journal of spanish language media

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JOURNAL OF
SPANISH LANGUAGE
MEDIA
Vol. 3
2010
ISSN: 1940-0810
Center for Spanish Language Media
University of North Texas
1155 Union Circle #310589
Denton, TX 76203
i
The Journal of Spanish Language Media
A publication of the Center for Spanish Language Media
The University of North Texas
Denton, TX, USA
Dr. Alan B. Albarran, Director
Christine M. Paswan, Executive Editor
We thank each of the authors for sharing their work in this issue of the
journal. Please consider submitting your work for future issues of the
journal. The Journal is open to all theoretical and methodological
approaches, as long as the paper has some relationship to Spanish Language
media, either in the United States, Latin America or Spain. Submissions
must be in English.
For more information, please contact us at [email protected]
1 Vol. 3, 2010 The Journal of Spanish Language Media is an annual electronic journal available at
www.spanishmedia.unt.edu and published by the Center for Spanish Language Media at the
University of North Texas. As an electronic journal the Journal of Spanish Language Media
publishes articles related to all aspects of the Spanish language media. The Journal of Spanish
Language Media is peer reviewed.
All communications related to the journal should be sent to the Center for Spanish
Language Media, University of North Texas, 1155 union Circle #310589, Denton, TX 76203.
Submission Guidelines
1.
Submit an electronic version of the complete manuscript with references and charts in
Microsoft Word along with graphs, charts to the editor. Retain a hard copy of reference.
2. Please double-space the manuscript. Use the 5th edition of the American Psychological
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3. All authors must provide the following information: name, employer, professional rank
and/or title, complete mailing address, telephone and fax numbers, email address.
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Submissions normally take 4-6 weeks for review. Publication in the Journal does not
preclude the author(s) from presenting their work at a conference or publishing in another
journal. The authors retain copyright for their work
Submission Deadlines
The Journal of Spanish Language Media, depending on submission, to be posted on the website
in January each year. To be considered, submissions should be submitted by September 1.
Center for Spanish Language Media
University of North Texas
1155 Union Circle #310589
Denton, Texas 76203
940-565-2756
[email protected] Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 2 Vol. 3, 2010 EDITORIAL BOARD
Sindy Chapa, Texas State University, USA
Amy Jo Coffey, University of Florida, USA
Ethel Pis Diez, Universidad Austral, Argentina
Cristina Etayo, Universidad de Navarra, Spain
Paulo Faustino, Media XXI, Portugal
German Arango Forerro, Universidad de La Sabana, Colombia
Guillermo Gibens, William Penn University, USA
Monica Herrero, Universidad de Navarra, Spain
Maria Ignacia Irrazuriz, Universidad de Los Andes, Chile
Daniel Fernando Lopéz Jiménez, Universidad de los Hemisferios, Ecuador
Felipe Korzenny, Florida State University, USA
Mercedes Medina, Universidad de Navarra, Spain
Juan Pablo Artero Muñoz, Universidad de Navarra, Spain
Mariela Nunez-Janes, University of North Texas, USA
Francisco J. Pérez-Latre, Universidad de Navarra, Spain
Rosa Zeta de Pozo, Universidad de Piura-Perú, Peru
Maria Elena Gutierrez Rentería, Universidad Panamericana, Mexico
Julian Rodriguez, University of Texas at Arlington, USA
Ryan Salzman, University of North Texas, USA
Gonzolo Soruco, University of Miami, USA
Federico Subervi, Texas State University, USA
Aldo Van Weezel, Universidad de Los Andes, Chile
Kent Wilkinson, Texas Tech University, USA
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 3 CONTENT Click on the title to view page
ARTICLES Central American Media: Testing the Effects of Social Conflict
Ryan Salzman, Catherine Salzman……………………………………………………………… 5
Covering the News for Spanish Speaking USA, May 2008
Mercedes Vigón….……………………………………………………………………….……. 24
The Role of the Spanish-Language Media in Disaster Warning Dissemination: An
Examination of the Emergency Alert System
Abraham Benavides, Sudha Arlikatti…………..……………………………………………… 41
Who Set the Television Agenda in the 2006 Mexican Elections? News vs.
Advertising
Maria de los Ángeles Flores, Maxwell McCombs……………………………………………... 59
Perceived Role of the Spanish-Language Media in Promoting Disaster Resiliency:
Public Service Announcements and 2-1-1 Programs
Sudha Arlikatti, Anna M. Pulido, Holli Slater, Afua Kwarteng………………………………………... 78
Structural Characteristics of the 50 Highest-Rates Television Shows Broadcast by
Univision and Telemundo Network for the Hispanic Markets in the United States
and Puerto Rico
Janet Álvarez-Gonzalez………………..……………………………………………………… 92
CASE STUDIES Nissan North America’s Hispanic Marketing Efforts
Aimee Valentine…………..……………………...…………………………………………… 123 Toyota and the Hispanic Market
Sara Creighton..…………..……………………...…………………………………………… 131
Advertising in the Hispanic Market: Johnson & Johnson
Nimia Amaya……………..……………………...…………………………………………… 134 Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 CONTENT 4 Federal Advertising in the United States: Slightly Regulated, Never Supervised
Jesus Garcia…………..……………………...……………………………………………….. 138 Walmart Takes on Hispanic Marketing
Cassie Hayes….…………..……………………...…………………………………………… 142 Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 ARTICLE
Central American Media
5
Central American Media: Testing the Effects of Social Context
Ryan Salzman
University of North Texas, TX
[email protected]
Catherine Salzman
[email protected]
______________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract
Central American media appears subject to an overriding system that continually
weathers impediments to free expression and press freedom. Economic policy in the
region also affects the success of the media industry in Central America. This paper
further clarifies these two significant relationships between society-wide factors of
violence and economic success and the media industry.
Specifically, graphic
representations of violence and media freedom trends in three Central American
countries are presented. Similarly, graphic representations of general economic trends
and media industry trends are also presented. By observing these two sets of trends we
are able to further add to the perspective that these societal trends are directly related to
trends in media.
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Central American Media
6
Central American Media: Testing the Effects of Social Context
Introduction 1
In all countries, the media industry serves as a watchdog for society. It observes
and interprets matters relevant to the economy, politics, and society at large. A
successful media industry can provide the necessary information to individuals regarding
issues of government and world affairs (Rockwell & Janus, 2003). In addition, a
successful media industry can aid in the education of individuals and provide
entertainment, which may improve the quality of life for its consumers. While the
institution of the media is present in every society, the general state of the media is not
always guaranteed or guided by legal mandates in the same manner as governmental
institutions such as the legislature or the bureaucracy. Instead, the media is subject to the
drifting tides of the free market and other socio-political realities. This is especially true
in developing countries.
In developing countries, such as those that make up Central America, the media,
defined herein as the economic entities that produce and disseminate content through
television, radio, newspaper, and the Internet, is elite-controlled and elite-challenged. It
is subject to state violence and societal violence while attempting to draw attention to
both. Economic policies provide information worthy of coverage while also dictating the
shape and integrity of the media industry itself. Generally, the media in these countries
walks a thin line on a narrow wall. Movements in the political system inevitably move
the media and, likewise, the movement of the media affects the system at-large. It is for
these reasons that the study of what affects the media as well as the effects of the media
on society is so important.
In previous research we make qualitative observations about the state of media in
the Central American region (see Salzman & Salzman 2009). While that work gives a
great amount of information regarding the historical commonalities, revolutionary
movements, and general economic policies of the countries of Central America, it
primarily focuses on the relative media freedom in the region, the oligarchic ownership
structure of the industry, and the user trends of consumers of media (Salzman & Salzman,
2009). Although the descriptive nature of that research is useful in many ways, it stops
short of offering any empirical test of the assertions that were made. This study attempts
to provide support for some of the implicit questions raised in the chapter.
Generally, research focusing on the effect of societal conditions as it relates to
media freedom is scant. Some research has focused on descriptions of the media industry
with specific reference to the industry’s place in society at-large (Skidmore 1993;
Rockwell and Janus 2003; Salzman and Salzman 2009). Also, a number of research
outlets offer perspective and scoring of press freedom (Reporters without Borders 2007;
Freedom House 2006). However, a test of the relationship between societal factors and
the condition of press freedom in Latin America is generally lacking.
The first section of this paper offers a brief discussion of the countries of Central
America, as well as the region as a whole. This insight is important to understand the
1
We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers who offered invaluable feedback on
an earlier version of the paper.
7
appropriateness of comparing these countries. The second section will set up two
theoretical expectations that are derived from our observations of media in the region.
One of these theoretical expectations will focus on the role of violence in affecting the
media. The other will look at the effects of economic policies and conditions. Next, we
will describe our data and methods for testing the theoretical expectations. Finally, we
will analyze the results of the research and offer conclusions related to our findings.
Central America: Economy, Politics, and the Media
The commonalities of the countries in Central America, which include
Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama, are historically
prevalent. The entire region was colonized by the Spanish beginning in 1522. Although
colonization was initially limited to specific areas, eventually all areas of the region were
firmly under Spanish control. The colonization process cost many indigenous lives and
created a well-fostered system of stratification between classes that remains evident today
(Salzman & Salzman, 2009). Although the different regions (now distinct countries) of
Central America developed variably, independence was sought and won by all by 1823
(Booth, Wade & Walker, 2006). The one exception to this common history of
independence is Panama, which gained independence from Colombia in 1903, with the
assistance of the United States for the explicit purpose of securing the trans-isthmus
waterway now known as the Panama Canal (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA], 2008).
Similar economic and political systems led Central American societies down
similar paths to eventual revolution. 2 From the beginning of the Costa Rican revolution
in 1949 through the termination of the Guatemalan civil war in 1996, Central America
continually experienced violent armed conflict in some form. The height of this period of
conflict was the 1980s. During this decade, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador were
all involved in full fledged civil wars, with Honduras experiencing high levels of
violence. For the most part, the United States opposed the popular revolutions of Central
America. During the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua and the civil war in El Salvador,
the United States stood against the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and the
Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) respectively (Smith, 1996; Walker,
2003). By providing funding and military resources to the counterinsurgents, often
Central American governments, the United States initiated a prolonged stalemate which
led to the loss of thousands of lives. This violent sentiment produced a culture of
violence that affected the society at-large in the region including the media.
The economies of Central America are historically agrarian with a specific focus
on products such as coffee and tropical fruit (CIA, 2008). In an effort to break what
many leaders in the region thought of as a pattern of dependent development (Vanden &
Prevost, 2006), the governments in the region implemented an economic policy of import
substitution industrialization (ISI). Under ISI, countries would produce products that had
normally been imported. The three purported goals related to this policy were “to assert
economic independence, to create jobs for a burgeoning work force, and to promote
economic growth” (Smith, 2005, p. 214). Ultimately, this economic policy led to severe
2
For additional information regarding these economic and political similarities see
Booth, Wade & Walker (2006) and Salzman & Salzman (2009).
8
over-inflation of the state apparatus and subsequently created an economically vacuous
reality sustained only by international loans. After the petroleum shocks of the 1970s,
many states were unable to pay their international debts and were forced to seek further
relief from international organizations and lender countries. This inspired the current
system of neoliberal structural adjustments to be put into place.
Neoliberalism became broadly understood as a set of structural adjustment
mandates, induced by the failure of ISI policies, designed to reintroduce pure market
forces into the national economies of Central America. It is patterned after the liberal
economic system that was in place in the region during the late 19th century. As
elaborated on by Booth et al. (2006), neoliberal adjustments include “(1) downsizing
government by laying off public employees, (2) balancing public budgets by cutting
programs and subsidies to food, transport, and public services, (3) privatization of stateowned enterprises, (4) deregulation of private enterprise, (5) currency devaluations to
discourage imports and encourage investment, and (6) sharp reduction of tariff barriers to
foreign trade” (p. 25). Proponents of these measures believed that they would provide the
necessary economic structure to promote foreign investment and genuine economic
growth.
Social services and infrastructure upgrades languished which further
exacerbated the social unrest already present in Central America. As of today, the
effectiveness of these policies remains questionable (Huber & Solt, 2004).
The Media
Media industries exist in all Central American nations in varying capacities.
Newspapers were initially the only real form of national and regional information, with
some dating back to the early 1800s. Many of these papers have had a turbulent past
operating during wars and oppressive governmental regimes. Some are openly political,
while others portray an unbiased orientation (Rockwell & Janus, 2003). For example,
Nicaragua’s Radio Ya was started by the liberal Sandinista party. This radio station
continues to be openly biased and a mouthpiece for the party. In contrast, Costa Rica,
with its long time separation of government and media, maintains a number of successful
media enterprises that display little political bias (Rockwell & Janus, 2003).
Newspaper production and consumption is tenuous due to low literacy rates
throughout significant parts of the region. For example, only 69.1% of Guatemala’s
population is literate (CIA, 2007). 3 Also, there are complications dealing with the
physical distribution of papers because of the rugged terrain and primitive transportation
routes. Generally, radio has become the preferred media throughout the region. Radios
are relatively cheap, and do not need electricity if battery powered. Delivery is
obtainable regardless of terrain, and there is a social aspect that enables large numbers of
individuals to be exposed at once. Also, an individual does not need to be literate to use
radio. Upwards of 90% of the population of Central America is exposed to radio on a
daily basis. However, compared to more developed countries (i.e. the United States), the
dissemination of radio receivers in the region is still relatively low (Rockwell & Janus,
2003).
It is important to note that the radio spectrum was unregulated in several of these
countries throughout the twentieth century which has led to problems. These problems
3
For a more detailed description of demographic and developmental characteristics see
the CIA Factbook (2007) and Salzman & Salzman (2009).
9
include interference, oversaturation, and an amount of competition that cannot be
supported by these small nations. Due to civil wars and ineffective rulers, radio stations
were begun with little regulation. Specifically, this is the case for Guatemala, Nicaragua,
and El Salvador (Rockwell & Janus, 2003).
Television consumption also remains relatively low compared to other, more
developed nations. Much of this is due to low average income levels in the region.
Many households in Central America do not have electricity, or the ability to purchase a
television set. For this reason, television offerings have historically been sparse, and
reserved for those few individuals and families in the upper classes and urban areas.
However, this is changing with low cost television receivers and the increase of wages
across all sectors of Central American society. Computer use and Internet access also
remain low in the region. As of 2004, computers per 1,000 inhabitants ranged from a high
of 219 in Costa Rica to a low of 16 in Honduras (United Nations [UN], 2007). Public
Internet cafes can be found throughout the region and are growing in number, but most
citizens do not have the ways, means, or the need to embrace computers (Rockwell &
Janus, 2003). Internet use continues to grow throughout the region. The Internet
provides the unique and profound potential to disseminate information without the
traditional expense and elite-controlled avenues that exist for other forms of media. With
few barriers to what can be shared online, there is great potential for democratic
communication via the Internet.
Although these countries share a similar colonial history, they do differ in their
degrees of development in politics, economics, and media (Booth et al., 2006). For
example, Costa Rica has maintained a relatively successful newspaper and radio industry
since the 1950s, contrasted to Guatemala which still struggles to develop and maintain
successful media enterprises (Rockwell & Janus, 2003).
What Affects the Media?
Media can affect many aspects of human behavior (Salzman & Aloisi, 2009;
Hermann & Chomsky, 1988; Skidmore, 1993; Nie, et al., 1969). However, it is what
affects the media that draws our primary interest herein. Two specific aspects of Central
American society capture our interest more than the others. The first focuses on the
effect of a culture of violence on media freedom in the region. The second deals with the
role of economic policy in shaping the success of the media. Each of these two ideas will
be dealt with distinctly as it relates to their theoretical mechanism as well as their testing
in this paper.
Violence Suppresses Media Freedom
Media freedom is guaranteed by each Central American constitution. Although
the realization of these freedoms is significantly more tentative, the letter of the law
stands to reinforce the rights of expression and the press (Salzman & Salzman, 2009).
While one may assume that media pressure originates with a single source, media
personnel in Central America are keenly aware that pressure on them may be applied by
any and all who feel threatened. This includes gangs and other social-based targets of
media attention as well as politicians and public officials. It is this threat of violence
10
from society at-large that theoretically links general violence levels to levels of media
freedom.
Media freedom should be understood as the ability of media to conduct itself
without fear of retaliation. In developed countries, such as the United States, media
freedom is considered untouchable. The violation of that right is generally met with
public outcry as well as governmental correction. In developing countries, such as those
in Central America, media freedom is protected only in law. Even the application of that
legal protection is not guaranteed. The ownership structure of the media industry is
oligarchic and overtly elite (Rockwell & Janus, 2003; Salzman & Salzman, 2009). This
is one reason that media is often considered as opposition instead of a strict observer.
Also, the lack of enforcement of media protection leaves an obvious open door for
disgruntled parties to act.
Press freedom has been recently impeded by a number of legal statutes aimed at
curbing that freedom. For example, in March of 2007, President Torrijos of Panama
endorsed two articles in the amended criminal code that inhibit press freedom. These
prohibitions include the publication of documents not intended for public exposure and
the revealing of secrets. Laws such as these, which are punishable by both fines and jail
time, diminish the freedom and security of media professionals in Panama by putting
reporters at risk when publishing material not in the reigning government’s interest
(Reporters Without Borders, 2007). In Honduras, media professionals claim that the
president tries to control the media. Two reporters were severely threatened, and one was
killed. A poor relationship between the government and media industry, an unsafe
environment for reporters, and incidents of censorship by the government all prevent the
Honduran media industry from achieving greater stability (Reporters Without Borders,
2007).
Other instances of impeding press freedom are more overtly violent. In
Guatemala in 2007, two media professionals were killed, and another was threatened with
guns after reporting a traffic accident. There were also threats called into a television
station, two armed attacks on a radio station, and one kidnapping of a reporter. This is
more expected due to Guatemala’s higher level of general violence. Other nations in the
region, specifically Costa Rica and Nicaragua, have had few or no reports of
impediments to press freedom which could potentially match their lower levels of general
violence.
Therefore, we hypothesize that:
H1: Countries with higher general levels of societal violence will have lower
levels of press freedom.
Neoliberalism and the Media
Like other industries, the media industry is a business. “Fundamentally, mass
media are economic institutions that produce and distribute communication content and
services to members of a society.” (Albarran & Chan-Olmsted, 1998, p. 3) Unlike most
developed nations which have experienced less economic upheaval, developing countries
are consistently subject to economic change. This change can occur through policy
initiatives or consumption trends. In this paper, we intend to focus on the last major
policy change and its subsequent effects on the success of the media industry.
11
As we discussed in a previous section of this paper, Import Substitution
Industrialization (ISI) economic policies gave way to structural adjustment in the 1970’s
and 1980’s. The goal was to get each nation’s economy on track by privatizing state-run
industries and a shifting general focus to the private sector (Booth, Wade & Walker,
2006). The success of structural adjustments would be seen in the general success of
individual industries as well as in the general trend of each nation’s national economic
production.
The media industry is uniquely connected to the economy at-large because it
derives income from advertising. Spending on advertising is done by numerous
industries, and even the government, as it has the potential to reach mass numbers of
consumers. These advertisers then create the ability to increase spending on advertising
as increased profits are obtained from effective ad campaigns, in turn strengthening the
media industry by increasing the revenues obtained through the purchase of advertising
(Salzman & Salzman, 2009). This implies that the media industry is ultimately tied to the
success of the general economy. Therefore, we can see no reason why any nation that
exhibits economic success in its general indicators should not see the growth of the media
industry more specifically. And since the general success of a nation’s economy can be
attributed to the success of its promoted economic policy, there is a connection between
policy and the media industry.
Therefore, we hypothesize that:
H2: The success of structural adjustment policies is positively related to the
success of the media industry.
Research Methods and Data
Violence and Media Freedom Test
We will test our hypotheses by employing various aggregate level data intended
to measure our broad concepts of violence and media freedom. We will measure these
levels for three of the six Central American countries from roughly 1990 to 2006. The
three countries chosen are Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Panama. These three countries
provide good variation in each major demographic category.
Table 1: Demographics
Population
Size Rank (in
Central Am.)
Costa Rica
4,195,914
5
El Salvador
7,066,403
3
Guatemala
13,002,206
1
Honduras
7,639,327
2
Nicaragua
5,785,846
4
Panama
3,292,693
6
Source: CIA World Fact Book, 2008
GDP
(per capita)
$13,500
$5,200
$5,400
$3,300
$3,200
$9,000
Literacy (%)
96%
80.2%
69.1%
80%
67.5%
91.9%
Life
Expectancy
77.4
72.06
69.99
69.37
71.21
75.17
The dependent variable in the first test is Media Freedom. This measure is taken
from Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press index (Freedom House, 2008). The data
measures the relative freedom of the media in each of the three countries by evaluating
12
the legal environment, political environment, and economic environment within which
the media industry operates in each country. A total of 23 questions, divided amongst the
three categories, were asked of regional experts for which they gave a scored response. 4
Besides receiving a general rating of Free, Partially Free, or Not Free, each country was
given a numerical score beginning in 1994. These scores offer greater variation than the
simple relative freedom labels. The scores are inverted so that a higher Media Freedom
score equals less freedom of the press.
The test of Media Freedom will be conducted graphically. The trends of media
freedom in each of the three Central American countries will be plotted on separate
graphs. Then, Violence measures will also be plotted on graphs so that each country has
two scores reported per graph. Finally, the trends will be compared relative to the
hypotheses laid out prior.
In order to determine if various levels of violence affect media freedom
(Hypothesis 1), we include a Violence variable. This independent variable measures the
culture of violence in each of the three countries by offering a simple murder rate that
reports the number of murders per 100,000 inhabitants from 1992 to 2006. This measure
is reported graphically herein. We expect that Media Freedom and Violence will be
inversely related but will move in concert graphically.
Neoliberal Policy Success and Media Industry Success
Like the testing of the first hypothesis, aggregate data will be employed to address
the purportedly positive relationship between economic policy success and the success of
the media industry (Hypothesis 2). Data from El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua
between the years 1990 and 1997 are used to test the second hypothesis. These nations
represent good variation of the demographic characteristics found within the region (see
Table 1).
The dependent variables in our second test are two different types of receiver
ownership, television and radio. These variables are used to measure the success of the
media industries within the three nations tested. The measure of radio and television
receivers per thousand inhabitants is intended to indicate the overall success of the media
industry by the assumption that the more receivers purchased increases the opportunity
for media consumption, which ultimately results in increased media success. These
numbers are compiled and published in the CIA World Factbook.
A graphic analysis is conducted to test the relationship of media as an economic
institution and the economies of Guatemala, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua. The trends of
television and radio receivers per thousand in each of the three nations will be plotted on
separate graphs. The GDP per capita will also be plotted on each graph so that each
nation has two scores reported per graph from 1990 to 1997. The trends will then be
compared according to Hypothesis 2. It is expected that there is a direct relationship
between GDP per capita and television and radio receivers per thousand that is positive.
Gross domestic product (GDP) is a general economic measure of an economy as a
whole. A per capita calculation of GDP is used as the independent variable for the test of
4
A comprehensive list of the questions used to evaluate the legal, political, and economic
environments is available at
http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=350&ana_page=348&year=2008
13
Hypothesis 2. GDP is calculated as the value of all goods and services produced in a
nation on a given year. To standardize the reporting of GDP, this total is then divided by
the average exchange rate to the US dollar; therefore, all GDP data are reported in US
dollars. GDP per capita is intended to indicate the overall level of a nation’s economy.
This was calculated by taking the total GPD of each nation and dividing it by the total
population. By using GDP per capita, growth can be interpreted as a percentage of the
population instead of absolute numbers which allows for more accurate cross-country
comparisons to be conducted. The World Bank provides GDP measures and population
data on their website (www.worldbank.org). The GDP and population numbers were
gathered from this website for the years 1990-1997. The data were then compiled and
formulated by dividing total GDP by the total population to calculate the GDP per capita
measure used as the independent variable in the test. This variable allows us to assess the
overall growth of these nations’ economies as a result of neoliberal policies enacted
during the 1990s.
Results
Violence and Media Freedom
Figures 1-3 report the Violence and Media Freedom statistics used for analysis. 5
There is an obvious movement in the two scores that indicate that the two measures are
related. Not only do the scores appear to move in similar directions, but there appears to
be a lagged time effect. In both Guatemala and Nicaragua, the scores match nearly
identically with a two year lag. This implies that the rate of violence in a country does
not affect the freedom of the press score immediately. Instead, a period of time passes
before the press feels the effect of the violence shift. The peak of the murder rate in
Nicaragua precedes the worst press freedom scores by two years. This lagged trend also
appears for the lowest murder rate and the best press freedom score. A similar lag time
appears present in the Guatemala and Panama samples. Relatively stable murder rates in
Panama appear similar to the relatively stable press freedom score with the second
trailing the first by a few years.
5
See the Appendix for the statistics used in the figures.
Figure 1
25
50
55
60
Press Freedom Score
Homicides Per 100,000
30
35
40
45
65
Violence and Press Freedom: Guatemala
1990
1995
2000
2005
Year
Press Freedom Score
Source: Freedom House and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Figure 2
45
25
30
35
40
Press Freedom Score
9
20
10
11
12
13
14
Violence and Press Freedom: Panama
1990
1995
2000
2005
Year
Press Freedom Score
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 14
15
Figure 3
30
10
35
40
45
50
Press Freedom Score
15
55
20
Violence and Press Freedom: Nicaragua
1990
1995
2000
2005
Year
Press Freedom Score
Regardless of the potential time lag, the figures demonstrate that as the murder
rate declines, press freedom scores also decline. This is to say, as Violence decreases,
Media Freedom increases. This appears to be the reality for all three of the countries
chosen for analysis. This finding supports our first hypothesis. While causation is
tenuous to assert when employing graphic representations, the lagged effect allows us to
reject that it is Media Freedom that causes movement in the levels of Violence. This does
not prove causation, but it does allow us to eliminate the possibility of a reverse causal
arrow.
Economics and the Media Industry
Figures 4-9 display the general growth trends of GDP per capita and television
and radio receivers per thousand residents. All of the figures show a steady climb for
both sets of measures. While Nicaragua experienced a brief decline in television and
radio ownership in 1993, these numbers are quickly corrected by a sharp increase in the
following year. Costa Rica also shows two brief periods of decline in both television and
radio receivers in 1991, and 1996. However, like in Nicaragua, these numbers are
quickly corrected by an increase in growth in the following years.
470
430 440 450 460
Radio Receivers per 1,000
GDP/capita and Radio Ownership: El Salvador
420
GDP/Population
1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 2000
Figure 4
1990
1992
1994
year
1996
GDP/Population
1998
Source: CIA World Factbook and the World Bank
200
400
600
800
Television Receivers per 1,000
GDP/capita and Television Ownership: El Salvador
0
GDP/Population
1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 2000
Figure 5
1990
1992
1994
year
GDP/Population
1996
1998
270
260
265
GDP/capita and Radio Ownership: Costa Rica
2000
255
GDP/Population
2500
3000
3500
Figure 6
1990
1992
1994
year
1996
GDP/Population
1998
136
2000
138
140
142
144
GDP/capita and Television Ownership: Costa Rica
GDP/Population
2500
3000
3500
Figure 7
1990
1992
1994
year
GDP/Population
1996
1998
Figure 8
240
200
300
GDP/Population
400
500
600
245
250
255
260
265
700
GDP/capita and Radio Ownership: Nicaragua
1990
1992
1994
year
1996
GDP/Population
1998
62
64
66
68
GDP/capita and Television Ownership: Nicaragua
60
200
300
GDP/Population
400
500
600
700
Figure 9
1990
1992
1994
year
GDP/Population
1996
1998
19
All three nations experienced an overall increase in GDP per capita from 1990 to
1997. The steady upward trends indicate that the economies of these nations continually
improved as neoliberal economic policies were employed prior to and over the selected
years. While there were brief instances of decline in two of the three nations, these
declines were quickly overcome. All three nations also experienced an overall increase
in the rate of radio and television receivers leading us to not reject the hypothesis that
growth in a nation’s economy is positively related to the success of that nation’s media
industry.
There are a number of limitations to answering the second hypothesis. Firstly,
there are many aspects of an economy. While GDP per capita is a general measure, it
may not adequately measure the quality of life for citizens of that nation. Certain things
can raise or lower GDP per capita which may or may not improve lives. Also, certain
improvements such as education, improved healthcare, or increased wages for the poor
may go unobserved when focusing on GDP per capita. Additionally, the measure of
success within a media industry could be enhanced. There are some measures that may
have provided greater explanation than receivers per thousand, such as users per
thousand. While we assume that more use results from the availability of more receivers,
users would have been a more accurate measure for our test. Most importantly, the
timeframe of information that was available is lacking. For reasons unknown, these
measures appear to have ceased in 1997. Therefore, Hypothesis 2 cannot be accepted in
principle, but it cannot be rejected either. Our findings remain incomplete.
Discussion
The purpose of this paper was to provide some social context to the narrative
assertions made in previous work discussing the state of the media in Central America
(Salzman & Salzman 2009). Specifically, we addressed two of the prevailing lines of
thought that cultures of violence and neoliberal economic policies shape the media
industry. A theory of the effect of violence was laid out with a single hypothesis
anticipating a negative relationship between violence levels and media freedom. The
graphic illustrations demonstrate that movement in violence levels were followed by
similar movements in media freedom scores. Generally, we accept our hypothesis by
recognizing that our measures of violence and measures of media freedom were inversely
related.
Our second proposition theorized a positive relationship between aggregate
economic measures and aggregate media measures. Although the relationship appeared
present given the data available, the limitations of the data encouraged neither a
confirmation nor rejection of our hypothesis. The theoretical support for this relationship
remains, but further empirical testing is needed before any broad assertions about the
effects of neoliberal policies on the media industry can be made.
The future of this line of research appears infinite. For the two research questions
in this paper, two developments are immediately necessary. First, more data is
desperately needed. Countless hours have been spent over the last two years searching
for a comprehensive set of media data points for Central America that appear nonexistent. Of all the data that could be requested, we undoubtedly desire comprehensive
20
user data. Although the numbers of television and radio receivers are useful proxies for
media usership, it is only a proxy. Extensive country-specific user data for all media
platforms would allow us to ask and answer the questions that are more useful for
determining what affects and the effects of the media industries in Central America.
One promising note is the current measure of Internet, computer, and mobile
phone use. These measures have been conducted annually by the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU) beginning in 2000. Like the rise of television and
radio receivers in the 1990s, it has been observed that all three of these measures have
grown in all Central American nations since the year 2000. However, rates of penetration
are still low in nations such as Nicaragua where, in 2007, only 2.7% of the population
were considered Internet users. Costa Rica, on the other hand, does experience a
significant level of Internet user penetration with 35.7% of citizens considered Internet
users (ITU, 2009). As these numbers continue to grow, there may be increased
opportunities to measure media industry success using Internet and mobile phone use.
Generally, however, data on media in Central America has a long way to go before all
questions can be answered.
The second development necessary for immediate progress is the use of more
complex statistical techniques to determine the causal relationship between these
measures must be employed.
Beginning with simple correlation coefficients
incorporating time-lagged measures and expanding beyond to maximum likelihood
estimation, these statistical techniques will allow for definitive answers to be developed.
Also, the combination of available data and advanced statistical techniques will
encourage the expansion of question-asking. Only with the expansion of questions and
answers will a distinct subfield of developing nation media research be able to come into
its own.
Much of the work related to the media in Central America (including our own)
has been necessarily descriptive. This, however, is a simple beginning point for the
expansion of ideas and tests addressing media in Central America and should not be
cause for disregarding the findings contained herein. Often, the most important part of
answering academic questions is having a good beginning. We believe that this research
offers that strong beginning. Ultimately, we feel that Central America will serve as a
good proxy for all developing nations, allowing us to expand to a global context and
introduce potential predictive capabilities into the study of media as it relates to its social
context.
21
Appendix
Table: Violence and Press Freedom Scores, 1990-2006
Panama
Nicaragua
Guatemala
Homicides
Press Freedom
Homicides
Press Freedom
Homicides
Year Per 100,000
Score
Per 100,000
Score
Per 100,000
1990
12
18
1991
12
19
1992
12
20
29
1993
12
18
34
1994
12
27
17
56
33
1995
14
22
16
53
32
1996
9
30
15
44
35
1997
12
30
15
44
37
1998
10
30
13
40
31
1999
10
30
11
40
24
2000
11
30
9
40
26
2001
11
30
10
40
29
2002
13
30
11
32
32
2003
11
34
12
40
36
2004
45
11
37
38
2005
44
12
42
44
2006
43
44
47
Source: Freedom House and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Press Freedom
Score
59
60
56
56
59
60
54
49
49
58
62
58
58
22
Table: Radio and TV Receivers and GDP per country, 1990-1997
El Salvador
year
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
Radio Receivers
per 1,000
416
418
419
420
451
459
461
465
TV Receivers
per 1,000
117.413
672.124
677.399
681.518
684.937
688
675.292
676.542
year
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
Radio Receivers
per 1,000
254
256
258
261
264
266
267
268
TV Receivers
per 1,000
136.555
137.967
139.304
140.527
141.584
142.45
143.121
143.639
GDP
4800907776
5310996480
5954671616
6937988608
8085554176
9500491776
10315542528
11134716928
Population
5110176
5202634
5302792
5409074
5519363
5631837
5746090
5861628
GDP/Population
939.4799271
1020.828388
1122.931395
1282.657366
1464.94336
1686.925914
1795.228151
1899.594605
Population
3075679
3152921
3230349
3308975
3390208
3474897
3563419
3654997
GDP/Population
2407.096949
2271.717778
2654.081961
2912.772522
3114.124594
3373.440058
3323.557705
3509.98267
Population
4140918
4240304
4345643
4454003
4561169
4663988
4761732
4855021
GDP/Population
243.7757734
351.1078677
412.5511461
394.3540837
652.7785066
684.2089096
697.3373352
696.8954771
Costa Rica
GDP
7403457536
7162546688
8573611008
9638291456
10557530112
11722356736
11843228672
12828976128
Nicaragua
Radio Receivers
TV Receivers
year
per 1,000
per 1,000
1990
241
60.609
1991
244
61.358
1992
247
62.472
1993
252
63.959
1994
256
65.154
1995
258
67.011
1996
263
67.821
1997
266
68.634
GDP
1009455488
1488804096
1792800000
1756454272
2977433088
3191142144
3320533504
3383442176
23
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Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 ARTICLE
News for Spanish Speaking USA
24
Covering the News for Spanish–Speaking USA, May 2008
Mercedes Vigón
Florida International University, FL
[email protected]
______________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract
This research considers the media coverage during the final month of the Democratic
primaries from May 5th, 2008, the day before the Indiana and North Carolina primaries;
to June 5, 2008, the day that Hillary Clinton decided to suspend her campaign. It is a
qualitative analysis of the daily Univisión and Telemundo national newscasts. It selects
(1) the stories that covered issues that pertained to Hispanic communities in the United
States; and (2) those that followed the primaries or the presidential campaign.
Univisión's and Telemundo's national newscasts covered Latino and immigrant issues
differently at the end of a much-contested Democratic primary. When reporting on
Latino and immigrant issues, these networks successfully built counter frames to
mainstream Media. When reporting on the primaries, Univisión and Telemundo newscast
coverage was more closely indexed to the debates occurring among the candidates and
their Spanish-language version as presented by their spokespersons.
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 News for Spanish Speaking USA
25
Covering the News for Spanish–Speaking USA, May 2008
Introduction
During the two months at the end of the 2008 Democratic primaries, I recorded
and analyzed the national newscasts of Univisión and Telemundo, the two Spanishlanguage networks aimed at Hispanic audiences. According to an analysis by the Pew
Hispanic Center of exit polls taken throughout the primary season; Hispanics started by
voting “for Sen. Hillary Clinton over Sen. Barack Obama by a margin of nearly two-toone in the race for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination” but later they reversed
their vote to Obama during the general election “as no other major demographic voting
group in the country” (López and Minshkin, June 2008). The 2008 National Survey of
Latinos, conducted in June and July of this year, said that 75 % of “Latino registered
voters who said they supported Clinton in the primaries switched their support to Obama”
(López, June 2008).
By May 2008, Hispanics were 15 percent of the U. S. population and, according
to estimates released by the US Census Bureau in 2008, were expected to keep growing. 1
Furthermore, "in an election year, the nation's largest minority group attracted special
attention from candidates in the hotly contested —and record-spending— presidential
campaign," as the Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism explains in its 2009 Annual
Report on American Journalism. 2
The 2008 political dynamics during the primaries and presidential campaigns
confirmed and explained a tendency already identified by scholars: efforts from both
political parties have recently increased in intensity and sophistication of outreach and
targeting Latino vote (Connaughton 2008, and Subervi-Vélez 1999; Fowler et al. 2009;
Oberfield and Segal 2008; Santillan and Subervi-Vélez 1991; Subervi-Vélez 1992, 2008;
and Subervi-Vélez et al. 1987). Still, Dávila warns that it is “misleading to make
generalizations about Latino electorate.” (Dávila 2008, 179) and concludes that “Latinos
continue to occupy a marginal position in society, even when they are joining the ranks of
mainstream culture” (Dávila 2008, 161).
A lot of emphasis had gone into understanding and explaining the political
involvement of the Latinos in the US democratic system. Scholars argued that the studies
of Latino partisan and other political attitudes are testing the prevailing political theory
(García Bedolla 2009, Alvarez and García Bedolla 2006; García Bedolla 2005; and Hero
1992). De la Garza and Yetim, (2003), agreed with Diamond (1994) when they stated
that there was “no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of
democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy” (De la Garza and
Yetim, 2003, 81).
1
U.S. Census Bureau (2008). These data are based on estimates of U.S. population for July 1,
2007. U.S. Hispanic Population Surpasses 45 Million Now 15 Percent of Total. Retrieved on February 10,
2009 from http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/population/011910.html
2
Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism. (2009). 2009 Annual Report on American Journalism.
Retrieved on February 20, 2009 from
http://www.stateofthemedia.org/2009/narrative_yearinthenews_ethnic.php
26
When trying to understand Latino participation and media, Louis DeSipio and
James Richard Henson warned that “the substantive heterogeneity of the Latino
populations remains an obstacle to the emergence of a politically potent bloc of Latinos”
(DeSipio and Henson 1997, 67).
Still, media influence is one of the factors widely cited as shaping political
behavior:
“Numerous studies have shown that messages conveyed by English-language
television in the United States have a powerful influence on voter knowledge,
attitudes, and voting behavior (Bartels, 1993; Graber, 2005; Just et al., 1996; Just,
Crigler, & Buhr, 1999; Zhao & Chaffee, 1995). In particular, studies have shown
that the media have the power to set the agenda (Entman 1989; Iyengar & Kinder,
1987), […and] increase citizen knowledge (Carpini, Keeter, & Kennamer, 1994;
Chaffee & Frank, 1996)” (as cited in Fowler et al. 2009, 27- 28).
On one hand, recent studies confirm that: “general-market print media (DeSipio
1998, DeSipio and Henson 2008; Subervi-Vélez and Lozano 2008) and general-market
national networks (Langenkamp and Subervi-Vélez 2008; Wilkinson 2008) have
practically ignored Latinos and issues of concern to Latinos and “only provide minimal
coverage of minority interests.” (as cited in Fowler et al. 2009, 236)
For example, during the 2004 presidential election year, English-speaking
network coverage of Latinos and politics “declined, focused on the presidential
candidates’ positions and strategies to reach Latino voters but failed to examine issues
affecting the community.”(Subervi-Vélez 2005, 18)
On the other hand, there is some evidence that Spanish-language media is
different and has been “used to encourage and help immigrants begin the process of
political incorporation.” (Félix et al. 2008, 632). These studies highlight the impact that
Spanish-language media is having “empowering Latino immigrants” (Pantoja et al. 2008,
503; Félix et al. 2008, 632).
Moreover, recent scholarly works have clearly delineated the importance of
Spanish-language media, specially Univision and Telemundo, and the need to further the
research to better understand their impact. (Albarran, 2009, Gibens, 2009). US Hispanic
networks grew faster over the 1986-2004 period than the Hispanic population (Coffey
2009, 204). After all, scholars recognize television as “the most important information
medium for Hispanics” (Fowler et al., 2009, 28, and de la Garza et al. 1983).
This article builds on and continues the line of research followed by Fowler et al
(2008 and 2009), shedding some light on what Spanish-language news airs and how they
cover politics.
From the beginning of this research, it was clear that these networks provided
information that the mainstream media ignored. Scholars have already established that
English-language coverage of Latinos had not evolved that much from 1995 to 2004: “the
networks still explore the same issues and themes […], such as undocumented
immigration and the growing influence of the Latino vote” (Subervi et al. 2005, 4). A
year-long content analysis on the news product of six major-market television news
station showed that “Latinos and African-Americans appeared most often in sports and in
crime stories, even as crime rates nationwide were in decline” (Pease et al. 2001, 10).
27
Therefore, English-language coverage does not provide enough information for
Hispanic populations, scholars have already recognized: “unlike previous immigrant
communities, who followed a straight-line assimilation pattern, Latino immigrants prefer
to simultaneously maintain connections to their country of origin while also building
relations in the United States” (as cited on Fowler et al. 2009, 241, Barreto and Muñoz
2003, Fraga et al. 2006, Jones-Correa 1998, Subervi-Vélez 2008).
These deficiencies help to explain the preference of even English-speaking
Hispanics to rely on "Spanish-language media to get news from Latin America and about
Hispanic communities in the United States" (Pew Center, press release, 2004).
Moreover, “Telemundo and Univisión news outlets benefit from the fact that language, in
addition to culture, define their target demographic groups Hispanics who trace their
origins to many different countries all share Spanish as a common language” (2009
Annual Report on American Journalism, Pew Center).
Still, Univisión and Telemundo's national newscasts covered Latino and
immigrant issues differently at the end of a much-contested Democratic primary. When
reporting on Latino and immigrant issues, these networks successfully built counter
frames to mainstream Media, adapting the Robert M. Entman cascade model —presented
and developed in his book Projections of Power (2004).
This model envisions the relationship between political elites, the Media and the
public as a cascade, or as Professor Robert W. Snyder explains:
“A kind of waterfall with the White House at the top. Ideas and influences flow
downhill to the next level of elites —to members of Congress, experts, leaders, and then
to journalists. Journalists then frame stories and pass them on to the public. In certain
circumstances, especially times of confusion or conflict, journalists may also send ideas
back upstream from the public to the elite” (As cited in Snyder, 2006, 118V765432).
When reporting on the primaries, Univisión and Telemundo newscast coverage
was more closely indexed to the debates occurring among the candidates and their
Spanish-language version as presented by their spokespersons, adjusting more to
Bennett’s (1991) model. As Matt Carlson explains, this theory suggests that in the
absence of organized, elite source-driven counterarguments, journalists frame news
coverage in step with the dominant sources while ignoring or masking differing
perspectives. Journalists find themselves constrained by their own sourcing practices,
unable to challenge source claims when lacking the medium of another source.
I would like to shed some light on two contradictory hypotheses and test another
two concurrent ones. Davila stated that Telemundo had “a more US center approach so is
going to pay more attention to US election than Univision” (Dávila 2000, 182) while
Fowler et al. concluded that “in terms of network news, (…) Telemundo’s election
coverage was clearly not superior to that of Univision” (2008, 188).
On the other hand, I wanted to test Alexandre's and Rehbinder’s (2008) and
Constantakis-Valdés’ (2008) separate hypotheses confirming that “Spanish-language
television news is constructed and constrained by many of the same media routines and
norms which frame English-language news coverage of political campaigns.” (Alexandre
et al. 2008, 175). For this, I needed to learn if the 2008 Spanish-language networks
Democratic presidential nomination followed the English-language trend of focusing “on
the campaign itself, strategies involved in winning the contest, activities involved in
pulling ahead of the race, and identification of the current front runner” (ConstantakisJournal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 News for Spanish Speaking USA
28
Valdés, 2008) as already established by a number of English-language media scholars
(e.g., Graber 1989; Patterson, 1980).
Finally, this research paper is inspired by the work of Rosenstiel, et al. on “We
Interrupt this Newscast.” It was the most expensive study ever conducted on local
television: it included content analysis: “the result of five years of gathering data from
1,200 hours of newscasts from 154 stations —more than 33,000 stories— followed by
three years of analysis.”(2007, 4); an annual survey of news directors; dozens of sessions
on newsrooms around the country to gather data; and focus groups with viewers.
Although Rosenstiel, et al. worked on local newscasts, some of the parameters
from their “Quality Grading Criteria” could be applied to the content analysis of Spanishlanguage national newscasts. These are:
1- Community relevance: designates the effort of the news organization to present
stories relevant to the audience.
2- Authoritativeness: designates the credibility of each story by the inclusion of
relevant and expert sources.
3- Balanced Viewpoints: designates the number of viewpoints provided in a story.
4- Balanced Sourcing: designates the number of sources provided in a story.
Methodology
This research considers the media coverage during the final month of the
Democratic primaries from May 5th, 2008, the day before the Indiana and North Carolina
primaries; to June 5, 2008, the day that Hillary Clinton decided to suspend her campaign:
a total of 44 newscasts, and 324 stories. From the total of stories, more than 65% or 212
were long format reports that lasted from 2 to 3 minutes.
The methodology is a qualitative analysis of the daily Univisión and Telemundo
national newscasts. It selects (1) the stories that covered issues that pertained to Hispanic
communities in the United States; and (2) those that followed the primaries or the
presidential campaign. It took into account their topics, length, and placement within the
newscast. It also analyzed the type of sources they used, and finally; it compared and
contrasted the daily coverage of both topics on each network.
Overview: primaries versus economic crisis
The most recurrent topics that Telemundo and Univisión newscasts reported
during the period under consideration were the primaries and the deterioration of the
economy and its impact on the Hispanic communities in the United States. Out of the 44
newscasts analyzed, 40 had stories on the primaries and 34 had stories on the
deterioration of the economy, or its impact on Hispanic communities. Out of a total of
129 stories aired about the primaries and the economy, 66 were on the economy and 63
on the primaries.
29
Opening Stories Univision & Telemundo
(Percentage from Total Number of Shows Analyzed)
Stories on the primaries were first on the newscasts 16 times, almost 40 percent of
the sample analyzed. Still, Telemundo and Univisión followed different strategies when
covering this topic. During this period, Univision started the newscast with primaries
stories more than half of the time, and with economy stories less than 10% of the times.
Telemundo opened the newscast with almost the same number of primaries and economy
stories, a little more than 20% of the times.
Both networks had similarities during the last three days, June 3 to 5. Once it
became clear that Obama was going to become the party's candidate, both networks
opened their newscasts with the primaries. Still, on June 3rd, Univisión dedicated the first
15 minutes to the primaries, giving the story its full resources: mobilizing all its anchors,
main reporters, its political analysts, and numerous man-on-the-street interviews; whereas
Telemundo opened with a 2-minute-and-20-second package that explained that Obama
did not have enough delegates. The following day, June 4th, both stations gave the new
candidate the first 9 minutes of the newscast. And finally, on June 5th, Telemundo and
Univisión opened with, respectively, 2:20 and 2:45 reports announcing that Hillary
Clinton had abandoned her campaign.
The rest of the time, Univisión opened its newscasts with stories about the
primaries. Telemundo opened its newscasts with different topics: immigrant issues, the
economy, raids against the undocumented, deportations, the Mexican border fence,
except on May 26, when Telemundo started its newscast with a Newsweek survey on the
electability of Obama versus Clinton.
Both networks opened the newscasts with stories on the economy 6 times, almost
15 percent of the total sample. Even though the networks chose to start the newscasts
fewer times with the economy than with the primaries; that doesn’t mean that primaries
coverage was more extensive, especially with Telemundo. This network dedicated more
30
total running time to economic issues than to the primaries and the type of coverage was
also different, relying more on sources from below, as explained later.
Furthermore, both Telemundo and Univisión divided their national newscasts into
four blocks or segments. They organized these segments distributing news by topics and
relevance. They usually reserved the first two blocks for current events, the third block
for enterprise stories, and the fourth block for either stories designed to help Hispanic
communities, or curiosities.
For the primaries, they altered this conventional organization. The new
developments on the primaries needed their own space, as they were not directly related
with immigrant issues or matters that affect Hispanic communities —with the exception
of the day Obama was in Miami, or both Clinton and Obama were campaigning in Puerto
Rico. In other words, primary issues usually opened a block of the show, so producers
only needed to worry about one transition, from the end of the story on primaries to the
following one. After the primary reports, producers preferred to use stories generated by
the government or its agencies, for example McCain responding to something that
Clinton or Obama had said, or Bush talking about rising gas prices. Somehow, primaries
reports were like islands that interrupted the flow of the newscasts and the stories
oriented to the Hispanic communities. And Univisión and Telemundo dealt with this in
different ways.
From the beginning, Univisión was very involved in the primary process. Their
anchors participated in a civic engagement campaign to encourage voter participation in
January 2008; they hosted debates; they had exclusive access to Clinton and Obama; one
affiliate in Texas even organized a program to “teach” about the primaries. Univisión
clearly made a commitment to carry the primaries and educate their audience. When
analyzing the news coverage, it is clear that they dedicated the most time and resources to
this topic. For this reason, Univisión would often start their newscasts with the primaries,
and sometimes it would close with them as well.
Telemundo struggled with this issue. On the one hand, it did not have Univisión’s
resources. On the other, its smaller audience affected its access to the candidates: they
only managed to get an exclusive interview with Hillary Clinton on May 22, a full week
after Univisión interviewed her. On May 23 Telemundo anchor, Pedro Sevcec
complained on the air that Obama had cancelled an interview that Telemundo had been
trying to schedule for a year and a half, “despite trying to curtail the perception to be far
away from the Hispanics.” Five days later, on May 28, Obama gave an exclusive
interview to Jorge Ramos, anchor of Univisión. So, Telemundo turned toward its
community and concentrated on the deterioration of the economic situation, raids,
education, health and military, and covered the primaries when the relevance of current
events dictated it.
The meltdown of the economy reached the Hispanic communities early
Following the organization of the newscast, if the story of the day was a national
economic development which had an impact on Hispanics, the report would go in the
first block. But the longer economic stories, especially with Telemundo, did not originate
from above, on the release of economic data, for example. They came from reporting on
31
trouble that Hispanic communities were facing, such as unemployment. These stories
were ahead of the curve. They were similar to the human interest stories aired by
mainstream Media after September when banks failed, Congress poured billions into
hopeful fixes and the Dow Jones plummeted. The only difference was that they were
about Hispanics, aired three months earlier than the English-language stations; and that
they confirmed a study by Camarota et al. that states that in the second half of 2007 and
into 2008 unemployment had began to rise faster for immigrants than for natives (2009) 3 .
A final difference in the way of organizing the newscasts during this period can
be found at the end of the broadcasts. Traditionally, Univisión and Telemundo, as well as
the mainstream national newscasts, choose a positive closing story, also called a kicker;
something light to let the audience end on a positive note. Examples of these types of
stories were the May 5 Cinco de Mayo celebrations on both sides of the border, or a
Hispanic museum that Congress approved with bipartisan support.
Univisión decided to use the last segment to educate its audience about the
process of the Democratic primaries on three occasions: May 6 and 7 (Indiana and North
Carolina primaries) and May 20 (Kentucky and Oregon Primaries). During two-and-ahalf to three minutes, anchor Jorge Ramos discussed with Univisión political analyst
Arnoldo Torres the relevance of these developments. It did not do it on June 1 (Puerto
Rico Primaries) or on June 3 (Montana and South Dakota Primaries).
On the other hand, Telemundo mostly, but also Univisión, aired twelve 2- to 3minute stories to advise Hispanics suffering from tough economic times on where to find
a job, how to cut costs on credit cards or gas, or where to find affordable summer camps.
These closing reports also informed Hispanics on how their communities were coping
with rising gas prices (five stories) by cutting summer travel or, increasingly, by visiting
pawn shops. These usually complemented stories of economic problems aired on the
broadcasts' first or second blocks.
Univisión and Telemundo chose to close their broadcasts with economic advice or
warnings 12 times, 30% of the newscasts analyzed. And as we mentioned before,
Univisión closed with explanations on the primaries 3 times or 10 percent of the time.
These tendencies showed a shift in tone, a serious concern with the economy, especially
in the case of Telemundo. On the other hand, it reinforced Univisión’s commitment to
introduce Hispanic new citizens or new arrivals to the American system.
Long format: stories from below versus stories from above
When covering the primaries and the economy, the stations also preferred to use
long format reports that lasted from 2 to 3 minutes. For example, of the 63 stories on
primaries, 50 (almost 80%) were long format.
3
Camarota, S. A. and Jensenius K. (May 14, 2009 ). Trends in Immigrant and Native Employment.
Center of Immigration Studies, a Washington organization that advocates for enforcement and lower levels
of immigration. It said that in the second half of 2007 and into 2008 unemployment began to rise slightly
faster for immigrants than for natives. Retrieved on February 20, 2009 from
http://www.cis.org/articles/2009/back509.pdf
32
When reporting on the economy, more than 60%, or 41, of the stories on this topic
were long format reports. Moreover, the shorter format economic stories referred mainly
to indicators; measurements that explained some kind of economic deterioration; while
the longer format referred to the impact and service stories, aimed directly at the Hispanic
community.
Univision & Telemundo Long Format Stories
(Stories that last more than 2:00 minutes)
In other words, short stories of 25 to 40 seconds were basically announcements
such as the price of houses continuing to decline in a given month; or a curiosity, such as
a super delegate who proposed to sell her vote to raise money for Hispanic education; and
they were not very abundant. Univisión and Telemundo mostly used them to complement
longer reports or add a new angle to the information that had already been discussed.
Short stories, because of time constrains, provide limited content-analysis value
according to the “Quality Grading Criteria” of Rosensteil et al. They presented only one
source and one opinion, ranking very low in providing balanced sourcing or balanced
viewpoints. Yet, in local news, and 24-hour mainstream media, they are used much more
often (Rosensteil et Al, 2007).
Other peculiarity of Telemundo and Univisión coverage was the length of the
longer stories. They were twice as long as their counterparts in general market media.
This has something to do with the language. Spanish, in general, requires more time to
say the same thing than English. During the 1990s, Spanish-language network
management tried to convince/force reporters to keep their stories shorter that 1 minute
45 seconds 4 , paralleling the pattern already established by their counterparts in the
4
I witnessed these efforts from 1994 to 1999 during my work as a line and
executive producer from Telenoticias, a 24 Spanish-language news station partly owned
33
English-language stations when covering Latinos (Montalvo, 2006, Subervi-Vélez et
al.,2005, Subervi-Vélez et al. 2004). “The average length of Latino stories remained
virtually unchanged from 2004. In 2005, it was 1 minute and 44 seconds, compared with
1 minute and 49 seconds in 2004” (Montalvo, 2006, 10). This paper analyzed the sources
of the primaries and economic stories that aired first in the newscasts and those that
followed in second place. The results were mixed.
Of 9 economic stories, six that opened a newscast and three that followed them,
only two had three sources; four had four sources, and the rest had five, six and seven
sources. According to the “Quality Grading Criteria,” all of them will get the highest
marks on “balanced sources” —which require three or more sources; “balance
viewpoints” —mix of opinions— and “authoritativeness” —expert, credentialed sources
or on-camera interviews. When covering these economic topics, the reports always had
at least one expert, such as an analyst, government official, or business associate. In some
cases, they had an official who represented Hispanic constituencies, and was asked to
respond to the crisis. But for the most part these sources represented the impact that the
economic meltdown was having on different parts of the Hispanic communities, and also
in their countries of origin.
According to the source analysis, these economic reports originated with
community concerns, and after presenting them, confronted officials, or demanded
action. In other words, the biggest effort of these economic opening reports was not only
to explain how Hispanics were getting hit by the recession, but also to lobby for help.
(The service stories that offered tips or advice were placed for the most part at the end of
the broadcast.) Again, following the “Quality Grading Criteria,” these reports would get
the highest marks on “Community Relevance” —effort to present emergency or national
information that affects viewing, and “Significance” —focus on issues, ideas or policy.
Of 20 primaries stories, 16 that opened a newscast and four that followed, one had
no sources; two had two sources, four had three sources; eight had four sources; three had
five sources; and another two had seven and eight sources.
The story without sources was a one minute and 10 second bio on Obama, while
the two-source stories consisted of two political analysts explaining why Clinton lost the
campaign, one each on Univisión and Telemundo. The three-source stories presented
Obama, Clinton, and a political analyst. The four-source stories alternated between two
formats: presenting Obama, Clinton, and a spokesperson for each of the campaigns; or
presenting a spokesperson of each of the campaigns, a political analyst for the primaries
and an official voice of the issue that the candidates were discussing. Not until the stories
have five or more sources will any (and only 25% percent) of them include some voices
from below explaining what all these meant to the average citizen. Applying the same
standards than in the economic stories, most of the primaries stories would pass the
“Quality Grading Criteria” for “Balanced Sourcing”, “Balanced Viewpoints” and
“Authoritativeness.”
But it would be in the “Community Relevance” and in the
“Significance” to the audience that they would have a lower score than the economic
stories.
by Telemundo. During this period, Telenoticias produced Telemundo daily national
newscasts.
34
These findings represent a sharp contrast when compared to mainstream networks
and the way they chose to cover Hispanics stories, according to the Network Brownout
Reports (Montalvo, 2006, Subervi-Vélez et al., 2005, Subervi-Vélez et al. 2004). More
than a third of the network stories referring to Hispanics analyzed in these reports had no
sources in 2004, and lacked diversity viewpoints in 2005.
Conclusion: What does Spanish language TV consider important
When covering economic issues, both Telemundo and Univisión were in the
vanguard. First, they presented sources from nonprofit organizations, activists or
Hispanic groups affected. Then, they were able to uncover problems and report on a
reality that was yet to be recognized.
While the general market economic experts and communicators and the banks
were claiming that things were not that bad, Spanish-language TV networks successfully
built a counter frame that, as Entman would state, “employ cultural resonance have the
greatest potential to influence.” 5
On the other hand, when covering the primaries, Univisión and Telemundo
despite Univisión's educational intentions, were basically following the same standards as
general market television. It is true that the campaigns provided speakers that
communicated in Spanish, and that in many cases were Hispanics. Still they
communicated their candidates' messages, indexing the voices in the coverage to that of
the general market. Univisión and Telemundo reporters were basically competing for
access to the official sources, subscribing to Lance Bennett's (1990) indexing theory.
As Constantakis-Valdés already established, the 2008 Spanish-language networks
coverage of the Democratic presidential nomination followed the English-language trend
of focusing “on the campaign itself, strategies involved in winning the contest, activities
involved in pulling ahead of the race, and identification of the current front runner”
(2008, 136). Therefore, this research findings confirm Laurien Alexandre's and Henrik
Rehbinder’s and Patricia Constantakis-Valdés’ (2008) hypotheses that “Spanish-language
television news is constructed and constrained by many of the same media routines and
norms which frame English-language news coverage of political campaigns” (Alexandre
et al. 2008, 175) .
Univisión's and Telemundo's coverage of the latter stages of the Democratic
primaries also validates Suvervi-Vélez and Commaughton's conclusions in “The Mass
Media and Latino Politics”: “Because a community have access to Spanish-language
television… it does not imply that the news produced will provide direct connections to
the local Latinos, their political leadership, the main issues or concerns of local
relevance” (2008, 369).
Finally, this research has shown that Telemundo and Univisión report on a range
of topics from the decrease in remittances to the immigrants' countries of origin, to
bankruptcies, the rise in prices, foreclosures, credit shortages, and unemployment. But
bundled with these issues, these newscasts presented core topics for Hispanic
communities that aimed further than to explain the economic effects on education or
5
Entman, R. (2004). Projections of power: Framing news, public opinion and U.S. foreign policy.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 17
35
health; or the consequences of the war for Hispanic enlisted personnel and their families.
Further research will be necessary to test if both networks were covering an underlying
theme: the impasse on the consequences of the previous year's failed immigration reform.
36
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ARTICLE
41
The Role of the Spanish-Language Media in Disaster Warning
Dissemination: An Examination of the Emergency Alert System
Abraham Benavides
[email protected]
Sudha Arlikatti
[email protected]
______________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract
The Hispanic community is the fastest growing ethnic group in the U.S and is currently
the largest minority group with tremendous buying power. This trend has seen a
significant growth in the Spanish-language media in recent years. Along with the media’s
ability to entertain, comes the responsibility to educate and warn its audiences of eminent
threats and disasters. This paper looks at the Spanish-language media’s efforts to warn
and prepare its listeners for local and national emergencies. The primary question
examined is to see how prepared and equipped the Spanish-language media is to transmit
disaster information and emergency weather announcements to the non-English speaking
public. Current Federal Communication Commission regulations regarding the
Emergency Alert System (EAS) and its ability to transmit multilingual alerts are
examined. Suggestions are made for improving the EAS to accommodate non-English
speaking population needs.
42
The Role of the Spanish-Language Media in Disaster Warning
Dissemination: An Examination of the Emergency Alert System
The Hispanic community in the United States is a vibrant growing group and
recent social and political events illustrate that Hispanics in the U.S. are making positive
strides. There are a number of influential Hispanics at all levels of society including
government, education, business, and the non-profit sector. The Hispanic population is
the largest minority group in the country (about 46 million), growing faster than any
other group, and comprises about 15 percent of the U.S. population (U.S. Census, 2000
and addendums). Hispanic buying power in 2008 totaled more than $980 billion and is on
track to reach $1.3 billion by 2013 or 10 percent of the nation’s buying power and
Hispanics comprise the fastest growing segment of the U.S. labor force (Meerman 2009).
Last year advertisers spent more than 3.3 billion to market products to U.S. Hispanics
which was a 6.8% increase from 2004 (Hispanic Media Market).
From politics and the economy to education and issues of immigration, there is
currently a realization that Hispanics matter. As a consequence, one sector that has seen
tremendous growth is that of the Spanish-language media. According to Jose Cancela
(2006), there is a significant shift taking place in the U.S. media market with respect to
the growth of the Spanish language media. He cites the following figures to show how
Spanish-language media is currently a very influential player in this market. He says that
Spanish-language television, for instance, grew from 206 stations in 2001 to 342 station
in 2005. Similarly he notes that Spanish-language radio grew from 562 stations in 2001
to 775 stations in 2005. His basic contention is that the Spanish-language is here to stay
and that this once “special niche market” is now maturing and will continue to grow and
develop. The increase in the number of Hispanics and their buying power has further
strengthened this growing field.
However, as the Spanish-language media grows so does this medium’s
responsibility towards their customers and the people they serve. By responsibility it is
understood that media outlets in addition to providing entertainment for their customers,
must also provide information and public service announcements such as “warnings” in
times of impending disasters. Pokras et al., (2007) notes that “Latinos who represent the
largest minority group in the U.S., with high rates of recent immigration from Central and
South America and residential concentration in large, urban, segregated areas are a
population at risk in the event of an emergency. The lack of information on this group’s
risk perception, combined with barriers relating to language, literacy, and access, place
them at a unique disadvantage” (466). The Federal Communication Commission has
recognized that in times of emergency, non-English speaking Americans deserve the
same protections as other Americans. i The following paper first looks at the Saragosa,
Texas – F4 1987 Tornado, and the Gulf Coast, Louisiana and Mississippi – 2005
Hurricane Katrina. These two disasters highlight the considerable number of non-English
speakers in the United States and its significance when looking at how to alert the public
of an impending disaster. Next, a survey of the literature reveals the effects that ethnicity,
culture, and language, have on particular groups and individuals. At this point, specifics
about the Emergency Alert System (EAS) are examined. Two noteworthy Reports from
The Federal Communication Commission – the agency that regulates the EAS are
scrutinized in detail to understand their impact on the non-English speaking community.
43
Finally, the recent San Diego Fires are analyzed in an attempt to show the improvement
of the Spanish-language media during an emergency.
Saragosa, Texas – F4 Tornado 1987
In 1987, a small unincorporated agricultural town in south Texas was devastated
by an F4 tornado that claimed the lives of 30 people and injured 131, most of Mexican
descent. The funnel cloud that touched down sometime between 8:20 and 8:24 p.m. on
Friday May 22, created a tornado leaving a path of destruction as it moved north through
the city. The half mile wide two mile trail destroyed half the town of Saragosa. The
official tornado warnings from the National Weather Service were issued in English and
later broadcast by the local TV station in English only. Many lives could have been saved
if the local Spanish TV station had provided weather warnings as well (Aguirre 1988).
The night of the tornado “many of the televisions in Saragosa which were turned on were
tuned to the Spanish-language channel. Univision did not carry the emergency weather
station announcements which were being broadcasted by English language television
stations serving Reeves County” (pg. 71). The local radio station in Pecos, Texas that
served Saragosa, broadcast emergency weather warnings beginning about 8:00 p.m. in
English and Spanish. However, the message conveyed was inaccurate because of the
imprecise translation of the words ‘watch’ and ‘warning’ due to hasty translation. “In
retrospect, the operator’s use of ‘aviso’ probably was not correct, for the word means to
give news, advice, or information. The technical meaning of the word ‘warning,’
representing a materialized, impending disaster, has no direct translation into Spanish and
its meaning is not conveyed by ‘aviso” (pg.72). The failure to warn the citizens of
Saragosa in Spanish was also due to a lack of tradition in providing public service
announcements to the Hispanic community by the Spanish-language media.
Gulf Coast, Louisiana and Mississippi - Hurricane Katrina 2005
A more recent example of the failure to provide emergency warnings before an
impending disaster and in languages other than English came during Hurricane Katrina in
New Orleans. On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina, a Category 4 hurricane with
sustained winds in excess of 175 mph, ripped through the Gulf Coast states of Louisiana,
Mississippi, and Alabama.
Congressional testimony submitted by the Mississippi Immigrant Rights Alliance
and Oxfam America before a House Select Committee hearing revealed that a number of
Jamaican, Peruvian, and Brazilian immigrants were left to fend for themselves before the
hurricane made landfall without receiving hurricane evacuation warnings. These casino
service workers from the Gulfport of Mississippi were abandoned at their apartment
complex by their employer with no transportation or means to understand the evacuation
notices on local television stations (Chandler and Gamboa, 2005). The report stated that
none of the warnings were in Spanish, Vietnamese, or Portuguese (the primary language
spoken by them) and after the hurricane these workers were left to search the wreckage
for their friends. The testimony concluded that it was the responsibility of local
governments to build trust, know the community, and develop plans according to this
knowledge. This would ensure that the often-invisible communities housing thousands of
44
Latinos and other non-English speaking immigrants (the Gulf Coast is home to
approximately 124, 000 Vietnamese, Chinese, Filipino, and Korean residents who work
primarily in the shrimping and hospitality industry. ii ) received essential humanitarian
assistance (Chandler and Gamboa, 2005).
Diego Cevallos (2005) has estimated the number of Hispanic/Latinos in the gulf
coast area was over 300,000 when Hurricane Katrina made landfall. He used data from
Consular authorities from a number of Latin American countries to arrive at this figure.
According to him the Honduran Ambassador to the United States Norman Garcia
suggested there were some 140,000 Hondurans and their descendents living in the greater
New Orleans area. The Hispanic population in this area went from 40,000 as of the 2000
census to over 300,000 according to recent government estimates. Hispanic Magazine
(2005) reported that many Spanish-speaking residents of Mississippi complained about
not receiving adequate warning about Hurricane Katrina’s pending arrival. When the city
workers came to warn them face-to-face, a day before the hurricane was to make land
fall, it was too late as they did not have adequate resources and supplies to secure their
homes and evacuate.
New Orleans does have one Spanish language radio station – Radio Tropical
(KGLA 1540 AM). Before the hurricane the station did advise residents and its listeners
to evacuate. However, the station went off the air before the hurricane made land fall and
remained off the air for 7 days after the disaster. Once back on the air (powered by a
small generator), it did provide disaster relief assistance and information for its listeners.
Patrick Roberts (2005) President of the Florida Association of Broadcasters noted that
under these dire circumstances, the radio was indeed the primary and in many cases, the
sole lifeline of communication for the community and that he was impressed with the
stations that stayed on the air due to their commitment to their listeners and their
communities. Especially, with those employees at both radio and television stations that
lost their own homes and yet continued to do their jobs. In Katrina’s aftermath, “finding
medical facilities, shelter, food, and potable water was a matter of life and death for
thousands of non-English speakers” (Honig, 2006, pp 8).
Ethnicity and Disasters
A number of recent and past disasters have shown that distinct groups respond
differently to disasters (Blaikie et al., 1994; Anderson, 1996; Peacock et al., 1997). Some
contend that racial and ethnic minority response patterns differ from non-Hispanic whites
and thus are more vulnerable because of “socioeconomic reasons, language barriers,
minority preference for particular information sources (e.g., family), and a distrust of
governmental authorities” (Pokras, et al. 469, 2007). Fothergill, et al. (1999) illustrate
that “racial and ethnic communities in the U.S. are more vulnerable to natural disasters,
due to factors such as language, housing patterns, building construction, community
isolation and cultural insensitivities” (156). In their work they cite a number of studies to
demonstrate various behaviors. For instance, in terms of warning information exchange
or the use of informal social networks to relay warning information; a number of studies
were cited to show that Hispanics, and to some degree other minorities, rely more on
these social networks which include family and friends, than do non-minorities (Perry
and Mushkatel, 1986; Perry and Nelson, 1991; Phillips and Ephraim, 1992; BlanchardJournal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Disaster Warning Dissemination
45
Boehm, 1997). In other words, as information is received via television, radio, telephone
or some other source, it is quickly verified and confirmed through these social networks
which are highly valued.
Language is another theme that Fothergill, et al. discuss, again citing a number of
scholars that have researched the challenges of a multilingual society and emergencies.
For example, they note that a number of emergency response agencies have very few
bilingual staff and that not all emergency materials are available in Spanish (Phillips and
Ephraim, 1992; Subervi-Velez et al., 1992; Yelvington, 1997). They go on to suggest that
more often than not English language media “tended to have better information than the
Spanish language stations” (163) yet focused predominately on non-minority areas.
Henderson et al. (2004) confirm these findings and note the following on language:
Language-isolated communities also constitute a special population. Those for
whom English is a second language or is barley useable live in fear that they will
miss vital communication. Reports stated that in an emergency, Hispanic people
check the English news first and then check Spanish news outlets. The reason for
the dualism and sequence is to first get what is perceived as a less emotionally
tinged report gleaned from the English language news. Next, they listen to the
Spanish-language news reports so that its higher load of “Latin emotionality” can
be filtered out by comparing it to the English report. (227).
Chandler and Gamboa (2005) speaking about the misfortunes of Hurricane
Katrina argue that “language barriers continued to be an issue in the critical hours, days,
and weeks after the storm. Lack of any significant public information in any language
except English is still a major problem today” (3). Nevertheless, by October 26, 2005 The
Federal Emergency management Agency (FEMA) had released a statement that it wanted
non-English speaking residents of Louisiana that were impacted by Hurricanes Katrina
and or Rita to know that they could receive assistance information in their native
language. “We are sensitive to the language differences, as well as the cultural and
religious diversity, of our Louisiana disaster victims. FEMA has taken steps to ensure
that language is not a barrier to getting the aid needed by all disaster victims” said Mayra
Lopez-De-Victoria, FEMA multi-lingual outreach spokesperson. The available 1-800
number had three options English, Spanish, and other languages – option #3. Callers
choosing this last option had immediate assistance in an additional 21 different languages
and if this was insufficient, there were 157 additional languages available. The major
languages for the Louisiana area which were covered were: English, Spanish,
Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, Chinese (Mandarin) German, French, Korean,
Russian, and Creole.
A final argument in their research showed that culture was also a mitigating factor
in how emergency agencies and racial and ethnic communities interacted. For instance,
they cite the Loma Prieta, California earthquake and the culturally insensitive volunteers
from the East Coast towards the Hispanic victims through their racist remarks (Dhesi,
1991; Katayama, 1992). They mention Hurricane Frederick and how electric power was
turned on in African American communities only after it was re-connected in Anglo
communities – not to mention the skewed distribution of ice, food and emergency shelter
(Beady and Bolin, 1986). And finally they note that even in food and meal preparation it
46
is important to be culturally aware of the local needs of the people (Phillips, 1993;
Morrow and Enarson, 1994).
Another disadvantage for many is their legal status and immigration is another
issue that should be addressed. After Hurricane Katrina and the recent California fires,
there were a number of unauthorized workers who did not seek emergency assistance for
fear of being deported. Brenda Muñiz (2006) argues that “if the government and private
relief agencies fail to convince a segment of the nation’s largest minority that they are not
a safe source of preventative care and treatment or credible information, they have
effectively undermined their ability to keep the country safe and healthy” (2). According
to the National Response Plan and its Emergency Support Function #15, the Department
of Homeland Security through the Federal Emergency Management Agency are to
“ensure that sufficient Federal assets are deployed to the field during a potential or actual
Incident of National Significance to provide accurate, coordinated, and timely
information to affected audiences, including governments, media, the private sector, and
the local populace.” It goes on to say that DHS and FEMA with the assistance of the
“Federal Communications Commission designed the EAS as a tool for authorities to
quickly send important emergency information to a specific area.”
The EAS is designed to deliver EAS messages and to account for the needs of
such special populations as the deaf and those with differing language requirements
(italics added, NRP ESF #15-1 and 15-4). Muñiz contends that eligibility guidelines for
FEMA-administered benefits lacked clarity in the Katrina aftermath and “because U.S.
citizen and legal resident Latinos are often presumed to be ‘illegal,’ many are denied or
discouraged from seeking assistance that they are fully entitled to” (4). In this case, she
goes on to state that “FEMA made assumptions about immigration status and neglected
to ensure that victims knew of their eligibility and received the necessary information to
apply for FEMA assistance” (4). Andrulis et al. (2007) argue that future programs and
policies will require compliance from all racial and ethnic populations. And suggest that
“future preparedness efforts need to fully integrate factors related to race, culture, and
language into risk communication, public health training, measurement, coordination,
and policy at all levels” (1).
Emergency Alert System
Emergency warnings are delivered in expectation that the information contained
in them will motivate individual to take precautionary measures. Brenda Phillips and
Betty Morrow (2005) conclude that “effective messages containing forecasts, watches
and warnings must be considered within the social contexts and cultures of the target
populations. Although social science has identified some problems and potential
solutions, much remains to be done in this area if we are to achieve our public safety
goals for our citizens” (1). In this context it is essential to understand that the Emergency
Alert System needs to be understood by the people it is intended to benefit.
The Emergency Alert System (EAS) iii in the United States was instituted to
provide the President of the United States the capability to communicate with and inform
the general public about periods of national emergency. The first system began in the
1950s as our response to the threat of a nuclear attack. President Harry S. Truman created
CONELRAD (Control of Electromagnetic Radiation) through Executive Order 10312
47
which provided for emergency control over certain government and non-government
stations engaged in radio communication or radio transmission of energy. By 1963,
President John F. Kennedy replaced this system with the Emergency Broadcast System. iv
This system was well-known for its broadcast announcement “This is a test. This station
is conducting a test of the Emergency Broadcast System. This is only a test.” v The current
system was updated in 1994 and replaced the Emergency Broadcast System with the
EAS. The present system is designed so that the President can transmit a national alert
within 10 minutes from any location. It is administered by the Federal Communications
Commission (FCC), the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the
National Weather Service (NWS).
The EAS system has the authority to regulate emergency alerts and warnings. The
current system is extensively used by the NWS to alert the public of weather hazards and
it can be used by state and local officials to alert the public of any local hazardous
situation. Approximately 80 percent of all EAS alerts originate from the NWS. Each
broadcast station is required to have the EAS equipment that has the capability to
interrupt regular programming, and can relay emergency information in any language.
According to the FCC, the EAS equipment can “monitor the National Weather Service
for local weather and other emergency alerts, which local broadcast stations, cable
systems, and other EAS participants can then rebroadcast, providing an almost immediate
relay of local emergency messages to the public.” vi According to the FCC the messages
can even be broadcast in Spanish to Spanish language stations in the U.S. or the primary
language that is used by the station or cable system (FCC 05-191, 5). The Federal
Communications Commission’s Emergency Alert System Handbook, gives the following
definitions that are useful in understanding when an EAS may be activated to secure life
and property:
Emergency:
A situation posing an extraordinary threat to the safety of life and
property. Examples are, but not limited to natural situations such as: tornados,
flash floods, icing conditions, heavy snows, fires and man-made situations such
as: discharge of hazardous materials, power failures, industrial explosions, civil
disorders and nuclear incidents.
Severe Weather Watch:
A severe weather watch indicates that the probabilities of a particular
severe weather storm are high, and is an alert to the public of such severe weather
conditions.
Severe Weather Warning:
A severe weather warning indicates that a particular severe weather storm
has actually been sighted in an area or indicated by radar, and serves notice to the
public that severe weather conditions are almost certain to occur.
48
In an effort to make the EAS available to all residents in the United States, the
Federal Communication Commission looked to technology to increase capability. The
Common Alerting Protocol (CAP) permits links to voice, audio, or data files, images, and
multilingual translations of the alert, and links to providing further information. vii
The CAP has the ability, for instance, to dedicate one channel for English, one for
Spanish, another to weather, another for emergency preparedness information, and many
others for a number of alternative purposes simultaneously.
Federal Communications Commission and Non-English Speakers
The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is charged with the promotion
of safety of life and property through the use of wire and radio communications. viii
Through its ability to implement rules to further this cause, it frequently adopts reports,
gives orders and notifies the public about future proposed rulemaking. In regards to the
Emergency Alert System and non-English speakers, the FCC adopted its First Report and
Order and Further Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, EB Docket No. 04-296, on
November 3, 2005. The Report and Order expanded the reach of the EAS to digital
communications technology and requested comments and proposals related to the use of
multilingual EAS messages. ix In regards to the above action Commissioner Michael J.
Copps acknowledged that “we need to make sure that all Americans receive emergency
information, including those with disabilities and those whose primary fluency is in a
language other than English. In the recent hurricanes, tens of thousands of residents
whose primary language is not English lacked access to the information and warnings
that others were receiving” (FCC 05-191). Similarly, Commissioner Jonathan S.
Adelstein indicated that “We cannot overemphasize the importance of disseminating
emergency information in multiple languages” x (FCC 05-191).
The National Association of Broadcasters filed comments in response to the
Petition of Immediate Interim Relief and suggested the following: “Rather than rush to a
rule without knowing how it can be implemented, it would be better to carefully consider
how non-English speaking persons are currently receiving their information, including
emergency information provided on non-English broadcast channels, to ensure that a
public warning system designed to reach non-English speakers effectively reaches its
intended audience” (1). Additionally, the FCC received additional direction from the
President. On June 26, 2006 the Office of the President issued Executive Order 13407 –
Public Alert and Warning System. In this Order the President in section 2 item (iv) gave
the following direction: “include in the public alert and warning system the capability to
alert and warn all Americans, including those with disabilities and those without an
understanding of the English language.”
On May 31, 2007 FCC adopted another administrative rule. The Second Report
and Order and Further Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, EB Docket No. 04-296. The
Report and Order provides for a “next generation” EAS system using advanced
technology with a variety of alert formats including text, audio, and video. Additionally,
it went beyond its predecessor to incorporate the language of the Petitioner and
statements of other parties in its request for comments. For example, “how should
localities with non-English speakers be identified?” “In which markets should special
emergency alerts apply?” “Should more than two languages be transmitted in certain
49
areas?” “As the [petitioners] propose, should state and local EAS plans designate a ‘Local
Primary Multilingual’ station to transmit emergency information in areas where a
substantial proportion of the population has a fluency in a language other than English?”
The inclusion of these comments and the Commissions earnestness to look at how
other states have incorporated a bilingual system during emergencies such as in Florida
and California is significant. The Commission now has a framework to assemble
“stakeholders, broadcasters, state officials, FCC public safety staff, and representative of
the non-English speaking communities” (FCC 07-109, 73). xi
On August 13, 2007, the FCC convened a follow-up meeting of stakeholders to
discuss the provision of the EAS system for non-English speakers per the Commission’s
Orders. A number of individuals participated and Florida’s effort to assure emergency
message alerts in Spanish were applauded. Representatives of the Independent Spanish
Broadcasters Association were a little frustrated with the rulemaking process as they
“pointed out that two years had elapsed since [their] organization and the others had filed
the 2005 Petition seeking FCC action mandating multilingual alerts, and nothing has been
done” (Poarch, 2007, 4). The main stumbling block between the stakeholders on this
issue is one of mandates versus voluntary compliance. For some, the clear response is for
the FCC to mandate multilingual alerts. For others it is a matter of voluntary compliance.
Table 1. Timeline of Events in Implementing a Multilingual Emergency Alert S
Structure
August 12, 2004
The Commission issued a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM)
concerning the Emergency Alert System (EAS), seeking comment
on how EAS can be improved to be a more effective mechanism
for warning the American public of an emergency. xii EB Docket
No. 04-296 Formally EB Docket No. 04-189.
September
20, Petition for Immediate Interim Relief filed before the FCC, by the
2005
Independent Spanish Broadcasters Association, the Office of
Communication, the United Church of Christ, Inc., and the
Minority Media and Telecommunications Council. Their plan
would ensure that non-English speaking persons have access to
emergency information during times of local, state, and national
emergencies.
November
10, The FCC issued the First Report and Order and Further Notice of
2005
Proposed Rulemaking EB Docket No. 04-296. The Commission
expanded the reach of the EAS to digital communications
technology. Also the commission requested that until the issue was
studied further that multilingual emergency information should be
provided in areas where a significant portion of the population has
its primary fluency in languages other than English.
June 26, 2006
Executive Order 13407 – Public Alert and Warning System. The
order makes specific reference to the needs of non-English
speakers.
March 2007
The United States Government Accounting Office issues a report
to Congressional Committees on Emergency Preparedness and the
Emergency Alert System. Indications are that there are limitations
50
and that a new integrated system will encounter challenges.
July 12, 2007
Second Report and Order and Further Notice of Proposed
Rulemaking
EB Docket No. 04-296. Approved the new generation of EAS
exemplified by Common Alerting Protocol (CAP) and used
Petitioner language in its Further Notice requesting comments and
proposals specifically aimed at establishing a multilingual EAS.
August 13, 2007
Progress Report to the Commission Concerning the Delivery of
Emergency Alert System Messages to Non-English Speakers, EB
Docket No. 04-296.
September 11, 2008 EPA releases Spanish PSA,s to aid Hurricane Ike Response
Spanish Language Media and the EAS – Successes
The Spanish language media has learned from previous mistakes and made
considerable improvement in its efforts to deliver emergency alerts in Spanish. The
following two similar events clearly show how the Spanish-Language media has grown
in terms of its awareness as a partner with local governments, and as a contributor to the
well being of the local community by providing an essential service.
San Diego, California 2003 Fire
On October 25, 2003, the Cedar Fire began to burn near the mountain town of
Ramona in San Diego County, California. From there it spread to other areas fanned by
strong Santa Ana winds. It consumed more than 280,278 acres, destroying 2,232 homes,
and killing 15 people. It was the largest fire in California history. According to the 2000
Census, in San Diego County, about 27 percent of the county's 2.8 million residents are
Latino. About 85 percent of the county's Latinos are monolingual or bilingual Spanish
speakers. The Cedar fire had a number of problems but the most prominent for the
Hispanic community was a lack of information in Spanish from the Spanish-language
media. This was mainly because all official information was in English only and vital
information had to be hastily translated into Spanish and shared with the people through
Spanish media channels. It was observed that the Spanish media made very little effort to
help overcome the deficiencies in the system and provide adequate coverage. In the
aftermath of the fires, non-English speaking San Diego residents severely criticized the
authorities for failing to issue warnings and providing them with direction on what
protective actions to take. Furthermore, immigration advocates chastised Spanishlanguage media for not keeping up with English-language news and warning their
Spanish speaking audiences (McDonald et al., 2003; Alpert, 2007; Muñoz, 2007).
Lourdes Sandoval, news director for Univision, admitted that it was a challenge not only
for the media, but for all the community stakeholders in San Diego when they realized
that such a large segment of their population did not speak English or that they preferred
Spanish during times of emergencies. Univision’s viewers complained that the coverage
of the fires was not as extensive and detailed on the Spanish channel as it was on the
English networks.
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San Diego, California 2007 Fire
Emily Alpert (2007) notes that during the coverage of the 2003 Cedar Fire in San
Diego the response by the Spanish-language media was lackadaisical. On the other hand,
these recent fires had “Telemundo and Univision join forces in streaming life-or-death
information on evacuations, road closures and shelter sites in the tongue their viewers
could understand. NBC offered Spanish news updates between its English broadcast,
winning praise from Latino leaders” (1). According to the 2006 American Communities
Survey, “nearly one-fourth of San Diego County residents speak Spanish at home. Just
more than one-tenth of county residents can't speak English well. San Diego fields at
least five Spanish newspapers, nine Spanish radio stations and five Spanish television
stations.” Alpert goes on to say that “Telemundo and Univision lagged behind the
mainstream media somewhat, providing few details about the fires Sunday night, when
the Harris Fire claimed its first death. [Nevertheless] by 5 a.m. Monday, the twin
channels had teamed up, reporting 24 hours a day on the San Diego inferno.” She
interviewed assignment managing editors for both Univision and Telemundo, and they
both agreed that they learned from the 2003 fire. “We learned from our viewers that they
needed to be informed. Back then, there was bad communication between the agencies.
We weren't included in press conferences. It was really sad, because our Hispanic
community were calling us and trying to get informed, and we didn't get much
information. Now, we don't depend on anybody. We have our contacts and we're calling,
calling, calling until we get somebody” (1). xiii
If there are criticisms of the Spanish-language media during the San Diego Fires it
is that there was a delay in broadcasting vital information early on. Daniel Muñoz (2007)
suggests that just like the 2003 Cider fire; there was a shortage of information during the
first few days of the emergency. He notes:
Up-to-date information was being provided by the English-language television
and radio stations from the outset, yet they provided no information in Spanish
during the most crucial time – the first few days of the disaster. The daily
newspapers stuck to their English-only news. The Spanish-language media did
little better. Univision provided little information in the beginning, possibly due to
the fact that they do not have a large local staff. Nor did any of the local radio
stations provide the type of comprehensive reporting needed – until days later. It
wasn’t until several days later that the English-language television stations started
scrolling information at the bottom of screen in Spanish.
The Chairman of the Federal Communication Commission, Kevin J. Martin, notes
in his statement on the Second Report and Order and Further Notice of Proposed
Rulemaking, that he agrees that “more needs to be done to address the public safety needs
of non-English speakers.” He goes on to say “I also hope that the industry will continue
to work hard to find a way to provide multilingual alerts on its own” (FCC 07-109, 69).
In this case, it is clear that the Spanish-language media did finally come together and
provided essential emergency coverage that was vital to the non-English speaking
52
residents of San Diego. A maturity occurred and the industry realized the place and vital
role they play in as a community partner with the people they serve.
Recommendations
Recognition that not all individuals and groups of people respond to disasters the
same is key for the future understanding of the Spanish-language media in its continued
efforts to provide emergency alerts. Many Spanish language speakers are more
comfortable receiving emergency alerts in their native tongue. Therefore, the Spanishlanguage media needs to fill this void. Although the EAS system has never been activated
on a national basis, it has been used in local emergencies with a great deal of success.
Patrick Roberts (2005) indicates that in 1992 during Hurricane Andrew the EAS was
activated for residents in South Dade County with the location of food, water, and shelter
after the storm. He goes on to say that in 2004 the EAS was activated twice, once for
Hurricane Charley and again for Hurricane Jeanne. In both cases, emergency warnings
were delivered in English and Spanish informing residents of the need to seek immediate
emergency shelter. Providing multilingual alerts has worked in the past and can continue
to work with the advanced technology that is now available. These warnings have worked
for the State of Florida and have proven to be a valuable tool in their response plan.
Roberts goes on to say that “it is the only means for delivering one single message at one
time on all televisions, radios, and cable channels” (6).
Two of the key components of the Florida Preparedness model are appropriate for
consideration as emergency responders and policy makers contemplate how best to
respond and prepare for emergencies. The first is an annual public education media
campaign. “Public radio and television media campaigns developed in both English and
Spanish to inform citizens on the necessary steps to take to prepare their families and to
protect their property when a natural or man-made disaster threatens their community”
(3). The second is an EAS which is a “true partnership among state governments, local
governments, and broadcasters” (3). This cooperation is essential if our communities are
to be warned of approaching calamities.
Bonnie Gay (2007) an official at the FCC noted that in her opinion the major
obstacle to a well run EAP system is the lack of education and training. She said “There
are a number of individuals at radio and television stations that do not know how to run
the EAP system. The FCC has noted this problem in a number of its rules.” One issue is
having the equipment and technology to alert the public about an impending disaster, it is
quite another to have the personnel educated and trained on how to use the tools at their
disposal to announce the warnings.
The question of mandatory or voluntary participation in local level EAS alerts is
magnified when localism issues are highlighted. Local television stations are not required
to air state and local EAS warnings – they are optional even though the EAS system
might have information about an approaching severe local weather system. A number of
Spanish-language television stations do not air this information because 1. Prerecorded
national programming that is seldom if ever modified to adjust to local needs. 2. A lack
of local interest and tie to the community 3. xiv Spanish language stations are just
beginning to understand what a local news station is all about, and 4. The Spanish
53
language media is behind in its use and understanding of public service announcements
and the positive or negative influence and role they hold in the local community.
It should be noted, however, that many Spanish-language stations in Florida and
California do carry special emergency news programs when large natural disasters are
imminent such as a hurricane in Florida, or the recent fires in San Diego. However, these
have been more the exception and not the norm. Nevertheless, if the recent coverage by
the Spanish-language media of the fires in San Diego is any indication of a change in
direction for covering local emergencies, then an enormous step in the right direction has
been taken. With the advent of mobile devices such as cell phones the FCC recently
approved the Emergency Alert System to include warnings that would be sent via this
medium. These essential wireless communication warnings should also be in languages
other than English. It is interesting to note that in 2008 during Hurricane Ike that the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency released four public service announcements in Spanish
to help the area’s Spanish-speaking community prepare for the effects of the hurricane.
Although much has changed in the Spanish-language media and stations do carry local
weather and have the capacity to transmit warnings, there is still the question of proper
preparation, adequate training to provide the warning and a commitment to the local
community.
54
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Endnotes
i
See Recommendation of Independent Panel Reviewing the Impact of Hurricane Katrina on
Communications Networks, Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, 71 Fed Reg. 38564, EB Docket No. 04-296
(released July 7, 2006). It is also interesting to note that the city of Fort Worth Police Department is
experimenting with language by having 50 police cars equipped with magnetic signs that say “Hablo
57
Español, Le Puedo Ayudar?” “I speak Spanish, Can I help You?” About 31 percent of the population of
Fort Worth speak a language other than English.
ii
This estimation came from the Association of Asian Pacific Community Health Organization (AAPHCO).
They go on to mention in their news release that they hope all communities “regardless of class or race, are
granted the same rights and access to public services as the scores of other victims within the region.”
http://www.aapcho.org/site/aapcho/content.php?type=2&id=14
iii
The Emergency Alert System applies to analog AM, FM, and TV broadcast stations including Class A
television (CA) and low-power TV (LPTV) stations, digital broadcast TV (DTV) stations including digital
CA and digital LPTV stations, analog cable systems, digital cable systems, Direct Broadcast Satellite
(DBS) services, Satellite Digital Audio Radio Service (SDARS), analog radio broadcast stations including
AM, FM, and low-powered FM (LPFM) stations, digital audio broadcasting (DAB) stations including
digital AM, FM, and low-powered FM stations, wireless cable systems which may include Broadband
Radio Service (BRS), or Educational Broadcast Services (EBS) stations, and other participating entities.
CFR Title 47 Telecommunications Chapter 11 – Emergency Alert System.
iv
Executive Order 11092 assigned emergency preparedness functions to the Federal Communication
Commission.
v
Once the alert was given, stations were required to read the following: "This is a test of the Emergency
Broadcast System. The broadcasters of your area in voluntary cooperation with the Federal, State and
local authorities have developed this system to keep you informed in the event of an emergency. If this had
been an actual emergency, the Attention Signal you just heard would have been followed by official
information, news or instructions. This station serves the (operational area name) area. This concludes this
test of the Emergency Broadcast System."
vi
FCC consumer facts The Emergency Alert System. http://www.fcc.gov/cgb/consumerfacts/eas.html
The CAP also supports capabilities for digital signature to authenticate the sender and validate the
integrity of the text, and an encryption field that enables the encryption of the CAP message. An EAS
initiator may encrypt, address, and otherwise secure a CAP alert. Information from the National
Association of Broadcasters.
vii
viii
See 47 United States Code § 151.
ix
See 47 C.F.R. §§ 11.54(b)(7), 11.55 (c)(4). Multilingual EAS Messages. Sections 11.54(b)(7) and 11.55
(c)(4) the Commission sought comment on whether current methods of providing alerts and warnings to
non-English speaking persons are adequate and if not, what additional provisions are necessary and what
costs would be associated with implementing such provisions. On September 22, 2005, the Independent
Spanish Broadcaster Association, the office of Communication of the United Church of Christ, Inc., and the
Minority Media Telecommunications Council filed a Petition for Immediate Relief with the Commission
proposing changes to the Commission’s EAS rules to require stations to air EAS messages in other
languages in addition to English. We also seek comment on any other proposals regarding how to best alert
non-English speakers. (FCC 05-191, 33-34).
x
He goes on to say “In new Orleans alone, it is estimated that there were than 50,000 Spanish-speaking
residents, and the only Spanish language station in the area was off-air before Hurricane Katrina even
reached city limits. It stayed off the air for the next seven days. While all Gulf Coast broadcasters
performed admirably – with great personal sacrifice – to provide news coverage to millions of households,
some non-English speaking households may have been left in complete darkness. We must find ways to
ensure that all households have access to emergency warnings and alerts in a language they understand
(FCC 05-191).
xi
The Commission goes on to say “It is not a comprehensive solution for making general emergency and
public safety information available to non-English speakers. Indeed we believe that the petitioners’ request
58
is broader than the formal EAS structure and raises important questions about the availability of emergency
information to the non-English speaking audience (FCC 07-109, 25).
xii
Emergency Warning for Non-English Speakers. We should also consider the needs of people with
primary languages other than English when considering the best method of contacting the public during an
emergency. In order to ensure that foreign language audiences are alerted, the Commission’s EAS rules
provide that EAS announcements may be made in the same language as the primary language of the
station. We seek comment of the efficacy of these rules. For example, if a radio station transmitting in
English is located in a predominantly Spanish-speaking community, should the station transmit EAS alerts
in both English and Spanish? Additionally, products can be developed to convert the EAS digital signal to
provide aural and visual messages in any language. We seek comment on whether current methodologies
for providing alert and warning to non-English speaking persons are adequate. If not, what additional
provisions are necessary, and what would be the costs associated with implementing such provisions? FCC
EB Docket No. 04-189.
xiii
On a personal note, I grew up in San Diego and my mother and two sisters along with their family are
still in this area. I called them frequently assuring that they were safe as the Harris fire was in Chula Vista
where they live. My mother a native Spanish speaker from Mexico confirmed that the reports I have cited
are correct. There was ample television coverage from both Univision and Telemundo and the Spanish
language radio stations. In addition there was scrolls or crawls at the bottom of the television screen in
Spanish. English language television also had scrolls and crawls in Spanish.
xiv
For instance, Pokras et. al., (2007) note in their focus groups with the Latino community in Montgomery
county Maryland, that the respondents indicated that “Univision and Telemundo don’t transmit signs of
alert [. . . no transmiten señales de alerta], and that local cable television shows may not be accessible”
(472). Thus there is a lack of local interest.
TV agenda in Mexican Election
59
Who Set the Television Agenda in the 2006 Mexican Election?
News vs. Advertising
María de los Ángeles Flores
Texas A&M International University, TX
[email protected]
Maxwell E. McCombs
University of Texas at Austin, TX
[email protected]
______________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract
The present research analyzed electoral news broadcasted by Mexican national
television networks—Televisa and TV Azteca—during the 2006 presidential election
campaign period. In addition, this investigation examined television political
advertisements of major presidential candidates—Felipe Calderón, Andrés Manuel López
Obrador, and Roberto Madrazo—aired during that same electoral period. In order to
indentify if election newscasts or political advertisements set the media’s agenda,
researchers contrasted television electoral news stories and television political spots. The
flow of communication between news and candidates’ spots was scrutinized from a
cause-effect viewpoint. The comparative results were broken down into several time
series analyses in order to examine the influence from a general perspective into a
specific outlook. The cross-lagged correlations indicated that newscasts strongly
influenced candidate’s television advertisements.
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 TV agenda in Mexican Election
60
Who Set the Television Agenda in the 2006 Mexican Election?
News vs. Advertising 1
The electoral process is one of the benchmarks by which a democratic society is
measured. An evaluation of the 2006 Mexican presidential election helped to describe
how Mexico functions as a young democratic society. This research examines the 2006
presidential election intermedia agenda-setting effects between Mexican major national
television networks and major presidential candidates television political advertisements,
broadcasted during the campaign period. The official Federal Electoral Institute (IFE)
campaign period ran from January 19, 2006 to June 28, 2006. The fact that the three main
presidential candidates in this election devoted an enormous amount of their budget to
political advertising, especially television spots, raised the following question: How
effective were candidates’ political television advertisements in setting the television
media agenda? In other words, who set the television agenda in the 2006 Mexican
election?
IFE registered five candidates in the 2006 presidential election: Felipe Calderón
for the Partido Acción Nacional (National Action Party), Roberto Madrazo for Alianza
por México 2 (Alliance for Mexico), Andrés Manuel López Obrador for the Coalición por
el Bien de Todos 3 (Coalition for the Well Being of All), Patricia Mercado for Partido
Alternativa Social Demócrata y Campesina (Alternative Democratic Social and Peasant
Party), and Roberto Campa for Partido Nueva Alianza (New Alliance Party). All five
candidates campaigned for 161 consecutive days. Presidential candidates traveled around
the country seeking voters and listening to their concerns.
It is important to remark that Mexican election results are based on the final value
of the vote count. That is, the candidate who obtains more votes wins the election with no
intervention or influence of any other agency or board. On July 7, 2006, five days after
Election Day, IFE declared Felipe Calderón as the winner with 35.89% (15,000,284
votes) over Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who obtained 35.31% (14,756,350 votes) of
the votes. The difference between both presidential candidates was minimal 0.58%
(Milenio, 2006). This is the second consecutive time that the National Action Party won
the presidential race. Nevertheless, Felipe Calderón faced a very serious political crisis:
about 15 million voters supported him, but another 15 million were against him. This
context presented a complex political challenge for the recently elected president.
Presidential candidates’ main economic resource of campaign financial support is
tax money. Politicians are an expensive commodity for Mexican citizens, who in the
name of democracy, end up paying an elevated sum of funds every election. From the
funds allocated to political parties for the 2005-2006 electoral process (4,926 million
1
Authors would like to thank Carol Adams-Means (Huston-Tillotson University), Kevin Coe (University
of Arizona), Dominc Lasorsa (UT-Austin), Chappell Lawson (MIT), Paula Poindexter (UT-Austin), and
Joseph Straubhaar (UT-Austin) for their advice and assistance reviewing early versions of this research. In
addition, authors would like to express their gratitude for the comments of three blind reviewers of the
Political Communication Division of the 95th National Communication Association annual convention. As
well as two blind reviewers of the Journal of Spanish Language Media.
2
Dual-party electoral alliance between Institutional Revolutionary Party and Ecologist Green Party.
3
Multi-party electoral coalition between Democratic Revolution Party, Workers Party, and Convergence
Party.
61
pesos), the three main political parties received a total of 64% of those funds, distributed
as follows: Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) obtained the highest amount 1.265
million pesos (26%); followed by National Action Party (PAN) with 1.1468 million
pesos (23%), and Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) with 744.2 million pesos (IFE,
2005). According to IFE’s president, Luis Carlos Ugalde, anywhere from 65% to 75% of
each political party’s funds were assigned to media promotion: “Seven of every 10 pesos
were devoted to purchase advertising in electronic media,” explained Ugalde to the press
(Herrera, 2007). The amount of money devoted to the media represented a 20% increase
in comparison with the presidential campaign of the year 2000. At that time, the three
main political parties invested in mass media as follows: PRI devoted 71% of its budget,
followed by the Alianza por el Cambio 4 (Alliance for Change), 69%, and Alianza por
México 5 (Alliance for Mexico), 50% (Loera, 2005).
It was interesting to note that the central point of the presidential campaign was
political advertising. Presidential candidates and their political advisers perceive the mass
media—especially television—as the meeting place with voters. That is, candidates no
longer consider campaign events as their main connection to voters. The media acted as a
bridge of communication between candidates and voters in a way it had never done
before in Mexico. Traditionally, television newscasts have been candidates’ targets for
exposure. However, in the 2006 election, television commercial spots were a presidential
candidate’s main concern, for several presidential candidates assumed that advertising
was the most important element of their strategic plan to ensure a victory. The idea that
high volumes of commercial spots would generate the maximum quantity of votes was
the rule of thumb for the three major presidential candidates during this election.
Therefore, in the Aztec nation, national television newscasts became the voter’s number
one source of political information (Vega Montiel, 2006).
Former IFE General Director, Arturo Núñez (2005), commented to the press that
the mass media is the top priority for any electoral campaign in Mexico (El Universal,
p.1). “There is not another way!” (Proceso, 2006, p. 1), said political researcher Leo
Zuckermann when questioned by a reporter. He explained to the media that in a country
with such an extensive territory with 70 million potential voters, the election’s victory is
gained in the media. Moreover, scholar José Cisneros Espinoza (2003) observed that all
political candidates must have the service of a political marketer adviser because today’s
election campaigns around the world have the tendency to follow the American electoral
format. David Shirk (2005) argued that in Mexico, “mass media—and the money that
buys airtime and short attention spans—is clearly one of the most important driving
forces in modern democracy” (p. 236).
Furthermore, American political marketing consultant, Dick Morris does not view
political news coverage as important. Morris was quoted in the political magazine
Proceso as saying that political advertising in the media is what really mattered (Gil
Olmos & Esquivel, 2006). Political advisers’ preference for spots over news stories has to
do with their repetition. Politicians also have greater control over the content of the
advertising spots, whereas they do not control the newscast. The ability to replicate a
4
Dual-party electoral alliance between Institutional Revolutionary Party and Ecologist Green Party.
Multi-party electoral alliance between Democratic Revolution Party, Workers Party, Convergence Party,
Social Alliance Party, and the Nationalistic Society Party.
5
62
political message as many times per day as politicians can afford plays an important role
in sending their message out to voters.
However, scholar Raúl Trejo Delabre (2001) affirmed that “in the Mexican
electoral campaigns more media exposure does not necessarily signify higher voter
turnout” (p. 7). From his viewpoint, political actors have found it easier to contract media
spots than to devote themselves to develop proselytism activities. Trejo Delabre’s
research presents data concerning politicians’ media exposure of the past presidential
elections. For example, in the 2000 election, PRI gained 40% of radio and television
news coverage, PAN gained 27.4%, and PRD 20.1%. On television alone, the PAN
candidate had a bit (30.7%) more coverage than the PRI candidate (28.1%) and PRD
candidate (23%) (Trejo Delabre, 2001). In contrast with the voter turnout, PAN gained
42.5%, PRI reached 36.1%, and PRD obtained 17% (IFE, 2000). These results indicated
that PAN’s candidate,Vicente Fox, who won the election, received a higher voter turnout
percentage than news coverage. The media/voter turnout pattern indicates that more
exposure in the media does not necessarily result in higher voter turnout.
Political advisers emphasize that the flow of communication during elections runs
from television ads to voter turnout. From their point of view, electoral news is not an
essential component of this process. The aim of this research is to investigate if there is a
flow of communication between candidates’ spots and election news. This study focuses
on the interplay between key presidential candidates’ television political advertising and
main Mexican television newscasts throughout the election campaign period. This
investigation examines how effective candidates’ political ads were in setting the media’s
agenda, and attempts to answer this inquiry under the light of Intermedia Agenda-Setting
theory.
Intermedia Agenda Setting Effects
Intermedia agenda-setting effects are understood as the dynamic process in which
dominant media strongly influence the agenda of other media outlets by suggesting which
topics are important to cover (McCombs, 2004). News organizations have a practice of
reading, listening, and viewing other media outlets to compare news coverage of events,
topics, and breaking news covered by other news organizations. By comparing news
coverage, news organizations ensure comprehensive coverage of important, as well as
mundane, news events. They also gain a sense of validation for their news judgment.
Opinion leader media are those outlets that journalists consider of high prestige and use
as a source of information. Those opinion leaders’ newspapers set a chain reaction in the
media system (Noelle-Neumann & Mathes, 1987).
Consequently, intermedia agenda-setting seeks to determine which media garners
an elite position among all media. A key question in the intermedia agenda-setting
assessment is “Who sets the media’s agenda?” McCombs (2004) stated that there are
three possible answers to this question: first, journalistic news norms; second, other news
media outlets; and third, external news sources. The present study attempts to answer the
media’s agenda question from McCombs’ third possible answer. That is, candidate’s
political ads are treated as external news sources. This study will find out what is the
direction of the influence between election news and candidates’ spots.
63
Some research suggested that journalists’ individual political attitudes, values,
and opinions play a role in determining the content of their report (Fiegel & Chaffee,
1971; Noelle-Neumann & Mathes, 1987; Snider, 1967; Warner, 1971; White, 1950;
Whitlow, 1977). However, Weaver (1982) suggested that the journalists’ personal
preferences are far from the sole determinants in this process. Other crucial factors that
journalists take into account are the degree of conflict; the importance of the event; and
the cultural, physical, or psychological proximity with their audience (Galtung & Ruge,
1965; Schulz, 1976).
Moreover, Breed (1955b) and Brown (1979) argued that social controls influence
the news selection process of the media. At the news organization level, there are
executive and technical pressures on news editors that could determine the selection of
events to cover (Robinson, 1973). Other research suggests that the companies and
corporations that finance media organizations do affect media news content (Carroll,
1989; Donohew, 1967; Shoemaker, 1987; Warner 1971). Further studies propose that
media’s agenda could be set by policy makers and the public (Berkowitz, 1987; Harmon,
1989; Lasorsa & Reese, 1990; Smith, 1979; Soloski, 1987).
Previous research presents strong evidence of a high degree of homogeneity in the
national U.S. media agenda. Dimmick and Coit (1982) pointed out that the leaders of the
media industry influence other media outlets news agenda decisions. There is evidence of
the important role of intermedia agenda-setting effect in the communication dynamics
among newspaper outlets. Breed (1955b) inquires why the daily newspapers’ content is
so similar; his results indicate that small newspapers seek guidance from larger dailies
and wire services. Likewise, Gilbert, Eyal, McCombs, and Nicholas (1980) found that a
single newspaper in the United States —The New York Times— frequently sets the media
agenda for other dailies across the nation.
A consistent outcome can be observed between national television networks.
Flores and McCombs (2008) explored the intermedia agenda-setting effect between
Latino oriented television networks during the 2004 U.S. presidential election. Their
results indicated a strong correlation between the agendas of Univision and Telemundo.
That is, Noticiero Univision and Noticiero Telemundo broadcast similar information
about the electoral process to Latino voters. In this particular case, the direction of flow
was from Univision to Telemundo.
Intermedia agenda setting effect also can occur in a horizontal connection
between different types of media outlets such as print and television. Protess and
McCombs (1991) found that the directional influence of elite newspapers’ influence over
local newspapers is present. Besides, the intermedia agenda setting effect of elite
newspaper affected local television as well. During the 1976 U.S. election, a group of
communication researchers—Weaver, Graber, McCombs, and Eyal—measured the
direction of influence between four newspapers (The Valley News, The Chicago Tribune,
The News, and The Star) and three TV stations (NBC, CBS, and ABC). The Intermedia
Agenda setting effect was measured for a full electoral year in cities in New Hampshire,
Indiana and Illinois. Their findings indicated that “Media agenda setting varies according
to the time of the campaign, the kind of news medium being considered, the nature of the
issues, and the orientation and characteristics of the voters” (Weaver, et.al 1981, p. 540).
Researchers also found that the intermedia media effect was strongly influenced by
newspapers and followed by television networks, which in turn significantly influenced
64
the voter’s agenda. That is, a “two step flow” of communication was documented from
newspapers, to television, to voters.
The pattern of directional influence of intermedia agenda setting effects from
newspapers to television can be observed worldwide in an election and nonelection
setting: across the Atlantic in Spain where local newspapers and television during a
municipal election presented a very similar agenda (López-Escobar, Llamas, McCombs,
& Lennon, 1998), and in Japan during a nonelection setting where two major national
newspapers presented a parallel agenda to their readers (Takeshita, 2002). Du (2007)
studied international intermedia influence by comparing the media agendas of
newspapers across 11 countries, finding evidence of global intermedia influence; his
hypothesis was supported in 20 of the 55 sets of comparisons. The highest significant
correlation was between Canada and Argentina as well as Argentina and Australia.
Nevertheless, Mexico’s media agenda was not associated with any other nation. Those
studies proved that there is an international news influence between countries as well as a
variety of media outlets. Our research will contribute to the internationalization of the
intermedia agenda-setting theory by expanding the observation and measurement of the
effect beyond the U.S. context by concentrating on Mexico.
This intermedia agenda-setting effect can also be observed in research on a single
issue. Noelle-Newmann & Mathes (1987) reported some important additional findings
from the Halloran, Elliott, and Murdock (1970) study on how different media outlets
covered a protest march against the Vietnam War in London, England. The authors’
outcome points out that two prestigious daily British papers—The Times and The
Guardian—set the agenda for other newspapers. Also, newspapers also set the
newscasts’ (BBC and ITN) agenda: “When television began its coverage of the
demonstration it adapted the ‘image’ of the event which the press had established
beforehand” (Noelle-Newmann & Mathes, 1987, p. 401). Reese and Danielian (1989)
observed the intermedia agenda-setting effect between The New York Times and
television newscast on a single issue; drugs. Their results indicated that the newspaper
influenced television coverage.
In addition, Breen (1997) investigated the media treatment of a socially deviant
act—child sexual abuse—by members of the Catholic clergy between 1991 and 1995.
His research looked at the newspapers’ handling of the clergy in stories not directly
connected to the child sexual abuse accusations against former Priest James Porter and
Cardinal Joseph Bernardin. His findings indicated a strong intermedia agenda setting
effect of the negative events, “It appears that the media also create a significant slant on
news according to their own schema” (Breen, 1997, p. 354).
Researchers have attempted to comprehend the social aspects that shape the
media’s agenda. Golan (2006) assessed the interplay between The New York Times and
three national television evening newscasts—ABC, NBC, and CBS—focusing on their
international news agenda. His research period was from 1995 to 2000. Although
international coverage of all three media outlets came from a limited number (15) of
nations, his results indicated that television shaped their international news agenda after
the newspaper. The author indicated that perhaps production tie could play a role in the
intermedia agenda setting effect due to the fact that the newspaper is published in the
morning and the newscasts aired in the evening.
65
Intermedia Agenda Setting and Political Ads
Directional influence of intermedia agenda-setting effects can also be found
between the media and political advertisement. Bowers (1977) explored the relationship
between political advertisements and election news in the 1976 U.S. election. He
compared President Richard Nixon’s and Senator George McGovern’s political
advertisement issue agenda with national newspaper and national TV news agendas.
Bowers reported a low correlation for political ads and television news. That is, the news
agenda presented by national newspapers ad national television newscasts were different
than the one presented on political ads. Bowers attributed his findings to the fact that, “a
critical political communication characteristic for ads is that the political candidate has
direct control over the content of his or her advertising messages, contrary to news media,
where candidates have, at best, indirect control, hoping that their campaign activities will
be reported in the news” (1977, p. 54).
Further, agenda-setting research has documented that in U.S. elections, the effect
of political advertisements is generally low when compared to newscasts coverage (Zhao
& Chafee, 1995). Moreover, McCombs & Min (2006) explored the attribute agenda
represented in Democratic candidates’ ads (Dan Morales and Tony Sanchez) and media
election coverage (one newspaper and four local television newscasts) during the 2002
primary gubernatorial election in Texas. The results indicated that the intermedia agendasetting effect flows from the newspaper to television newscasts and from the media to
political ads.
In contrast, some other studies have documented that the direction of the
influence can be observed the other way around. That is, from ads to the media. Roberts
and McCombs (1994) examined the intermedia agenda-setting effect during the 1990
Texas gubernatorial campaign between a local newspaper—Austin American Stateman—
and three local television news—Austin, Texas affiliates: CBS, ABC, and NBC—and the
political advertisements of the candidates—Republican Clayton Williams and Democrat
Ann Richards. Their findings indicated that the impact of televised political
advertisements on the television news agenda and newspaper agenda was significant, but
it was stronger in the newspaper. In this particular case, the claim that political
advertisements can set the news agenda made by political marketing consultants was
supported by the cross-lagged correlation analysis.
Additionally, Boyle (2001) examined the intermedia agenda-setting effect
between newspapers, television newscasts, and political advertisements during the 1996
U.S. presidential election. His findings suggested that political advertisements influenced
the newspaper and television news agendas. A similar pattern was found during the 1995
Spanish election by López-Escobar, Llamas, McCombs, & Lennon (1998), who
investigated the correspondence between the news media and political advertisements.
This study found that political advertising strongly influenced the agenda of newspapers
and television networks in regards to the candidates’ attributes.
Recently, Chang (2007) compared the intermedia agenda-setting effect in two
Taiwan presidential elections. His cross-lagged examination of the 1996 and 2004
Taiwan elections point out that the candidate-initiated agenda (press releases, press
briefings, speeches, ads, campaign rallies) had a strong influence on the journalistinitiated agenda reflected on newspapers (China Times, United Daily News, Liberty
66
Times). The author argued that “The influence of the ad agenda might operate in two
ways . . . first, without much awareness, reporters are sensitized to issues discussed in
campaign ads. Second, reporters try to present campaign information to readers by
covering issues discussed in campaign ads” (Chang, 2007, p. 5). In other words,
candidate-initiated communication powerfully influenced the media’s agenda.
The intermedia agenda setting effect has been documented outside of the U.S.
context. Nevertheless, this examination allowed researchers to find out the pattern of
intermedia agenda setting effects in Latin America, more specifically Mexico. Perhaps,
this country follows the same pattern as the U.S., Spain, and Taiwan, where there has
been more cases of flow of influence from ads to news. It is imperative to evaluate the
social impact of political marketing campaigns in the Aztec nation and continue
collecting scientific evidence on the effects of political marketing in developing
countries. The present study expands agenda setting body of research in regards to the
directional influence of intermedia agenda setting between news media and candidates’
political advertisements. The classic intermedia agenda-setting question: “Who sets the
media agenda?” will be answered in this research from a causality approach by
identifying through time series analysis the directional influence between Televisa and
TV Azteca newscasts and Calderón, Madrazo, and López Obrador political advertising
aired during the 2006 presidential election.
Methodology
The hypothesis tested on this research was that television news influenced
television political advertising during the 2006 presidential election. This study used
content analysis as its primary method of examination. Two distinct content analysis
datasets were necessary for this research: one for television newscasts, and another for
television political advertisements. American and Mexican academicians combined their
investigative skills to create a variety of databases for the Mexico 2006 Panel Study that
examined the presidential election from a range of perspectives.
The television newscasts content analysis team of the Mexico 2006 Panel Study
included: Chappell Lawson (Principal Investigator), José Carlos Lozano, María de los
Ángeles Flores, and Maxwell E. McCombs 6 . The newscasts data set came from a
systematic random sample of Mexican prime time television news programs broadcast
during the official Federal Electoral Institute’s presidential campaign period that ran from
January 19, 2006 to June 28, 2006. The Mexican television newscasts analyzed were:
Televisa’s El Noticiero con Joaquín López Dóriga that aired from 10:30 to 11:15PM
(Central Mexican Time) on Channel 2, and TV Azteca’s Hechos de la Noche that aired at
the same time on Channel 7. Both newscasts were broadcasted nationwide from Monday
to Friday. The unit of analysis was each news story broadcast during Televisa’s and TV
Azteca’s newscasts.
The sampling was based on a constructed week, which was organized in intervals
of 3 days. The constructed week encapsulated only weekdays; weekends were omitted
6
Funding for the television content analysis study was provided by the National Science Foundation (SES0517971), the University of Texas at Austin, St. Edward's University, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, and The Center for Communication and Information Research at the Instituto Tecnológico y
de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (Monterrey Tech).
67
from this analysis. This procedure resulted in a constructed week for each 3-week period
of time across the year. The specific dates coded were January 19, 25, 31; February 6, 10,
16, 22, 28; March 6, 10, 16, 22, 28; April 3, 7, 13, 19, 25; May 1, 5, 11, 17, 23, 29; and
June 2, 8, 11, 20, 26. That is, a total of 29 days per network, for a total of 58 newscasts.
This yielded a total of 1,348 news stories: 812 (60%) by Televisa, and 536 (40%) by TV
Azteca. Both networks combined aired 222 election news stories, representing 16% of
their total news content. Televisa aired 123 stories that represented 15% of its newscast
content, and TV Azteca broadcast 99 news stories that represented 18% of its news
coverage. Communication master’s students 7 who worked as research assistants in the
Center for Communication and Information Research at the Instituto Tecnológico y de
Estudios Superiores de Monterrey coded the Televisa and TV Azteca main newscasts.
The intercoder reliability between coders was measured; the results indicated 94% of
coefficient of reliability.
Chappell Lawson, Rachel Gisselquist, and Ariel Ivanier conducted the political
advertising content analysis. The data set was based on a census sampling of all the
political spots that the three main presidential candidates aired on Televisa and TV
Azteca during the official IFE campaign period. This data set consisted of a total of 97
television political spots, including Felipe Calderón (55), Andrés Manuel López Obrador
(27), and Roberto Madrazo (16). Data was not weighted; that is, all ads were treated
equally as if they were new ads each time a new spot version was aired (Gisselquist &
Lawson, 2006). Rachel Gisselquist and Ariel Ivanier, both doctoral students at
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, were the coders for the television political ads
study. In order to test the intercoder reliability, both coders conducted a content analysis
of eight ads. The correlation coefficient was +.73.
News vs. Advertising
To measure the flow of intermedia influence of national television news and a
candidate’s television political spots during the 2006 Mexican election campaign period,
three cross-lagged correlation analyses were conducted. Through time series analysis the
directional influence between Televisa and TV Azteca newscasts and Calderón, Madrazo,
and López Obrador political advertising was determined. In the time series analyses, two
opposing hypotheses about the time order of influence are juxtaposed. In all three sets of
analyses, the differences between each pair of correlations were analyzed by comparison
with the Rozelle-Campbell baseline, a statistic that indicates the value expected by
chance alone. The purpose of these cross-lag correlations was to explore all the
alternatives in the flow of communication between television news and candidate’s
television political spots. The aim was to scrutinize several periods in order to examine
the influence from a general perspective (3 months and 2 months) into a specific (month
by month) perspective.
The first cross-lagged correlation analysis corresponds to a 3-month period. The
total presidential campaign timeframe of 6 months was divided into 3-month periods that
compared the television news content and the content of presidential candidates’
7
Special thanks to Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey students, Citlalli Sánchez
Hernández, Esmeralda González Coronado, Eduardo García Reyes, Andrea Menchaca Trillo, and Paola
Gabriela López Arnaut for their assistance with the coding conducted for this research.
68
television spots. Time 1 represents the news content aired during the months of January,
February, and March; and time 2 represents the months of April, May, and June.
The outcome at the 3-month scale indicated that television news strongly
influenced presidential candidates’ political spots. As Figure 1 illustrates, from a general
perspective, a cross-lag analysis between television news and television political ads
indicated that the cross-lagged correlation between news at time one, and political
advertising at time two was stronger (rho = +.71) than the other way around (rho = +.48).
However, both correlations were above the Rozelle-Campbell baseline (.45). Therefore,
from a general point of view, television news strongly influences candidates’ political
spots. In other words, in this case, television news set the media’s agenda. Consequently,
the directional influence was from news to ads.
Figure 1: News vs. Advertisement: Cross-lagged Correlations of
Television News and Television Political Ads
TV-Time 1
.86
TV-Time 2
.48
.60
.63
.71
.56
Ads-Time 1
Ads-Time2
Rozelle-Campbell baseline = .45
In order to examine the directional influence effect from a general to specific
perspective, a second set of cross-lagged correlations was conducted of each 2-month
period. Therefore, time 1 corresponds to the content presented by television news and
candidates’ political advertising during the months of January and February. Time 2
represents the content aired during the months of March and April; and time 3 represents
the months of May and June. As figure 2 shows, the second set of cross-lagged analysis
corresponds to a 2-month period scale. The results shows that the cross-lag correlation
between news at time 1 and ads at time 2 was stronger (rho = .68) than the other way
around (rho = .03).The cross-lag correlation between ads at time 1 and news at time 2
was below the Rozelle-Campbell baseline of .27. This analysis of the first half of the
presidential campaign period clearly indicates that news influenced television political
ads. For that reason, the directional influence was from news to ads.
The same reciprocal pattern of influence was observed for the second half of the
presidential campaign period. The cross-lag correlation between news at time 2 and ads at
time 3 (rho = .63) was very similar to the correlation between ads at time 2 and news at
time 3 (rho = .61); both correlations were above the Rozelle-Campbell baseline of .50.
Although the cross-lag correlations in this second half were closer to each other, it is
clear that the flow of communication was initiated by television news, not political ads.
To sum up, the overall results of the two month cross-lagged correlation analysis,
69
indicate that the television news influence political ads. Therefore, the media’s agenda
was set by television news, not candidate’s political television ads.
Figure 2: News vs. Advertisement: Two Months Cross-Lagged
Correlation of News (upper) and Advertising (lower)
.94
1
.03
.03
.61
.65
.66
.68
.51
Rozelle-Campbell Baseline = .27
.63
.56
Rozelle-Campbell Baseline = .50
In order to further identify which factor caused the tendency of the directional
influence on second half of the election campaign period to be closer to each other a more
detailed cross-lag analysis is needed. The third set of cross-lagged correlations was
conducted to observe the intermedia flow between the television news and presidential
candidates’ spots in the greatest detail. Therefore, each of the periods corresponds to a
constructed week.
Constructed week 1 corresponds to newscasts aired on January 19, 25, 31;
February 6 and 10. Constructed week 2 corresponds to newscasts aired on February 16,
22, 28; March 6 and 10. Constructed week 3 corresponds to newscasts aired on March 16,
22, 28; April 3 and 7. Constructed week 4 corresponds to newscasts aired on April 13, 19,
and 25; May 1 and 5. Constructed week 5 corresponds to newscasts aired on May 11, 17,
23, 29; and June 2. Constructed week 6 corresponds to newscasts aired on June 8, 11, 20,
and 26. Five of the six constructed weeks consist of five newscasts. The last constructed
week consists of 4 newscasts.
To zoom in to month-by-month detail analysis, as Figure 3 shows, a cross-lagged
correlation of each constructed week was conducted. Across these five time intervals, the
relationship between the news agenda and the political advertising agenda is very mixed.
At the beginning and end of the presidential campaign, their relationship is reciprocal.
70
However, in the early phases of the campaign, late winter and early spring (Times 2 to 3
and 3 to 4) the analysis indicates that the news agenda influenced the advertising agenda
(rho = +.63 and +.81. respectively). Moving on toward Election Day, the advertising
agenda influenced the news agenda from Time 4 to 5 (rho = +.82). In short, three out of
the five cross-lagged correlations indicated that news influenced ads. The overall results
clearly point out that the flow of influence was from news to spots. Although, timeframe
is an important factor to consider in this analysis; the last two cross-lagged correlations
represent the last two months of the campaign. It is important to note that during those
two months prior to election day, ads, and not news, set the media agenda. As a result,
the direction of influence was reversed from ads to news during the most decisive months
of the electoral campaign period. These in depth month-by-month examination allowed
researchers to observe in detail the intermedia agenda-setting effects during the 2006
Mexican election.
Figure 3: News vs. Advertisement: Constructed Week Cross-Lagged Correlation of News (upper) and TV Ads (lower).
Time 1
.92
Time 2
Time 3
.97
.14
.63
.26
.26
.38
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 .96
.71
.61
.60
.92
Baseline = .58
Time 6
.68
.76
.81
Baseline = .37
Time 5
.82
.81
.63
.69
Baseline = .14
.81
.58
.26
.23
Time 4
.85
.67
.59
Baseline=.63
Baseline=.5
71
TV agenda in Mexican Election
72
Conclusion
The present study documented that the directional flow of intermedia agenda
setting influence during the 2006 Mexican election was from news to ads. The flow of
communication between television news and candidate’s television political spots was
scrutinized in several time frames in order to examine the influence from a general
perspective (3 months, then 2 months) into a specific (month by month) perspective. The
outcome at the 3-month scale indicated that television news strongly influenced a
candidate’s political spots. The same pattern was observed at the two-month interval.
Finally, the month-by-month outcome also indicated that television news influenced
candidate’s political spots. To sum up, television news, not television candidates’
political advertisements set the media’s agenda during the 2006 Mexican election.
This study of the 2006 Mexican presidential election expands the observation and
measurement of intermedia agenda-setting effects beyond the U.S. context. This
investigation suggests that the intermedia agenda setting dynamic in Mexico during
election settings is similar to what other scholars (Bowers 1973; Zhao & Chafee, 1995;
McCombs & Min 2006) have observed in the U.S. context, which came to the same
conclusion as this study did. That is, overall election news was more prominent than
political advertising. This effort to internationalize intermedia agenda-setting theory
allowed us to encounter new political, social, and cultural dynamics characteristics of the
Mexican young democracy.
However, the Aztec nation reflected the presence of a prominent cultural factor,
indicating that Mexico’s population has not yet developed a taste to consume politicians.
Mexico is not a consumer society like the U.S., and as a consequence, voters are not used
to candidate’s political advertisement campaigns, that is, politicians as an object to be
consumed; a candidate is ready to be in demand, to become a “hot commodity” for
consumers/voters. Moreover, television viewers were not used to watch confrontational
television political advertisements.
Scholar José Cisneros Espinoza (2003) argued that political marketing does not
work in developing countries, because of its limitations. The first limitation is its distance
from social obligations, “political marketing deals with a client without questioning its
social objectives; it is just like any company dedicated to profit. Simply, the immediate
profit is change with voters’ turnout or the political image agreement of the sponsor
[candidate]” (Cisneros Espinoza, 2003, p. 80). In other words, presidential candidates’
issues platform is not significant for political marketers. The second limitation according
with Cisneros Espinoza is the inhibition of civic participation. For political marketers,
audiences/voters are receptors of persuasive messages that direct them to have favorable
opinions about a particular candidate and voter turn out. From this point of view,
audiences/voters are not viewed as a component of an interactive relationship. On the
contrary, Cisneros Espinoza believes that political marketing works in a linear line model
from the emission/candidate down to the receptor/voters with no opportunity to generate
feedback. By and large, political marketing is only one component of a political
communication strategy, not its core. Political communication is about creating a context
of acceptance, trust, respect, legality, freedom of speech and democracy.
This study provides a launching-point for future investigations on intermedia
agenda setting effects in Mexico, a country where each electoral year, political candidates
73
are increasing their advertisement budget under the assumption that high amount of
political advertising automatically leads them to victory. It would be interesting to find
out if intermedia agenda setting effect follows the same pattern in newspapers and
political magazines. In addition, it is important to explore the similarities and differences
in effects in local, regional, and national media. Finally, it will be fascinating to compare
the intermedia agenda setting effects of Mexico with other Latin American countries.
74
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Promoting Disaster Resiliency
78
Perceived Role of the Spanish-Language Media in Promoting Disaster
Resiliency: Public Service Announcements and 2-1-1 Program
Sudha Arlikatti
[email protected]
Anna María Pulido
[email protected]
Holli Slater
University of Texas at Arlington, TX
[email protected]
Afua Kwarteng
[email protected]
______________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract
Impacts from recent disasters in the United States continue to demonstrate the devastating
consequences of longstanding social vulnerabilities along lines of class, poverty, race,
ethnicity, age, gender, religion, disability and language barriers. It has become
increasingly important for community stakeholders to find synergistic ways to create
disaster resilient communities. The purpose of this study is to examine the perceived role
of the Spanish-language media and United Way’s 2-1-1 Information and Referral
program in helping poor Spanish-speaking populations meet their day-to-day nonemergency needs. 2-1-1 program managers interviewed from seven counties in the North
Central Texas region reported the use of various media channels to publicize their
program. However very few actively targeted Spanish speakers due to limited funding
and challenges in retaining bilingual staff. Responses from Spanish and English speaking
residents suggest that very few know about the 2-1-1 program and would like to receive
more
targeted
Public
Service
Announcements
(PSAs).
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Promoting Disaster Resiliency
79
Perceived Role of the Spanish-Language Media in Promoting Disaster
Resiliency: Public Service Announcements and 2-1-1 Program
Introduction
Following disasters in the early 1990s, the United States (U.S.) Congress directed
the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) under the Stafford Act, to place
highest priority on natural hazard mitigation and called for advance actions to be taken to
reduce or eliminate the long-term risk to human lives and property. Some of these actions
include structural mitigation such as better build codes and community protection works,
and non-structural mitigation efforts such as land use planning, multi-lingual risk
communication and educational programs. More recently, the National Response
Framework (Department of Homeland Security, 2008) has articulated that protecting
lives and ensuring equitable aid delivery to everyone in the United States during natural
and technological disasters, is not only the responsibility of public-sector agencies at all
levels, but private sector agencies, as well as non-governmental organizations. Despite
these governmental directives the impacts of hurricanes Katrina, Rita, Ike and Gustav
along the Gulf coast in the past five years continue to demonstrate the devastating
consequences of longstanding social vulnerabilities along lines of social class, poverty,
race, ethnicity, age, gender, religion, disability and language barriers. In the aftermath of
these disasters not everyone was equally affected, not all homes equally damaged, nor the
same level of emergency relief responses received by the disaster victims in different
neighborhoods and communities. It has thus become increasingly important to multiple
community stakeholders like the media, policy makers, emergency managers, and nonprofit organizations to work with renewed vigor to find synergistic ways of creating
disaster resilient communities. The purpose of this study is to examine the perceived role
of the Spanish language media and United Way’s 2-1-1 Information and Referral
program in helping Spanish-speaking populations meet their day-to-day non-emergency
needs and thereby help them increase their resiliency to disasters.
The U.S. is becoming an increasingly diverse country comprised of immigrants
from around the world. The Pew Research Center (2005) reported that immigrants would
account for 82% of the 142 million U.S. population growth projected for the next half
century. Of the ~304 million U.S. population reported by the U.S. Census 2008, 15.4%
were of Hispanic or Latino origin. In Texas, this percentage is much higher with 36.5 %
of ~24 Million (U.S. Census 2008) reported being of Hispanic or Latino origin. This
makes Hispanics the largest minority group and the U.S. ranking second in Hispanic
population behind only Mexico (U.S. Census 2009). Hispanics now represent 42 million
people in the U.S. and almost a trillion dollars in economic activity (Texas Tech Today,
March 2009). If demographic models hold, by the year 2050 almost one in four
Americans is expected to be of Hispanic origin.
Major states like Arizona, California, Florida, and Texas have experienced
dramatic shifts in socially vulnerable populations. The positive growth rates in the
Hispanic population are not just a result of immigration from Latin American countries in
search of better job opportunities, but also due to an influx of displaced or refugee
populations created by political strife and catastrophic disasters, and also a higher
birthrate among the Hispanic population – citizen and non-citizen. The socio-economic
80
effects of these demographic changes create special concerns for public administrators,
policy makers, emergency managers, and urban planners in both cities and smaller
localities that are receiving this influx of immigrants and displaced populations.
Spanish-Language Media and Disaster Resiliency
Examining the role of the Spanish Language Media to build disaster resiliency is
especially critical to first generation Latino immigrants as they encounter additional
problems due to language barriers, lack of disaster information; and unfamiliarity with
the risks in these receiving communities and the protective actions to take; the
community resources and aid agencies to seek assistance from; or how to access this
information (Peguero, 2006; Swafford, 1996). It has been observed that membership in a
minority group typically isolates a person from information and decreases the likelihood
of responding to a warning (Gladwin and Peacock, 1997; Rodriguez, Quarantelli and
Dynes, 2006). Language barriers exacerbate the problems of understanding the warning
messages and taking protective actions and thereby lead to increased disaster casualties.
The 29 deaths, most of them of Mexican descent which occurred in 1987 when an F4
tornado came down in Saragosa, Texas, were attributed to the failure in translating the
warning message into Spanish on time (Aguirre 1988). When Hurricane Andrew
destroyed much of south Miami Dade County, Florida in 1992 thousands of people most
impacted were of Latin or Haitian origin. Response agencies such as FEMA and Red
Cross did not initially have translators and hence the neediest Latino victims received
food, medial supplies and disaster grants much slower than the English-speaking
survivors (Morrow, 2009). The significance of media to these survivors became most
evident from respondents’ answers to follow-up questions about the relative importance
of various sources for hurricane preparation information. More than one source could be
chosen but almost 85 percent of respondent households that survived hurricane Andrew
gave television as their most important source of preparation information.
Gladwin and Peacock (1997) found that, “in a community with sizable
proportions speaking English as a second language, if at all, non-English media sources
were also important. Over 14 percent of our respondents who relied on television
depended exclusively on channels broadcasting solely in Spanish. Even greater language
diversity occurs on the radio…………65 per cent listened to English-language stations
and 32 per cent to Spanish. The remainder listened to both or to another language such as
Haitian Creole” (pp.57).
The Spanish language media is the fastest growing non-English media in the U.S.
as audiences continue to grow rapidly and demand more. There is an increasing
realization that the role of the Spanish language media does not begin only at the disaster
warning and response stages, but also at the prevention and education stages. When all
the community stakeholders including the public, nonprofit and private sector groups
(e.g. the media) work together proactively, they can help communities in meeting nonemergency needs such as food, shelter, legal services, daycare for children, education,
health care and counseling on a regular basis. (Talk more about 2-1-1) This promotes
stronger, more self-sufficient, resilient communities during disasters. This is indeed the
path to building sustainable communities of the future.
81
Since its establishment in 1934 the Federal Communications Commission (FCC,
2002, 2009) has been monitoring all communication channels and requires that they
operate in the best interest of the public. These channels are required to provide
necessary and relevant information that is convenient to access as a prerequisite to
continue broadcasting. In recent years the FCC has placed renewed emphasis on Public
Service Announcements (PSAs) defined as community-interest advertisements that are
made free of cost by a broadcaster and meets the community service requirements
(LaMay 2007). A former chairman of the FCC recognized that as trustees of the
airwaves, broadcasters had special duties of attending to public interest issues
accomplished through PSAs via broadcast, cable, and wireless (Hundt, 1997). Disaster
researchers have found time and again that the Latino audiences trust and depend heavily
on the Spanish language media to warn them of imminent disasters such as hurricanes,
floods, snowstorms and forest fires. Peacock, Morrow, and Gladwin (1997) found
Spanish speaking residents heeded the advice of the media when making protective
action decisions such as boarding up, getting a disaster kit ready and evacuating before
hurricane Andrew made land fall in 1992. More recently, Univision Communications
Incorporated, the nation's leading Spanish-language media company, has partnered with
the Red Cross in assisting with fundraising efforts aimed at helping disaster victims.
Univision enlisted its national and local television and radio stations, as well as its online
platform in order to reach Hispanic Americans interested in contributing to these efforts.
One such community interest advertisement that could benefit vulnerable populations
through satisfying non-emergency needs is the 2-1-1 program that was developed by the
Alliance for Information and Referral Systems (AIRS) and the United Way of America.
Role of 2-1-1
The US government has diverted valuable resources at local and state levels to
address the myriad non-emergency needs of their populations through easy to remember
three-digit numbers such as 2-1-1, 3-1-1, 4-1-1, 5-1-1, 7-1-1 and 9-1-1. 2-1-1. These are
free, easy-to-remember phone number connecting callers with health and human services
in their community, as well as, state benefits and reporting waste, fraud, and abuse; 3-1-1
(available in Austin) is a city non-emergency police/utilities (i.e. downed trees in the
roadway, escaped livestock, etc.) – things that need attention, but are not life or death
emergencies; 4-1-1 is for Directory Assistance such as local and long-distance phone
numbers, area codes, and addresses to businesses. This call costs a flat rate fee
(depending on one’s service provider); 5-1-1 is a nationwide number used for traveler
information and is promoted by the U.S. Department of Transportation’s Intelligent
Transport System initiative; and 7-1-1 is for RELAY TEXAS, which is for
communication between Tele Typewriter users (TTY) and hearing persons. This service
connects those who have a TTY and needs to talk to someone who does not, or if you do
not have a TTY and needs to talk to someone who does.
Typically, information about unmet needs is available only through costly timeconsuming household surveys with inherent response and recall biases. 2-1-1 however, is
an easy to remember number providing a single contact clearinghouse for millions of
Americans needing help every day by connecting them quickly to essential community
resources. It allows the use of this special abbreviated telephone number reserved in
82
Canada and the United States meant to provide quick information and referrals to health
and human service organizations. First introduced in metropolitan Atlanta in 1997, the
program has been introduced in several states aided by the United Way of America in
partnership with the Alliance of Information and Referral Systems. In 2004, the Texas 21-1 network (2-1-1 Texas), became operational statewide, and in 2005 it was designated
as a clearinghouse hub for local information and referral during disaster preparation,
evacuation, and recovery for hurricanes Katrina and Rita Strom, 2005).
When you dial 2-1-1, you will speak with a trained resource specialist who has
access to comprehensive database listings of nearly all health and human services that
exist in Texas. This includes but is not limited to: rent and utility assistance, food,
emergency shelters, where to get employment help, medical and mental health assistance,
help with transportation, and trained suicide intervention counseling (Bame, 2005, 2007).
You can also get information on affordable childcare, care for an aging relative, or help
recovering from a disaster. Information and referral is available 24 hours a day, 7 days a
week throughout the year. Information can be provided in over 90 different languages.
Information
posted
on
the
2-1-1
Texas
website
(https://web211p3.dhs.state.tx.us/211/faq.do?resetSearch=true#Q3) posits that following
nationally accepted standards (www.airs.org) for the delivery of information and referral,
a network of 2-1-1 Area Information Centers (or AICs) linked together have been set up
to provide information about health and human service resources throughout Texas.
These allow,
1)
Callers to get up-to-date information about both state and local
community resources in a timely manner.
2)
Individuals and their families save time and effort time by more
effectively searching for and accessing a variety of health and human
services.
3)
Employers realize productivity gains as employees spend less time on
or off-the-job seeking services.
4)
Public and private providers capture savings resulting from reduced
number of inappropriate referrals and misdirected calls.
5)
2-1-1 AICs across the state follow nationally accepted professional
standards for resource information management and delivery of service
and is thereby consistent and trustworthy.
This study is exploratory and aimed at setting a foundation for future research that
allows us to frame the issue of addressing the unmet needs of economically
disadvantaged Spanish speaking populations as a means of creating disaster-resilient
communities. Modern-day technological advances and public service supporters allow
fundamental information accessible to civic society before, during and after a disaster
more easily now than before.
Methodology
The primary purpose of this exploratory study was to assess the perceived role of
2-1-1 and the Spanish-language media in providing Spanish-speaking populations in the
North Central Texas Region with information to address unmet needs. A cross-sectional
qualitative design was used in a two-part process that was comprised of structured
83
interviews. Of a total of sixteen counties in the North Central Texas Regions, the eleven
counties with the largest Hispanic populations, and an active 2-1-1 program were
selected. We were successful in contacting and receiving responses from program
managers of 7counties namely: Dallas, Tarrant, Denton, Ellis, Grayson, Wise and
Navarro as highlighted in Table 1 which shows the overall population of these counties
with the percentage of Hispanic 1 residents within that county as reported in the U.S.
Census (2000). The percentage of Hispanic residents in each of the counties ranged from
6.80% to 29.9% of the total county population.
Table 1. Hispanic or Latino Population in Sampled North Central Texas Counties
No.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
County
Dallas
Tarrant
Denton
Ellis
Grayson
Wise
Navarro
Total Population
2,218,899
1,446,219
432,976
111,360
110,595
48,793
45,124
Hispanic/ Latino
662,729
285,290
52,619
20,508
7,519
5,248
7,113
Percent
29.90%
19.70%
12.20%
18.40%
6.80%
10.80%
15.80%
2-1-1 Program Manager Interviews
For the first part of the study structured phone interviews were conducted with a
purposive sample of 2-1-1 program managers from United Way offices selected from the
7 studied counties in North Texas. The following questions were asked:
1. How do you publicize the 2-1-1 program?
2. How do you target the growing Spanish-speaking population in your communities
(print, radio, television, brochures, churches etc.)?
3. How many Spanish-speaking personnel work in your agency?
4. What are the challenges you face in getting the word out to the Spanish-speaking
population?
Spanish and English Speaking Resident Interviews
For the second part of the study, structured phone interviews were conducted with
a small group of Spanish and English speaking residents currently living in one of the
seven studied counties. Snowball sampling was employed and a total of 22 participants
were included in the final analysis. For this group, the following questions were asked:
1. Which are the most popular information channels you depend on for severe weather
forecast, disaster information, and health and human services information?
2. Do you know of United Way and its Information and Referral program that can be
accessed by dialing 2-1-1?
1
Hispanic or Latino used interchangeably
84
3. Do you think this information is useful to you or anyone you know?
4. Where and when would you like to see this information displayed or aired?
Findings
Responses from United Way 2-1-1 Program Managers
Among the program managers, the responses varied to the first question regarding
how they publicized the 2-1-1 program within their counties. 4 out of the 7 program
managers identified the use of leaflets and brochures as the preferred method of advertising
followed by the use of websites (3), radio (2), phone directory (1) and television (1). Other
methods included renting billboards, using volunteers for door-to-door “information
campaigns”, and sending information home with school children’s weekly take home
envelopes, as effective ways to inform communities of 2-1-1 services. Two agencies
reported not actively publicizing the 2-1-1 program citing various challenges discussed
later.
To the second question of how they targeted the growing Spanish-speaking
population in their communities, 3 of the 7 program managers reported the use of
multiple channels such as churches, brochures or leaflets, television, radio and
community leaders as means of advertising. Other methods mentioned included
conducting community presentations with bilingual staff and getting involved in yearly
Hispanic Wellness Fairs. Program managers from the remaining 4 counties reported the
use of one or no channel specific to this special population. Table 2 outlines the various
methods used by each county.
Table 2. Methods of Publicizing 2-1-1 to Spanish-Speaking Population
No.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
County
Dallas
Tarrant
Denton
Ellis
Grayson
Wise
Navarro
Churches
X
X
Brochures or
Leaflets
Television
X
X
X
X
Radio
X
X
Community
Leaders
X
X
To the third question on the number of Spanish-speaking personnel currently
employed within the agency, 3 program managers reported that they had at least one
bilingual employee with 1 reporting as high as 6 full-time bilingual employees. 2 of the
offices currently employing bilingual staff also mentioned the use of the ‘Language
Line’, a phone translation service that provided a translator, in the absence of available
bilingual staff members. The remaining 4 program managers reported having no bilingual
staff although 1 reported having access to bilingual volunteers. Table 3 provides a
summary of these findings.
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Other
X
Promoting Disaster Resiliency
85
Table 3. Number of Bilingual Staff Employed
No.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
County
Dallas
Tarrant
Denton
Ellis
Grayson
Wise
Navarro
Full Time
0
6
0
0
0
1
0
Part Time
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
Language Line
No
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
No
No
To the last question on the overarching challenges faced by program managers in
publicizing the 2-1-1 program to the Spanish-speaking audiences, the most ubiquitous
response was ‘insufficient funds’ with 5 out of 7 citing it as a major challenge. When
program managers mentioned that they lacked funds, they were most often referring to
their inability to further allocate money towards advertising and outreach efforts in
Spanish. Other commonly cited challenges in no particular order by at least 3 included
lack of bilingual staff, cultural differences, and language barriers. Table 4 provides an
overview of these findings.
Table 4. Challenges in Publicizing to Spanish Speaking Populations
County
Dallas
Tarrant
Denton
Ellis
Grayson
Wise
Navarro
Insufficient
Funds
Lack of
Bilingual Staff
Cultural
Differences
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Language
X
Other
X
X
X
X
X
Cultural differences had a wide range of meaning. One program manager commented
that, “the Hispanic people are reluctant to reach out for help from Health and Human
Services agencies or charities”, which, in her opinion, prevented this population from
utilizing numerous United Way services. Another program manager commented that any
need within the Hispanic community was first tended to by family members or religious
services, rather than by a Health and Human Service agencies or charity. These might
even be compounded by issues suggested by legal aid workers and relief workers
assisting hurricane Andrew (1992) survivors in Florida. They noted, “recent immigrants
86
from countries with a legacy of political repression, such as Guatemala, and El Salvador,
were reluctant to seek help. Undocumented migrants were intimidated when uniformed
immigration officers were deployed to distribute water and food immediately after the
storm” (Enarson and Morrow 1997, pp. 126).
Challenges categorized as ‘other’ included lack of a local radio station and no large
scale or local initiative to connect Spanish-speaking populations to Health and Human
Services agencies. Several 2-1-1 managers noted that despite the fact that bilingual staff
was available on their Spanish Language line; it was not necessary that the caller’s needs
were met. This was because many of the support agencies that the caller was referred to
did not necessarily have bi-lingual staff that could help them.
Responses from Spanish and English Speaking Residents
The small group of eleven Spanish-speaking respondents comprised of five males
and six females between 18 to 54 years of age. The group of English-speaking respondents
comprised of seven males and four females between 20 to 55 years of age. All respondents
were residents of one of the 7 counties identified for inclusion in this study. Among the two
groups of language speakers, the responses varied to the first question asking them to list the
popular information channels they depended on for severe weather forecast, disaster
information, and health and human services information. Television was the most common
channel cited by 7 respondents followed by the Internet (4), Radio (2), cell phone (1) and
newspaper (1). In contrast, English-speaking residents cited the Internet as the most
common channel of information (8) followed by television (4), newspaper (2) and cell
phone (1). Table 5 provides a summary comparison between English and Spanish speaking
residents.
Table 5. Preferred Channels of Information Dissemination
Radio
Television
Internet
Cell Phone
Newspaper
Spanish Speaker Respondent
Males
Females
(n=5)
(n=6)
0
2
4
3
2
2
1
0
1
0
English Speaking Respondent
Males
Females
(n=7)
(n=4)
0
0
2
2
5
3
0
1
2
0
To the second question about their awareness of United Way and the 2-1-1
Information and Referral program, only 3 of the twenty-two participants answered that they
were aware of the program. The one Spanish-speaking respondent who was aware of and
had used the service before stated that a family member had referred her to the service.
The two English-speaking respondents who were aware of the program did not indicate
where they learned about it.
When the purpose of the 2-1-1 help line was explained to the remaining
participants and they were asked if they believed this information to be useful to them or
87
anyone they knew, all of them agreed that it was indeed a great resource to have in the
community and becoming familiarized with it would help meet their needs better.
To the final question on where and when they would like to see information on 2-1-1
publicized, the Spanish-speaking respondents recommended the use of various media
including Super Bowl commercials, billboards and university bulletins and both groups
suggested posting flyers or bulletins at public locations, such as local supermarkets,
shopping centers, and churches that were frequented by many residents. The consensus
among the respondents was that they were more likely to see, listen or watch PSAs when
they were displayed or aired during evening hours.
Limitations of Study
There were several challenges that arose over the course of this project due to
inaccessibility of key informants and time and resource limitations. Understanding the
importance of obtaining an alternate perspective from the language media and the
challenges they faced in airing PSAs, the authors attempted to contact the Spanishlanguage media in the North Central Texas region to conduct structured phone
interviews. However all the phone calls made were either put on hold, or transferred from
one extension to another or promised a return call that never came. Gaining perspectives
of the three primary stakeholders (i.e. Spanish-language media, 2-1-1 agencies, and
Spanish-speaking residents) would have allowed for triangulation and further
strengthened the findings.
The biggest limitation of this study is the sampling procedure and sample size.
Snowball sampling is a common, non-probability based method of sample selection.
While this method is often acceptable when trying to reach difficult to locate populations,
it is not the most rigorous sampling procedure that could have been utilized limiting the
generalizability of the findings to the larger population. As a result, it is not possible to
draw any definitive conclusions about the degree to which the 2-1-1 Information and
Referral program can help in meeting the unmet needs of economically disadvantaged
Hispanic population in the U.S.
The number of Spanish and English speaking residents selected was very small in
relation to the total population of these residents in the North Central Texas region. A
larger random sample would strengthen the overall findings and allow for stronger
conclusions to be made. While conducting interviews with a smaller group size of 2-1-1
program managers is appropriate and acceptable, time constraints prevented in-depth,
face-to-face, follow-up interviews. Conducting more detailed interviews may provide
additional insight into the overall challenges and successes of the 2-1-1 program and
addressing the needs of vulnerable Hispanic residents.
Discussions
Despite the above-mentioned limitations our findings can be used to inform the
framing of a larger study as it presents valuable concerns and needs of both the 2-1-1
program managers and the Hispanic citizens. Program managers in the North Central
Texas Region counties indicate that information about 2-1-1 is reaching the public
through a variety of channels (e.g. brochures, radio, and television). However, very few
88
actively target the Spanish-speaking population. Those that do actively target Spanish
speakers tend to utilize more than one channel of communication to reach them. In
contrast, those program managers that do not actively target this population use only one
channel of communication or do not to use any method at all.
While the counties that were included in this study were representative of only the
North Central Texas Region with a high percentage of Hispanic residents, very few
utilized bilingual staff at their 2-1-1 offices. Interestingly, the counties that lacked
bilingual staff were not the same counties that utilized the ‘Language Line’. Rather, a
phone translation service was used as a back-up system by agencies that already had
bilingual staff in place. As with many fields that work directly with the public, bilingual
staff members are in high demand and continue to be needed throughout North Central
Texas.
Despite the many channels of communication being used to notify the public of 21-1, the majority of the participants interviewed were unaware of the program but felt
that the program could be an extremely useful resource in multiple ways. Since the two
language groups preferred different channels of communication for receiving information
(Television – Spanish, Internet – English), it suggests that the channels used for targeting
a specific language group play an important role in making PSA’s effective and
increasing utilization of the program.
While the growth of the U.S. Hispanic population has been fairly steady at 3% to
4% from 1995-2004, the number of Hispanic television networks has seen much higher
growth rates during this same period (Benavides 2007). With this growth comes the
responsibility of broadcasting or airing greater number of PSAs to the audiences.
However, it has been noted that forty-six percent of all donated PSAs by T.V. stations are
broadcast or aired between midnight to six in the morning (Kaiser Family Foundation,
2008) limiting the permeability of these announcements.
The Spanish language media need to make more meaningful contributions to
educating its citizens about community resources such as the 2-1-1 Helpline, American
Red Cross trainings, SKYWARN, religious ministries, etc. It is important that they
actively participate in public education programs (e.g. National Preparedness Month in
the fall, Univision 23 Community Events Calendar) and ensure they air PSAs regularly
over the radio and television channels during evening hours when larger segments of the
population are likely to listen in or watch. In fact, our findings suggest that all three
groups the Spanish media, the Spanish speaking population and NGOs would need to
work together in conjunction with the city officials, police, and fire departments.
Conclusions
This pilot study identified some of the advertising strategies adopted by 2-1-1
program managers in the North Central Texas region to target Hispanic residents and the
challenges faced by them in implementing those strategies. It also highlighted the
information channels preferred by economically disadvantaged Hispanic residents, and
the perceived role of the Spanish-language media in communicating information about
providers of non-emergency needs and human services programs. Although 2-1-1 callers
do not represent the universe of populations with unmet needs, they do represent those
motivated in overcoming access barriers (Bame, 2005, 2007). By meeting special
89
populations’ needs we are helping these groups move towards self-sufficiency and
resiliency that are key attributes to recover from disasters.
Though this study has many limitations it makes valuable practical contributions
in beginning to understand the significant role that the Spanish-language media can play
in making their audiences resilient against future disasters. By complying with FCC’s
renewed emphasis on PSAs more targeted and effective, the Spanish-language media can
get involved in all four phases of the disaster management cycle.
Possible ways may include the following:
1. Mitigation/Prevention - PSAs on a regular basis that educate about health and
human services within the communities.
2. Preparedness - PSAs providing details about the family disaster kits, protective
measures (boarding up windows, sand bagging), and warnings about impending
disaster threats like hurricanes, tornados, flash floods, H1N1 pandemic etc.
3. Response - PSAs on what protective actions to take after a disaster strikes
(evacuating), and when and where to seek shelter for their families and pets.
4. Recovery – PSAs informing about federal, state and local assistance programs,
food and rent vouchers; notifications about when to return home, etc.
This case study of the North Central Texas region affected by large-scale
evacuations of Spanish-speaking populations in recent times from Hurricanes Ike,
Gustav, Rita and Katrina has broader implications for bridging service providers with atrisk populations, coordinating volunteer efforts, and developing evacuee identification
tracking systems, risk communication and management of population surges in smaller
urban and rural evacuation destinations as well. This work is a foundation for a future
research agenda that frames the issue of addressing unmet needs as a means of creating
disaster resilient communities. This last point is critical, because it focuses on what
contributes to vulnerability and what essentially needs to be done to minimize the loss to
lives and property in future disasters.
Acknowledgement
The data collected for this article is based on research supported by grant funding
received in 2007 from the Center for the Spanish Language Media (CSLM), University of
North Texas. The findings and opinions reported are those of the authors and are not
necessarily endorsed by the funding agency or those provided assistance with various
aspects
of
the
study.
90
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Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 TV shows
ARTICLE
92
Structural Characteristics of the 50 Highest–Rated Television Shows
Broadcast by Univision and Telemundo Network for the Hispanic
Markets in the United States and Puerto Rico.
Janet Álvarez-González
Argosy University-Sarasota
[email protected]
______________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract
This study seeks to determine which patterns and characteristics of Spanish television
programs are common in 50 of the higher-rated Spanish-Language television
programming transmitted in the United States and Puerto Rico by Univision and
Telemundo networks and measured by Nielsen Hispanic Index and Mediafax. This
quantitative and qualitative study was guided by four different variables: language,
ethnicity (looks), music style and topic choice (themes). The show’s length, measured
in minutes, frequency (number of times the show was broadcast), were also
researched. A total of 50 television shows included 218 episodes with a total of 65400
observations from the years 2000-2005 were selected for the study. This study
provides insight for what this diverse Hispanic population has in common in terms of
taste for television programming.
93
Structural Characteristics of the 50 Highest–Rated Television Shows
Broadcast by Univision and Telemundo Network for the Hispanic
Markets in the United States and Puerto Rico.
Introduction
During the last three decades, the two main Spanish-language television networks
in the United States--Univision and Telemundo--have tried to find the most suitable
programming for the changing migratory group named “Hispanic.” Although some
programs have achieved success in this ethnically diverse Hispanic market, presently
there are no quantitative or qualitative clues as to why some television shows succeed and
others fail. Currently, producers invest in Mexican, Venezuelan or Puerto Rican actors
under the assumption that if they place performers from one of these ethnic groups the
network will win over that predominant group of viewers. However, this has not been
tested (Romero, Luis-Enrique. Personal interview. 19 September 2007).
It is also believed that by placing actors from different Latin American countries
in their television programs, the network’s programming will be accepted by the main
Hispanic groups in the United States (Hernandez, Viqui. Personal interview. 2 April
2007). According to Romero (2006), the main three Hispanic television networks in the
United States (including Puerto Rico) have implemented this method without measuring
the results. Upon its arrival in Puerto Rico in 2000, Univision cancelled over 50 locally
produced programs and replaced them with network shows, which were produced in
Miami, and which included multicultural performers sporting different accents and
representing different ethnic groups (Biggs-Adams, 2004). In spite of these changes,
Univision Puerto Rico has achieved the highest ratings on the Island (Rentas-Giusti,
2002; Mediafax, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005).
In 2005, Puerto Rico’s Telemundo Channel 2 cancelled more than 20 percent of
local programming and substituted its locally made shows with telenovelas (soap operas)
produced in the United States, Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil (APAGA, 2005;
Personal Interview with Romero, 2 April 2006). According to Univision and Telemundo
networks, low ratings as well as high costs have been factors for substituting local
programming with centrally produced fare (Ferrera, Jose. Personal interview. 21 June
2006). Once a network develops, produces, and distributes a show through all its
network channels, it ensures better possibilities to achieve a higher rating. Moreover, the
production costs are spread across the different channels.
Although the main network studios are located in Miami, Florida, their
programming has been developed to target the largest Hispanic market, located in Los
Angeles, California, which is composed primarily of first, second, and third generation
Mexican heritage population. Miami, Florida, on the other hand, the third largest
Hispanic market, is composed primarily of first, second, and third generation Cubans,
first generation Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, Nicaraguans, and newcomers from
Venezuela, Colombia, and Argentina (Segovia, 2004).
All of these nationalities have different histories, ethnic backgrounds, different
accents, expressions, and cultures. Therefore, in order to produce a television show that
appeals to the broad and diverse audience known as “Hispanic,” it is necessary to
94
research highly rated shows to determine the common patterns of the characteristics of
the Spanish-language television programs accepted by all Hispanics regardless of their
particular national origins.
Some of the highly rated shows that have achieved acceptance by the entire
Hispanic population are: “Sábado Gigante” (variety show produced in Miami hosted by a
Chilean), “Yo Soy Betty La Fea” (telenovela produced and performed in Colombia by
Colombians), “Despierta América” (morning show produced in Miami and performed by
Mexicans, Venezuelans, Puerto Ricans, Uruguayans, etc.), and “Al Rojo Vivo”
(sensationalistic news magazine show produced in Miami, which covers news from
different Latin American countries, and conducted by Puerto Ricans and Mexicans).
(Nielsen Hispanic Index, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005; Mediafax: 2000, 2001,
2002, 2003, 2004, 2005). According to Kotler and Westman (2006), few products can be
standardized worldwide. However, because of the trend towards individualism in the
Hispanic population, factors such as religion, culture, language, nationalism and personal
values are losing relevance, while emotional attitudes and a personal mix of values are
becoming more applicable (Spielman, 1995).
To address these complexities, this research centers on assessing the common
patterns of Spanish-language television programs that make Spanish-language shows
high-rated television programs capable of acceptance by all Hispanics. The common
patterns to be reviewed are: language, themes, racial differences, and music styles
preferences. It examines the 50 highest rated Spanish-language television programs
between 2000-2005 in the United States and Puerto Rico, as measured by the Nielsen
Hispanic Index and Mediafax.
Who are the Hispanics?
Who are the “Hispanics”? According to Jimenez (1989), the term “Hispanic” is a
label that stereotypes a heterogeneous population by their characteristics and behavior
regardless of their ethnic heritage. Jimenez asked to change the label and to recognize
the existence of six aggregates: two minority groups (people of Mexican and Puerto
Rican descent), and four immigrant populations (Cubans, Central American refugees or
immigrants, and South American immigrants).
Hispanic can be of any race. The 2000 US Census reported that 48 percent of the
Hispanics population identify themselves as whites (Tafoya, 2004; Subervi & Rios,
2005). Therefore, it is difficult to categorize Hispanics as a racial group. Sociologically,
however, in the United States, they are considered a minority.
The diversity in
immigration status, political background and the different socio-economic classes make it
difficult to measure the so-called “Hispanics” (Cusic, 1999). For example, Puerto Rico is
a commonwealth protectorate of the United States; therefore, Puerto Ricans being U.S.
citizens can freely enter the United States without the need of a passport. On the other
hand, Cubans who entered the United States prior to 1994 automatically earned a political
refugee status (Population Reference Bureau, 1999). Today the United States
government usually permits Cubans to stay in the United States if they reach dry land
(Associated Press, 2006).
Almost half of the United States formerly belonged to Mexico; thus, it is not
unusual for Mexican Americans to have family roots dating back six generations to a
95
time when part of the United States was Mexican territory (Yarsinske, 2006). Even so,
some Mexican Americans do not perceive recent Mexican immigrants part of their own
ethnic group (Alvarez, 2007).
For many years, the Census Bureau looked for alternatives to define the term
“Hispanic.” The 1990 Census form included in the Hispanic/Spanish category a checklist
for: Chicano, Cuban, Mexican, Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban. For other
groups such as Argentinean, Colombian, Salvadorian, Spaniard, etc., the “other” category
was offered. The 2000 Census also included categories for racial differences such as:
White, Black, American Indian, and Eskimo (Glazer, 2001). All these categories created
confusion, and not necessarily led to the correct accounting of Hispanics in the country.
In February 8, 2008, the US Census estimated numbers of Latinos had grown
from 35.6 in 2000 to 44.3 million by 2006 or 13% of the United States total population,
estimated that the Hispanic population would reach 47.8 million (15.5 percent of the total
US population) by the year 2010 and 102.6 million by 2050 (24.4 percent of the total US
population). In essence, by 2050, one in every four Americans will be of Hispanic
heritage (Cheeseman-Day, 2008).
According to Lane (2003), it is difficult to market to Hispanics in the United
States, because Hispanics do not consist of just one marketing segment. The United
States has put the Spanish-speaking population under one group label “Hispanic” or
“Latino”. Nevertheless, Hispanics are a diverse group representing over 18 Latin
American countries including Puerto Rico, Cuba, Dominican Republic and other
Caribbean countries. Lane argues that language proficiency; traditions, cultural
background, acculturation, economics, and race are a few of the elements that make this
diverse group a complex marketing segment. Lane also advised marketers to focus on
similarities such as language instead of focusing on their other cultural differences.
Language preferences
First generation Hispanics constitute 61%, second generation constitutes 23%,
and third generation constitutes 16% of the adult Hispanic population in the United
States. Of the adult Hispanic population, 47% are Spanish-language dominant, 30% are
bilingual and 23% are English-language dominant (Hakimzadeh, S & Cohn, D, 2007).
Second and third generation Latinos are primarily English-language dominant and
thoroughly identify with both the conventional (American mainstream) and Hispanic
cultures.
Zesch (1995) discusses that one of the variables that separates the Hispanics
theater audience is language. According to Zesch (1995), the first and second generation
in the Hispanic American, community retains some roots of their own culture but the
third generation loses culture and language. A study conducted by Khermouch (1999)
concluded that prime-time network television preferences of Hispanics fluctuate
significantly by age groups, as does the degree of acculturation of the viewers. As a
result, Hispanics teens have more similarities with the U.S. teens than they do with older
Hispanics. Lane (2003) reported that more than 75% of the United States Hispanics speak
Spanish at home and 67% are most contented reading Spanish-language literature, and
that even if they read and speak English fluently, 5% of Hispanics utilize some form of
Spanish-language media each day. This study also revealed that Hispanics prefer radio
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and television to magazines and newspaper.
The most effective way to reach Hispanics is through television and radio in their
language. According to Peschiutta (2001) both language and culture have to be
considered in order to become a successful Hispanic television programs. Hispanic
consumers make better selections when information is presented in their own language
because the themes and characters are in tune with Hispanic cultural expectations, as well
as being a symbol of their cultural Heritage (Nicholls & Roslow, 1996). American
businesses currently spend $.004 in media to capture each Hispanic purchase dollar
compared with $.03 per mainstream consumer dollar--an under spending of $14 billion.
In 2001, Hispanic purchasing power was estimated at $550-$630—an enormous bounty
waiting to be tapped into with the right level of investment. Today, Hispanics’ annual
purchasing power has surged to one trillion dollars (AmCham, 2007). Corporations need
to invest a minimum of 8% of their marketing budgets on the Hispanic market to
capitalize on its exponential growth. This average should vary depending on the category.
Effectively mining the staggering economic clout from the 42.5 million Hispanic markets
will separate today's corporate leaders from laggards.
The augmented need among Hispanics for Spanish-language media is one of the
factors that have contributed to the creation of the aforementioned Spanish-language
television networks, each of which has a different approach toward language. For
example, Univision Network focused their programming in the use of Spanish language
exclusively; however, Telemundo Network’s programming accepts the use of slang, and
traditional Spanglish. Spielman (1995) believes that in order to create a standard
advertisement or global product, international companies and advertising agencies must
know that there are thousands of subtle linguistic differences among the 451 million
Latin Americans who speak Spanish. Yet such distinctions seem to have been overlooked
or deemed irrelevant to Univision-Puerto Rico when it started operations in 2002.
In an attempt to internationalize its programming, Univision-Puerto Rico replaced
local programming for shows produced in Miami, Venezuela and Mexico, ignoring the
local usage of Spanish. Thus, in December 31, 2004 APAGA (Alliance of Puerto Ricans
Artist and Support Group) presented to the Federal Communications Commission a
petition to deny the Licenses of Univision-Puerto Rico based on discrimination of culture
and language. APAGA argues that Univision-Puerto Rico has transmitted obscene
language on the public airwaves since some words in other Latin American countries are
offensive to Puerto Rican viewers. For instance, television programs from UnivisionPuerto Rico include Chicano and Mexican slang. The common Mexican and Chicano
word “bicho” means in slang, “bug” or “insect,” nevertheless for the Puerto Ricans, this
slang word refers to the male sexual organ.
Telemundo targets the east coast, which is predominantly populated by Puerto
Rican, Dominicans and Cubans. Telemundo productions emphasize more of the culture
and less of the language, and use of one specific accent. In an attempt to rescue the
acceptance of this audience, in 1998 Telemundo adapted the American television series
“Charlie’s Angels,” “Starsky and Hutch” and “One Day at a Time” by translating the
series into “Spanglish” dialogues and recreating the scenes with Hispanics actors. These
assumptions failed. The programs had poor production quality and therefore dismal
prime-time ratings. An article by the training firm ACRT, Inc., “A cultural blend, Una
mezcla de culturas,” communicating over the cultural divides leads to improved
97
performance” (2004) advises translators to avoid “Spanish slang” in order to
communicate effectively with diverse Hispanic populations.
Television programs and theme preferences
Since there are differences in ethnic and cultural background among Latinos,
marketers and television writers, producers, and programmers should focus on
similarities that surpass ethnic and cultural differences if they aspire to achieve
satisfactory results. According to Albarran and Umprey (1993) the Latino/Hispanic
population prefers television and radio as the main media vehicles, and television is used
for information and entertainment purposes. They also found that Hispanics ranked
statistically higher in their description for television motivation: it is a way to help them
learn more about themselves and others, and a way to spend time with friends and family.
Similar preferences were reported in the viewing of movies, telenovelas, talk shows,
interviews, reality shows, and western movies.
Another study observed that adult Hispanics exhibit greater satisfaction with
television and have preferences for situational comedies, telenovelas, movies, game
shows and police/detective programs (Greenberg, Burgoon, & Korzenny, 1983).
Albarran, A. & Umphrey, D. (1993), however, found that Hispanics preferred news, and
the major source of news and information was television; nevertheless the younger
Hispanic audience preferred music and telenovelas.
More recent studies reveal that 88 percent of Latinos preferred network television,
82 percent preferred local television, 52 percent preferred newspapers, and 58 percent
preferred radio and 29 percent preferred Internet (Suro, 2004). All in all, television is still
the preferred medium of most Hispanics. Straubhaar and Viscasillas (1991) found that
viewers of middle class and below prefer local cultural shows when available, and tend to
prefer products that are as close to their own culture as possible, usually from relatively
nearby, within the Latin American region.
This latter point was noted in a study conducted by Los Medios y Mercados de
Latinoamérica (1997), which assessed the likes and dislikes in television programming
originating in the United States. There were 6,581 respondents selected from the ages of
12 to 64, from 18 countries in Latin America. The standard interest score in programs
from the United States was 3.48 and the average interest score in programs from their
own nation is 3.98. In general, Latin Americans prefer television programs from their
own nations greater than those produced in the United States.
Despite the adjoining frontiers between Mexico and the United States, the
findings concluded that Mexicans were the least interested in programs produced in the
United States. The conclusion showed that Mexicans are mostly interested in viewing
programs produced in Mexico. Women also show a fascination in programs from their
own nations rather the ones produced in the United States. This study also concluded that
predilection for programs from the United States increases with level of education and
socio-economic status; and preference for programs from one's own country declines
with higher level of education and socio-economic status.
Local or international advertising firms see the same patterns in advertising,
which consist in reducing the cultural values to consumable signs and in so doing
emptying them of their real content (Menendez-Alarcón, 1993). According to that author,
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for promoting consumption, advertising firms utilize the ideas, beliefs, and feelings
common to the collective organism or to some sectors of the population. If we apply the
same principle to television programs, a successful television program will be created and
achieve high rating and broader distribution if it uses cultural elements that are common
among Hispanics.
For decades, telenovelas have been the favorite type of episodic programming for
practically all Spanish-speaking audiences (Tufte, 1993; Barrera & Bielby, 2001). Both
Telemundo and Univision center their programming on telenovelas (Barrera & Bielby,
2001). Telenovelas come from all over Latin America, regardless of their language
(Barrera & Bielby, 2001). The main countries that produce this type of programming are
Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina, Peru, and Brazil. Each country has its own
style and use of the Spanish-language (except Brazil, which produces its programs in
Portuguese, yet some of those are dubbed to Spanish, too). For example, Mexico’s style
is more melodramatic; Colombia is notorious to use comedy, while Brazil uses
melodrama to portray realism of the society instead of the individual (Barrera & Bielby,
2001).
Brazilian telenovelas, originally produced in Portuguese, have gained the
acceptance of many the Spanish-speaking audiences. Themes and subjects treated in
those telenovelas play an important role in the acceptance of their audience (Los Medios
y Mercados de Latino America, 1998). The main topics discussed in these programs are:
history, differences in social classes, land and their culture. The Brazian television
network Globo also has a Department of Analysis and Research that conducts audience
preferences analysis, where scripts are continuously revised and readjusted for almost
each new episode. As an example, the telenovela La Esclava Isaura (Isaura the Slave)
was shown in Cuba, Poland, and aired twice in China in 1980 and 1983. The work Rei
do Gado (The Cattle King) which is set in the 19th century during the war between the
landowners and tenants (peasants) (Ortiz & Lopez, 1999) achieved high ratings and
acceptance by all audiences, too.
The work El Clon, a telenovela originally produced in Brazil, was later translated
into Spanish. The story is based on a cloned young man and the impossible love between
a Muslim woman and a non-Muslim Hispanic. This telenovela is full of images from
Brazil and Morocco, the clothing is elegant and had vibrant colors. The cast was a
mixture of attractive and less-attractive actors, who represent people of all races and
ethnicities: whites, blacks, olive complexions, etc. The telenovela included Arabic music
and various styles of Latin American music (samba, salsa, carnival, merengue, baladas,
pop and others). El Clon presented everyday problems such as drug abuse, divorce as
well as themes that are current today such as cloning and the Islamic culture. When aired
on Telemundo Network, El Clon became the highest rated program during the period of
July 11 through August 7, 2002, making that network number one at 10 p.m. from
Monday to Friday, and beating competitor Univision Network by 16%. El Clon became
the second highest rated telenovela in the history of the station (19.3 house hold rating—
HH Rtg) second to the Yo Soy Betty La Fea record set in February 2001 (19.5 HH Rtg),
(Nielsen Hispanic Station Index, 2002). Given its diversity in music, racial and ethnic
characters of the actors, and subject matters, this telenovela might well succeed in any
country where it is aired.
99
In Mexico, telenovelas are mainly produced by Televisa and transmitted in the
United States by Univision Network. With such availability and distribution, success is
almost guaranteed. The themes of the telenovelas produced by Televisa are universal:
love, betrayal, suicide, jealousy, seduction, violence, revenge, passion, oppression,
sexism, corruption, and incest (Gonzalez, 1992). These telenovelas, mainly written by
veteran scriptwriter Delia Fiallo, are characterized by emotional, distressing, and highly
improbable characters, coincidences, and twists of episodes with solemn, extravagant
sets. In Russia, the Mexican produced Los Ricos También Lloran (The Rich Also Cry)
achieved acceptance from the audience because two-thirds of the people in Moscow
identify themselves as poor (Ortiz & Lopez, 1999; Barrera & Bielby, 2001).
In Colombia, the telenovela Yo soy Betty la Fea produced by RCN network
became a phenomenal hit, as was the case when it was successfully exported to many
other countries in the world. Yo soy Betty la Fea is the story of a well-educated,
intelligent, idealistic and shy woman who was ugly. The drama of this telenovela was
centered in a fashion company where Betty, the main character, worked. The star actress
became the symbol of the uncorrupted innocence of the Latin women. According to
IBOPE Media Information (www.zonalatina.com, 2001), during the month of March
2001, Yo soy Betty la Fea rated 50.7 in Colombia, 58.9 in Ecuador, 56.5 in Panama and
41.5 in Venezuela. The popularity of Yo Soy Betty La Fea has been attributed to the fact
that people are used to seeing characters played by sex symbol stars but in this program,
Betty’s character conforms to reality for most Latino women. Another reason for the
success of this telenovela was its realistic themes; the daily interactions of the characters
regularly included social, economic, racial, educational, and gender inequalities of
today’s society.
During the first episodes of this drama, the main character Betty, an unattractive
economist, gets a job as a secretary in a prominent fashion design company. By the end,
she experiences a physical and mental transformation by taking off her braces, replacing
her thick glasses with fashionable wire frames, restyling her hair, and by developing a
more assertive personality. She was promoted up the corporate ladder, became an
executive and married her boss, who was shown throughout as being mean-spirited,
insincere, and unfaithful and therefore, an undeserving man.
Yo Soy Betty La Fea was a money-generating machine for its creator and
producers (www.zonalatina.com, 2001). Nevertheless, the story had to reach its end
since the cast had been working without pause for eighteen months. In the case of the
Hispanic audience in the United States this telenovela appeared on the Telemundo
Network and was largely responsible for significantly increasing its ratings. The rights to
the sequel had already been given to its rival, the Univision (Grover, R., Pascual, A. M.
2002). Currently, ABC is producing Ugly Betty, the English-language version of this
telenovela that has reached the highest ratings with the English-speaking audience
(Associated Press, 2006).
The dramas of these and many other Latin American telenovelas have been
widely accepted, from Asian cultures to the Slavic countries in Europe, to religious
countries in the Middle East. For example in 1999, some of the mosques in Abidjan
delayed prayer time during Ramadan, so their audience would not miss the last episode of
Mexican telenovela Marimar (Ortiz-de-Urbina & Lopez, 1999). This same telenovela
was also a success in Africa, Indonesia, and the Philippines; in fact, in 1997 the female
100
lead was received in Manila by that country’s head of the Department of State (Ortiz-deUrbina & Lopez, 1999).
The Venezuelan telenovela Kassandra written by Delia Fiallo had a major impact
in Syria, Romania, the Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Russia and other
Eastern European countries. In Yugoslavia Kassandra caused turmoil over the
characters’ trials. Thousands of citizens from Kosovo in southeast Serbia petitioned the
Government of Serbia and the president of Venezuela to stop the trial of Kassandra
(Ortiz & Lopez, 1999). Kassandra was aired in 128 countries and earned entry in the
Guinness Book of World Record as the Spanish TV series being aired in greatest number
of countries. Kassandra was the story of a rich baby raised by gypsies that marries one
of the twin sons of her step-grandmother, without knowing that she is the granddaughter
of the old man in the house. Her husband was killed on her wedding night, and she is
blamed for the murder.
The main elements that these Latin-American telenovelas offer Hispanics can be
summarized as follow: 1) characters overcome countless obstacles imposed by social
classes, family ties, and conflicts of interest, 2) good versus evil, 3) justice and
retribution, 4) strong doses of suspense, 5) daily dramatic endings that ensures viewers
watch the next day, 6) unexpected dialogue, 7) unpredictable dysfunctional characters,
and 8) excellent actors, directors, and scriptwriters. In addition to all of these elements,
universal situations and the feelings of identification with the story and the characters
help explain why these soap operas achieved high ratings from diverse audiences
(Alvarez, 2007).
According to Henri N’Koumo, a journalist from an Abidjan newspaper, despite
the cultural differences, telenovelas from Latin America touched very deep chords and
made the audience feel comfortable. For the Filipino audiences, the Latin American
telenovelas offers a relief from their reality, the ugliness of poverty and corruption of
their public officials (Ortiz & Lopez, 1999).
All the problems are the same: poverty, love, and racism. However, what
separates themes is how they are presented; themes depend on education and artistic
experience (Zesch, 1995). A study conducted by Barrera & Bielby (2001) concluded that
Hispanics watch telenovelas because this medium allows them to feel closer to their Latin
American cultural heritage, and works as a catalyst in providing a way for them to retain
their memories of Latin America. The extent of their recognition depended upon the
degree of their connection with the region; they were able to find more cultural elements
within the textual and visual aspects of telenovelas than if they had been born in the
United States and their primary connection to Latin America was through their parents.
Viewing telenovelas helps Hispanics to maintain their Latin American traditions
(e.g., centrality of religion) and viewing was not a passive experience; instead it was an
active form of engaging with a text and culturally interpreting it to fulfill the need of
feeling closer to their heritage (Barrera & Bielby, 2001). Hispanics preferred strong
female characters where the protagonist owned her own life and did not have to channel
her aspirations through males (“suffering woman” or the “submissive characters” are
unacceptable). There were also preferences of serials that show social change (culturally
transgressive) with non-traditional plots, and representation of the family as one. Viewers
enjoyed seeing how the extended family was integral to the nuclear family of the main
characters.
101
Differences in race and ethnic-related terms among Hispanics
According to Subervi & Rios (2005), Latinos or Hispanics are not a race but
instead an ethnic group. Hamilton (2001) explains that the usage of the terms Hispanic or
Latino has social, political and historical contexts. Hamilton (2001) points out that the
term Latino is a matter of positionality in the political space, that people who call
themselves Latino use it as a claim for inclusion in the community fight and
empowerment issues, and that caution is advised when these terms are used since there is
a history of Negrophobia, anti-Indian prejudice and distinctions among the Mestizos or
White supremacy in Latin America. The term Latinos or Hispanics depends upon the
region: Hispanic is used in Texas and the Southwest whereas, the term Latino is used in
the East particularly by people from the Caribbean such as Puerto Ricans and
Dominicans (Hamilton, 2001).
For authors de la Garza, DeSipio, Lee, and Pachon (2006), the term Hispanic or
Latino refers to the residents of the United States whom are of Spanish-speaking descent
from Latin America and the Caribbean. Nevertheless, before marketing firms,
researchers or the Census Bureau started categorizing or labeling Spanish-speaking
people, it should be understood that for the last 500 years the relationship among the
main three races (White, Indian, and Black) has been a key factor in Latin American
social, economic, cultural, religious, and political relations (Los Medios y Mercados de
Latinoamerica, 1998). Latin American countries have a variety of mixtures from all
racial/ethnic groups. The presence of White, Mulatto, Mestizo, Indigenous, and Black
groups varies from country to country. Each country also has its own perception of the
social meaning of its groups based on the history of the racial/ethnic groups and their
interrelationships with each other.
Having some sense of understanding about the diverse immigrant groups in the
Hispanic markets in the United States, and the vying to be inclusive of these might well
ensure acceptance from viewers. As discussed below, another area that calls for increased
understanding is music.
Music origins and styles among Hispanics
Music is described as a universal language, that makes people feel a variety of
sensations of alienations or distances for places and experiences lived in the past
(Mendez-Renk, 2004). A study conducted by Abril (2003) on language barriers in music
instruction, explains those aspects of the Hispanic culture in the curriculum that must be
included as an effective way of motivating English-language learners. These aspects
include the selection of Spanish-language songs that respectfully portray the culture also
considering that each Hispanic culture has a distinctive body of music that is as diverse as
the people who create it. Abril clarifies that the Criolla of Cuba is dissimilar from the
Mexican Corredor, which also differs from the Tango of Argentina, and these differences
have to be established in the curriculum.
Rentfrow (2003) conducted research based on the conception that people's
preferences for music and other activities disclose a great deal about their personalities,
standards of living, and ethics. Rentfrow’s research suggests that there are four broad
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aspects regarding music preference. For instance, people who like to listen to classical
music also like jazz but do not like to listen to country music, while those who like
country music also have a propensity to like pop and religious music. In addition, scores
on each of these aspects indicates many personality variables. The research also
scrutinized the stereotypes related with specific music predilections. In general, an
essence of veracity can be established in the stereotypes of people who like certain types
of music.
A study conducted by Mizell (2003) uses survey data to point to changing music
preferences over time – both across the country and within demographic groups. This
analysis presents preferences in genres and discloses significant connections between
demographic attributes and music predilections. According to Mizell, Crawford and
Anderson (2004) “Hispanics are much more likely to prefer Latin music than nonHispanics –over fourteen times as likely. Less expected is the decline in the proportion of
Hispanics reporting a preference for Latin music over the last decade, down from 78
percent in 1992 to 62 percent in 2002” (p.9).
In addition, Mizell concludes: “Race and ethnicity are important correlates of who
prefers ethnic/national music. Both non-Whites and Hispanics are more likely to prefer
this genre than their counterparts are. Non-Whites are 82 percent more likely to enjoy
ethnic/national music than Whites, while Hispanics are nearly three times more likely to
do so than non-Hispanics. Interestingly, the racial and ethnic differences appear to be
narrowing over time. Yet, because definitions and examples of the music genres were
not provided to respondents, it is unclear to what extent Hispanics’ definition of
ethnic/national traditional music overlaps with the Latin genre” (p.9).
In the early 1850s, Germans, Poles and Czechs immigrated to Mexico and Texas
and settled near modern-day San Antonio. The introduction of the waltz, polkas
schottisches performed by “oompah” bands in large beer halls are the forerunners to
country music performed in country dance clubs. The two-step, cotton-eyed Joe and line
dances helped create the Conjunto music style featuring the accordion as their main
instrument (Cusic, 1999). The country music that has come from Texas—honky tonk
and western swing—was influenced by the same sources that influenced Conjunto,
Norteño and Ranchero music, namely the German immigrants.
Ranchero songs depict life on the haciendas. These are songs that usually tell a
story ennobling the existence of rural life and portray country life as idyllic. Norteño
(northern) music comes from Northern Mexico and embraces all these forms of music, as
well as others. It is a music that is popular in Texas with the Hispanic population and has
influenced American country music to some degree.
The Tejano music was created during the period when Mexico lost Texas, by poor
Mexicans who were living in Texas and became second-class citizens (Leal, 2004). These
Mexicans were called the Tejanos, ranchers mainly involved in agriculture. According to
Cusic (1999) the Tejano music is “a bouncy, borderland blend of Latin pop, Germanic
polka and country rhythms sung in Spanish.” (p.46).
Cusic (1999) discusses the origins of country music and its rhythm’s similitude
between Mexican American music and country music in the United States and concludes
that (1) there is a musical connection between Texas and Northern Mexico; and (2) there
is a cowboy tradition and image common to both. Although the similarities between the
Mexican music and other Latin American countries are not discussed, the author
103
concludes that clear commonalities are found between music from Northern Mexico and
Texas. Therefore, this conclusion can only be applied to the Mexican American
population, but not to non-Mexican Hispanics.
There are other styles of music from Mexico, such as Canción Corredor songs
written by those living along the Rio Grande, the border or corredor between the United
States and Mexico, where Hispanics often feel caught as outcast natives in a no-man's
land (Cusic, 1999). Mexico is also known for its Mariachi music. This music
accompanies social events such as funerals, restaurant crowds, and is also commonly
used for serenading lovers. The Mariachi band is usually comprised of two violins, two
guitars, two trumpets, and a bass guitar. The instruments are acoustic and often played
while strolling through a crowd and generally there’s no percussion (Cusic, 1999).
A very popular music among Hispanics is salsa, which represents the Puerto
Rican, Cuban, and Afro-Caribbean culture and for which the musical roots can be traced
to the African ancestors who brought it to the Caribbean (Padilla, 1990). Lyrics for the
most part are sung in Spanish, including some African words. There are two major Cuban
musical elements that influenced the basic structural composition and arrangement of
Puerto Rican music and which served as the foundation for the salsa form in the late
1960’s, namely the “son” and the “clave.” The “son” began in Cuba in the 1920s as a
Caribbean form, using characteristics originated in Africa. The “clave” is the single beat
that anchors the different rhythms played by the percussion instruments, giving the music
its drive and orienting its dancers (Padilla, 1990). Some researchers argue its origins,
attributing this to Cuban and Puerto Rican immigrants in New York City (Steward,
2000). Nevertheless, there is one fact that cannot be denied: the origins of salsa music
come from Caribbean people.
Cumbia music, which hails from Colombia, is the mixture of indigenous, Spanish,
and African rhythms. It is very popular in South America, Central America and Mexico,
especially in the lower-class neighborhoods. Conga, sexton, accordion, bass, and guitar
are the main instruments played to create this rhythm.
The merengue music, which originated in the Dominican Republic, is considered
that country’s folkloric and national dance, but proliferates extensively among people
from the Caribbean region. Although the origin of merengue is uncertain, musicologists
believed it came from the Cuban music named Upa, which had a piece called merengue.
It is believed that the music Upa arrived in the Dominican Republic in the middle of the
19th century from Puerto Rico. Even though the music merengue was well accepted
among the popular audiences, high-class audiences did not accept it for a long time
because of its relation to African music and the strong content of its lyrics. Most
merengue music is joyful but some has vulgar lyrics (Manigua.org., & Barbera, 2005).
Reggaeton is a new genre of dance music that has become wildly popular over the
last two decade in Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, Bolivia, Perú, Costa Rica,
Venezuela, Colombia, Mexico, Nicaragua and Panama (Serrat, 2005). More recently, it
has emerged in the United States, particularly in New York and Miami and other
metropolitan areas with large groups of Puerto Ricans or other Hispanics. The name
reggaeton comes from the Jamaican music named reggae. Also, reggaeton was highly
affected by Panamanian rap singers, and other music styles from Puerto Rico such as
bomba and salsa, and by African-American hip-hop music. This music is related with the
104
“underground” movement of urban youth, and the lyrics are based on issues and subjects
of interest to those audiences: sex, urban crime, and racism.
If it has been proven that nowadays people choose radio stations based on music
style, why do television producers keep insisting in choosing only one style of music for
a show? The reason may be that ballads, pop, and jazz are much more generic rhythms
than reggaetton, merengue, and Tejano.
As can be observed in this section, the roots of Latin American music come from
a variety of continents, social classes, and races, and that music is yet another language.
What type of music from Latin America has a common denominator? An answer to that
question might be found in a study conducted by Figueroa (1997) who compares Latin
American music to the cell development of organisms where all cells are derived from
previously existing cells. Starting from single-celled animals and progressing in
increments of one until the multiple-celled entity evolves. This study explains that all
orchestras in Latin America (from Argentina to Mexico, from Puerto Rico to Cuba, and
New York) came from one solo performer with a guitar. This music was intended mostly
for listening, and this guitar-backed vocal music was largely derived from Spain’s music.
Eventually this music became boleros, and the amount of musicians and instruments was
extended, first becoming trios, finally evolving into full-size orchestras.
In sum, if we were looking for one unifying musical genre for the Latin American
world, it would be bolero music, which today is also known as pop and listened to in all
Latin America.
105
Method
Instrumentation
In this study each variable selected was divided into sub-variables to facilitate the
analysis. Table 1 shows the main variables and their corresponding sub-variables used to
develop the study.
Table 1: Operational Variables Definitions
Independent
Variables
Language
Music
Look
Themes
Definition
System as used by a
nation, people, or
other distinct
community; often
contrasted with
dialect.
The science or art of
ordering tones or
sounds in succession,
in combination, and
in temporal
relationship to
produce a
composition having
unity and continuity.
A local geographic or
global human
population
distinguished as a
more or less distinct
group by genetically
transmitted physical
characteristics
A subject of artistic
presentation
Sub-variables
Plain: vocabulary free from
regionalism, artifice, ornament, or
extraneous matter.
Measure
d
Source
Frequency
TV Programs
Observations
Frequency
TV Programs
Observations
Frequency
TV Programs
Observations
Frequency
TV Programs
Observations
Slang: an informal non-standard
vocabulary compound typically of
coinages, arbitrary changes of words,
and extravagant, forced or facetious
figures of speech.
Slang with explanation: Full of
regionalism that includes a definition or
explanation.
Latin: characteristic or typical music
from Latin countries.
Universal: sounds and tones originate in
different countries without exception in
the class, category, or genre.
Variety: a mix of Latin and universal
music
One race (White Hispanic): member of
a specific ethnic group; in this case only
White Hispanic.
Multiracial: presence of different ethnic
groups: white, mulattoes, Indian,
blacks, mestizos.
Regional: Themes related to, or
characteristic of a particular region of
the world.
Regional with explanation: Themes
from a region with explanation.
Universal: representation of an existent
or operative everywhere or under all
conditions existing in all cultures.
106
A review of modes was used in order to determine the more common program
present in each and total sample ranking used. The frequency of programs was calculated
to determine if the percentage of each kind of them is present in the Mediafax and
Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index reports.
Table 2: Dependent Variable Operational Definitions
Dependent
Variable
Nielsen
Hispanic
American
Media Index
Mediafax
Definition
Nielsen Hispanic American Television
Index (NHTI) is the first national service
dedicated to monitoring the viewing habits
of the diverse Hispanic community as a
whole and separately, in homes where
Spanish is the only or dominant language
spoken.
Mediafax™ is an operating unit of Kantar
Media Research (“KMR”). KMR is the
media research unit of Millward Brown and
The Kantar Group of WPP Worldwide Ltd.
Mediafax™ is the principal supplier of
marketing research products and services to
the Puerto Rican market.
Measurement
Specification
The 50 highest
rated programs
The 50 highest
rated programs.
Source
Existing Data
obtained from
Nielsen Hispanic
Index from 20002005.
Existing Data
obtained from
Mediafax from 20002005.
To gather the data, an instrument was designed to easily code each program
present in the Mediafax rating. This instrument was designed to code the characteristics
of language, looks, music, and themes used in the 50 highest-rated TV Spanish Language
programs. Also this instrument categorized shows by style, rating, year the show was
broadcast, length in minutes, frequency of shows per week, end of year ratings, rank,
ratings company, numbers of shows available to code, network where it was transmitted,
and additional observations for each show.
The instrument consisted of two sections. The first section consisted of
information of the television shows, format program, and observers’ data. The second
section consisted of eleven questions related to program characteristics in terms of music,
language, themes, and ethnicity; additional comments by the coders were also included.
Each observer registered his/her observations on a coding sheet, including times of
presence of each variable. The data was then sent to the Director of the MBA Program at
the University of Carabobo in Venezuela. The Director volunteered to collect and input
that data to avoid biases in the input process. The sections of that measurement
instrument are described in Table 3:
107
Table 3: Measurement Instrument
Worksheet 1: Shows Codes: Shows are listed in alphabetical order, and assigned an arbitrary
control number, with the number and totals of shows and episodes coded.
Worksheet 2: Lists the variables measured as follows:
Column 1: Shows coded in alphabetical order and their corresponding arbitrary number.
Column 2: The variable/sub-variables related to music.
Column 3: The themes variable with the definition of Universal themes (love, division of
social classes, paternity, mental problems, inheritance, secrets, drug use, corruption), and
regional themes (political or social issues pertaining to a region).
Column 4: The looks variable with the sub-questions of the inclusion of one race, meaning
White Hispanics, or the inclusion of multi-racial meaning (Whites, Mestizos, Indians, and
Blacks).
Column 5: The variable of language styles is described as plain language, Spanish slang,
Spanish slang with explanation, Spanglish, and combination. Also, it included an additional
row for the number of shows and episodes coded.
Worksheet 3: The descriptions of years of shows presented follow:
Column 1: Name of show
Column 2: Year the show was broadcast.
Column 3: Show’s type of format: Telenovela, Variety, Comedy, Talk Shows, Game,
Reality, Late Night, Movies, Award, Sport, and Gossip Show.
Column 4: Length of show in minutes: 1= 30 minutes, 2= 60 minutes, 3= 90 minutes. 4= 120
minutes, 5= 180 minutes, 6= more than 180 minutes.
Column 5: Frequency: number of times the show was broadcast
Column 6: Network code 1= Univision, 2= Telemundo
Column 7: End of Year Rating
Column 8: End of Year Rank
Column 9: Rating company: 1= Nielsen, 2= Mediafax
Column 10: Access to show for coding: YES / NO
Column 11: Number of shows available to code
Worksheet 4: This fourth Excel sheet provided the coders a space to describe in their own
words any additional observations about the shows they observed.
108
Selection of Programs
The type of format of shows produced by Telemundo and Univision and selected
to be studied and analyzed were: telenovelas, variety, comedy, talk shows, game, reality,
late night, movies, sport shows, music and beauty award shows. The number of television
programs in the NHTI and Mediafax lists that could potentially be measured totaled 500.
From this total the researcher selected the 50 highest-rated shows for detailed analysis.
The programs selected were rated high each year at least more than three times or
achieved a high rate at least once during the indicated period. This allowed the experts to
observe and code one to five episodes of each show, for a total sample of 218 distinct
shows subjected to analysis.
The shows selected offered sufficient representation of the top program and the
data coded and collected from these were sufficient for the first study of this type of
assessment. Statistics’ experts proposed that a sample of 100 is the minimum number
adequate for large populations. According to Ravid (2000), samples with fewer than 30
subjects would render too little certainty to be practical.
Procedures
The three coders/media experts who helped with the coding were selected based
on their expertise in Spanish-language television and had over 10 years experience in the
media arena. Each coder received instructions on how to use the worksheets for the study.
The first coder was a four-time EMMY Award winner for directing and producing
Spanish films, telenovelas, and musical shows at PBS, Fox, Univision and Telemundo.
The second worked ten years for Telemundo as a production buyer and currently works
for the San Juan Marriott Resort & Stellaris Casino as Marketing Communications
Coordinator. The third coder worked for more than fifteen years as a photojournalist for
the Pulitzer winning newspaper, The San Juan Star, and was a seven-time award winner
of The Overseas Press Club. Each coder received instructions on how to use the
worksheets for the study.
The researcher requested the three media experts to write those themes that were
central to the story and to each episode viewed. Therefore, secondary themes were not
taken into consideration. The three experts were requested to observe the fifty television
shows twice and to write those codes that best described each show. These observations
are shown in the order of importance, relevance, and preference.
Each television show was observed twice by the three coders to compare
observations and enhance the reliability of the findings. The selected television shows
were not intended to be a random sample, but merely to represent a variety of shows
produced for Univision Network and Telemundo Network in the United States, and
transmitted in Telemundo Canal 2 and Univision-Puerto Rico.
The fifty shows were selected from Nielsen’s rating system and Mediafax’s rating
lists. From Mediafax in Puerto Rico, what was measured were the fifty highest rated
shows broadcast each year from 2000-2005 at Puerto Rico’s Telemundo Channel 2 and
Univision-Puerto Rico. In the case of the NHTI, data collected for analysis were the best
fifty shows broadcast in the United States by Univision and Telemundo for the years
2000-2005.
109
The NHTI and Mediafax as well as each television channel were informed of the
purpose of the study and how the data was to be used. The fifty highest rated TV
programs for the indicated time period were thus identified to be evaluated. The NHTI
and Mediafax measure their audiences daily. Both companies provided the list of the 50
highest rated shows per year. This means that these 50 TV programs were in the top ten
programs in their daily, monthly and quarterly measurements.
The three coders/media experts observed and coded each show twice with a total
of 50 TV programs and 218 episodes. Hence the total observations were 65400. Total
observations = 50 (programs) X 3 (coders) X 218 (episodes) X 2 (observations and
assessments for each 50 programs and 218 episodes) = 65400. The data consisted on the
top rated Spanish-language television shows from the period of time 2000-2005
measured by NHTI and Mediafax, and air on Univision and Telemundo networks. All the
selected television shows and selected variables were assigned a number. These selected
characteristics (variables) generated four specific hypotheses developed to be tested with
statistical methods.
H1: There are distinct and discernable, consistent, and definitive patterns in the use of
slang and combination language using Spanish and English words versus those that
use plain language in the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo
television networks as measured by NHTI and Mediafax.
persons or actors who are White versus those with multiple ethnical looks in the 50
highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks as measured
by NHTI and Mediafax.
regional Latin music style, and variety of music versus those that use universal music
in the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks as
measured by NHTI and Mediafax.
regional Latin themes versus those that use universal themes in the 50 highest-rated
shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks as measured by NHTI and
Mediafax.
Data and Analysis
The numerical data collected were analyzed using the software program,
Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) Student Version Ten. The statistical
analysis included both descriptive statistics and inferential statistics.
The first stage of the analysis was prepared by using descriptive statistics of the
top rated 50 TV Spanish-language programs transmitted by Univision and Telemundo
networks measured by Mediafax in Puerto Rico and NHTI in the United States during the
years 2000 to 2005. Then the programs characteristics of language, ethnicity (looks),
music and themes were coded in order to obtain a pattern and the percentage of each
110
characteristic present in each program. A review of means, modes, standard deviations,
and frequency histograms was developed to analyze, describe, summarize, and show the
original collected data.
To test the hypotheses, frequency distributions, Chi- Square and binomial tests was run as
appropriate. These statistical methods were used to assess if the predicted pattern
were evident (McClave, J. T., Benson, P. G., & Sineich, T., 2001). In order to
respond to research questions that did not include numerical data, narratives about
each were used to gain additional insights.
Findings
Testing the Hypotheses
The first hypothesis H1:
slang and combination language using Spanish, and English words versus those that
use plain language in the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo
television networks as measured by Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index and
Mediafax.
The frequency distributions show that indeed there are distinct and discernable,
consistent, and definitive differences in the language used in the programs: 70% of the
programs use plain Spanish language, 2% use Spanish slang, while 28% use both plain
and slang Spanish (see Table 4). Based on Chi Square analysis, these differences are
statistically significant (F 35.32, p.<.0001). Thus, the null hypothesis was rejected.
Table 4: Use of Language
%
Language
Observed
N
Plain
35
70
Spanish
Spanish
1
2
Slang
Combination
14
28
Total
50
100
f –value 35.32
p -value<.0001
The second hypothesis is H2:
persons or actors who are white versus those with multiple ethnical looks in the 50
highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks as measured
by Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index and Mediafax.
111
When frequencies are taken into account, then the percentage for multi-racial
looks is 100%, and no other looks were observed (see Table 5). Therefore it can be
concluded that there are distinct and discernable, consistent, and definitive patterns in the
use of performers and persons with multiple ethnical looks in Spanish-language TV
programs. Since the looks were all multi-racial, the Chi Square statistic and the p-value
could not be computed. The null hypothesis was rejected; therefore there are distinct,
discernable, consistent, and definitive patterns in the use of performers and persons with
multiple ethnical looks in the 50 high rated Spanish-language TV programs transmitted
by Univision and Telemundo in the United States and Puerto Rico and measured by the
Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index (NHTI) and Mediafax.
Table 5: Racial Frequencies
Looks Type Chi-square Observed
Multi-racial
50
Whites
0
Mestizos
0
Indian
0
Black
0
Total
50
%
100
0
0
0
0
100
The third hypothesis is H3:
regional Latin music style, and variety of music versus those that use universal music
in the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks as
measured by Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index and Mediafax.
When frequencies are taken into account, then the percentage for universal music
(Opera, Jazz, Balada, Pop, Reguetton, instrumental) is 64%, regional music (Ranchera,
Cumbia, Merengue) is 8%, and variety of music is 28% (see Table 6). Therefore,
there are distinct and discernable, consistent, and definitive patterns in the use of
universal music in the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo
television networks as measured by Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index and
Mediafax over the other music types.
Table 6: Music Frequencies
Music Style
Frequency Observed
Universal
32
Regional
4
Variety
14
Total
50
%
64
8
28
100
Based on the Chi Square statistic of 24.16 and the p-value of .0001 (see Table 9),
the null hypothesis was rejected, and support was found for the alternative hypothesis,
there are significant differences between Spanish-language TV programs transmitted in
the United States and Puerto Rico that use one style of regional Latin music than those
112
that use a mixture of music, in ratings measured by the Nielsen Hispanic American
Television Index (NHTI) and Mediafax.
The fourth hypothesis is H4:
H4: There are distinct and discernable, consistent, and definitive patterns in the use
regional Latin themes versus those that use universal themes in the 50 highest-rated
shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks as measured by Nielsen
Hispanic American Television Index and Mediafax.
When frequencies are taken into account there are distinct and discernable,
consistent, and definitive patterns and the use of universal themes (love, division of social
classes, paternity, mental problems, inheritance, secrets, drug use, corruption) is 96% in
the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and Telemundo television networks measured
by Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index and Mediafax versus regional themes
(political or social issues pertain to a region) that is 4% (see Table 7). Therefore, there are
distinct and discernable, consistent, and definitive patterns and universal themes have
significant predominance over the regional themes.
Table 7: Theme Frequency
Type of Theme Observed N
%
Universal
48
96
Regional
Total
f –value 24.16
p-value<.0001
2
50
4
100
Based on the Chi Square statistic of 42.32 and the p-value of .0001 (see Table 8),
the null hypothesis was rejected, and support was found for the alternative hypothesis,
there are significant differences between Spanish-language TV programs transmitted in
the United States and Puerto Rico that use Latin themes than those that use universal
themes, in ratings measured by the Nielsen Hispanic American Television Index (NHTI)
and Mediafax.
Table 8: Chi-Square Test Statistics
Music Theme Language Type Frequency Network Rank Ratings Looks
ChiSquare
(a,b,c,d)
24.16 42.32
Df
Asymp.
Sig.
35.320 165.28
35.320
5.120 16.56
.720
50
2
1
2
8
2
1
31
1
0
.000
.000
.000
.000
.000
.024
.984
.396
.000
f -value= 42.32
p-value=<.0001
113
Descriptive statistics were calculated for all variables as shown in Table 9. There
were no significant differences between the dependent variables.
Table 9: Descriptive Statistics
N
Mean
50
50
50
1.6400
1.0400
2.1400
Std.
Deviation
.8981
.1979
1.8071
Music
Theme
Language
Type of
Shows
Frequency
Network
Rank
50
2.4800
50
50
50
Rating
Looks
Minimum Maximum
1.00
1.00
1.00
3.00
2.00
5.00
2.5574
1.00
11.00
3.8200
1.3400
23.8800
1.8260
.4785
15.6852
1.00
1.00
1.00
5.00
2.00
50.00
50
1.4400
.5014
1.00
2.00
50
2.0000
.0000
2.00
2.00
The test distribution was uniform when calculated from the data, and the
distribution had no variance for the variables.
The additional findings will add to the research, a broader explanation of what
additional elements will help to obtain a higher rating by the Nielsen Hispanic American
Index and Mediafax. The additional data were provided by the two media research
companies, and it was added to the analysis. The data includes the information on the
type of format of the television shows, description of length of shows in minutes, half
hour and hour; frequency of shows, and the name of the television network that
transmitted the show. This data, as well as the additional observations by the three
television experts, provide many suggestions for the development of new television
programs.
Results on Type of Format of the Shows
In terms of types of format of the shows, after the analysis of the observations and
the frequencies are taken into account, then the percentage for soap shows is 68%,
comedy shows is 8%, talk, reality, and movie shows each reflect 4%, and late night,
award and gossip shows have a 2% apiece. Hence, it is shown that soap shows
telenovelas are most liked by the audience. Late night shows, gossip shows, and award
shows ranked lowest. If an average of all the frequencies in Table 10 is calculated for all
the experts, soap shows still rank highest.
Table 10: Type of Show
Type of Show
Observed N
Soap
Comedy
Talk
Game
Reality
Late Night
Movies
Award
Gossip
Total
34
4
2
3
2
1
2
1
1
50
114
%
68
8
4
6
4
2
4
2
2
100
Results for Description of Length of Shows in Minutes
In terms of the length of the shows, 30 minute shows were 4%, 60 minute shows
were 82%, 90 minute shows were 0%, 120 minute shows were 6%, 180 minute shows
were 8%, and more than 180 minute shows were 0%. The 60 minute time length shows
were the predominant length, while the 180 minute shows ranked lowest.
Results for Frequency of Shows
In terms of the frequency of shows (Table 11), those that were transmitted five
days a week were 70% of preferences, shows transmitted one day per week were 28%,
and shows transmitted twice a week were 2% of preferences. Therefore, it is shown that
shows transmitted five days a week were most frequent and are most liked by the
Hispanic audience, while the shows transmitted twice a week ranked lowest. The analysis
is the same for all the frequencies for all the other observations from the other experts as
well.
Table 11: Frequency of Shows
Observed
%
N
Once
14
28
Twice
1
2
Five
35
70
Total
50
100
Results for Network
The research analysis showed that a show transmitted from the Univision
Network had a greater frequency, 66%, than those transmitted from the Telemundo
Network with 34%. All frequencies showed that Univision Network had the most higherrated television programs, while Telemundo Network ranked the lowest.
What we see from the developing data is that the initial impression of specific
programs for specific segmented Hispanic populations is not altogether necessary for the
115
medium to effectively communicate across multiple niche cultures, or that one specific
type of television programming is quantitatively more effective than any other. To put
this into context, Americans of Anglo-Celtic decent include many major (British) and
minor (Welsh, Scottish, Irish) groups of people(s) each with their own unique customs,
slang and demographics idioms. As these groups progressively integrated themselves into
American society, they may have retained their own original demographic uniqueness
such as holidays, foods, drinks and dress, within the larger cultural picture, but for the
most part share a common visual and oratory communication experience that supersedes
individual cultural heritage. It is noted that while this amalgamation did not happen
overnight and in some cases total ethnic assimilation took longer than a single generation,
at the end of the day, regardless of cultural origins, they currently share a common
communicative culture that supersedes ethnic origins or demographic uniqueness.
As an example, a viewer of Anglo-Celtic decent living in Los Angeles who is
watching Boston Legal is more concerned with the quality and topic of the program than
with the fact that no one in the cast is using or is attempting to use an authentic Boston
accent. These regional dialects can be segmented in to proper Bostonian (spoken mostly
in the cities of Cambridge, and Beacon Hill), middle working-class Bostonian (as spoken
in Summerville, and Quincy), and a lower immigrant Bostonian dialect (as found in the
Roxbury section of South Boston). To the viewer in Los Angeles, the message of the
program is more important than the authenticity, depiction and delivery of the regional
dialect.
As represented in the included data, the null hypotheses is supported because the
number of specific ethnic Hispanic groups that consider one program more effective than
any other as represented by the a p-value of <.0001. As indicated previously, descriptive
statistics were calculated for all variables as shown in Table 11, and indicate that there
are no significant differences between the variables. The test distribution was uniform
when calculated from the data and the distribution had no variance for the variables
(Table 12). To further qualify the data presented in this dissertation, the inclusions of
additional tables of either univariable or bivariate although descriptive, will not
qualitative or quantitatively add to the quality of the data found in this dissertation.
In an effort to verify that the inclusion of additional data segmentation was not
required, the researcher presented this dissertation to several colleagues all with PhD’s in
mathematics, statistics or backgrounds in qualitative, qualitative, or historigraphical
methodology, and each supported the findings of this research.
Results for Observations
The researcher requested the three media experts to write those themes that were
central to the story and to the television shows. Therefore, secondary themes were not
taken into consideration. The three experts were requested to observe the fifty television
shows twice and to write those codes that best described each show. These observations
are shown in the order of importance, relevance, and preference.
It was observed that in the fifty televisions shows the presence of love (romance,
obstacle to achieve love, being in love with a difference in age, battle for love, impossible
love, and eternal love) was present in forty-eight shows. Secrecy, suspense and intrigue
were present in forty-five of the fifty shows evaluated. Themes related to families such
116
as disputes between families, inheritance, and education were present in thirty-nine of the
fifty shows evaluated. Therefore, there are distinct and discernable, consistent, and
definitive patterns in the use of the universal topics/themes of love, suspense, and family
in most of the 50 highest-rated shows.
With the contrast of poor versus rich, this theme was presented in thirty-five of
the fifty television shows as differences in social classes; oppression of the poor, poor
people discussing their problems openly, rich landlords and their aristocratic life, and
financial problems. Sensuality, sex, seduction, and passion were present in thirty-three of
the fifty shows. The presence of illnesses such as insanity, cancer, alcoholism,
Alzheimers, drug abuse, hospital life, histrionic behavior, suicide or attempted suicide,
and obsession were present in twenty-five of the fifty shows being evaluated.
Humor, comedy and joy were present in twenty-one of the fifty shows, while
crime, homicide, robbery, and violence were present in seventeen of the fifty shows. The
presence of beauty, ugliness, physical transformation, and fashion were shown in at least
sixteen of the fifty televisions shows, while themes related to pregnancy, adoption,
paternity, illegitimate child, or orphaned children were in fifteen of the fifty shows.
Music, dance, talent shows, regional music as well as lies, deception, betrayal, and
infidelity were present as central themes in twelve of the fifty shows.
In general, all the television shows that were coded had some kind of drama.
Nevertheless the use of drama and tragedy as a contrast were in at least eleven of the fifty
shows, while the realization of hopes and dreams were present in ten of the fifty
television shows.
The presence of power or struggle for power, ambition, injustice and justice,
gossip, abuse, abuse toward women, cruelty, slavery, anguish, or unfair punishment were
present in nine of the fifty television shows. Themes related to the life of superstars, or
interviews with celebrities, as well as the presence of vengeance and hate were clearly in
eight of the fifty television shows. Stories or shows with the explicit presence of
machismo, homosexuality, prostitution, impotence, or shows that employed games,
contests, sports, winning, adrenaline, or the explicit presence of religion, Catholicism,
superstition, or predictions were only present in seven of the fifty television shows.
Stories or shows that illustrate hypocrisy, envy, rivalry, instinct, shows about
singles or married relationships, shows about action, fights, or the military were present
in only six of the fifty television shows. Stories or shows, that presented character
transformations, self-realization, or positive messages for the audience, and stories about
farm/ranch life were present in five of the fifty televisions shows.
Biographical shows or those that contained sin, incest, or bigamy were only
present in three of the 50 highest-rated shows. Shows filmed at night, and shows that
presented current issues, regional traditions, restaurant life, or naïve characters, or dialog
about trivial themes were only present in one of the fifty television shows.
In conclusion, these observations confirm that the themes preferred by all
Hispanics in the United States and in Puerto Rico are love stories that contain secrets,
discuss financial issues, family life, sex, health, or crime, and are presented and
contrasted with humor, joy and beauty. For the success of Hispanic-oriented shows, it
would thus be advisable to include a good selection of music and dance, as well as one or
two celebrities in the cast.
117
Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations
The use of plain Spanish language is evident in 70% of the highest rated
television shows while universal music is used in 64% of the highest rated television
shows. Multi-ethnics looks are used 100% in the highest rated television shows, and the
universal theme is used in 96%.
This research addresses the needs of these elements for higher achievement in
ratings and in marketing to a diverse Hispanic audience. The research analyzed came
from data provided by the NHATI and Mediafax from their selection of higher rated
programs, and later a selection of fifty shows which were observed by experts.
The qualitative approach was selected as the research method to find needed
elements in programming for Hispanic audiences and additional observations on theme
preferences. The study examined the elements of music styles, themes, inclusion of all
races (looks), and language style needed to achieve higher rated television programming
in the NHATI and Mediafax.
Qualitative and statistical procedures were used to probe the issues that underlie
the problems of examining the different elements to achieve a higher rating in Spanish
television programming. Qualitative research rests on the context of Spanish television
programming with an interpretive approach. The instrument allowed the researcher to
examine in detail the presence of themes preferred by the Hispanic audiences.
The study utilized an observational methodology of information related to the
fifty highest rated television shows selected. The instrument of measure was developed
to be utilized by three television experts who observed the selected shows. The
instrument was designed to observe the variables of looks, music, themes, and language,
and to solicit information regarding length, distribution by network, style, and additional
observations made by the three experts.
The programs selected were present in each list more than three times each year
or were present at least once during the indicated period. This allowed the coders/media
experts to observe and code one to five episodes of each 50 shows, for a total sample of
218 shows subjected to analysis. The utilized research methodology was highly
productive for this research due to the richness of the qualitative data collected. The
survey instrument effectively yielded the data sought. Some modifications to the content
of the survey instrument are recommended, such as the inclusion of two more variables
that were observed previously in research.
The results discussed
help to identify those elements used in the 50 highest rated shows in Spanish-language
television. The patterns of those variables were discussed in the tables. These patterns
were described accurately without further need for additional tables or analysis.
Afterwards, hypotheses were confirmed.
The results of the data collection and analysis of the chi-square statistical tests
confirmed the statistical significance of the patterns and are also discussed in this chapter.
Interpretations of these results, conclusions and the implications for the further
development of Spanish-language television programmers, marketers, producers,
scriptwriters, and recommendations for additional research were also offered in this
research.
The results indicated that there are distinct and discernable, consistent, and definitive
patterns in the use of plain Spanish language, persons or actors of multiple ethnic looks,
universal music, and universal themes, in the 50 highest-rated shows from Univision and
118
Telemundo television networks as measured by Nielsen Hispanic American Television
Index and Mediafax.
The specific findings, as reported by the researcher, support the following
conclusions. For the most part the shows like novelas or telenovelas of this research used
four of the characteristics of language, music, variety in looks, and themes. Talk shows
also used all four characteristics.
Variety shows used none of the characteristics. Sport shows used three
characteristics. Magazine shows had 2% of presence with two of the elements. News
shows used none of the characteristics. Award shows had 2% of presence with the use of
one characteristic. Game shows had 6% of presence with the use of 3 elements.
Therefore, this research concludes that elements of music, language, themes, and looks,
are significant for program formats like soaps (telenovelas), magazine shows, variety
shows, and game shows.
Implications for Practice and Research
For many years the Hispanic population in the United States has differed from the
East Coast to the West Coast and from generation to generation. It was unknown, until
this research was conducted, what characteristics and patterns were distinct and
discernable, consistent, and definitively present in the highest-rated Spanish-language TV
shows. This research asserts that there are definitive patterns in the type of language,
music, themes, and racial characteristics observed in the 50 highest-rated shows in the
studied Spanish-language television networks of the United States and Puerto Rico.
The implications for media professionals in program construction are enormous,
since the Hispanic audience in the United States is so diverse, and it is difficult for
writers and producers to create television programs that appeal to an ethnically diverse
Hispanic population, with the population in the United States and Puerto Rico constantly
changing.
Research about marketing to Hispanics will always change given that the
Hispanic population is constantly growing and changing in the United States and Puerto
Rico. Additional quantitative research is needed for Hispanic audience studies. It will
thus be important to regularly assess what elements of programming are needed to
achieve highly rated Spanish-language television programs. To better understand those
programs, it will be valuable to conduct statistical tests that indicate the relationships
between the “ratings” and the four variables studied for this dissertation: language, music,
themes, and racial characteristics. Future research should assess the patterns of these four
variables among the lowest-rated shows.
Another valuable analysis will be to test whether or not there are any significant
differences in those characteristics of language, music, ethnicity and themed patterns
between the top rated shows broadcast by Univision vis-à-vis those broadcast by
Telemundo. Perhaps there are no differences in any of these comparisons because the
top-rated shows hold on to the formulas already mentioned previously. Nevertheless, if
the statistical analyses are run, the process will build on such propositions that will
enhance the hypotheses testing part of those elements of programming needed to achieve
highly rating programs.
Another valuable hypothesis is to test if there are any statistically significant
differences in the characteristics of language, music, ethnicity, themes, and patterns
between the shows that were broadcast once vs. those that were broadcast more than
119
once. Again, a dichotomous chi-square test, or t-tests between the frequencies would
serve that purpose.
Also, it will be interesting to test the influence that any or all of the four
independent variables have on ratings. This would require cross-tabs or t-tests between
the scores for ratings with the various sub-components of the independent variables. For
example, running a chi-square or t-test to compare if the ratings are higher or lower for
shows that use only Spanish vis-à-vis slang vis-à-vis combined is recommended. If the
variable “ratings” come out higher for one of those language patterns, then and only then,
it can be fully confirmed that a particular language style has an influence on the ratings.
For the moment with this research, what we can affirm is that there is a definitive pattern
among the 50 top-rated shows.
Qualitative research is needed for shows that demonstrate specific achievements
such as the game show “Sabado Gigante,” the talk show “Cristina,” the late night show
“Don Francisco Presenta,” and soaps like “Betty La Fea,” and “El Clon.” This qualitative
research provides the opportunity for other researchers and the academia to expand
research in this area, and to add information to the limited, academic literature.
Recommendations
Based on the findings of this research, the author would like to make the
following recommendations for additional studies in the developing new marketing
strategies for Spanish-language television programming. First, that producers use the
information reported in this study as a guide to affirm what the patterns in the top-rated
shows among the diverse Hispanic audiences are. Second, additional studies are
certainly recommended for helping scriptwriters address which themes are relevant to
include in potentially high-rated television shows.
Third, additional qualitative studies are called for to better assess the use of race
or ethnic looks in different Spanish-language television shows. Fourth, qualitative studies
are called for to properly consider differences in likes and dislikes between first, second,
and third generation Hispanics. Fifth, marketers, producers and scriptwriters must
recognize that Hispanics are different and that each country has its own culture and its
own idiosyncrasies; therefore they have to avoid stereotyping when they use common
elements. Sixth, research for television programming should be a joint effort between the
television networks and academic institutions.
120
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Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 CASE
STUDY
Case Study - Nissan
123
A Case Study of Nissan North America’s Hispanic Marketing Efforts
Aimee Valentine
______________________________________________________________________________________
Nissan North America has made substantial efforts to increase awareness and
brand loyalty among the Hispanic population in the United States in the last decade. The
automaker openly recognizes the importance of the Hispanic market to the success of the
company. Nissan targets the Hispanic audience through a variety of traditional and nontraditional media outlets and by creating meaningful community relations. The company
employs top advertising agencies and public relations agencies to develop creative and
strategic campaigns and outreach programs that connect with the Hispanic community.
Nissan, in collaboration with its agencies, use Hispanic consumer research and insights to
create campaigns that are culturally relevant.
Nissan Agencies
The Vidal Partnership, established in 1991, became Nissan’s Hispanic agency of
record in 2004 and created several successful campaigns for the company ($50 mil.
Hispanic Nissan biz to Vidal, 2004). The agency is the largest independent Hispanic
marketing communications agency in the U.S. and has offices in New York, Atlanta,
Miami, Los Angeles and Dallas (Nissan debuts new Hispanic advertising campaign;
Nissan "icons" launches during Latin Grammy awards, 2005). However, in March 2008,
Nissan launched a review for new agencies to handle its multicultural business, including
Hispanic, African American and Asian markets. Dieste Harmel & Partners of Dallas won
the business and became Nissan’s national Hispanic agency of record in September 2008
(Lafuente, 2008).
As with most automotive companies, Nissan also employs an advertising agency
to specialize in local and regional campaigns that cater to local dealership incentive
offers. Zimmerman, an Omnicom agency in Dallas, handles Nissan’s retail marketing at
the local and regional levels for both the Hispanic and General Market (Lafuente, 2008).
Nissan also has very robust Hispanic public relations initiatives that create
emotional relationships with the Hispanic audience and speak to them on a local
community level. In March 2007, Nissan announced its newest Hispanic public relations
partner, Cartel Impacto of the Cartel Group (Lamb, 2008). Cartel Impacto is based in San
Antonio and remains the current Hispanic public relations agency of record (Maul, 2008).
National Media Planning
Since Dieste took over responsibility for Nissan’s national Hispanic media, there
was a shift in budget allocation across Spanish-language mediums. Dieste incorporated
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study - Nissan
124
more Spanish-language radio into the mix, making Nissan the sixth ranked advertiser in
Hispanic radio. There was also a shift in budget allocation to more national network
television and less local spot television. Through June 2009, $11.9 million was allocated
to national Spanish-language television networks, $4.2 million for local Spanishlanguage spot television and $1.44 million for Hispanic spot radio. By contrast, in 2008
$24.2 million was allocated to Spanish-language network television and local Spanishlanguage spot television received $29.2 million. The shift to more network television is a
result of seeking more efficiencies as the local markets were weakened by the economy
(Hispanic radio's top 10 advertisers - week ending October 18, 2009).
Nissan uses Hispanic consumer insights to create campaigns that resonate with
the audience and speak to them in a unique and memorable way. Two examples of this
are the “Icons” campaign, launched in November 2005, and the 2006
“Shift_musica”campaign.
Nissan introduced its “Icons” campaign to promote the 2006 Altima model to the
Hispanic audience. The television spots debuted November 3, 2005 during the live airing
of the Latin Grammys on Univision. The campaign featured iconographic images to
demonstrate that the Altima “goes beyond the expected”. Jan Thompson, vice president
of marketing at Nissan North America, said the campaign was a success stating “It truly
communicates the Altima’s exceptional power and style as well as its unique positioning
within the category. The strategy developed by The Vidal Partnership leverages
consumer insights with inspired creative that goes beyond the ordinary to connect
emotionally with the Hispanic consumer” (Nissan debuts new Hispanic advertising
campaign; Nissan "icons" launches during Latin Grammy awards, 2005). There were two
30-second television spots – “Icons City” and “Icons Suburbs”. Both spots used generic
icon images, such as street signs, that were brought to life through animation. The Nissan
Altima, which is the only real-life object in the ads, is threaded throughout the bland
animated world to illustrate that the Altima is beyond generic. The “Icons” campaign was
the first campaign The Vidal Partnership developed for Nissan. The two television spots
aired on Univision, Telemundo, Galavision, Telefutura and Fox Sports en Espanol, and
were also supported in online, print and out-of-home media (Nissan debuts new Hispanic
advertising campaign; Nissan "icons" launches during Latin Grammy awards, 2005).
Nissan launched a marketing campaign called “Shift_musica” in 2006, which was
designed to attract Hispanic consumers through music (Lamb, 2008). Nissan developed a
series of branded events associated with its new 2007 model launches as a tactic for
engaging and building an emotional connection with young Hispanics. The first event
took place at the Latin Music Awards show in New York and promoted the 2007 Nissan
Sentra. In addition to being a television sponsor of the Latin Music Awards, Nissan and
the Mexico Tourism Board co-hosted an event following the awards. The event theme
was Day of the Dead (El Dia de los Muertos), featuring key cultural elements such as
altars, candles, marigolds and traditional ritual dance. The event also featured DJ Alex
Sensation and DJ Kings who introduced three original Nissan remixes of selected tracks
from legendary Latino artists Celia Cruz, Tito Puente and Selena.
“Shift_musica is an innovative approach to how we want to reach the various
segments within the Hispanic market,” stated Jan Thomson, “Whether it’s DJ music or
Latin Jazz, our Hispanic consumer will be invited to experience original music in a way
that’s challenging conventions. It’s an exciting way to market our product and will allow
125
us to speak to our Hispanic consumer in a non-traditional way” (Nissan launches
Shift_musica, 2006).
Each event was centered on a specific type of artist or music that was identified to
correspond with each Nissan model’s specific consumer target. The second phase of the
campaign included sponsorship of “Conceirto Clandestino”, which was a reality show on
Telemundo and Mun2 that followed four aspiring music promoters that are tasked with
promoting a live concert featuring A-list talent through non-traditional channels. The
campaign was also supported with 30-second television spots and a multimedia campaign
(Nissan launches Shift_musica, 2006).
Nissan has worked to create a bond with the Hispanic audience by associating the
brand with one of the most passionate aspects of Hispanic culture – soccer. Nissan has
used creative strategies for connecting with the sport that go well beyond a traditional
sponsorship. Soccer is a major component of Nissan’s marketing efforts from national
media channels to local events.
One unique sponsorship event took place in 2007 in conjunction with public
relations firm Lagrant Communications. Nissan created “El Reto Final Nissan” which
brought together the 1997 U.S. and Mexico World Cup qualifying teams for a rematch.
The match was played at the Home Depot Center in Carson, California. The objective of
the program was to generate a positive perception of Nissan within the Hispanic
community through grass-roots efforts. Nissan held a pre-game press conference to
promote the event, which was reported on HispanicBusiness.com, Yahoo! en Espanol,
and all local Spanish-language television stations (Nissan North American case study).
With the success of the program in 2007, Nissan continued “El Reto Final Nissan” in
2008 with a game between Club America vs. Chivas de Guadalajara. The 2008 event was
held at Pizza Hut Park in Dallas in May of 2008 (Negrete & Serna, 2008).
Nissan was also a sponsor of “El Juego Supremo” (The Ultimate Match), which
was the first branded soccer entertainment property on Univision. The program was a
reality soccer competition series about five soccer legends from Mexico and five from the
rest of Latin America and the U.S. The soccer legends were tasked with training two
rookie soccer teams to compete against each other. The show aired in the fall of 2008 and
was sponsored by Nissan and Sprite exclusively. Both brand sponsors included product
placement as a part of the sponsorship (Mercedes & Mendoza, 2008). The program
included seven episodes in which 10 rookies from Mexico and 10 rookies from the rest of
the Americas competed for the title of “the ultimate best” (Negrete & Olmos, 2008). For
the final episode, Nissan held a Fiesta Futbolera (Soccer Party) in the Los Angeles
Coliseum parking lot before the Mexico vs. Chile soccer game (Negrete & Olmos, 2008).
Perhaps one of the most innovative ideas for soccer sponsorship came in May
2007 when Nissan launched a pan-regional Latin American media campaign with Fox
Sports (Lamb, 2008). The first Copa Nissan Sudamericana was a 5-month soccer
tournament that kicked-off in August 2007. The campaign is a 3-year deal with Fox
Sports that includes a multiplatform sponsorship giving Nissan exclusive title rights to
Copa Sudamericana across the U.S. on Fox Sports en Espanol and Latin America via Fox
Sports Latin America. The campaign was created from collaboration of Nissan’s media
planning and buying agencies at the time, The Vidal Partnership and OMD, Nissan was
the sponsor of Copa Sudamericana in previous years in both the U.S. and Latin America,
but those sponsorships were negotiated separately by region (Lamb, 2007b).
126
“Gone are the days when multinational brands can afford to operate in
geographic silos. We wanted to own the Copa Sudamericana and to really
engage consumers with a consistent message, look and feel pan-regionally
we needed to change the way we approach the marketplace,” said Jan
Thompson, Vice President of Marketing Communications at Nissan North
America. “We saw an opportunity to harness our creativity, strategic
thinking and resources across the Spanish-speaking Americas and
establish a new Hispanic media paradigm that yields greater engagement
and a stronger connection to our brand among this very important and
growing audience” (Lamb, 2007b).
This is the first cross-country sponsorship to be negotiated with Fox Sports and
includes television, print, online, out-of-home and off-channel extension elements. The
television component includes full automotive category exclusivity, total tournament
naming rights, player of the game features, in-game animated graphics, in-program brand
integration and in-field signage that reached more than 20 million viewers in 2007. The
Internet component includes a dedicated Copa Nissan Sudamericana mini site on
foxsportsla.com, which features customized content, a fantasy league, player and team
profiles, results and highlights. In print, Fox Sports en Espanol Magazine featured a
series of ads promoting the event and included a Nissan sponsored tear-out schedule for
fans to follow during the 5-month tournament (Lamb, 2007b).
Regional Media Planning
In addition to the national branding campaigns Nissan implements on a large
scale, there is also a need for regional and local campaign initiatives to drive awareness
of incentive offers from specific dealership groups. To gain a better understanding of how
Nissan approaches Hispanic marketing from a regional perspective, an interview was
conducted with Alvaro Salinas, Hispanic media planner at Zimmerman in Dallas.
Zimmerman is tasked with managing local market media planning across the country
based on local dealership group objectives. For local initiatives, Nissan divides the
country into 5 regions – West, Central, Midwest, Northeast and Southeast. Local
advertising incentives vary by region, market and model depending on historical sales
performance. For example, the Central region historically has higher sales for Trucks,
while the West region has higher sales for cars. Incentives can be even more localized
within a region as well. For instance, Dallas is a top selling market for the Nissan Altima,
but smaller markets in south Texas have higher sales for the Nissan Sentra (A. Salinas,
personal communication, November 19, 2009).
Media selection for local campaigns is largely based on efficiencies. In this tough
economy, dealerships are interested in reaching the largest number of people for the
smallest price. There is a delicate balance between reach, frequency and targeting for any
effective media plan. In order to drive efficiencies, Zimmerman allocates local Hispanic
advertising dollars based on the percentage of Spanish dominant audiences in each
market. In order to evaluate reach to bilingual Hispanic audiences, General Market “spill”
is analyzed. Television and radio encompass the bulk of local Nissan campaign budgets;
however, there has recently been a push to explore online opportunities as the percentage
of Hispanic Internet penetration continues to grow. As with national Nissan media
127
strategies, sports sponsorships play a role at the local level. Local sports sponsorships are
negotiated across markets and regions in an effort to maintain efficiencies. Two major
sponsorships Nissan dealerships participate in on an annual basis are ACC Basketball and
SEC Football. Both the Southeast and Central regions support these sponsorships (A.
Salinas, personal communication, November 19, 2009).
Local campaign success is measured by new car sales in each market. In an effort
to measure the General Market and Hispanic media campaigns separately, Nissan uses
the surnames of each purchase to identify Hispanic buyers. Depending on the success of
sales during any given incentive or time period, Nissan dealership groups may choose to
cancel out of Hispanic media or shift Hispanic media to support a different incentive.
Due to this fluctuation, Hispanic media budgets on a local level are very fluid. Annual
media planning estimate budgets are given to the agency based on Hispanic sales from
the previous year (A. Salinas, personal communication, November 19, 2009).
We can understand Nissan’s commitment to reaching the Hispanic audience on
the local level by examining a case study of a campaign created for Nissan Dealers in
California and Arizona. Nissan, with their ad agency at the time, Acento, developed a
campaign to address a loss in local Hispanic market share. Overall auto sales were
growing in the area, but Nissan sales were declining. The Nissan dealers were asking for
an advertising strategy specifically targeted to Hispanic consumers in order to motivate
Hispanics to purchase Nissan (Korzenny & Korzenny, 2005).
Through both qualitative and quantitative research for the campaign, Nissan and
Acento investigated the Hispanic decision-making cycle. Quantitative research was
conducted with Hispanics who were already thinking about buying a vehicle to assess
their attitudes and purchase behaviors, gain insights on key benefits Hispanic buyers look
for in a car and how they perceived Nissan. Nissan dealerships were visited and mystery
shopped to understand the sales strategies directed to potential Hispanic buyers.
Learnings from the research were that Hispanics felt unfamiliar with the car-purchasing
process and preferred to go to a dealership where they already knew someone or to go
with a friend or family member. The research also found that they prefer to interact in
Spanish. This provided the insight that Hispanics need a personal experience with the
sales person when purchasing a vehicle and they want to feel that the dealership is
compatible with their culture (Korzenny & Korzenny, 2005).
Nissan, with Acento, used these insights to develop a more personal image to
Hispanics at the dealerships, including a fictional Spanish-speaking mechanic to invite
them into the dealership and a “store-readiness” program to create an enjoyable
environment for Hispanics. The campaign was called Concesionarios Nissan: Pensamos
en ti (Nissan dealerships: we’re thinking of/caring about you). In the advertising
campaign, the face of the dealers were “humanized” so that Hispanics felt invited into
their dealerships through use of a fictional mechanic, who spoke Spanish and talked
about cars in the same manner as his Hispanic customers. The “store-readiness”
component was activated through “How-To Hispanic Alert Kits” provided to sales people
in the dealerships. The kit included psychographic and demographic information, as well
as information on how to attract Hispanic consumers in a culturally appropriate way. The
dealerships also worked to hire more bilingual employees and create an environment that
would allow Hispanics to feel comfortable, including relevant point of purchase
materials. The campaign also included grass-roots elements where Nissan sent SpanishJournal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study - Nissan
128
speaking representatives to community events, concerts and common Hispanic locations
and showcased Nissan vehicles (Korzenny & Korzenny, 2005).
Nissan measured the campaign based on sales growth and it was proved very
successful. The dealerships had a 31% sales increase in the first year of the campaign and
an 87% increase the second year, a higher increase than any other brand in the market. In
the fourth year, Nissan reported 35.9% Hispanic market share, the highest of all brands in
Los Angeles. Nissan kept the campaign consistent over three years to maintain a
dialogue and create trust with Hispanic consumers (Korzenny & Korzenny, 2005).
Nissan Public Relations
Nissan has made great strides to integrate the company into the Hispanic
community. Through donations to Hispanic organizations and scholarships, Nissan has
successfully positioned itself as an advocate for improvement of education and quality of
life within the Hispanic community. Nissan has proved its dedication to the Latino
audience in all aspects of business operations.
In July 2008, Nissan opened its new headquarters just south of Nashville. In press
releases, Nissan revealed integration of the Hispanic community with the company by
showcasing the large number of Hispanic employees working in the new facility. When
the company announced its relocation to Tennessee from California in 2005, it was noted
by Nashville city promoters that diversity in Nashville was a key concern of employees
considering the move. In June 2006, Nissan announced that it was “committed to
pursuing and encouraging minority, women-owned, and local businesses to participate in
the project” and then invited the local Hispanic chamber of commerce to attend a
Diversity Subcontractor and Vendor Project Informational meeting (Lamb, 2008).
In July 2007, Nissan served as a “Gold” sponsor of the annual conference of the
National Council of La Raza by making a $35,000 contribution “to help the nation’s
largest Latino civil rights and advocacy organization that works to improve opportunities
for Hispanic-Americans,” said Stephanie Valdez Streaty, senior manager of philanthropy
and diversity communications at Nissan North America, “The National Council of La
Raza has a rich history of helping to further the Hispanic community – a community that
is very important to our company” (Lamb, 2007a).
Nissan has shown a strong commitment to supporting educational programs for
the Hispanic community. Nissan contributed $100,000 to the Hispanic Achievers, a
YMCA program in Middle Tennessee near its headquarters, over 2007 and 2008. The
Hispanic Achievers program supports education for children and adults in the Hispanic
community (Nissan North America announces $50,000 grant to Y-Hispanic achievers,
2008). Nissan also made a public donation of $20,000 to the League of United Latin
American Citizens (LULAC) to support an educational initiative, “El Retro Supremo
Academico” (The Ultimate Academic Challenge) in September 2008. The program
provided scholarships to young Hispanics pursuing an education in mathematics, science,
technology or engineering (Negrete & Olmos, 2008). Nissan also worked with LULAC to
become involved beyond the donation by hosting events centered on education,
environmental concerns and humanitarian matters (Maul, 2008). To further confirm its
support of education for Hispanics, Nissan has also been providing donations to the
Hispanic Scholarship Fund since 2005. Nissan’s donations support the Community
College Transfer Scholarship Program, which helps Latino students who are transferring
129
from a community college to a four-year university. The fund supports students attending
colleges in Dallas, Nashville and Los Angeles (Nissan North America, inc. invests more
than $100,000 in Hispanic scholarship fund to support scholarship program, 2007).
Nissan has shown exceptional use of marketing strategies, creative media
planning and philanthropic initiatives to gain the respect and loyalty of Hispanic
consumers in the U.S. The company utilizes audience and consumer research to ensure
that campaigns are culturally relevant to the Latino community at both the national and
local levels. Nissan demonstrates that they are committed to the Hispanic community in
all facets of the business and displays a genuine concern for the well-being and
improvement of the Hispanic community. There is no doubt that Nissan will continue to
appear on Ad Age’s list of top 50 Spanish language advertiser as the company continues
to bring innovative and effective marketing strategies to Hispanic Americans.
References
Anonymous. Nissan North American case study. Retrieved November 11, 2009, from
www.lagrantcommunications.com
Anonymous. (2004, October 25, 2004). $50 mil. Hispanic Nissan biz to Vidal. Adweek,
Retrieved November 11, 2009, from www.adweek.com
Anonymous. (2005). Nissan debuts new Hispanic advertising campaign; Nissan "icons"
launches during Latin Grammy awards. Business Wire, Retrieved November 11,
2009,
from
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Anonymous. (2006). Nissan launches Shift_musica. Business Wire, Retrieved November
11, 2009, from http://www.freelibrary.com/Nissan+Launches+Shift_musicaa0154710170
Anonymous. (2007). Nissan North America, inc. invests more than $100,000 in Hispanic
scholarship fund to support scholarship program. Retrieved November 11, 2009,
from www.hsf.net/donors
Anonymous. (2008). Nissan North America announces $50,000 grant to Y-Hispanic
achievers. Retrieved November 11, 2009, from www.PRNewswire.com
Anonymous. (2009). Hispanic radio's top 10 advertisers - week ending October 18, 2009.
Retrieved November 11, 2009, from www.hispanicweekly.com
Korzenny, F., & Korzenny, B. A. (2005). “What makes Hispanics Hispanic". Hispanic
marketing: A cultural perspective (pp. 78-78-80). Burlington, MA: Elsevier
Butterworth-Heinemann.
Lafuente, D. D. (2008). Nissan review for black and Hispanic ad agencies is underway.
Retrieved November 11, 2009, from www.targetmarketnews.com
Lafuente, D. D. (2008, September 29, 2008). Nissan hires Hispanic shop.
BRANDWEEK,
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Lamb, J. (2007a). Nissan contributes to civil rights efforts of National Council of La
Raza. Retrieved November 11, 2009, from www.hispanicnashville.com
Lamb, J. (2007b). Nissan launches pan-regional Latin American media campaign with
Fox Sports. Retrieved November 11, 2009, from www.hispanicnashville.com
Lamb, J. (2008). Nissan America: Nashville's newest Hispanic neighbor. Retrieved
November 11, 2009, from www.hispanicnashville.com
Maul, K. (2008, May 26, 2008). Nissan expands its Hispanic outreach. PRWeek,
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Mercedes, R., & Mendoza, B. (2008). Univision and the Vidal Partnership announce
original branded soccer reality series. Retrieved November 11, 2009, from
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Negrete, V., & Olmos, L. J. (2008). Press release: Nissan, Univision and LULAC join
forces to give Hispanic youth a "boost.” Retrieved November 11, 2009, from
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Negrete, V., & Serna, J. (2008, May 7, 2008). A legendary "clasico" between Club
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STUDY
Case Study – Toyota
131
Toyota and the Hispanic Market
Sara Creighton
______________________________________________________________________________________
The Hispanic market is the fastest growing branch of consumers in the United
States. The Hispanic population is increasing in number and affluence each year, and
companies are working hastily to develop advertising that targets this lucrative minority
group. The automotive industry is particularly focused on targeting Hispanics. Toyota,
the world’s largest automotive maker by sales, spent over $88 million dollars on ad
spending in 2008. The effort paid off, as Toyota has become the number one automotive
company in sales registered by Hispanics in the United States (Lloyd, 2004).
Toyota began to market to Hispanics in 1987, when they created Spanish versions
of all their advertisements (Marketing to Hispanics: Toyota shifts gears after first
eff.1989). A year later, Conill Advertising took over Toyota’s Hispanic marketing
campaign. They began by changing the statement, ‘Who could ask for anything more?’ to
‘Toyota always give you more.’ Toyota’s success with advertising in the Hispanic market
is directly related to Conill’s efforts (Marketing to Hispanics: Toyota shifts gears after
first eff.1989). Conill sought to communicate the quality and dependability of Toyota
automobiles using cultural indications and Hispanic actors (Marketing to Hispanics:
Toyota shifts gears after first eff.1989).
More recently, Toyota expressed their hope of taking 15 percent of the global auto
market by 2010 (Toyota displays new logo.). In order to reach this goal, the company
must boost sales 50 percent and improve customer satisfaction within its biggest market,
the United States. The improved ad campaign included commercials broadcast in
Spanish, among other languages. The ads for the Hispanic market incorporated the phrase
“Avanza Confiado” which means moving forward with confidence (Toyota displays new
logo.). Toyota is confident that continually re-inventing itself will keep the company
competitive (Toyota displays new logo.). For Toyota, and most companies in general,
many changes in advertising have occurred to attract younger consumers. This is an
important key in advertising to the Hispanic market, as they are a very young population,
who are avid television watchers and utilize the latest technologies.
In 2006, Toyota’s Super Bowl ad specifically targeted bilingual Hispanics
(Toyota Super Bowl ad targets bilingual Hispanics.2006). The 30-second ad featured
both English and Spanish, and showed a Hispanic father driving his son in their hybrid
Toyota Camry. The father explains how the hybrid car switches between gas and electric
power and the son compares it to the way his father switches between English and
Spanish. The father goes on to say that he learned English and bought a hybrid because
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study – Toyota
132
he is always thinking of his son’s future (Toyota Super Bowl ad targets bilingual
Hispanics.2006).
The commercial was the first bilingual ad for Toyota (Toyota Super Bowl ad
targets bilingual Hispanics.2006). Though Spanish is used in the commercial, it was not
subtitled, because the words used are familiar enough for English viewers to understand.
The Super Bowl is very popular with Hispanic viewers, with 25 percent of all Hispanics
over 18 watching the game. Half of those who watch are under 35, and this is the key
demographic for automakers (Toyota Super Bowl ad targets bilingual Hispanics.2006).
Toyota did not say what it spent for the airtime, but companies with commercials in the
2005 super bowl paid around $2.4 million for a 30-second spot (Toyota Super Bowl ad
targets bilingual Hispanics.2006). While commercials are considered the best way to get
consumers interested, product placement also plays a major role in catching the
consumer’s attention.
In 2007, Toyota began to use novellas to promote the re-launch of the Highlander
(Wentz, 2007). The agency Conill decided that the focus of the Highlander campaign
would be the things people would like to enjoy more of, or the best of what life has to
offer. With that in mind, Toyota would extend the novella’s best scene with a 30-second
replay at the end of each episode, courtesy of Highlander. The replay was followed by a
30-second commercial of the car (Wentz, 2007). The extensions were scheduled for
seven episodes, and the Highlander campaign also included an ad in People en Español
(Wentz, 2007).
The Tundra campaign of 2007 was heavily focused on Hispanic consumers
(Schweinsberg, 2007). Toyota believed that the Hispanic buyers were perhaps the most
critical element to the success of Tundra’s launch. In some parts of California, 70 to 80
percent of vehicle registrations were for Hispanic owners. To catch the attention of the
Hispanic consumers Toyota released Spanish language TV ads, sponsored Copa
Amercinana (the U.S.’s largest indoor soccer event), and a music tour that went to 40
cities (Schweinsberg, 2007). Toyota even created a Spanish-language brochure and
website for the Tundra, which was a first for the company (Schweinsberg, 2007). This
campaign turned out to be very successful. Research shows that the total traffic rates to
Toyota’s Spanish-language website increased 14 percent in the first two months of the
Tundra campaign (Schweinsberg, 2007).
The Internet has proven to be a vital tool in targeting Hispanic consumers (Lloyd,
2004). Toyota has its very own Spanish-language site, Toyota.com/Español. The site is
an exact copy of its English counterpart. Currently, Toyota is using many different
formats for their Internet advertisements, such as Flash (video/motion enhanced), static,
and floating. These ads are used to direct Hispanics to the Toyota.com/Español site.
Toyota also works with other companies and websites to promote their merchandise
(Lloyd, 2004). Toyota has partnered with MSNLatino since 2001. The MSN site is
considered one of the top five Spanish-language portals, and conducts many potential
consumers to Toyota.com/Español. Toyota also sponsors an automotive newsletter
published by Univision.com (Lloyd, 2004). Toyota uses both Spanish-language sites, like
Univision and Terra, as well as Spanish-language versions of sites like Yahoo and AOL.
The company also utilizes several automotive and lifestyle sites, by putting ads on the
Spanish-language pages. Although the best Internet traffic comes through the auto sites,
the portals and lifestyle sites are very cost efficient (Lloyd, 2004).
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study – Toyota
133
Toyota is the number one automotive company in sales with Hispanics/Latinos
because of their superior marketing strategies. They know that Hispanic consumers want
to see Hispanic representation in advertising, and that the ads must be interesting and
smart. Toyota and Conill understand that the market is young and technologically
advanced, so they created commercials that appeal to youth, and have provided
commercials, advertisements, and websites for Spanish speakers. As for the future,
Toyota will continue to evaluate the Hispanic market and evolve to fit the needs of the
consumer (Lloyd, 2004).
References
Lloyd, E. (2004). How Toyota topped the Hispanic market. Retrieved November/20,
2009, from http://www.imediaconnection.com/content/3859.imc
Marketing to Hispanics: Toyota shifts gears after first eff. (1989). Advertising Age, 60(7),
S9.
Schweinsberg, C. (2007). Toyota leaving no stone unturned in Tundra campaign.
Retrieved
November/20,
2009,
from
http://wardsauto.com/ar/toyota_acceptance_tundra/
Toyota
displays
new
logo.
Retrieved
November/20,
2009,
from
http://dailygameplan.typepad.com/dgp/2004/10/toyota_displays.html
Toyota Super Bowl ad targets bilingual Hispanics. (2006, January 18, 2006). The
Washington
Post,
pp.
1.
Retrieved
from
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Wentz, L. (2007). In this telenovela, even smooches have sponsors. Advertising Age,
78(35), 17.
STUDY
Case Study – Johnson & Johnson
134
Advertising in the Hispanic Market: Johnson & Johnson
Nimia Amaya
______________________________________________________________________________________
The changing appearance of the U.S. population comes with new definitions of American
consumers and new challenges for marketers trying to reach those whose tastes,
language, and customs may differ from what is commonly known as the “general
market.” Marketing plans that take culture in consideration will become increasingly
critical as the population becomes more diverse. Without a doubt, multiculturalism is
changing what it means to be American. The Hispanic market is broken down into
several sub-groups, which include, acculturation levels, country of origin and language
preferences.
Many companies make the mistake of targeting Hispanics as a
homogeneous market. Although there is no one Hispanic market, for the most part
language stands as the single unifying factor among U.S. Hispanics. Regardless of their
country of origin, history, or level of acculturation, Spanish is the key connection among
Hispanics in the U.S. (Advertising for Hispanics, 2009).
Marketers understand that home-grown Hispanic consumers will acculturate
faster than their first-generation parents. Most grow up bilingual, consume media in both
languages and switch them out depending on social context. According to Maria LopezKnowles, senior vice president for McCann Relationship Marketing, “second-generation
American Hispanics are not only a bigger market than their first-generation parents, but
they are more lucrative, better educated, and have more household income” (Quinton,
2009).
TV and radio are very popular mediums among Hispanics, but with the
convenience of the Internet, more and more American-born Hispanics are becoming less
engaged with those traditional mediums and are instead resorting to the Internet. The
firm comScore Media Metrix reports a 13% increase in online Hispanic presence,
including both English-dominant and Spanish-dominant Hispanics. Due to the strong
cultural connection Spanish has for Hispanics, marketers working to reach Englishdominant Hispanics may also need to add Spanish to their content, especially online.
Some Hispanics prefer websites that speak to them in Spanish and 28% express greater
trust in brands with Spanish websites, all this according to a survey from Forrester
(Quinton, 2008). Many bicultural Hispanics speak English in their daily professional
lives, but prefer to speak Spanish in the privacy of their home. The strong emotional link
between the consumer and their native language plays a big role in advertising
(Advertising for Hispanics, 2009).
Marketers are not only making use of online advertising to reach Hispanics, but
also event marketing and grassroots efforts to reinforce their brand, as well as direct
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study – Johnson & Johnson
135
response marketing. Event marketing not only leaves a lasting impression on the target
audience, it also creates excitement and allows a company to hand-deliver a marketing
message face-to-face. While most consumers in the general market dismiss direct
marketing as junk mail, Hispanics welcome it as a means to becoming a more informed
consumer (Wentz, 2005).
Unfortunately, many campaigns aimed at Hispanic audiences rely on stereotypes
and common misconceptions. With the use of usual cultural clichés such as soccer,
music, and the vision of an extended family living under one roof, marketers are only
driving Hispanics away from their products. Some brands point out proudly at their
Cinco de Mayo campaigns and promotions without taking into consideration that the
holiday means nothing to non-Mexican Hispanics and that even for Mexicans and
Mexican-Americans, the holiday is not the equivalent of Independence Day. Some
companies, however, are taking better steps to touch base with Hispanic consumers
(Quinton, 2008).
Johnson & Johnson is an American company that specializes in products that
promote the health and wellbeing of people. The company works with major partners in
healthcare including the world’s fourth-largest biologics company and the seventh-largest
pharmaceuticals company. Johnson & Johnson has more than 250 operating companies
in 57 countries making it a big player in the healthcare industry (About Johnson &
Johnson, 2009). The company’s biggest brands specialize in baby-care, wound-care, and
skin-care products. Their portfolio includes brands such as JOHNSON’S ®, BAND-AID
®, AVEENO ®, and CLEAN & CLEAR ® (HispanicTips, 2009).
In an effort to reach the Hispanic market, Johnson & Johnson joined forces with
Vidal, the leader in Spanish-language branded entertainment, and also with La
Comunidad, another top Hispanic advertising agency. According to Liliana Gil, Johnson
& Johnson’s director of global marketing services, the company was looking for a team
able to help them develop a brand-portfolio strategy. Gil explained how every division of
the highly decentralized company would choose either Vidal or La Comunidad for their
marketing approach. So far, Vidal has won three of the divisions assigned: skin-care,
baby-care, and McNeil over-the-counter pharmaceuticals (Wentz, 2009).
In 2008, Johnson & Johnson launched a Hispanic online marketing campaign to
promote its iconic baby lotion. The campaign introduced a series of online “webisodes”
aimed at Spanish-dominant Latinas. The webisodes were used to showcase the benefits
of a mother’s touch on an infant’s wellbeing. Far more interesting, the webisodes
featured a very familiar voice, Grammy-winning recording artist and mother of three
Olga Tañon as the voice of the mother. According to Johnson & Johnson’s director of
global communications, Lori Dolginoff, the company decided to go a step further with
their idea of product integration when they noticed that Hispanic moms were going
online in record numbers. An excellent decision considering the fact that 25 % of the 4
million U.S. infants born each year are Hispanic. Banner video ads for their campaign
went live in February of this year on Univision.com and BabyCenter.com/espanol with a
new webisode airing about twice a month. Johnson & Johnson also launched their own
Spanish-language web portal TouchingBond.com/espanol earlier this year. The company
also considered the importance of TV advertising and served as sponsor of the “Primeros
Pasos” (“First Steps”) baby segment on Univision network’s highly rated morning
program Despierta America.
A similar marketing effort was launched in English,
136
according to Dolginoff, to meet the needs of Hispanic mothers who are English-dominant
or bilingual and might prefer the shorts in English (de Lafuente, 2008).
Another notable strategy launched by the company was its partnership with WalMart and 15 other brands as part of a campaign aimed to make personal connections with
Hispanics. Considering event marketing or grassroots efforts are a popular way to market
to Hispanics, the Vida Nuestra (Our Life) campaign was an extraordinary feat. The
campaign consisted of a five-minute tour through the “Bueno” home. The Bueno family
consisted of life-size cutouts of an extended family including parents, grandparents, and
children ranging in age from infancy to 16. The exterior of the Bueno home, which
consisted of a trailer, was painted to resemble a hacienda. Inside the Bueno home, the
family members are engaged in using an array of Johnson & Johnson products as part of
their daily lives. The tour was narrated by preteen daughter “Sofia” in a series of
bilingual print bubbles. At the end of the tour, customers were asked to complete a
simple survey and look for the answers behind oversize product packages of each
featured brand. Consumers received product samples and the chance to do health tests
such as diabetes risk assessments and blood pressure screenings. Consumers were also
handed a Vida Nuestra custom magazine with links to Johnson & Johnson brands, some
of which have websites in Spanish. For a company as decentralized as Johnson &
Johnson, Vida Nuestra was an extraordinary undertaking because it highlights the
growing interest that the company is placing on this now-crucial market segment (Wentz,
2005).
Earlier this year, Johnson & Johnson launched its website
BabyCenter.com/espanol. Soon after, the company decided to start the program,
BabyCenter en Tu Celular. The program offers services such as alerts, mobile club and a
mobile website. Users are required to register with BabyCenter.com in order to use the
mobile features. According to Jon Stross, general manager for BabyCenter International,
the initiative developed after they noticed that Latina moms spent more time on their cell
phones than they did online. As a result of the mobile service, Johnson & Johnson’s
subscriber base shot up 267 percent. The Spanish-language mobile initiative was
developed before the English-language version, because based on company research;
Hispanics have a higher data usage rate on their cell phones than Anglo Americans
(High, 2008). About 71% of U.S. Hispanics consume mobile media (Quinton, 2008).
In conclusion Hispanics are now being targeted by marketers in their own
language and through a variety of mediums, particularly through the Internet and event
marketing. Johnson & Johnson definitely made use of those two mediums and with that
was able to become one of the top advertisers in Spanish-Language media. Nevertheless,
marketers cannot continue to simply transfer the same marketing concepts used with the
general market and expect them to work with the Hispanic market as well. The use of
general market strategies and simple translations tend to miss the cultural and emotional
elements that Hispanics highly value. Although marketers are making significant
advances in their marketing strategies, they have a lot of research left to do and a lot left
to learn.
137
References
About Johnson & Johnson - Johnson & Johnson. Retrieved 11/24/2009, 2009, from
http://www.jnj.com/connect/about-jnj/
Advertising to Hispanics - now you're speaking my language. Retrieved 11/21/2009,
2009,
from
http://www.contactomagazine.com/biznews/advertisingtohispanics0709.htm
de Lafuente, D. (2008, February 22). J&J uses soft touch in Hispanic web push.
Adweek.Com,
High, K. (2008). J&J to translate site after Spanish lesson. Adweek, 49(6), 4-4.
HispanicTips » » JOHNSON’S(R) launches new Hispanic online marketing campaign to
promote iconic baby lotion.
Retrieved 11/21/2009, 2009, from
http://www.hispanictips.com/2008/02/21/johnsonsr-launches-hispanic-onlinemarketing-campaign-promote-iconic-baby-lotion/
Johnson and Johnson go mobile with vida nuestra Hispanic marketing campaign - Cuban
Americans - Havana journal.
Retrieved 11/21/2009, 2009, from
http://havanajournal.com/cuban_americans/entry/johnson_and_johnson_go_mobile_
with_vida_nuestra_hispanic_marketing_campaign/
Quinton, B. (2008, August 1). ¡Conectado! Promo, 32.
Wentz, L. (2005). J&J takes Hispanic outreach effort on the road. Advertising Age,
76(12), 31-31.
Wentz, L. (2009, January 19). Vidal partnership; having conquered the market for
Hispanic ads, independent Vidal now has digital, branded content and product design
in its sights. Advertising Age, 30.
STUDY
Case Study – Federal Government
138
Federal Advertising in the United States:
Slightly Regulated, Never Supervised
Jesus Garcia
______________________________________________________________________________________
The federal government of the United States has a responsibility to keep the public
informed of events, programs, and services. Propagating the well being of its citizens is
no small task and requires much effort and funding. The United States federal
government spends over $1 billion dollars each year in advertising (Federal Advertising
Reform, 2004). Great consideration must be given to the fact that many races, cultures,
and ethnic groups that have not yet assimilated into American culture compose the
American population.
The Latino population, the largest minority in the US (15%), has had a great
impact in the United States and has shaped the way many things operate and function. In
2008, over $4 billion dollars were spent on advertising to reach the demographic, of
which the United States federal government spent $39.7 million dollars advertising in
Hispanic media, ranking it 31st among the nation’s top advertisers (Advertising Age,
2009). As one of the major advertisers in Spanish language media, let alone the US,
there is surprisingly little to no oversight of how and where the federal government
appropriates funds for advertising. As a result, limited information is available regarding
federal advertising. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the United States
federal government manages public advertising campaigns and look at specific recent
examples of this employment through Spanish language advertising.
First, before explaining how the federal government advertises, it is important to
identify some actions taken by the US government to regulate federal advertising.
According to House bill 4639 (2004), federal advertising campaigns have few
restrictions, and there is currently no agency in charge of overseeing advertising
expenditures by federal agencies. The bill loosely defines the nature of federal
advertising campaigns, and that is they “are unbiased and do not contain a political
message or covert propaganda.” The goal of this bill is to safeguard against this by
requiring any agency spending more than $10 million dollars on a federal advertising
campaign to report it to the Government Accountability Office (GAO). While this bill
does not create an agency to supervise federal ad spending, nor does it give full
responsibility to the GAO to oversee all advertising, it does give the government some
leverage over big campaigns.
Each agency in the US Government (e.g.: NASA, Department of Defense, US
Census) is responsible for organizing advertising campaigns. In most cases, agencies
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study – Federal Government
139
make contracts with external public relation firms, advertising agencies, and media
organizations to create messages about its programs and services. One government
agency, the US General Services Administration (GSA) provides services to other federal
agencies as far as advertising, marketing and public relations. It assists in creating a
schedule for a federal agency that needs to carry out an advertising campaign by
providing recommended ad agencies, public relation firms, etc. The GSA also provides
schedules for Spanish language advertising (GSA, 2009).
Another important initiative taken regarding federal advertising is Executive
Order (E.O.) 13170, signed in October of 2000 by President Bill Clinton. The order
called for federal agencies to increase opportunities and accessibility for small businesses
in the Small Disadvantaged Business Program (SDBs), Small Business Administration
(8(a)s) and the Minority Business Enterprises (MBEs). The order explains what steps
must be taken to incorporate small businesses including: ensuring the businesses are
aware of future opportunities, using the firms in developmental stages, and ensuring that
all creation, placement, and transmission of federal advertising is representative of the
nation’s diversity. It is an ambitious order, but seeing as there is no agency which
directly ensures this order is being followed, it serves no more than a mere
recommendation, which is why, in 2006, Senator John Kerry (D-MA), “in an effort to
ensure minority firms are getting their fair share of federal advertising contracts” asked
the GAO to review all federal agencies to ensure they have been following the order
(U.S. Senate Committee, 2006). The results of the review were as follows: the SDBs,
MBEs, and 8(a)s received 5 percent of the $4.3 billion dollars in advertising money, and
12 percent of the contract actions (GAO, 2007).
The Government Accountability Office is responsible for much of the information
that is available concerning federal advertising. In their reviews they found that seven
government agencies (Commerce, Defense, Health and Human Services, Homeland
Security, Interior, Treasury, and Veterans Affairs) account for nearly 100 percent of all
advertising expenditures (GAO, 2006). In one review, Activities and Financial
Obligations for Seven Federal Departments (GAO-06-304), the GAO collected data on
public service announcements (PSA) from the seven agencies from fiscal year 2003
through the first two quarters of 2005. The report provides information such as whether
obligations were incurred externally or internally; the campaign’s purpose, target
audience, and medium; and whether or not the campaign was evaluated for effectiveness.
The methodology included the GAO sending the agencies questionnaires about their
advertising campaigns, but was not confirmed independently by the GAO, so the data
must be taken at the agencies’ word. In total, the seven agencies identified a total of 105
PSA campaigns, 22 of which included the Hispanic population in the target audience.
Most of the campaigns aimed at Hispanics and Spanish speaking people were by the
Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). One of the biggest campaigns
(Spanish-language childhood immunization) paid for by the HHS cost $525,000 dollars
each year (2003-2005) and the mediums used were radio, television, magazine,
newspaper, billboards, Internet, posters, brochures and calendars and was found to be
successful. Some $500,000 dollars were spent on external agencies, while $25,000 was
spent internally. This is just one example, most of the other campaigns were held across
radio, television, along with some on newspaper, and Internet, while some were just radio
and billboard with most of them having been evaluated for effectiveness with positive
140
results. On the other hand, many English advertising campaigns were not evaluated for
effectiveness and thus needs improvement.
Another method the federal government is using to advertise to Hispanic
audiences is working with Spanish language media groups to inform Hispanics of US
services. One such example occurred in 2003, when the government launched
GobiernoUSA.com in response to the rapidly rising online Spanish speaking population.
GobiernoUSA.com is the Spanish language version of USA.gov, and is not exactly a
translated version of the site, but provides information and news that is relevant to the
Hispanic population. In order to raise awareness of the site, the federal government has
teamed up with Univision to syndicate their content on Univision.com (CapturaGroup).
In doing so they are able to reach out to more of the Hispanic population in the US. Part
of this is because of the US Census’ huge effort to get Hispanic’s in the US to participate
in the 2010 Census. This year, the US Census is planning on using $145 million of its
$300 million dollar budget to multicultural audiences. Of the $82 million dollars planned
for ethnic media, $28 million will go to Hispanic Media, seventy percent of what the
Government spent on Hispanic advertising in 2008. Univision is also making its own
campaign in order to boost Hispanic participation in the 2010 Census. This is being done
to help with Neilsen’s new rating portable people meter (PPM) system so that the
Hispanic population will be equally represented in major markets (Wentz, 2009). Indeed
large amounts of money are being used for the Census, and a bold move the federal
government has made in its huge effort to involve the Hispanic population of the 2010
Census is team up with Telemundo to include a census storyline in the telenovela, “Más
Sabe el Diablo.” The marketing attempt is doing well, and the US Census expects to see
an increase in the Hispanic population (Stetler, 2009).
In summary, the federal government’s unsupervised advertising system definitely
needs improvements. While the GAO serves the system in providing excellent resources
in terms of identifying what federal agencies are spending their advertising on, the lack of
a central agency to track advertising expenditures is crippling. As demonstrated by the
2007 study of small businesses, not much of the advertising funds are being appropriated
to smaller businesses, which can be improved with better oversight. The effectiveness of
advertising must be evaluated, and it is absolutely necessary to know how much money
agencies are advertising to avoid producing ineffective campaigns. Advertising can be
improved and made more efficient. However, the success of Spanish language
advertising in the GAO’s 2006 study demonstrates that Spanish language advertising is
headed in the right direction. The federal government’s new advertising plans for
Spanish language media are doing well as proved by the Census Bureau’s bold
advertising campaign and the syndication of the GobiernoUSA website on Univision.
141
References
Advertising Age. (2009, July 27). Hispanic Fact Pack: Annual Guide to Hispanic Marketing and Media. (2009 Edition). Retrieved October 12, 2009 from http://adage.com/images/random/datacenter/2009/hispfactpack09.pdf CapturaGroup. (2008). GobiernoUSA.GOV Case Study. Retrieved November 21, 2009 from http://capturagroup.com/case‐study1.html Exec. Order No. 13170, 3 C.F.R. (2000).
Federal Advertising Reform Act of 2004, H.R. 4639, 108th Congress, 2nd Session. (2004).
Government Accountability Office. (2006). Public Service Announcement Campaigns:
Activities and Financial Obligations for Seven Federal Departments (GAO-06-304).
Retrieved
November
17,
2009
from
http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgibin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=gao&docid=f:d06304.pdf
Government Accountability Office. (2007). Federal Advertising: Established Programs Were
Largely Used to Address Executive Order Directive to Ensure Small and Minority-Owned
Business
Participation (GAO-07-877).
Retrieved November 17, 2009 from
http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d07877.pdf
General Services Administration (2009, Aug. 5). Advertising & Integrated Marketing
Solutions.
Retrieved
November
19,
2009
from
http://www.gsa.gov/Portal/gsa/ep/contentView.do?contentType=GSA_OVERVIEW&co
ntentId=10134
Stetler, B. (2009, Sept. 23). U.S. Census Uses Telenovela to Reach Hispanics. The New York
Times. Retrieved September 23, 2009.
United States Senate Committee on Small Business & Entrepreneurship. (2006, May 16).
Kerry Requests GAO Study of Minority Advertising Contracts. Retrieved November 19,
2009 from http://sbc.senate.gov/press/record.cfm?id=255676
Wentz, L. (2009, October 26). U.S. allots $145 million to reach out to minorities. Advertising
Age, 80(36), 7. Retrieved from Business Source Complete database
STUDY
Case Study – Walmart
142
Walmart Takes on Hispanic Marketing
Cassie Hayes
______________________________________________________________________________________
Opening its first store in 1962, Walmart has since become the world’s largest
retailer. In the world of retail, Walmart has set the bar for all things revenue and
accomplished more on their own than many global retail groups combined. It is only
fitting that a company of such proportions would eventually use their endless amount of
power and connections to reach a vastly growing Hispanic population in the United
States. In 2008, retail corporations made up the second largest group in terms of gross
advertising spending for Spanish Language Media in the United States. In 2008
Walmart’s total advertising spending reached approximately $835 million, with 13
percent of that aimed towards Hispanics. Over the past couple of years, Walmart has
placed advertising among various mediums and digital platforms both nationally and
internationally, and have taken their Hispanic marketing strategies and goals to many
new and innovative levels.
In 2009, the Hispanic population in the United States has soared to over 46
million people, an important number under the watchful eye of many of the nation’s top
advertisers. In 2008, Walmart was the 12th ranked advertiser in Hispanic Media, putting
over $66 million into reaching the Hispanic population. In-store targeting became
Walmart’s first step towards reaching the vast growing demographic by displaying
bilingual signs and featuring various products in Spanish. Walmart also began using
Spanish content on their in-store television network in 515 stores with a high number of
Hispanic shoppers back in 2005. “The programming was produced in conjunction with
Telemundo and Premier Retail Networks, and consisted of short segments presented by
Telemundo show hosts that tied into seasonal initiatives. The segments focused on family
and home information that was relevant to the Hispanic audience” (Walmart, 2005).
Walmart teamed with Telemundo again in 2008, when they began airing an in-store
series of Spanish language cooking segments in 166 of their stores. “The spots featured
easy-to-prepare recipes and cooking tips based on the season” (Angrisani, 2008), and
really connected with the Hispanic segment of the population that took pride in cooking
with their large families.
In 2008, Walmart put the bulk of their advertising money into national SpanishLanguage TV, spending over $61 million. “Walmart's agency for Hispanic marketing is
Lopez Negrete, which the company has retained for the last 10 years. The agency works
closely with Walmart's marketing group to develop relevant communications for the
Hispanic market and is involved in the production of creative television commercials,
media buys, in-store signage, and more” (Veiders, 2006).
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study – Walmart
143
One huge project for Walmart, especially for television, stems from the retailer’s
celebration of Hispanic Heritage Month and their commitment to furthering the education
of young Hispanics. The campaign is called “La Mejor Herencia es una Buena
Educación, meaning the best heritage is a good education, and includes national print and
most importantly television advertising aimed at spotlighting Hispanic students who can
serve as role models to other aspiring students” (Walmart, 2009). On their website,
Walmart states how the campaign is something of great importance to their corporation
“as the latest statistics show that Hispanics have the highest high school dropout rate, at
21.4 percent” (Walmart, 2009). The national TV commercials “showcase several
recipients of the Hispanic Scholarship Fund and Walmart scholarships” (Walmart, 2009).
Walmart even has an enhanced web site, Ahorra Mas Vive Mejor, which has become a
big part of this campaign.
In 2006, GFK Omnibus Services, a division of GFK Custom Research North
America conducted a study among Hispanics to determine their shopping preferences.
“According to their findings when asked to name which major store or retailer they felt
does the best job of catering to the Hispanic or Latino consumer, Walmart was the top
selection at 35 percent” (Valle, 2006). To capitalize on this demanding statistic, Walmart
studied Hispanic culture and paid close attention to the groups buying trends for quite
some time. One statistic that really stood out above all the rest was the $1 trillion per year
estimated buying power of U.S. Hispanics. This astounding discovery and many more
findings led to the biggest marketing move by Walmart in recent months, and a new era
in Hispanic shopping known as Supermercado de Walmart. In the summer of 2009,
Walmart opened two Supermercado stores, in Phoenix and Houston, both of which are
areas of heavy Hispanic population. The pilot Supermercado stores are former Walmart
Neighborhood markets transformed into a grocery store designed specifically for
Hispanics. They feature much larger fresh produce sections, a huge selection of products
in Spanish, and a full staff of bilingual employees.
Walmart chooses to market to the Hispanic population by catering to the things
that they find important. “A study of Hispanic buying power by Oklahoma State
University found that Hispanic households spend a larger portion of their household
incomes on food - $128.50 per week compared with $91 for non-Hispanics. They also
make considerably more trips to the grocery store - 4.7 per week, more than double nonHispanics” (Jarman, 2009). Walmart tapped into the fact that Hispanics have a passion
for shopping to provide for their larger families, and purchase at a much higher rate than
the rest of the general population. Over the course of the last few months, the two pilot
Supermercados have proven to be very successful and expansion is something Walmart
has become very excited to explore.
In 2008, the remainder of Walmart’s advertising spending of almost $4 million
was channeled to print. Walmart prints all of their monthly ad circulars in English and
Spanish, and the retailer even “launched a Hispanic magazine, called Viviendo, which it
distributes free at 1,300 stores that are heavily shopped at by Hispanics.” Viviendo is a
“quarterly magazine, with a circulation of about 500,000 that features profiles of Latino
leaders and celebrities next to ads highlighting Walmart's expanding line of products and
services geared toward Hispanics” (Zimmerman, 2005). Walmart also produces separate
weekly ads, entirely in Spanish, for both their Phoenix and Houston Supermercados. Ivie
and Associates, a marketing company based in Texas, produces the ads every week
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 Case Study – Walmart
144
featuring a huge selection of fresh fruits and vegetables and many different meats, as
these were two things Walmart found were important to Hispanics when they were
shopping.
In 2006, H. Lee Scott, former CEO of Walmart, “told the media the company was
learning a great deal about Hispanic trends through its stores in Mexico, where Walmart
is almost the top retailer” (Veiders, 2006). Internationally in Mexico, Wal-Mex and
Televisa have even teamed up to provide 5,000 digital signs and touch screen kiosks
throughout the stores in which the two corporations can sell advertising spots, allowing
the retailer to grow even more. Whether it’s below the border, or for the majority in the
United States, Walmart has taken targeting the growing Hispanic and Latino population
in the United States very seriously. With a 12.7 percent increase in Hispanic media
spending from 2008 to 2009, it is clear that Walmart will continue to find even more
ways to reach this expanding demographic.
References
(2005). Walmart adds Spanish content to in-store tv. DSN Retailing Today, 44(12), 18.
Retrieved from Business Source Complete database.
Angrisani, C. (2008). Healthy hispanics. SN: Supermarket News, 56(15), 39-41.
Retrieved from Business Source Complete database.
Jarman, M. (2009, June 10). Walmart opens hispanic market. Retrieved November 18,
2009,
from
http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/business/articles/2009/06/10/20090610
biz-walmart0610.html
Valle, E. D. (2006, November 28). According to gfk telephone poll hispanics prefer walmart.
Retrieved
November
17,
2009,
from
http://www.hispanicmpr.com/2006/11/28/according-to-gfk-telephone-pollhispanics-prefer-wal-mart
Veiders, C. (2006). Marketing revival. SN: Supermarket News, 54(37), 16-26. Retrieved
from Business Source Complete database.
Walmart: Hispanic Heritage Month (2009). Retrieved November 22, 2009, from
www.walmartstores.com
Zimmerman, A. (2005, May 31). Wal-mart's hispanic outreach. Retrieved November 21,
2009,
from
http://www.mindfully.org/Industry/2005/Wal-MartHispanic31may05.htm
Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. 3, 2010 www.spanishmedia.unt.edu
[email protected]
(940)-565-2756

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