward in an effort to get a bite, but the rider equally moves the carrot away.
Attempting to seize the carrot, the donkey begins to run, then trot and gallop, and keeps running
this way until it dies.
40
136
countries with very asymmetrical political and economic power, in other words, being a
“comfortable tomb for small nations” (Večernje novosti, 28.10.2012), it should not be a
political and social development model for Serbian society and state at this moment. The
motives of the Union’s existence (3a, 3b) and its future (3a) are also mentioned with the
aim to challenge integration endeavours.
(3a) I think that we don’t belong there, that the multinational and multiconfessional
freak, devised for the sole purpose of Germany’s well-being, will collapse by
itself… (SRVN28_1)
(3b) The European Union is barely anything more than a parody of its original
ideas. (SRDA20_8)
Apart from exceptionally negative representation of the EU in the analysed corpus,
a more positive image can be perceived especially in the discourse of Macedonian and
Montenegrin media. The idea that in the foreseeable future Macedonia might become
a part of the community is justiied by emphasizing the positive role of the EU as a
connective (4a) and encouraging (4b) factor which enables a rational perception of
potential solutions to burning socio-political and economic issues. Like examples (5a)
and (5b) reveal, the EU is represented as both a model and responsible partner to be
emulated.
(4a) The EU and NATO integration serve as glue that holds ethnic communities in
Macedonia together. (MKDK12_3)
(4b) European perspective is the only fuel for reforms. (MKDK10_3)
(5a) In spite of the problems that they have in the EU, don’t forget that they always
clean their doorsteps. (BHNZ12_6)
(5b) Montenegro’s road to EU membership offers possibilities for country’s
modernization. (CGDA10_2)
10. 2. 2. How Europe represents itself through its perception of us
In the observed corpus, the discourse of EU political bodies’ representatives and state
organs is characterized by bureaucratic language with diplomatic sentence structures
and phrases which send a message via dialogues with political authorities to the
western Balkans public, as well. Due to mainly unmet commitments taken on, which
are a condition for opening the negotiations on joining the community, Europe is in the
analysed discourse of the oficial representatives dissatisied (6), frequently concerned
(7a-d), thus consequently caring, disappointed, but also ready to do anything in order to
encourage certain countries to break the deadlock (8).
(6) Europeans, as stated, are not satisied with the results of Bosnia and Herzegovina
and the basic conditions have not been met. (BHNZ10_1)
(7a) It has been conirmed to us earlier, let us recall, that the USA and the European
Union are seriously concerned about the proportions of deep political crisis in
Bosnia and Herzegovina… (BHNZ28_1)
137
(7b) Diplomats from EU member states in Belgrade are concerned whether Serbia
has chosen the way of stalling… (SRDA2_4)
(7c) Bildt is worried about the signals that the EU sends to Western Balkans.
(MKDK20-21_2)
(7d) The European Commission is worried due to economic situation and selective
state aid… (CGDA4_1)
(8) The report relects our disappointment with the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina
has not made more rapid progress towards the EU integrations during 2012. (…)
Even if you don’t make rapid progress towards the EU, the EU is approaching you:
in less than nine months, when Croatia becomes a member, the EU will be on your
doorstep. (BHOS12_6)
The attentiveness of European oficials goes from unreserved support (9a), openness
(9b) and encouragement (9c) to inspiring belief in common future, like in the letter to the
citizens of Montenegro signed by the European Commissioner for Enlargement Štefan
Füle (9d).
(9a) The European Commission is resolved to support more strongly the economic
recovery and stabilization of the countries of our region. (CGPB10_2)
(9b) ...we are here with our big team and the help that we can provide. We will
respond to all requests for help,” Sorensen added. (BHNZ12_2)
(9c) The aim of the visit of British Minister of Foreign Affairs is to encourage
Serbian political leadership to concentrate on fulilling the conditions for gaining
the date for the beginning of the EU accession negotiations. (SRDA20_2)
(9d) The road to the European Union is long and challenging, but it is worthwhile.
Stay determined. The European Union membership is before you. (CGDA10_2)
On the other hand, EU authority in the analysed texts is established through dire
threats (10). Serious in its demands like the heading from Montenegrin media discourse
“European imperatives” warns (Monitor, 12.10.2012) and at the end of rope (11a) as
they constantly have to push (11b) and keep under surveillance (11c). EU oficials see
themselves as a strict and sobering factor (12) but also a righteous one (12b).
(10) Serious threats and warnings about cancelling or suspending visa
requirements to the countries of the Western Balkans come from the European
Union. (BHDL12_1)
(11a) ….our sources say that not even Germany will have patience for much longer
for these wanderings of Serbia. (SRDA12_2)
(11b) Füle to push oficial Skopje for solving the issue of the name. (MKKL17_10)
(11c) With the EU approaching, Montenegro will be under increasingly strong
monitoring and even higher pressure from Brussels… (CGMR12_1)
(12a) Serbian oficials and citizens should stop lulling themselves into thinking that
recognizing independence is not a condition for membership. (SRVN12_4)
(12b) “… it is clear that there are things the country has to do. When these are
redeemed, we always fulil our share of obligations,” Sorensen concluded.
(BHNZ12_3)
138
10. 2. 3. Representation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Macedonia and Serbia in the process of accession
Starting from the fact that images about “others” are at the same time images of
us ourselves, based on all the established representations of the European Union it is
possible to identify rather impressionable pictures in the analysed corpus of how we
look to ourselves with respect to the Union. On one hand, they are formed by the aid of
expressive igures of speech in oral discourses by representatives of pre-accession process
main actors around the Western Balkan countries entering the European Union, whereas
on the other hand reporters and columnists vivify these images in their interpretations.
Expressive (emotional) function in columns is conveyed through the subjective attitude
of author, that is to say, by use of assessment attributes. Thus, in that discourse, Serbia’s
image represents the country as euroapathic and eurosceptic, with incapable political and
administrative elite due to which the country will stand “in an everlasting queue in front
of Brussels’ counter” (NIN, 11.10.2012). Euroscepticism in its basis implies opposition
to European integrations, whereas in Serbia it grows into a wider notion of contempt
towards the supremacy of the EU especially in the context of resolving Kosovo-related
issues.
Quite often statements in the discourse of Serbian political elite create an image of a
humiliated Serbia, such as “We want the EU and European standards, but not at any cost
– we want to join in a digniied manner, not on our knees” (SRVN2_3). Representatives
of right-wing political attitudes impose the hypothesis that the Union is the main culprit
of Serbia’s not belonging to it, enforcing the image of a desperate and helpless country:
(13) They require us to renounce Kosovo and who knows what more. For, that frog
isn’t fully cooked yet; still claiming that the fact that they killed us a little, bombed
us a little, is nothing compared to the greatness of the aim and the power of the idea
of a united Europe, and they will keep insulting us a little, humiliating us a little
and violating us a little, all for our own good. Ours is only to listen, be silent and
rejoice over the yoke. (SRVN28_1)
The representation of Serbia as a euroapathic and politically disabled country
whose citizens renounce their wishes and life within its boundaries appears as a direct
consequence of euroscepticism:
(14) Serbia is actually being smothered by primitive mind …. That is why it is
the way it is today. Run-down European space from which people escape… In
the meantime, primitive mind ideologists, populists and demagogues hold moral
lectures to Europe. Arrogantly and demagogically. (SRDA22_7)
In one of the columns entitled “Kalimero in Europe”, a journalist from the daily
newspapers “Danas” describes Serbian people through a metaphor of a popular cartoon
character named Kalimero. The naughty black chick with an eggshell on the head is
famous for his obsessive thinking that he is miserable and that he is always the one who
suffers:
139
(15) Kalimero, he is, like, Serbian. His life philosophy is the same as ours – it’s an
injustice, it is. Like, we are not as big as kale42, you know, like hill, like mountains,
that’s why they constantly did injustice to us throughout the history. Boches, and
Turks… Ask the Turks after all. It was the Turks actually…. – Dačić would say,
Dačić who these days goes yelling at full blast “it’s an injustice, it is” wherever he
appears. (SRDA20_6)
The dissonance of political elite attitudes, most often in the context of relations with
Kosovo and their ineptness in honest admitting the issues connected to the EU accession
negotiations to the public, columnists also interpret through ironic, humorous discourse
using popular characters from literature or theatre plays:
(16) Relations in ruling coalition increasingly resemble cooperation between
Radovan the Third and Comrade Igrutin43. You know – Comrade Igrutin mows one
way and I mow the other. So there was certain tumult. They got swept away a bit.
Especially in relation to European integrations as well as other whole grain pastry
that came up their way... (SRDA20_6)
The image of Bosnia and Herzegovina is similar to Serbia’s image. This ascertainment
is legitimised by the lexical choice in the discourse of media used to describe events and
processes depicting it as a rejected (17a), irresponsible (17b), paralyzed (17c) country,
the country of disappointed expectations (17d), whereas the leadership of Bosnia and
Herzegovina is a negative and unsuccessful participant of pre-accession negotiations with
the EU.
(17a) Bosnia and Herzegovina is turning into a “black hole of the western Balkans”.
(DL10_1)
(17b) “Some things they would maybe even forgive us and let them pass, but this
is really inexcusable,” said Bradarić. BHNZ10_1)
(17c) …I had a feeling that Europe understood Bosnia and Herzegovina...
(BHNZ12_2)
(17d) This year too, the report of European Commission on the progress of
Bosnia and Herzegovina should be named “a report on retrogression”. Bosnia
and Herzegovina is, in short, a paralyzed state, a country of frictions between
three ethnical communities and ruling political parties that don’t have a mutual
understanding of the course and vision of our country’s future. (DL10_1)
Just like the internal image of Bosnian and Herzegovinian society is not unique, it
does not have a common framework in the discourse of Bosnian media concerning the
context of Europeanization, either. While ierce self-criticism is present in the media in
the Federation, like the one that “Bosnia and Herzegovina jeopardizes commitment to
accelerate its European course” (Dnevni list, 12.10.2012) as well as paranoid attitudes
that agricultural producers “fear that after Croatia’s entering the EU, they will not be able
to export their products to the extent they would like to” (Dnevni list, 4.10.2012), mainly
pro-European discourse dominates in Serbian entity, which can also be interpreted as a
strategy of catering the EU oficials for personal political aspirations (18a i 18b).
42
43
T.N.: A word of Turkish origin meaning “fortress”, here mistaken for “hill”
T.N.: Characters from a famous Serbian humorous play “Radovan the Third”
140
(18a) “Republika Srpska shares the EU’s dissatisfaction with the weak progress of
Bosnia and Herzegovina ascertained in the annual progress report by the European
Union,” stated Milorad Dodik yesterday. (BHNZ12_2)
(18b) We will continue working in a very dedicated manner because we want
to meet formal conditions for the candidate status of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
(BHNZ12_1)
By the lexis used in Europeanization discourse, Macedonian press depicts Macedonia
as a determined (19a), responsible country (19b), aware of the consequences (19c), but
also irreconcilable when it comes to unresolved questions with neighbours concerning
the name “former Yugoslav Republic” (19d).
(19a) We will stay committed and we are joining the accession of the Western
Balkans and Turkey. (MKDK2)
(19b) Macedonia never led from responsibilities. (MKDK22_1)
(19c) If accession negotiations do not begin, Macedonia will be punished.
(MKDK12_2)
(19d) Macedonia is not the main culprit for the unpleasant situation. (MKDK12_1)
Actors of Montenegrin media discourse also reach for the expressive function of the
language using stylistically marked lexis so as to express the level of readiness for the
EU accession as well as the rivalry in the region. In contrast to all the other countries,
Montenegro presents itself in a particularly positive light, “as a front runner” (Pobjeda,
4.10.2012), “the only successful story” (Pobjeda, 20.10.2012), “an exemplar in the region”
(Pobjeda, 20.10.2012) which “after Croatia, takes over the torch of the EU integration
in the region” (Monitor, 12.10.2012). The leading role in the EU integration process
is additionally legitimised by pro-European discourse used to mobilize own public to
implement EU standards, but which also conirms the superiority of the ruling political
structure that enabled it.
10. 3. Metaphors of EU integrations
In the analysed texts we can perceive ive metaphorical conceptualizations characteristic
for the EU integrations of the discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Macedonia and Serbia. They are the metaphor of movement (and course), the metaphor
of home, the metaphor of school and the metaphor of transaction. Beside these, there are
also some others which we will leave aside as they appear relatively rarely and belong to
a more general domain of metaphors in political discourse (e.g. politics is sport).
The most frequent conceptual metaphor in all four countries is the metaphor of
movement (more on this metaphor Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) by which an abstract process
is mapped onto a more concrete one using the model EuropEan intEgrations arE journEy.
As examples (20a-d) reveal, this model is especially productive when Europeanization is
perceived as a formal process of accession.
(20a) It is clear that Montenegro will have to fulil many tasks so that it gets on the
right track on the road to European integrations. (CGDA10_1)
141
(20b) For further progress on the European road the most important are conclusions
made by the European Council in March 2012. … (SRDA12_4)
(20c) The delegation of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina (…) invited Bosnian
and Herzegovinian leaders to ind the solution and put Bosnia and Herzegovina
back on its European course (BHNZ20_3).
(20d) European Union’s confession (…) is a strong signal about the rectitude of the
course we are taking. (MKTV12_1)
The frequency of this metaphor can also be explained by the fact that it is a component
of the European Union administrative discourse in which for example “the road map”
refers to the guidelines of the Council of Ministers of the EU that countries should follow
in the process of accession.
Taking this metaphor into political media discourse in four countries that were the
objects of the analysis still far surpasses administrative usage. Once adopted this way
of metaphorical representation of accession becomes extremely diversiied so that,
as researches show (Kleut, 2010; Šarić, 2010), there are not only coursE, map, track,
roads, staircasEs and approaching in general, but also passEngErs (countries who are
joining the EU, their state oficials and/or citizens), various ways of movement on the
road – forward, backward, pacing, jogtrotting, running (relecting spatial and temporal
dimensions of the accession process), various mEans of transport (train, ship), obstacles
(blockagE, barriEr, rEd light) and inally aim, dEstination (membership in the European
Union). Following Lakoff and Johnson we will call these metaphors “source domains”
and notions illustrated by them “target domains” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980).
The highest degree of diversiication of the journey metaphor can be noted in the
media in Serbia whereas in Macedonia and Montenegro it mostly appears in its basic
form. As the cited examples from Serbia demonstrate (21a-f) the metaphor itself becomes
a battleground for discursive confrontation since certain dimensions of the journey are
challenged. It was especially in mid-October 2012 that there was a polemic on the speed
at which Serbia is “moving” towards the European Union.
(21a) Serbia has long been on the highway concerning the EU accession.
(SRNI4_10)44
(21b) According to Jelko Kacin, special reporter of the EP for Serbia, the statement
of Serbia’s president Tomislav Nikolić that Serbia will not hurry to get the date
for the negotiations with the EU and that from now on it will have its conditions
too (since there is no need to run after the date and the paper), is not particularly
harmful for Serbian course to the EU.
(21c) However, the Prime Minister Dačić and the Minister Suzana Grubješić also
talked about needless headlong running towards the EU… (SRNI14_2)
(21d) “The idea that Serbia is in no hurry towards the EU (…) the most irresponsible
attitude since forming the new government,” said the president of LDP Čedomir
Jovanović. (SRVN4_2)
44
The text is humorous and parodies statements of Serbian politicians.
142
(21e) Obstacles and new conditions for the beginning of the European Union
membership negotiations should not be placed in front of Serbia. (SRVN10_1)
(21f) Can it happen that we fulil all these formal conditions and that Germany puts
up a barrier because its wishes have not been met? (SRVN2_1)
In the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina, undoubtedly under the inluence of relatively
negative report on progress adopted by the European Commission in October, prevailing
source metaphorical domains refer to the problems the country confronts. They write about
“holdups on the road” (Nezavisni, 12.10.2012), “catching step with the countries in the
region” (Nezavisni, 12.10.2012), “lagging behind” (Nezavisni, 28.10.2012) and “absence
of shortcuts” (Oslobođenje, 12.10.2012); additionally, in one of the headlines the whole
report is evaluated as a “REPORT ON REGRESSION” (Dnevni list, 10.10.2012). Or in
the words of “high European Commission oficial” as put in the text:
(22) The whole range of obstacles was perceived, starting from installing the
government at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Council of Ministers of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. After this happened in the irst half of the year, certain
steps forward were made (passed laws on the system of state aid and census on
population and housing) and the discussion on structural dialogue in the judiciary
system was started as well. Nevertheless, since the beginning of June until now the
whole process has been slowed down signiicantly, that is to say there is a complete
standstill in the reforms. Political ferment slowed down the process of Bosnia and
Herzegovina’s integration in the EU considerably, a high European Commission
oficial from Brussels estimated yesterday. (BHOS10_4)
Arriving at the aim in the journey metaphor is presented in the form of the architecture
metaphor as well, using the model Eu accEssion is EntEring thE housE. Evidence of the
bond between the two metaphors lies in the example (23) in which “doorstep” serves for
establishing spatial relation of closeness of “on the road” and spatial relation in “house”
architecture:
(23) All Serbian roads to Europe lead across Kosovo. And at the doorstep of
Europe, quite in accordance with extremely important national mythology, lies – a
snake - which is Hashim Tachi’s nickname. (SRNI25_2)
Apart from the doorstep, the central element of the EU-house in the source domain
is exempliied by the door as a symbolic space that separates the ones who are in the
“house” and the ones who are outside. Interpretation of the doors themselves depends on
political actors, while EU representatives emphasize that they are open (examples 24a
and 24b), criticism that comes from the western Balkans countries addresses closed doors
(25):
(24a) The EU showed that its door will stay open. (BHOS12_6)
(24b) We will be patient and the door will stay open to all countries that are ready
to do all that is necessary to walk through that door. (BHOS12_6).
(25) Long years of waiting in front of the closed door of the EU had their
consequences. (MKKL17_8)
The source domain of wall appears as another element which implies the correlation
between metaphors of movement and architecture: “Euroenthusiasm is not at a high level
143
with the candidates behind the Balkan walls either” (Dnevnik, 10.10.2012). Evoking the
metaphor of “Europe the fortress”, the wall is observed both as an obstacle on the road
and a physical separator between the ones who are outside and the ones who are inside
the walls.
The next metaphor can be understood as an extension of the architecture metaphor
on understanding that the process of Europeanization is somewhat more concretely
conceptualized as a school. The school itself as a spatial whole is a framework in which
activities taking place in the school are interpreted. In the metaphors of these activities
“teachers” and “students” are clearly differentiated, the ones who solve tasks and the ones
who pose questions and conduct tests:
(26a) …I had a feeling that Europe understood Bosnia and Herzegovina and gave it
questions for which both we and they believed were easily solvable. (BHOS12_5)
(26b) …countries that want to join will have to do their homework then, too…
(BHOS12_6)
(26c) Is Brussels going to give us a minus for judicial reforms as well? (SRVN2_1)
(26d) The irst test will be the readiness of the judiciary to process high the level
cases of corruption. (CGMR12_1)
The last metaphor that we want to refer to relies on the basic model of EuropEan
intEgrations arE transactions. This rather broad term involves various forms of
representing Europeanization as a kind of exchange, as a business venture and generally
an activity that belongs to the sphere of economy. In somewhat more neutral form the
metaphor of business and obligations appears in Bosnia and Herzegovina, too:
(27a) “It is very clear that when the country takes over obligations, it is to fulil
them afterwards. In all our contacts with Bosnia and Herzegovina it is clear that
there are things the country has to do. When these are redeemed, we always fulil
our part of obligations,” concluded Sorensen. (BHNZ12_3)
(27b) … said Borenović and added that it was necessary for both entities in Bosnia
and Herzegovina to do their share of work on the European course of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. (BHDL12_2)
The source domain in Serbia is more strongly marked with a more explicit economic
terminology, such as payment, prices and cash points:
(28a) Can you notice the increase in numbers in political structures, cultural elite
and among common people of the ones who would pay joining the EU by way of
giving Kosovo? (SRVN28_1)
(28b) It is too high a price to give away Kosovo. (SRNI4_6)
(28c) Since they have for years imagined Europe exclusively as a cashpoint, not as
a measure of civilized values. (SRDA2_2)
In Macedonia this metaphor is not productive – as already stated, the target domain
of transaction in the media is mainly depicted through the metaphorical source domain
of “carrot and stick”. In Montenegro, on the other hand, there are certain elements of
this metaphor, for example in the utterance: “Citizens realize that the process is an
investment, that it has iscal weight and comprehend, then, that it is not only a beneit”
144
(Dan, 4.10.2012). However, the media discourse of this country also distinguishes for
speaking of the business as a “mutual business” (Dan, 2.10.2012) between Montenegro
and the European Union.
10. 4. Discussion
Expressive (emotional) function in oral as well as in written discourse is evident in
expressing subjective opinion of actors by way of using marked lexis and assessment
attributes which contribute greatly to a more illustrative, more suggestive and more
distinct depiction of various political interpretations in a way that what is marked by
them strikes more strongly and vividly and it is remembered faster and more easily. The
research demonstrates that discursive presenting of four former Yugoslavian countries
that are not EU members (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia
to the European Union) on one hand has a considerable number of common features
compared to the representation of the European Union of them. On the other hand, there
are signiicant differences between these images and they cannot be reduced to a common
denominator. The images vary depending on the type of the obstacle that is pointed out as
a dificulty in pre-accession negotiations and the degree of distance from entering the EU.
The framework of the negative image of the EU in the discourse of politicians and
statespeople from the four western Balkan countries is composed of implicit and explicit
constructs of an insincere EU that threatens, punishes and humiliates. The positive image,
on the other hand, is constructed through references to the EU as a cohesive, encouraging
and modernizing factor, the EU as a role model and, only in the case of Montenegro
and Macedonia, the EU as a partner. The EU representatives who address politicians
and citizens present European Union as caring and open, ready to support, or on the
other hand, as serious, dissatisied, disappointed and impatient. In media discourses of
the analysed countries the greatest differences are in the ways of self-representation.
While Serbia is prevailingly depicted as desperate, arrogant and humiliated, Bosnia and
Herzegovina as rejected, irresponsible and paralyzed, Macedonia is mainly determined
and responsible and most positively shown Montenegro – successful.
We can say that especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia the discourse strategy
of disassociation, strengthening the boundaries between “us who are not in the EU” and
“them the EU” is applied. Considering that in the analysed period both countries received
relatively unfavourable progress reports, it can be assumed that negative presentations in
political media discourse are a way to justify one’s own position and blame “the other
one”. In the case of Montenegrin and to a certain extent Macedonian media, discourse
features reveal a more positive image and it can be argued that the strategy of approaching
is partially discernible, erasing the boundaries between us and them as well as the
discourse construction of partnership and mutual understanding.
Although the analysis was conducted on a relatively small sample and during a limited
time period, it can be ascertained that, even when including positive tones, the European
Union and the four former Yugoslavian countries are represented as subjects in essentially
unequal positions. Elements of representation of the EU followed by conceptual
145
metaphors suggest a pedagogical or possibly even colonizing pattern of relationships.
This conclusion results especially from the metaphor of school and images of threatening,
punishing, including even caring and disappointed EU. In describing the EU as the inal
aim of the course and then as a modernizing factor and role model, implicit assumption is
noticeable that the EU is good and desirable, whereas the non-EU is bad and undesirable,
or something that causes concern.
References
Delanty, G. (1995). Inventing of Europe. Palgrave Macmillan.
Fairclough, N. (2001). Language and Power (2nd edition). London: Longman
Jezernik, B. (2007). Divlja Evropa: Balkan u očima putnika sa Zapada. Beograd: XX
vek.
Klikovac, D. (2004). Metafore u mišljenju i jeziku. Beograd: XX vek.
Kleut, J. (2010). Divided Society, Ideology of Europeanization and Production of
Metaphors in Public Discourse: The Case of Serbia. In Comunicação, Cognição e
Media (pp. 243–254) Braga: Faculdade de Filosoia, Universidade Católica.
Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Šarić, LJ. (2010). Metaforički modeli u diskursu Evropske unije u hrvatskim medijima.
In Vasić, V. (ed.), Zbornik u čast Svenki Savić: Diskurs i diskursi (pp. 301–322). Novi
Sad: Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Novom Sadu – Ženske studije i istraživanja.
Van Dijk, T. (1988). Semantics of a Press Panic: The Tamil ’Invasion’. European Journal
of Communication, 3, 167–187.
Van Dijk, T. (1998). Ideology: A Mutlidisciplinary Approach. London: Sage Publications.
Van Dijk, T. (2001). Critical Discourse Analysis. In Schiffrin, D., Tannen, D. & Hamilton,
H. E. (eds.), The Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing
Ltd.
Velikonja, M. (2007). Evroza – kritika novog evrocentrizma. Beograd: Biblioteka XX
vek.
147
11. Fears and hopes related to the EU: Discourse strategies of the comments
on Politika’s media portal
11. 1. New media, new online democracy
Jan van Dijk mentions three types of communities when explaining modern societies:
informational society, network society and mass society (van Dijk, 2012). Deining the
network society which prevails today, he explains that it is such a community that has
a developed infrastructure of social and media networks which characterize its way of
organization at all levels: individual, group/organizational and social. Enlarging, these
networks connect all units, that is, parts of that society (van Dijk, 2012: 24).
In order to understand better how the internet functions and what the quintessence
is, it should be borne in mind that networks have clearly deined attributes. Van Dijk
summarized these attributes in “ten laws of the Web”. He took the term over from
Bernardo Huberman who had established it in as early as 2001. Understanding these laws
helps deconstruct the behaviour of individuals and groups in cyber space-time of network
society.
In the irst one of ten, the law of network articulation (van Dijk, 2012: 37–40), it is
deined that in network society social relations take precedence over connected social
units. The second, the law of network externality, establishes that the more people
participate in a network, the more others will want to join. The ifth, the law of limit to
access, adds to the second law emphasizing that the more people write/produce content
on the network, the smaller their audience is.
Gary Wolf states that in the world of the web, knowledge is not something that you
produce, it is rather something you participate in (according to Thu Nguyen and Jon
Alexander, 2001: 167).
Due to its basic feature, cyber space-time, William Gibson (cited by TapavičkiDuronjić, 2008: 49) compares it to some sort of endless magazine or vast library and
Eriksen calls it luid media.
The basic features of the web are that it is a network: multimedia and hypermedia
where uploading or downloading content is free or cheap, widely available and fast, and
that it is possible to enter a synchronous or asynchronous dialogue with the authors of
other content on the network.
If we observe the internet as the New Media, then the content placed on the web can
be considered a part of public sphere. Their inal impact will contribute to forming a new
opinion about certain issues that are of interest for certain community (Valić Nedeljković,
2012). Carin Dessauer (2004: 123) deines the internet as versatile media which includes
148
all wireless and portable technologies. Internet news can be deined as a practice of online
journalism characterized by seven features which separate the internet from other types of
journalism: dynamic content of the news and real time reporting; users control what from
the offered news they will choose and when; internet news has the option of hyperlink;
most media sites are multimedia; they are interactive; there is the “customize” option,
hence it is not necessary to take everything from interactive media, but it is possible to
choose only certain sections such as the front page, sport, weather, trafic, etc.; internet
news use the option of “layered journalism” which implies deep, analytic, multimedia
presentation of the content (Dessauer, 2004: 123). All this contributes to forming online
public which affects the development of online democracy.
Online democracy implies involving internet users in a public dialogue with public
policy makers and/or representatives of political power centres, not only delivering
information about their public actions, which was the main task of classic media (Valić
Nedeljković & Pralica, 2012).
At the same time the web is not under the inluence of conventional power relations.
On the web, as Dan Thu Nguyen and Jon Alexander (2001: 168) state, an individual must
not express their will for leadership and governance. Authoritative behaviour provokes
reactions of other users rather quickly (so-called laming). Dan Thu Nguyen adds that
there is hidden elite that maintains the internet, but fundamental protocols or rules of
interaction are simply called “Requests for comments”. A lot of sites do not even have
clear rules so users might feel that no one regulates them. This implicitly suggests the
existence of hidden elite/gatekeepers that control information low. It is not uncommon
for information commentators on multimedia platforms to clearly state that they noticed
hidden “censorship”.
Although optimists claim that network virtual reality could encourage the emergence
of the irst, true, consensual “global village”, we can also suggest that it could be used
for fabricating political accordance or intrusion, that is, new strengthening of various
ideologies (Thu Nguyen & Alexander, 2001: 209) especially when it is necessary for a
society to form consensus on extremely important questions for the community such as
the European Union accession in Serbia.
11. 2. Thematic framework
As the aim of the research is to perceive discourse strategies of the comments found
on the media portal of the daily newspaper Politika (the oldest and the most respectable
traditional newspaper in Serbia) on the content related to the European Union (Europe
Here and There), it is important to keep in mind the attitude of citizens to the accession as
well as possibilities for online communication that they have.
CeSID (Centre for Free Elections and Democracy) carried out research for Belgrade
Centre for Security Policy from 18th to 25th September about the level of support of Serbian
citizens to the EU accession. According to the results published in Radio B92 programme
(30.10. 2012) the highest number of opponents to Serbia’s accession to the European
Union lives in Belgrade and among them the young born between 1982 and 1992 single
149
out. As opposed to this group, persons between the age of 30 and 39 are mostly in favour
of the EU. Within this generation the balance is 54:28 in favour of supporters of EU
integrations. If we observe the data from the aspect of education level it can be noted that
one in three high school and university graduates is not a supporter of the accession. This
is exactly the population in Serbia that is most active on the internet.
In the Republic of Serbia 47.5% of households has internet access. The percentage of
the access is the highest in Belgrade and amounts to 60.5%; in Vojvodina it is 49.3% and
in central Serbia 40.6% of households. The portion of computer users in the observed
period according to the level of communication was: 83% of persons with university and
higher education; 71.8% with high school education; 29.7% with education lower than
high school education (Vukmirović, Pavlović & Štić, 2012: 14–18).
11. 3. Corpus
The corpus for this paper comprises 226 comments and 34 texts about topics that are
directly or indirectly related to the European Union and that were published in the online
edition of the daily Politika on 1st, 3rd, 9th, 11th, 25th, 27th October 2012.
The unit of analysis consists of the comment itself, signature, date and time of posting.
The corpus is from Politika, the oldest daily in Serbia, with traditional editorial policy
and signiicant reputation in middle-class Serbia. It is the newspaper that was close to
various governments at various times and it relected attitudes of average citizens.
11. 4. Results
Out of the total number of 37 sampled texts in Politika online, 23 did not have
audience comments. Three texts had one comment each and the other 11 from three to 45
comments, 226 altogether.
Politika online’s users did not comment on:
a) texts that were not directly related to their everyday life.
Example 145: 1.10.2012
INTERVIEW: FILIP DRAGOVIĆ, Regional Advisor at UN Development
Programme
The dispute over the border on the Danube was not an obstacle for Croatia
b) texts that did not contain controversy or provocation
Example 2: 3.10.2012
ECONOMY
€8 billion of donations went on life improvement
The original comments were cited in the way they were posted, thus the translation strives to
maintain the spirit of the comments in terms of (non-)adherence to orthographic, grammatical and
linguistic rules.
45
150
c) analytical texts from the ield of economy
Example 3:3.10.2012
ECONOMY
Krugman: Fixed exchange rate is not a solution (If all countries decided to stimulate
consumption, then that would be a wonderful thing as they would inluence one
another positively and encourage economy growth)
d) texts about foreign affairs that were not directly related to Serbia
Example 4:9.10.2012
Cameron threatens Brussels veto
Merkel promised support to Greece
e) protocol news
Example 5:11.10.2012
The President of Serbia Tomislav Nikolić received today the European Commissary
for Enlargement Füle
f) texts expected to be commented, but failed to
Example 6: 11.10.2012
Banović: Serbia is not threatened with reintroduction of visa system for now
The highest number of comments was posted on the texts about:
a) corruption
Example 7: 1.10.2012
Vučić: Serbia is not a brigand state (43 comments)
b) the attitude of the European Union to Kosovo.
Example 8: 19.10.2012
Dačić to Thaçi: As much as Kosovo is yours, it is also mine (45 comments)
c) the attitude to Europe as such
Example 9
ayatollah | 3/10/2012 18:40
Serbia is closer to Turkey and Iran than the EU.
These were the three topics highly positioned on the agenda of relevant issues about
which users of Politika’s online edition had the need to express their attitudes. At the
same time they explicitly or implicitly expressed their “fears” of Europe or “hopes” about
Europe, more precisely the opinion that the EU accession will contribute to resolving the
disputable issues that make their lives burdensome.
151
11. 4. 1. Audience comments about fears
(a) Fears of corruption are implicitly related to the topic of Europe Here and There.
It should be emphasized that anticorruption campaign in the comments is not brought
in connection with the EU accession nor it is recognized that it is yet another incentive
Europe makes in order to establish the rule of law and the state of law in the western
Balkan countries (all of them equally burdened by this problem).
They are modelled in:
1) discourse strategy of “fear” of the new state authorities with a reminder of the
examples from its previous practice
Example 10
Igor G. | 1/10/2012 15:57
Vučić is wrong. Serbia has unfortunately been a brigand and maia state way back
since the beginning of 90s when He too started with brigandage in Zemun. I will
mention only two examples. His party rented the building of Magistrat to their very
self for 1 dinar per square metre for the period of 30 years, and Stara kapetanija He
turned into a pub. Of course, all that by the law of brigands.
(b) Users’ comments about the attitude of the European Union towards Kosovo
1) Discourse strategy “fear of European values which are thought to be cancelling out
the attitude towards traditional values of one’s own society”. The basic argumentation
is that “Kosovo is the measure of all things”, thus users keep referring to the “Kosovo
issue”, regardless of the main topic of a journalistic text.
Example 11
sava | 3/10/2012 15:42
(…)we wont enter a civil war for sexual orientation, will we, and you wont complain
to Europe and States about the government in Serbia in this crucial moment when
they want to take half of our country from us, will you (Kosovo and Vojvodina and
Raška)? You at least be above this crowd, your state of mind’s hopefully at a higher
level, so suffer a bit more for the common good. show that kind of love for serbian
people, too, it is hopefully greater than sexual passion (…).
2) “Fear of Europe” expressed by a directive illocutionary speech act (Searl 1975 and
Bugarski 1996):
- in the form of advice. In this case it is fear of losing territory, one of the most
common fears in the part of the corpus related to the attitude of the EU towards Kosovo.
Example 12
Jovo Sikimic | 11/10/2012 17:30
Mister President, only if the EC changes the regulation about territorial integrity,
negotiations can start, otherwise status quo. The written remains words pass by.
3) Discourse strategy of “fear of Europe” and the requirements that the Union sets to
Serbia on its road to the accession, the basic one being Kosovo
152
Example 13
How against the system!? Don Quijote!? | 01/10/2012 09:25
Serbia, white and black, killed by cutback/
The road to Europe is in negotiations still/
Does the history of us have no teaching skill
4) Discourse strategy of “fear of being undesirable”
Example 14
Ljiljana K. | 11/10/2012 22:37
We gave them the most signiicant Serbs as a gift, expecting something… Even if
we give them Kosovo too, they will not want us.
5) Discourse strategy of “fear of foreign negotiators”
Example 15
sanja | 19/10/2012 09:15
... why tachi or mrs ashton again? didn’t we say that we wouldn’t go that way?
6) “Fear of Europe” expressed in the discourse strategy of “xenophobic division
into us and them”. This is one of quite common strategies when it comes to conlict
situations. Communicator, in this case a commentator on the web portal, has a positive
attitude (whether explicitly or implicitly) towards “us” – he/she himself/herself belongs
to that group as well, and negative (whether explicitly or implicitly) towards “them”, a
group that is opposite to his/hers. At the same time, in a wider/global context, “us” is
often marked negatively, and “them” positively, which the communicator believes to be
“unjust”.
Example 16
Milkica | 19/10/2012 13:46
Who knows what new stuff they’ve come up with for us now. As long as they’re
meeting with our people, they always have new objections and blackmails.
The comment was posted to the text that had most comments in this corpus (47 post
altogether) “Dačić to Thaçi: As much as Kosovo is yours, it is also mine” the title of
which was rather suggestive too, implying biasness of the editorial board. Tanjug’s
(Serbian National News Agency) correspondent from the European Union headquarters,
whose report from the press-conference was published by Politika, stated among other
things that “Dačić said to the reporters in Brussels that the most important thing achieved
that day in the dialogue with the High Representative and the Prime Minister of Kosovo
was the agreement that no unilateral moves be made on either party’s side (…)” and then
directly cited the Prime Minister Dačić ” I said to Thaçi as well, as much is Kosovo was
his, it was mine too. I was born in Kosovo”, this way implicitly misbalancing the text of
the report in favour of the Serbian side, because one semi-private “wit” was pointed out
as a valid argument in public communication. Most comments on the text were in the
same spirit.
153
(c) Users’ comments about the attitude towards Europe as such
1) “Fear of entering Europe” is expressed by the discourse strategy of compensation
through selless support of one’s own political orientation
Example 17
S. Petrović | 9/10/2012 19:32
Good job Toma! That’s the way to defend Serbia’s interests! And as far as entering
the EU, we should balance things out there and take whatever we can take,
although even the birds in the trees know that we will never become a member of
this artiicial creation.
Example 17 was a user’s comment related to a part of the interview that the President
of Serbia Tomislav Nikolić gave to a prestigious Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera
during an oficial visit to Italy; the interview was reported by Politika. Among other
things Nikolić stated: “If resigning Kosovo is necessary, then it is more acceptable for us
to forget about Europe”.
2) “Fear of Europe” is expressed by the discourse strategy of directive illocutionary
speech act (cf. Searl, 1975 and Bugarski, 1996):
- in the form of order. Commentator uses personiication and orders the object
(Europe) how to behave as if he/she was talking to concrete person/persons (oficials of
the European Union),
Example 18
Teca Peca | 11/10/2012 13:16
What else is Serbia supposed to do so that they accept us? Maybe they should hand
over a rope to us to put ourselves out of misery. Basta Europa! Basta.Comedia est
inita!!!
3) “Fear of Europe” is blurred by the discourse strategy of sarcasm – a poignant, sharp
and bitter mock which is enhanced by irony
Example 19
Gojko Mrnjavčević| 11/10/2012 18:14
They kind of won’t accept us.
Аnd we kind of want them.
I suggest that we wait for a bit, so that they apply,
I mean that they submit an application that we accept them.
If they improve, of course.
Example 19 requires contextual understanding. Namely, at the beginning of the
conlict between JNA (Yugoslav People’s Army) with territorial defence of Slovenia in
the interview for Journal of RTV Belgrade in 1991 a soldier answered a question of a
journalist: “They are kind of attacking us and we are kind of defending ourselves”. This
line became a paradigm of absurdity of the conlict on the territory of former Yugoslavia
during the 1990s.
154
4) Discourse strategy “sour grapes” by means of which “fear of Europe” is expressed
implicitly
Example 20
Dragan Jokic | 11/10/2012 18:21
We lived and we’re living without being an EU member and I don’t see any kind of
problem with that, well both Romanians and Bulgarians entered the EU and they
live in a similar way or maybe worse than when they weren’t EU members.
5) “Fear of Europe” expressed by the discourse strategy of commissive illocutionary
speech act (cf. Searl 1975. and Bugarski 1996)
- in the form of threat, fear of losing national identity, dignity and pride
Example 21
Tuta | 11/10/2012 20:16
They’ve been walking over us enough! Enough with conditioning and interpreting
things the way it suits them!
6) “Fear” of losing citizens’ rights
Example 22
Dragan O | 21/10/2012 14:51
I’m afraid we’re talking about a logical fallacy when it comes to asylum seekers, a
‘fake’ or ‘genuine’ asylum seeker. Dear Mrs (or Miss) they are citizens of Serbia,
not Afghanistan or Bangladesh and Serbia has to take care of them both abroad and
even more in Serbia actually. Give a share of a pie to those people too, so everyone
will be better off not only you people in power and your relatives (this also refers
to the ones before you). Instead of a pie you gave them their passports so they can
seek fake asylum more easily…
7) “Fear” of reconciliation, “disappointed expectations” discourse strategy
Example 23
aleksandar popovic | 27/10/2012 12:42
His country is bursting at all vital functions and he travels around by assignment,
playing a humanist and encouraging all the people who brought us to this to push
even harder to accelerate the destruction of the country that already began. He also
used to go on hunger strikes and we marvelled. Now things are changing to the
reverse.
11. 4. 2. Audience comments about hopes
“Hopes” that with Europe’s help Serbian society would establish democratic standards
were expressed by users of Politika’s online edition in only 20 comments.
a)Comments about corruption
1) “Hope” expressed by the “solution comes from the outside” discourse strategy
155
Example 24
bogdan basaric | 1/10/2012 12:10
Silk bowstring46 has been sent from Brussels and as far as I can see Washington
and Moscow are asking the same. In one word, the time for rendering accounts has
come.
2) Discourse strategy of “hope” that new state authorities will root out corruption. At
the same time, there are no arguments stated to justify that hope.
Example 25
dragana gaga | 01/10/2012 08:09
Corruption is blossoming in every segment of life in our country. Corruption is the
only thing that still serves us well. Low salaries, high percentage of unemployment,
constant growth of prices and corruption! All these are facts that describe situation
in Serbia. After all, that’s the only thing that the previous government succeeded
in doing. Now they can at least say that they managed to put something at a higher
level! Still, the elections have changed everything and I really hope that Vučić is
determined in his intention to put a stop to it all.
Pera Junior | 1/10/2012 12:07
Looking at what’s happening on Serbian political scene, the irst impression
obtained when the behaviour of Mr Vucic is observed is of a man that gives his
best and that is completely dedicated to the job he is doing.
(b) Users’ comments about the attitude of the European Union directly to Kosovo
1) Discourse strategy of unreserved support to “the hope in new state authorities”.
Example 26
Hans Kloss | 11/10/2012 17:09
It seems that Serbia inally has a President.
2) Discourse strategy of folk art, sayings, i.e. folk legends and myths that support the
“hope of dialogue”
Example 28
Vesa D | 19/10/2012 09:40
...their tongues won’t come off if they chat for a bit...
jeremija krstić | 27/10/2012 16:34
It was not done by the princes waging war,
Nor did the Turkish glutton wish for it.
The hungry common people of the land
TN: Sending silk bowstring refers to the way high oficials were executed in the Ottoman
Empire.
46
156
Arose – they could no longer pay the tax,
Nor bear the threefold burden of the Turks.47
3) Discourse strategy of generalizing personal experience as “hope of general
reconciliation”
Example 28
Aleksandar Popovic | 19/10/2012 14:16
.. .To show that, still, a Serb and a Kosovo-Albanian can meet without being armed
to the teeth. Personally, I believe that my neighbour who makes the best lat breads
and bureks, and I as his regular customer, won’t frown. We know, both of us, that
“in our ield” the big ones “play their game”: over our backs. Maybe we’ll be
smarter in the future, to save our necks and that we don’t get into a ight again.
4) Discourse strategy of “hope for a better tomorrow”
Example 30
Hera Athens | 27/10/2012 21:22
I believe Tomislav Nikolić really wants to keep territorial integrity and sovereignty
of our country. I believe that the situation in our country will change for the better.
I believe that he shouldn’t reveal the secrets about the platform yet so that it’s not
abused. I think that only Tomislav Nikolić can strengthen bilateral relations with
the whole world. I believe the EU will support Serbia.
11. 5. Conclusion
Online public is fragmented in its essence, occupied by particular interests and turned
towards expressing one’s personal attitudes rather than a dialogue with others and people
with different opinions. More precisely, the intention of communicator, in this case the user
of an online media portal, is not to acquire common grounds through a dialogue in virtual
cyber-time, but to convey his/her own personal standpoint, whether it is based on facts,
well-structured arguments or semi-truths, stereotypes and prejudices. That standpoint has
discourse characteristics of private communication, but through internet it turns into public
communication. At the same time it does not satisfy standards of public communication –
appreciating the other person whether they share common values or not. Hence, a question
arises whether public opinion can be created in this type of communication, motivating
subsequently an individual, as a part of a group of like-minded people, to action. In other
words, in which communicative situations this is still possible.
The focus of the research Europe, Here and There is the topic which, as it has turned
out, does not have enough motivating power in order to produce action based on the
formed public opinion in virtual space-time. Only prototypical discourses of particular
“fear”, that is “hope”, towards issues related to the European Union were perceived in
various contexts of socio-political everyday life in Serbian post-transition society.
TN: An excerpt from a famous Serbian epic ballad from the period of liberation from the
Ottoman Empire [translated by Geoffrey N. W. Locke].
47
157
In the analysed corpus of Politika’s online edition it is possible to deconstruct
prototypical “fears” from EU accession to a higher degree than “hopes”. Fears were
recognized in 206 comments and hopes in 20.
The dominant strategies of commentators when expressing their “fear of Europe” are:
euroscepticism, sarcasm to European achievements and fear of European values which
cancel out traditional values of one’s own society. Additionally, fear is expressed in the
forms of illocutionary speech acts such as threats, orders, advice, xenophobic division
into “us” and “them”, and the strategy of “disappointed expectations”.
All the mentioned strategies are marked negatively towards “the other”, in this case the
European Union, which is “deined” as responsible for all adversities of Serbian citizens.
Discourse strategies that expressed “hope” referred to two topics – corruption and the
attitude of the European Union to the issue of Kosovo.
As the number of users’ comments expressing “hope” is ten times lower than the ones
that expressed fear, consequently the discourse strategies in this case are less numerous. The
identiied discourse strategies are: the solution comes only from the outside, thus internal
forces are not strong enough to deal with aggregated problems; unreserved support for
the new government which will, it is believed, solve the problems. Furthermore, the hope
for dialogue is represented by the discourse strategy of folk literature and folk sayings,
that is, folk legends and myths as well as reliance on collective memory. A special group
is composed of the discourse represented by positive personal examples which can serve
as a generalization and contribute to reconciliation, which is commonly thought of as one
of successful methods on the road of reconciliation in communities polluted by conlicts.
Finally, the most simple, the hope for a better tomorrow. Hence, the eschatological hope
for a better tomorrow, just like habitus and Christian life of faith, does not require special
argumentation of its manifestation in reality.
References
B92 (broadcast 30.10.2012). Pad podrške pridruživanju Evropskoj uniji.
Bromberg, H. (2001). Jesu li MUD-ovi zajednice? In Shields, R. (ed.), Kulture Interneta
(pp. 197–209). Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Hrvatsko Sociološko društvo.
Bugarski, R. (1996). Uvod u opštu lingvistiku. Beograd: Čigoja štampa.
Dessauer, C. (2004). Media, Internet news, and the News Habit. In Howard, P.N., &
Jones, S. (ed.), Digital Cultures: Understanding New media (pp. 121–136). New
York: McGraw-Hill.
Huberman, B. (2001). The Laws of the Web: Patterns in the Ecology of Information.
Cambridge MA, London: The MIT Press.
Nguyen, D. T. & Alexander, J. (2001). Dolazak kiberprostorvremena i kraj političkog
poretka. In Shields, R. (ed.), Kulture Interneta (pp. 147–184). Zagreb: Naklada
Jesenski i Turk, Hrvatsko Sociološko društvo
Searle, J. R. (1975). A taxonomy of illocutionary acts. In Günderson, K. (ed.), Language,
Mind and Knowledge (pp. 344–36). Minneapolis: Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy
of Science.
158
Van Dijk, J. (2012). The Network Society. 3rd Edition. London: Sage publications.
Valić Nedeljković, D. & Pralica, D. (2012). Koga su mediji izabrali, a koje su poruke
političke partije slale biračima? Novi Sad : Novosadska novinarska škola; edicija
Medijske reference.
Valic Nedeljković, D. (2012). Digital political campaign: Serbia 2012. In Arsenijević, O.
& Savić Tot, T. (ed.), Knowledge, Education, Media (pp. 244–260). Novi Sad: Faculty
of Management.
Vukmirović, D., Pavlović, K. & Šutić, V. (2012). Upotreba informaciono-komunikacionih
tehnologija u Republici Srbiji 2012. Beograd: Zavod za statistiku Srbije.
159
Lejla Turčilo
Belma Buljubašić
12. Public Broadcasting Service reporting in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a
relection of the dominant political discourse about the EU
12. 1. Introduction: Public Broadcasting Service in Bosnia and Herzegovina
– the division of public broadcasting service and media space
As from 15th May 2003 the Public Broadcasting Service of Bosnia and Herzegovina
was registered in the Cantonal Court of Sarajevo under the court registration number
1-24166, based on the Law on Public Broadcasting Service from 28th December 2005.
The Public Broadcasting Service was created by transforming state television (former
Radio-Televizija Sarajevo [Sarajevo Radio-Television], at the time a part of JRT [Yugoslav
Radio-Television]), a process that was aided by a powerful intervention on the part of the
international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The idea of the Public Broadcasting
Service as it is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina today is based on the division of the
state into two entities; therefore, the Public Broadcasting Service also comprises two
entity broadcasters (Federalna Televizija – FTV [Federal Television] and Radio Federacije
BiH [Radio of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina] as the broadcaster from the
Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Radio-Televizija Republike Srpske
– RTRS [Radio-Television of Republika Srpska] and Radio RS as the broadcaster from
Republika Srpska). The third part of the Public Broadcasting Service is BHT1 [Bosnia
and Herzegovina Television 1] and BH Radio 1 [Bosnia and Herzegovina Radio 1] as the
radio-television station with national frequency. However, this station has not managed
to become a broadcasting service of all citizens within Bosnia and Herzegovina territory.
The Public Broadcasting Service in Bosnia and Herzegovina is burdened by many
issues that prevent not just its functionality and the possibility of its joining current
information communication courses (the process of digitalization, for instance), but in
many aspects limit the citizens’ chances of exercising their right to information.
When it comes to the Public Broadcasting Service, there are two mutually conditioned
processes that remain incomplete in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The irst one concerns the
non/existence of the Corporation of Public Broadcasting Services – a body that should
serve as an “umbrella” organization to cover all three public broadcasting services. This
corporation should determine development strategy, coordinate technical and personnel
potential of all three public services and adjust different systems, working policies
and procedures for the three existing radio-television systems. The law also envisages
establishing a board for public broadcasting system that would manage the Corporation
of Public Broadcasting services. This board would comprise members elected by the
160
management boards of all three services. However, establishing the Corporation was
blocked by political parties’ representatives who demanded establishing the third
public broadcaster (apart from FTV and RTRS) that would be a channel in Croatian.
(In January 2013, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers Vjekoslav Bevada proposed
an amendment to the Law on Public Broadcasting Service, which suggested forming
a public broadcasting channel in the Croatian language to which 20% of Broadcasting
Service fees would accrue). The other process that was directly blocked by not forming
the Corporation was the process of digitalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According
to the Law on Public Broadcasting Service, the process of digitalization is under the
supervision of the Corporation, which has never been established. Thus, the deadline for
completing digitalization process has been extended a few times and 17th June 2015 was
stated as the most recent date.
It is clear even to the less versed analysts of the media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina
that this complex and complicated public broadcasting service does not satisfy the
information and communication needs of citizens. Therefore, it is not surprising that since
2005 each of the three broadcasters has been faced with both the decline in viewers rating
and the decrease in the amount of collected fees. (This particularly relates to some parts
of Bosnia and Herzegovina; in Herzegovina, for example, the percentage of collected fees
is less than 20%, according to the available data48. This is explained by the fact that the
demand of local Croats for setting up a channel in Croatian has still not been complied). An
additional issue contributing to further fragmentation of the Public Broadcasting Service
in Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in the fact that the public of Bosnia and Herzegovina is
also divided along ethical and territorial lines. These same lines are often followed by
the very Broadcasting Services that serve the purposes of the citizens less, while more
often serving the purpose of the peoples, i.e. ethnical groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
This fragmentation is physical as well, since the Radio-Televizija Republike Srpske has
been operating in a separate building in Banja Luka since 2010, while BHT and FTV are
located in the building of the former Radio Televizija Sarajevo in Sarajevo.
Burdened by different issues and internal divisions, the Public Broadcasting Service
in Bosnia and Herzegovina does not focus on the topics of general signiicance for the
public of Bosnia and Herzegovina, leaving European integrations not so high on the list
of priorities for any of the three parts of the system.
12. 2. The Public Broadcasting Service(s) about EU integrations: discourse
analysis in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
and Republika Srpska
In the period encompassed by this process of monitoring and discursive analysis of the
media in Bosnia and Herzegovina, television stations FTV and RTRS were sampled, as
well as Radio Federacije BiH, Radio RS and BH Radio149.
http://www.livno-online.com/bih/20290-tv-pretplatu-prestalo-plaati-60000-kuanstava-u-bih
The analyzed material was coded by Nejra Plasto, Lamija Hodžić and Nihad Katica. The
research team thanks to Mirza Muminović and Senad Borovac as well, for their help in collecting
material for the analysis.
48
49
161
It the period analysed there were 28 news on the radio stations that are a part of the
Public Broadcasting Service (11 on Radio Federacije BiH, 9 on Radio RS and 8 on BH
Radio1) and 11 news on television stations that are a part of the Public Broadcasting
Service (7 on FTV and 4 on RTRS). What can be concluded from the analysed news items
is that when it comes to EU integrations, there are two different narratives in the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. While the public broadcasting service
in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina focuses on the inluence of EU integrations
on strengthening Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole, the public broadcasting service in
Republika Srpska is entirely oriented towards Republika Srpska only and the importance
of EU integrations for this entity alone. Furthermore, the public broadcasting services
in Republika Srpska frequently report in detail about everything that occurs in the
neighbouring Serbia, and these broadcasts often serve to “open” central news programme.
Television texts on the topic of EU integrations and Serbia are longer and more substantial
than the ones that concern Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is interesting that when reporting
about the process of accession to the European Union, RTRS avoids topics that concern
the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, more precisely the visits of EU oficials to
the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina or the sessions that were held on the topic
of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s course to the EU. An example of this kind of coverage
is Dnevnik – the central newsreel of RTRS broadcast on 11th October 2012 completely
omitted the news of the Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Union Renzo
Daviddi visit to the Federation of Bosnia and Hezegovina. Daviddi visited the Parliament
of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to present the 2012 Progress Report
for Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to this Report, Bosnia and Herzegovina was at the
bottom of the chart and marked the smallest progress in the region. However, RTRS did
not report about this at all, while at the same time this was the irst story in Dnevnik FTV
– the central informative programme of FTV. (This was also the case with the commercial
TV BN from Republika Srpska which left out the story of the visit as well). However,
although RTRS did not report this story, they reported in detail about Serbia’s issues on
their course to the EU, and this broadcast lasted for two minutes and 18 seconds (although
it exclusively concerned the relation of Serbia and Kosovo, i.e. Serbia’s not recognizing
the territorial integrity of Kosovo).
Furthermore, while the media in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
(21.10.2012) reported in detail about possible reintroducing visa regime, because 1,777
citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina sought asylum in the countries of the EU, this news
was completely omitted in the media of Republika Srpska (both public and commercial).
In general, by analysing the channels of radio and television stations that are a part
of the Public Broadcasting Service, the absence of topics related to culture, art and life
stories in association with the EU becomes evident. This kind of representation of the
EU (through life’s prism of ordinary citizens) would most deinitely bring the EU closer
to the citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina and enable fuller comprehension of the EU
integration process. In this way it could be seen as a process that is in citizens’ best
interest and promotes well-being, and not as a barely bureaucratic and political process
(which has been the manner of its representation up until now). However, topics like
these did not appear almost at all in the news programme of the public broadcasting
service and commercial media in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The European Union was
162
the topic of the central news programme mostly when high oficials visited Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Frequent topics were also catastrophic reports about the progress of Bosnia
and Herzegovina on its course to the EU, the possibility of reintroducing visa regime and
unfulilled terms, but the media most frequently spoke of the lacking implementation of
the verdict in the Sejdić-Finci case. When it comes to EU countries, the most frequently
mentioned was the economic crisis in Greece. On 9th October 2012, in the central
newsreels of the Public Broadcasting Services (FTV and RTRS) as well as commercial
television stations NTV Hayat and TV BN, the story of Angela Merkel’s visit to Greece
was broadcast. The visit was met with disapproval and protests (25 000 people protested)
because people of Greece held her responsible for the incurred economic crisis. Although
it was reported that very day that the annual Progress Report for Bosnia and Herzegovina
was disastrous and placed the country at the very bottom, TV BN completely omitted this
information, while at the same time reporting extensively about the protests in Greece.
The interlocutors from political sphere (representatives of the elite) speak of the
integration process in oficialese, that turns out to be incomprehensive and tedious to
most citizens, whereas journalists do not strive to “translate” that language to bring out
the essence that concerns actual lives of citizens. This is probably the reason for little
interest in those topics on citizens’ part. Television news usually contain mostly general
information, a few brief statements, with no further clariication of any sort. Broadcasts
mainly begin with dramatic announcements about dificult situation in the country or not
meeting the terms of the EU. However, they almost always fail to speak of these matters in
a more substantial manner, hence depriving viewers of very important information: how
the current crisis has come about, whether there is a solution to it, what are the terms that
need to be met by Bosnia and Herzegovina and so on. Apart from supericial information,
politicians of one entity often accuse the other entity for the EU accession problems, so
the division into entities becomes apparent even in the choice of interlocutors. The media
from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina usually choose the politicians from this
entity, while the interlocutors in the other entity come from Republika Srpska or Serbia.
What is, in fact, common to both broadcasting services when it comes to reporting
about EU integrations (and what can partially explain this divided relation towards EU
integrations and different approach to it) is the fact that they actually follow, or become
a relection of the agenda imposed by political protagonists (the most common subjects
of broadcasts are the very political igures, mostly coming from the entities). Since there
are diametrically opposite dominant narratives concerning the EU in the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska, which are followed by broadcasting
services in these two entities, the fact that these services as well have different approaches
to EU integrations does not surprise. (The narratives and agendas in the entities are not
different in respect to relation to the EU, i.e. europhilia or euroscepticism, but in respect
to the question of what the EU will mean for Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities:
whether it will mean some sort of guarantee of its continued existence, which is the
dominant narrative in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or the continuation of
separate functioning of the two entities within the EU, which is the dominant narrative
in Republika Srpska). As a matter of fact, the events in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
protagonists of these events (domestic politicians and EU oficials) place the EU topic
on the agenda, whereas the relation of the media in this context is reactive, not proactive.
163
Although there is a visible difference in respect to the content of the broadcasts aired
by the entity public broadcast services, when it comes to the form and genre they have
the same approach. The public broadcasting services in both entities of Bosnia and
Herzegovina approach the topics of the EU supericially and not in an analytical manner,
mostly delivering protocol news about EU oficials’ visits and their talks with hosts (visits
of Daviddi, Füle, Sorensen, Catherine Ashton, the oficials’ meeting with the members
of Federal Parliament, and so on), without further interpretation or analysis. The form
of the broadcast is usually news accompanied by images (on television) or news with
sound record (on the radio), so that a more serious analysis or formats does not, in fact,
exist. The relation to the topic is balanced, but this is not due to high professionalism of
the journalists who prepare these news items, but rather a consequence of their “copypaste” method of work – mere reporting of interlocutor’ opinions and attitudes without
further burrowing into the context, or any effort to interpret these opinions and clarify
them for viewers. (Some of the news and announcements were: Dodik invites other
leaders to fulil the remaining terms (FTV, 11.10.2012), Even Kosovo closer to Europe
(Hayat, 11.10.2012), The annual EU Progress Report for Bosnia and Herzegovina worse
than ever (FTV, 9.10. 2012), Issues and the necessary solution for the implementation of
verdict in Sejdić-Finci case (FTV, 11.10.2012, BNTV, 09.10.2012, BNTV, 11.10. 2012,
RTRS, 09.10.2012), Republika Srpska wants to be an important factor in the process
of EU integrations by any cost (BNTV, 11.10.2012).) From all the above it is clear that
Bosnia and Herzegovina has a very complex political system which is relected on all the
elements of society, therefore the Public Broadcasting Service as well. Ethno-territorial
division of the public has been present in Bosnia and Herzegovina for a long time and
consequently the majority of the media in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
remains unknown to the audience in Republika Srpska and vice versa.
When it comes to reporting about the topics related to the European Union, several
important details can be noticed:
1. The media in Republika Srpska prefer Serbia-related topics to topics from Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and especially the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, often
to a point of complete media disregard. (For example, the irst story on TVBN,
19.10.2012 was the meeting of Dačić and Thaçi with Catherine Ashton in Brussels,
while the irst story on TV BN on 27.10.2012 was Tomislav Nikolić’s statement
about the relation of Kosovo and Serbia on the course to the EU.)
2. Even when the same topics are being reported, interlocutors are usually different
and chosen according to the “entity” line.
3. There are no analysis or comments; the main format of the news is short or slightly
extended, which somewhat causes ambiguity for viewers.
4. The news usually start with alarming announcements (“Critical report for Bosnia
and Herzegovina”, “Bosnia and Herzegovina lags behind the countries of the
region”, “None of the terms fulilled”, etc.)
5. Politicians from one entity often use media space to accuse politicians from the
other entity for the current situation.
164
6. Topics related to the EU do not occupy the irst minutes of the central newsreel
no matter how alarming they are. Thus the news of bad EU Progress Report for
Bosnia and Herzegovina was only briely read in the 13th minute, i.e. around the
middle of the programme, while on RTRS it appeared in the 17th minute.
7. One of the most often mentioned hindrances on the course to the EU is the lack
of verdict implementation in the Sejdić-Finci case. However, not once was any
solution of this problem stated.
8. The economic situation in Greece is a frequent topic in the media of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, but it is never discussed how the crisis has come about; it is
rather reported about the current situation: debt status, civil protests, general
dissatisfaction, etc.
9. Although their quality of coverage remains at equal level with public broadcasting
services, commercial television stations at times report in more detail about these
topics and include a greater number of interlocutors than publishers and journalists
of the Public Broadcasting Service.
In the context of the public broadcasting service discourse analysis it is interesting to
mention metaphors used in reporting. These usually do not serve the purpose of objective
informing of citizens, but rather colouring the context in regard to this topic. Therefore,
even colloquial terms are used such as “to leave no stone unturned”, “pointing the inger”
and the like)
Some of distinct metaphors used in the programme of the Public Broadcasting Services
were:
• Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot make a qualitative jump forward to the European
Union. (RTRS, 9.10.2012)
• This is a very important positive current for Bosnia and Herzegovina on its way to
the Euro Atlantic integrations. (FTV, 03.10.2012)
• A separate aid team was also formed which should help Bosnia and Herzegovina
pull out of crises in which it is stuck. (TVBN, 11.10.2012)
• Republika Srpska will give its best to remove the obstacles that are creating chaos
at the political scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina. (TVBN, 11.10.2012)
• The inger is being pointed to the Federation. (TVBN, 11.10.2012.)
• Although the solution of the problem should be sought where it was created, i.e.
in the Federation, Serbian analysts hold that the Federation will try to point the tip
of the blade towards Banja Luka. (RTRS, 27.10.2012)
• Even Chuck Norris would be envious of them. (RTRS, 27.10.2012)
• If threats were to occur, it is said that that they would be with an empty gun.
(27.10.2012)
• What would Robin Hood say to this. (27.10.2012)
165
12. 3. Comparison: Public broadcasting services and commercial media
about EU integrations
Reporting about the European Union is not very different in commercial media as
opposed to the public broadcasting services. The duration of a news items, the position in
the central news programme and the content quality show a reduced interest of these media
for the EU topics. While a more serious approach is expected from the public media on
these topics, viewers often remain deprived of complete information and frequently listen
only to negative commentary and threats on what will happen if the set reforms are not
implemented. However, viewers are only supericially acquainted with these topics, since
it seems that the media are not trying to bring them closer to the citizens of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, but rather publish this information in a protocol manner, without further
explanation.
Topics and formats are nearly identical in public and commercial media. Although
public media should be reporting in more quality and content than commercial media,
it often happens that the broadcasts of this media are almost the same, with the same
interlocutors, identical statements and timing.
FTV and NTV Hayat had almost identical broadcasts, while their reports mostly
concerned the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The media in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina report about neighbouring
countries and their course to the European Union also in a protocol manner and without
qualitative analysis, while the protests happening in contiguous countries always generate
media coverage. This creates a certain amount of fear and repulsion concerning the
European Union; all these protests are associated with Greece, which is in Bosnian public
known only to be near bankruptcy, something that the media regularly inform without
additional analyses.
Commercial and public media in Republika Srpska have the identical way of reporting
about the European Union. The topics that were most elaborately treated were those
concerning the relation of Serbia and Kosovo and further solving this issue in connection to
Serbia’s membership in the EU. Interlocutors were Republika Srpska’s politicians in high
positions as well as Serbian politicians (Tomislav Nikolić, Ivica Dačić, Serbian analysts,
etc.), while politicians from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina were not present
almost at all. A frequent interlocutor was also the president of Republika Srpska, Milorad
Dodik, who when speaking to the public never talks of a uniform Bosnia and Herzegovina,
but solely about Republika Srpska (“Republika Srpska wants to remain a visible part of the
process and contribute to removing the obstacles for the EU accession”, 11.10. Milorad
Dodik in Dnevnik, on the occasion of Sorensen’s visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina):
Perhaps the most interesting topic for citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina concerning
the EU was visa liberalization, that is, establishing the visa free regime. However, when
certain issues occurred related to the great number of political asylum-seekers from
western Balkan countries to certain countries of the EU and when it was speculated in the
public that the visa regime could be reintroduced, the media in the Federation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina reported of this in detail, while there was absolutely no information of
this on either public or commercial stations in Republika Srpska.
166
Therefore, it is very dificult to draw any kind of distinction between public and
commercial media when it comes to the approach to topics of the EU, but the difference
between the media in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska is
visible, regardless whether they are public or commercial.
12. 4. Conclusion
Finally, we can say that, when it comes to the EU topics, public broadcasting services
in Bosnia and Herzegovina serve more as loudhailers of the elite than as services of
citizens. They mostly follow dominant narratives and do not strive too much to deal with
citizens’ lack of interest for topics concerning the EU. As a matter of fact, they mostly
deal with internal political issues and the question of division of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
so that even the EU topics serve this context (and are interpreted within it). Further on,
public broadcasting services are merely reporters of EU news and not interpreters (at least
not when it comes to central news programmes). The public broadcasting services will
have to start approaching the topics of Europeanization and the EU on a more serious
note in the future, especially bearing in mind the fact that from July 2013 Bosnia and
Herzegovina is going to border the European Union (having common frontiers with
Croatia).
References
Obradović S. (ed.) (2009). Medijski pristupi promociji EU integracija. Split: Institut
STINE, Split.
Vijeće za štampu BiH i Udruženje BH Novinari (2012). Indikatori za procjenu medijskih
sloboda u zemljama članivama Vijeća Evrope: Izvještaj u sjeni za BiH.
167
Daniela Blaževska
13. Cultural events in the EU countries considered not interesting to the
media in the Republic of Macedonia
The media outlets with their contents should participate in the enrichment of the
culture of the readers, viewers and listeners. By doing so, they will fulil their function
of “spreading the cultural form and thus affecting the increase of the general level of
citizens’ culture, especially the political culture” (Čupić, 2010:13).
The research titled Europe, Here and There about how the media in the Republic of
Macedonia report on the events associated with the European Union also testiies how
much the media in the Republic of Macedonia actually write or report about the culture
in Europe and the European Union.
13. 1. Methodological approach
In this paper, we focus our attention on the analysis of the manner in which the print
media in Republic of Macedonia treat or process the cultural events in the EU countries.
We have chosen the print media for analysis because of its advantages: documentary
value, ixation of the messages, and the possibility of an analytical approach (Груевски,
2011a: 116).
According to the encyclopaedic deinition, print media are considered to be “all
printed and publicly disseminated publications which comprehensively relect the public,
especially the current social, political, cultural, economic and scientiic processes” (Polish
Encyclopedia, as cited in Груевски in 2011a: 90).
In this paper, we are to analyse the two daily newspapers Dnevnik and Vest, as well
as the weekly magazine Kapital. The analysis has been conducted in seven cyclically
selected days in the months of October (2nd, 4th, 10th, 12th, 20th, 22nd and 30th) in 2012. The
month of October was chosen as the period of research, because the European Commission
Progress Report for the Republic of Macedonia was submitted on 10th October 2012.
In this period, we have analysed the complete editions of the print media.
This paper uses content analysis as a method of data collection. The analysis is
qualitative.
Content analysis is a “technique of making conclusions by systematically and
objectively identifying the special characteristics or features of the message” (Holsti,
1968, as cited in Berg, 2001: 240).
This paper analyses the genre classiication of texts, the value relation of the journalist
towards the European Union, the value relation of the artist towards the European Union,
and the denotative and connotative meanings of the messages.
168
13. 2. Results from the research
During the period subject of the research, there were 86 texts related to the European
Union published in the print media. Out of the total, only one journalistic text is dedicated
to the culture. The texts should be published on the pages devoted to the section “culture”.
Subject of analysis in this paper is yet another text, which indirectly speaks of the
culture in Europe.
If we are to conduct a genre classiication of the published texts, we can conclude
that the following has been published: one news report and one interview. Both texts are
published in the daily newspaper Dnevnik.
The double issue of the daily newspaper Dnevnik on the 27th and the 28th October
contained an interview with the Croatian multimedia artist Željko Kipke titled “We are way
ahead of Europe in terms of ideas”. The occasion for the interview was the independent
exhibition of Kipke titled “Greetings from Zagreb” at the Museum of Contemporary Art
in Skopje.
Just by the title, one can sense the contemplation of the artist about the European
art. He gives advantage to the Balkans, because of the abundance of ideas. Kipke said:
“For me personally, it is far more interesting that the Balkans, which are bordering the
European Union, in terms of art and ideas are still far more intriguing than the rest, which
already include Slovenia and the other countries”.
When speaking of the European Union, the journalist has objective and unbiased
approach in the interview. The value relation of the multimedia artist Kipke towards the
European Union is negative. Kipke shared with the readers the fact that the exhibit set in
Skopje discretely speaks against the European Union. Exactly this segment of his exhibit
is called “Third retro-futuristic exhibition: Greetings from Zagreb”. The artist reveals
that he has previously expressed his negative attitude towards the European Union in the
Croatian media. Quite blatantly, he says that he is against Croatia joining the European
Union.
His negative attitude towards the European Union is self-supported with the opinion
that the “European Union is a secret freemasonry conspiracy”.
Interestingly, his attitude or opinion stems from a semiotic analysis of the symbols
and colours:
“I’m talking about those exchanges of freemasonry ideas, about the transfer of
parts of architecture from Brussels to Zagreb. Those are some discrete symbols
and two colors, characteristically for the freemasonry - blue and yellow. Those are
actually the colors of the EU lag. I don’t have to say anything else, you get the
picture.” (MKDK 27-28_6)
He elaborates his irm stance and attitude against the European Union by saying: “I
don’t like anything I see there!” (MKDK 27-28_6).
When it comes to the European Union, a journalistic creation in the interview is the
inter-title: “I don’t want in the EU” (MKDK 27-28_6). This inter-title objectively shows
the contents of that part of the interview.
169
The journalist has a neutral attitude and standpoint towards the European Union. The
relationship of the artist towards the European Union is not part of a journalists’ question.
The considerations of the multimedia artist Kipke about the European Union are actually
a response to a question that touches upon the Balkan Art: “Can the Balkans brag to have
good ine artists and a distinguishable scene?” (MKDK 27-28_6).
The response of the artist is as follows:
“We still don’t have powerful production as Europe has, so we do not compete in
aesthetics, but in ideas. They are far more important to us. The only problem we
have is the inancial aspect i.e. the production. We are not powerful, but our ideas
are far more penetrative than the Anglo-Saxon world and the European Union.
We will always ind a cheap solution that will always be interesting. On one hand,
we are all focused on eliminating borders and joining the European Union. I am
against the EU and I openly speak about this in the Croatian media, so I can say
it here too. I don’t like anything I see there. Part of this project titled “Third retrofuturistic exhibition” being exhibited in Skopje is an exhibition which discretely
speaks against the EU.” (MKDK 27-28_6)
The rest of the interview touches upon the following topics: the look or the appearance
of the city of Skopje, how much the art can be considered an idea and how much a
technique, can art provide for life, the importance of the biennial exhibitions in Venice,
Sao Paulo, Buenos Aires, the breakthrough of a ine artist etc.
On denotative level, this interview provides information about the exhibition by
Željko Kipke at the Museum of Contemporary Art in Skopje. On connotative level, the
reader gets a message about the value of the idea in art.
With the article titled “Sakharov Prize in Iranian hands”, the daily newspaper Dnevnik
informs its readers that the prize of the European Parliament “Sakharov” which is being
awarded in the ield of human rights and freedom of thought for 2012 belongs to the
Iranian lawyer and political activist Nasrin Sotoudeh and the Iranian ilmmaker Jafar
Panahi.
This article is being analysed as a category of news referring to the European Union,
because the prize is being awarded by the European Parliament. Therefore, we cannot
speak about the relationship of the journalist or any other subject towards the European
Union, as an object in the research.
The value of the news is comprised of the fact that the news itself stimulates the
freedom of thought and encourages people to ight for human rights.
It is a news article copied from a News Agency. The text is not signed.
The article or the news shows an example of self-sacriice for the sake of others. The
lawyer is serving a prison sentence of 11 years.
The newspaper writes:
“The decision for the award comes 10 days after inding out that Sotoudeh, serving
an 11 year prison sentence, initiated a hunger strike. She was accused of conspiring
against national security and spreading propaganda against the Islamic Republic,
and besides imprisonment, she lost her law practice license and received a 20-year
ban to leave Iran.” (MKDK 27-28_5)
170
The movies directed by Jafar Panahi show the social image of today’s Iran, life in the
cities and the troubles and misfortunes of women in society. The newspaper writes:
“Panahi has been arrested six times till date and was recommended to leave Iran
and to immigrate, but he refused. The last time he was arrested was in December
2010 and was charged with conspiring with intent to commit crimes against
national security and spreading propaganda against Iran. He was sentenced to six
years rigorous imprisonment”. (MKDK 27-28_5)
The denotative signiicance of the article is that the “Sakharov” prize for 2012 has been
awarded by the European Parliament to human rights activists from Iran. On connotative
level, this news or article sends a message that the Good is being rewarded.
The article opens food for thought: why both prizes have been awarded to activists
from Iran, are there problems in the country. It provokes an interest to ind out a bit more,
to read, to research...
13. 3. Discussion – the (non)educational (dys)function of the media
The media have a function to inform, to educate and to entertain. And they should
do so in that particular order. However, the educational function of the media seems
to gradually disappear from their list of priorities. The journalistic texts on the cultural
events are brought to a minimum. In contrast, the sensationalist news and cheap tabloidlike information, which are pleasing, pandering and feeding the human passion, are overlooding the pages of the print media.
The research titled Europe, Here and There about how the media outlets in the
Republic of Macedonia report on events associated with the European Union conirms
this problem. In the print media, out of eighty-six articles, only two texts were related to
the culture.
The general media image in the Republic of Macedonia shows that the events related
to culture most often are treated or processed by the media as informational (reporting on
events) and sensationalist (reporting on problems or scandals). An analytical approach is
missing. The analytical approach can be developed especially in the print media.
In perspective of the story of the “Sakharov” prize, for example, the journalists could
have continued and potentially investigate the reactions of the winners having won an
award, what the award means to them, what are they going to do with the award money
... Such topics can encourage, inspire, initiate, motivate ... To do what journalism lacks
today not only in Macedonia, but also in the world – to be engaged and active for the
greater good.
The interview with the multimedia artist Željko Kipke is a good example of an
analytical approach. Besides the information on the exhibition by Kipke in Skopje, the
Croatian painter is given the opportunity to also express his thoughts on art.
Journalism needs to provide an environment for a creative clash of ideas by the artists.
It should make in-depth analyses and discover new horizons, as well as shift the existing
boundaries of thought.
171
It is necessary to make a change in the priorities of the editorial policy in the media.
This is signiicant because of the crucial importance of mass communication in the
development of society.
The journalists are the “gatekeepers” (theory of “gatekeeper” by Kurt Lewin). They are
the ones who are selecting the messages which are to be sent to the audience. (Груевски,
2011b: 375). The journalists are actually implying what to think about (theory of “agenda
setting”) (Груевски, 2011b: 374). The media have the function of granting status, function
of enforcing social norms, as well as a narcotic dysfunction (Груевски, 2011b: 371–372).
The editorial policy should be created to encourage the publication of, as much as
possible, journalistic articles and texts that will promote the Good. The media are a
nerve-racking factor for people. They inform only about murders, crime, wars, conlicts,
problems. The dominant topic in the media is the evil, to which the more energy and
attention given, the more it feeds, grows and spreads with geometric progression. Instead
of all that, the aim should be to promote kindness, tolerance, love, respect, understanding,
peace....
While making TV reports from different parts of the world, the Croatian journalist
Goran Milić realized that there are no good and bad nations, just different nations
(06.12.2012, informal discussion with the chief editors of the media outlets in reference
to the award of the EU Delegation in Republic of Macedonia “Jean Monnet” for media
coverage of issues related to the European Union).
Elder Paisios said that there are two categories of people: “people lies” and “people
bees”.
Elder Paisios describes people who resemble lies as follows: “By not accepting
and rejecting the good, they contemplate negatively and only see the bad sides in life”.
(Старец Пајсиј).
The main feature of the second group of people, the ones who resemble bees, according
to Elder Paisios, is the search for something sweet and pleasant on which they would
land. “If a bee is in a room full of ilth, but there is a candy in the corner, the bee would ly
over all that ilth to land exactly on the candy” – he said (Старец Пајсиј).
Journalists need to change, to convert. Instead of the constant life of “people lies”,
they should more often try to be “people bees”.
13. 4. Conclusion
Considering all of the above, we can conclude that the cultural events in the EU
countries are not interesting to the media in Republic of Macedonia. The research shows
that out of total of 86 articles related to the European Union in the print media, only two
of them are related to the European culture.
In the articles, the journalist as a subject has a neutral standpoint towards the European
Union, as an object in the research. In one of the texts, the artist as a subject has a negative
standpoint towards the European Union. Such a standpoint he manifested through an
exhibition.
172
The small number of journalistic articles related to the culture of Europe and the
European Union in the media outlets in Republic of Macedonia, complements the general
media image of not devoting suficient and appropriate relevance to the artistic values.
The media outlets are not performing their educational function. Therefore, it is
necessary to transform the priorities of the editorial policy, aiming at promoting the Good
versus unwittingly serving the evil, through constantly informing about it. Focusing on
the good side of the people, the media can shift the whole society on the good side. In
times of misplaced values, due to its functions, mass communication should begin its
mission – the strained ankles of society should be returned to their rightful place.
References
Berg, L. (2001). Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences. Boston: Allyn
and Bacon. Retrieved from: http://mthoyibi.iles.wordpress.com/2011/05/qualitativeresearch-methods-for-the-social-sciences__bruce-l-berg-2001.pdf (Accessed: 27 Apr
2013).
Груевски, Т. (2011а). Историја на новинарството. Скопје: Студиорум.
Груевски, Т. (2011b). Комуникологија. Скопје: Студиорум.
Guiraud, P. (1973). La sémiology. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
Старец Пајсиј. ,,Луѓе муви и луѓе пчели”. Retrieved from: http://preminportal.com.mk/
content/view/8571/54/ (Accessed: 23 Mar 2013)
Čupić, Č. (2010) Medijska etika i medijski linč. Beograd: Čigoja štampa.
173
Dejan Lučić
14. EU integrations and broadcast media – facts without contexts
The process of EU integrations is the key challenge lying in front of young Montenegrin
democracy which, regardless of the two-decade practice, cannot be called consolidated. In
May 2006 Montenegro rebuilt the state independence and six years later, in June 2012, it
began negotiations on the European Union accession. The technical phase is in progress,
so-called screening of the alignment of Montenegrin laws with the laws of the European
Union, which should be terminated in the summer of 2013.
In Montenegrin political establishment, be it the position or opposition, the
integration in the European Union is a priority. However, the long, complex, technical
and administrative process of alignment with western European standards and acquis
requires special knowledge, relection and attention not only by decision-makers, but
also the media so that they can draw the process closer to the public. According to the
research of public opinion conducted for the needs of the European Union delegation in
Montenegro in 2011 by the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (CEDEM), the most
positive attitude towards the European Union is held by public administration, academic
community, non-governmental organizations and the media. In political parties, the irst
association to the word EU is EU integration followed by development and future. The
situation is similar in the case of media whereby the irst association is future and EU
integrations the second.
When it comes to European integrations, in the accession phases so far the media
in Montenegro have dedicated a signiicant amount of attention to the activities of the
Government, Parliament, state president, political parties, professional public and civil
society. Nevertheless, regardless of the presence of different opinions, balance and timely
informing, it cannot be claimed with certainty that Montenegrin media has managed to
shed light on the process of the accession to a signiicant degree and answer the simplest
questions – what the concrete EU policy means in practice, what its consequences and
beneits are, and how much it will cost. It seems that reporting comes down to a 24hour cycle of news where assessments, attitudes and opinions of European and domestic
oficials are in focus, unlike the contextualization of the announced and making it
understandable to common people. This was asserted by the abovementioned CEDEM
research of the public opinion as well. Nearly 60% of the polled media, political parties,
non-governmental and business sectors believe that information about EU integrations is
incomplete and partial whereas slightly less than a third of the examinees from each of
the groups hold that the public gets key information about the process of EU integrations.
Barely ten per cent of political parties, just above eight per cent of the media and almost
ive per cent of the polled from non-governmental organizations consider that the
information about European integrations is complete and very good.
174
14. 1. The aim of the paper
The aim of the paper is to establish patterns in reporting about Montenegro’s accession
to the European Union by a part of broadcast media, using the method of content analysis.
The research comprises reports of Radio i Televizija Crne Gore, Televizija Atlas and
Antena M Radio from October 2012. The selected media have national coverage and
recognizable news programmes, so by selecting them we provided a balance between
public and private broadcasters. Analysing the content of announcements of the stated
broadcasters should conirm the hypothesis that Montenegrin broadcast media reporting
on EU integrations is, for the most part, in the form of reports and news and without
additional context explanations.
Content analysis (Branković, 2008: 53) is a research method for media material,
various documents, textual records, audio or pictorial records and other forms of oral
or written communication among people. Its aim is, as Srbobran Branković writes,
to describe the content of certain forms of communication, to classify it, to explain it
or understand it in the context of time and space in which it originated and was used,
bringing it in connection with socio-demographic, biographic, cultural and other features
of the document author and the ones it was intended for; to fathom its meanings and the
sense it has for the ones that produce it and the ones that it is intended for. The corpus for
the content analysis consists of 15 television and 24 radio broadcasted news items, aired
on central news programme during seven days in October and determined by the research
design. The selected days include work weeks and weekends which are spread throughout
all four weeks of October 2012.
Radio i Televizija Crne Gore [Radio and Television Montenegro] are the oldest
broadcasters in the country. Radio Crne Gore was heard for the irst time on 30th April
1949 and until as late as 1990 it carried the name of Radio Titograd. The programme is
broadcast on two channels and by means of satellite. The oficial beginning of work of
Televizija Crne Gore is taken to be 4th May 1964 when the irst feature story prepared in
Montenegrin editorial board was aired on the central informative programme TV Dnevnik
on Televizija Beograd. Since 2002 Radio Crne Gore and Televizija Crne Gore have been
broadcasting services of Montenegro’s citizens (www.rtcg.me).
Televizija Atlas [Atlas Television] is one of the youngest broadcasting companies
in Montenegro, based on digital technological solutions that enable a high degree of
productivity and programme diversity by respecting the highest production standards
(www.rtvatlas.tv). Apart from interactivity, the main characteristics of prime time
programmes on TV Atlas are their commitment to quality news and current affairs
programme, information from the world of business, inances and entertainment.
Radio Antena M is the oldest news and current affairs radio in Montenegro which
has been broadcasting programme since 18th July 1994 (www.antenam.net). Although it
is in private ownership, the Radio produces programme which is of public broadcasting
service character. In 2005 Radio Antena M was declared the radio with the best news
programme among about 800 radio and television stations of the SEENAPB network. In
2006 Antena M was awarded the prize by One World Radio SEERN as the radio with the
best research programme that deals with human rights, interethnic dialogue and tolerance.
175
14. 2. Elections and the Progress Report
October 2012 was an important month for Montenegro from political, economic and
social aspects. In the irst half of the month the country was expecting its irst Progress
Report from the European Commission after accession negotiations began, whereas
on 14th October the irst parliamentary elections were scheduled in which new political
forces set in for the irst time after a long period. From the aspect of our research it was
interesting to determine in what way these two important events affected the daily routine
in reporting about EU integrations, if any.
October elections were a real surprise as none of the parties won majority in the
Parliament. After the elections the leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists Milo
Đukanović returned to the political scene and took the Prime Minister position for the sixth
time, forming the Government with new-old personnel. Opposition parties the New Serb
Democracy and the Movement for Changes stood together in elections as the Democratic
Front. The party leaders Andrija Mandić and Nebojša Medojević handed over the leading
position to former Yugoslavian diplomat and professor in Italy Miodrag Lekić, which
in the end paid off to both parties since together they had obtained 20 mandates. A new
political subject in the elections was also the Positive Montenegro formed by the life-long
NGO activist Darko Pajović. New party with “new” people, which in pre-election period
seemed as a sound alternative to both the Government and opposition, won 7 mandates
in the elections – an exceptional success for a party founded a few months before the
elections were held. The ruling coalition had to be satisied with 39 mandates, which was
not enough for the absolute majority that they had in the previous government.
In the Progress Report, the content of which had been speculated in the media
long before its oficial publishing, it was concluded that Montenegro made additional
progress in establishing functional market economy, improved the possibilities to take on
commitments from the European Union membership and voluntarily continued to fulil
political criteria for the membership (www.ec.europa.eu). It was explained in the Report
that accession negotiations would involve a new approach to the chapters on judiciary and
fundamental rights as well as justice, freedom and security, emphasizing thus the focus
on the rule of law and reforms. Montenegro would have to, as it was put, develop further
measurable results in the ield of the rule of law, especially when it comes to high-level
corruption and organized crime.
14. 3. Genre and context
Vasilije Milić in his book Misija sedme sile ([The Mission of the Forth Estate] Milić,
2006: 110) states that radio and television news programmes have multiple signiicance
for every society and country, because only timely, objective and complete information
about certain events and occurrences in the country and in the world, conveyed by these
media, represents a real assumption for gaining new timely and quality information as
well as cognition based on which listeners/viewers can evaluate how they should think
or act and in which direction they should do this. Milić adds that news programme
176
should contribute to better understanding of current situation and facilitate participation
in certain social processes in everyday life for listeners and viewers. Dubravka Valić
Nedeljković (Valić Nedeljković, 2007: 52) explains that the media do not give directions
to each and individual reader, listener/viewer on how to think, but what to think about
and motivate them to try to create their personal judgment about it. However, for
building any kind of judgement about reality, media consumers need information which
will draw them closer to the events from the country or the world from several aspects.
Milorad Ćirilović (Todorović, 1998: 16) writes that today’s reader is almost not even
given an opportunity to be completely, timely and truthfully informed by just buying one
daily newspaper. His relections on daily newspapers can be completely applied to the
broadcast media in Montenegro, which depending on editorial policy and position they
hold relative to political participators in the country, inform the public from completely
opposite positions. Thus, some media are “pro-Government” others “pro-opposition” or
“pro-market” oriented, while there is the fewest number of those that are citizen-oriented
following their mission of a “watchdog” or “the eyes and the ears” of the nation, or they
are completely non-existent.
Regardless of the “interesting” political context in which the research for the purpose
of this paper was conducted, most announcements were given through the simplest
journalist forms – the news and report. Although the news is the basic form of journalistic
expression on which all other forms build upon, it can hardly satisfy the need of viewers
and listeners to ind out more about a speciic topic. Stjepan Malović in his book Osnove
novinarstva ([The basics of journalism] Malović, 2005: 185) speciies that news is written
briely, concisely, quickly and in simple language, that is, by applying 5W plus H rule. By
answering the questions who, what, when, where why and how we will obtain in one or two
paragraphs the answer to what happened, but we will not ind out the background of the
event, what its consequences are, how it will affect our lives, etc. The very “consequence
and importance” is mentioned by Itule and Anderson (Itjul, Anderson, 2001:14) as one
of the important criteria based on which it is determined whether something is signiicant
or interesting enough to be news. Sergije Lukač (Todorović, 1998: 7) reminds us of
three-part genre division, that is factual (news, report, interview), belletrized (feature
story, feuilleton, humorous texts, caricature) and analytic genres (editorial, commentary,
column, notes). He further explains that factual genres take up most space, i.e. time, in the
media and that the application of rigorous qualiicatives applies to them: the veracity and
the accuracy of reporting, objectivity, integrity and clarity, and if possible certain interest.
On the other hand, analytic genres have the task to critically examine and analyse an
event or phenomenon and to, as Lukač puts it, give it a third, deep dimension. That very
third dimension, reconsideration of the importance of an event is the main shortcoming
of Montenegrin media reporting in the observed period.
We have already speciied that the news is the basic form of journalistic expression,
so in line with that a report would be a kind of its extension. Melvin Mencher (Mencher,
1993: 113–123) explains that the basic structure of a report consists of a lead in which the
main topic is explained and it answers the six key questions (5W i H), the lead explanation,
background information, additional information of the lead and inally other topics, that is
data. These reports may have one, two or three topics. In the case of a report with two or
three topics, a summarising lead is written. Most often reports are written in the form of
177
inverted pyramid which is, as Mencher states, a great choice for important events because
readers, viewers and listeners immediately want to know what happened.
14. 4. Television
Televizija Crne Gore aired seven news items about EU integrations in seven news
programmes during October. The highest number of them, three, was shown on 3rd
October. The main broadcast addressed the excerpts from the Progress Report that the
print media published that day as well as the reactions of the then Prime Minister Igor
Lukšić to the choice of excerpts from that document. Among other things, the report
of TVCG stated: “Organized crime, high-level corruption, money laundering. These are
the areas that according to Brussels lack inal convictions and coniscation of property,
and because of them the concern remains”. This is how it was reported by Podgorica
media, claiming that they had read the Draft Report. Brussels, they wrote, requires that
we show ourselves in the ight against high-level corruption during the negotiations. The
Prime Minister Igor Lukšić pointed out to what he thought was a much more important
dimension:
That’s an assumption for opening a chapter. So, we’re already in the process of
negotiations and now we are opening chapters, one by one, and this Report helps
us because it will contain speciic recommendations on the basis of which we will
make action plans. Hence, that’s the purpose of this report. I think it represents
objectively, when all sides of the report are taken into account, a balanced view
of what our speciic obligations should be in the following period. (...) Our media
emphasize only the bad part or the warning part of the Report and they ignore the
fact that it’s simply a technique of how European reports are made because, if we
didn’t have any problems, we would now be a member of the European Union...
(CGTVCG3_1)
By presenting the attitudes of both parties (the media vs. Lukšić) Televizija Crne Gore
attempted to achieve balance in reporting and went a step further, stating that the Europol
report on corruption and crime in Montenegro would not be published together with that
document, which later turned out to be true. What the report misses in terms of “the story
that follows” is an explanation what a failure to meet certain policies means speciically,
how that affects the lives of citizens and how much it will cost.
The other two news items aired on 3rd October conirmed the earlier introduced
claim that both the ruling parties and opposition were in favour of integrations. In the
broadcast about the visit of the Democratic Front oficials Miodrag Lekić and Nebojša
Medojević to Brussels, the reporter speciied that, upon meeting the Commissioner for
Enlargement Štefan Füle, they presented the election programme of that political alliance.
Lekić said that they were rather encouraged by the meetings in Brussels “not only by
meaningful conversations, but also impressions and opinions” that they had heard from
EU representatives. He further said: “...we realized that in the DF they have recognized
a serious alternative, which is preparing in a serious way and which is already prepared
to take responsibilities in Montenegro”. Medojević stated that they had communicated
178
their readiness to Füle that, after the DF formed the government with other opposition
parties, “that government will carry out reforms planned by European agenda more
quickly and more intensively”. In the following broadcast the functionary of the Socialist
People’s Party Vasilije Lalošević claimed that his party was a pioneer of EU integrations
in Montenegro:
…that we were authors of resolutions and declarations on European integrations as
far back as 2005, 2008 and 2009. And that was at the moments when some, who
now say that integrations are the oxygen in their blood, were against it and gave
us sharp criticism. We were resilient in that matter and we knew that the future of
Montenegro was just on the road of European integrations, on the road to the EU.
We were irmly committed to respecting all the principles which would lead to the
change of value systems in Montenegro, and I will remind you, we are not entering
the EU for the inhabitants of the EU, but for us ourselves and the essence of it all
is the change of the value system. (CGTVCG3_1)
The things that remain unknown after both news are the explanations of which reforms
exactly are projected by European agenda, how they will affect the lives of citizens and
what the change of the value system means.
Other news that were broadcasted in news programmes of Televizija Crne Gore
referred to the announcement of the Progress Report (9th October) and the visit of the Head
of the Delegation of the European Union to Montenegro Mitja Drobnič to that media (19th
October). What was interesting from the programme about Drobnič’s visit to Televizija
Crne Gore were the details that referred to his claims about the country’s successes in
EU integrations and pre-accession funds which it could use for the development of the
country’s north. Although the journalist in the broadcast explained who the people who
could use the money from IPA and other funds were, there was no explanation about how
exactly non-governmental organizations and local self-governances could do this:
Financial resources for starting or improving a business are not provided by
European funds only. Investment and development fund supports sustainable
business plans, though the problem is that ideas are scarce and even that scarce
amount received bad reviews (...) And that the north has the grounds to lourish
is believed by the Head of the EU Delegation, as well. It is necessary, he says,
to ind an adequate development concept (...) Current resources that Montenegro
receives from pre-accession funds are not substantial, at least not when compared
to the ones that we will receive when we become a full member of the big family
(...) When Montenegro, I hope soon, becomes a member of the EU then the state
will be able to use the funds for developing underdeveloped areas (...) If the EU
develops a sleepy region, it is important to apply with concrete and sustainable
ideas, says the Ministry of Economy. (CGTVCG19_3)
Televizija Atlas aired eight news items altogether. Although they published only one
item more than Public Broadcasting Service, there were signiicant differences in the way
these media conveyed information. Televizija Atlas had better narration and dramaturgy
of the news, which facilitated its watching and understanding. The media also aired three
news itemd on 3rd October. Like on Televizija Crne Gore, the main one about excerpts
from the EC Report published by the print media and commented by Lukšić. In the news,
179
beside Lukšić, the Report was also commented by the functionaries of the Democratic
Front and the Socialist People’s Party, Nebojša Medojević and Vasilije Lalošević. Video
clippings with Lukšić’s statement were identical to the ones shown on Televizija Crne
Gore, but their arrangement was different. The narration of the story was also different,
the statement of Medojević contributing to it by explaining why bad marks from the
Report had been expected:
This is the result of the fact that we had problems with warranties related to
Aluminium Plant Podgorica, subventions that were not acceptable by European
Commission, non-transparent state-aid, grey economy (...) non-transparency in
obtaining licences, excessively cumbersome bureaucracy, simply put – business
environment that discourages investors. (CGTVA3_1)
For Lalošević the Progress Report was not “worded at random”. Regardless of the
comprehensive approach in outlining the broadcast, it lacked the answer to the key
question “whose concern is this”, that is, the focus on citizens.
The second news items aired on 3rd October addressed CEDEM’s research according
to which the decline of the support to EU membership continued. Statements given by the
vice Minister for European integrations Gordana Đurović and Momčilo Radulović from
the European movement explained that the phenomenon had been present with all the
countries that had pleaded to enter the EU, but that the accession support of 60% was still
fairly high. Đurović explained that the decline of support was largely a consequence of
domestic and European economic crises, but also the perception of citizens that the road
to the EU required a lot of work and numerous reforms. The reason for support decline
was also the fact that citizens were not informed enough about the negotiating process:
I think this should be a much stronger support, that it should be talked about much
more, who is in the team, what is being done, what the preparations are like, where
the platform is, where the whole negotiating team is, whether we got the best
people from the Faculty of Economics. (CGTVA3_2)
Radulović held the opinion that the drop in trust in the EU at that moment was a
temporary state and that the support would go back to “the high position at which it used
to be in the previous research”. The programme also quoted the opinion of European
delegate Jelko Kacin about Montenegro as an exemplary for all other countries in the
Western Balkans. The judgement of Đurović keeps with the CEDEM research from
the beginning of the paper, but also with our perceptions that except for the reporting
according to the principle “what happened” there is no talk about what the reasons that
conditioned an event or its consequences are, as well as that citizens are not informed
enough about EU integrations.
Televizija Atlas, too, broadcast the statement of Miodrag Lekić after the meeting with
Štefan Füle and other Brussels oficials. Lekić said that:
the fundamental part of the Front’s policy is integration of Montenegro in the
European Union as well as society changes in Montenegro. (...) we realized that
in Democratic Front they recognized a serious alternative, which is preparing in a
serious way and which is already prepared to take responsibilities in Montenegro.
(CGTVA3_3)
180
The following news items about EU integrations were aired on 9th October on
Televizija Atlas. The irst one addressed the announcement of handing in the Progress
Report, the second the invitation to the Prime Minister Igor Lukšić to become a member
of the European Academy of Arts and Sciences. It is interesting that on 11th October,
i.e. the day after submitting the Report, not one broadcast was prepared to explain the
statements from the report in more detail or at least give a critical overview. The rest of
the broadcasts shown on this television came down to announcing the CEDEM press
conference, the region and the world, that is, the meeting of the Prime Ministers of Serbia
and Kosovo, Ivica Dačić and Hashim Thaçi, with the High Representative of the EU
Catherine Ashton, as well as passing a unique regulatory framework for the banking
sector in the EU. Besides the news which informed us about the meeting of Serbian and
Kosovo oficials, not even one piece of information mentioned whether and what kind of
inluence would possible reaching the agreement or the collapse of negotiations have on
the region and Montenegro.
14. 5. Radio
Unlike television central news programmes, the news programmes of Radio Crne Gore
and Radio Antena M were more diverse and with more information. Both media broadcast
12 pieces of information each on EU integrations. On 1st October Radio Antena brought
the story about the opening of the reconstructed railroad Podgorica – Nikšić, in which the
Prime Minister Igor Lukšić said “the economic reconnection of two biggest Montenegrin
cities by means of a modern railway will contribute to better business environment,
development of economic opportunities, as well as our complete integration in European
transportation framework”. It was not possible to conclude from the broadcast how
Montenegro would become a part of European transportation framework and what that
integration implied. The same conclusion was suggested by another news aired that day
about the NGO Voz neprebola50, whose representatives at the press conference announced
that they were dissatisied with Government’s information about Bioče derailment in
2006 when more than several dozen passengers died. The journalist in the broadcast said
that representatives of NGO Voz neprebola had spoken to the oficials of EU Delegation
from whom they “received a clear message that they would help them in further search for
justice”, but not how they would do this. The third broadcast referred to the world, that is,
to the protests in Brussels and Paris against austerity measures.
Antena M in Dnevnik, the central news programme, on 3rd October brought a programme
about CEDEM’s research related to the drop in support to the EU accession, but also
statements of several interlocutors among whom the Vice-Minister for ЕU integrations
Gordana Đurović, Momčilo Radulović from the European Movement and the member of
the European Parliament Jelko Kacin. Đurović claimed that she was not glad the support
had dropped below 60% explaining that the reason was “a combination of factors, the
important one surely being that the EU is still in a deep economic crises”. Đurović held
T.N.: [literally, the Train of Unhealing] An NGO formed after Bioče derailment seeking justice
for the victims of the tragedy and their families.
50
181
the opinion that citizens were not informed enough about institutions in the EU, adding
that “it would be dificult to ind a signiicant per cent of Montenegrin citizens that could
name elementary institution of the EU”. While Đurović and Radulović claimed that the
decrease in trust was normal in that phase of integrations, Kacin judged that Montenegro
was a good example for the region.
If we, the EU member states, had such a support in now at the time of crisis too,
we would be ecstatic (...) Excuse me, but 60 per cent, that is nearly two thirds, that
is just the proof that the citizens of Montenegro, whatever their political option
is, they see their future in economic development, social security, and in these
circumstances the EU is the only one offering hope that this is possible to achieve
in a realistic way. (CGRAM3_1)
In the same Dnevnik they also aired news on the excerpts from the EC Progress Report
in the focus of which was the ight against corruption and organized crime. This report
was not signiicantly different from the ones broadcast in other broadcast media, either.
The third one news that day referred to the visit of German Chancellor Angela Merkel to
Athens, protests that welcomed her and austerity measures which in Greece had lasted
for three years. On 11th October Antena M aired a broadcast on the Progress Report
commented by the Director of Directorate for anti-corruption Initiative Vesna Ratković,
specifying that the Report was realistic “because the document states that Montenegro
has made certain progress this year in anti-corruption policy, prevention and supressing
corruption.” A day after the Progress Report was published Antena M aired a broadcast
from the Media Self-Regulation Council press conference in which it was ascertained
in one sentence that EC Progress Report for Montenegro “coincides with their own
judgement that Montenegrin media are highly politicized”. The rest of the information
aired on Radio Antena M refered to the region, that is, Serbia and its EU perspective as
well as the dialogue about the future of Kosovo, though without any explanations how
this affected the region and Montenegro.
Radio Crne Gore aired two stories on 1st October; the irst one was about the
reconstructed railroad Podgorica – Nikšić. Speaking of the planned projects in railroad
trafic in the broadcast, the Minister of Transportation Andrija Lompar said that he hoped
that, as Montenegro progressed towards the European Union, it would also be given
access to European funds for these projects:
Pljevlja railway, which should be connected to the railway from Bar then go
towards the border with Serbia, continue further in the direction of Berane and
inally connect with Kosovo as well. Another project is an old one which we will
go back to again – it is that Nikšić gets connected with Bileća via new railway.
These are the projects the documentation is being prepared for and I hope that,
on our road to the EU, the funds from which we will be able to inance these two
projects as well will opened very soon be. (CGRCG1_1)
Another story aired that day referred to Serbia – President Tomislav Nikolić greeted
possible mediation of the High Representative of the EU Catherine Ashton in the
negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina. Radio Crne Gore, just like all the media
included in the research, on 3rd October aired an integral broadcast about the excerpts from
Montenegro’s Progress Report prepared by the EC. Unlike Radio Antena M, Radio Crne
182
Gore offered the attitudes of the Prime Minister Igor Lukšić about the accomplished parts
of the report, thus providing balance to the information. The content of the programme
did not deviate from the statements published in other media whereas Lukšić’s clippings
were identical to the ones on the televisions Atlas and Crne Gore.
That day the broadcast on CEDEM research about the drop in support to EU accession
was also aired, in which the statement of the European Parliament member Jelko Kacin
given to Radio Antena M was cited. The third broadcast aired on 3rd October referred to
the meeting of the advisor at the Directorate General for Enlargement of the EU Marta
Garcia Fidalgo and the main negotiator of Montenegro Aleksandar Pejović. Fidalgo said
that the chapter of competition was one of the key chapters in the process of accession
to the EU, whereas Pejović estimated that it was “good that the chapter of competition
is being opened in the earlier phase of the negotiations as there will be enough time
for preparation. (...) Market opening will additionally stiffen the competition and put
capabilities of domestic companies to the test”. In the Dnevnik on 9th October the
information that Lukšić was invited to become an honorary member of the European
Academy of Sciences and Arts was published, but just like in the case of the other media
that broadcast this news, there was no an explanation, what this meant for Montenegrin
science and art.
A day after the Progress Report was published, on 11th October, Radio Crne Gore
brought three pieces of news on the event, out of which only one referred to Montenegro.
In that news item members of the European Parliament Tanja Fajon and Jelko Kacin
commented on the report and its implications on the region. Fajon assessed that “the
Progress Report which was presented to Brussels yesterday was the relection of the
current situation in western Balkan countries and it should encourage them to continue on
their European course” whereas Kacin also said that the Report of the EC was “favourable
to Montenegro and shows that Montenegro is on the European road and the advantage of
the country is that there is a great national consensus about the EU”. The other two pieces
of news referred to Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The news broadcast on 19th October referred to the meeting of the High Representative
Catherine Ashton with the Prime Ministers of Serbia and Kosovo, Ivica Dačić and Hashim
Thaci, about Kosovo, as well as the agreement of the leaders of 27 members of the EU
on introducing a single regulator for banks in Eurozone. Radio Crne Gore broadcast the
news on 27th October in which Austrian ambassador Martin Pamer said that Montenegro
would have the support of his homeland in the future, stating that it had deserved the
beginning of negotiations with the EU, but it would require more work in the process
of accession: “Austria will of course continue to support Montenegro on its European
course, as much as possible in a conspicuous way, politically and institutionally as well
as within the projects which are mainly implemented through our embassy”.
14. 6. Conclusion
After the content analysis of announcements of Televizija Crne Gore and Televizija
Atlas, as well as Radio Crne Gore and Radio Antena M it can be claimed with certainty that
183
in the foreground of all information are assessments, attitudes and opinions of domestic
and European oficials rather than contextualization of the stated, critical relecting and
additional explanations. It is interesting that none of the observed media gave a critical
review on the Progress Report, or a more detailed elaboration of the key indings from that
document, regardless of the fact that generally speaking the report was positive. Citizens,
for example, lacked the explanation of what the measurable results in the ight against
organized crime and corruption were, what it meant that Montenegro fulilled political
criteria for the membership to a satisfactory degree or that it progressed in establishing
functional economy. It seems that Montenegrin journalists failed their exam as they forgot
the most important thing (Malović, 2005: 273), that they write for viewers, readers and
listeners; in other words, that the interest of people has to prevail when writing.
Factual genres dominate in the published information, which conirms the hypothesis
that the reporting of Montenegrin broadcast media on EU integrations has the form
of reports and news to the highest degree, without additional explanations of context.
The reporting of the four observed media leads to the conclusion that diversiication in
reporting does not exist, but citizens are served information of almost identical content
which will not help them understand the problem informed to a suficient degree.
In the period before us, as the process of accession advances, we will also need new
media thinking about EU integrations as well as additional knowledge and education in
order to draw closer the changes that the process will bring to citizens in the simplest way.
For a start it will be necessary to explain what it means to open a chapter, as till the end of
the year Montenegro may open Chapters 23 and 24 – Judiciary and fundamental rights,
that is, Justice, freedom and security.
References
Bešić, M. (2011). Attitudes toward the EU and the Delegation of the European Union in
Montengro. Podgorica: Centre for Democracy and Human Rights.
Branković, S. (2008). Metod analize sadržaja. Srpska politička misao, 15(20), 53–70.
Itjul, B. & Daglas, A. (2001). Pisanje vesti i izvještavanje za današnje medije. Beograd:
Media centar.
Malović, S. (2005). Osnove novinarstva. Zagreb: Golden Marketing.
Mencher, M. (1993). Basic Media Writing. Dubuque: Brown&Benchmark.
Milić, J. V. (2006). Misija sedme sile – Radio i televizija što je to? Podgorica: CID.
The European Commission (2012). The Progress Report 2012. Retrieved from: http://
ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/key_documents/2012/package/mn_rapport_2012_
en.pdf (Accessed: 14 Mar 2013).
Radio i Televizija Crne Gore (2013). Istorija. Retrieved from: http://www.rtcg.me/rtcg/
istorija.html (Accessed: 14 Mar 2013).
Todorović, N. (1998). Savremeno novinarstvo. Beograd: Čigoja štampa.
Televizija Atlas (2013). O nama. Retrieved from: http://www.rtvatlas.tv/pocetna/o-nama.
html (Accessed: 14 Mar 2013).
184
Valić Nedeljković, D. (2007). O novinarstvu i novinarima. Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet.
Vojvodić, D. (2013, 18 Mar). Od Crne Gore zavisi napredak pregovora, Portal Radija
i Televizije Crne Gore. Retrieved from: http://www.rtcg.me/vijesti/politika/6068/odcrne-gore-zavisi-napredak-pregovora.html (Accessed: 14 Mar 2013).
Šuković, D. (2013). O nama. Radio Antena M. Retrieved from: http://www.antenam.net/
sajt/index.php/o-nama (Accessed: 14 Mar 2013).
185
Dejan Pralica
15. Concluding remarks
The media in countries that participated in this project, whose broadcasted and print
texts were analysed, report on European integrations of their country, i.e. the European
Union and the phenomenon of Europeanization, almost without any signiicant differences.
Hence, the Europeanization of these four Balkan countries is most frequently reported
about through the context of a certain issue that “slows down” the country on its course
to full membership in the European Union. In Serbia this topic is Kosovo, in Macedonia
the problem of the country’s name, in Bosnia and Herzegovina the division between the
entities in the context of the Constitution change, whereas in Montenegro it is the context
of election campaign for parliamentary elections.
In Serbian media, the results of the research indicate the politicians – media connection,
whereas citizens receive symbolic media attention, at least when it comes to the process of
Europeanization. The analysis reveals that the media most often report on the statements
of state oficials of Serbia or the European Union, whereas “everyday life stories” are
barely present at all. The basic conclusion is that media reporting about the European
Union in Serbia is dominated by the discourse of state oficials, as well as that the process
of Europeanization has been ‘elitized’ by the media and separated from the daily life and
problems of citizens.
The analysed Montenegrin media reporting is characterised by the prevalence of
factual genres, which are based on oficials’ statements and in accordance with editorial
policies of the media. There is an obvious lack of more complex (analytical) genres,
opinions and experts’ opinions, as well as studious involvement in the European topic in
order to explain to citizens in a more pragmatic way, what in speciic Montenegro gets
by joining the European family of nations. The fact is that readers, listeners and viewers
are informed enough about Europeanization in terms of quantity; however, in terms of
quality the European integrations of Montenegro are not devoted enough space and time.
All the analysed media are “overbooked” by functionaries’ statements.
When it comes to reporting on the phenomenon of the European Union by print
and broadcast media, Bosnia and Herzegovina, though formally with a unique media
system, demonstrate an apparent difference in texts from Republika Srpska on one hand,
and the Federations of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the other, whether they are public
services or commercial media. The main issue related to the media presentation of the
country’s European integrations is the lack of common European concept at the level of
the whole country. The common characteristic of all media is that European topics are
approached in a bureaucratic, i.e. protocol way (in case of visits of European oficials to
the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina or other mutual authorities), merely conveying
oficials’ statements. On the other hand, in their comments citizens express the opinion
that the reduction of tensions, peace and stability are the main priorities of the country
and that Europe will bring improvement of life to all citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
186
Nevertheless, the research shows that current political elite and the media, that convey
their attitudes in a non-critical but selective way, do not have EU integrations in their
focus.
In Macedonian media and its public, the European Union is in the focus of the attention.
Macedonian journalists most often report on the news that come from oficial political
bodies of the European Union and deal with EU integrations of the country. Journalistic
genre is most frequently the basic one, factual and related to current events. The issue of
Macedonian accession to the European Union is obvious both in the comments of state
oficials and opinions of numerous foreign diplomats. In comments, commentaries and
reports, the most common topic is Macedonia’s accession to the EU, the application of
legal regulations and the progress of the country according to Copenhagen criteria. The
issue of the country’s name is omnipresent as well.
The mutual characteristic of the analysed media in all four countries is a very similar
approach to reporting about EU integrations of these countries. The media most often
convey statements of domestic and foreign oficials and deal with current daily events
related to the European Union, if there are any. Although the media provide enough
broadcasts/texts about EU integrations and Europeanization in terms of quantity, in terms
of quality they are brought down to trivial, informative, factual genres, without devoting
signiicant effort to approaching these topics analytically and in a more comprehensive
way. Similarities like these in media approaches might be brought in connection with
mutual matrix within which media systems of Yugoslavian republics, now independent
states, had been functioning for decades in the past until the breakup of Yugoslavia.
16. Appendices
189
CODE SHEET FOR PRINT MEDIA
1. Title of the newspaper
2. Date
3. Code
4. Position in newspapers
1. On the front page
2. Not on the front page
5. Section:
1. Internal affairs
2. International affairs
3. EU, accession
4. World
5. Crime pages
6. Local/regional pages
7. Society
8. Economy
9. Opinions section
10. Culture
11. Entertainment
12. Sport
6. Size of the text
1. Short (several sentences)
2. Middle (up to one half of the page)
3. Large (half or more than a half of the page)
7. Type of the title:
1. Informational
2. Sensationalistic
3. Metaphorical
4. Combined
190
8. Genre
1. News
2. Report
3. Interview
4. Article
5. Column, commentary
6. Feature story
7. Reply
8. Letter to the editor
9. Vox populi
11. “Hybrid genre” (mixture of several genres)
9. Visual presentation
1. Only text
2. Text + photograph
3. Text + igure
4. Text + caricature
5. Text + text box
6. Text + multiple categories (photo, box,…)
10. Authorship
1. None, not indicated
2. Journalist (full name or initials)
3. News agency
4. Other media
5. External author (reader, expert)
6. Multiple authorship
11. Occasion
1. Event
2. Pseudo-event (e.g. press conference)
3. Media initiative
12. Location
1. Country in which the paper is printed
2. Brussels
191
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Strasbourg
EU member states
Western Balkan countries
USA
Kosovo
Other countries
13. The topic of EU, Europe, Europeanization is
14. Topic
1. EU accession and integration
2. Monetary affairs
3. Foreign affairs and security
4. Justice, fundamental rights and citizenship
5. Economy and trade
6. Environment and climate
7. Sustainable development
8. Education, culture, science, youth
9. Health
10. Humanitarian aid
11. Employment, social affairs and inclusion
12. Agriculture
13. Immigration
14. Restitution
15. War crimes
16. Crime
17. Sport
18. Entertainment
19. Kosovo
20. Relations between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina
21. Topic for a speciic country
24. Other
192
15. Subject (carrier of the action or attitude, whose activities are being presented):
1. International community
2. EU political bodies
i. EU in general
ii. European Commission
iii. European Council
iv. European Parliament
v. EU aid agencies
vi. EU delegation in respective countries
3. State bodies and organs (government, ministries, parliament)
4. State bodies and organs of EU countries
5. State bodies and organs of Western Balkan countries
6. Provincial, county, canton and local organs and bodies
7. State service institutions
8. Political parties
9. Workers and unions
10. Companies, irms, entrepreneurs
11. Experts
12. Non-governmental and civil society organizations
13. Celebrities and public persons
14. Citizens
15. Media (editorial boards, journalists)
16. Other
16. Identiication of the subject
17. Object (using the model for subject position)
i. EU in general
v. EU aid agencies
193
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
State bodies and organs of Western Balkan countries
Provincial, county, canton and local organs and bodies
State service institutions
Political parties
Workers and unions
Companies, irms, entrepreneurs
Experts
Non-governmental and civil society organizations
Celebrities and public persons
Citizens
Media (editorial boards, journalists)
Other
18. Identiication of the object
19. Value of the subject attached to EU integration
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Neutral
20. Value attached by the author (journalist or other) to the topic:
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Balanced
4. Neutral (exclusively for protocol news)
21. Notes (short description of the content):
194
195
CODE SHEET FOR RADIO
1. Media (the name of radio station)
2. Date
3. Broadcast code
4. Broadcast duration
5. Ordinal number of the information in the broadcast
6. Information duration
7. Headlines (daily news review)
1. Yes
2. No
8. Section
1. Internal affairs
3. Society
4. Economy
5. Crime pages
6. Culture
7. Entertainment
8. Sports
9. Other (according to certain media categorization by sections)
9. Position in a column
10. Genre
1. News
2. Report
3. Radio package
4. Interview
5. Feature story
196
6. Vox populi
7. Other
11. Form
1. Current audio recording of the subject
2. Only the presenter or reporter can be heard
12. Text authorship
3. Agency
4. Other media
5. External author (a reader, an expert)
6. Multiple authors
13. Occasion
1. Event
2. Pseudo-event (press conference)
3. Media initiative
14. Location
1. Country in which the paper is printed (SRB, BH, MK, CG)
2. Brussels
3. Strasbourg
4. EU member states
5. Western Balkans countries
6. USA
7. Kosovo
8. Other countries
16. Topic
197
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
Monetary affairs
Foreign affairs and security
Justice, fundamental rights and citizenship
Economy and trade
Environment and climate
Sustainable development
Education, culture, science, youth
Health
Humanitarian aid
Employment, social affairs and inclusion
Agriculture
Immigration
Restitution
War crimes
Crime
Sport
Entertainment
Kosovo
Relations between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Topic for a speciic country
Other
i. EU in general
v. EU aid agencies
198
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Political parties
Workers and unions
Experts
Citizens
Other
18. Identiication of the subject (Name, surname and function)
19. Object
i. EU in general
v. EU aid agencies
11. Experts
14. Citizens
16. Other
199
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Neutral
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Balanced
201
CODE SHEET FOR TELEVISION
1. Media (the name of television station)
2. Date
3. Broadcast code
4. Broadcast duration
5. Ordinal number of the information in broadcast
6. Information duration
7. Headlines (daily news review)
1. Yes
2. No
8. If yes, state the ordinal number
9. Illustration of the information in headlines
1. With live image
2. Telop
3. Sync clip
10. Genre and form
1. News without images (announced by a presenter)
2. News accompanied by live images
3. Report from the place of event
4. TV package – thematic supplement
5. Interview
6. Statement
7. Feature (a supplement which is in form similar to a feature story – a story that
provides information and entertainment – news told through a story about people)
8. Report by telephone
9. Vox populi
202
10.
11.
12.
13.
Live reporting
Feature story
Hybrid genre
Other
11. Image and text: the image provides the evidence that supports what is said off
the air:
1. Yes
2. No
12. Authorship
1. None; not indicated
3. News agency
4. Other media
13. Occasion
1. Event
2. Pseudo-event (press conference)
3. Media initiative
14. Location
2. Brussels
3. Strasbourg
4. EU member states
5. Western Balkan countries
6. USA
7. Kosovo
8. Other countries
203
16. Topic
2. Monetary affairs
9. Health
12. Agriculture
13. Immigration
14. Restitution
15. War crimes
16. Crime
17. Sport
18. Entertainment
19. Kosovo
24. Other
i. EU in general
v. EU aid agencies
204
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Political parties
Workers and unions
Experts
Citizens
Other
18. Identiication of the subject (Name, surname and function)
19. Object
i. EU in general
v. EU aid agencies
11. Experts
14. Citizens
205
16. Other
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Neutral
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Balanced
207
CODE SHEET FOR ONLINE TEXTS
1. Title of the on-line media
2. Date
3. Text code
4. Total number of comments on the text
5. Section
1. Internal affairs
3. EU, accession
4. World
5. Crime pages
6. Local/regional pages
7. Society
8. Economy
9. Opinions section
10. Culture
11. Entertainment
12. Sport
6. Size of the text
1. Short (several sentences)
2. Middle (up to one half of the page)
3. Large (half or more than a half of the page)
7. Type of the title:
1. Informational
2. Sensationalistic
3. Metaphorical
4. Combined
208
8. Genre
1. News
2. Report
3. Interview
4. Article
5. Column, commentary
6. Feature story
7. Reply
8. Letter to the editor
9. Vox populi
11. “Hybrid genre“ (mixture of several genres)
9. Visual presentation
1. Only text
2. Text + photograph
3. Text + igure
4. Text + caricature
5. Text + text box
6. Text + multiple categories (photo, box,…)
10. Authorship
3. News agency
4. Other media
11. Occasion
1. Event
2. Pseudo-event (e.g. press conference)
3. Media initiative
12. Location
2. Brussels
209
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Strasbourg
EU member states
Western Balkan countries
USA
Kosovo
Other countries
14. Topic
2. Monetary affairs
6. Environment and climate changes
9. Health
12. Agriculture
13. Immigration
14. Restitution
15. War crimes
16. Crime and corruption
17. Sport
18. Entertainment
19. Kosovo
24. Other
210
i. EU in general
ii. European Commission (members of the commission, directorate and other
EU executive bodies)
v. EU aid agencies
11. Experts
14. Citizens
16. Other
16. Identiication of the subject (name, surname, function)
17. Object (using the model for subject position)
i. EU in general
ii. European Commission (members of the commission, directorate and other
EU executive bodies)
v. EU aid agencies
211
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
State bodies and organs (government, ministries, parliament)
State bodies and organs of EU countries
Political parties
Workers and unions
Experts
Citizens
Other
18. Identiication of the object (name, surname, function)
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Neutral
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. Balanced
21. Notes (short description of the content)
213
CODE SHEET FOR COMMENTS
1. Media
2. Date
3. Code
4. Comment length
1. Emoticon
2. Up to 3 words
3. From 4 words to 50 words
4. Up to 100 words
5. More than 100 words
5. Commentator signature
1. Name and surname
2. Initials
3. Name
4. Nickname
5. Pseudonym
i. Metaphorical
ii. Comment on the text
iii. Factual
iv. Name and surname taken from a celebrity
a From history
b From contemporary life
6. Relation to the text
1. Closer relation to the text
a) Agreeing with the statement-attitude:
i. Of the journalist-media
ii. Of the source-interlocutor
b) Challenging the statement-attitude:
214
c) Negotiating with the statement-attitude:
2. Giving data-context that does not exist in the text:
a) For the purpose of agreeing/support
b) For the purpose of challenging
c) For the purpose of negotiating
3. Not clear
7. Reply to a comment (if the journalist or source reply to a comment)
1. Of the journalist
2. Of the source/source’s institution
8. Relation to other comments
1. Agreeing with the statement-attitude
2. Challenging the statement-attitude
3. Negotiating with the statement-attitude
4. Without references to other comments
9. Topic
2. Monetary affairs
9. Health
12. Agriculture
13. Immigration
14. Restitution
15. Crime and corruption
16. Sport
17. Entertainment
215
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
Kosovo
Relations between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Other
10. Attitude towards Europeanization
1. Positive
2. Negative
3. No attitude
About the contributors and researchers
217
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Lejla Turčilo, PhD is an assistant professor at the Department of Communication
Studies at the Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo. She is the author
of one book (Online komunikacije i ofline politika u BiH [Online communication and
ofline politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina] (2006)), a co-author of two books and the
editor of a journal of scientiic conference proceedings (Vjerodostojnost medija: izazovi
globalizacije i speciičnosti regiona [Media credibility: challenges of globalisation and
speciic features of the region] (2012)). She has published numerous scientiic papers in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, France, Belgium, the USA and Colombia. She
has also participated in several scientiic and professional conferences, symposiums and
congresses (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Macedonia, Germany, Portugal,
Belgium and the United Kingdom). She has been engaged in the realization of several
research projects (RRPP, COST, Tempus Programme). At the moment she holds the
position of vice dean at the Faculty of Political Sciences.
Belma Buljubašić, M Phil is a teaching assistant lecturer at the Faculty of Political
Sciences, Department of Communication Studies. In her work so far, she has lectured
several courses at the Department of Communication Studies: Reporting and Journalism
Essay, Contemporary Communication Systems, Contemporary Communication
Theories, etc.). She has published several scientiic and professional papers and reviews
in domestic magazines and magazines in the region. She has participated in numerous
seminars, conferences, workshops and scientiic programmes in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Serbia, Kosovo, Croatia, Switzerland, Belgium, Latvia and Denmark. Belma Buljubašić
is one of the editors of the publication “Vjerodostojnost medija: izazovi globalizacije i
speciičnosti regiona” [Media credibility: challenges of globalisation and speciic features
of the region]. At the moment she holds the position of secretary at the Department of
Communication Studies.
Lamija Hodžić is a graduate student at the Department of Communication/Media
Studies, Faculty of Political Sciences in Sarajevo. At the moment, she is working on
her Master thesis. She obtained her bachelor degree as the top student in her class and
was awarded Zlatna značka Univerziteta u Sarajevu [Golden badge of the University
of Sarajevo]. She is currently employed as a teaching assistant (demonstrator) at the
Department of Communication/Media Studies and as a junior researcher in the regional
RRPP project “Europe, Here and There: Analysis of Europeanization Discourse in the
Western Balkans Media”. She has participated in several domestic and regional schools
of journalism and seminars. Apart from being involved in the Faculty of Political Sciences
Student newspaper, she has occasionally worked as a contributor for several web portals.
218
Nejra Plasto is an MA student at the Department of Journalism, Faculty of
Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo. The main subjects of her research interest are
new media discourse, intercultural dialogue, position of minorities in media (in Bosnia
and Herzegovina), EU integration, media reporting and human rights. Formerly, she was
an assistant and a researcher active in the ield of regional projects dealing with important
social issues at different levels. She has participated in several conferences, seminars and
projects at home and abroad and contributed to the preparation of “The national report
about media and minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina”.
Nihad Katica is a full-time graduate student at the Department of Communication
Studies (Business Communication), Faculty of Political Sciences in Sarajevo. He is an
active member of non-governmental sector oriented towards general social welfare. From
the very start of his university education he has been involved in projects concerning the
improvement of conditions of university education and raising the consciousness of the
young about their signiicance in the community. His interests include: communication,
creation and development of brands, forming city image by means of modern technologies
that are used for communication purposes, development of the media in transition
countries as well as photography and video production.
Montenegro
Nataša Ružić, PhD is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences,
University of Montenegro. She is a lecturer in the following courses: Introduction to
Journalism, History of Journalism, The Media in Crisis Situations and Ethics of Journalism.
In graduate studies, she teaches the course The Media and the Public. Special ields of
interest: the internet as new media, ethics of journalism, children and the media, ethnic
minorities and the media, etc. She has participated in numerous scientiic conferences
in the country and the region. Nataša Ružić is engaged as a researcher in Tempus and
RRPP projects within which she is involved in the analysis of trends and problems in the
ield of journalism. She has worked with prestigious organisations such as UNICEF and
published over twenty scientiic papers. In addition to this, during her years of studying
she worked as the editor of the Serbian language news programme in the Voice of Russia
radio in Moscow. She is the editor of the programme “Naši u dijaspori” [Our people
abroad] and “Rusija i ja” [Russia and I].
Andrijana Rabrenović, M Phil is a senior associate in Specialist studies’ programme
at the Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Montenegro. She is a coordinator and
lecturer at the School of Journalism for the Young in Bijelo Polje. She is the team leader or
a member in several projects in the ield of media. The ields of her research encompass:
contemporary media systems, the media system of Montenegro and the new media. She
also works as the editor-in—chief for the local public broadcaster Radio Bijelo Polje. She
has participated in numerous scientiic and scholarly conferences in the region and abroad
219
and published several scientiic and professional papers in domestic and international
magazines. She was awarded for the best research broadcast about social integration of
the Romany in Montenegro in 2011.
Dejan Lučić, M Phil is a PhD candidate and a volunteer at the Department of
Journalism, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Montenegro. The key areas of his
interest are journalism, mass communication, new media, convergence journalism, public
relations and culture. He has over 18 years of experience in journalism. He has worked as
a reporter and editor in various media, from broadcast to print and online, covering areas
such as a politics, economics, human rights, foreign affairs and European integrations.
Ivan Otović is a specialist studies’ graduate student of Journalism at the Faculty of
Political Sciences in Podgorica. He is an active member of organisations that promote
academic and high-school debate in Montenegro.
Marija Ivanović is a journalist, ilm critic and a specialist studies’ graduate student at
the Faculty of Political Sciences in Podgorica. She works as a ilm critic and a contributor
in the culture section of the daily Pobjeda’s editorial staff as well as a PR manager at
KRUG Communications and Media Company. Her ields of research encompass: media
discourse analysis, the use of storytelling in the media, culture and the media, ilm and
the media, etc. She has published over 90 ilm critiques in domestic media. She has
participated in several scientiic congresses in Montenegro and abroad and published
several publications in specialized books. At the Faculty of Political Sciences she has
worked as a volunteer and a researcher in non-governmental section through the activities
of local organisations of civil society.
Macedonia
Dejan Donev, PhD is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Law “Justinian I”, Institute
for Journalism, Media and Communication, University “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” in
Skopje at BA and MA level for the courses Ethics in Journalism 1, Media Ethics, PR
Ethics and Philosophy of PR, and, since 2009, at the Institute for Political Sciences at
MA level for the subjects Political Ethics and Theories of Globalization. He has been
the president of NGO “Centre for Integrative Bioethics” since 2009, a representative
for Macedonia in the International Bioethical forum for South-Eastern Europe since
2008, member of the Regional coordinating group for bioethical education since 2011,
member of the Croatian Philosophical Society, Macedonian Philosophical Society and
Serbian Philosophical Society since 2006. He has also been a member of SEEMO, IMC
and SECEPRO since 2010. He has participated in conferences (over 80) at home and
abroad and published (at home and abroad) over 50 academic papers in the ield of ethics
in journalism, bioethics, philosophy of education, ecoethics, two monographs and one
university textbook for students.
220
Daniela Blaževska, PhD is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Law “Justinian
I”, University “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” in Skopje, where she teaches the following
courses: Communication Theories, Public Relations, Media Genres, Political and Social
Communication, Media Management, Corporative Communication, Journalism Theories,
Children Rights and the Media. She authored the publication “Public Speaking” (2006),
co-authored publication “Effective Communication” (2007) and many research papers.
She has journalistic experience in print and broadcast media.
Jordan Dukov is a journalist, documentary broadcast author, MA student at the
Department of Media and Communications, Faculty of Law “Justinian I”, Skopje. He has
more than 12 years of working experience in TV documentaries and also as a free-lance
copywriter and idea maker. He has working experience with students of journalism, as a
moderator for TV documentaries in several projects held in Macedonia.
Veronika Kamčevska graduated in Journalism from the Faculty of Law “Justinian I”,
University “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” in Skopje. For three years she worked as a reporter
of the national television “Sitel”. Currently, she is working as a journalist and an editor
in the online media “Lokalano.mk”. She was a member of the investigative journalism
team for the story about lustration, inanced by Konrad Adenauer Foundation, as well as
a part of the team working on multicultural dialogue, inanced by UNESCO. She is an
active member of the Union of Macedonian Journalists and part of the research team of
the Institute for Media, Education and Communication (IMEC).
Naum Trajanovski graduated in Political Sciences from the Faculty of Law “Justinian
I”, University “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” in Skopje. He is currently a student at the MA
programme South-East European Studies at the same university, and a graduate student
at the Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Philosophy, Faculty of Law “Justinian I”,
University “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” in Skopje.
Vlatko Čalovski is a student of Journalism, Media and Communication at the Faculty
of Law “Justinian I”, Skopje. He is a journalist in the video web medium novatv.mk,
covering foreign and domestic politics. Previously, he volunteered in different media
outlets. He participated in several summer schools and youth exchange programmes, as
well as in several domestic and international research projects.
Serbia
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, PhD is an associate professor and the head of the
Department of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad. She
is a lecturer in both graduate and postgraduate studies at the Association of Centres for
Interdisciplinary and Multidisciplinary Studies and Research, University of Novi Sad
221
(Gender and Media). Fields of research: critical media discourse analysis, the media
and marginalized groups, the media and multiculturalism, ethics of the media and media
regulations. She has published 90 papers in domestic and international publications. She
has participated in numerous scientiic and professional congresses in the country and
abroad as well as published 8 scientiic and professional books and monographs. Prior to
her professional engagement at the University of Novi Sad, she worked as a journalist and
editor in Radio Novi Sad for more than thirty years. She has been awarded many times for
radio news programmes and radio feature stories. She is very active in non-governmental
section and public advocacy of human and civil rights as well as multiculturalism within
media scope.
Dejan Pralica, PhD is the deputy head of the Department of Media Studies, Faculty
of Philosophy Novi Sad and an assistant professor at the same Department. He obtained
his PhD in Journalism at the Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade (2010);
he graduated from the University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Philosophy (2001) with MA
in Serbian Language and Linguistics (2005). He has authored two monographs Diskurs
radija [Radio discourse] and Koga su mediji izabrali, a šta su partije nudile [Who was
elected by the media and who was offered by the parties], more than 30 scientiic papers,
over 50 professional papers and more than 50 critiques and book overviews in the ield
of linguistics, journalism and communication studies. He acquired advanced professional
training in scientiic congresses and seminars in Germany, the Czech Republic, Hungary,
Romania, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia.
Brankica Drašković, M Phil is a teaching assistant at the Department of Media Studies,
Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad and a PhD candidate at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts
in Belgrade. Currently, she is participating in a domestic research project Digital Media
Technologies and Socio-Educational Changes and an international research project
Europe: Here and There. The focus of her scientiic research is television, culture of
memory, critical analysis of media discourse. During 20 years of practicing professional
journalism she was engaged in a number of media in various positions: reporter, editor,
host, correspondent and screenwriter. She is the author of ten documentaries and numerous
television shows, features and short TV forms produced within various domestic and
international projects. For several of her documentaries she has won awards at the
international documentary ilm festivals.
Jelena Kleut, M Phil is a teaching assistant at the Department of Media Studies,
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad and a PhD candidate at the Faculty of
Political Sciences, University of Belgrade. She is a member of the editorial board of CM:
Communication Management Quarterly and associate of the Centre for Education Policy,
Belgrade. She currently participates in one domestic and one regional research project
as well as in the work of the European network “Transforming Audiences, Transforming
Societies” (IS0906). She authored two monographic studies and twenty papers published
in domestic and international publications. Her research interests include audience
studies, new media and critical discourse studies.
222
Smiljana Milinkov is an teaching assistant at the Department of Media Studies
and a Gender Studies postgraduate student at the Faculty of Philosophy, University of
Novi Sad. She was awarded Masters’ degree in Journalism from the Faculty of Political
Sciences in Belgrade, and graduated from the Department of History at the Faculty of
Philosophy in Novi Sad. She worked as a history teacher for a year in “Svetozar Marković”
Grammar School in Novi Sad. During her nine years’ work at Radio 021 she participated
in realisation of regional projects, was a member of the Media Advisory Board in the
process of forming the National Strategy for the Young and as a correspondent for SouthEastern European Network of Associations of Private Broadcasters (SEENAPB). She has
participated in scientiic congresses in the country and the region. She is a member of
Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojovodina’s Court of Honour.
Zlatomir Gajić, M.Phil. is a professional associate at the Department of Media
Studies, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad. He teaches the following
courses: Genres of Journalism, Internet Journalism, Investigative Journalism, Newsdesk
and Editorial Sections and Media for Children (undergraduate studies) and Electronic
Publishing (graduate studies). He has published several scientiic papers on the topic
of media analysis, media discourse and media reception. He authored Master thesis
“Poezija Milana Mladenovića kao književna i medijska činjenica” [The Poetry of Milan
Mladenović as a literary and media fact]. His ields of research encompass: internet and
print media journalism, journalism in culture, pop-culture and the media and rock poetry
in Serbian and world literature. He is the editor of three informative and educational
websites of the Department of Media Studies. He worked as a journalist and web-editor
in Novi Sad daily Dnevnik, magazines Caffe Vojvodina and Pozorište, as well as the
festivals Exit, Cinema City and Ulični svirači.
Ksenija Pavkov is a graduate student at Communication Studies at the Faculty of
Philosophy, University of Novi Sad. She acquired her bachelor degree in Journalism at the
Department of Media Studies, Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad with the average grade
9.63. She was awarded four times for her academic accomplishments by the University
in Novi Sad, and she also received the Exceptional award for scientiic and professional
work in 2011/2012. Besides this, she was awarded for her work as a researcher at the
festival “On the record”, and by “Erinnerung, Verantwortung und Zukunft” fondation for
the project “Kako prijatelj postaje neprijatelj preko noći” [How a friend can become an
enemy over night]. As a part of student exchange, she spent one semester at the Faculty
of Humanities, University of Ljubljana, in European Union Basileus Erasmus Mundus
programme. She participated in two international conferences and published two papers
in international publications.
Milica Tešić is a Journalism graduate and Communication Studies graduate student
at the Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad. Fields of interest: critical media
discourse analysis, photojournalism, digitalization, advertising and online journalism. She
has published two papers in international publications and participated in two international
conferences. She works as a journalist and photographer in a local newspapers and
223
volunteers as a photographer and PR in Košarkaški klub Topola [Basketball club Topola]
in Bačka Topola. She has exhibited her photographs ifteen times in group exhibitions and
for this won several awards and various acknowledgments.
Vuk Kešelj is a Journalism graduate and a Communication Studies graduate student at
the Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad. The winner of Exceptional award for
scientiic and professional work in 2011/2012, awarded by the University of Novi Sad, he
has been working as a journalist at Radio 021 since April 2012 and prior to that he was
a volunteer at several local newspapers and radio stations. He acquired his Bachelor’s
degree from the Department of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy, University
of Novi Sad in September 2012. For one semester he participated in a student exchange
programme at Masaryk University in Brno in the Czech Republic. He has published two
papers in international publications and participated in the same number of international
conferences.
Nikola Marković is a Communication Studies graduate student at the Department
of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad. He inished
bachelor studies in Journalism with average grade of 9.06 in 2012. Fields of research:
critical media discourse analysis, sport and the media. He is the winner of Exceptional
award for scientiic and professional work by the University of Novi Sad in 2013 and the
award of the Department of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy for the best TV
broadcast in 2011. He participated in the fourth international summer school for students
of Journalism in the region “Mostovi medijskog obrazovanja” [The Bridges of Media
Education]. While studying at university he also completed student training at Novi Sad
daily Dnevnik, Radio-televizija Vojvodina and Radio 021.
CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији
Библиотека Матице српске, Нови Сад
316 . 774 ( 497 - 15 ) ( 082 )
EVROPA, ovde i tamo: analiza diskursa o evropeizaciji u
medijima Zapadnog Balkana / urednice Dubravka Valić
Nedeljković, Jelena Kleut ; [prevod na engleski Ana
Ivandekić, Marija Ličina, Mitko Pištolov]. - Novi Sad :
Filozofski fakultet, Odsek za medijske studije, 2013 (Novi
Sad : Feljton). - 215, 223 str. : ilustr. ; 24 cm
Nasl. str. prištampanog prevoda: Europe, here and there:
analysis of Europeanization discourse in the Western Balknas
media. - Izvorni tekst i prevod štampani u međusobno
obrnutim smerovima. - Radovi na srp. i mak. jeziku. - Tekst
lat. i ćir. - Tiraž 600. - Str. 7: Uvodnik / Dubravka Valić
Nedeljković. - Bibliograija uz većinu radova.
ISBN 978-86-6065-167-1
1. Валић-Недељковић, Дубравка [уредник] [аутор додатног
текста] 2. Europe, here and there: analysis of
Europeanization discourse in the Western Balkans media
а) Медији - Европеизација - Западни Балкан - Зборници
COBISS.SR-ID 279462663

here - RRPP

Transcription

Similar documents

naše ptice - EuroNatur

document - Sarajevo tourism

OBSERVE Poster London 90X190

Saraybosna Ticaret Müşavirliğimizden alınan bir yazıda, Bosna

Invitation to Medjugorje

Invest in SANSKI MOST 503 22 13 3,8 75

PDF Prezentacija - Advokatska firma SAJIĆ

life is more than a volvo. that`s the excitement of tasting a new

April/May 2013 - Kreisau Court

December 2014. - Vacation in Bosnia and Herzegovina