the economic and socio- spatial consequences of urban

15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIOSOCIOSPATIAL CONSEQUENCES
CONSEQUENCES OF URBAN GROWTH ON
RIO DE JANEIRO PERIPHERY: THE CASE OF CAMPO
GRANDE
PRISCILLA RODRIGUES FONSECA
[email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper analyzes urban occupation in the neighborhood of Campo Grande, Rio
de Janeiro, and consequences of this process in the socio-spatial and economic
reconfiguration of last years. The survey aspires to indicate the centrality of region to
city West Zone and observes fast-growing population which linked to lack of urban
planning, highlights infrastructure limitations, social and housing imbalances. The
neighborhood is the most populous and third largest of the city; nevertheless, its
importance is non-recognized by the City, and scientific studies developed are
scarce; issues which instigates the herein research, proving that its significance is
rarely recognized by the Rio de Janeiro population. These factors set on this
research about the area. Elements such as density of a different social class
produced by real estate industry and government have opened a peculiar new
socio-spatial dynamics. Thus, although Campo Grande being a periphery, the poor
have been pushed into even more remote areas with limited urban structure. This
way, the middle/upper class may access the location privileges, better services,
infrastructure, and environment qualities. The literature review was based on authors
who have studied the urban space production: Havey (1980), Santos (2005), and
Corrêa (1999), and also scientists that research the issue of urban infrastructure and
housing: Lefebvre (2008) and Villaça (2001). It is expected to see the relevance of
the neighborhood for the city’s west portion. The housing and social changes, which
the intense effort by the real estate industry and the State have been doing, as also
social conflicts. The investigation was enriched with photos and information
obtained from official agencies such as Municipality of Rio de Janeiro; IBGE
(Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) and IBAM (Brazilian Institute of
Municipal Administration) in order to back up the socio-spatial and economic
configuration. Research performed by ADEMI (Directors Association of Real Estate
Companies) was necessary to evaluate the growth of commercial and residential
properties and testify the new housing configuration of the Campo Grande.
Keywords: urban growth, centrality, social and housing imbalances.
INTRODUTION
The urban issue on metropolitan of Rio de Janeiro has been discussed by several
scholars, such as Corrêa (1999), Abreu (2006), Soares (1965 and 1990) and Lago
(2000). The downtown and surrounding areas experienced an intense process of
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Cities, nations and regions in planning history
urbanization since the beginning of last century, unlike the edge of town, in the
west, where the rural character was predominant. However, population growth,
intensification of the road network, and 1980s economic crisis were some of factors
that triggered a gradual expansion, which culminated in the increment of the middle
class in these places, especially in the mid 80's, with raised of the land price in the
next decade.
A priori, early twentieth century, Rio de Janeiro was at a level of performance space
that tended to gather in downtown area urban equipment, such as: employment,
transportation, trade, etc. It offered an accessibility condition that enhanced the
price of land, which caused competition for space among the activities there
developed (Corrêa, 1999). However, over the years, spatial saturation put in check
this style of city. The center became increasingly limited territorially, with the need to
extend their limits, which culminated in the tertiary sector decentralization, creating
local centralities (ibid.).
Population growth was pushing the poorest far away from the center, next to the
railroad. The density of these remote areas allowed the spontaneous appearance of
network services across the city, forming the sub-centers. To this end, there was the
development of a wealthy commercial center in the West Zone, in Campo Grande,
already seen in the 1970s by Duarte (1974) as a promising place. Currently, this
sub-center offers ample power to attract by its business diversity and its largest mall
in the region.
Another type of attraction has occurred in the district through the action of the real
estate industry. Currently, this sector has many opportunities for profitable
investments, with many spaces to be incorporated and a growing consumer
demand. Since the 1990s, the search for housing purposes has not repeated the
traditional pursuit for land for self-construction, where there was an exploration of
non-institutional real estate capital. Today, multifamily buildings, condominiums,
and residential allotment are presented as a major investment by the real estate
market.
Since then, there was more socio-economic heterogeneity not previously found in
this area of the periphery. Now it produces new forms of segregation of the middle
class in contrast to the motion of centre-periphery structure prevalent in previous
decades (Lago; Ribeiro, 1994). As Corrêa ensures: "the processes and spatial
forms are not mutually excluding and it may occur simultaneously in the same city
or in the same neighborhood [...] it can be stated that spatial processes are
complementary to each other" (1999, p.37, translated by the author). Therefore, no
place in the metropolitan context outlines homogeneous characteristics.
CAMPO GRANDE`S URBAN EVOLUTION
Campo Grande neighborhood (Figure 1) is located in the western area of Rio de
Janeiro and hosts 328,370 inhabitants (IBGE, 2010), the most populous of the town.
Its area of large tracts, with 11,912.53 hectares and low density - 24.9 inhabitants/ha
- it still has a privileged natural landscape, welcoming part of the Pedra Branca
State Park, and the Gericinó-Mendanha Municipal Park.
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15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
Figure 1- Pereira Passos Institute, 2008. Campo Grande`s location in Rio de Janeiro city.
The "Carioca1 Hinterland" as the neighborhoods of Campo Grande, Guaratiba,
Jacarepaguá and Santa Cruz were called in 1930, preserved rural characteristics
until 1960 (Correia, 1936; Soares, 1965). However, processes linked to the issue of
transport and accessibility interfered in the production and expansion of urban
space (Villaça, 2001). Thus, the development of the road network contributed to the
occupation of empty spaces for they are located far from the city center,
reorganizing the urban environment. For this reason, it is necessary to understand
the evolution of transportation in Campo Grande.
At first, it is seen the importance of railways as expansion vector of the urban
network. The railroads played a role in keeping long distance inter-urban/regional
relationships. Their stations were points of intersection or obligatory passage, by
this reason, it did not take long for many of them to develop centers of trade and
services to attend people who passed by their daily (Soares, 1965 and 1990). The
stretch of railroad named D. Pedro II, which crossed Campo Grande, was opened in
1878, providing better access to the downtown.
Another aspect of the urban land transformation process is linked to industrial
activities, which in the last century began to spread to new areas due to urban
saturation, lack of space, and the enhancement of the price of land. In order to
guide the sense of industrial decentralization in the city, in the 1960s, the State
Government implemented the Industrial Districts of Campo Grande, Paciência,
Palmares and Santa Cruz; all of them situated in the western area, transforming it
into a new expansion front of this sector (Abreu, 2006).
Santos affirms that "the urban road model is dispersed growth factor and sprawl of
the city" (2005, p.100, translated by the author) and before that, it is notable to point
out that this had relevance to the neighborhood expansion, through the big avenues
implemented prior to the first half of the twentieth century, such as Brasil Avenue
and the old Rio-São Paulo highway.
After 1970, success of automotive industry and increasing accessibility have
allowed groups with greater financial power to shift to more remote locations in
1
Who is born in Rio de Janeiro city is called carioca.
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Cities, nations and regions in planning history
search of other attractions, such as qualities of the site and amenities (Corrêa,
1999), generating spaces inhabited by a mix of social groups and expanding the
real estate industry in several directions (Harvey, 1980), thus strengthening the
tertiary activities in many urban centers.
The economic crisis that began in the mid-80s, led to a new configuration of
production space in the metropolis. Factors such as rising inflation, reduction of
wages, and employment instability triggered the search of localities with low land
values by the middle-class, (re)valuing the periphery (Lago, 2000). Consequently, in
Campo Grande, in the 1990s, the neighborhood had a population growth rate
greater than 20% (IBGE, 2000).
CAMPO GRANDE`S CENTRALITY
The flattening wages resulting from the 1980s crisis boosted the population growth
toward the borders of the city. During this period, there were significant changes in
the economic, social and demographic dynamics, reshaping the landscape and
redistributing the population in carioca space. As a consequence of these events,
the real estate was induced to invest in the periphery, reaching the limits of the
neighborhood of Campo Grande in the 1990s. Favoring this new market, in 1997,
the first mall (Figure 2) was built bringing urban infrastructure and services supply.
Figure 2- Source: <skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=9204496> access in Sept. 15 ’10 at
9:05pm. West Shopping at Mendanha St.
Another benefit observed occurred in the sub-center: stores, and the arrival of
specialized services not found at the mall, such as medical clinics, laboratories, and
offices contributed to its strengthening. Campo Grande sub-center serves as the
converging point to several other outlying fringes of the city, including neighboring
counties (Figure 3). The central street of the sub-center receives about 250,000
people per day2.
2
Michel Alecrim, Aug. 14 ‘10. Available at <odia.terra.com.br/portal/economia/html/2010/8/sh
opping_devolve_lojas_as_ruas_103290.html> access in Sept. 23 11 at 10pm.
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15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
Figure 3- Adaptation of author (2011). Source: <portalgeo.rio.rj.gov.br/rioatlas/rioatlas.htm> access
in Jul 1 ‘11 at 10am. Coverage area of the sub-center Campo Grande: neighborhoods and
neighboring counties.
The road infrastructure deployed strengthens the development of Campo Grande
and its occupation: 40% of the bus lines of the West Zone pass through Campo
Grande. In addition, two road projects in progress will add value and economic
dynamism to the district and vicinity: the Transoeste and the Arco Metropolitano.
The first is an express corridor which will reduce the journey time to Barra da Tijuca
district - one of employment centers of western. By the other hand, the Arco
Metropolitano will provide the growth of the Industrial District of Campo Grande,
because the road will link the Petrochemical Complex of Rio de Janeiro - COMPERJ
- in Northeast of state, to Itaguaí Port, located about 15 miles from Campo Grande.
However it is necessary to ensure, that despite the district having the best transport
service of the region, this offer comes in precarious conditions. These facts
corroborate to alternative transportation, even offering dubious quality, are used by
population due to lack of regular transport.
Due to the factors noted above, in recent years, commercial buildings have been
released as Plaza Office (Figure 4), Mont Blanc Buildings, Campogrande Office &
Mall and Medical Center. There has been an increasing demand from various
companies, such as department stores, clinics, academies, real estate, car
dealerships imported, beauty salons, etc. in order to hit the differentiated demand
from the region. Data from Brazilian Institute of Municipal Administration - IBAM indicated the location as ranking eighth in the city with higher amount of commercial
offices and third place in number of stores (2008).
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Cities, nations and regions in planning history
Figure 4- Source: <slideshare.net/Lancamentosrj/plaza-office-salas-comerciais-em-campo-grandepresentation> access in Nov. 12 ‘10 at 2pm. Plaza Office at Monteiro St.
THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE ACTING IN THE ACCESS TO HOUSING
IN CAMPO GRANDE
Analyzing the reasons that led the intensive crowding in the area is used Colby3
(1932) apud Corrêa (1999, p.46, translated by author) to expose some fundamental
prerequisites such as:
"a) unoccupied land at low prices and taxes;
b) deployed infrastructure;
c) transport facilities;
d) attractive qualities of the site, such as topography and drainage;
e) possibility of control of land use;
f) amenities".
Beyond the factors described, Campo Grande also has natural resources.
According Villaça "the natural attractions of the site have contributed [as] important
factor of attracting urban sprawl" (2001, p. 107, translated by author). The district
has 26% of green area (SMAC, 2001), meaning a good condition to attract people
who are looking for quality of life, as confirmed by Lefebvre (2008). Such privileges,
such as air quality, proximity to nature, and tranquility are used as source of
profitability for the housing market. Green present throughout the region surrounded
by the Gericinó-Mendanha Sierra and the Pedra Branca Massif has potential for
ecological tourism4 (Figures 5 and 6).
3
COLBY, C.C. Centripetal and centrifugal forces in urban geography. IN Mayer, H. & Kohn, C.
F., (orgs.) Readings in urban geography. Annals of the Association of American Geographics,
1932.
4
Is Found in the region a multitude of ecological areas with forests, trails, pools, waterfalls,
archaeological sites and landscapes (available at <www.lojaseservicoscg.com.br/site/%28ts
mx2wfgwgmlzjazjqjj3kft%29/site/indexInst.aspx?acao=prod&id=152768&usuid=9931&conte
udo=Campo%20Grande> access in May 19 ‘11 at 5:10pm).
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15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
Figures 5 and 6- Source #5: <www.flickr.com/photos/suleroy_brasil/2284607761>. Source #6:
<www.flickr.com/photos/suleroy_brasil/2293116430> access in Jun. 10 ‘11 at 15:30. Pedra Branca
Massif and Gericinó-Mendanha Sierra observed by sub-center.
The advantages that the construction industry offers such as accessibility, proximity
to natural landscapes, and intern services to the condominium stimulate a demand
for these ventures. Here are some of multifamily buildings recently built or under
construction: Atlantis Park, Premium, Maiori Residencial, Jardim Europa (Figure 7),
Casa do Campo, Ecoway, Adryana Residences and West Residencial. In 2008,
Campo Grande was in third place on ranking of real estate launches in the city
(10%)5. In 2009, brought together the largest number of new homes - about 2,600.
Figure 7- Source: <jardim-europa.imoveisrj.cim.br/campo-grande> access in Sept. 28 ‘11 at
12:33pm. Jardim Europa at Olinda Elis St.
Along with the wave of new ventures for the middle/upper class, housing policies
have been present. Popular housing (Figure 8) has been deployed or reformed in
various portions of the district, sponsored by the various levels of government.
Other housing program intends to finance the purchase of first homes at low
interest rates in order to favor the lower and middle classes.
5
Available at <ademi.webtexto.com.br/article.php3?id_article=29575> access in Jun. 3 ‘11 at
9:22pm.
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Cities, nations and regions in planning history
Figure 8: Priscilla Fonseca (Sept. ‘11). Residential Condominium Vivenda das Patativas at Campinho
St.
It is noticed, therefore, a rapprochement among the social classes, contrary to the
logic centre-periphery, which the richest clusters were located in places where the
main advantage was the shortest distance from the downtown. Hence, it is possible
to identify the enlargement of middle class in Campo Grande and the diversity of
real estate offer, indicating the neighborhood as a new business and real estate
centrality on the outskirts.
This way, the current real estate production presents twofold: public and private.
The first has been implemented by state through financing programs and housing
construction. In parallel to the apparent improvement of living situation for lowincome class, the real estate market finds favorable conditions to its advancement
as infrastructure already in place - developed roads, public services, job vacancies,
sub-center - and environmental qualities. This new business started to produce a
socio-occupational segregation, since the upper-income classes seek a better
infrastructure, comfort and convenience in the best portions of the neighborhood,
pushing away the poorest to peripheral sites, close to risk areas with urban structure
limited.
CONCLUSION
The financial turmoil that hit the city in the 1980s turned out to affect the middle
class, who had to find new possibilities for housing. West Zone then became the
last frontier for the population expansion of Rio de Janeiro. Industrial Districts,
already installed with large companies, had indicated growth of the area. In Campo
Grande, the accessibility afforded by its bus and train stations as well as proximity
to other densely populated areas rose a demand for housing, which consequently
stimulated the real estate investments.
The natural vocations that make Campo Grande a place with so many peculiarities
reinforce the role of the real estate market. Positives aspects are found, such as
areas available for building, low population density and, privileged environment. The
local economy mainly provided by the sub-center has breath to boost even further
and to promote new job opportunities.
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15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
It is believed that future events like the construction of Transoeste and Arco
Metropolitano will contribute to a reasonable progress of the scenario exposed in
this research, not only for campograndense population, but the whole west side of
Rio de Janeiro.
With regard to the real estate production, it is noticed that despite the progress of
housing options for the middle class, several popular housing made complex the
internal urban dynamics. It is important to reflect, however, if middle class has a
growth - although subsidizes improvements and investments in accordance with
requirements of a differentiated demands - it will necessarily imply advancement in
quality of life for low-income class or will inaugurate a process of exclusion in
peripheral areas already.
Because the dynamics of this process, it is essential to deepen the studies on
movements of expansion and development of which is one of the fastest growing
areas in Rio de Janeiro city. What is presented here can help as a tool in
discussions, more systematic investigations, and as source for the emergence of
new problems and approaches.
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