Richard E. Turley Jr. and Brittany A. Chapman, editors

Transcription

VOLUME ONE , 1775– 1820
BONUS CHAPTERS
Richard E. Turley Jr . and
Brittany A. Chapman, editors
d
®
Salt Lake City, Utah
Except as noted below, all images are courtesy of the Church History Library, The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. Used by permission.
Images of Diantha Morley Billings, page 1; Elizabeth Lane Hyde, page 51; Gwenllian
Matthew Marley, page 121; Martha Pane Jones Thomas, page 190; Margaret Cooper
West, page 202; courtesy of International Society Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Salt Lake
City, Utah. Used by permission.
Page 15: Image of Catherine Clark Smith Harrison courtesy of Linda G. Birch. Used by
permission.
Page 29: Image of Myra Mayall Henrie courtesy of Donna Toland Smart. Used by permission.
Page 134: Image of Mary Ann Weston Maughan courtesy of Merrill-Cazier Library, Special
Collections, Utah State University, Logan, Utah. Used by permission.
Page 148: Image of Margaret Ann Howard McBride courtesy of Julie Barker Farr. Used by
permission.
Page 174: Image of Mary Presdee Phillips courtesy of Jay G. Burrup. Used by permission.
© 2011 Richard E. Turley Jr. and Brittany A. Chapman
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means
without permission in writing from the publisher, Deseret Book Company, P. O. Box
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Contents
Introduction to the Series
vii
36. “Rejoice Notwithstanding the Trials”
Diantha Morley Billings
Catherine Wheelwright Ockey
1
37. “I Know All This to Be True!”
Catherine Clark Smith Harrison
Linda G. Birch
15
38. “Weaned from the World”
Myra Mayall Henrie
Donna Toland Smart
29
39. “Drops of Grace and Mercy”
Zina Baker Huntington
Rachel Cope
42
40. “My Trials Are Nothing”
Elizabeth Lane Hyde
Elizabeth J. Mott
52
41. “I Could No Longer Resist the Truth”
Mary Ann Price Hyde
Kaye Watson
66
iv
Contents
42. “My Feet Never Slipped”
Presendia Lathrop Huntington Kimball
Gary L. Boatright Jr.
81
43. “Give Up All and Follow Your Lord”
Phebe Crosby Peck Knight
Janiece Johnson
95
44. “It Was All True”
Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner
Jonathan A. Stapley
105
45. “Strong, Independent, Confident, and Heroic”
Gwenllian Matthew Marley
Amanda Kae Fronk
122
46. “I Had Left All”
Mary Ann Weston Maughan
Wendy Peacock
134
47. “The Lord Will Provide”
Margaret Ann Howard McBride
Anna T. Rolapp
148
48. “Tried Like Gold”
Laura Clark Phelps
Carol L. Clark
161
49. “A Good Old Mother and a Fine Old Lady”
Mary Presdee Phillips
Jay G. Burrup
174
50. “Those Days Were Grand and Glorious”
Martha Pane Jones Thomas
Amy Reynolds Billings
191
Contents
51. “By Our Faith and Good Works”
Margaret Cooper West
Shirley Smith Ricks and Lynette Smith Lyman
203
52. “I Have Been a Living Witness”
Elizabeth Ann Smith Whitney
Jan De Hoyos Tolman
217
Contributors
231
v
A
lthough approximately half the people in the history of The
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints have been women,
their lives of faith and dedication are just beginning to receive the
attention they merit. This series, Women of Faith in the Latter Days,
aims to enhance awareness of these women through inspirational accounts written for a general readership.
The seven volumes projected for the series will be arranged as
follows:
Volume 1: Women born between 1775 and 1820
Within each volume, the chapters are arranged alphabetically by
the last name of each woman of faith.
We have sought to balance the preferences of general readers
with the needs of scholarship by following common editorial conventions that enhance ease of reading but preserve the accuracy
of historical sources and the personalities of the subject women.
Briefly stated, in the historical sources we have preserved the original spelling and grammar, using square brackets [ ] to expand, correct, or clarify when necessary for readability. We have silently added
vii
viii
punctuation and capitalized the first words of sentences, using our
best interpretive judgment to discern the writer’s intentions. We
have also altered capitalization when failure to do so might prove
distracting to readers.
We have included chapters written by a range of authors, from
well-established scholars to beginning writers. Some chapters adopt
a scholarly approach, often quoting the subject woman’s own words
at length. Others follow a more popular approach, avoiding long
quotations from the subject and replacing them with the author’s
own prose. Some of the subject women left few or no writings behind, making it difficult or impossible to quote them. Our goal has
been to feature a diverse group of women, both those well known to
readers and those who lived lives of faith in comparative anonymity.
We hope both scholarly and popular audiences will find value in
these volumes. Our intent in producing them is to plant seeds for
future work. If our series leads to better scholarly and popular works,
we will feel rewarded for our efforts.
We invite you to join with us in celebrating the many Latterday Saint women whose lives should be an inspiration to readers in
the present generation and in generations to come. We hope these
volumes will prompt readers to write about their own lives and will
lead to longer works about past and present women of faith in the
latter days.
Chapter Thirty-Six
“Rejoice Notwithstanding the Trials”
Diantha Morley Billings (1795–1879)
Catherine Wheelwright Ockey
Bi ogr aph i cal Ske tch
D
iantha Morley was just shy of her twentieth birthday when
she first set foot on Ohio sod with her parents, Thomas and
Editha Marsh Morley, and some of her siblings. Born in the township of Montague, Franklin County, Massachusetts, on August 23,
1795, Diantha was the seventh of nine children. Her older brother
Isaac and his wife, Lucy, had previously established a farm near the
rural village of Kirtland, Ohio. Here Diantha met and married Titus
Billings; they both became members of Sidney Rigdon’s Reformed
Baptist congregation.1
In November 1830, Diantha and Titus, with Isaac and Lucy
Morley and many others in Rigdon’s congregation, heard of and
1. Milton V. Backman et al., “Marriage Records for Geauga County, Ohio,” in
A Profile of Latter-day Saints of Kirtland, Ohio, and Members of Zion’s Camp, 1830–
1839 (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, Department of Church History and
Doctrine, 1982).
1
2
Women of Faith in the Lat ter Days, 1775–1820
joined the Church of Christ, later renamed The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints.2 As the first woman to be baptized in the
Kirtland area, Diantha set her course to follow her heart’s yearnings
and never wavered in devotion to her family, her brothers and sisters
in the gospel, or her God.3
At the time of her baptism, Diantha was thirty-five years old
and had five living children under the age of twelve; she had buried three others as infants. She first became acquainted with Joseph
and Emma Smith when the Smiths settled in Kirtland in February
1831.4 In August of that year, Joseph Smith sent Titus to Missouri to
aid in the gathering of the Saints in Jackson County.5 There Diantha
gave birth to her last child and assisted in the births of several other
children as a well-respected midwife.6 In 1835 the Billings family
returned to Kirtland to work on the building of the temple there.
Diantha, with her beautiful singing voice, was part of the choir that
sang for the dedication of the Kirtland Temple in March 1836.7
2. Mark Lyman Staker, Hearken, O Ye People: The Historical Setting of Joseph
Smith’s Ohio Revelations (Salt Lake City, UT: Greg Kofford Books, 2009), 57–60;
Robin Scott Jensen, Robert J. Woodford, and Steven C. Harper, eds., Manuscript
Revelation Books, facsimile edition, vol. 1 of the Revelations and Translations series
of The Joseph Smith Papers, ed. Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard
Lyman Bushman (Salt Lake City, UT: Church Historian’s Press, 2009), 77; Susan
Easton Black, “Name of the Church,” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel
H. Ludlow, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 3:979.
3. Elizabeth Ann Whitney, “Leaf from an Autobiography,” Woman’s Exponent 7
(November 15, 1878): 91.
4. Linda King Newell and Valeen Tippetts Avery, Mormon Enigma: Emma Hale
Smith, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 38–40.
5. Doctrine and Covenants 63:39.
6. Lucinda Snow, “Eliza Ann Carter Snow: A Biographical Sketch,” Woman’s
Exponent 25 (April 15, 1897): 134–35.
7. Melvin Billings and Randy Shaw, “Titus Billings” (unpublished manuscript,
1990), p. 14, Americana Collection, L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Harold B.
Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, hereafter cited as BYU
Special Collections.
3
Diantha and her family had returned to Missouri and were living in Far West when the Saints were driven from the state. They
settled near Quincy, Illinois, and established a home as part of the
Morley Settlement. By 1842 they were living in Nauvoo, Illinois,
where Diantha became a member of the Female Relief Society and
Titus worked on the Nauvoo Temple.8 Their youngest child died in
Nauvoo at the age of ten.9 In January 1846, Diantha helped with
the administering of ordinances in the Nauvoo Temple. Later that
spring, she and her family joined the exodus across Iowa to Winter
Quarters. Then, in the spring of 1848, they began their trek farther
west, arriving in the Salt Lake Valley in September of that year.10
At the October 1849 general conference of the Church, Diantha
was surprised to hear the names of her brother and husband read
over the pulpit to lead a group south to settle what would become
known as the Sanpete Valley.11 It took them three weeks to make
the journey, and they arrived in what became Manti, Utah, in
November, just as winter was setting in.
For the next fourteen years, Diantha and Titus lived in Manti,
where Diantha continued to practice midwifery and participated
in the first Relief Society in that area.12 Around 1864 they moved
to Provo to be near their son Alfred and his wife, Deborah Patten.
8. Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes, March 24, 1842, p. 16, Church History
Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah,
hereafter cited as Church History Library.
9. Fred E. Woods, “The Cemetery Record of William D. Huntington,
Nauvoo Sexton,” Mormon Historical Studies 3 (Spring 2002): 145.
10. “Diantha Morley Billings,” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database,
1847–68, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed November
9, 2011, http://mormontrail.lds.org; William Burton, Diaries, 1839–1851,
September 24, 1848, Church History Library.
11. Eunice Billings Snow, “A Sketch of the Life of Eunice Billings Snow,”
Woman’s Exponent 39 (September 1, 1910): 23.
12. Snow, “Sketch of the Life,” 23; “In Memoriam,” Woman’s Exponent 8
(June 1, 1879): 251.
4
There Titus died in 1866. Diantha lived as a widow for thirteen
years, until her death on May 14, 1879. She was buried in the
Provo, Utah, cemetery.
L i f e Ex per i ence s
Family
Diantha Morley Billings and her brother Isaac were the only
members of the larger Morley family to join the Latter-day Saints
in Kirtland, Ohio.13 Isaac’s daughter Lucy later wrote that Thomas
Morley, Diantha’s and Isaac’s father, “would not hear what Father
[Isaac] had to say [about the gospel] . . . and told him to leave his
house and never darken his door again and he [Isaac] never did.”14
Though Diantha also disassociated from her parents when she
joined the Church, she and Isaac remained close throughout the rest
of their lives. Diantha’s husband, Titus, was a sometime business
partner with Isaac, and the two families spent most of the next thirty
years living near each other.
Diantha was devoted to her husband and children and endeavored to care for their physical and spiritual needs, even as they were
called to move from place to place. Yet all her care could not protect
her from the loss of family members. One son, Thomas, and two
daughters, Emily and Martha, died as infants, and her youngest son,
Titus, died of “Inflammation of Brain” in March 1844, despite her
able care.15 Diantha was certainly no stranger to death: Titus was
the fourth child she had buried. Within the next three years her two
older sons, Samuel and Ebenezer, left the Church and their family;
their mother never saw them again.
13. Cordelia Morley Cox, “Sketch of Cordelia Morley Cox,” Woman’s Exponent
41 (January 1, 1913): 33.
14. Staker, Hearken, O Ye People, 56.
15. Woods, “Cemetery Record,” 145.
5
Strength in the Face of Danger
Diantha and her family, along with the rest of the Saints, faced
many challenging circumstances, and Diantha became known for
her ability to maintain her composure and take charge of a situation, refusing to allow fear to get in the way of action. Her daughter
Eunice told this story:
[I recall] the burning of Uncle Isaac Morley’s cooper
shop [in the fall of 1833 in Missouri]. It was full of cooper
wooden ware, such as barrels, tubs, churns and numerous
other articles he had made to sell. The mob set it on fire and
stood around and cursed and swore and yelled like demons
from hell all the time it was burning. I can well remember how frightened I was, and how light it was from the
flames. . . .
I think I have heard Mother say it was the next night
after the fire that we were ordered to leave our home or we
would be served the same way. Mother said she did not
know what to do as Father was away from home. Some
fifteen or twenty of the sisters got together and counseled
what to do. They decided to take their smallest children and
flee to a house out of town a short distance, where an old
man . . . lived alone. We had to go about three quarters of a
mile in the dark, and there were no two women allowed to
go together. I remember well how my limbs were scratched
and how they bled when I was put to bed, and I was not
allowed to cry or make a loud noise. The room where we
slept was a large log room. The floor was completely covered
with children and some of them did not even have a quilt
over or under them. My mother had three of her children
with her and not one of us had one bite of supper. In going
to that place, Mother took her children and went through
the fields, through briers and all kinds of stubble. She carried a lantern half concealed under her apron. I, being the
6
youngest of the three children, held on to her skirts while
she led the way.
We had to cross the main road at a point where four
other roads crossed and where some very large trees stood.
As mother stepped into the road a man came from behind
one of the trees and flashed a bright sword in her face. She
jumped back and screamed. The man soon made himself
known. He was one of the brethren guarding the cross
roads. . . . Mother said if ever she was glad to meet a friend
it was at that time. The women arrived there all right. There
was only this old man among so many women, but the sisters put their children to bed.
The old man had some old clothes that the women put
on, and two at a time took turns guarding the house all
night.16
Another fearful incident occurred when the Saints were at
Winter Quarters in what later became Nebraska. The Billings family
spent the winter of 1846–47 some distance away at a Ponca Indian
camp, where they “were uniformly used well by the Indians, had
good forage for the cattle, etc.”17 Diantha’s daughter Eunice recalled:
One instance, I remember well, of that severe season:
Our brethren had stacked all their hay about the log fortification which had been erected for our protection, when one
beautiful night the prairie became suddenly ablaze with fire,
from some cause, we knew not what, and the flames were
rushing directly for our haystacks, which were in a straight
16. Marba Peck Hale, ed., “Eunice Billings Warner Snow Tells Her Own Story,”
pp. 1–2, Americana Collection, BYU Special Collections; Anne Miller Eckman
and Katherine T. Brimhall, “Stories from the Provo Pioneer Museum,” Daughters
of Utah Pioneers Lesson for November 2009, 118.
17. Helen Mar Whitney, “Scenes and Incidents at Winter Quarters,” Woman’s
Exponent 13 (December 1, 1884): 98.
7
path for them. In case the stacks caught, our fortification
would surely go, when through the mercy of the Lord, the
wind died down and the fire subsided, leaving us safe, and
our hay stacks unharmed. Kegs of powder and other inflammable material in the camp were pitched into a stream called
Running Water, in order to protect the travelers that night
from the fury of a prairie fire. All material in the rooms of
the fort that was likely to burn that night, was moved to
a place of safety. It is needless to say that the women and
children were frightened and had it not been for my mother,
who was acting as a nurse, some of the women would have
committed themselves to the rushing waters when the fire
raged on the prairie.18
Midwife and Nurse
Diantha’s ability to keep calm in the face of trying circumstances served her well in her vocation and calling as a midwife and
nurse. According to her daughter Eunice, Joseph Smith blessed and
set apart Diantha to serve as a nurse and midwife to the Saints in
Nauvoo.19 She had served in that capacity earlier while living in
Missouri.
In October 1838 Diantha and her family were living in Far
West, Missouri. As a member of the militia under the command
of Captain David Patten (an apostle), Diantha’s husband, Titus,
was involved in the Battle of Crooked River, which took place between Latter-day Saints and Missourians on the night of October
25, 1838.20 Elder Patten was killed, and the Latter-day Saint men
in the battle had to flee the state for safety. Their families fended for
18. Eunice Billings Snow, “Sketches from the Life of Eunice Billings Snow,”
Woman’s Exponent 40 (January 1, 1912): 47.
19. Hale, “Eunice Billings Warner Snow,” 3; Whitney, “Leaf,” 91.
20. Hale, “Eunice Billings Warner Snow,” 2; Joseph Smith, History of The
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts , 2nd ed. rev., 7 vols.
8
themselves while the city of Far West lay under siege. Diantha had
two young children to care for at that time—eight-year-old daughter
Eunice and four-year-old son Titus.
In the midst of all this, Diantha was called to the bedside of
Eliza Ann Carter Snow. Eliza later told of the events:
We went to Missouri . . . and there my first child was
born: it was the 30th day of October in the year 1838 . . . It
was cold and snowed every day and the mob came into Far
West the very day of her birth, and we were much excited. I
could not keep the midwife long enough to dress my child,
Sister Diantha Billings was her name, well known among
our people. The mob was blowing horns and firing guns
all night long. We were without bread or anything to make
bread of, but by the help of the Lord we were preserved.21
Due in part to Diantha’s good care, Eliza and her daughter,
Sarah Jane, survived that eventful night. Diantha’s services as a nurse
and midwife continued to be in demand when the family moved
to Illinois, both in the Morley Settlement south of Nauvoo and in
Nauvoo itself. Her regular patients included the Prophet Joseph
Smith’s family.22
As the Saints journeyed from Nauvoo across the plains of Iowa
and on to the Salt Lake Valley, Diantha joined the ranks of trail midwives. The Billings family started the trek west from Winter Quarters
in the spring of 1848 with the Heber C. Kimball Company. Another
company led by Brigham Young left at approximately the same time,
and the two companies traveled closely together the entire route.
(Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1932–51),
3:169–71.
21. Snow, “Eliza Ann Carter Snow,” 134–35. The mob entered Far West on
November 1, 1838.
22. Hale, “Eunice Billings Warner Snow,” 4.
9
Eight births were recorded in the official record of the company.23
Though there were other midwives in the group, Diantha attended
some of these births. Her daughter Eunice recorded, “In several instances, my mother acting as midwife, delivered women in confinement, and there was no interruption to our journey, since mothers
and babes continued the trip right along with us.”24
The trail record kept by Thomas Bullock records an incident
that occurred on June 1, 1848: “At 11 a.m. Huldah Maria Ballantyne
Wife of Richard Ballantyne was safely delivered of a boy, named
Richard Orlando [Alando] by Diantha Billings.”25 The child was
sickly, and because he had been born in such difficult circumstances,
it was feared he would not survive. Miraculously, however, he and
his mother did pull through.
That was not the case, however, with all of Diantha’s patients.
Just a year after arriving in the Salt Lake Valley, the Billings and
Morley families were called to establish a colony in what is now the
Sanpete Valley of central Utah. After they arrived in the fledgling
settlement in November, Diantha’s first patient was her own daughter Eunice, who was expecting her first child—Diantha’s first grandchild. Eunice recounted the event:
When we had lived there two weeks my first child was
born, but due to hardship and suffering the little thing
was still-born, and I came very nearly losing my own life.
I was sick for quite a while, and my mother, who was a
midwife, nursed and attended me. She was the only doctor,
23. Heber C. Kimball journal, July 14 and 15, 1848, Heber C. Kimball Papers
1847–1866, Church History Library.
24. Snow, “Sketches,” 48.
25. Thomas Bullock, June 1, 1848, Journals 1843–1849, Church History
Library.
10
midwife, and nurse at the time in Manti. My child, I think,
was the third one born in the little settlement.26
Diantha ministered to the medical needs of Manti residents for
the next thirteen or fourteen years. One severe case involved the
infant son of Mary Ann Richardson. The child was suffering from a
high fever, and Mary Ann called on Isaac Morley to give him a blessing. After doing so, Isaac told the family to get his sister Diantha.
When Diantha examined the baby, she diagnosed his condition as
“brain fever” and treated it. The family credited Diantha with saving
the child’s life, passing the story down to future generations.27
Relief Society
Diantha Billings’s service as a nurse and midwife overlapped
with her service in the Relief Society organization of the Church.
Her activity in the early days of the Female Relief Society of Nauvoo
is well documented in the minutes kept between 1842 and 1844.
She became a member of the Society at its second meeting on March
24, 1842,28 and with Elizabeth Ann Whitney (a counselor to Relief
Society president Emma Smith), she helped to conduct meetings on
at least two occasions.29
At one of those meetings, held on August 13, 1843, Diantha
told the sisters, “I can say with Sis[ter] Whitney we are called to
rejoice notwithstanding the trials, sickness, and death thru which
we have been called to pass [in] Ohio [and] Missouri.” She admonished the sisters “to be bold, not timid or fearful, in bearing their
26. Snow, “Sketch of the Life,” 23.
27. Jeff Richins, After the Trial of Your Faith: The Story of Edmund and Mary
Ann Richardson (Dexter, OR: J. Richins, 2003), 307–8.
28. Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes, March 24, 1842, p. 16, Church History
Library.
29. Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes, July 7, 1843, p. 93, and August 13, 1843,
p. 106, Church History Library.
11
testimony.” When another sister explained that she could not do
much because of the needs of her own family, Sister Billings advised
that “none were required to go beyond their own strength.”30
At the fifth meeting of the Society, on July 28, 1843, Sister
Whitney suggested that a committee be appointed, with representatives of each of the four Nauvoo wards, to “search out the poor
and suffering—To call on the rich for aid and thus as far as possible
relieve the wants of all.” Sister Billings was one of four women appointed to the committee to visit members of the Fourth Ward.31
This was the beginning of what is now the visiting teaching program
and was a natural extension of the care and concern exemplified by
these early sisters. Visiting was an integral part of Diantha’s life. On
Christmas Day 1844, Zina Diantha Huntington Jacobs recorded in
her diary: “Sister Billings came in the after noon. Had an agreeable
visit.”32
From the original leaders of the Relief Society, women were
called to serve as ordinance workers in the Nauvoo Temple. Even
as the Saints were preparing to leave Nauvoo, work continued on
building the temple and, on November 30, 1845, Brigham Young
dedicated the attic room. On the afternoon of December 10, the
work of administering the ordinances of the endowment began and
went on virtually day and night until the second week of February
1846.33 Diantha received part of the ordinances on December 13,
1845, from two of her friends and Relief Society sisters, Bathsheba
30. Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes, August 13, 1843, p. 107.
31. Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes, July 28, 1843, pp. 101–2, Church History
Library.
32. Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, ed., “‘All Things Move in Order in the City’:
The Nauvoo Diary of Zina Diantha Huntington Jacobs,” BYU Studies 19 (Spring
1979): 12n25.
33. The Nauvoo Endowment Companies, 1845–1846: A Documentary History,
ed. Devery S. Anderson and Gary James Bergera (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature
Books, 2005), xv, xviii–xix.
12
Smith and Elizabeth Ann Whitney.34 In the weeks that followed, she
spent long hours in the temple administering those same ordinances
to other sisters, including her daughter Eunice.35
Though the Nauvoo Relief Society was disbanded in 1844,
unofficial Relief Society groups sprang up in Winter Quarters and
again in the 1850s in Salt Lake City and some of the outlying settlements, including Manti. Diantha Billings was reported to have been
the first president of the Manti Relief Society.36 It was to be expected
that women who were involved in the Nauvoo Relief Society should
be the organizers and leaders of the women in the western settlements. In the words of Emmeline B. Wells:
Early in the settlement of these valleys in the Rocky
Mountain region, organizations were formed, a natural
outgrowth or continuation of the parent organization in
Nauvoo, for the same spirit and sentiment still existed and
was soon brought into active exercise. During all this time
the sisters never lost sight of this institution as it had been
established, nor the promises made to them of its future
greatness, by the Prophet Joseph Smith.
Among the foremost heroines of that eventful time
should be indelibly engraven on the minds of the women of
today and coming time, the names of Sisters Vilate Kimball,
Mary Ann Young, Elizabeth Ann Whitney, Mary Fielding
Smith, Diantha Billings and others now passed away.
These noble mothers in Israel with kindly deeds and
loving words inspired many a fainting heart with faith and
courage and ministered temporal and spiritual blessings to
hundreds of the daughters of Zion, whose paths were not
34. Anderson and Bergera, Nauvoo Endowment Companies, 22.
35. Anderson and Bergera, Nauvoo Endowment Companies, xxxvii–xxxviii, 300.
36. Hale, “Eunice Billings Warner Snow,” 8; Richard L. Jensen, “Forgotten
Relief Societies, 1844–67,” Dialogue 16 (Spring 1983): 106, 119, 121.
13
strewn with roses, but were full of thorns and fiery trials and
needed their encouragement.37
Diantha’s service as a nurse, midwife, and Relief Society sister
continued as long as her health would allow, even in her later years
after she moved to Provo. The love and respect accorded her by her
brothers and sisters in the Church is evident in the numerous references to her in records and journals as “Mother Billings.” Many
admired her and called her “friend.” In a letter to his daughter Helen
Mar Kimball Whitney, Heber C. Kimball referred to Diantha: “I
want you to read this to . . . Sister Billings, who I hold as one of my
bosom friends. A friend in these days is more precious than gold,
and I esteem her as a mother in Israel, and she has my prayers and
blessing.”38
After her death in 1879 at the age of eighty-three, an obituary in
the Woman’s Exponent included these lines:
Sister Diantha Morley Billings departed this life at
Provo on the evening of May 14, at fifteen minutes to ten
o’clock. She was familiarly known as “Mother Billings,” and
was truly a mother in Israel, beloved and respected by all.
She was amiable, gentle, tender, truly benevolent, and her
kindness and deeds of mercy extended to the stranger, as
well as the friend or neighbor. . . . Her life has been a most
exemplary one and worthy of imitation. Her name will
ever be held in honorable remembrance, and she will be esteemed as a woman of God.39
Diantha’s life path was certainly not an easy one. The strength
37. Emmeline B. Wells, “History of the Relief Society,” Woman’s Exponent 32
(June 1, 1903): 6.
38. Helen Mar Whitney, “Scenes and Incidents in Nauvoo,” Woman’s Exponent
11 (September 15, 1882): 58.
39. “In Memoriam,” 251.
14
of her character was refined in the fire of adversity. The loss of loved
ones and comfortable homes seemed to be her constant fate. Yet she
rejoiced in the love of a good husband, to whom she had been sealed
in the Nauvoo Temple40 and that of three children who still stood
beside her in her old age, not to mention numerous grandchildren,
great-grandchildren, and friends. They knew her as a positive force,
a woman of unbending faith. Throughout her long life, she never
hesitated to bear her testimony in both word and deed. In an 1845
letter to her husband’s sister Esther, Diantha added her testimony to
that of her husband, Titus:
It is the truth of Heaven—and you will sooner or later
have to acknowledge it—and you cannot say in the coming
day we have not warned you of these things. We have got to
leave our homes to a distant home we know not where. We
have just got pleasantly situated. We have a farm, house and
a good well of water & other conveniences so as to make life
pleasant. But it is no more than the S[ain]ts had to suffer
anciently, and I hope we shall bear it patiently. I must draw
to a close, hoping you may never reject truth wherever it is
made plain to you. From your friend and Sister
Diantha Billings.41
40. Anderson and Bergera, Nauvoo Endowment Companies, 534.
41. Titus and Diantha Billings to William and Esther Pynchion, October 27,
1845, “Letter: Nauvoo, Illinois, to William and Esther Pynchion, Springville,
Massachusetts, 1845 Oct. 27,” Church History Library.
Chapter Thirty-Seven
“I Know All This to Be True!”
Catherine Clark Smith Harrison (1813–1903)
Linda G. Birch
C
atherine Clark was born June 2, 1813, to Archibald and Mary
Clark Clark1 in Inchinnan, Renfrewshire, Scotland. Her future
husband, Robert Smith, had been born in the same place the year
before. They were married in Middle Chapel of the Paisley parish in
1838. The date of their migration to America is not known, nor is
the reason for their departure from Scotland. Their first son, Robert,
was born in Pennsylvania in 1841. He died that same year.
Two more sons were born to Catherine in Pennsylvania: Daniel
Clark in 1843 and Hyrum Joseph in 1845. The year of Daniel’s
birth, Robert and Catherine were introduced to The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints. They gained a testimony of its truthfulness and were baptized in December of 1843.
1. Records indicate that the maiden name of Catherine’s mother, Mary Clark,
was also Clark.
15
16
When continual persecution forced Church members to seek
refuge in the West, plans were made in 1846 to organize the migration of Latter-day Saints then living in the eastern United States.
Brigham Young was considering Upper California, at the time a
Mexican territory, as a gathering place for the Saints. The Smith
family joined a group of Mormon passengers on the ship Brooklyn
in 1846, sailing from New York around the tip of South America to
San Francisco. After two years in San Francisco, Robert Smith died
in September 1848. One month later Catherine gave birth to their
daughter, Mary Catherine Smith.
In early 1849, Catherine married Isaac Harrison, a veteran of
the Mormon Battalion. Catherine and Isaac remained in California
until 1857. They had four children: Sabina Ann in 1850, John
Lathum in 1852, Fannie Aditha in 1854, and Isaac Jr. in 1856. They
left California when Brigham Young requested that all Saints in outlying areas gather to Utah Territory.
The Harrisons made their final home in Sandy, Utah, where
they had a grocery store and served in both the community and
the Church. Catherine practiced midwifery and delivered more than
three hundred babies.
Isaac Harrison died in 1894, leaving Catherine a widow again,
at the age of eighty-one. She continued serving as a midwife for
several years. Catherine died on February 10, 1903, and was buried
in the Sandy City, Utah, cemetery. Her decisive accomplishments
during a difficult lifetime stand as a tribute to her faith.2
2. Catherine’s biographical information comes from many sources: Scottish
Parish Records, Paisley Parish, 1722–1854, Microfilm, p. 23, Family History
Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah,
hereafter cited as Family History Library; Harrison Family Bible, in private
possession; “Laid to Rest [Isaac Harrison Obituary],” Deseret Evening News, March
9, 1894; “Catherine Clark Harrison,” Endowment House Temple Records, bk. D,
no. 1201, p. 64, Special Collections, Family History Library.
Catherine Cl ark Smith Harrison (1813–1903)
17
Catherine Clark Smith Harrison did not leave a written account
of her experiences, nor did she record the thoughts that preceded her
actions. A few things that have been passed down to family members—an old almanac with notations in the margins, brief stories,
and a statement expressing her belief—provide clues to the facts of
her life and illuminate elements of her faith.
When Catherine and her husband, Robert Smith, left their
homeland of Scotland, it seems they had no other family in America.
In two years’ time, she experienced the sorrow of losing an infant
son, the joy of having a new one, and the uncertainty of not knowing what lay ahead.3
When Catherine attended her first meeting with missionaries
of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, she commented
to her friend, “I know all this to be true!”4 That defining moment
became the standard reference point in her life. From then on, a
thread of faith influenced the decisions she made throughout her
extraordinary experiences.
The few recorded facts about Catherine’s early life suggest she
was prepared for receiving the gospel message. Catherine reported
her experience with the missionaries to Robert, and they began attending meetings together. Robert and Catherine were living in eastern Pennsylvania, and it was there they were baptized in December
1843. They remained in Pennsylvania because they did not have the
money to join the main body of Saints in Nauvoo. When their third
son was born in 1845, they named him Hyrum Joseph in honor of
3. “Robert Smith,” Family Group Record, NewFamilySearch, The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed February 5, 2011, http://new
.familysearch.org.
4. Ila Rowley, “A Brief Sketch of the Life of Catherine Clark Smith Harrison,”
Typescript, p. 1, copy in private possession.
18
Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum, who had recently been martyred in Illinois.5
Because “righteousness . . . is revealed from faith to faith,” the
refining of faith is a continual process.6 Faith grows by overcoming
obstacles and enduring trials, and these were abundant throughout
the Church. During the course of 1845, events took Robert and
Catherine into a significant trial of their faith.
News from Nauvoo reported the increased persecution following the death of Joseph Smith, the Church founder and prophet.
Church leaders decided the members must leave their homes behind
and find safety in the western territories. Orson Pratt was the presiding leader in the eastern states, and meetings were held to keep
members there apprised of possible courses of action so they might
also relocate to the West. Those who had the means were encouraged to join the overland exodus expected to start in the spring of
1846.7
It was evident, however, that many could not afford to travel
west that way, and other plans were proposed. Finally a ship was
procured, and Saints living in the East were offered the chance to
sail south from New York, around the tip of South America, and
then north, via the Sandwich Islands (now known as Hawaii), to
the bay of San Francisco. The expense was estimated to be less than
that of an overland journey. When a commitment was requested, the
Robert Smith family signed up for the expedition, which would sail
in early 1846.8
Catherine surely did not make this decision lightly. She had
5. B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints, Century One, 6 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret News Press,
1930), 2:335.
6. Romans 1:17.
7. Roberts, Comprehensive History, 3:25.
8. “A List of the Company Going by Water,” Times and Seasons 6, no. 22
(February 1, 1846): 113–14.
19
already experienced an ocean crossing when she and Robert left
Scotland. She knew of the difficulties and inconvenience, the
cramped quarters, the lack of privacy, the stale food, and the relentless, sometimes violent, motion of the waves. Now they would be
taking their two young sons, ages one and two and a half, on a journey that was estimated to last six months. They did not know what
they would find when they reached their destination, but Robert
and Catherine Smith determined to trust in the Lord. Their trust
was a manifestation of the faith Catherine professed when first introduced to the gospel message.9
Like the other Saints, the Smiths had to raise money for the
journey, and they probably sold all the possessions they could. They
packed their remaining household goods and clothing and, with approximately 230 other passengers, sailed out of the East River on the
ship Brooklyn. Many elements made this a historic venture. A group
leaving the United States to escape religious persecution was unique.
The date was also significant: February 4, 1846, was the day the first
Saints in Nauvoo made their way across the Mississippi River to
begin their exodus to a new life in the West.10
The Brooklyn was loaded with supplies needed by the passengers
and crew. Agricultural implements, building tools, and books would
be useful in a new community. Animals and some five hundred barrels of cargo were to be delivered to the Sandwich Islands to help pay
for the journey.11
To assist in creating unity among themselves, the Saints established a strict routine onboard the ship. Morning and evening
9. Rowley, “Brief Sketch,” 1.
10. This information is recorded in at least three sources: Roberts, Compre
hensive History, 3:28; Paul Bailey, Sam Brannan and the California Mormons (Los
Angeles, CA: Westernlore Press, 1943), 26–27; Lorin Hansen, “Voyage of the
Brooklyn,” Dialogue 21, no. 3 (Autumn 1988): 48.
11. Richard O. Cowan and William E. Homer, California Saints: A 150Year Legacy in the Golden State (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, Religious
Studies Center, 1996), 25.
20
prayers were offered, either in the dining hall or on the deck. The
ship’s captain, Abel Richardson, was a Baptist, and so there were
both Baptist and Latter-day Saint Sunday services. Attendance was
mandatory. A choir was organized, sewing circles held, children
schooled, and daily chores performed. The men performed military
drills as part of their daily exercise.12
Less than a week after leaving New York, the Brooklyn sailed
into a terrible storm, and the routine was temporarily abandoned.
For four days and nights, giant waves crashed over the vessel and
tossed the people about. The group had to remain below deck; the
openings were covered with canvas and nailed down with wooden
battens.13 Like other women and children, Catherine and her two
sons were tied to their berths for safety. The passengers prayed and
sang hymns, and their faith was rewarded when the gale gave way to
a gentle breeze that carried the ship out of danger.14
Later, the ship was trapped in the doldrums, virtually sitting
still in the glassy seas and oppressive heat of the tropics. After several days, a breeze again sent them on their way south toward the
tip of South America. Anticipation and worry increased as the ship
approached Cape Horn; the passage was said to test the mettle of
the most skilled crew. Captain Richardson had to wait for the right
wind before he could sail safely around the cape, and for days the
ship was driven about on the sea. Finally the wind was right, and the
Brooklyn was guided through the narrow passage and into the peaceful Pacific Ocean.15
The ship had now been at sea for three months. Everyone was
worn and weary. The scant food was stale and moldy. Foul-tasting
water was rationed at two cups a day. Firewood was almost gone.
12. Joy N. Hulme, “Oceangoing Pioneers: Part Two,” Friend, August 1996,
37.
13. Joy N. Hulme, “Oceangoing Pioneers: Part One,” Friend, July 1996, 37.
14. Hansen, “Voyage,” 53.
15. Hansen, “Voyage,” 55, 57.
21
The plan was to stop in Valparaiso, Chile, to resupply. As the ship
sailed north, however, it was battered by a storm that blew it away
from the intended port. Many on board were once again thrown
about, and one passenger, Laura Goodwin, was badly injured.
Captain Richardson did his best to stay on course, but he finally
conceded to the winds and let them take him to the Juan Fernandez
Islands, more than three hundred miles from Chile.
Their landing in the Juan Fernandez Islands proved a blessing
for the people on the diverted ship. They found fruits and vegetables
in abundance. They feasted too on animals and fish and salted down
others for storage aboard ship. They obtained firewood and barrels
of fresh water. Both passengers and crew enjoyed five restful days on
the solid ground of this tropical paradise and avoided the high cost
of supplies in Valparaiso.16
The group did have one solemn duty to attend to. Sister Laura
Goodwin died from her injuries, and she was buried on the island.
Ten earlier deaths during the voyage had all meant anguishing burials at sea. During her last hours of life, Laura had pleaded with her
family to not bury her at sea.17
After leaving the Juan Fernandez Islands, the Brooklyn sailed
north to the Sandwich Islands to deliver cargo carried on the ship
from New York City. This part of the voyage took one and a half
months. Then, during the passengers’ stay in the Sandwich Islands,
their leaders received word that the United States was at war with
Mexico and their planned destination was likely to be hostile territory. Nevertheless, after ten days, the group set out, sailing eastward
to the coast of California.18
Apprehensive about what they might face, the men of the
Brooklyn increased their military drills, and Robert Smith was
16. Hansen, “Voyage,” 58–59; Cowan and Homer, California Saints, 34.
17. Hansen, “Voyage,” 57–59.
18. Joy N. Hulme, “Oceangoing Pioneers: Conclusion,” Friend, October 1996,
12.
22
appointed one of the leaders for these exercises.19 After one more
month at sea, the ship made its way into the northern California
bay. Soon they caught sight of the United States flag flying over
the village of Yerba Buena. A cheer rang out from the tired group.
They reached their destination on July 31, 1846, after six and a half
months at sea.20
The Brooklyn Saints remained together after they reached
California. They needed to stay at least long enough to replenish
their resources, and it would be another year before Brigham Young
led the first company of pioneers into the Great Salt Lake Valley. All
had signed “articles of agreement” during their voyage that for the
first three years, they would share the funds earned through their labor.21 It is not certain how strictly this agreement was implemented,
but it did influence the continued unity of the group.
The settlement at Yerba Buena continued to grow and in 1847
was renamed San Francisco. Catherine and Robert were assigned
property on the corner of Sacramento and Stockton Streets.22 It
is not known what Robert did to sustain his family in their new
home, but the possibilities in a busy seaport were varied, and numerous commercial opportunities were available. Many of the women
earned money by doing laundry, sewing, and cooking for transient
sailors and other travelers.
During the summer of 1848, two years after their arrival in
California, about fifty of the Brooklyn Saints left California to join
the main body of the Church in the Salt Lake Valley.23 Catherine
19. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California, 1846–1848, vol. 5 (San
Francisco, CA: History Company Publishers, 1886), 550n40.
20. Hulme, “Oceangoing Pioneers: Conclusion,” 13; Bailey, Sam Brannan, 40.
21. Bailey, Sam Brannan, 33–34.
22. Bancroft, History of California, 5:677, 679.
23. Norma Baldwin Ricketts, The Mormon Battalion: U.S. Army of the West,
1846–1848 (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1996), 223–25.
23
and Robert were not among them. Whatever their reason for staying, Catherine soon faced another great trial of faith.
Robert died in September of 1848.24 The cause is not known,
nor is the place of his burial. Catherine had experienced affliction
before, but the loss of her husband was especially painful. Their son
Daniel was five years old, and Hyrum was three. Then one month
after Robert’s death, their daughter, Mary Catherine, was born to
the new widow.25
Each hardship and distress had occurred farther from her childhood home in Scotland and from the security of family. Catherine
had to put aside her grief and make difficult decisions. How could
she support and care for her young family? Catherine’s answers came
through her associations within her Church community.
On February 4, 1849, she married Isaac Harrison, a widowed
veteran of the Mormon Battalion. Their courtship was not long, but
her needs were great. Catherine required support, and her children
needed a father. Isaac answered those needs and proved to be a faithful, worthy companion.26
Isaac Harrison, a native of Ohio, had married Sabina Davis in
1836. They joined the Church in 1837 and later moved to Nauvoo.
They suffered with the Saints there and left Nauvoo when the exodus to the west began. While they were in Council Bluffs, Iowa, the
United States government requested volunteers for service in the war
with Mexico. When the merits of the expedition were explained,
Isaac joined the group, designated as the Mormon Battalion. He left
his pregnant wife and two small children in the care of his motherin-law, who was hostile to the Church. During the battalion’s difficult march to California, Isaac received word that his wife had died
24. “Robert Smith,” Family Group Record, copy in private possession.
25. Harrison Family Bible.
26. Rowley, “Brief Sketch,” 3; “Isaac Harrison,” Ancestral File Individual
Record, NewFamilySearch, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed June 22, 2011, http://familysearch.org.
24
in childbirth and her mother had taken the children back to her
own home, away from Church influence. With a heavy heart he
continued on.27
The battalion arrived in San Diego, California Territory, in
January 1847. When word came later that the main body of the
Church had settled in the Salt Lake Valley, many discharged veterans decided to continue on to that destination. Isaac had no family and so decided to reenlist for a time to help stabilize southern
California after the war with Mexico. After that service ended, he
joined others of the battalion going to northern California, where
a contract waited to build a grist mill for John Sutter. Men of this
group played a role in the discovery of gold, which changed the history of California. Isaac was not involved in the discovery, but the
ensuing gold rush had a significant influence on his life.28
Catherine and Isaac shared the same faith, and they remained
steadfast in their commitment to it. After they married, Isaac tried
farming for a time but thought there was more money to be made
farther inland in the gold fields. He was not inclined to take up the
pan himself in the gamble for gold, but he found another way to
benefit. The 1850 census of El Dorado County, California, lists Isaac
Harrison as the owner of a hotel in Pilot Hill. Listed with him are
his wife, Catherine, as well as children Daniel Clark Smith, Hyrum
Joseph Smith, Mary Catherine Smith, and Sabina Ann Harrison, six
months old. Life had taken a new turn for Catherine.29
Three more children were born to the Harrisons in California:
John Lathum in 1852, Fannie Aditha in 1854, and Isaac Jr. in 1856.
27. “A Sketch of the Life of Fannie Aditha Harrison Wright,” Typescript, p. 2,
copy in private possession.
28. Ricketts, Mormon Battalion, 265.
29. 1850 U.S. Census, Pilot Hill and Vicinity, El Dorado County, California,
Family History Library.
25
All were born in the San Francisco area, where the Harrisons had
friends and support from the Church.30
Life for a family in the untamed gold fields had its challenges.
Hastily built towns were a collection of tents and crude wooden
buildings. The people were from a variety of backgrounds, and order
was minimal. The challenge, as the Harrisons grew “from faith to
faith,” was retaining their beliefs and values. This was a time of hard
work. Running a hotel included doing copious amounts of laundry
and obtaining and preparing food for the guests. There were also
the daily requirements of cleaning and general upkeep. The older
children had lessons to do, and everyone capable was expected to
help with chores. There were, however, mountains to explore and
interesting, colorful people to meet. Isaac and Catherine taught
their family the importance of hard work and resisting the abundant
temptations around them.
During the eleven years she was in California, Catherine and
Isaac had opportunities to depart for Utah but chose to stay in
California. Nevertheless, the Church remained important to them.
In 1857 they received word that induced them to move to Zion.31
In Utah a drama had been unfolding, primarily a conflict over
who should have the political upper hand: the local government,
headed by Governor Brigham Young, or the United States government. This debate escalated into what has been called the Utah
War. When an army was dispatched to enforce national supremacy,
Brigham Young sent a request for all Saints in distant settlements to
gather to Utah. Catherine’s defining statement, “I know all this to
be true,” directed their lives, and Catherine and Isaac committed to
go. In August 1857 they joined the Zacheus Cheney Company and
traveled over the Sierra Nevada mountains and the arid Humboldt
30. Harrison Family Bible.
26
desert to establish a new home once again. The journey took two
and a half months.32
The political situation in Utah eventually stabilized, and the
Harrisons searched for a place to make their home. After ten years
of settlement, the Wasatch Front of the Rocky Mountains had
many small communities, with the main hub being Salt Lake City.
Some sources suggest the Harrisons had homes, at various times,
in Farmington, American Fork, Little Cottonwood, and Holladay,
Utah. The 1860 census lists the Harrisons as living in Union, part of
which later became Sandy City. It is there that they finally put down
permanent roots.33
The Sandy area started as a farming community but became
an important hub for the railroad that served the local mines and
smelters. The community grew considerably and offered many opportunities for retail establishments. Isaac and Catherine opened a
grocery store in the center of the busy town.34 Isaac served as the first
postmaster and first justice of the peace and went on to hold other
civic offices. Church duties were important, and when a branch of
the Church was formally established, Isaac was named the presiding
elder of the group. Catherine served in the Relief Society and helped
with the store. She provided for the daily needs of her family and
supported her husband in his duties.35
As her children grew, Catherine found another opportunity to
serve. She became a midwife and delivered babies in much of the
southern portion of the Salt Lake Valley. She was praised for her
efficient and kind care to mothers and babies. During one part of
33. 1860 U.S. Census, Salt Lake County, Utah Territory, Union Post Office,
Family number 290, Family History Library.
34. Martha Sonntag Bradley, Sandy City: The First 100 Years (Sandy, UT: Sandy
City Corporation, 1993), 29–30.
35. Roxie N. Rich, The History and People of Early Sandy 1850–1930, 2nd ed.
(Riverton, UT: Ensign Publishing, 2004), 226.
27
her life, she recorded in an almanac statistics related to her work.
This almanac, which later passed to family members, contains such
simple facts as the following:
Jan. 6 J. Castle girl . . .
Feb. 8 Holman girl . . .
Mar. 16 Johnson boy . . .
Total in 1883 9 boys, 18 girls
The record continues through 1888. A big year was 1884, with
three sets of twins. The almanac lists a total of 307 children delivered.36 On April 20, 1887, Catherine attended at the birth of her
own grandchild, a daughter of Isaac Harrison Jr. The girl was named
Florence Catherine Harrison. Catherine was then more than seventy
years old.37
Catherine’s usual rate for her services was four or five dollars.
This fee compensated her for delivering the baby and caring for the
mother and child up to ten days. A family story relates that one
father was having financial difficulty and expressed concern that he
would be unable to pay her. Catherine took a few eggs from the
table and told him that would settle the bill.38
Isaac died in 1894, and Catherine was once again a widow. She
36. Rich, History and People, 145–47.
37. Sources do not agree about Catherine’s age. At some point she began to
report her birth year as 1817, but her birth year of 1813 is confirmed by Scottish
Parish Records, Paisley Parish, 1722–1854, p. 23, Family History Library;
“Catherine Clark Harrison,” Endowment House Temple Records, bk. D, no.
1201, p. 64, Special Collections, Family History Library. Catherine was sealed
to her husband Isaac Harrison on September 21, 1860, and received her endowment on November 9, 1861, in the Endowment House in Salt Lake City. It was
not uncustomary to receive one’s own endowment after being sealed to a spouse.
Family Group Record, Isaac and Catherine Clark Harrison, NewFamilySearch,
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed February 2, 2011, http://
new.familysearch.org.
38. Rowley, “Brief Sketch,” 3–4.
28
continued to live in Sandy, where she was affectionately known as
“Grandma Harrison” until her death on February 10, 1903. During
her lifetime she had sailed two oceans, traversed mountains and
harsh deserts, assisted in establishing new communities, and provided service to others.
Catherine Clark Smith Harrison did not gain prominence or
fame during her life. She was a humble woman who lived in exceptional times. Her perseverance and continued focus on what she
knew to be true demonstrates many elements of her faith. She did
what was right, endured severe trials, and gained strength as she put
her trust in the Lord. Her example demonstrates that station in life
is not as important as steadfastness, that office is less important than
commitment, and that faith can be measured in actions.
Chapter Thirty-Eight
“Weaned from the World”
Myra Mayall Henrie (1803–1893)
Donna Toland Smart
M
yra Mayall was born at Thurston Clough in Saddleworth,
Yorkshire, England, on November 1, 1803, at 7:00 p.m.1
More than a decade before, Myra’s uncle Samuel Mayall had risked
his life in hiding himself and his plans for a woolen mill aboard a
ship to the United States; he built the first woolen mill in the United
States in 1791 in Gray, Cumberland County, Maine.2 His family
followed later. Myra’s mother, Margaret Mayall, “married James
Radcliff when Myra was a child. Although the date and circumstances are unknown, Myra migrated to the United States, and met
William Henrie. They married in Ohio on November 17, 1824, and
1. The information on her birth is embroidered in green yarn on a simple paper
sampler, now owned by a descendant.
2. Ben Butter and Natalie Butter, “The Mayall Woolen Mill First in the United
States,” Down East: The Magazine of Maine, September 1970, 29–35, 312.
29
30
prospered.”3 Parley P. Pratt and Samuel Smith, brother of Joseph,
taught them the gospel, and sometime after their baptism they
joined the Saints in Nauvoo.4
The Henries purchased property from Joseph Smith and came to
know him intimately as neighbors. Again they prospered. Son James
said that Myra sometimes served the Prophet buttermilk or a baked
potato, and they often played games with him. Family tradition
claims that Joseph borrowed a horse from the Henries for John Taylor
to ride to Carthage. Other stories say the horse whinnied as it passed
the Henrie farm, and Joseph raised his hat and blessed the family.5
Myra did not talk about receiving ordinances in the Nauvoo
Temple or about their journey to Winter Quarters and her year
there, although all of these occurred. 6 William accompanied
Brigham Young to the Salt Lake Valley in the original pioneer company; Daniel, Myra and William’s eldest son, joined the Mormon
Battalion. When all had reached in the valley, William continued to
explore the area, even as far as southern Utah with the Parley P. Pratt
expedition of 1849.7
3. Manetta Prince Henrie, Ancestry and Descendants of William Henrie, 1799–
1883, ed. Ryan Henrie (Provo, UT: privately printed, 1954), 8, http://henrie.org/
red_book/red_book.pdf.
4. This information comes from a history written by Callie O. Morley, a greatgranddaughter of William and Myra. Evidently Morley interviewed a number of
people to obtain information. Her biography is compelling, but there are some
errors, and this account has not yet been fully verified. Callie O. Morley, “William
and Myra Mayall Henrie,” Typescript, 1955, Church History Library, The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church
History Library.
5. Thelma Miller Higbee, “Stories of the associations of the William Henrie
Family with the prophe[t] Joseph Smith as told to me by my aunt Mary Henrie
Cooper,” n.d., Church History Library.
6. Myra received ordinances in the Nauvoo Temple on January 22, 1846.
Nauvoo Temple Endowment Register, 1845–46, 1:179, Church History Library.
7. “William Henrie,” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database, 1847–68,
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed November 21, 2011,
31
The Henries established a homestead in Bountiful, Utah, and
lived together until 1865, when they were called to help found a
new settlement in Panaca, Utah (later Nevada). After long years of
pioneering, William refused to leave Bountiful; he needed to stay
put for a season. Myra, however, heeded the call and accompanied
two of her married sons and their families to the small outpost.
Myra taught school in Panaca and Panguitch, Utah, in both places
helping to run a co-op and serving as Relief Society president.8
Myra and William remained faithful, although apart. Theirs is
an unusual, fascinating, poignant family history.
Myra left no diary, but in an 1852 bible, she meticulously recorded the births of her seven children, the first four born in Miami
Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, and the last three born in
Colerain Township. The names given the children show her family
ties; each name seems to be that of an ancestor or a living family
member.
Preserving those family ties was a theme throughout Myra’s
life, as is manifest by several extant letters to her daughter. From
Manti, Utah, on July 11, 1868,9 Myra wrote a letter to her daughter,
Margaret, who lived in San Bernardino, California:
I take my pen to write you a few lines, I hardly [k]now
what to say to you, I have wrote so often it seems as if I can
not find language to express my feelings. I received your letter with peculiar feelings to hear of your sickness in your
family and of your poor health. I hope you will live so that
http://mormontrail.lds.org; Over the Rim: The Parley P. Pratt Exploring Expedition
of Southern Utah, 1849–50, ed. William B. Smart and Donna T. Smart (Logan:
Utah State University Press, 1999).
8. Morley, “William and Myra Mayall Henrie,” 9–11.
9.  Myra was visiting her son Daniel and his wife Amanda Bradley in Manti,
Utah.
32
if you should be taken from the Earth before I get to see you
that you can meet your change with joy and we will meet
the other side of the Vail with joy. I am here on a visit on my
way to the City. Samuel [one of Myra’s sons] is going up to
the City this fall and he is comin by after me.
I hardly [k]now what to say about Moses [Margaret’s
husband] bringing goods to Meadow Vally to sell. I have
wrote to you about it before, it seems as if you do not get
all my letters by the way you write. I think he would make
it pay. I wish I was so I could be ware I could do something
for you. I could at least be company for you if you would
come and bring your family with you I would do all I can
for you and I think I could do something for you. James
[another son] and Samuel has got a saw mill and grist Mill
in operation. They seem to be blessed, with the exseption of
loosing their Children.
I got a letter from Sister Mary the same day I got yours
and one from Samuel. She said they are all well and Reba
was well. I have been here three weeks Monday next. Sister
Mary is comin to see me when the Rail Road gets threw.10
She sent me her likeness [photograph], and one for you. I
was to send it to you and tell you it was your Aunt Mary
Simmonds. She wants you to write to her post office address is Mary Simmonds, Miami town, Crosby Township,
Hamilton County, Ohio. She writes Beautiful letters wants
to now something of our religion; means to come and see
for herself. I hope she will. I want you if you write to her to
take particular pains and spell better.
I have no particular news, your Father went back to Salt
Lake last April. I kept School till I came away. I had a good
chance to come, and I thought I would take a rest, we got
10. The transcontinental railroad was completed on May 10, 1869, less than a
year after Myra wrote this letter.
33
the letter you wrote to Daniel [with whom Myra was visiting]. He was glad to hear from you, Daniel has a large family. His oldest daughter Mary is married and lives close by.
I think she has got A good man. Amanda [Daniel’s wife]
sends her love to you. She has a fine little girl, She calls it
Margaret for you. It has the Hooping cough. With the exceptions of that they are well. Daniel and Amanda looks
old. He has four Children I had not seen till I came here.
Daniel thinks you had better come back. I think myself, you
would do well to come back, Moses can get all the freighten
he can do here, and you could be with me.
[Son] James enjoys himself well. Feels as if he was doin
right. Daniel seems to have things comfortable, Susan [wife
of Myra’s son Joseph] has four Children, three boys and one
girl. I want you to write and tell Myra [granddaughter] to
write. Direct your letters as before, and if I should not be
there they will send them to me. I think I shall be there by
the time you are, if you do start in October. Give my best
respects to Moses and the Children. Kiss the little girls for
me and don’t let them forget me. My love to you.
Never join the Josephites.11 I was glad to hear you had
not joined them. You say you are as ever—you can not be. If
you was you would not stay there, you would come here and
live with this People. Do you mind when you would come
to the Vally all I could say [illegible]. Mrs Guard thinks you
are verry proud, not sociable. Do not get proud. Remember
we are nothing but dust and unto dust we must return.
Teach your children to be kind and good to one another
and to every body else, and to so live that they will not fear
to die. . . .
11. The term “Josephites” was a name for followers of Joseph Smith III, leader
of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (now Community
of Christ).
34
The times seems to look strange the way things seems to
move, but the Lord works in a mysterious way. Who will be
able to stand in the day of his comin? I feel more and more
weaned from the world as I grow old. I think with one of old
all is Vanity and if we have hope only in this World we are
of all, most miserable, but we have a hope beyond the Vail.
Give my love to Mother Daily [Margaret’s mother-in-law]
and Eliza and tell Eliza to write to me. Write soon as this
comes to hand. Good by for this time. May the Lord bless
you and spare your life and mine that we may meet again.12
Panaca Relief Society President
Myra relocated from Bountiful, Utah, with two of her married
children and their families to the small settlement of Panaca, Utah,
in 1865. The Panaca Relief Society minute book recorded its organization on November 15, 1869. It was “moved by Mary C Langford
seconded by Mary Ann P Marshall that Myra Henrie be Presidentess
of the Society.”13
In answer to Myra’s inquiry about her duties, Eliza R. Snow
wrote: “You are called to do all the good you can in every way
Temporly Spiritually morally intellectually and do no harm. It
would be impossible to define the duties, you must act according
to circumstances, be humble and God will strengthen and assist you
and you will do much good.”14 Two weeks later, the Relief Society
minute book recorded:
12. Myra Mayall Henrie to Margaret Henrie Daley, July 11, 1868, Photocopy
of holograph, in private possession.
13. Relief Society Minutes, November 15, 1869, Panaca Ward, Uvada Stake,
Church History Library.
14. This letter from Eliza R. Snow, dated January 23, 1870, was read and recopied into the December 18, 1873, minutes of the Panguitch Ward Relief Society,
Panguitch Stake, Church History Library. The letter was found on page 8, following the 1873 priesthood minutes, Panguitch Ward, Panguitch Stake, Church
History Library. Perhaps Myra took it to Panguitch, Utah, when she moved.
35
Sister Henrie said she had been trying the past week to
find out some information pertaining to our society. She
said the young sisters there would be places where they
could do much good. She said she would like the teachers
to go round and meet before fast day. She thought it would
be best to hold our next meeting then. And for the teachers
to give in their reports. There is a poor family come in. . . .
They are in need of assistance. She thought that Sister Mary
Ann Procter and Martha Norton had better go and visit this
family and see after their nessesities. She wished the sisters
to assist them by giving in something to relive them.15
On February 19, 1870, the women of this struggling little outpost penned an audacious letter, preserved in the Relief Society minute book, to the editor of the Deseret News:
Dear Sir—The ladies of this place met to day in Mass
Meeting to give expression to their feelings in common with
their sisters of the same faith in other parts of the Territory
on the Cullon & Cragin Bills now before Congress. Meeting
opened by singing and prayer. On motion Mrs Myra Henrie
was called to the chair. She stated she was pleased to see
so many of the ladies of Panaca together on this interesting occasion. She felt that the Cullon and Cragin Bills were
an insult to the good sences and moral and religious sentiments of the Ladies of Utah. Several Ladies made many very
appropriate remarks. They spoke in strong condemnatory
terms against submitting to such oppressions as the said bills
contemplate imposing on this people. . . .
We accept Polygamy or plural marriage and are determined to sustain the principle against all opposition. If the
Husbands are imprisoned they will have to take the wives
15. Relief Society Minutes, December 18, 1869, Panaca Ward, Uvada Stake,
36
and Children as well. We will let them learn something of
the power of Union. We need not fear what man can do for
all men are in the hands of the Lord God of Israel. To submit to such oppression would be to make ourselves slaves of
debauchery and crime. Meeting was adjourned to this day 2
weeks. Benediction by the President.
Although Myra took her role as Relief Society president seriously, she also was obliged to attend to personal, practical matters, as
another entry attests. September 1, 1870, found Sister Henrie absent
from Relief Society, but she was in the minutes: “Leave off all your
gossiping and talking and pay all due respect to sister Henrie for
she tries to do the best she can. She has not been able to attend very
regular but the days are getting shorter and the summer work will
be done [and] the sisters will be better able to attend the meetings.”
Relief Society President—Again
When Panaca became part of Nevada instead of Utah, Brigham
Young urged residents to move to Panguitch but also gave them permission to move back to the Salt Lake Valley. As they prepared to
leave Panaca, Myra suggested, “[Let us all] meet together and dance
and sing and have a good time once more before we move.”16 The
Henries, excluding Myra’s husband, William Henrie, who was still
in Bountiful, moved to Panguitch.
In August of 1874, the Woman’s Exponent published a letter
showing Myra again serving in the Relief Society:
The Relief Society of the town of Panguitch was organized December 10th, 1873; it now numbers seventy-eight
members and is progressing very favorably. It is an organization from God, and as such we feel a pleasure in being
16. Relief Society Minutes, March 2, 1871, Panaca Ward, Uvada Stake, Church
History Library.
37
numbered with the Society here in Panguitch, though it is
only a small branch, as it were, just putting forth its first
leaves. The great design of this Society is to do good and
instruct one another; to lift up and not pull down; to comfort those who mourn; help the poor; teach each other how
to live, be industrious and set an example of neatness and
piety worthy of imitation; to help us improve the talents
God has given us; to help prepare us for an exaltation in the
Celestial Kingdom; to unite us; teach us to love one another
and cease to do evil, and to ennoble and fit us for Eternity.
Myra Henrie President, Mary Ann P. Marshall, Secretary.17
On the day she was sustained, “Mrs President made a few remarks wishing the sisters to be united. She felt her weakness and
inability to go forth and perform the great and responsible duties
which is placed upon her. She desired an interest in the faith and
prayers of the sisters so that she may have a portion of the Spirit of
the Lord to direct her continually.”18
Some months earlier, Myra returned to Ohio to visit relatives.
The Harrison News published two items heralding her arrival. The
first appeared on August 8, 1873:
Mrs. Henry, wife of Wm. Henry, a former resident of
Miamitown has been visiting friends and relatives at her old
home this week. She left this part of the county in 1836
[James wrote it was in 1841; Myra and William were baptized July 17, 1842, by Andrew Lamoreaux] and joined the
Mormons, among whom as one of the faith, she has been
living ever since. Her age is 70 years, and her bodily health
good. She is yet strong in the faith and anxious to renew
her relations with the strange, to us, people of Utah. Her
17. “R.S. Reports,” Woman’s Exponent 3, no. 6 (August 15, 1874): 42.
18. Relief Society Minutes, December 10, 1873, Panguitch Ward, Panguitch
Stake, Church History Library.
38
home is 300 miles the other side of Salt Lake City near the
Arizona line to which place she returns soon. We did not
learn how many other wives Mr. Henry has but suppose he
has at least a baker’s dozen.
The truth was that William had only one wife: Myra. The next
month, the newspaper printed another item:
Mrs Henrie visited her sister, Mrs. Rachel (Richard)
Simmonds of Miamitown. She [Myra] is a Mormon lady
Intelligent, 70 years of age, teacher nine months a year, superintends two Sunday Schools. Mrs. Henrie is President of
Relief Society, a remarkable lady. She travelled 300 miles in
a wagon before she reached the cars at Salt Lake City. Mrs.
Henrie has been a Mormon upwards of 30 years.19
Once Myra returned to Panguitch, she wrote a letter to her
daughter detailing her experiences:
I try to write you a few lines. I hardly now how to address you. It is a painful task to write to you to think ware
you are and how long since I have seen you and then to
think the probability is I never will see you, my only girl.
How do you think I can bear up under [it]? But what cant
be cured must be endured. Why is it . . . that I cant have the
company of my only girl that I loved as myself? My health
has been poor for some time. I am well cared for but O if I
only could have you to look after me as I could my Mother
in her last days. I had a lovely visit [in Ohio]. Was in the old
house in the room where Mother and Father died. Visited
their graves, went to Blue Rock. The old meetin house is
gone, the grave yard mostly gone. After A diligent search
found the footstone with S[arah] H[enrie] on it. Did not
19. “A Mormon,” Harrison News, August 8, 1873; September 1873.
39
do anything to the graves; thought it not [worth] while.
Brother James has Our old place. Built him a new house.
[He] has and large grist mill and saw mill. Saw the old pear
trees, had A good time. Had many presents. Brother gave
me fifty dollars. Had a good time with my Sisters. Went to
W Henries old place but the old cherry tree was gone and
the porch as well, but the spring was there. Took A drink
out of it. Was in the room ware phebe and me had spent so
many happy nights. The Orchard all but one or two trees
cut down. Fathers old orchard all gone but two trees gone.
Drawed a bucket of water out of our old well and took a
drink, drawed a bucket of water out of Fathers old well and
took a drink. Was in the old smoke house, went down to
ware the old Mills stood, crost the river on the bridge, saw
many of my old friends.
The W Henries family are all dead. Went and saw their
graves, I had peculiar feelings while lookin at Fathers and
Mothers graves. Visited many of my old friends graves,
knew many of my old play mates. . . . I want you to write
soon as you get this and tell your Childrens names all of
them and their ages and tell me if you can keep A head of
your girls. Send me the Babys picture. I had the babys and
your picture with me East. Sister had these taken from it—
all that saw them thought it the prettiest baby they ever saw.
I got A likeness from Sister Mary. She says she is comin to
see us and stay the Summer with [me]. . . . If my health is
good and Mary comes, and I can raise money, I may come
and see you. . . . If you could hardly [k]now me I look so
old and rinkled, you will all get and be good to Mother
Daily. Give my love to her—tell the Children to be good to
her. . . . Good By from your poor old Mother to her beloved
daughter Margaret.20
20. Myra Mayall Henrie to Margaret Daily, March 7, 1873[4?], Photocopy, in
40
Myra’s tenure as Relief Society president in Panguitch continued. The minutes often mention the instructions given by “Mrs
President” during early meetings in Panguitch. She suggested the sisters improve their time, faithfully attend their meetings, speak well
(not evil) of each other, and be united and faithful. She counseled
them to do all the good they could with the Spirit of the Lord dwelling within them, as they helped to build the Kingdom. She directed
the sisters who went around teaching to go in favorable weather, and
she said she hoped the young sisters who taught would become wise
and good women. She asked them to contribute time and money
to prepare clothing for a deceased brother and expressed worry and
sadness about a woman who was ill and in need of aid.21
Eventually, Mrs. President tried to resign with no success. On
June 5, 1879, she finally received her release. She was nearly seventyseven years old, quite aged for her day.
As Myra’s years multiplied and she and William remained apart,
Myra longed to be assured that they would not be separated for eternity. Priesthood blessings gave her assurance, but she seemed to need
William’s reassurance. On November 22, 1881, L. John Nuttall, secretary to the First Presidency, wrote in his journal:
Sister Henrie called on Prest Taylor and expressed her
desires for her husband and herself to become reconciled so
they could go to the Temple & receive such ordinances as
they are worthy. Br Henrie lives at Bountiful & they have
been separated for some ten years—she would like to have
private possession. The owner of Myra’s original letter transcribed the date as 1879.
At present, only a poor photocopy of the original is available, and on it the date
appears to be 1873, though that date is impossible because it puts the composition
of the letter before the trip east. It seems unlikely that Myra would wait six years
before writing her daughter about her journey. A more likely date is 1874.
21. This is a summary of minutes of Panguitch Ward Relief Society.
41
Prest Taylor talk to him or have something done in this
matter.22
William died in Bountiful on December 18, 1883, having
willed all his worldly goods to the Church, except for tokens to his
“beloved” wife and children.
Nearly ten years later, Myra died February 3, 1893. Throughout
her long life, she endeavored to kindle living testimony within her
posterity. At her funeral, all spoke “in praise of the Long, useful and
exemplary life of Sister Henrie, and encouraging the numerous posterity of Sister Henrie to emulate her good example.”23
Myra probably looked down and smiled.
22. Jedediah S. Rogers, ed., In the President’s Office: The Diaries of L. John
Nuttall, 1879–1892 (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 2007), xxviiin23, 79,
79n34.
23. General Minutes, February 5, 1893, pp. 30–31, Panguitch Ward, Panguitch
Stake, Church History Library. General minutes include those taken in sacrament
meetings and other meetings which the general congregation attends. General
minutes are typically not associated with any specific organization, such as Sunday
School or Relief Society.
Chapter Thirty-Nine
“Drops of Grace and Mercy”
Zina Baker Huntington (1786–1839)
Rachel Cope
O
n May 2, 1786, Oliver and Dorcas Dimick Baker welcomed
twin daughters, Zina and Lina, into their home in Plainsfield,
New Hampshire. In the Baker household, Dorcas, who would ultimately give birth to twelve children, focused on domestic tasks,
while Oliver worked as one of the first physicians in the state.
Zina and Lina grew up assisting their mother with chores.
Cooking, cleaning, sewing, spinning, weaving, and needlework
certainly shaped a significant part of their daily routine. But Zina’s
life, at least, was not consumed entirely by such work. She developed intellectual as well as practical skills and cultivated family and
social relationships. Reading, writing, and religious engagements,
which were both private and public activities in early New England,
allowed young women such as Zina to form reading circles and
42
Zina Baker Huntington ( 1786–1839)
43
other groups that fostered friendships and promoted intellectual
engagement.1
Religion also played an influential role in young Zina’s life. By
the 1790s, New England churches experienced what scholars have
called a Second Great Awakening.2 Because the religious revivals that
permeated society during that time spread from location to location,
conversion became a common phenomenon. Young women in particular accepted religion following a growing sense of conviction.3
This environment, which encouraged spiritual seeking, fed Zina’s
early religious interests.
On November 28, 1805, nineteen-year-old Zina Baker married William Huntington Jr., son of William and Presendia Lathrop
Huntington, and moved about three hundred miles from her parents’ home in Plainfield, New Hampshire, to the Huntington home
in Watertown, New York.4 In Watertown, Zina created a home of
her own, established a social network, and attended church meetings. Like her mother, she would spin, weave, plant and cook; she
also assisted her husband in his farm business. Zina taught her
1. Mary Kelley, “‘The Need of Their Genius’: Women’s Reading and Writing
Practices in Early America,” Journal of the Early Republic 28, no. 1 (Spring 2008):
3–7.
2. The Second Great Awakening (1790–1840s) was a period of great religious
revival in the United States. It resulted in widespread Christian evangelism and
conversions.
3. Nancy F. Cott, “Young Women in the Second Great Awakening in New
England,” Feminist Studies 3, nos. 1 and 2 (Autumn 1975): 15–18.
4. Watertown, in northern New York state, was settled just four years before
Zina’s arrival. It became the seat of Jefferson County. It was in Adams, Jefferson
County, New York, where famed revivalist Charles G. Finney had his conversion experience in 1821. See The Memoirs of Charles G. Finney: The Complete
Restored Text, ed. Garth M. Rosell and Richard A. G. Dupius (Grand Rapids, MI:
Zondervan, 1989), 16–26; Marianne Perciaccante, Calling Down Fire: Charles
Grandison Finney and Revivalism in Jefferson County, New York, 1800–1840
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003).
44
children—she eventually gave birth to ten—to read the Bible, sing
hymns, and play musical instruments.5
Though busy with her growing family, Zina found time to worship and to reflect upon religious topics. She attended Sunday services, as well as the Baptist and Methodist revivals that prospered
in upstate New York in the early nineteenth century. Deaths in her
family, particularly those of some of her own children, enhanced
her desire to attain salvation. Zina cultivated religious belief in the
lives of her husband and children as well, and the family eventually
joined the Presbyterian church. Over time, however, scripture study
convinced Zina and William that Presbyterianism was not the same
gospel as the one they read about in the New Testament. As a result,
they again became active religious seekers.6
In the early 1830s, Latter-day Saint missionary Joseph Wakefield
stopped at the Huntington home and gave the family a copy of the
Book of Mormon. Both Zina and William became convinced of its
truthfulness and were baptized in the spring of 1835.7
The Huntington family left their livelihood and their home in
Watertown behind to gather to Kirtland, Ohio, with other Church
members. Persecution mounted in that area, and they departed, despite their destitute circumstances, for Far West, Missouri, where
they lived from 1838 to 1839. Zina and her daughters (by then
young adults) reestablished a home: Cooking, cleaning, gardening,
and socializing again became their norm. Nonetheless, that period
of peace would soon come to an end. Forced from yet another settlement when the Saints were driven from Missouri, the Huntington
5. Martha Sonntag Bradley and Mary Brown Firmage Woodward, Four Zinas:
A Story of Mothers and Daughters on the Mormon Frontier (Salt Lake City, UT:
Signature Books, 2000), 5–9.
6. Perciaccante, Calling Down Fire, 15–31; Edward W. Tullidge, The Women
of Mormondom (New York: Tullidge & Crandall, 1877), 206–7; Bradley and
Woodward, Four Zinas, 39–47.
7. Bradley and Woodward, Four Zinas, 44.
45
family made their way to Illinois, arriving in Nauvoo on May 14,
1839.
Shortly thereafter, Zina became ill with a “congestive chill,” and
in the early morning hours of July 8, 1839, she passed away.8 Her
daughter Zina Diantha wrote:
Thus died my martyred mother! The prophet Joseph
often said that the Saints who died in the persecutions were
as much martyrs of the Church as was the apostle David
Patten, who was killed in the defence of the Saints, or
those who were massacred at Haun’s Mill. And my beloved
mother was one of the many bright martyrs of the Church
in those dark and terrible days of persecution.9
Zina Baker Huntington, who discovered in the Book of Mormon
the answers she had been searching for, died knowing she had found
the truth, peace, and purpose she had longed for.
Much of what is known about Zina Baker Huntington as
a seeker of religious truth is gleaned from letters she wrote to her
mother, Dorcas Dimick Baker, between 1806 and 1829. This “silent conversation,” as Martha Bradley suggests, details both Zina’s
outer and inner worlds: the correspondence discloses patterns of life
within her family (birth, death, marriage), domestic chores, farm
responsibilities, and social functions. The letters, however, do not
center on Zina’s daily concerns. She is searching for, thinking about,
experiencing, and sharing her growing sense of religious understanding. Indeed, her longing to find the pathway to salvation is woven
throughout each letter she writes. The correspondence is the story of
her conversion.
8. Tullidge, Women of Mormondom, 207–14; Bradley and Woodward, Four
Zinas, 100–104.
9. Tullidge, Women of Mormondom, 214.
46
Zina began writing to her mother shortly after her marriage to
William Huntington Jr. and their subsequent move to Watertown,
New York. In her first letter, she reported that she and William
had arrived safely at their destination and assured her mother of
the kindness of her in-laws. Zina then recalled, “I went to meeting
last Sunday and there was quite a full meeting they had very good
singing.”10 This sentence signals the principal theme of the letters
Zina wrote for more than two decades.11
During this time, she carefully recorded the rise and decline
of religion in Watertown and neighboring communities, lamenting times of religious “stupidity” and rejoicing when “there is revivals of religion all around us some places a few drops and other
places a plentiful shower.”12 But preceding and even exceeding her
10. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, February 18, 1806, Zina
Card Brown Family Collection, 1806–1972, Church History Library, The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church
History Library. Unless otherwise noted, all quoted correspondence is from this
collection.
11. Historian Martha Sonntag Bradley commented: “These letters . . . are filled
with the disappointments and trials of Zina’s life, the changing seasons, the births
and deaths of her children and loved ones, and her husband’s business. But it is
religion—Zina’s preoccupation with matters of the spirit—that colors the pages
of these letters.” See Martha Sonntag Bradley, ‘“Seizing Sacred Space’: Women’s
Engagement in Early Mormonism,” Dialogue 27, no. 2 (Summer 1994): 57. See
also Bradley and Woodward, Four Zinas, 1–26.
12. Bradley and Woodward note that stupidity is Zina’s “favorite metaphor
for religious malaise or spiritual numbness” (Four Zinas, 28). The words stupidity
and dullness are used regularly in nineteenth-century journals, diaries, correspondence, periodicals, and memoirs in reference to times of religious stagnation. For
example, see Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, August 30, 1811,
Church History Library. Martha Tomhave Blauvelt notes that the use of the word
stupid draws on traditional Calvinist language for spiritual dullness. See Martha
Tomhave Blauvelt, The Work of the Heart: Young Women and Emotion, 1780–1830
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2007), 152. In contrast, the words
shower, drops, and dew are used in reference to religious growth and success. Zina
Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, June 6, 1813, and June 8, 1822.
47
r ecollections of the revivalism so prevalent in nineteenth-century
New York is Zina’s discovery and continuing development of her religious self. Like those of other nineteenth-century women, her writings reflect a “remapping” of her spiritual “aspiration and identity”;
she uses her letters to express how revivalism paved the pathway of
her own spiritual progress—a pathway she believed would ultimately
lead to salvation.13
Zina’s communications with her mother make it clear that she
continually pondered upon soul-searching questions because she
feared she was “more cold and indifferent than is agreeable.”14 In
her early twenties, for example, she reflected upon the meaning of
redemption through the atonement of Jesus Christ. Aware of the
evolutionary nature of her spiritual consciousness, she concluded,
“I must tell you I have a little hope of myself much better than ever
before.”15 In an effort to move even further forward on her spiritual
journey, Zina attended some of the Methodist and Baptist revival
meetings taking place in her neighborhood. When a preacher was
unavailable on Sundays, she met with other members of the community for singing and worship.16
Like many of her female contemporaries, Zina also worried
about the spiritual welfare of those she loved. She lamented their
lack of interest in religious matters and hoped and prayed that their
hearts would change. She explained to her mother that she longed to
sprinkle her family with the “drops of grace and mercy” she had experienced in her quest for religious understanding. Her perseverance
13. Joanna Bowen Gillespie, “‘The Clear Leadings of Providence’: Pious
Memoirs and the Problems of Self-Realization for Women in the Early Nineteenth
Century,” Journal of the Early Republic 5, no. 2 (Summer 1985): 198.
14. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, January 18, 1811.
15. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, August 7, 1808.
16. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, August 9, 1809. Caleb
Burnham’s barn was four miles from the Huntington home. It was known as the
Religious Society of Watertown and served as the village’s first church. See Bradley
and Woodward, Four Zinas, 28.
48
eventually paid off. On March 5, 1817, she wrote, “O what reformations we hear of from almost all parts of the earth”—reformations
that would have a powerful presence in her home. To her delight,
“this God and the Saviour of our souls (which are spirits) has I trust
appeared under the roof of my dwelling in a particular manner and
has opened the eyes of my husband . . . and has given him strength
to flee to the Saviour and to make his peace with God.”17
On another occasion, she noted: “Our eldest daughter,
Presendia, has experienced the saving change of heart, I believe. She
is 11 years of age last September and our little girl, Adaline, she is
six last August. She has had remarkable exercises indeed for such a
child, but known to God are all our hearts, and we ought to rejoice
that we are in his hands.” Eventually, Zina, William, and their children joined the Presbyterian church. The Lord had indeed “visited
[their] family with his good spirit.”18 Zina had helped shepherd her
family to God.
The letters Zina composed during and after intense periods
of revivalism reveal that religion remained her prime concern, and
thoughtful questions and impressions about salvation continued to
emerge. In 1820, for example, Zina explained that she had “found
that place where I can bless God for every thing trials as well as the
best of mercies”; despite personal weaknesses, she felt “heaven born
and heaven bound.”19 And yet, notwithstanding her membership in
the Presbyterian church, she continued to be drawn to the religious
fervor common in Baptist and Methodist revivals. To her mother
she declared, “I suppose you do not believe much in the Methodist
17. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, March 5, 1817.
18. In 1822, Zina described a plethora of revivals occurring in Watertown and
the effect they had on her young daughters Presendia and Adaline. Huntington to
Baker, June 8, 1822.
19. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, March 13, 1820. Bradley
and Woodward note that after 1820, approximately half of every letter that Zina
wrote to her mother focused on religious topics. Bradley and Woodward, Four
Zinas, 35.
49
power. I had something of a trial about it but I can tell you the way
is to labour by yourself.”20 Zina, still seeking spiritual truth, hoped
to discover a direct path to the “throne of grace.”21 She longed to
“enjoy the peace of mind that the world cannot give nor take away.”
She thus continued to consider every religious option.22
By the late 1820s, Zina questioned whether she had truly experienced the peace and assurance associated with the gospel. She
believed in God but did not think she had undergone a change of
heart—the work of divine grace—that she read about in the scriptures and heard about in revival meetings. Something seemed to be
lacking. She explained:
There is some attention to religion in this place and in
the town adjoining there has been a revival. We attended
there. We have seen the works of the Lord in conviction
and conversion of sinners such operations as I never saw before. . . . I have been in a cold state of mind. The Lord called
me to look about myself last Spring before the revival began
and O what a situation I found myself in. I felt almost in despair. O what darkness I experienced I cannot describe it. O
the goodness and mercy of God, his mercy has brought me
from time to time to see of his goodness and feel pardoning
mercy. It has made me feel deep repentance such as I thought
I never felt and then to drink of his mercy from time to time
until I feel as tho I had drunk of the water wherein we shall
never thirst. I think my dear Mother I can tell you that I
never felt that deep work of grace in my heart before.23
20. Huntington to Baker, June 8, 1822; Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas
Dimick Baker, ca. 1823.
21. Huntington to Baker, August 30, 1811. The phrase “throne of grace” is
used frequently in nineteenth-century religious writings.
22. Huntington to Baker, March 13, 1820.
23. Zina Baker Huntington to Dorcas Dimick Baker, January 22, 1829.
50
Despite her commitment to religion and her desire to be
committed to God, Zina sensed that she lacked something. By
the early 1830s, Zina and William had become dissatisfied with
Presbyterianism. Attending revivals and reading the Bible continued
to create additional questions for them rather than answering former
inquiries. Consequently, Zina anxiously labored to receive a renewal
of spiritual vigor, for, as she explained, “we shall gain his strength
if we follow on to know the Lord.”24 Seeking, she believed, would
result in finding.
The Huntington family became acquainted with Latter-day
Saint missionaries during this period. In retrospect, Zina’s son Oliver
recorded the following in his diary:
In the year 1833 or 34 what was called Mormon elders began to preach around our neighborhood, and by
some means finally came to our house, and left a Book of
Mormon which they [Zina and William] read through two
or three times and was very much taken up with the doctrine;
there had not been much preaching about there, any where,
but what father and mother heard it.25
A new scripture text provided answers to doctrinal questions—
questions that other means had been unable to resolve. Seeds of faith
cultivated through revivalism began to sprout.
During the spring of 1835, Zina and William were baptized,
becoming Latter-day Saints.26 Although Zina’s writings after 1829
have not been preserved, Oliver noted her continuing spiritual
transformation:
24. Huntington to Baker, ca. 1823.
25. Oliver B. Huntington, Diary, 1837–80, Typescript, p. 26, Utah State
Historical Society, Salt Lake City, Utah; italics added.
26. On October 1, 1836, the Huntington family moved from Watertown, New
York, to join the Latter-day Saint settlement in Kirtland, Ohio.
51
In them days we were humble and prayed every chance
we had and for everything we wanted. We were full of pious
notions, but our piety began to be a little different from the
old way. I used to delight in religious conversations in and
among the family . . . and we all became exceedingly happy
even in the midst of our scarcity and deprivations.27
Participation in revivals and other religious meetings, as well as
constant reflection and continuous searching, culminated in Zina’s
discovery of a church whose teachings resonated with her and prescribed a pathway that made sense to her. The beginnings of the
Church and Zina’s personal faith—both centered on the plan of salvation—were in part an outgrowth of nineteenth-century New York
revivalism.
Religion dominated Zina’s worldview both before and after she
joined the Church. She described her experiences, both simple and
complex, as stepping stones to spiritual growth. Everyday details and
circumstances influenced and shaped her larger story of deepening
faith and growth in grace. Zina’s letters, therefore, are a record of her
religious journey. They display the process through which she drew
closer to the Lord; they reflect her interaction between temporal and
spiritual, her theological inquisitiveness, and her abiding commitment to God. Faith, reignited and enhanced by the effects of revivalism, shaped Zina’s choices; likewise, her ability to explore and then
choose determined her faith.
Although Zina’s revival days ended when she joined the Church,
her quest for sanctification through the grace of Jesus Christ,
initiated at revival meetings, continued to define her personal pilgrimage towards salvation. Her exposure to “drops of grace and
mercy” remained a central part of her religious identity—revivalism
had encouraged change and discovery that prepared her to embrace
the fulness of the gospel as restored through Joseph Smith.
27. Huntington, Diary, 28.
Chapter Forty
“My Trials Are Nothing”
Elizabeth Lane Hyde (1811–1897)
Elizabeth J. Mott
E
lizabeth Lane was born to James L. and Jane Lane on February
26, 1811, in the town of New Radnor, Radnorshire, Wales. As
a young woman, Elizabeth established her trade as a milliner near
her birthplace and was a member of the Baptist church. Her first
romance was thwarted by class differences and other circumstances.
In 1846, when she was thirty-five, she married a widower with two
sons. Elizabeth and her husband had one son together, but the child
lived only three months.
In the fall of 1847, a farmer’s daughter who worked at the millinery introduced Elizabeth to The Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints. Elizabeth was baptized in February of 1848. She lost
her Baptist friends because of her decision to join with the Latterday Saints, and her husband was furious with her. He drank heavily, and after Elizabeth’s conversion his behavior became increasingly
52
Eliz abeth Lane Hyde (1811–1897)
53
abusive. For eight years, through her employment as a milliner, she
saved money in order to migrate to the United States.
When she had sufficient means, Elizabeth left her husband and
in 1856 made the voyage from Liverpool to Boston with a company
of Welsh Saints. From Boston, they took the train to Iowa, and then,
as members of the Edward Bunker Company, they pulled handcarts
from Iowa to Salt Lake City. Once she arrived in Utah, Elizabeth
became acquainted with the family of Heman Hyde and consented
to become Heman’s third wife. His first wife, Polly Wyman Tilton,
died in 1862 at the age of seventy-six. Heman died seven years
later, in 1869, just before his eighty-first birthday. In his will, he left
Elizabeth the use and interest of his property for as long as she lived,
and he appointed a son and two grandsons as trustees.
Elizabeth worked hard throughout her entire life; after she
settled in Utah, she managed Heman’s family laundry business.
Elizabeth wrote in her autobiography that after Heman’s death, it
was too much work for her to manage his land, and so some of it
was turned into rental housing that she oversaw. During the boom
of 1889, she and the rest of the family realized a good profit on
Heman’s old home in Salt Lake City. When she wrote her concise,
two-page autobiography for the Woman’s Exponent in 1896, she was
living comfortably in the home of one of Heman’s grandsons in Salt
Lake City, where she died the next year at the age of eighty-six.1
Elizabeth Lane Hyde’s brief autobiography chronicles her early
life in Wales, her migration to the United States as a single woman,
and her life in Utah as a plural wife. Her faith and fortitude are vibrant through it all.
1. Elizabeth Lane Hyde died on August 27, 1897.
54
Early Life in Radnorshire, Wales
Elizabeth commended her parents as “honest and industrious
people” who, although of humble station, managed to give her “as
good an education as the schools of Radnor afforded in those days.”
She learned the dressmaking trade when she was old enough, and
she worked in that business in her hometown until she was twentysix years old. During that time she became acquainted with a “very
respectable young man, a farmer’s son in the neighborhood.” She
noted, “We kept company for six years, but circumstances and my
lack of fortune combined to separate us. He married another young
woman but was never happy in his home life, and died in a few
years.”2 This regrettable experience left its mark on her emotionally.
Writing her autobiography almost sixty years later, Elizabeth
said: “I mention this circumstance because it was the reason I remained single to the age of thirty-five years. I could not remain at
home, so I went to London and worked in a millinery establishment
nearly three years.” Thus, at the age of twenty-six, she moved to
London for a fresh start. After working in London, she returned to
her home in New Radnor a week after Queen Victoria was married.
Feeling that she could not settle there again, she joined some friends
in another town nearby and commenced business in the millinery. “I
was always inclined to be religious,” she wrote, “and soon became a
leading member in the Baptist Church and Sunday School.”
In 1846 Elizabeth married a widower who had two sons, whom
she loved very much. A son was born to her, but he lived only three
months. Adding to this heartache was the fact that she was disappointed in her marriage. She recorded: “I soon found I had made
a mistake in my marriage. My husband was a drinking man and he
had deceived me; he despised every religion, and he would sometimes swear about my going to meeting.”
2. All quotations from Elizabeth Lane Hyde’s writings are from “Autobiagraphy
[sic] of Elizabeth L. Hyde,” Woman’s Exponent 25, no. 4 (August 15, 1896): 28–29.
55
More changes lay ahead for Elizabeth. Her autobiography describes her reaction to learning about The Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints and the consequences of her decision to be
baptized:
In the fall of 1847, a farmer’s daughter from a distance
came to my establishment to learn the business. She brought
some books with her which I accidentally found. I was very
much alarmed about these books, on account of the other
young girls under my charge; but she was so good-natured
over it that she soon disarmed me, and I became much interested myself in what they contained. I read the Voice of
Warning through, and then every other Mormon book I
could get. It took right hold of me; I could see truth in e very
line, and I durst not trifle with it, let the consequence be
what it might. I was clandestinely baptized on the 25th of
February, 1848, and the Lord gave me such a knowledge
of the truth, that I felt able to face the whole world. Every
trial that I have had to pass through, has strengthened my
faith, and I have been tried in very deed. As soon as it was
known that I had become a convert to the Mormon faith,
my Baptist friends forsook me, and my husband acted more
like a fiend than a man. I tried to do my duty; attended
to my business and household affairs. At times I felt above
such petty ways, and sometimes like running away out of
it; but when I stopped to consider, that seemed folly, so I
began to lay plans. All my means was in my business, so
I commenced sending money to Liverpool as often as I
could spare it, until I had sent enough to pay for my emigration to Zion the cheapest possible way.
The gospel of Jesus Christ that Elizabeth learned through the
missionary tracts provided great consolation to her and also instilled
in her courage to face the future. For example, in Voice of Warning,
which had a remarkable influence on Elizabeth, Parley P. Pratt
56
described the importance of living prophets, the fulfillment of ancient prophecies, and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon. He
also denounced what he saw as the sectarian errors of nineteenthcentury Christianity.3 In response to this message, Elizabeth’s conviction, independence of mind, resourcefulness, and above all, faith,
helped her to walk the long trail across the plains of America. Her
hope was to reach Zion in the Great Basin of the Utah Territory of
the American West.
Immigration to Utah as a Single Woman
Of all the difficult experiences of her life, the lonely, exhausting journey to Salt Lake City seems to have stayed with her in the
greatest detail, as she reflected upon it at the age of eighty-five. In
the spring of 1856, forty-five-year-old Elizabeth, traveling under her
maiden name of Lane, embarked with a company of Welsh Saints on
board a sailing vessel named the S. Curling, in honor of its captain.
Elizabeth’s composition of a poem for the captain brings to mind the
spirit of the early American Pilgrims, who believed God was guiding
and protecting their path. The Saints’ leader during the ocean crossing, Dan Jones, presented Captain Curling with Elizabeth’s tribute
to him, and she appreciated the captain’s compliments of it:
ON THE ATLANTIC OCEAN, MAY, 1856
CAPTAIN CURLING.
Come Mormons, and sing; let the deep waters ring,
All praise to our guide on the ocean;
Pray for him to have rest when Thy people are blest,
To have part in the first resurrection.
All hail to the captain, for he is our chieftain,
In crossing the mighty blue sea;
No danger we fear while onward we steer,
3. Parley P. Pratt, A Voice of Warning and Instruction to All People (New York:
W. Sandford, 1837).
57
Can a captain be kinder than he?
United we pray to see the glad day,
Roll on when the righteous are blest,
Long live Captain Curling, his canvas unfurling,
In perils may God give him rest.
Now we bid you adieu, with all the ship’s crew,
Glad to meet you again in the West.
Elizabeth Lane
After landing in Boston, Massachusetts, on May 23, 1856, the
company of Saints went straight to the trains and started for the
Mormon camp at Iowa City, where they would make the necessary
preparations for the thirteen-hundred-mile journey with handcarts.
Captain Edward Bunker was their company leader. The Bunker
Company of about three hundred men, women, and children was
the third company of Mormon emigrants who, too poor to afford
wagons and teams, pulled handcarts to the Salt Lake Valley.4
They started west from Iowa City, Iowa, on June 23, three weeks
after President Brigham Young’s June 1 deadline for departing. 5
The fourth and fifth handcart companies of Captains J. G. Willie
and Edward Martin, respectively, were even later leaving Iowa. The
Bunker Company, of which Elizabeth was part, arrived in the Salt
4. For a list of immigrants’ names by both country of origin and handcart company, see “Immigration to Utah,” Deseret News [Weekly], October 15, 1856.
5. Brigham Young, “Remarks,” Deseret News [Weekly], November 12, 1856.
This article provides a transcript of the remarks made by Brigham Young in the
Tabernacle on November 2, 1856, concerning the late arrival of the handcart
companies that season. President Young strongly criticized the late start of the
handcart companies, saying that if the brethren in the East had followed the First
Presidency’s advice about the timing of the immigration, there would not have
been so much loss of life and resources. “Edward Bunker Company,” Mormon
Pioneer Overland Travel Database, 1847–68, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, accessed June 14, 2011, http://mormontrail.lds.org.
58
Lake Valley on October 2, while the later companies were still out
on the trail with winter setting in.
Captain Bunker recorded in his autobiography that most of the
company were from Wales and did not speak English. “The Welsh
had no experience at all [with handling teams] and very few of them
could speak English. This made the burden upon me very heavy.”6
Of this language barrier, Priscilla Evans, with whom Elizabeth traveled much of the way, humorously recollected, “[Don’t] you think I
had a pleasant journey, traveling for months with about 300 people,
of whose language I could not understand a word. My husband
could speak Welch, so he could join in their festivities when he felt
like it.”7
Elizabeth wrote about the beginning of this trek, “I had always been isolated from the Church, so that I had not one particular friend; I seemed to travel all alone.” Elizabeth’s allotted fifteen
pounds of baggage was put in the handcart of Priscilla Evans and her
husband, Thomas. Thomas Evans had a wooden leg. What a sight
this ragtag company of Saints must have been. Thomas and his wife
both recorded that their company was mocked as they left Iowa.
Priscilla wrote in her autobiography: “There were many who made
sport of us as we walked and pulled our Carts. But the weather was
beautiful and the roads excellent, and altho I was sick, and weak,
and we were all tired out at night, Still we thot it a ‘glorious’ way to
come to ‘Zion.’”8
Outsiders who observed this Mormon exodus found it difficult
6. Edward Bunker, Autobiography, 1894, Holograph, pp. 22–23, Church
History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City,
Utah, hereafter cited as Church History Library.
7. Priscilla Merriman Evans, “Autobiography,” ca. 1914, Typescript, pp. 39–40,
8. Evans, “Autobiography,” 39. For the account of Priscilla’s husband, see
Thomas D. Evans, “Thomas D. Evans, and his wife, Priscilla,” pp. 7–8, Pioneer
History Collection, Pioneer Memorial Museum, International Society Daughters
of Utah Pioneers, Salt Lake City, Utah.
59
to comprehend. An Iowa newspaper, the Adams Sentinel, called the
Mormon emigrants of the Bunker Handcart Company “deluded”:
In the broiling sun these poor creatures, the majority
of whom are women, moved along slowly in Indian file,
dragging behind them in little carts the necessaries for the
journey, sometimes two women dragging the cart, at other
times a man and woman together. The company was from
Europe, and mostly consisted of English people, who had
left their comfortable homes, their early associations, and
all the attachments which render the English such unwilling
emigrants, and here, with a journey of more than a thousand miles before them, of which two hundred would be
through a perfect desert, without shade or water, these miserable deluded people were trudging forward.9
Elizabeth wrote that Thomas Evans with his wooden leg “soon
gave out in the deep sands of Nebraska,” and “his wife and myself
took the cart all the way to Laramie.” Elizabeth became afflicted
with rheumatism in her ankles and could not pull the cart past the
Black Hills of Wyoming. Captain Bunker refused to let her put her
small bundle in his cart, she wrote, so she made a friend of one
of the teamsters, and he took her bundle so that she was free to
walk without needing to carry her meager belongings. One man in
the camp was of great assistance to her during the journey. She recorded in her autobiography, “John Cousins . . . has carried me on
his back through many rivers, and when Captain Bunker put me out
of the wagon at Laramie River, he picked me up and carried me
through the water.” She emphasized, “I shall always remember [John
Cousins] with gratitude.”
The rivers and scarcity of food were Elizabeth’s greatest trials
9. “The Mormon Delusion,” Adams Sentinel, July 28, 1856. This newspaper
article provides a description of the Bunker Handcart Company from an outside
perspective.
60
during the journey. One pivotal experience while crossing the plains
with handcarts remained etched in her memory the rest of her life:
We finally came to Green River, and I was behind the
camp; there was no one in sight and it was near sundown.
I sat down and thought this is the last. After a while I began to ask myself what brought you here? I called myself
a coward. So I got up and asked the Lord to help me, and
prepared to wade the river; and the Lord did help me, and I
got safe to the camp just as they were preparing to come after me. But the next morning I could not stand; I had been
chilled through. Brother David Grant, then the Captain of
our one hundred, was sent for and had me lifted into one of
the wagons for the forenoon, and gave orders to the teamster that I should wade no more rivers, and the order was
obeyed.
David Grant must have made an exception for Elizabeth because, according to Priscilla Evans, Captain Bunker’s orders were,
“‘If any are sick among you, and not able to walk, you must pull
them on your carts.’ No one rode in the wagons.”10
In the evening of October 2, 1856, the Bunker Company arrived in Salt Lake City. They had traveled the final fifteen miles
without food because they had been instructed to eat their final
rations beyond Big Mountain at noon the previous day. They had
been expecting provisions at the camp that night, but the provisions
did not come. Upon arriving in Salt Lake Valley, they finally received a good meal and set up camp in the northeast part of the city.
The Bunker Company, the third to pull handcarts, was now
safely at journey’s end; still on the trail were the pioneers of the
Willie and Martin handcart companies. Elizabeth likely heard
President Brigham Young’s strong remarks to the Saints to rescue the
members of the handcart companies who would soon be perishing
10. Evans, “Autobiography,” 40.
61
with hunger and cold on the plains of Wyoming. President Brigham
Young vowed that he would not have such late starts of the immigrant companies ever again and placed responsibility for the lateness of the last handcart companies on the shoulders of the brethren
in the East who allowed the companies to start later than the First
Presidency had recommended. President Young concluded: “But
what have we to do now? We have to be compassionate.”11 The immediate challenge was to rescue the immigrants, despite the hardship that sending teams, men, and food placed upon Church members in Utah at harvest time.
Settlement in Salt Lake City as a Plural Wife
Though the sagebrush terrain of the Utah frontier was a far cry
from the lush Welsh countryside that had inspired many a poet,
Elizabeth found greater peace in this new land than she had ever
known in her life. Yet finding a home and a livelihood as a single
woman were the first challenges she confronted.
Again, the loneliness she felt at first is evident in her autobiography: “I had now reached Salt Lake City, the goal of my ambition;
but no one came to greet me as they did others, and take them to
their homes.” Elizabeth remained at the immigrants’ camp until after the Church’s general conference of that fall.
Elizabeth eventually located the farmer’s daughter who had introduced her to the Church in England at the millinery shop. The
woman had emigrated previously and established a home in Salt
Lake City. “She was very much changed,” Elizabeth commented on
seeing her again. “[We] were not of the same spirit now; her people
and herself were finding fault with everything, especially the Church
affairs.” Elizabeth, therefore, declined the woman’s offer to stay in
her home over the winter and had to face her fears about remarrying:
11. Young, “Remarks”; see also Andrew D. Olsen, The Price We Paid: The
Extraordinary Story of the Willie and Martin Handcart Pioneers (Salt Lake City, UT:
Deseret Book, 2006), 116–23, 290–92, 471–74.
62
So I began to think of making a home for myself, which
was a difficult thing to do in my case as I did not want another husband in this life if I could possibly help it, though
I knew that marriage was an eternal principle ordained of
God. I realized the Savior had said in the resurrection they
were not married or given in marriage. From this I understand, that in order to partake of that eternal principle, the
marriage has to be solemnized in this life. It was the time of
the Reformation, and I had plenty of suitors, among whom
were three widowers with good homes. Each one of them
told me the same thing, if I would marry him he would
not take another wife; but I declined, that was not what I
wanted. I had sacrificed my affections twice, I was now trying to act upon principle.
Elizabeth believed in the sanctity of the marriage covenant, and
she believed she needed to marry during her lifetime in order for the
sealing to last into the eternal world. Because of the Reformation
(a period in the 1850s when Church leaders preached strong sermons encouraging renewed commitment to the Word of Wisdom,
plural marriage, and church attendance), many men in the community were encouraged to marry and provide good homes to female
immigrants.12 Elizabeth seems to have no longer wanted to marry
based on her earlier idealistic expectations, which had been shattered. Rather, she preferred to marry only if she could find a family
situation that met her needs.
Through David Grant, Elizabeth was introduced to his
12. Stanley S. Ivins, “Notes on Mormon Polygamy,” Western Humanities Review
10, no. 3 (Summer 1956): 229–39; Brigham Young, “Reformation Necessary
among the Saints—Infidel Philosophy,” November 2, 1856, in Journal of
Discourses, 26 vols. (London: Latter-day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854–86), 4:58–63;
Heber C. Kimball, “Reformation—A Test at Hand to Prove the Saints,” December
21, 1856, in Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (London: Latter-day Saints’ Book
Depot, 1854–86), 4:138–45.
63
father-in-law, Heman Hyde, and his wife Polly. “They were generally
called Father and Mother Hyde, they were getting to be old people.”
They had a comfortable home on State Street in the Thirteenth
Ward, Elizabeth wrote. “In them I found congenial spirits, I could
sit and talk with them about Mormonism by the hour and not get
weary.” This feeling of being united in the true gospel of Jesus Christ
was the principle upon which Elizabeth now acted.
Heman and his family, formerly quite wealthy when they
lived in New York State, had sacrificed most of their worldly possessions during the Church’s battered days in Kirtland, Missouri,
and Nauvoo. Joining in their deep conviction, Elizabeth wrote: “I
was willing to work and help them in their declining years; and I
consented to become one of the family, and was sealed to Brother
Hyde as his wife, in the new and everlasting covenant, on the 6th of
December of that same year [1856]. I have always been happy and
contented in my last choice, and so were Brother and Sister Hyde.”
Perhaps it is significant that Elizabeth consented to become “one of
the family,” as she phrased it; she wrote about her plural marriage to
Heman not as a wedding to an individual man but as a sealing into
a family that provided for her and she for them.
Heman had married his first wife, Polly Wyman Tilton, in
Vermont in 1810, many years before even hearing about the
Church.13 He did not marry his second wife, Prudence Bump, until 1851, when they were among the first Mormon immigrants settling the Salt Lake Valley.14 Of Polly, Heman’s first wife, Elizabeth
13. Marriages, birth dates, death dates, and names of children of Heman Hyde’s
family were found on “Heman Hyde,” Family Tree, last modified February 15,
2002, accessed June 14, 2011, www.angelfire.com/folk/morgan/fam/fam01491.
htm.
14. Prudence was forty-five years old at the time of her marriage to Heman.
According to the Family Tree website, Heman married five women in total: His
fourth plural wife, Catherine Mary Griffiths, was born in Wales in 1825; she was
thirty-four years old at the time of her marriage to Heman in 1859. They had
two children together, and besides his first wife, Polly, she was the only other wife
64
commented in her autobiography: “Mother, as I always called Sister
Hyde, would say, ‘Elizabeth it was the Lord brought you here to
comfort me.’ We lived together nearly six years without a jar. I took
care of her for seven months in her last sickness (with dropsy.) She
died in September, 1862.”
Elizabeth had always been self-sustaining. Ironically, in Salt Lake
City she ended up working in one of the only businesses in which
she had no interest. “[While] traveling I would often think, what
could I do when I arrived here,” she wrote in her autobiography. “I
could do almost anything except washing or weaving. What was my
surprise the first week to find that the Hyde family kept a laundry
and did washing for gentlemen.” Evidencing her plucky personality,
she “said nothing, but turned to and helped, and soon mastered the
business, and took the lead and made a success.” This business was
the chief support of Heman’s family.
Heman lived until June 11, 1869, dying at the age of eighty-one
years.15 Elizabeth called him a “just man,” recording that he “protected [her] by making a will; he left [Elizabeth] the use and interest
of the property as long as [she] lived.” When the will was probated,
Heman’s son Rosel and two of his grandsons were appointed trustees of the estate. “They put everything in order and left it in my
charge,” Elizabeth wrote. “I soon realized that I could not manage
the land to make a living, so I petitioned the Court and they sold a
five acre lot, and helped me to build two tennement houses on the
city property, to rent.” The rent money made her comfortable for
twenty years.
In the boom of 1889, Elizabeth and the family sold Heman’s old
home at a good price. “The trustees put the money to interest for
with whom he had children. Susannah Lane, Heman’s fifth plural wife, was born
in England in 1788. She was seventy-nine when she was married to Heman in
1867 in Salt Lake City, Utah; this marriage likely took place in order for Susannah
to be cared for. She died the next year on October 8, 1868, less than a year before
Heman died.
15. “Obituary,” Deseret News [Weekly], July 28, 1869.
65
my benefit, and it brings me a nice income,” Elizabeth wrote. At the
time she penned her autobiography in 1896, Elizabeth was living
with one of Heman’s grandsons. She had a room to herself, and the
family provided her with board and assistance. “They respect and
love me, anticipate all my wants, and there is nothing too good for
‘grandma.’”
Elizabeth reflected thus on her life at the age of eighty-five:
When I look back on my past life my trials are nothing
when compared with the prospect of sharing in the reward
that is in store for this great and good people, the Latterday Saints, whom the God of heaven has picked out from
among the nations, and brought to Zion to learn of His
ways and keep His commandments, and make “The desert
blossom as the rose.”
Chapter Forty-One
“I Could No Longer Resist the Truth”
Mary Ann Price Hyde (1816–1900)
Kaye Watson
I
n central Utah lies Spring City, a peaceful farming community
noted for the preservation of its historic roots. There, in Spring
City’s small cemetery, lie the earthly remains of Mary Ann Price
Hyde, wife of Latter-day Saint apostle Orson Hyde. Emmeline B.
Wells described her as “noble, gentle, kindly, with sweet humility.”1
Emmeline also noted that Mary Ann “had rare executive ability, and
was of a highly spiritual nature; with the two combined she was eminently qualified for her important labors,” for she was a woman who
“enjoyed her labors and magnified her callings.”2
Mary Ann’s birth on June 5, 1816, to William and Mary Ann
1. Emmeline B. Wells, Inscription on Mary A. P. Hyde’s headstone, Spring City
Cemetery, Utah.
2. Emmeline B. Wells, “In Memoriam,” Woman’s Exponent 29 (June 15, 1900):
11.
66
67
Price in Lea, England, was much anticipated. As the second child
and first daughter, Mary Ann found herself in a family leadership
position, especially after her older brother’s death in 1836 and her
father’s death some four years later on January 10, 1840. Life in a
comfortable English family provided her with excellent educational
experiences, both in the Anglican faith and in secular subjects at
the nearby Broad Oak Academy.3 Mary Ann’s marriage to cousin
Thomas Price on June 30, 1836, continued her cozy lifestyle.
After a hesitant inquiry about the Mormons in 1840 and subsequent reading of several Church publications, Mary Ann became
convinced of the truth of the restored gospel; her husband, Thomas,
was strongly opposed to her associating herself with this new faith.
Others of her family, including Mary Ann’s brothers and sisters and
their mother, were also converted, and together they emigrated from
England in 1841 to join the Saints in Nauvoo. Mary Ann married
apostle Orson Hyde as a plural wife (1843) and bore and buried
her only child (1846). She trekked to the Salt Lake Valley in 1852,
homesteaded in the Carson Valley in 1855, and settled in tiny
Spring City in 1860.
Belief in the restored gospel provided Mary Ann an exciting and
challenging life with continual opportunities to be fed spiritually
by early Church leaders, experience tests and trials, and make important decisions. She was a supportive companion to family and
friends and possessed leadership capabilities that guided her as Relief
Society president of the Sanpete Stake for many years. Although
pain and sorrow were her frequent companions, Mary’s strong faith
and knowledge upheld her. She freely shared her many gifts along
her life path, all the while strengthening those blessed to gravitate
into her sphere of existence.
3. Lea’s population might have been around 200 in 1816. Myrtle Hyde, Orson
Hyde: Olive Branch of Israel (Salt Lake City, UT: Agreka Books, 2000), 153.
68
A snippet of gossip altered Mary Ann Price’s world forever. In
1840, “a man and his son were employed to paint and paper my
home,” she recounted. “I had previously been informed that they
had embraced some strange delusion: But knowing the man was sober, industrious and the father of a large family and moreover belonged to the established church of England . . . I could not suppose
that it was true.” Two weeks later Mary Ann ventured a humble inquiry. The painter replied that “it was true that he had embraced the
faith of the Latter day Saints,” she wrote, “and if I would allow him
to [he] would bring me some of their books.” Mary Ann recalled:
He first handed me the “Voice of Warning” [by Parley P.
Pratt], then other works touching the first principles of the
Gospel of Jesus Christ. These, together with his own testimony, alarmed me, for I found myself believing! What
should I do?
I had perused many interesting works lent me by our
venerable clergyman of the Episcople Church, which led me
to reflect on the “Gathering of Israel”—“the Millennium”
and many other subjects.4
I could no longer resist the truth—for such it appeared
to me—and, therefore, requested to be baptized. I did not
venture to consult with my friends, thinking I was old
enough to judge for myself and, I must confess, fearing opposition from those I dearly loved.5
4. Her father encouraged her to “read the Bible, to reflect, and to study other
religions.” Hyde, Orson Hyde, 153.
5. She was twenty-four years old. According to Spring City Ward records,
Thomas Pitt baptized her in November 1840. Mary Ann Hyde, “Reminiscences,”
ca. 1880, Microfilm of holograph, p. 1, Church History Library, The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church
History Library; Record of Members Collection, Spring City Ward, Sanpete Stake,
69
Mary Ann’s flickering testimony quickly flared into a flame
that never died, and she could not hide it. Although shocked by
Mary Ann’s baptism, her sister Elizabeth soon “became convinced
and followed [Mary Ann’s] example.”6 Other family members, Mary
Ann explained, also “became acquainted with some of the leading
Elders and attended their meetings and, eventually, my mother, two
brothers and three Sisters, obeyed the Gospel.”7
They then faced an important decision. “It now became a serious matter to contemplate ‘Gathering with the Saints’ to a foreign
country” and “to sell our home and all our possessions,” Mary Ann
wrote. “This weighed heavily upon our dear Mother. . . . She at
length yielded to the intreaties of her children and sold her home
and made preperations for departure. Many friends rallied around
her with expostulations but to no purpose.”8
Simultaneously, Mary Ann’s husband, Thomas, disapproved and
grew more “intensely adverse to her affiliation with the Mormons.”
Mary Ann resolved that “the Gospel must be her priority” and formulated a plan: She would leave for a scheduled voyage in the quiet
dark of night. The only obstacle was an obnoxious squeak in the
lid of her sea chest, which she feared might wake her husband as
she prepared for her final departure. Earnest and anxious prayers ascended heavenward. If this Church was to be her destiny, Mary Ann
determined, she would hear only Thomas’s blissful snores upon her
exit. Her answer was received; the lid was mute.9 She set sail with
her mother and siblings on September 21, 1841, arriving in Nauvoo
in mid November.10
6. Elizabeth was baptized on December 10, 1840. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 1.
7. Deborah Ann was baptized on January 21, 1841; William Price Jr., in
March 1841. Lea’s 1841 British Census lists mother Mary Ann at age fifty, grocer,
with children William, Emma, Charles, and Lavinia. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 2.
8. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 2.
9. Hyde, Orson Hyde, 154.
10. Mary Ann, her mother, her brothers, William and Charles, her sisters
70
Nauvoo in 1842 was less than ideal. Inadequate housing and
food might have contributed to her young sister Emma’s death
on March 24, 1842. Mary Ann’s strong faith upheld her through
this sorrowful experience. The Lord answered her prayers, and the
Church provided exciting new experiences, with many opportunities
for spiritual growth and personal development. In 1843, she met
Elder Orson Hyde of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles after he
returned from dedicating Palestine for the preaching of the restored
gospel. Mary Ann recounted:
He carried letters of introduction to me and invited
me to visit his wife [Marinda]. I was there met by Joseph
Smith, the Prophet, who, after an interesting conversation
introduced the subject of plural marriage and endeavoured
to teach me that principle. I resisted it with every argument
I could command for, with my tradition, it was most repulsive to my feelings and rendered me very unhappy, as I
could not reconcile it with the purity of the gospel of Christ.
Mr. Hyde took me home in a carriage and asked me what
I thought of it and if I would consent to enter his family? I
replied that I could not think of it for a moment.
Thus it rested for awhile. . . . In the mean time I was
trying to learn the character of the leading men, for I sincerely hoped they were men of God. But, in my mind, plurality of wives was a serious question.
As Mary Ann fervently prayed and searched her soul, she became
convinced that Elder Hyde was a “conscientious, upright and noble
Elizabeth and Lavinia, and their aunt Hannah, age fifty-three, left Liverpool on
the same ship, led by Amos Fielding. They arrived in New Orleans on November
9 and traveled up the Mississippi on the steamboat General Pratt, with Parley P.
Pratt on board. Mary Ann and Emma are listed in Mormon Immigration Index. No
information could be found on Hannah Price in Nauvoo. Paul B. Pixton, “The
Tyrean and Its Mormon Passengers,” Mormon Historical Studies 5, no. 1 (Spring
2004): 29–52.
71
man.”11 She was sealed to him in Marinda’s presence by the Prophet
Joseph on April 20, 1843.
Mary Ann’s 1894 testimony of plural marriage is powerful: “I
was taught the principle of plural marriage by the Prophet Joseph
himself, so I know it is true. . . . I honor it, and I feel that great
blessings are in store for those honorable ones who have lived in
it.”12 She further recalled that “Mrs [Marinda] Hyde had two sweet
little girls, and I soon learned to love them and their dear Mother
who, in the Spring of 1843, received me into her house as her husband’s wife! . . . We lived happily together until our exodus from
Nauvoo, when circumstances seperated us for a season.”13
Many, including Mary Ann, witnessed Brigham Young’s miraculous appearance as Joseph the Prophet after the martyrdom. In
1888 her memory carried her “back to the time when the spirit and
mantle of Joseph fell upon [Brigham Young]. I was there and witnessed that scene at the time it occurred. I looked, and it seemed as
though it was Joseph himself. I said to those near me, ‘See—there is
Joseph,’ not even taking my eyes off for fear I should lose the sight
of it. It was a testimony to me that he was the right man in the right
place.”14
Despite Nauvoo’s chaotic circumstances after 1844, Mary Ann
and many others received temple blessings. Elder Hyde was assigned
to dedicate the temple, which he did on April 30, 1846. By midMay the Hydes had vacated Nauvoo. Mary Ann, now pregnant, was
both thrilled and fatigued. Mother Price, William Price, and her
11. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 2–3.
12. “Ladies’ Semi-Monthly Meeting,” April 21, 1894,” Woman’s Exponent 22
(May 15, 1894): 130.
14. Some attendees saw nothing unusual; others, like Orson Hyde, recorded
a fervent testimony of the transfiguration. Some who later lived in Spring City,
Utah, also testified of the occurrence. John M. Whittaker, “Memorial Anniversary,”
Woman’s Exponent 17 (August 15, 1888): 46.
72
sister Elizabeth (married to Richard Bentley)15 arrived in the area
before the birth of Mary Ann’s only child, Urania, who lived only
twelve short days. Mary faced more emotional buffeting when her
mother died several months later on March 10, 1847. Orson, serving as a missionary in England, could only offer comfort through
letters discreetly addressed to “M.”
In June 1848 Orson escorted Mary Ann to visit her younger
sister, Lavinia Hodge, who had settled in St. Louis. Orson wrote loving words to Mary Ann that later comforted her when Lavinia died
in May 1849: “May God, our heavenly father bless thee. . . . May
the visions of thy mind be instructing, and may the thoughts of thy
heart cheer thee. . . . Thou shalt have Eternal life in the Name of the
Lord, and he shall give thee the witness of this truth when thine eye
passes over these lines.”16
On July 8, 1852, it was finally time for the entire Hyde group
to travel to Utah in the Henry W. Miller Company. Orson and
Marinda were in the first body of ten with a small group of wagons;
Mary Ann traveled in the third ten with her brothers, her sister’s
family, and a young driver.17 Mary Ann was obliged to drive her own
wagon to Salt Lake after her driver, William Mason, died of cholera
on August 8.18
Once the family arrived in Salt Lake City, a home was soon constructed north of Temple Square, where Orson, Marinda, and Mary
Ann lived together for a short time until Orson was assigned to Fort
15. “Elizabeth Price,” Ancestral File Individual Record, NewFamilySearch,
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed June 28, 2011, http://
familysearch.org.
17. “Henry W. Miller Company,” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database,
1847–68, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed June 7, 2011,
http://mormontrail.lds.org.
18. George Mason, Autobiographical Sketch [ca. 1883], Church History
Library; “William Mason Jr.,” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database, 1847–
68, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed June 28, 2011.
73
Supply, Wyoming. Mary Ann succinctly wrote: “We moved to Salt
Lake City where [Orson] made a comfortable home but was soon
after called on a mission.”19
Upon his return, Orson was pleased that Mary Ann would accompany him to his next assignment. They received their first taste
of Sanpete Valley when they were sent in October 1854 as part of a
group to investigate Indian problems in central Utah.
In 1855 Orson was assigned to handle problems in Carson
Valley (now Nevada). Mary Ann again accompanied him and proved
immensely helpful to her husband through her nursing and writing
skills. She even labored with Orson to build a sawmill.
Orson returned from the Carson Valley to Salt Lake late in
1856, writing to Mary Ann with current news and a beautiful
blessing:
God Almighty bless you forever and ever for your
thoughtfulness and care for my safety and welfare. . . . I am
truly thankful that you have been counted worthy to be rejected from and by the society of the world because of your
faith and the position you occupy in relation to myself. . . .
You have been faithful, kind, and affectionate. No woman
could do better. . . . I could only wish that you were with us.20
Mary Ann rejoined the family in Salt Lake City on August 17, 1857.
On March 2, 1860, Sanpete became Orson’s top concern. He
departed for Manti on June 12, taking with him some sheep and
farming tools. After a brief stay in Manti, Orson, Mary Ann, and his
sons Frank and Charles moved to Spring Town, now called Spring
City. The Hyde’s Spring City cabin, in “Hyde Bound” on Hyde
Street, was not completed when winter arrived. The cold and snowy
conditions must have been daunting in spite of a cellar, good spring
water, and warm blankets.
74
Mary Ann seemed more concerned about being separated from
Marinda and the other family members. “This was a new country
and sparsely settled,” recalled Mary Ann, “and Mrs [Marinda] Hyde
preferred remaining in the City [of Salt Lake] with her children. So
it was agreed upon that I should go to Sanpete. It was long before I
could feel reconciled to be separated from the other part of the family for I was sincerely attached to them. The oldest son [of Orson]
accompanied us and remained with us for a season. Afterwards the
second son [followed].”21
Tensions with local Indians distressed Mary Ann: “We were
much exposed to Indian invasions and many of our number were
murdered, both men and women, and we were kept in a state of
anxiety and alarm for the safety of our friends when absent.” She
recounted details:
An old man was killed by Indians when on his way to
the hay-fields from our place. . . . Another man died from
the effects of a poisoned arrow. One of the brethren came
flying in with blood streaming from his ear. . . . Many others barely escaped with their lives. . . . It was not safe to leave
home without an armed escort and scarcely then, for the
Indians were better acquainted with the country.22
After she and Orson settled in Sanpete County, Mary Ann
welcomed three additional wives into their home, which by 1870
bulged at its seams.23 “For several years,” Mary Ann recorded, “we
22. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 4, 7–8. Mary Ann referred to Andrew Johnson’s
death from a poisoned arrow received on May 13, 1867, on the west side of the
Stone Quarry hills. James Meek was killed; William Blain was shot in the ear.
Kaye C. Watson, Life under the Horseshoe: A History of Spring City (Salt Lake City,
UT: Publishers Press, 1987), 16–17.
23. 1870 U.S. Census, Spring City, Sanpete, Utah, accessed October 10, 2010,
www.ancestry.com.
75
lived together until the offspring became so numerous we were compelled to have separate homes.”24 Their new three-story rock home
on Main Street in Spring City required a hostess. Mary Ann’s early
education and training prepared her for this role. One son noted
that “Aunt” Mary Ann sewed all Orson’s white shirts, which he wore
everywhere.
Orson’s various assignments included apostle, stake president,
Indian agent, legislative delegate, and university regent. These responsibilities required him to frequently travel to and from Salt
Lake. Mary Ann noted: “We always had a joyful time on his return
for he was very happy in his family and called them together night
and morning for prayer. Mr. Hyde frequently questioned his children on their studies, the elder ones on grammar.”25
On one occasion, Mary Ann went to Salt Lake to promote
Orson’s small pamphlet Voice from Jerusalem. Still in Spring City,
Orson wrote to Mary Ann, emphasizing that she should enjoy her
visit in the territorial capital. “You have been measurably secluded
from society for a long time,” he said. “I thank Sister Clara Young
for contributing to your comfort and enjoyment. God bless her, and
all others who show you favor.”26
Orson missed Mary Ann during her absence and wrote her another letter, saying: “You are the anchor of my earthly hopes and
comforts; for if you ever lied to me or deceived me in any thing vital
or trivial, I do not know it. Consequently you have my unlimited
confidence in all our relations in life.”27 Because of his trust, she
24. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 4. Orson married Julia T. Reinert on August 29,
1863; Lizzie Gallier on October 15, 1864; and Sophia M. Lyon on October 10,
1865. He married a fourth wife, Ann Eliza, in 1862 before moving to Sanpete
County, Utah.
26. His pamphlet sold for fifty cents. Orson Hyde to Mary Ann Hyde, June 22,
1869, quoted in Hyde, Orson Hyde, 447–48.
76
became the owner of their Main Street home and several town lots
after his death.
Of Orson’s health, Mary Ann said it was “robust until he was
about 70 years of age when he began to decline—notwithstanding—labored faithfully in the ministry until his death, which occurred in November 1878.” Mary Ann’s telegram to President John
Taylor simply said, “Prest. Hyde breathed his last at 6 o’clock.”28
Mary Ann served actively in the Church both before and after
Orson’s death. Spring City’s Relief Society was organized on May 10,
1868, and Mary Ann was its first president. Elizabeth P. Allred and
Anna U. Larsen were counselors, Elizabeth Fretwell was secretary,
and Sarah T. Ellis, treasurer. “Six teachers were appointed on May
13 with meetings to be held on the first Thursday of the month
at 2:00 p.m. Fifteen members were initially enrolled; one year later
there were 104 members.”29
Mary Ann served the sisters in her local ward until May 15,
1879, when she became Sanpete Stake’s first Relief Society president,
a position she held until her death. She visited this huge area by
28. More people attended Orson’s funeral than there was room for in the little
Spring City, Utah, adobe church. About 120 vehicles, plus some people on foot
and horseback, traveled to the cemetery. This group included Church officials,
family members, and townspeople. Hyde, “Reminiscences,” 4; “Death of Elder
Orson Hyde,” Deseret News [Weekly], December 4, 1878; “Funeral of Elder Orson
Hyde,” Deseret News [Weekly], December 4, 1878.
29. Counselor Elizabeth T. Allred was the wife of James Anderson Allred, and
Anna U. Larson was married to Bishop C. G. Larsen. According to the 1870 U.S.
Census, there were only about 131 adult women in the town.
The Spring City Ward Relief Society purchased a city lot, built a granary,
planned for a Relief Society Hall that was never realized, produced silk through
home industry, organized a Young Ladies’ Mutual Improvement Association, and
celebrated the 1876 U.S. centennial. Given her position as Relief Society president,
Mary Ann would have been at the center of these activities. Ida Athene Allred
Osborne, ed., “Spring City Ward History” (unpublished manuscript, 1939), 19,
copy in private possession; Bergetta Jensen, “A Brief History of the Spring City
Relief Society,” Relief Society Magazine, March 1944, 181–82.
77
wagon, buggy, and later train. During her visits, Mary Ann spoke
of developing testimony, charity, and integrity. She helped to organize the stake Young Ladies’ Mutual Improvement Association and
Spring City’s Primary.
One article in the Woman’s Exponent reported that Mary Ann
traveled with Eliza R. Snow and Mary Isabella Horne through
Sanpete County in 1879.30 During that time, a silk association
was organized and grain storage was emphasized. The stake Young
Ladies’ Mutual Improvement Association was also formed during
the first Sanpete Stake Relief Society conference held in Manti on
May 19, 1879, which Mary Ann conducted.31
The Exponent reported the feelings of a Relief Society group
whose members lamented parting with “Mrs. Hyde” to whom they
had “become strongly attached on account of her many amiable and
pleasing qualities and her gentle and attractive manner.” On June
14, 1879, Mary Ann attended a meeting in Fairview and “spoke
mostly to the young; said the girls held the reins to the extent of
their influence over the young men. They should not countenance
those who use profane language or intoxicating drinks.32
Grain gleaning and storage continued to receive Mary Ann’s encouragement through the years, and “sometimes volunteer boys and
girls accompanied her; they came from many areas to be part of
grain gathering. They sang as they gleaned. Sister Hyde taught them
many Old English ballads she had sung in her youth.”33 In 1892
it was reported that the sisters of the stake had donated and stored
55,000 bushels of wheat under her leadership.34
30. “Relief Society,” Woman’s Exponent 8, no. 2 (June 15, 1879): 12.
31. “R. S. Reports,” Woman’s Exponent 8, no. 5 (August 1, 1879): 34.
32. “Fairview, July 17, 1879,” Woman’s Exponent 8, no. 6 (August 15, 1879):
44, 42.
33. Reva T. Jensen, “Mary Ann—Serene and Unafraid,” Saga of the Sanpitch 6
(1974): 20.
34. Jensen, “Brief History,” 182.
78
A “Mormon Women’s Protest,” led by Sister Mary Isabella
Horne, was scheduled for March 6, 1886. Written comments were
solicited. Mary Ann stated:
I am quite sure that every society in this Stake would
heartily respond to the efforts made to retain our rights of
suffrage, and also to solicit protection of our sex against insult and unfeeling conduct from those holding authority
in the courts of Utah. It is most deplorable that in this socalled free country, women should be arraigned before an
inquisition to answer most indelicate and unheard of questions in order to convict their husbands and the fathers of
their children. I sincerely hope the Spirit of the Lord will
preside over your meeting, and that He will soften the hearts
of those who have power to defend us in our rights.35
With Mary Ann’s wide sphere of responsibility, she was increasingly absent from Spring City.36 Local women missed Mary Ann, as
reported by Fanny Kofford: “The sisters of this place (Spring City)
were so pleased with her return, and anxious to receive of her influence they made a surprise party.”37
In 1880 Mary Ann began to reflect on the changing seasons
of life: “I now occupy the same house where my honored husband
breathed his last, with two of his wives and their children.”38
35. “‘Mormon’ Women’s Protest: An Appeal for Freedom, Justice and Equal
Rights,” Proceedings of the Great Mass Meeting, Salt Lake Theater, Salt Lake
City, Utah, March 6, 1886, p. 72, accessed June 28, 2010, www.fairlds.org/Misc/
MormonWomenProtest.pdf. About two thousand women attended; thirty-three
gave personal statements. A ninety-one-page pamphlet was published, which included letters from those unable to attend.
36. Mary Ann was not found in the 1880 U.S. Census.
37. “R. S., YLMIA, and Primary Reports,” Woman’s Exponent 9 (December 15,
1880): 110.
79
Mary Ann was close to her one surviving sister, Elizabeth
Bentley, whose family was a large part of the St. George community. Mary Ann occasionally visited her sister and performed temple
work during the winter months. Elizabeth’s death in 1882 was another emotional loss to Mary Ann, as was the death of her sister-wife
Marinda, who died in 1886. Mary Ann’s two brothers, Charles and
William, continued to be a part of her declining years and survived
her. Orson’s many children were known to have great affection for
Mary Ann, calling her “Ma Hyde,” both because of her initials and
because of their high regard for her as part of their extended family.
During her last eight years, in spite of health problems, Mary
Ann remained active in her calling and travels. Although a hip injury almost crippled her, she continued to admonish her sisters to
accept their callings and to have faith in priesthood blessings and
prayer. She continued to express her powerful testimony regarding the Prophet Joseph Smith, plural marriage, and other gospel
principles.
When her travels were finally curtailed, Mary Ann was lovingly
cared for by her namesake Mary Ann Hyde White and her family in
Salt Lake City. She made no complaints of pain. A newspaper article
noted that “her condition . . . was anything but reassuring, and both
family and friends are fearful that the end of her useful career upon
earth is about to be terminated.”
Death claimed her a few weeks later on June 16, 1900. A
beautiful funeral was held in Salt Lake City, followed by another
service in Spring City, where she was buried. Mary Ann’s 1880
“Reminiscences” ends with compelling words:
I will here state that since my first trial in receiving the
principle of plural or celestial marriage I have never doubted
this being the work of God and know that it is the most
“glorious dispensation of the fulness of times” destined to
usher in the Millennium, when peace shall reign on this
earth. In my forty years experience in this Church I have
80
had many testimonies of its divine origin and know for myself that it is the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
On Mary Ann’s headstone in the Spring City cemetery is a poem
written by Emmeline B. Wells to express her tender feelings for her
friend:
A Noble woman, and Saint indeed
Of gentle presence and a kind heart
The bread of life in every hour of need
To those cast down thou freely dids’t impart
Great was thy gift of Heavenly charity
And greater still thy sweet humility.
Chapter Forty-Two
“My Feet Never Slipped”
Presendia Lathrop Huntington Kimball (1810–1891)
Gary L. Boatright Jr.
L
ike many other early Latter-day Saints, Presendia Lathrop
Huntington descended from a rich New England and Revo
lutionary heritage. The fourth of ten children born to William
and Zina Baker Huntington, Presendia was born on September 7,
1810, in Watertown, Jefferson County, New York. She remained
in Watertown until her marriage to Norman Buell, on January 6,
1827.1
During the summer of 1835, while Presendia was living in
Lorraine, New York, her mother, Zina, visited her. Earlier that year
both of Presendia’s parents had joined The Church of Jesus Christ
1. The biographical information for this chapter comes from three sources:
Presendia’s own biographical sketches; Emmeline B. Wells, “A Venerable Woman:
Presendia Lathrop Kimball,” Woman’s Exponent (published serially, 1883–84);
Todd Compton, In Sacred Loneliness: The Plural Wives of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake
City, UT: Signature Books, 1997), 114–44.
81
82
of Latter-day Saints. Zina discussed the new religion with Presendia,
testified of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, and shared a
copy of the Word of Wisdom. After reading the revelation, Presendia
remembered, “I felt it was true, and thought I would keep the Word
of Wisdom and obtain the blessings promised.”2
Believing her mother’s words, Presendia and her husband sold
their property and moved to Kirtland, Ohio. On June 6, 1836,
she was baptized by Uriah Powell and confirmed a member of
the Church by Oliver Cowdery. Three days later her husband was
baptized.
For the next ten years, Presendia witnessed many of the triumphs and tragedies of the Church. She experienced outpourings
of the Spirit at the Kirtland Temple and heeded the call to gather to
Missouri. While in Missouri, Presendia’s husband became disaffected
with the Church; as a result, when most of the Saints left the state,
Presendia remained. In the fall of 1840, Presendia and Norman
moved to Lima, Illinois, allowing her to visit her family and friends
in nearby Nauvoo.
Taught personally by the Prophet Joseph Smith, Presendia
learned of and accepted the principle of plural marriage. In a ceremony performed by Dimick Huntington, her brother, Presendia
was sealed to the Prophet Joseph on December 11, 1841. Notwith
standing, she continued to live with Norman and was known as
Mrs. Buell.
After the martyrdom on June 27, 1844, Presendia openly
grieved with the Saints over the murder of the Prophet and secretly mourned the death of her eternal husband, Joseph. Not many
months later, she left her antagonistic husband, Norman. Impressed
with the need to support the Prophet’s widows, Heber C. Kimball
married Presendia in the spring of 1845. Nearly a year later, in
January 1846, Presendia received her endowment in the Nauvoo
2. Emmeline B. Wells, “A Venerable Woman: Presendia Lathrop Kimball,”
Woman’s Exponent 11 (February 1, 1883): 131.
Presendia Lathrop Huntington Kimball (1810–1891) 83
Temple. A short time later she was again sealed to Joseph Smith,
with Heber C. Kimball acting as proxy. Presendia left Nauvoo with
the main body of the Saints and arrived in the Salt Lake Valley on
September 22, 1848.
Despite her trials and hardships, including the premature deaths
of seven of her nine children, Presendia spent her life in the service
of others. She blessed and comforted those who lay sick and dying
and faithfully served in the temple performing ordinances in behalf
of her deceased ancestors. On February 1, 1891, at the age of eightyone, Presendia passed away at her home in Salt Lake City, Utah.
In 1881, Presendia wrote two autobiographical sketches. The
first, written on April 1, 1881, is the shorter of the two and focuses
on many of the significant events of her life. The second, written
fifteen days later, provides more detail than the first. In both documents, Presendia expresses her testimony of the restored gospel.
Presendia intended for both documents to be opened by her oldest granddaughter in 1930, the one-hundredth anniversary of the
formal organization of the Church. She sealed the two letters in the
same envelope and mailed them to Margaret Smoot in Provo, Utah,
for safekeeping.
First Sketch
Aprail 1st 1881
S L City. UT.
A brief sketch of Presendia Lathrop Huntington
born Sep 7 1810 NY Watertown Jefferson Co State of
NY. My father was born in Tolland [township] Tolland
Co Connecticut. My Mother was born in Plainfield New
Hampshire soon after the close of the revolutionary war.
My Father was born March 28 1784. My Mother Zina
Baker was born May 2d 1786. My parents both received the
84
Gospel in [18]34 moved to Kirtland in [18]36. They had
10 Children all lived to man & woman hood all embraced
the Gospel but Chancy the eldest. I was maried to Norman
Buell Jan 6th 1827. Both joined the Church in Kirtland
Geauga Co Ohio he left the church in MO [Missouri] in
1839 the Lord gave me Strength to stand a lone & keep the
faith amid heavy persecution. In 1841 I entered into the
new & everlasting Covenant was sealed to Joseph Smith the
Prophet & Seer & to the best of my ability I have honored
Plural Mariage never speking one word against the pri[n]cipal. I have been the Mother of 9 children 7 sons & 2 daughters 2 by my last Husband Heber Chace Kimball. Never in
my life in this kingdom which is 44 years have I doubted
the Truth of this great work reveald in these the last days. I
have buried Seven of my Children all in there infancy but
2 living. I hope to honor my God my religion & my Self &
be prepard to meet the many loved ones behind the vail. I
wish this to be given to my oldes[t] relative of the females
living in 1930
Presendia L Kimball Smith3
Second Sketch
Salt Lake City Utah
Aprail. 16th. 1881
A brief sketch of the life of Presendia Lathrop
Huntington born Sept 7th 1810 Watertown Jefferson Co.
NY. My Grand Father Wm Huntington. Grand mother
Presendia Lathrop were born Tolland Township Tolland
Co. Connecticut. At the close of the revolutionary war they
moved to Newgranthem Cheshire Co New hampshiere. My
3. Presendia Lathrop Huntington Kimball, Reminiscences, April 1, 1881,
Microfilm of holograph, Church History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church History Library.
Father was born March 28, 1774 in the forsaid Co & State.
In 18[0]4 they moved to watertown Jefferson Co N.Y. In
18[0]6 he returned to NH [New Hampshire] was maried
to Zina Baker who was born May 2d 1786, maried Dec 28
1806 [November 28, 1805] than returned to NY. My parents had 10 Children 6 sons 4 daughters 2 died in infancy
My parents united withe the Laterday Sa[i]nts in 1835
were baptised Aprail 3 1835 Dimick Fanny & Zina Oct
1st 1835 & moved to Kirtland in Oct. [18]35. I was baptised June the 6th 1836 in Kirtland Geauga Co Ohio by
Uriah Powel Confirmed by Oliver Cowdry. In 1838 on the
22d of Jan Started for M.O. [Missouri] in company with
Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Levy Richards, Lorenzo
Young & families, arived in Farwest the second of March,
traveled through the coldest Storm of wind & snow. Past
through & shared with the Saints in all there trials. After the
Church was driven back to Ill [Illinois] I remained 2 summers & than followed the[m] to Ill located 30 miles south
of Nauvoo at Lima. In 1841 I was sealed to Joseph Smith
by my brother Dimick B Huntington. I left Ill 1846 with
the Saints & have remained with the heads of the Church
since. I was Sealed to Heber C. Kimball in Nauvoo Temple
as proxy for the m[a]rtered Prophet. My oldest Son was
born in 1829 now 501 [51 years old] born in 1829 my
Second was Scalded to death at 2 years my 3d was kild in the
birth my 4th lived 4 weeks & died. I left Kirtland Jan 21st.
Traveled one thousand miles in a lumber waggon in the ded
of the winter. My 5th a daughter was born Apr 24 lived 4
hours & died. My 6 a son lived to be 31 years he was born
Jan 31 1840. My 7th a son lived 2 years & died with the
Summer Complaint my eight a daughter at 16 months was
drowned in City Creek May 8th [18]49. My 9th a son Joseph
Kimball is an acting Bishop in Meadowe ville Bearlake vally.
The first & last of 9 are living. My testimony is I have never
86
doubted the truth of the Gospel nor any portion as revealed
from God by Joseph Smith. I have been in plural mariage 40
years Consider it one of the purest pri[n]cipals ever revealed
to man. I have never Spoken one word against the principals of the Gospel but have tried to honor & sustain the
Cause to the best of my ability. These are my true feelings in
the fear of God I have been truly blest in being kept in the
faith of the Gospel I thank the Lord I had the privelage of
being permited to come on the earth when the gospel was
again restored to man in the flesh. I acknowledge the hand
of God in all I have passed through in this life. I was born of
noble parentage for which I thank the Lord. Uncle Samuel
Huntington was one of the Sighners of the declaration of
our independance my Grandfather was in the revolutionary
war my father was in the war of 1812 we as surviving relatives are doing all we can for our ded. I have been baptesed
for one Hundred & 505 [155] of the ded. This sketch of my
life so brief is intended to be opened & red in 1930 long
after I have passed away, being 70 years & 6 months old.
Presendia L. Kimball Smith
To my Oldest Grand daughter in the Church than living4
Written to strengthen the faith and testimony of her descendants, these documents begin to capture the faithful life of Presendia
Huntington Kimball. The following information provides further
insight into the life of this great woman who dedicated her life to
the gospel of Jesus Christ.
“The Spirit of God”
The Kirtland Temple was the spiritual center of the Latter-day
Saint community in Ohio. After the temple’s dedication by Joseph
Smith on March 27, 1836, the Church experienced an abundant
4. Kimball, Reminiscences, April 16, 1881.
outpouring of the Spirit both within and without its walls. Presendia
witnessed many miraculous outpourings of the Spirit associated
with the temple after her arrival in Kirtland on May 1, 1836, and
her baptism a month later. Her reminiscences of these events were
printed in the Woman’s Exponent in 1883:
We enjoyed many very great blessings, and often saw
the power of God manifested. On one occasion, I saw angels clothed in white, walking upon the Temple. It was during one of our monthly fast meetings, when the saints were
in the Temple worshipping, a little girl came to my door,
and in wonder called me out, exclaiming, “The meeting is
in the top of the meeting house!” I went to the door, and
there I saw on the Temple, angels clothed in white, covering the roof from end to end. They seemed to be walking
to and fro; they appeared and disappeared before I realized
that they were not mortal men. Each time in a moment they
vanished, and their re-appearance was the same. This was in
broad daylight in the afternoon. A number of the children
in Kirtland saw the same. When the brethren and sisters
came home in the evening, they told of the power of God
manifested in the Temple that day, and of the prophesying
and speaking in tongues. It was also said, in the interpretation of tongues, that the angels were resting down upon the
house.
At another fast meeting, I was in the Temple with my
sister Zina. The whole congregation were on their knees,
praying vocally, for such was the custom, at the close of
these meetings when Father Smith [Joseph Smith Sr.] presided, yet there was no confusion. The voices of the congregation mingled softly together. While the congregation was
thus praying, we heard from one corner of the room above
our heads, a choir of angels, singing most beautifully. They
were invisible to us, but myriads of angelic voices seemed
88
to be united in singing some song of Zion, and their sweet
harmony filled the Temple of God.
We were also in the Temple at the pentecost. In the
morning, Father Smith prayed for a pentecost, in opening
the meeting. That day the power of God rested mightily
upon the Saints. There was poured out upon us abundantly
the spirit of revelation, prophecy and tongues. The Holy
Ghost filled the house; and along in the afternoon a noise
was heard; it was the sound of a mighty rushing wind. But
at first the congregation was startled, not knowing what it
was. To many it seemed as though the roof was all in flames.
Father Smith exclaimed, “Is the house on fire!” “Do you not
remember your prayer, this morning, Father Smith?” inquired a brother. Then the patriarch, clasping his hands, exclaimed, “The Spirit of God, like a mighty rushing wind!”5
Temples continued to play an important role in Presendia’s life.
She received her endowment in the Nauvoo Temple on January 10,
1846. Nearly a month later, with Elder Heber C. Kimball acting
as proxy, Presendia was again sealed for all eternity to the Prophet
Joseph Smith. Edified by the blessings of the temple, Presendia left
Nauvoo, traveled across the plains, and made a new home where
“the mountain of the Lord’s house shall be established in the top of
the mountains.”6
“A Precious Memento Dearer Far Than Gold”
The early months of 1839 were trying ones for the Latterday Saints. While their prophet, Joseph Smith, was in Liberty
Jail, the Saints were forced to abandon their homes and leave
the state of Missouri. In February, Presendia’s father, William
Woman’s Exponent 11 (February 15, 1883): 139.
6. Isaiah 2:2; 2 Nephi 12:2.
Huntington—along with Heber C. Kimball and Alanson Ripley—
stopped at Presendia’s home in Washington Township, Clay County,
Missouri. Presendia joined the men who continued on their way to
visit the Prophet Joseph Smith in jail, approximately thirteen miles
away. Presendia recalled:
When we arrived at the jail we found a heavy guard outside and inside the door. We were watched very closely, lest
we should leave tools to help the prisoners escape. I took
dinner with the brethren in prison; they were much pleased
to see the faces of true friends; but I cannot describe my
feelings on seeing that man of God there confined in such
a trying time for the Saints, when his counsel was so much
needed. And we were obliged to leave them in that horrid
prison, surrounded by a wicked mob.7
A short time later, Presendia visited the jail a second time, but
the guards turned her away. On March 15, 1839, having heard of
her attempt to visit him, the Prophet Joseph wrote to Presendia:
Dear Sister
My heart rejoiced at the friendship you manifested in
requesting to have conversation with us but the Jailer is a
very Jealous man for fear some one will leave tools for us
to get out with . . . Oh what joy it would be to us to see
our friends it would have gladdened my heart to have the
privilege of conversing with you but the hand of tyrany is
upon us . . . I suppose you wanted some instruction for
yourself and also give us some information and administer
consolation to us and to find out what is best for you to do
. . . I want him [Norman Buell] and you to know that I am
your true friend I was glad to see you no tongue can tell
Woman’s Exponent 11 (March 1, 1883): 147.
90
what inexpressible Joy it gives a man to see the face of one
who has been a friend after having been inclosed in the walls
of a prison for five months it seems to me that my heart
will always be more tender after this than ever it was before
my heart bleeds continually when I contemplate the distress of the Church Oh that I could be with them I would
not shrink at toil and hardship to render them comfort and
consolation . . . I wanted to communicate something and I
wrote this &c Write to us if you can
J. Smith Jr.8
“This letter,” Presendia stated, “I have preserved as a precious
memento dearer far than gold.”9 The letter from Joseph left a lasting
impression on Presendia’s life. Perhaps inspired by Joseph’s statement
that he “would not shrink at toil and hardship to render them [the
Saints] comfort and consolation,” Presendia devoted the rest of her
life to comforting those around her.10
In regard to Presendia’s compassion and charity, Emmeline B.
Wells wrote, “She has learned to appreciate the feelings of others, and knows how to sympathize with the trials and sorrows of
those who must pass through similar ordeals.”11 Presendia learned,
as Joseph Smith had, “that all these things”—trials, hardships, and
sufferings—“shall give thee experience, and shall be for thy good.”12
8. Joseph Smith Jr. to Presendia Huntington Buell, March 18, 1839, in
Personal Writings of Joseph Smith, ed. Dean C. Jessee, rev. ed. (Salt Lake City, UT:
Deseret Book; Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 2002), 426–28.
9. Wells, “Venerable Woman,” 147.
10.  Jessee, Personal Writings of Joseph Smith, 427.
Woman’s Exponent 13 (June 1, 1884): 3.
“O, It Is Heavenly to Be Thus Employed”
With the Church firmly settled in the Salt Lake Valley, Presendia,
along with Elizabeth Ann Whitney, was called by President Brigham
Young “to officiate in the ordinances of the House of the Lord.”13
Since the Church had not yet completed a temple in the Great
Basin, Presendia officiated in the Endowment House.14 Reflecting
on this time of service, Presendia recalled:
The position seemed as natural to me, as if I had always been accustomed to it. We both enjoyed the labor very
much for we loved the work and the Lord blest us with His
Spirit. We seemed to live above everything earthly or trivial
while engaged in those spiritual duties, and we had many
comforting dreams as well as other manifestations that the
Lord approved of our ministrations. O, it is heavenly to be
thus employed; angels seemed to watch over us, for had
we not made every sacrifice willingly that we might serve
our Father in heaven and keep His holy commandments?
Sister Whitney was abundantly blest with gifts and graces in
spiritual things, and I loved her as my mother, a mother in
Israel to all the daughters in Zion, and especially those who
had entered into the new and everlasting covenant [of plural
marriage].15
Presendia continued by relating the details of a dream that
Elizabeth Ann Whitney had shared in which Elizabeth saw Presendia
Woman’s Exponent 12 (October 1, 1883): 67.
14. Before the Salt Lake Temple was completed in 1893, several buildings
were used for the administration of temple ordinances. In Salt Lake City one
such building was the Endowment House, which was in operation from 1855 to
1889. Lamar C. Berrett, “Endowment Houses,” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed.
Daniel H. Ludlow, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 2:456.
92
administering the ordinances of the temple. In the dream Sister
Whitney stated Presendia “was perfectly transparent, and there was
not a spot or blemish of any sort upon [her] body.” Presendia stated
regarding that dream:
This was a good testimony to me and also to her that I
was fit to minister in the holy ordinances. It is not good to
be too visionary, or place too much confidence in dreams,
but there are some dreams that are given for the comfort
and encouragement of the dreamer that strengthen our faith
and help us to bear the trials of life and overcome the various obstacles that are continually thrown in the way of the
Saints. In looking back over those days, I realize how the
Lord marked out my way and the blessings that He poured
out upon me, and I feel to thank Him that He preserved
me in many strait and narrow places, and that my feet never
slipped, though the way was sometimes dangerous, for trials were plentiful in those days and one needed to be on the
alert, lest he be taken unawares and fall through murmuring
or in an unguarded moment.16
Presendia frequently recognized and acknowledged the hand of
the Lord in her life and the blessings He bestowed upon her. She
testified of how participating in the ordinances of the temple blessed
her home life:
Sometime in the fall of 1851 I was in delicate health
[pregnant] and was obliged to retire from the duties of the
Endowment House which had been so beneficial to me,
though I still felt the blessings I had received therein accompanied me to my home and in the daily routine of daily life.
I was so happy I scarcely knew how to be thankful enough
for the blessings God had bestowed upon me, and I rejoiced
by day and by night and looked forward like Elizabeth of
old to the time of my deliverance.17
In 1882, Presendia traveled to the St. George Temple in southwestern Utah. There she performed temple work in behalf of her
deceased ancestors. She frequently traveled to Logan, Utah, after the
dedication of the temple there in 1884. Throughout the remainder
of her life, Presendia continued working in the temple to serve the
living and those who had passed beyond the veil.
“A Venerable Woman”
Emmeline B. Wells wrote a biography of her friend Presendia
Huntington Kimball that appeared in the Woman’s Exponent. Wells
fittingly titled the biography “A Venerable Woman.” A person described as venerable is one who has earned “respect through age,
character, and attainments” and conveys “an impression of aged
goodness and benevolence.”18 As a fitting summary of her friend’s
life, Emmeline B. Wells wrote:
Her path has not been strewn with flowers, but sharp
and cruel thorns have pierced her as it were on every hand,
but now in her later years, when her head is silvered o’er,
and the experience of her former life rises up before her, she
bows meekly in humble acknowledgement and submission,
and says it was good for her to pass under the rod of affliction, for she has learned to appreciate the feelings of others,
Woman’s Exponent 12 (October 15, 1883): 75. The “Endowment House” Presendia
refers to is likely the Council House, whose upper floor was used for live temple
ordinances between February 21, 1851, and May 5, 1855, when the building
that became known as the Endowment House was dedicated. At age forty-one
Presendia gave birth to a son, Joseph Smith Kimball, on December 22, 1851.
18. Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary, s.v. “venerable,” accessed November 4,
2010, www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/venerable.
94
and knows how to sympathize with the trials and sorrows of
those who must pass through similar ordeals if they expect
to obtain a celestial glory and exaltation.19
As an early convert, Presendia witnessed the miraculous growth
of the Church. In Kirtland, she basked in the outpourings of the
Spirit in the temple. She faithfully persevered through the trials of
Missouri, even as her husband lost his faith in the Church. She saw
the city of Nauvoo grow and flourish, and she willingly abandoned
it and its temple after having received the ordinances of the house
of God. After making a journey of more than one thousand miles,
Presendia blessed the lives of hundreds of Saints through her temple
work and compassionate service.
Through all her life’s experiences, Presendia knew the Lord
had blessed her, and she expressed her gratitude by serving others.
Presendia exemplified the admonition of King Benjamin: “And behold, I tell you these things that ye may learn wisdom; that ye may
learn that when ye are in the service of your fellow beings ye are only
in the service of your God.”20
20. Mosiah 2:17.
Chapter Forty-Three
“Give Up All and Follow Your Lord”
Phebe Crosby Peck Knight (1800–1849)
Janiece Johnson
I
n June 1830, amidst harassment, a young widow named Phebe
Crosby Peck was baptized a member of the newly formed Church
of Christ in a river in Colesville, New York. She had been born in
March 1800 to Elisha and Susan Lowell Crosby at Unadilla, Otsego
County, New York. She married Benjamin Peck on March 5, 1817,
and they had five children before his death in 1829.1 They lived in
1. An earlier version of this chapter was published in Janiece Johnson, “Give It
All Up and Follow Your Lord”: Mormon Female Religiosity, 1831–1843 (Provo, UT:
BYU Studies, 2008), 25–27. Hezekiah (1820–1859), Samantha (1821–1839),
Henry (1823–died young), Henrietta (1823–1896), and Sarah Jane (1825–1893)
were Benjamin and Phebe’s children. Henry and Henrietta were twins. Additional
biographical information may be found at http://phebeandfriends.blogspot.
com/2007/05/research-report-on-phebes-ancestry-and.html; accessed June 7,
2011.
95
96
Bainbridge, New York, and after her husband’s death, she remained
close to his extended family living nearby.2
Benjamin’s family composed a goodly number of those baptized
with Phebe; they became known as the Colesville Saints. The persecution did not end with their baptisms but continued until the
oppression reached an apex just before they left New York the following April.
Phebe left Colesville with the other Saints for Thompson, Ohio,
in search of a reprieve from persecution. Thompson held a brief respite for them. Leman Copley invited the worn-down group to his
farm to live, but his initial good will was short lived. After Copley’s
disenchantment with the Church and the personal difficulties of the
Colesville Saints, they moved on again within a couple of months.
Despite her frequent relocations, Phebe continued faithful and excited about new truths revealed. Joseph Smith’s revelations built
upon a biblical ideal of Zion and its specific location had recently
been revealed by the Lord. With hopes of Zion fresh in their minds,
Phebe and the other Colesville Saints continued on their way to
Jackson County, Missouri.
The Colesville group was an integral part of this first migration to Zion. Phebe and her family were active members of the Kaw
Township congregation in Missouri, where she taught her children
the principles of the gospel and supported her family as a tailor.3
Then, after fourteen years of providing for her family alone, Phebe
2. Benjamin Peck’s two brothers, Hezekiah Peck (1782–1850) and Ezekial Peck
(1785–1850), and their families also joined with the Saints at Colesville. They
were all baptized on June 29, 1830. Benjamin’s sister Polly Peck (1774–1831) had
married Joseph Knight Sr. (1772–1847), and the Pecks had become acquainted
with Joseph Smith through Joseph Knight, whom Joseph Smith called “a faithful
old man.” “Records of Early Church Families,” Utah Genealogical Quarterly 26
(1935): 108–9.
3. “Sarah Jane Peck Rich,” Pioneer Women of Faith and Fortitude, comp.
International Society Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 4 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT:
Publishers Press, 1998), 3:2549.
97
married Joseph Knight Sr., after the death of his first wife, Polly Peck
Knight, Phebe’s sister-in-law.4 Phebe and Joseph had two children
together, for a total of sixteen, though most of Joseph and Polly’s
children were already grown at the time of their marriage. Joseph
was twenty-eight years Phebe’s senior.5
Phebe experienced the expulsion of the Saints from Jackson
County, the difficulties in northern Missouri, the move to Nauvoo
and life there, and the martyrdom of Joseph and Hyrum Smith.
Joseph Knight Sr. died in 1847. After his death Phebe married
Cornelius P. Lott, though there is no record of their living together.6
Thereafter, Phebe spent time with her children and their families
until her death in 1849.7
4. Polly Peck Knight (1774–1831); see Doctrine and Covenants 59.
5. In his journal Newel Knight described their union in this way: “My Father
had married again after my Mothers death a widow Peck my mothers brothers
widow with four small children he was now getting old & it seemed a hard struggle
for him to get along.” In 1845 in Nauvoo, Phebe was to be sealed to Joseph Knight
Sr., but she initially refused. She said that she cared for him but “did not love him
and honor him as her head and bosom companion.” They were separated for a
season, but after some discussion with a Church leader, Phebe showed up at the
temple the day of the scheduled sealing. Though there seemed to be no major
difficulties between Phebe and her husband, tension seemed consistently present
between Phebe and Joseph’s older children. Newel Knight, Autobiography, p. 51,
Church History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake
City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church History Library.
6. They were married at Winter Quarters, Nebraska, on March 30, 1847.
“Records of Early Church Families,” 109.
7. We do not know the exact date of Phebe’s death. On May 6, 1849, from
Andrew County, Missouri, Martha Long Peck, Phebe’s sister-in-law, wrote a letter
to her son Reed in Corlandville, New York, telling him of Aunt Phebe’s death. She
also mentioned the deaths of Joseph Knight Sr. and Newel Knight, both of whom
had died two years previously. Martha Long Peck to Reed Peck, Church History
Library. To further complicate the matter, Newel’s widow, Lydia Knight, wrote to
Brigham Young from Pottawattamie County, Iowa, on May 28, 1849, explaining
that she would not be heading west that season as “Mother Knight” had claimed
the wagons and cattle that were rightly Lydia’s and they were given to the Riches
98
Historical records do not supply many specific details of Phebe’s
life, but an 1832 letter she wrote provides a detailed account of
her experience and shows her fervor for the restored gospel during
a time of reflection and relative peace in Zion. Phebe thought she
would spend “the remainder of her days” in Zion. In mid-1832,
Phebe and the other Jackson County Saints saw Jackson County as
a permanent home; they could not imagine their expulsion the following year.
Phebe was an independent and confident woman. She did not
cower when facing a new situation or an opportunity to share the
gospel. She was candid as she shared her beliefs and plainspoken in
her censure and admonition to her family members who had not
accepted the message of the Restoration. Phebe’s sister-in-law Anna
Peck had lived with her, and they were very close. Anna planned
to leave New York with Phebe and the other Colesville Saints. At
the very last moment—perhaps even jumping off a wagon—Anna
stayed in New York to marry Stephen Pratt. Phebe’s letter to Anna
brims with love, yet that love does not dilute her determination to
invite Anna to “give up all for Christ.” Her love for Anna propels
her message and her invitation.
Through her writing, Phebe demonstrates her excitement to be
a part of the Restoration. She tries to express the multitude of blessings in her life despite apparent hardship, but she feels her words fail
her. Phebe reveled in the gospel mysteries recently unfolded through
revelation and her new understandings of God’s plan. Only a few
months before, Joseph Smith had received the vision later published
(two of Phebe’s daughters married Rich brothers Charles and Thomas). The property was given to Lydia after her inquiry but not in time for her to go west that season. Brigham Young Papers, Incoming Correspondence, Church History Library.
Though Lydia’s letter was written after Martha’s, she may have been writing about
a past event. If so, Phebe must have died sometime around May 1849 because she
is absent from records of settlements farther west than Winter Quarters.
99
as Doctrine and Covenants 76, and Phebe expresses her gratitude for
new knowledge and her hope for celestial glory with Anna.
In her letter, Phebe likewise reveals how quickly she incorporated Joseph’s new revelations into her scriptural knowledge and personalized the word of the Lord for herself and her family. Though
the commandment to “take up your cross, in the which you must
pray vocally” was originally directed at Joseph Knight Sr. in the
Doctrine and Covenants,8 Phebe applies it to her son. She demonstrates her understanding that revelations were relevant to all the
Saints.9 In November 1831, the Lord chided the Saints in Zion that
their children were “growing up in wickedness.”10 It appears that
Phebe and the Jackson County Saints took that censure to heart,
and Phebe shares her joy in seeing the baptisms of their children,
their faith, and her opportunity to teach her own children.
Independence11 May August the 10 1832
Affectionate Sister12
I received your letter Jan. 22 which gave me great pleasure.13 I esteemed it as a blessing to have the priveledge of
9. Revelations are “unto all.” Doctrine and Covenants 1:2.
1 1. Phebe was most likely living in nearby Kaw Township at the time,
though return letters would have had to be directed to Independence, Missouri.
William G. Hartley, “These Are My Friends”: A History of the Joseph Knight Family,
1825–1850 (Provo, UT: Grandin, 1986), 77; Joseph Smith, History of The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts, 2nd ed. rev., 7 vols. (Salt Lake
City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1932–51), 1:196–206.
12. Anna Peck (1812–?), who married Stephen B. Pratt (ca. 1810–?), was
Benjamin’s half sister. Harriet E. Shay, Affidavit, 1903, as cited in Larry C. Porter,
“‘Ye Shall Go to the Ohio’: Exodus of the New York Saints to Ohio, 1831,” in
Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Ohio, ed. Milton V. Backman
Jr. (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, Department of Church History and
Doctrine, 1990), 9.
13. The location of the January 22 letter is unknown.
100
hearing from you. Once more you must forgive my negligence in not writing before as I have been busily engaged
in business, but I shall now attempt to writte you the sentiments of my heart in the fear of my God. I can realize
that I am seperated a great distance from you, but yet my
mind will often tra[v]el back to the place of your abode, but
Anna, it is not because I wish myself back, but it is because
of the feelings I have for you and the rest of my relatives in
that part of the world.14 Yes we are seperated by roling bellows of water but the Lord’s protecting hand has been over
us through all our travels and has brought us safely to this
land where I shall spend the remainder of my days and if I
ever see you again it will be upon this land and I will assure
you it would be a joyful meeting to us all.15
I well remember the last time I saw you when I took my
leave of you the sensations of my Heart at that time I think
will never be forgotten by me although I did not know
when I left that I should be called to come thus far and I
presume it has bee[n] that which has caused you to almost
wonder, but did you know as I know concerning our leaving
Ohio16 you would not but you do not. Neither can I tell you
but this much I can say, that did you know of the things of
God and could you receive the blessings that I have from the
hand of the Lord you would not think it a hardship to come
14. Census records show there were Pratts and Pecks in Chenango County,
New York, throughout most of the nineteenth century.
15. The Saints never imagined their expulsion from Zion.
16. At a January 1831 conference in Fayette, New York, attended by Newel
Knight and possibly others from Colesville, Joseph Smith introduced the concept
of gathering. Doctrine and Covenants 37 and 38, given coincident with the conference, include the command to gather. After the conference, the Colesville Saints
began to pack and attempted to sell their property in order to gather to Missouri.
The Colesville Saints left Thompson, Ohio, on June 28 and arrived in Jackson
County, Missouri, on July 26.
101
herefor the Lord is revealing the misteries of the heavenly
Kingdom unto his Children17 and these blessings in your
state of unbelief you can not enjoy but you may yet have
the priveledge if you have not entirely heardened your heart
against these things. And I would exhort you not to regect
annother call. You have been called to repent of your sins
and obey the gospel. You have been convicted from time to
time but you could not give up all for christ and now I feel
to say that if you do not give up all and follow your Lord
and and Master you will not be made worthy to partake of
the Celestial glories in the kingdom of our God. I hope you
will think of these things and ponder them in your Heart
for they are of great worth unto the Children of Men.
I must tell you the joyful news of the workings of the
Lord among the Children. We have had the pleasing view
of beholding eleven Chldren from 8 years old to 14 go
down into the water in obedience to the commands of God,
among whom was my three oldest.18 Can we not rejoice in
seeing the rising generation growing up in the knowledge
of the Lord and I think by giving them good instructions
they will grow up and be strong in faith. They will arise and
testify what the Lord has done for them in the presance of
a congregation of people. Hezekiah says he enjoyes himself
well. He will take up his cross and pray in the family when
asked.19 My Children are all con[t]ented and I am very
thankful for it. Henrietta and Sarah express a great desire
to see you.
17. This statement closely relates to revealed promises contained in Doctrine
and Covenants 6:7 and 42:61.
18. Hezekiah, Samantha, and Henrietta Peck were twelve, ten, and nine years
old, respectively. Two of Phebe’s children had died previously: Her first daughter
named Samanthea died as a toddler, as did Henrietta’s twin, Henry. Sarah Jane,
Phebe’s youngest, was six years old at the time of the letter.
19. Hezekiah was named after his uncle Hezekiah Peck.
102
I have not gone to kepping house as yet but I expect to
next fall. My health is tolerable good and also the health of
all our friends. I must draw to a close by requesting you to
give my love to your Husband and Miss Pollard20 and all
enquireing friends.
Phebe Peck
write as soon as you receive this
Phebe continues her letter with a message to her sister, Martha
“Patty” Crosby Hallett:
A few lines to Sister Patty
It is with a thankful Heart for the preservation of my
life and for the priveledge of writing to you that I desire to
improve these moments. I often think of you while in my
lonely meditation and sometimes it will cause a deep sigh to
burst forth from my bosom thinking that perhaps I never
shall see you again while in this world and again when I
think I have forsaken all for Christ, it brings consolation
that surpasses the grief. On the other hand, you must realize
my sister that nothing but the mercies of God and his consolating spirit that has upheld me while passing through the
trials of parting with my near and dear friends.21 And could
you but see and believe as I do the way would be opened
and you would come to this land and we should behold
each other and rejoice in the things of God for this is A day
of rejoiceing and also a day of mourning.22
20. Minerva Pollard (ca. 1797–?) is listed as living with the Pratts in the 1850
New York state census. Her relationship to them, if any, is not known.
21. Phebe had lived in Chenango County, New York, most of her life. Though
the assurance she needed in order to leave consoled her, it did not eliminate the
difficulty of parting with friends and family when she left in 1831, not knowing
when she might see them again.
22. Alma 28:12.
103
We rejoice when we realize the wonderful works of our
Heavnly Father and his dealings towards his children. Yes I
rejoice in the commands and revelations that has been given
in these last days and again I feel to mourn many times because of the unbelief of the children of men. I feel to rejoice
with those that rejoice and to weep with those that weep.
Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon made us A visit last
spring and we had many joyful meetings while they were
here and we had many misteries unfolded to our view which
gave me great consolation.23 We could view the condeseendsion of God in prepareing masions of peace for his children
and whoso will not receive the fullness of the gospel and
stand as valient soldiers in the cause of christ cannot dwell
in the preasence of the Father and the Son. But there is a
place prepared for all who do not receive but it is a place of
much lesser glory then to dwell in the Celestial kingdom.
I shall not attempt to say anny farther concerning these
things as they are now in print and ar[e] going forth to the
world and you perhaps will have an opportunity of reading for your self and if you do I hope you will read with a
careful and a prayerful heart for these things are worthy of
notice and I desire that you may search into them for it is
that which lends to our happiness in this world and in the
world to come.
You perhaps would like to know something about my
situation. I can tell you I have plenty to eat, drink, and to
wear and enjoy as good health as I did in Bainbridge. We
have good water and this is a delightful country. We can
raise our own cotten and flax and all things that the heart
can wish. Hezekiah is now at work with one of the Brothers
23. Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon visited Jackson County, Missouri, in April
of 1832. Present-day sections 82 and 83 of the Doctrine and Covenants were received during their stay.
104
in the church and has earned seven dollars in five weeks. The
rest of the Children live with me. They often speak of their
cousins in that place and wish me to send their best love to
you and your children. I must finish my letter but I would
warmly requst you to write for my anxiety is great to hear
from you. Please to give my respects to my Brothers and tell
them not to forget that they have A Sister in Missouri.24 I
add no more.
P Peck
Independence Mo., Aug. 11th,
Mr. Stephen D Pratt, South Bainbridge, chenengo County,
NY25
The strength of Phebe’s faith shines through this letter—a singular record preserving her life and conviction. Once committed to
the gospel, Phebe was willing to “give up all for Christ,” no matter
where it led her, and she would not “wish [herself ] back.”
24. Though no sisters are listed, Foster and Archibald Crosby were Phebe’s
brothers, according to “Records of Early Church Families,” 108. A Foster Crosby
is recorded in the New York 1830 census as living in southeast Putnam County,
New York (close to New York City). Archibald is not listed in that census.
25. Phebe Crosby Lott, “Letter: Independence, Missouri, to Anna Pratt, South
Bainbridge, New York, 1832 Aug. 10,” Photocopy of holograph, Church History
Library.
Chapter Forty-Four
“It Was All True”
Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner (1818–1913)
Jonathan A. Stapley
M
ary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner is perhaps best known among
Latter-day Saints as the young woman who, with her sister,
Caroline, rushed to save unbound sheets of Joseph Smith’s revelations while a mob was tearing down the Church’s printing office in
Independence, Jackson County, Missouri. Mary’s long life spanned
most of the early history of the Church and included many notable
events. She described her own life as providentially tragic and remembered it as filled with great sacrifice, struggle, and miraculous
power.1
Born on April 9, 1818, in Lima, New York, just outside of
Rochester, Mary Rollins was the second of three children born to
1. The most complete biographical treatment of Mary to date is in Todd
Compton, In Sacred Loneliness: The Wives of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City, UT:
Signature Books, 1997), 205–27.
105
106
John Porter and Keziah Van Benthuysen Rollins.2 Mary’s father
worked on the Great Lakes and died in a shipwreck when she was
not yet three. Two years before Mormon missionaries arrived in the
area, the Rollins family moved to Kirtland, Ohio, to be close to family. When the elders did arrive, twelve-year-old Mary was among the
first people to be baptized. Within a year’s time, the Rollins family
left with many other Kirtland converts to establish Zion in Jackson
County, Missouri. There Mary received the gift of interpreting
tongues.3
When the Latter-day Saints left Jackson County under duress,
Mary temporarily settled in Liberty, Missouri, where she met and
married Adam Lightner on August 11, 1835. Adam never joined
the Church, but he was a strong supporter of both the community
and Mary’s affiliation. Far West, in Caldwell County, soon became
the Latter-day Saints’ new gathering place, and the Lightners moved
there, establishing a store in town. Though Adam was respected by
those antagonistic to the Saints’ settlement, their property was nevertheless a casualty of the subsequent Mormon War in Missouri.4
Joseph Smith ultimately surrendered to state officials, who sought
Adam as a witness against him. Instead of testifying, the Lightners
fled the state, hoping to find refuge with relatives in Louisville,
2. Mary’s parents were John Porter Rollins (1789–1821) and Keziah Van
Benthuysen (1796–1877). Her siblings were Caroline Amelia Rollins (1820–1856)
and James Henry Rollins (1816–1899).
3. Speaking in tongues, or glossolalia, was a common part of Mormon worship from the first year of the Church to the early twentieth century. Thomas
Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-Day Saints, 1890–1930
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 293–94.
4. For information about the Mormon War in Missouri, see Alexander L.
Baugh, A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri (Provo, UT:
Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000);
Stephen C. LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri (Columbia: University of
Missouri Press, 1987); Leland Homer Gentry and Todd M. Compton, Fire and
Sword: A History of the Latter-day Saints in Northern Missouri, 1836–39 (Salt Lake
City, UT: Greg Kofford Books, 2011).
Mary Eliz abeth Rollins Lightner (1818–1913)
107
Kentucky. Unfortunately, the family they sought had moved away,
and Mary and Adam struggled for food and shelter.
Eventually, the Lightners heard of a new Latter-day Saint settlement in Illinois on a bend of the Mississippi River. Mary sewed and
taught painting lessons to raise money for the journey, and they
settled in Iowa across the river from Nauvoo. The Lightners later
moved to Nauvoo, and within days of their arrival, Joseph Smith introduced Mary to the then-secret practice of plural marriage. Joseph
told her of angelic instructions on the matter, an experience which
she demanded in turn. After receiving a confirmatory witness, Mary
was sealed to Joseph but continued to live with Adam.5
Instead of moving west to Utah, the Lightners spent sixteen
years in Minnesota and Wisconsin, battling repeated financial
setbacks and witnessing the deaths of four of their ten children.
Eventually, on May 25, 1863, the Lightners set off for Utah, traveling by steamboat to Omaha and then by ox team to Salt Lake.6
5. Mary was sealed to Joseph Smith by Brigham Young in February 1842. She
left many statements and affidavits regarding the details of this marriage. Mary
E. R. Lightner, Statement, March 23, 1877, Photocopy of manuscript, Scott G.
Kenney Papers, Marriott Library Special Collections, University of Utah, Salt
Lake City, hereafter cited as Marriott Special Collections; Mary E. R. Lightner
to John Henry Smith, June 25, 1892, George A. Smith Family Papers, Marriott
Special Collections; Mary E. R. Lightner, Statement, February 8, 1902, Photocopy
of holograph, Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner Collection, L. Tom Perry Special
Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, hereafter cited as BYU Special Collections; Affidavit, February 21, 1905, copy by
Mary E. Rollins Lightner, Record Book, 33, Holograph, Mary Elizabeth Rollins
Lightner Collection, BYU Special Collections; Benjamin Lundwall, comp.,
“Remarks by Sister Mary E. Lightner . . . B.Y.U. April 14, 1905,” Photocopy of
typescript, Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner Collection, BYU Special Collections;
Mary E. R. Lightner to Emmeline B. Wells, Summer 1905, Photocopy of holograph, Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner Collection, BYU Special Collections;
Mary E. R. Lightner, Autobiography, Holograph, Susa Young Gates Papers, Utah
Historical Society Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah.
6. They traveled as part of the Alvus H. Patterson Company and arrived in
the Salt Lake Valley on September 15, 1863. “Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightener,”
108
They settled with family, including Mary’s mother and half-
sister Phebe Burk Bingham, in Minersville, Utah. When a Relief
Society was organized there in 1869, Mary was its first president.7
By 1880 Adam was unable to earn a living, and he passed away in
1885. Mary lived the rest of her life in economic destitution, being
supported as a widow of Joseph Smith through remittances by the
Church. She frequently spoke at large gatherings, remembering the
earliest days of the Church and her experiences in it.
She died December 17, 1913, and was buried in the Minersville
Cemetery.
On July 20, 1833, Mary Elizabeth Rollins and her sister
Caroline watched in dismay as vigilantes opposed to the Mormon
gathering in Independence, Missouri, destroyed the Church’s printing establishment, operated by William W. Phelps. Choosing an opportune moment, Mary and Caroline rushed in to save unbound
sheets from the Book of Commandments, the earliest formal collection of Joseph Smith’s revelations, which was at press when the
attack occurred. The sheets the Rollins sisters saved from the print
shop were used, with others, to fashion copies of the book; fewer
than three dozen copies are known to exist today.8 Nevertheless,
Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database, 1847–1868, The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed November 29, 2011, http://mormontrail.lds.
org; Compton, Sacred Loneliness, 218.
7. Compton, Sacred Loneliness, 221.
8. Peter Crawley, A Descriptive Bibliography of the Mormon Church: Volume One,
1830–1847 (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, Religious Studies Center,
1997), 37–40. See also Robin Scott Jensen, Richard E. Turley Jr., and Riley M.
Lorimer, eds., Revelations and Translations, Volume 2: Published Revelations, vol. 2
of the Revelations and Translations series of The Joseph Smith Papers, ed. Dean C.
Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman (Salt Lake City, UT:
Church Historian’s Press, 2011), 4–12.
109
the valor of Mary and her sister has inspired subsequent generations. Decades afterward, Mary recounted the experience in her
autobiography.
The mob resumed their Efforts again by tearing down
the printing Office, a two Story Building, and driving
Brother Phelps Family out of the lower part of the House
and putting the things in the Street. They brought out
some large sheets of paper, and said “here are the Mormon
Commandments.”
My Sister Caroline and myself were in a corner of a
fence watching them. When they spoke of the comandments I was determined to have some of them. Sister said if
I went to get any of them, she would go too, but said they
will Kill us. While their backs were turned prying out the
Gable end of the House, we went and got our arms full,
and were turning away, when some of the Mob saw us, and
called on us to stop, but we ran as fast as we could, and two
of them started after us. Seeing a gap in a fence, we entered
into a large Corn field, laid the papers on the ground, and
hid them with our Persons.
The Corn was from five, to six feet high, and very thick.
They hunted around considerable, and came very near us,
but did not find us. After we satisfied ourselves, that they
had given up the search for us, we tryed to find our way out
of the field. The Corn was so high we could not see where
to go. Looking up I saw trees that had been Girdled to kill
them so followed them.
Soon we came to an Old log Stable which looked as
though it had not been used for years. Sister Phelps, and
Children were carrying in brush and piling it up at one side
of the Barn, to lay her Beds on. She asked me what I had. I
told her. She then took them from us, which had made us
110
feel very bad. They got them Bound in small Books, and
sent me One, which I prised very highly.9
Besides this well-known event, Mary’s autobiography includes
a wealth of other interesting experiences. The excerpt that follows
covers the years 1842 to 1848, when Mary, her husband, Adam
Lightner, and their small children were living in Nauvoo and the
surrounding regions.
[O]n the 23d of March [1842] I was confined with my
3d child. We called him George Algernon. Mr Lightner had
settled up his Business in Farmington [Iowa], paid his debts
by giving up all his tools &c which left us poor indeed,
but as some of the Brethren owed us nearly two thousand
Dollars, we thou[gh]t we could get some of it to help us.
But those that owed us the most, took the benefit of the
Bankrupt law and refused to pay us. One man offered to let
us have a bbl [barrel] of Pork and a coffee pot, if we would
give him back his note of five hundred dollars which we
held. We did so, and was very thankful for it. But when
we opened the Barrel, we found the meat sour, and full of
measles.
My Husband could get no work, and I commenced
teaching painting to Julia Murdoc Smith, Steven Marks
9. Lightner, Autobiography, pp. 6–7 and 20–26. This document appears to
have had some instances of punctuation added at a later date, which are included
here. It was printed in redacted form in Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine
17 (1926): 193–205 and 250–60. The trail portion of this publication was reprinted in Kenneth L. Holmes, ed., Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from
the Western Trails, 1862–1865, Volume 8 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1999), 95–108. Other life writings of Mary, including her original trail diary, are
available at the Church History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church History Library. Mary’s copy
of the Book of Commandments today is held in the DeGolyer Library, Southern
Methodist University, Dallas, Texas.
111
Daughter, and Sarah Ann Whitney. 10 I also painted fig
leaf aprons for the twelve on Lamb skin, also fifty Masonic
Aprons for the Lodge.11 I also procured a lot a Block below
the Joseph Mansion.
But as we could get no more work in Nauvoo, Mr
Lightner found a job cutting cord wood, 15 miles up the
River at a place called Pontoosuc [Illinois]. He got a little
log room with a Puncheon floor, made of logs split in too,
and very Rough. Joseph [Smith] on learning that we were
going to leave there, felt very sad, and while the tears ran
down his cheeks, he prophesied that if we attempted to leave
the Church, we would have plenty of Sorrow; for we would
make property on the right hand, and lose it on the left;
we would have sickness, on sickness, and lose our children.
And that I would have to work harder than I ever dreamed
of and “at last when you are worn out, and almost ready to
die you will get back to the Church.” I thought these were
hard sayings, and felt to doubt them. But the sequal proved
them true.
Before leaving Nauvoo, on a 4th of July there was a general parade of the [Nauvoo] Legion.12 About noon Emma
10. Julia Murdock Smith Dixon Middleton (1831–1880) was the adopted
daughter of Joseph Smith. Steven Marks is perhaps Stephen Markham (1800–
1878), and Sarah Ann Whitney (1825–1873) was a daughter of Newel K. and
Elizabeth Ann Whitney. Sarah Ann was also a wife of Joseph Smith.
11. These aprons were part of the ceremonial clothing used in the temple. See
“Temples” and “Temple Ordinances” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel H.
Ludlow, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 4:1444–45 and 1448–65; Matthew
Brown, “Girded About with a Lambskin,” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 6,
no. 2 (1997): 124–51. On Freemasonry in Nauvoo, see Glen M. Leonard, Nauvoo:
A Place of Peace, a People of Promise (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 2002),
313–19; Samuel M. Brown, In Heaven as It Is on Earth: Joseph Smith and the Early
Mormon Conquest of Death (New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming),
ch. 7.
12. See Richard E. Bennett, Susan Easton Black, and Donald Q. Cannon, The
112
came to me to borrow my dining Table, as the Officers were
to dine with her, and Joseph came also. He said the Lord
commanded him to Baptize us that day.13 Emma asked,
“Why is this? They have always been good members in the
Church? And another thing, dinner will be ready soon; and
you certainly wont go in those clothes?” No, he said, he
wanted us to be ready by the time he was, for he would not
wait for dinner. As we lived on the Bank of the River, we
were soon ready. Brother Henry and Wife [Evaline Walker],
Aunt Gilbert [Elizabeth van Benthuysen] and myself were
Baptized, and Confirmed. Joseph tried hard to get Mr.
Lightner to go into the Water, but he said he did not feel
worthy, but would some other time. Joseph said to me that
he never would be Baptized, unles it was a few moments
before he died.
It was with sorrowful feeling that I went to Pontoosuc
to live, but by my taking in sewing we made out to live, and
that was all. A Lady called on me and asked me if we had a
cow. I said, no. She said if I would let her have my Bedstead,
she would give me a cow, and two pigs. I gladly accepted her
offer, and slept on the floor until we could nail up a substitute. In a short time George [Algernon Lightner] was taken
sick, and died. I was alone with him at the time; husband
had gone to a neighbors for assistance. An Old Lady helped
me dress him, and Mr Lightner had to make the coffin, as
he was the only carpenter in the place. The two men that
Nauvoo Legion in Illinois: A History of the Mormon Militia, 1841–1846 (Norman,
OK: Arthur H. Clark Company, 2010).
13. In the early days of the Church, members often were rebaptized to symbolize their rededication to the gospel. Rebaptism was a common practice starting in
Nauvoo and lasting to the 1890s. D. Michael Quinn, “The Practice of Rebaptism
at Nauvoo,” BYU Studies 18 (Winter 1978): 226–32; Jonathan A. Stapley and
Kristine Wright, “‘They Shall Be Made Whole’: A History of Baptism for Health,”
Journal of Mormon History 34 (Fall 2008): 69–112.
113
dug the grave, and a little girl was all that went to Bury my
darling. I felt that the Prophets words were begining to be
fulfilled.
We then moved to a more commodious House. In
[18]43 my 3d son Florentine Matthious was Born. When he
was two months Old, I comenced teaching a few children
in spelling & Reading. I had not taught long before I took
a severe cold that caused inflamation of the bowels. I was so
low that my life was despaired of by two Physicians. Mother
was sent for. She brought some consecrated oil with which
she anointed me, and prayed for me.14 I felt better, and persuaded her to fix quilts in a chair, and let me try and sit up
to have the Bed made, for it had not been made for over
two weeks, but she was afraid to try it, as the Doctor said
I could not live 3 days. But I plead so hard, they granted
my request. By fixing Quilts, and pillows in a large Rocking
chair tipped back as near like a Bed as they could then lifting me in a sheet, I was placed on it. Mother was so afraid it
would make me worse, she put on my stockings & slippers
and wrapped me up in Quilts while she made my Bed more
comfortable.
I was in the 2nd story of the House, in a large Room.
There were two more on the same floor, and a hall. While
lying there a heavy storm came up, and our House was
struck by Lightning, and all of us badly shocked. The door
casing was torn out and struck mother on the Shoulder and
bruised her terribly. All were senseless for some time. There
were seven of us in the family at the time. I was the first to
come to my senses; and I found myself acrost the foot of the
14. Female administration of healing rituals was common in Mormonism from
the early Kirtland period to the mid-twentieth century. Jonathan A. Stapley and
Kristine Wright, “Female Ritual Healing in Mormonism,” Journal of Mormon
History 37, no. 1 (Winter 2011): 1–85.
114
Bed, my head one side of the foot post of the Bed and limbs
on the other. As I looked around and saw them on the floor,
I thought they were all dead.
I called for Mr Lightner, who had gone into the next
Room. Not getting any answer; I arose and went through
the Hall, to find him on the floor, as rigid as a corpse. The
Window in the Hall had been torn out, and the water was
pouring in, in torrents. I took a small Bucket and would
dip up the water, and pour it over him as fast as I could
but could not do him any good. Soon the Dr. and 2 or 3 of
the Neighbors came in. They saw the Lightning Strike the
House and as they could see no one moving; they concluded
that we were all killed. But when they saw me, they were
frightned. The Doctor got a Quilt and wrapped it around
me and carried me to a neighbors.
This was about 4 O clock, the 6th of June [1843]. It was
nine at night before they could bring Mr Lightner to the use
of his limbs. He said he suffered more, in being treated for
to live, than he would in dying. But I, who had been turned
over in Bed for 2 weeks by the sheets (for I was so swollen,
and inflamed in my Bowels, I could not bear to have them
handle me) was Entirely cured, and dressed myself and went
about my duties. But for 2 years when a storm came up, I
was very sick while it lasted. Our House was torn to pieces;
the Lightning had forked over it and ran from the Roof to
the ground in 7 different places. People came from a distance to see it, and wondered that we were all not all killed.
A few days after this, I went out to milk my cow; when
about half done, she stepped over the Bucket, and fell down
dead. This was a great trial to us, for my long sickness had
used up our means. We were Obliged to leave the House,
and move into one close by. We when all of us came down
with the chills and fever, no one to do any thing but Mr
Lightner, his ague come on every other day, so he had all
115
the cooking, and looking after the rest of us to do. My case
proved to be Billious fever in a bad form.15 I was again given
up to die.
We got a little Girl to stay a day. Then Mr L took the
Babe on a pillow, and rode Horse back to Nauvoo, for
Mother to take care of. I never Expected to see it again.
The thoughts of leaving my little children in the condition
we were in, seemed more than I could bear. I thought of
all Joseph had told me, and felt in my heart that it was all
true. I prayed for help to get well. But the Dr coming in;
said there was no hope for me. But I dreamed that an Angel
came to me, and said if I would go to Nauvoo, and call for
Mr Cutler that worked on the Temple to administer to me I
should be healed. But we could get no Team to go.
I was in despair; however my Brother was impressed to
send for me. He felt that something was wrong. So he sent a
Boy with an Ox Team after me. I was so glad, that for a few
moments, I felt new life. But the People said I would not
get a mile from Town, when he would have to bring back
my dead Body. But I said I wanted to be buried in Nauvoo,
and plead with them to take me there dead, or alive. So after fixing my bed, in the Wagon, they placed me on it. The
neighbors bid me good by as they supposed for the last time
(they were not of our faith). We went a mile, and stopped
the Team; they thought me dieing, as a green liquid was
running out of my mouth, and the hue of death was on my
countenance. All the children were crying. I had my senses,
and motioned for them to go on.
We went a few miles further; stopped at a House and
asked to stay all night. The Woman was willing until she
saw me. She said I would die before morning; and she did
15. Ague is a combination of fever and chills. A “Billious fever” is a fever accompanied by jaundice, often associated with malaria.
116
not want me to die in her House. Mr Lightner told her that
I would certainly die if I was left in an open wagon all night.
She finaly let us in, made us as comfortable as she could.
Fixed me some light food. After drinking some tea16 I felt
better, and had a good nights rest. But she was glad when
we left, for she thought I would never see Nauvoo. After
traveling a few miles further, the same green liquid began
runing, runing from my mouth, and continued for some
time. Finaly we reached Nauvoo. They stil thought me dying. Mr L asked Mr [John Mathias] Burk17 if there was an
Old man by the name of Cutler working on the Temple? He
said Yes. Mr L then told him my dream, Soon they brought
him,18 he administered to me, and I got up, and walked
to the fire alone. In 2 weeks I was able to take care of my
children.
But just previous to this last sickness; Joseph, and Hirum
[Hyrum], were taken to Carthage jail and the men around
Pontoosuc formed a Company to go to Carthage they said,
to protect the Smiths, but I thought otherwise; also to go
against Nauvoo if [illegible] demanded. I was called to make
a Flag for this Company; I refused, for I felt so low spirited I
could hardly keep from weeping all day. I could not account
for these awful feelings. But there was no one that knew how
to make the flag but me. And I was compelled to make it, or
suffer the consequence. For I was the only Mormon in the
place.
In the afternoon of the same day, this Company started
16. Known as the Word of Wisdom, the prohibition against alcohol, tobacco,
coffee, and tea was not strictly enforced in the Church until the early twentieth
century. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, 258–72.
17. John Mathias Burk (1793–1853) was Mary’s stepfather.
18. Alpheus Cutler (1784–1864) was a member of the Nauvoo High Council
and a close associate of Joseph Smith. He eventually broke from the body of the
Church and started the Church of Jesus Christ (Cutlerite).
117
for Carthage. They returned in the night. As soon as we
were up in the morning, 8 or 10 men came to the door
and called us to come to the door. We did so, when they
told us that the Smiths were killed and that a great light appeared at their death. I said that should prove Joseph a true
Prophet of God. O no, said one, it would prove that God
was well pleased with those that killed him. I said no, for
he said whosoever killeth shall not have forgiveness in this
World, nor in the World to come. This angered them; and
they said if we attempted to go to the funeral, we should be
shot. I said you can shoot me here if you want too. But an
Old man spoke up and said that if I staid at Home, I should
not be hurt, unles the Mormons came against them. Then
I would be the first one to be killed. And Mr Lightner too,
unles he joined their Side. We were obliged to remain three
months. When they thought I would not live to get there,
they let us go. But when Mr L went back for our things, he
had to give the most of them to pay rent and Dr Bills. Even
some of my clothes were taken for debts. In fact we were
Robbed of many things. But I felt thankful to be away from
there with my life.
After leaving Pontoosuc, the Lightners moved to Nauvoo for
a second time, where they found the Latter-day Saint community
adjusting to Joseph Smith’s death. Church leaders were uncertain
about their responsibility towards Joseph’s widows. Plural marriage
in Nauvoo is difficult to characterize briefly, especially Joseph Smith’s
practice of the principle. In several cases, Joseph had married women
who were already married and living with their husbands. After
Joseph was killed, Church leaders offered to marry his widows in a
manner patterned after the levirate marriage of the Old Testament.19
The individuals who participated in these subsequent marriages had
19. Deuteronomy 25:5–6.
118
varied experiences. Some women joined the households of their new
husbands; others did not. Mary was one of this latter group. She
was convinced by a divine manifestation that her marriage to Joseph
was designed by God. The following paragraphs of Mary’s writings
describe the complex relationships and difficult transitions during
the exodus period:20
Soon after I got well, the Temple was ready for Giving
the Endowments. I with Others, received the Ordinances of
that House with its Blessings. I was also sealled to B Young
as proxy for Joseph.21 Our persecutions at that time were
very hard to bear, and we were again obliged to leave our
Homes. But we had no means to go with the Church; in
fact, we could hardly get enough to eat. But Mr L. sold
some Land for W. W Phelps22 and got money Enough to
take us Deck passage to Galena [Illinois.] Brigham asked
me if I would go with the Saints. I told him I wanted to. He
said that was right.
20. For a scholarly introduction to polygamy and the wives of Joseph Smith,
see Kathryn M. Daynes, More Wives Than One: Transformation of the Mormon
Marriage System, 1840–1910 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001);
B. Carmon Hardy, Doing the Works of Abraham: Mormon Polygamy: Its Origin,
Practice, and Demise (Norman, OK: Arthur H. Clark Company, 2007); Todd
Compton, In Sacred Loneliness: The Plural Wives of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City,
UT: Signature Books, 1997).
21. Although Mary was sealed to Joseph while he was living, their sealing
was repeated on multiple occasions after his death. On January 17, 1846, Mary
was sealed to Joseph Smith for eternity with Brigham Young acting as proxy. She
had her sealing to Joseph Smith repeated in the St. George, Manti, and Salt Lake
Temples. Mary Rollins Lightner, Statement, February 8, 1902, Mary Elizabeth
Rollins Lightner Collection, BYU Special Collections; Joseph F. Smith, comp.,
“Sealings and Adoptions, 1846–1857” (ca. 1869–70), Family History Library, The
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah.
22. William Wine Phelps (1792–1872) was Joseph Smith’s amanuensis and
sometime ghost writer.
119
A few days after this conversation, Mr Burk came in and
said B Young and family were crossing the river on the ice.
I went out to see if it was true. It was. I felt stun[n]ed. The
thought came to me that Poligamy was of the Devil and
Brigham knew it, or he would have cut off his right hand
before he would have left me, for he said he would give anything to have seen what I had.23 And if it had not have taken
place, I should have denied the Faith, there, and then.
I wept myself sick, and felt to give up, and go among the
Gentiles. In fact I felt as though I was like one in an open
Boat at Sea, without Compass or Rudder. So when spring
opened we went aboard the War Eagle bound for Galena.
Just before we started, B Young sent word back from Winter
Quarters, for me to come on; and the Lord would bless me.
I was destitute of clothes for myself and children, and not
a dollar to call my own. How could I go? And to add to
my distress, I was watched night, and day. Some One had
betrayed me.
After reaching Galena, we did make out to get work,
and thought we should do pretty well. Vain hope. The last
week in June 1847 I was washing and got a needle in my
wrist close to the pulse, and broke of[f ], leaving half of it
in my wrist. My hand was drawn up to my Breast, and the
pain was excruciating. I went to 4 different Doctors but
could get no help, neither could I sleep, only when I was
perfectly Exhausted, and then only for a moment or too. It
was September before I could sew on anything.
On the ninth of Febuary I had a son born, we named
him John Horace Gilbert. In about six weeks, I was able
to take in sewing for a Tailor. I made forty pair of pants,
at 40 to 50 cents a pair, for which I received pay out of
23. This allusion likely refers to the angelic visitation that influenced Mary to
accept plural marriage.
120
a store, no money. As Mr Lightner could get no Work, it
seemed impossible to for us to live and pay rent. At length
a Mr [Horace Haskins] Houghton, Editor of the Galena
Gasett [Gazette], learned of our circumstances, offered us
fifty Dollars a month; and our passage free if we would go
to St. Croix Falls Minnesota and over see a Hotel in which
he was interested. We gladly availed ourselves of this Offer,
considering it a blessing from God.
In the ensuing years, the Lightners lived in a number of communities in Minnesota and Wisconsin where they managed hotels
and farmed. Sickness, death, and financial setbacks haunted their
steps. After experiencing the deaths of four children and failing in
business, Mary and her husband determined to join the Saints in
Utah. They arrived there in 1863.
In the midst of Mary’s setbacks, she could not deny the faith
that had sustained her through the trials of life. Even in her old age,
she raised her voice to testify:
The words of the Prophet [Joseph Smith] that had been
revealed to him have always been with me from the beginning to the end of the Gospel. Every principle that has been
given in the Church by the Prophet is true. I know wherein
I stand, I know what I believe, I know what I know and I
know what I testify to you is the living truth. As I expect to
meet it at the bar of the eternal Jehovah it is true.24
What I have said in regard to the trials of this Church;
is no fancy sketch—but stern reality for [I] have passed
24. Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner, Discourse, April 14, 1905, “Remarks
by Sister Mary E. Lightner who was sealed to Joseph Smith in 1842,” pp. 1–2,
Stenographic report by Sadie Preston, Mary Elizabeth Lightner Papers, L. Tom
Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University,
Provo, Utah.
121
through it all from the Begining, and Know whereof I speak.
May we so live as to gain the approbation of our Father in
Heaven; and be permitted to Enter in to the Marriage supper of the Lamb of God.25
25. Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner, “Speech for the 24th 1889,” Photocopy of
holograph, p. 5, Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner Collection, 1865–1957, Church
History Library.
Chapter Forty-Five
Strong, Independent,
Confident, and Heroic
Gwenllian Matthew Marley (1818–1905)
Amanda Kae Fronk
G
wenllian Matthew, daughter of William and Sarah Williams
Matthew, was born June 7, 1818, in Llantrisant, Glamorgan,
Wales.1 She was a small, dark-eyed girl. In 1840 Gwenllian married
1. The source material for this chapter is taken largely from two histories
written by Lydia Marley Weston, a granddaughter of Gwenllian Marley: “The
History of Gwenllian Marley: Daughter of William Matthew and Sarah William
Matthew,” retyped by Jarette Lykins, April 9, 1997, available at Romeril, Romriell,
Romrell Family, www.romrell.net/Bio/GwenMarley.doc; “A History of John Chinn
Marley,” retyped by Jarette Lykins, April 10, 1997, available at Romeril, Romriell,
Romrell Family, www.romrell.net/Bio/JohnMarley_w.doc. All information comes
from these two histories unless otherwise noted.
There is some debate over the spelling of Gwenllian’s name. Though her gravestone spells her name Gwenlion, Welsh orthographic rules and naming practices
suggest that her name was most likely spelled “Gwenllian.” Since her name is not
common even in Wales, it is hard to say for sure, but all Welsh records with this
name have the spelling used in this chapter.
122
Gwenllian Mat thew Marley (1818–1905)
123
John C. Marley, an Englishman, in Bethany Chapel at Cardiff,
Wales. Gwenllian and John would later be sealed in the Endowment
House in Salt Lake City, Utah, on October 24, 1870. 2 After
their marriage, John joined the family trade of coal mining with
Gwenllian’s father. Sometime later, John was introduced to the
gospel by a fellow collier. In early 1849, Gwenllian and John joined
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Gwenllian had a strong desire to journey to Utah to gather
with the Saints there. Before being able to leave, the Marleys
needed to save money, as well as wait for John to serve a mission in
Wales. Finally, in March 1860, Gwenllian and her family left from
Liverpool, England, on the Underwriter for New York City. The
journey to Utah was a long one for the Marleys. Little by little they
saved money to move to the next town westward, stopping in New
York City; Minersville, Pennsylvania; and Florence, Nebraska. They
left Florence July 1, 1861, with the Joseph Horne Company in one
of the first wagon trains furnished by the Church to transport what
would otherwise have been handcart pioneers.
After arriving in Utah in September 1861, the Marleys lived in
North Ogden. Gwenllian learned to card cotton and spin yarn and
became quite skilled at making both men’s and women’s clothing. In
1865, she and John moved to the Bear Lake area of Utah and Idaho
as some of the founding settlers. While there, Gwenllian began a
service of midwifery that she continued for the next forty years.
About a decade later, the Marleys moved to Robin, Bannock
County, Idaho. There Gwenllian spent the rest of her days, raising her children and then some of her grandchildren who lost their
mother when they were young. She died December 5, 1905, and
2. Before the Salt Lake Temple was completed in 1893, several buildings were
used for the administration of temple ordinances. In Salt Lake City one such
building was the Endowment House, which was in operation from 1855 to 1889.
Lamar C. Berrett, “Endowment Houses,” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed.
Daniel H. Ludlow, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 2:456.
124
was buried in the Robin cemetery, next to her husband, who had
preceded her seven years earlier.
Gwenllian Matthew Marley’s faith sustained her during a life
that began in her homeland of Wales and ended in a sparsely settled
region of the American West.
A Message Sewn to Her Heart
Gwenllian and her husband, John, were seekers of truth. Like
many of the early Latter-day Saints, John and Gwenllian were students of the scriptures and the words of Christ. After searching for
a correspondence between the teachings of Christ and the sermons
taught by differing denominations, John decided there was “no consolation” and stopped searching for a church that taught the true
gospel of Jesus Christ.3 Feeling a “darkness and confusion” similar to
that which Joseph Smith felt, John was introduced to the restored
gospel by a fellow miner who met Latter-day Saint missionaries
around 1849.4
John wanted to know more and invited the missionaries to his
home for supper. When John and the two missionaries reached the
Marleys’ home, Gwenllian asked, “Why did you bring those men
home to supper?”5 She served them and promptly left the room to
do her sewing. Yet she sat near enough to overhear the missionaries’ words. Gwenllian was an independent thinker and would not
thoughtlessly listen to these two men, who must have seemed odd
to her. She was a God-fearing woman and had a gift of spiritual
awareness. Gwenllian had not sewn very many stitches before her
work fell to her lap, her ears turned to the messengers’ words, and
3. Weston, “History of John Chinn Marley,” [1].
4. Joseph Smith–History 1:13, Pearl of Great Price.
5. Weston, “History of Gwenllian Marley,” [1].
125
her heart found truth, especially in their teachings on salvation for
the dead.
At the end of the meeting, the missionaries told the Marleys
they were to have a congregational meeting soon in a town ten miles
away. John had to work, so thirty-year-old Gwenllian carried her
infant daughter and walked with her two boys (both under six years
old) the whole way there and back. Once Gwenllian heard the message of the gospel, she held on tight to it and never let go. Just as she
independently chose to make her own way to the missionaries, so
she chose for herself to be baptized in March 1849. John followed in
her footsteps and received baptism on April 2, 1849.
A Sacrifice to Join the Saints
After their baptism, the Marleys felt a strong pull to gather
with the Saints in Utah. John, a miner, worked to save money to
go to America. Though regulations prohibited children under nine
years of age from working in the mines, the Marleys’ son John began working at age eight, joining his father and eleven-year-old
brother William. Her mothering instinct resisted sending her two
young sons into such a dangerous workplace, but Gwenllian saw
the importance of gathering with the Saints in Zion. It was no small
act of faith for a mother to sacrifice the safety of her children, but
Gwenllian did just that and relied on the Lord to protect them.
Through hard work and diligent saving, the family was able to secure enough money to travel to Utah as well as to buy clothing to
last them for two years.
With everything in order for traveling to America, Gwenllian
and John received the first test of their faith: John was called to serve
a two-year mission in Wales. Gwenllian was left to hold together
their family of six children, and she was pregnant with another son.
Though she was now a mature woman in her early forties, her responsibilities were great and most assuredly overwhelming at times.
Despite the strains she felt without her husband to help teach and
126
raise their children and take care of the necessities of life, she carried
on heroically with seven children.
An incident during John’s mission highlights a blessing
Gwenllian received because of her continued Church activity.
Although John was on a mission, his area of service was not far
from where the Marleys lived. While out preaching the gospel, John
and his companion were robbed, beaten, and dragged through the
streets. As this was happening, Gwenllian was attending a Church
meeting in which members spoke in tongues. These prophecies,
once interpreted, told of the missionaries being beaten. Immediately,
the congregation, with Gwenllian, ran to help the abused men. This
spiritual event saved the two missionaries from having to find help
in their feeble and pained state. Gwenllian’s presence at a bleak moment in John’s mission served as a blessing of peace for them both.
The two young Marley boys continued to work in the mines
in their father’s absence, but by the time John returned in 1860,
the family members’ clothing had worn through and their savings
were partly used. On his arrival home, John told Gwenllian that
he should go back to the mines to earn money once more for the
journey to America. Gwenllian, in her eagerness to join the Saints,
replied, “No! We will take our money and go as far as it will take
us.”6 They determined to leave their homeland, where Gwenllian
had grown up and where her parents, her grandparents, and unknown numbers of other ancestors and relatives had mined, farmed,
lived, and died.7
Gwenllian left behind two siblings and many nieces and nephews to travel with her husband and children to Liverpool, England.
There they awaited their departure for New York. Joining some six
hundred other British and Swiss Saints, the Marleys set sail on the
Underwriter on March 30, 1860. For passage, John and Gwenllian
paid the whole of their savings, some eight hundred dollars. On their
6. Weston, “History of John Chinn Marley,” [2].
7. Gwenllian’s parents had both died in the 1850s.
127
arrival in the United States on the first of May, John and Gwenllian
and their seven children entered New York City with nothing more
than worn clothes on their backs and faithful prayers in their hearts.
John got a job at twenty dollars a month. With this meager income, Gwenllian was able to clothe, feed, and shelter her family of
nine, while also saving enough money to travel to Minersville (near
Scranton), Pennsylvania, where John could earn more as a miner, as
could their two oldest sons.
A Miracle Wrought in Faith
Minersville, like most mining towns in Pennsylvania, was a foreign town in the heart of America. Its large deposit of anthracite coal
attracted immigrants from Germany, Ireland, England, Scotland,
and Wales, who flooded the towns of Pennsylvania seeking the familiar work of their homelands. John Marley and his sons were
among these workers. In some ways, Minersville felt like home to
the family. Like Llantrisant, Wales, Minersville was tucked within
rolling hills of wooded green. The Welsh population of the town also
added to the comfort of Minersville for the Marleys.8
Just as it was in Wales, mining was a dangerous career, then and
still today. Death and injury were part of the job. From the time of
the American Revolution to 1987, one anthracite coal miner died
every sixty hours in Pennsylvania alone.9 A sampling of The Miners’
Journal, the local newspaper, showed one miner’s death nearly every
week, often accompanied by a description of coal falling or a chain
breaking, “killing [the miner] instantly.” Miners who survived accidents might be horribly injured. One article told of a miner who
had “one of his legs broken, and his shoulder dislocated, by a fall of
8. Harold W. Aurand, Pennsylvania Trail of History: Anthracite Heritage Museum
and Scranton Iron Furnaces (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2002), 21.
9. “District 1—Coal Mine Safety and Health: History of Anthracite Coal Min
ing,” Mine Safety and Health Administration, www.msha.gov/District/Dist_01/
History/history.htm.
128
coal.” Another notice told of the “fearful crushing and maiming of
two boys.”10 The mines were dark and claustrophobic workspaces,
but this atmosphere was life for John and Gwenllian—a day of work
for John and a day of worry for Gwenllian. Once again, Gwenllian
sent not just her beloved husband into the mines but two sons as
well.
With the odds against them, the Marleys inevitably fell victim
to the treacherous Pennsylvania mines. A rock ledge fell on John,
crushing his rib cage. Expecting John to be dead, his fellow miners pulled him out of the debris, surprised to find he was still alive,
though in critical condition. When he reached home, Gwenllian
sent for the missionaries and for a doctor. The doctor arrived first.
Seeing John’s bleak state, he said: “I can do nothing for him. He will
not live two hours as his body is crushed.” Full of faith, Gwenllian
told the doctor he could at least “clean the coal out of his bones and
head and draw it together.”11
She waited for the missionaries. All others around her saw only
a man near death, but Gwenllian saw a possible miracle. Though
it seemed everyone had given up on John, Gwenllian took faithfilled actions, never quitting while he still kept breathing. When the
missionaries arrived, they gave her husband a blessing of healing.
Afterward, his broken bones made the sound of a crushed wicker
basket snapping back into shape. John was healed, due at least in
part to Gwenllian’s unwavering resolve and faith.
A Long Journey West
The year 1861 marked the beginning of the American Civil
War. With many Saints in the East earning money to make their
way west, Church leaders advised the new converts to travel to Utah
as fast as they could. The Marleys sought safety in the West not only
10. “Accidents,” Miners’ Journal, October 6, 1860; “Fatal Mining Accident,”
Miners’ Journal, August 25, 1860.
129
from living amid the perils of war but from the conscription of their
two oldest sons, now eighteen and fifteen, who would be forced
into the army at age twenty.12 The family journeyed to Florence—
formerly Winter Quarters—in Nebraska Territory, where they made
preparations for the westward trek. Florence was packed with Saints
gathering from the East and newly arrived from Europe.13
All the Saints were anxious to get to Utah before the fever of the
Civil War set in. Here the Marleys bought harnesses and ordered
handcarts made. Before the handcarts were complete, however, authorities in Salt Lake City sent wagon trains to help the immigrants
journey to Utah. Those like the Marleys who could not afford their
own wagons received a loan through the Perpetual Emigration Fund
for wagons, food, and clothing. Asked to give all the money they
had, the Marleys gave every cent of the six hundred dollars they had
saved, not even holding back money to buy milk along the way.
On July 1, the Marleys started their journey west in the Joseph
Horne Company. The journey was long and tiresome. Gwenllian,
John, and their seven children (ages eighteen, fifteen, thirteen, nine,
six, four, and the youngest only twenty months) walked nearly the
whole way but were grateful they were spared having to pull a handcart. Though Gwenllian was pregnant during the course of the journey and experienced the same exhaustion as her whole family, she
could not rest at night. In the evening, she prepared for the next
12. Michael T. Meier, “Civil War Draft Records: Exemptions and Enrollments,”
Prologue 26, no. 4 (Winter 1994), www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/1994/
winter/civil-war-draft-records.html. Though conscription was not a national practice until 1863, talk of the draft was present at the start of the war. The Marleys
would not have known the minimum draft age, which could have been lower.
(The Confederacy created a draft with a minimum age of eighteen a year before
the Union did.) See The Oxford Essential Dictionary of the U.S. Military (New York:
Berkley Books, 2001), s.v. “Conscription Law of 1862/1864,” accessed November
14, 2010, www.oxfordreference.com/.
13. William G. Hartley, “‘Down and Back’ Wagon Trains: Bringing the Saints
to Utah in 1861,” Ensign, September 1985, 29.
130
day’s journey and made bread over the coals of the fire. After traveling for nearly two and a half months, the wagon train arrived in Salt
Lake City on September 13, 1861.
Once they arrived in Utah, the Marleys began to send in payments for their emigration fund loan. Ever willing to be perfectly
obedient, John and Gwenllian sent payments for years until they
received notification that their loan was paid.
An Independent Woman in an Unsettled Land
Even with their long journey completed, the Marleys’ obedience
and sacrifice were not yet fully tested. In the fall of 1865, they were
called to help settle the area around Bear Lake in Utah and Idaho.14
The Marleys lived in Meadowville, Utah, on the southwest shore
of the lake. The first winter John and two of their sons returned to
North Ogden (where they had first settled after arriving in Utah)
to secure provisions for the winter. Forty-seven-year-old Gwenllian
was left with little food in a new land to take care of the remaining
children,15 including a six-month-old baby. This was not a time for
the faint of heart. Settlement was sparse, having begun only two
years before, in the fall of 1863.16 Once again, Gwenllian showed
her independence and competence in the face of a harsh and lonely
winter. She was a woman of strength and confidence but also a
woman of faith in the Lord.
John’s journey did not go well. He got wet trying to rescue a
wagon bed full of turkeys that detached and floated downstream
while he and his sons were crossing Blacksmith Fork. They had to
14. Bear Lake spans the border of Utah and Idaho. During their time in the
area, the Marleys lived in both states near the lake.
15. John and Joseph are the two Marley boys who went with their father.
William, the oldest son, was already married at this time and thus was no longer
living at home.
16. Leonard J. Arrington, Charles C. Rich: Mormon General and Western Fron
tiersman (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1974), 250.
131
leave many of their other supplies behind on their way home. John
ended up with badly frozen feet that incapacitated him for the rest
of the winter. Bears raided the supplies left behind, ruining many
of them. Gwenllian and her family spent the winter caring for John
and subsisting on boiled wheat and fish.
The area was a hostile place to live on account of conflicts with
Indians who lived nearby. After a few other moves in the area, the
Marleys settled in Laketown, Utah, directly south of the lake. There
they lived for the next ten years.
A Time of Happiness and Sorrow
Gwenllian began to serve as a midwife during this time, and she
would continue doing so for the next forty years. As the mother of at
least eight children herself,17 she must have enjoyed welcoming each
baby into the world and presenting the child for the first time to his
or her mother. One story about Gwenllian describes her gift of spiritual impressions and faithful obedience to the Spirit. Once during
a blizzard in the middle of winter, Gwenllian traveled on horseback
fifteen miles, prompted by a feeling that she was needed. She arrived
at a home just in time to assist with a difficult birth. Because of this
journey, Gwenllian’s ears and fingers were frozen and would bother
her for the rest of her life.18
In contrast to the joys of new lives beginning, Gwenllian was
also called to witness the sorrows of death. In July 1868 Gwenllian’s
ten-year-old son, George, was helping bring back logs to build the
Marleys’ home. George fell from atop the logs loaded on the wagon,
and the wagon wheel rolled over his head. He died instantly. His
17. Sources conflict regarding the number of children Gwenllian bore. There is
a possibility that she had ten children—two dying at an early age—but confirming
evidence has not been found.
18. J. Patrick Wilde, Treasured Tidbits of Time: An Informal History of Mormon
Conquest and Settlement of the Bear Lake Valley (Montpelier, ID: J. P. Wilde, 1977),
308.
132
grave was the first in Laketown’s cemetery. Five years later, Gwenllian
lost another child, eighteen-year-old Sarah. Gwenllian and John
buried her next to her brother.
In 1876, Gwenllian moved with her family northeast to Marsh
Valley, Idaho. This place brought Gwenllian more sorrows. In 1877
her fifteen-year-old son, Walter, died. Now fifty-eight, Gwenllian
had buried four of her children, each one before the age of twenty.
But Gwenllian kept going, serving in the midst of her own sadness.
Months after Walter died, the oldest Marley son, William, lost his
wife, leaving five children, including an infant. Gwenllian mothered
these children until they were all grown and the youngest married.
Gwenllian continued to care for the children after her husband’s
passing. She appears in the 1900 U.S. census as an eighty-two-yearold head of household caring for her granddaughter Hannah.19
A Home, Sweet Home
After a decade of sorrowful partings, John and Gwenllian moved
for a final time to Robin, Idaho, sometime after 1877. There they
eventually built a comfortable home, the largest and nicest in the
area. It was made of logs and located next to a spring—a luxury in
frontier life. They were among the first settlers in the area, and for
generations afterward Marleys would remain in that part of Idaho.
Gwenllian was called to be the first Primary president of the Garden
Creek Ward. She held that office for several years.
On July 3, 1898, after some twenty years of peace in Robin,
Gwenllian’s companion in faith and through trials passed away in
their home. John was buried in the Robin cemetery. He was seventyseven years old.20 Gwenllian lived seven more years. She continued
to be active for the remainder of her life. She was known to stay
up half the night reading. In the final months of her life, during a
granddaughter’s visit, Gwenllian reported, “I have read the Welsh
19. 1900 U.S. Census, Portneuf, Bannock Co., Idaho, 27B.
20. John Chinn Marley was born March 25, 1821.
133
Book of Mormon and English, and now I am going to read the
Welsh and English Doctrine and Covenants.” 21 Gwenllian died
December 5, 1905, at age eighty-seven and was buried next to John.
Her lifelong faithfulness remains an example to all who know her
story.
Gwenllian, like many other unheralded pioneer women, was
strong, independent, confident, and heroic. She was a leader, constantly encouraging her family to the actions that represented their
faith.
Chapter Forty-Six
“I Had Left All”
Mary Ann Weston Maughan (1817–1901)
Wendy Peacock
O
n March 10, 1817, Mary Ann Weston was born to Thomas
Halford and Elizabeth Walker Thackwell Weston in Corse
Lawn, Gloucestershire, England.1 The second of eight children,
Mary Ann had a pleasant childhood. She helped with her younger
siblings and later with the family mercantile business, enjoyed socializing, and was active in the Wesleyan Methodist Church.
In 1839 Mary Ann began an apprenticeship in dressmaking
and millinery in nearby Leigh. There she met Wilford Woodruff,
who baptized her and two of her friends late one night in the village pond. At a meeting for members of her new faith, The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, she met John Davis of Tirley.
1. Mary Ann Weston Maughan, Autobiography, 1894–1898, Holograph, n.p.,
City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church History Library.
134
135
They were married December 23, 1840. The newlyweds opened
their home for Church meetings, but the meetings attracted violent
protesters. Once a mob turned on Davis, who never fully recovered
from the beating he received; he died April 6, 1841. On May 4, after
settling the estate and business, Mary Ann joined a group of Latterday Saints migrating to Nauvoo, Illinois. They crossed the Atlantic
on the ship Harmony.
In Kirtland, Ohio, Mary Ann stopped to earn money by making dresses and then took up her journey with a company leaving
for Nauvoo. Peter Maughan, a newly widowed father of five, was
part of this group. They arrived in Nauvoo on October 10, 1841.
On November 2, Mary Ann and Peter were married by John Taylor.
Together they had eight more children over the next two decades.
The years following their marriage were difficult, filled with sickness
and striving to support their family. After many of the Saints had left
for what became Utah, the Maughans moved to Wisconsin to earn
means for their own journey west.
In 1850, with two wagons and eight children, the Maughans
headed westward, traveling with the Warren Foote Company. Their
company suffered much sickness, and disaster struck when threeyear-old son Peter died after being run over by the family’s wagon.
With amazing perseverance that characterized their life together, the
Maughans carried on, arriving in Salt Lake City on September 18,
1850.2
Settling in Tooele and later E. T. City (named after Ezra T.
Benson), the Maughans struggled in their relationship with local
Goshutes and faced grasshoppers, poor harvests, and the death of
another son. Willard Richards called Mary Ann to be a midwife, and
she served faithfully until late in life, delivering hundreds of babies.
When Peter Maughan was called to settle Cache Valley in 1856,
2. “Mary Ann Weston Maughan,” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database,
1847–68, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed June 9, 2011,
http://mormontrail.lds.org.
136
Mary Ann drove the first wagon into the valley; twelve days later
she gave birth to her first daughter. Peter was frequently absent on
account of his duties in the territorial legislature, as a probate judge,
and as presiding bishop for Cache Valley, leaving Mary Ann to
shoulder a lot of responsibility. They experienced tensions with the
Shoshone, severe weather, and much moving around, but Mary Ann
persevered, feeding and housing many who came to settle. In 1869
she became the Relief Society president of Cache Valley.3 Widowed
again in 1871, Mary Ann kept busy with her family, Church calling,
midwifery, and temple work. She enjoyed the society of friends and
family until her death at age eighty-four in 1901.
Late in her life, Mary Ann Weston Maughan assembled her
notes and daybooks to make a three-volume Autobiography. In it she
recounts a happy and busy childhood, with everyone contributing to
the family mercantile business, either by watching siblings, traveling
to purchase items, or working in the store itself. They were a close
family and very active in their church. With this upbringing of work,
travel, and faith, Mary Ann’s character was formed, and she was prepared for a life full of adventure, trials, service, and devotion to God.
At age twenty-two, Mary Ann left home and began a one-year
apprenticeship in dressmaking and millinery in Leigh. There, in
1840, she first learned about The Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints when William Jenkins, husband of her sewing instructor,
was baptized on a visit to friends in Herefordshire. Mary Ann recalled:
Soon Brother [Wilford] Woodruff came to our house.
There was no one at home but me. He sat by the fire and
soon comenced singing, “Shall I for fear of feeble Man the
3. The Cache Stake was not organized until 1877; according to her own
words, Mary Ann was the Relief Society president for Cache County. Maughan,
Autobiography.
137
Spirits course in me restrain.”4 Br. Jenkins had told us that
he had left his home in America, Crossed the Sea, and come
to Preach this Gospel to the people in England. While he
was singing I looked at him. He looked so peacefull and
happy I thought he must be a good Man and the Gospell he
Preached must be true. There was a small Society of United
Bretheren in this place. I think they all joined the Church
and Emegrated to Navoo. Soon as the people were Baptized,
the per[se]cution comenced. One sunday afternoon while
some were being Bap[tized] a Man threw a dog in the Pond
saying he would Baptize the Dog.5
Mary Ann, along with her friend Hannah Simonds and a Mrs.
Hill, were baptized in the village pond at midnight to avoid persecution. Her apprenticeship over, Mary Ann moved home and began
her dressmaking business. Her relatives “did not obey the gospell,”
she wrote, “but they did not opose me.” Still, their refusal to accept
the gospel message “made me sorrowfull and lonely,” she recounted.
“I attended all the meettings I could, often walking many miles
alone to and from them.”6
That summer, at one of those meetings, she met John Davis,
“a Cooper and Carpenter by trade, and a young man of much
promis.”7 The two were married on December 23, 1840. Mary Ann
remembered:
4. This popular hymn, “Shall I, for Fear of Feeble Man,” was composed by
German Johann Joseph Winkler in 1708. The hymn was translated into English
by John Wesley and first appeared in John Wesley, ed., A Collection of Psalms and
Hymns (London: Bowyer for Hutton, 1738), 65–66.
5. Mary Ann Weston Maughan, “Three Volume Journal,” Typescript copied from the original by Joel E. Ricks, vol. 1, p. 11, Joel E. Ricks Collection of
Transcriptions, Merrill-Cazier Library Special Collections, Utah State University,
Logan, Utah. The holograph is located at the Church History Library.
6. Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 1, pp. 11–12.
7. Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 1, p. 12.
138
My husband had a home nicely furnished in Tirley, and
we went there to live imeaditialy. We both had good treads
[trades] and pleanty of work and were very happy. The
Elders soon called to see us. Brothers Willard Richards and
Leivi [Levi] richards, Woodruff, Rushton and others that I
do not remember their names. There was no Saints in that
place so Brother Richards counciled us to open our house
for Meetings. We did so, and the first held in our house a
lot of Roughs led by a Apostate Methodist came and made
a disturbance. . . . Notice was given for a Meeting in two
weeks, and the Mob came again. But we succeeded in hiding the Preacher, and one of the Brethren took him away.
The Mob then turned on my husband, knocked him
down, and kicked him. He was brused, Internaly, and was
never well afterwards. About this time he had a fall that hurt
him some, and he soon commenced to Bleed at the lungs.
I sent for our family Physician. He gave Directions that he
must remain in Bed and be kept very quiet, no noise or exitement alowed near him. . . .
Soon he had a dispute with his mother about Mor
monism. This excited him, and I was forced to ask her to
leave the room. She did, but alase to[o] late; he fainted. . . .
From this he took a relaps. . . . This was a very trying time
for me, as we were the only Saints in this place. And worse
still, we were surounded by per[se]cutiors who watched
our house, and if the Elders called would send word to his
Mother. She was sure to come in, and thus we were deprived
of the privilege of conversing with the Elders as we very
much desired to do. . . .
We were alone most of the time, and this we prefered,
as it was better than having those who were not of our faith
and would ridicule our Religion. My husband did not suffer much pain but graduly grew weaker every day. He was
confined to his Bed on the 14th of feb, and I did not leave
him by day or night or lie down to sleep during his Illness.
The last few days, some one or two kind friends staid with
us. But he would not take anything from any hand but
mine. . . . He passed peacefully away on the 6th day of Apr
1841. . . . He was a good kind husband and a faithful laterday Saint. . . .
. . . our Physician, a good kind man, came to see me
and advised me to leave that place imeaditily and travel for
my health or I would soon follow my husband. The next
day I left my home a sad lonely Widow, where less than four
Months before I had been taken a happy Bride. I did not
go home, for I felt that my Parents would try to stop me
from gathering with the Saints. I had many homes offered
me, by friends, but I went to Board with Mr & Mrs Hill
of Turkey Hall. They were getting ready to go to Navoo. I
prayed for strength to settle our Bissiness, and then I would
gather with his Saints.
I had no debts to pay, and the Lord Blessed me with
success in collecting the Money due my husband and myself, or the most of it. My health continued very poor, but
I joined with a Company that was getting ready to go to
Navoo. . . . I realized Money enough from my sale [furniture, tools, dishes] to pay my Passage and Board to Navoo.
This was a very trying time for me. Every day I had to take
leave of some dear friend that I never expected to see again
in this world. . . . The last and hardest triel was to take leave
of Father, Mother, Brothers, and Sisters. My dear good
Mother was most Broken hearted to see me go. . . .
. . . Thus on the 4th of May 1841, I left all that was near
and dear to me. . . . when we came to the place where we
would lose sight of Fathers House, I sat down and I might
have staid there if some of the Company had not come back
for me. I was Sick and quit[e] over come with the greif and
sorrow I had passed through in the last three months. . . .
139
140
We were a sorry Company that traveled to Gloucester that
morning. Myself and others wept all the way. . . . On seeing
the Church [where I was married,] I thought of the girl I
was not six months ago. Now I had left all and was traviling
alone to a land unknown to me. But I had cast my lot with
the people of God, and in him I put my trust.8
Mary Ann and her fellow emigrants crossed the Atlantic Ocean
on board the Harmony. Except for one terrible storm in which the
main mast was broken, the Harmony and its passengers traveled
without harm, docking safely in Quebec. The next part of their
journey to Nauvoo was very uncomfortable,9 and part of the group
decided to break up their journey and rest in Kirtland, Ohio. This
proved fortuitous as it was there that Mary Ann met her future husband, Peter Maughan, a widowed father of five, with whose group
she later traveled to Nauvoo.
In the spring of 1844, Joseph Smith called her husband on a
mission to establish a coal mine in Rock Island, Illinois. This came
at a time of violent upheaval. Mary Ann recounts how “we took
our share in these times. Mr. Maughan standing gaurd and us at
home in constant dread of the Mob, our house being on the street
on which they would come into the City on. My first Babe was born
on the 24th of May 1844.” On “June 28th Dr W[illard] Richards and
S. W. [Samuel Harrison] Smith Brought the remains of the Murderd
Prophets to Navoo. I saw them come in on Mulhond [Mulholland]
street in 2 wagons covered with gre[e]n boughs to keep off the
sun. . . . (I hope never to see another such a sight).”10
The mission in Rock Island was halted by sickness, or “the
ague,” and the Maughans returned to Nauvoo. Mary Ann wrote
9. Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 1, pp. 16–17. Mary Ann was so badly bitten by
bedbugs on the steamer ride that she became ill and could not even walk. She had
to be carried about for a few days.
141
that “Mr Maughan was sick one year. I think this was the hardest
one of my life. As I had to Provide for a family of eight in the best
way I could.” She too became ill, and “sometimes there was not one
able to get a drink of water. I have seen them [the children] creep on
their hands and knees to get a drink of water for others.” Mary Ann’s
sewing kept them going, as many women willingly helped out in the
Maughan home in exchange for a hat. At an April 1846 conference,
Orson Hyde counseled them “to scatter out and Earn means to follow the Church.” The Maughan family moved to Wisconsin, where
they had friends working in the lead mines.11
In April 1850, they finally set off for the west with the Warren
Foote Company. Mary Ann kept short daily accounts of their trek,
noting road quality, weather, distance traveled, and availability of
wood and water. Too soon she added how many were sick from
cholera and then began a tally of deaths, burials, and how many
graves they passed daily. After describing a terrible storm they endured on July 11, she added in later years:
This is the last I wrote in my jurnal for some days. For
the next day I was called to pass through one of the hardest
triels of my life in the Death of my little [son] Peter. Friday,
July 12, 1850, about noon as we were traveling along on a
good plain road, my little Peter, about 3 years old, was sitting in the front of my wagon, betwene his brother Charles
11. Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 1, pp. 25–27. Following Hyde’s counsel to “be
faithfull, live your Religion and you shall be Blest in gathering means of all kinds
to make you comfortable and in time shall come to the Bosome of the Church
with your familes,” the Maughans worked hard. Then “in the winter of 1849 Mr
Maughan dreamed that he saw a row of Mineral holes comenceing near our garden. He awoke and told me his Dream. I said are there any holes where you saw
them. He said no but there will soon. In the morning he went and looked over the
ground where he saw the holes. Thanked God for the Dream.” Peter and his sons
“took out 800 dollars worth of Mineral in 8 weeks. Thus [the] Lord opened our
way to get menes to come to Salt Lake.”
142
and his sister Mary Ann. They were looking at a cow that
had lost one horn.
He leaned forward, lost his balance, and fell before the
wheels. The first passed over him, and he tried to escape the
other one. But alase the wagon stoped just as the hind wheel
stood on his dear little Back. The Brethren from behind ran
up and lifted the wheel and took him from under it. He was
Brused internaly, so that it was Impossiable for him to live
long. We done all that was possible for him, but no earthly
power could save him. He did not suffer much pain only
twice for a very little time.
The people left their Wagons and gathered around
mine, and all wept for the dear little Boy that we knew must
soon leave us. I had talked to him many times to be carefull
and not fall out of the wagon, or he might be hurt very bad.
He only spoke twice. I said to him, Pete did you fall? And
he said, Yes, and seemed to know that he would leave us and
asked for his father.
I did not know that his father had fainted and fell down
in the road, for the Brethern stood to hide him from my
sight. On my asking for him, they said he would come
soon. As soon as he was able, he came to the wagon covered
with dust. But his little Boy could not speak to him. But he
opened his eyes and looked so loveingly at us then gently
closed them and passed peacefuly away and left us weeping
around his dear little brused Body.
Then loveing hands tenderly dressed him in a suit of
his own white linnen clothes, and he looked so lovely. I
empt[i]ed a dry goods Box, and Bro[ther J. P.] Wood made
him a nice Coffin. And [this] even was a mournfull satisfaction, for we had seen our Brothers and sisters bury their dear
ones without a coffin to lay them in. We Buried him on a
little hill on the North side of the road. The grave was consecrated, and then they laid him in to rest. Some one had
143
made a nice headbored with his name printed on; also his
age and date of his Death.
This was all we could do, and many prayers were offered
to our heavenly Father, that he might rest in peace and not
be disturbed by wolves, as we had seen many on our way,
and we turned away in sorrow and grief. A few days after, we
heard that his grave had not been tuched, but a nother little
one made beside it. And afterwards some more was Buried
by them. This was a great satisfaction to us to know that he
remained as we left him.
Our dear [s]ons name was Peter Weston Maughan,
Born in New Diggins, Wisconcin Terrotiry. . . . It is nearly
38 years since that sorrowfull time, but if it was not so painfull to me, I could add much more to this account.12
Carrying her grief, Mary Ann continued taking footsteps toward
Zion. Finally, on September 18, 1850, she recorded:
We rose at day break and all are happy because our long
[journey] is so near done. . . . On arriveing in the City, we
soon found many kind friends. . . . I think this is destined
to be a great place. There are stores and houses going up in
all directions. We staid [in] Salt Lake City one week . . . ,
then were counciled to settle in Tooele 35 miles west of S.L.
City. . . . Here I found 2 old friends from England . . . and
some of our friends from Navoo. . . .
We camped in tent and wagon on our City lot untill
we Built a nice large duble log house. We moved into our
house in the midle of November 1850. I had not eat or
slept in ahouse since we left our own home in New diggins,
Wisconsin. . . .
I soon received a letter from Dr Willard Richards
apointing me Midwife for Tooele, saying I should have
144
the faith and prayers of the Council of Health and should
be Blessed and Prospered in that calling by the God of
Isreal. . . . This caused me much sorrow, for I had a large
family to take care of and felt that I needed rest. But I could
not back out unless I was released, so was called to attend
some sisters, before I went to the City.
When I went to see Dr. Richards and stated my case to
him, hopeing he would release me and send someone else
out there, but he said I was just where he wanted me, So I
was Blessed and Ordained to that Office by Bros. Richards,
Benson, and Maughan. The Dr being speaker pronounced
many great Blessings on my head. One in particular was
that no harm should [come] to my family in my absence,
and this has been a comfort to me many times, for no harm
has hapened to me or mine.13
Living in Tooele and E.T. City were “truly . . . hard times for
me,” Mary Ann wrote. “My family was large, my health poor, and
Breadstuff scarce.” The Maughans suffered the loss of another son,
raids on their stock by local Goshutes, and crops ruined by lack of
water, alkaline soil, and grasshoppers. Hearing this, Brigham Young
13. Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 2, pp. 10–11, 29. Mary Ann continued as a midwife until late in life. This blessing appears all the more strengthening as the next
story in her journal details how some “Indians stole some horses” and later killed
one of the townspeople near her house. She and her family moved into a fort for
protection, just as they later did in Cache Valley, where they also experienced tensions with Indians. In addition to these dangers, midwifery took a physical toll
on Mary Ann, requiring her to leave her family at a moment’s notice, often in
the middle of the night, and once even in the middle of her own birthday party.
Of that event she wrote: “Every thing pleasant till 5 o clock when George Benson
came for me to attend his wife in her Confinement her babe Elise was soon Born
both doing well. of Course thise broke up my Party but all felt happy to do so
under the circumstances.” Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 2, p. 29. Her midwife record is located in the Peter W. Maughan Papers, Merrill-Cazier Library, Special
Collections and Archives, Utah State University, Logan, Utah.
145
asked Peter Maughan in 1856 to look over Cache Valley. Thus, “we
again took up our line of march for some place in the North,” Mary
Ann chronicled. “Thus it happened that I drove the first Wagon that
came into Cache Valley for a settlement. . . . When we got to the
mouth of the Canyon, we stoped to look. . . . My first words were,
O what a beautifull Valley.”14 Her first daughter was born just twelve
days later.
Life still had its adventures and hardships, as the Maughans experienced severe winters, tensions with local Indians, and a short
move south because of the approach of a federal army in 1858.
On their return to Maughan’s Fort (now Wellsville) in 1859, Mary
Ann discovered that “travelers and their horses had Camped in my
house” and stolen her goods. “Our chairs and other effects,” she
wrote, “were visiting all over the fort and Indians camps. From this
time people came every day to look at the country.” The newcomers
stayed with the Maughans. “Sometimes I have not slept in my Bed
for a week at a time,” she recorded, “and my floor was covered with
beds.” Numerous settlements were soon established throughout the
region, and Peter named Weston, Idaho, in Mary Ann’s honor.15
In 1869 Mary Ann was called to be the Relief Society president
of Cache County. Under the date of February 1, 1870, she wrote:
This morning at 10, I went to the Hall. Was surprised
to find all the Brethren in and around the Hall. . . . The
Brethren were feelling good, thinking they were going to
hear the Sisters speak on Polygamy. But my Instructions
were to Copy after the Mass Meeting held in Salt Lake, and
there was not one Man present.16
The meeting she sought to copy was a large “indignation
15. Maughan, “Journal,” vol. 2, pp. 15, 17. Her eldest stepson, John Maughan,
“built the first house in Weston.”
146
meeting” held in Salt Lake City the previous month. In that meeting, “the Tabernacle was densely packed with ladies of all ages”—not
men—to protest legislation against plural marriage.17
Determined to follow the instructions she was given, Mary Ann
proceeded to exercise her authority as Relief Society president. She
recounted:
Was sorry to disapoint the Brethren of their fun, but I
intended to obey my Instructions. So on Entering, I took a
seat in the Congr[eg]ation. The Bishop came to me. I told
him what my Instructions were and wished him to hold his
meeting, and we would wait and then hold ours. He returned to the stand, spoke a few words to the Brethren, and
they all withdrew except the Sec[retary] and Decon.
I now Comenced, the first Mass Meeting over which I
was called [to] preside. Spoke at some length on the injustice, Cruelity, and Percusition of the Bills before us, and was
followed [by] many of the sisters on the same subject. . . .
At the Close of this meeting, a team was waiting to take
me to Hyrum . . . and [I] held another Mass Meeting. . . .
Most of these people [in Hyrum] are Danish, and as I
looked in their Earnest faces, I prayed God to Bless them,
and give me a word in season for their Benifitt. After meetting, they crow[d]ed around, saying, We like to hear you
talk; you talk good. Come again soon, Sister Maughan;
come back soon. I left them feeling well paid for my visit.
May god Bless them.
Another cold Sleigh ride to Paridice [Paradise]. Here we
had a large Party at night, then held a Mass meeting at 10 in
the morning. I spoke first, stated the Object of our meeting,
17. “Great Indignation Meeting,” Deseret Evening News, January 14–15, 1870.
147
encouraging the Sisters to be faithfull and true and stand
firm in the truth.18
Although Mary Ann had faced great hardship in joining the
Church, defending her faith, migrating to the United States, and pioneering in the American West, she also received great blessings for her
sacrifices and obedience. In 1894, she felt gratified by two surprise
celebrations held on consecutive days to commemorate her seventyseventh birthday. The first celebration came in the form of a large
group of women going through the temple with her on Friday, March
9, 1904. “The Company was so large,” she wrote, “that it was a great
suprise to me. . . . But this was only the beginning of the suprise.”
On Saturday, March 10, she spent a pleasant day at her son
Willard’s home. “On returning home in the Evening,” she wrote,
“I found our house full of Brothers and Sisters who had come with
their picnic for a feast, and to show respect to Sister Maughan on
her 77th Birthday. This was indeed a suprise to me. . . . Three tables
were spread with Beautifull food, and 70 or 80 persons sat down to
partake of the Bounties of delicate provisions set before them. After
supper speches were made, and [a] general time of rejoysing was
enjoyed by all. I had taken a severe cold so could only speak a few
words of thankfullness to my friends who had thus Honoured me,
and thus Ended the happyest Birthday I ever had.”19
Mary Ann spent her later years as a worker in the Logan temple
and as a nurse to her family in sickness. By the end of her life, she
had been a widow for nearly thirty years.20 She endured a great deal
for the restored gospel of Jesus Christ. But the Lord rewarded her
faithfulness with happiness on earth and a hope of eternal life with
loved ones in the world to come.
20. Peter Maughan died on April 24, 1871.
Chapter Forty-Seven
“The Lord Will Provide”
Margaret Ann Howard McBride (1814–1891)
Anna T. Rolapp
M
argaret Ann Howard McBride lived a life of devotion to her
family and to The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
She was baptized into the Church in Preston, England, and in 1856
migrated to America with her husband, Robert, and their five children. They left behind Margaret’s parents, Peter and Ann Wright
Howard, and other family members they would never see again.
The McBride family embarked on the ocean voyage across the
Atlantic. They took the train from Boston, Massachusetts, to Iowa
City, Iowa, and then journeyed with the Martin Handcart Company
to the Salt Lake Valley. The family experienced their share of sorrow: Robert, died en route, but Margaret and the children survived
“against great odds,” despite starvation and exposure.1
1. Bruce L. McBride and Darvil B. McBride, Against Great Odds: The Story of
the McBride Family (Anaheim, CA: KNI Incorporated, 1988), title page.
148
149
Margaret was incapacitated most of the way to Utah Territory;
her children often thought she was close to death. Their handcart
company was ultimately rescued by wagon companies dispatched
by Brigham Young. After arriving in the Salt Lake Valley, the family
eventually moved to Ogden, where they lived for a time in impoverished conditions. Margaret married a widower, Samuel Ferrin, who
added plural wives to the household at about the same time she was
sealed to her first husband, Robert.
She eventually left her husband, moved to Eden, Utah, and continued raising her family alone. Margaret served for many years as a
Relief Society president in Eden and eventually lived with some of
her children. She later spent time in St. George, where she assisted in
the building of the St. George Temple. After a long and productive
life, Margaret passed away on July 5, 1891, at age seventy-six.
Margaret Ann Howard, from Lancaster, Lancashire, England,
was just eighteen in 1833 when she married thirty-year-old Robert
McBride III from Scotland. The young McBride couple had two
small children when they were introduced to The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints by seven missionaries, including two
apostles, sent from Kirtland to England by Joseph Smith.2
Margaret and her husband, along with many others, heard the
American missionaries teach the restored gospel in late July 1837.
Robert was baptized within a day or two of hearing their message,
but Margaret delayed her baptism until January 4, 1838, as her father
2. Joseph Smith called and set apart apostle Heber C. Kimball to lead the
group; Orson Hyde, also an apostle, assisted him. The other missionaries included
Willard Richards, Joseph Fielding, John Goodson, Isaac Russell, and John Snyder.
James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints, 2nd ed.,
rev. (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1992), 127; James B. Allen, Ronald K.
Esplin, and David J. Whittaker, Men with a Mission, 1837–1841: The Quorum
of the Twelve Apostles in the British Isles (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1992),
23–28.
150
“strenuously opposed her acceptance of the Mormon faith.”3 In the
five months between their two baptisms, Margaret and Robert buried
their two-year-old son, Elijah James; their second child, Sarah Jane,
was buried a year later, on the anniversary of Margaret’s baptism.
Like many other Saints, Margaret and Robert were filled with
the spirit of gathering, and over a period of sixteen years they made
preparations to migrate to the United States. They appear to have
been able to support their family with a degree of comfort. During
their years of preparation to gather to Zion, they had seven or eight
more children—one or two of whom were stillborn (the record is
unclear), and another, Nancy, who did not survive childhood.
Margaret and Robert enjoyed family associations, living close
to both sets of parents at different times. Their planned migration
was directly tied to a desire to follow their leaders’ counsel and migrate to the Salt Lake Valley to join the Saints. None of Margaret’s
relatives joined the Church, and like many other pioneer women,
she left behind family members she would never see again. Having
sold everything at auction, the McBrides saw their migration as a
permanent move, with no expectation of ever returning to Britain.
Son Heber recalled that it was “very hard for Mother to part with
her brothers and sisters and her mother who was getting old . . . but
she had to go.”4 Unlike her children, Margaret did not keep a written record, and conclusions must be drawn from other sources about
the faith that motivated her to travel to America to gather with the
Saints.
Margaret, Robert, and their five children left Liverpool in 1856
and traveled to Utah as members of the ill-fated Martin Handcart
Company. The oldest daughter, Janetta, was sixteen on their ocean
3. “Margaret Ann Howard McBride Ferrin,” in Pioneer Women of Faith and
Fortitude, comp. International Society Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 4 vols. (Salt
Lake City, UT: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1998), 2:961–62.
4. Heber Robert McBride, “The Life of Heber Robert McBride,” n.d., Type
script, p. 2, copy in private possession.
151
and overland journey; she had been blessed and named by Brigham
Young at birth. Heber began his travels as a carefree and often mischievous thirteen-year-old who loved ocean travel. Perhaps Margaret
named him after Heber C. Kimball, who had baptized her.
Heber and Janetta soon had to mature beyond their years to assist their family with its very survival. Ether was just a boy of eight
who walked much of the way from Iowa to Utah so that his ill parents could ride in one of the family’s handcarts. He was somewhat
lame his entire life due to the exposure he endured in 1856. Peter
was barely six on the journey, and little Margaret (Maggie) turned
three near the beginning of their overland travels. As Margaret faithfully began this journey with her husband and their young family,
her heart must have been full of grief balanced with faith.
On the surface, it might have seemed that the McBrides were
leaving their culture entirely behind, but Margaret and her family
traveled with many of their fellow countrymen and carried with
them their customs, traditions, and dialects. In 1840 Heber C.
Kimball had encouraged Church members to gather with the Saints
in the United States, and in 1856 their sixteen years of planning
finally came to fruition.
Margaret and her family boarded the half-clipper ship Horizon
in Liverpool, where the adventure began. The sailors and ship’s officers began bickering, and a fight erupted. Eventually, the first mate
drew two pistols to restore order, and the disruptive sailors were
taken off the ship in irons. The ninety-five emigrants were delayed
several days while waiting for additional sailors to crew the ship.�5
They eventually departed and traveled in relative comfort. The
ship was fairly new, the captain was competent, and they had pleasant weather for most of the five-week ocean crossing. At one point,
however, fog was so thick that they could not light candles, and the
fog horn blew continually for three days.
Not surprisingly, Heber reported that he was “delighted at the
5. McBride, “Life,” 2.
152
thought of being on the water in such a big ship; it was all fun and
pleasure for me. I was in and out of everywhere and . . . kept my
parents in hot water all the time.” Heber, thirteen, was ripe for the
adventure; he recalled that he “was not seasick any of the way” and
that he was “almost sorry” when they reached Boston and had to
disembark. The family endured the standard three-day delay waiting
for medical releases and cargo inspections. During that time, several
small boats loaded with people came out to see the Mormons. The
migrants were allowed to spend time in Boston. The ever-energetic
Heber remembered that “the little boys had a good time all over
town and [got] into all kinds of mischief. I know our parents were
very glad to get us on the [train] cars where they could watch us a
little better.”6
The rail journey to Iowa City was uncomfortable; they were
crowded into cattle cars for part of the way. Arriving in Iowa City,
they endured a severe thunder and lightning storm. Ether, who was
eight years old when the family arrived in Iowa, remembered:
We had to walk about three miles to camp . . . luggage,
bedding, etc. was hauled by teams. It was so dark we could
see nothing and the parents and children were separated and
lost. We secured [one of the tents]. . . . Everything and everybody were as wet as could be. We were all together in
the morning after passing a very miserable night, and were
glad to feel the morning sun . . . and spread our things out
to dry.�7
Not surprisingly, Heber “got lost from the rest of the company.
[He] made out . . . the road by the help of the lightening [because]
Iowa can beat the world for lightening and thunder.”8
7. Ether Enos McBride, “Autobiography of Ether Enos McBride,” Typescript,
n.d., p. 1, copy in private possession.
153
Margaret and Robert’s group was delayed in Iowa City while
handcarts and wagons were built. Brigham Young had explained the
merits of handcarts over horse- or oxen-drawn wagons: “I can go
on foot across the plains. As old as I am I can take a hand cart and
draw it across those plains quicker than you can go with animals and
with loaded wagons, and be healthier when I get to the Missouri
river.”9 Most of the ten handcart companies did travel across the
plains faster than typical ox-drawn wagon trains. The Martin and
Willie companies were the tragic exceptions.
Poor communication between Church leaders in Britain and the
Utah authorities resulted in significant delays. The Saints mistakenly
expected their handcarts to be waiting for them when they arrived.
Under the direction of Captain Edward Martin, they had to use inferior materials, including green, uncured wood to build their carts
and wagons. Each delay put their journey later in the year and more
likely to be subject to the perils of wintry travel. Ether later reported
enduring “a delay of three weeks . . . [which] caused much dissatisfaction and uneasiness, as all knew there was a long tedious journey
before us, and that cold weather would arrive before [the journey]
could be accomplished.”10 The delays eventually proved fatal for perhaps a quarter of the members of the Martin Handcart Company.�11
The first three hundred miles of the trek were relatively
9. Brigham Young, in LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, Handcarts to
Zion: The Story of a Unique Western Migration, 1856–1860 (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1960), 251.
10. McBride, “Autobiography,” 1.
11. The mortality rate of the Martin Handcart Company is estimated to have
been between 18 and 26 percent. Of the 575 members of the company, there
were 103 documented deaths; the exact toll is unknown because not all deaths
were recorded. The Willie Handcart Company had a mortality rate of about 15
percent (74 deaths), and the accompanying wagon companies much lower rates:
Hodgetts, 5 percent (9 deaths) and Hunt, 8 percent (21 deaths). Andrew D. Olsen,
The Price We Paid (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 2006), 401–2; Howard A.
Christy, “Weather, Disaster, and Responsibility: An Essay on the Willie and Martin
Handcart Story,” BYU Studies 37, no. 1 (1997–98): 53, 71.
154
uneventful, but the members of the Martin Handcart Company
were detained at Council Bluffs, Iowa, for two weeks as they waited
for other groups to join them. Four months of travel and delays began to take their toll on Margaret. She was forty-two years old and
had given birth to nine or ten children. Just as the handcart pioneers
crossed the Missouri River into present-day Nebraska and began the
remaining one thousand miles to Utah, Margaret became ill with
chills and fever. She remained sick for the rest of the journey. Her
faith was tried and tested as she, for the most part, was unable to assist her husband and their five children.
How frightened Margaret and her family must have been when
they encountered “5,000 Sioux Indian warriors all in their war
paint” on their way “to fight the Pawnee.” Their interpreter told
the pioneers that the Indians would not fight a group that included
mostly “squaws and papooses,” and the Mormons were allowed to
continue their journey. They had been warned not to kill buffalo
but to “hire the Indians to kill [them] and thus keep their friendship.” Overland travelers often wrote of seeing vast herds of buffalo,
and Ether later reported that “some herds [were] estimated [to have]
50,000 head.”12
Traveling with their sick mother foreshadowed worse events to
come. Heber reported that his mother “would start out in the morning and walk as far as she could and then would lie down and wait
until we came along.” Janetta and Heber had to manage food rations, which were soon cut to a half and then to a quarter. Robert’s
health began to decline. He “got so reduced he could not pull any
longer on the handcart,” reported Heber. That left Janetta and
Heber to pull the handcarts themselves the rest of the way.�13
Their two younger brothers, Ether and Peter, “managed to walk
by holding to the handcart.” Presumably, three-year-old Maggie
rode in one of the handcarts most of the time. “No tongue or pen
155
could tell what my sister and I did pass through,” wrote Heber. Both
of their parents were now too sick to help out much and were occasionally allowed to ride in the wagons. Heber believed that “death
would be a blessing,” and he and Janetta began to pray “that [they]
might die to get out of [their] misery, because by night [they] would
lay and suffer from the cold.” Eventually, the teams accompanying
the handcart company gave out, and the McBride children had to
carry their parents in the handcarts. Heber recalled that they would
“find Mother by the side of the road first and [they] would haul her
until [they] could find father lying as if he were dead.”14 Janetta and
Heber felt the heavy responsibility of caring for their parents and
three cold and hungry younger siblings.
In Heber’s mind, “the captains of the campers were worse than
brutes.” One can envision the fortitude it took to keep the company
moving under such trying circumstances. On one rainy evening, the
children were sure their mother was about to die. They somehow
managed to get a little fire started for her out of “a few sunflower
stalks and wet buffalo chips.” They were called to prayer but were
unwilling to leave their mother; a captain came and “kicked out
[their] fire and spilled the water that [they] were trying to get warm
to make a little tea for mother.”15 Historian Rebecca Bartholomew
reported that there were other “instances of pettiness and cruelty”
but that “instances of bravery . . . [by] far predominated.”16
Janetta recalled that “it began to snow at the upper crossing of
the Platte River” near present-day Casper, Wyoming.�17 Heber was
able to get his father into one of the few remaining wagons as he
14. McBride, “Life,” 3–4.
15. McBride, “Life,” 4a.
16. Rebecca Bartholomew and Leonard J. Arrington, Rescue of the 1856
Handcart Companies (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, Charles Redd Center
for Western Studies, 1993), 57n86.
17. “Life of Janetta Ann McBride Ferrin,” n.d., Typescript, p. 1, copy in private
possession.
156
“was very bad this morning and could hardly sit up in the tent.”
They were not quite halfway across Wyoming near Red Buttes
(present-day Bessemer Bend). “That was the last time we ever saw
him alive,” Heber remembered. In the evening they “made mother
as comfortable as possible [and then] went to try to find father.”
They were unsuccessful and had to retire for the night, not knowing
his whereabouts. By morning “the snow was about eighteen inches
deep and [it was] very cold.” Heber eventually found his father under a wagon on the frozen ground, dead. “I felt as if my heart would
burst as I sat down beside him on the snow and took his hand in
mine and cried, Oh father, father.” Heber’s grief is unimaginable.
“There we were way out there on the plains with hardly anything
to eat or wear and father dead and mother sick and [now] a widow
with five children and not hardly able to live from one day to the
next.”18 Heber cried for a time and then returned to his family to tell
them the sad news.
Six-year-old Peter later reported that his sick father had worked
a few days earlier “pushing and pulling handcarts through the icy
waters of that dangerous [Platte] river [and helped] many people
with all their belongings to reach the other side.” Robert had “made
some 25 trips across the river to give help.”19 This service may have
cost Robert his life. He was buried in a common grave with twelve
other pioneers. Peter wept as he ran toward his father’s grave. Some
attempted to give him comfort, but he cried, “My father had my fish
hooks in his pocket and I want them.”20 Ether later recalled of his
sick mother that she “was left with . . . five fatherless children. No
18. McBride, “Life,” 4a. Heber was later called by Brigham Young to help rescue other stranded immigrants near this same place.
19. Olsen, Price We Paid, 329.
20. Peter Howard McBride, “Life Sketch,” in Susan Arrington Madsen,
I Walked to Zion: True Stories of Young Pioneers on the Mormon Trail (Salt Lake City,
UT: Deseret Book, 1994), 45.
157
home, no money, and without food on the unknown prairie in the
wintertime. How my brave mother carried on, I will never know.”21
Margaret and her children mourned Robert’s death as they
fought for survival. Conditions deteriorated further as temperatures
plummeted and winter storms raged. The surviving members of the
Martin Handcart Company were on the verge of death from starvation and exposure. Janetta remembered saving “her [bread] crusts
. . . [to] give a few crumbs at a time to her younger brothers and
sister . . . to coax them along.” One night Peter was found with
“his hair frozen to his quilt,” and Janetta remembered several mornings when her own “hair was frozen to the ground.” Her biographer
reported that “Janetta had to make several trips [across the freezing Sweetwater River]. First she pulled her handcart across, then she
went back and carried the children across . . . this froze her clothes
stiff and she could hardly walk.”22 The ox teams that accompanied
the handcarts began to die, and Heber remembered that they were
“devoured very quickly and us little boys had strips of rawhide” to
eat.�23
Brigham Young finally received word from apostle Franklin D.
Richards and Daniel Spencer, missionaries returning from Britain,
that “two handcart companies numbering a thousand souls were
stranded on the plains and in the high altitudes of Southern
Wyoming. . . . They had last been seen more than a month
[earlier].”24 President Young was convening the October 1856 general conference in Salt Lake City and exhorted the Saints:
I will tell you all that your faith, religion, and profession of religion, will never save one soul of you in the
22. “Life of Janetta McBride Ferrin,” 1–2.
23. McBride, “Life,” 4a.
24. Darvil B. McBride and Bruce L. McBride, Chariots of Hope (Pasadena, CA:
Pacific Book and Printing, 1983), ix.
158
celestial kingdom of our God, unless you carry out just such
principles as I am now teaching you. Go, and bring in those
people now on the plains, and attend strictly to those things
which we call temporal, or temporal duties, otherwise your
faith will be in vain; the preaching you have heard will be in
vain to you, and you will sink to hell, unless you attend to
the things we tell you.25�
The rescue was organized immediately. An advance party with
sixteen wagons left right away, and two hundred fifty wagon teams
soon followed. Delayed by snowstorms themselves and by the handcart companies being farther east than the rescuers expected, the
advance party had few supplies left when they reached the beleaguered group but offered hope that more assistance was on its way.
Heber was relieved when ten wagons arrived to help them by “taking
the sick into their wagons.”26 Ether later reported, “Oh, the joy and
thanks and praise to God, for our deliverance from certain death.”27
According to Janetta’s biographer, at the time of the handcart pioneers’ rescue the snow was “two or three feet deep and they were
all barefooted.”28 Sufficient teams eventually arrived, and the nearly
dead McBride family was “placed in a wagon belonging to Ebenezer
Richardson of Ogden City. [They] travelled along slowly, early and
late.”29
After months of traveling under the most trying circumstances,
the frozen and half-starved Martin Handcart Company finally arrived in the Salt Lake Valley on November 30, 1856. Though saddened at the loss of her husband, Margaret must have been grateful
25. “Remarks,” Deseret News [Weekly], October 15, 1856.
28. “Life of Janetta McBride Ferrin,” 2.
159
for the safety and relative well-being of her five children, as approximately one in five persons had perished en route.
The McBride family settled thirty miles north of the Salt Lake
Valley in Ogden as the growing Church spread out into the Utah
Territory. Their first winter was difficult, Margaret being “sick most
of the time.” They were housed in a one-room shack with a dirt roof
and floor. Ether recollected asking his mother, “Is Zion . . . such a
place as this?” Reflecting later, he responded to his own question,
“What were the thoughts of mother who had always lived in comfort
and good homes, I know not; but I do know her answer to our questions, and our complaints, ‘Never mind, the Lord will provide.’”30
Margaret eventually married the twice-widowed Samuel Ferrin
in 1857; he had treated her family with great kindness upon their
arrival in Ogden. She added her five children to his large household.
Some months later, she was sealed to her deceased husband, Robert,
in the President’s Office (and later in the Endowment House) in Salt
Lake City. In 1860, Margaret gave her consent for Samuel to marry
a second wife, Ann Plant, who may have been a friend of hers. Ann
“had left her husband in England because he refused to emigrate.”31
One year later, Margaret protested when Samuel, age fifty-seven,
“announced his intentions of marrying Ann’s daughter, Anna, [who
was] just nineteen. [Margaret] refused to have any part of it and
threatened to leave if he carried out his plans.” Samuel married the
nineteen-year-old within a week; Margaret endured for about a year
and then “took up a home in Eden and there finished raising her
family by herself. There was no divorce, but she went back to her
former name of Margaret McBride.”32
Margaret spent her remaining years in relative peace giving service for many years as a Relief Society president in Eden, Ogden
31. Stanley Ferrin Wangsgaard, “Biography of Samuel Ferrin,” Pioneer
Memorial Museum, International Society Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 123.
32. Wangsgaard, “Biography of Samuel Ferrin,” 124.
160
Valley, Utah. Her children enjoyed her company, and she lived with
some of them, primarily Heber, over the years. Heber called his
mother his “best girl.”33 The bond in the McBride family was ironclad after the ordeal of 1856. Margaret had raised a faithful family
who “[acknowledged] the hand of God and his protective care.”34 She
lived for a short time with Maggie and contributed to the completion
of the St. George Temple by “sewing carpets and curtains.”35
Margaret was still serving as Eden Relief Society president when
she died in 1891 at age seventy-six. The obituary printed in the
Woman’s Exponent praised her as a “noble woman . . . faithful sister and an active President . . . and kind friend [whose] goodness
and patience and uncomplaining endurance [were] worthy of . . .
imitation.”36
Margaret’s five surviving children all lived into their eighties:
Janetta and Heber died within seven months of each other in 1924
and 1925; the younger three siblings, Ether, Peter, and Maggie, died
within twelve months, 1933 to 1934. They were united as a family
in the monumental 1856 migration and in the proximity of their
deaths. The five children remained active in the Church and were a
credit to their mother, Margaret Ann Howard McBride.
35. “Margaret Ann Howard McBride Ferrin,” 2:962.
36. Martha A. Ferrin, Margaret Larsen, and Catharine Andreason, “One More
Gone to Rest,” Woman’s Exponent 20, no. 5 (September 1, 1891): 40.
Chapter Forty-Eight
“Tried Like Gold”
Laura Clark Phelps (1807–1842)
Carol L. Clark
L
aura Clark was born in New Fairfield, Connecticut, July 28,
1807, to Timothy Baldwin and Polly Keeler Clark. Laura and
her husband, Morris Charles Phelps, and their two young daughters, Paulina and Mary Ann, were among the first white settlers of
the Plainfield region located about thirty-five miles southwest of
Chicago, Illinois.
In the early summer of 1831, Morris received a letter, possibly
written by his sister who lived near Kirtland, Ohio. He recorded its
contents in his autobiography. The letter’s author wrote “concerning
a new Book Called the Book of Mormon that it was translated from
writings on . . . plates.” The writer reported: “Several families . . .
had comensed a new chirch, and this was all don under the directions of a Prophet. Verry respectable men and women had joined
their Chirch. . . . Several of their preachers will soon leave f[or] the
west. Perhaps you may see some of them.” Morris wrote, “Reading
161
162
of this new Church and a Prophet created such a Curiosity and anxiety mingled with Joy that I could not refrain from weping.”1
On June 7, 1831, Joseph Smith received the revelation recorded in Doctrine and Covenants 52, in which Lyman Wight and
John Corrill were commanded to “take their journey speedily” to
Missouri. The commandment directed, “Let them preach by the
way in every congregation, baptizing by water, and the laying on
of the hands by the water’s side.”2 They did just that. As they made
their way to Missouri, they taught and baptized Sanford Porter Sr.,
a close friend of the Phelps family. Porter then taught the gospel
to Laura and Morris and baptized them August 18, 1831, in the
DuPage River in Cook County, Illinois. Laura’s sister Rhoda Cooper
and her husband, John, were also baptized.
Laura and Morris Phelps and their family gathered with the
Saints to Jackson County, Missouri, arriving on March 6, 1832.
Laura gave birth to their third daughter on April 7 in Lyman Wight’s
tent. Morris and Laura named her Harriet Wight; family lore claims
she was the first Mormon girl born in Independence.3
In the fall of 1832, Laura and Morris took John Murdock’s
young son John into their home, making him a part of the Phelps
family when the senior Murdock was called on a mission. Young
John was the brother of the Murdock twins whose mother, Julia,
had died at their birth the previous year, on April 30, 1831. Unable
1. Morris Charles Phelps, “Reminiscence, 1870,” Holograph, p. 17, L. Tom
Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University,
Provo, Utah.
2. Doctrine and Covenants 52:7, 10.
3. Morris Calvin Phelps, “Life History of Laura Clark,” Typescript, p. 1,
City, Utah.
Laura Cl ark Phelps (1807–1842)
163
to care for the twins himself, their father asked Joseph and Emma
Smith to raise them; Emma had recently borne twins who died.
The Phelps family was driven with the rest of the Saints from
Jackson County into Clay County, Missouri, during the winter
of 1833. They rented a farm, about which daughter Mary Ann
reported: “The Prophet Joseph came and preached at our house,
which was the first time I ever saw him. While at our house he put
me on his knee and blessed me, and I knew him ever afterwards, and
he always remembered me.”4
Laura’s husband, Morris, noted in his scant diary: “Here I rented
a farm. Zions Camp came, cholera came amongst the saints generally. September 30 [1834] I left my family and started with David
Patten, Orrin Parish, and E. H. Groves on a mission.”5 He left Laura
“with three small children without means of support.”6 Along with
running the farm, she taught school and acted as a midwife to support herself and her children. Mary Ann remembered, “My mother
was such a good manager and kept things going.”7
Morris’s mission took him back to Illinois, where he built up
Church branches in Calhoun and Cook counties. Mary Ann recorded: “My father went to Chicago and while there converted my
mother’s father, mother and family. They came to Missouri where
mother was living and helped her look after her family, while father proceeded on his journey to Kirtland, preaching the gospel. . . .
4. Mary Ann Phelps Rich, “Early History,” in Autobiography of Mary Ann Phelps
Rich, Microfilm of typescript, p. 1, Family History Library, The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Family History
Library; “Mary Ann Rich,” in Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical
Encyclopedia, 4 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Andrew Jenson History Company, 1901–
36), 3:497.
5. Morris Phelps, “His Diary,” accessed June 13, 2011, http://morrisphelps.org/
morris/morrisdiaries. Grammar has been standardized.
6. Rich, “Early History,” 5.
7. Mary Ann Phelps Rich, “Girlhood Days,” in Autobiography of Mary Ann
Phelps Rich, Microfilm of typescript, p. 15, Family History Library.
164
He stayed there most of the winter and received his Washings and
Anointings in the Kirtland Temple.”8 Because Morris was a carpenter, he was enlisted to help complete the Kirtland Temple.
After Morris returned to his family, Laura and he “were driven
by a mob to Far West, Caldwell County, Missouri.”9 There Morris
bought a home, and Mary Ann recalls that her father “soon had
everything comfortable around him.”10
Laura experienced a short season of peace before living through
a series of dark, terrifying trials in Far West. Although some dates
and details are inexact, stories from Laura’s life remain compelling
and inspiring.
As persecution against the Saints escalated in Caldwell County,
Laura had more confrontations with mobbers. Morris Calvin Phelps
(the son of Laura’s husband, Morris, and his second wife, Sarah
Thompson, whom he married after Laura’s untimely death), related:
“The mob came into the Morris Phelps’s yard and shot the animals,
and when Harriet tried to protect her pet pig they were going to
shoot her. Laura ran out and said, ‘Shoot all the animals you desire
but leave my little girl alone.’”11 Laura’s daughter Mary Ann Phelps
Rich recorded another dramatic episode: “They [mobbers] would
even come into her yard and shoot the chickens and kill the pigs.
Mother had her house full of women and children, in the mean
time, who had been driven from their homes by the enemy. These
women wanted mother to go into the woods to escape the mob, but
she told them ‘No,’ that if she had to die, she would die in her own
home, so they decided to stay with her.”12
8. Rich, “Early History,” 5; James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story
of the Latter-day Saints, 2nd ed. rev. (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1992),
109–11.
9. Phelps, “His Diary.”
10.  Rich, “Early History,” 5.
11. Phelps, “Life History.”
12.  Rich, “Early History,” 5.
165
During this same time in 1838, Morris was arrested and thrown
into the Richmond Jail with Parley P. Pratt and four others while
Joseph and Hyrum Smith and five others were taken to Liberty Jail.
Mary Ann noted, “Father was told many times that if he would burn
his Mormon Bible and quit the Mormon Church he could go free
. . . but he chose to be firm in his religion; so he was held in prison all
winter, and mother had to support her family the best way she could;
her provisions and every thing had been destroyed by the armies.”13
It seems amazing that in such circumstances Laura managed to
visit her husband every two weeks and take him provisions so he had
something to eat besides the prison food that was often so coarse as
to be inedible. During one of her visits, Heber C. Kimball also went
to the jail. He wrote:
On our arrival at Richmond, I went directly to the
prison to see Parley, but was prohibited by the guard, who
said they would blow my brains out if I attempted to go
near him. In a few minutes, Sister Morris Phelps came to
me in great agitation and advised me to leave forthwith, as
Brother Pratt had told her that a large body of men had assembled with tar, feathers and a rail, who swore they would
tar and feather me, and ride me on the rail.14
Brother Kimball added a few noteworthy sentences in Laura’s
obituary that give more detail about her efforts to save him: “When
my life was sought at Richmond, and my brethren in prison had
great anxiety on my account, she interceded with my pursuers, who
were nearly thirty in number, and actually convinced them that I
was another person, altogether, and the pursuit was stopped.”15
14. Heber C. Kimball, President Heber C. Kimball’s Journal (Salt Lake City, UT:
Juvenile Instructor Office, 1882; Heber City, UT: Archive Publishers, 2003), 87.
15. Heber C. Kimball, “Obituary,” Times and Seasons 3, no. 9 (March 1, 1842):
714.
166
When Governor Lilburn W. Boggs issued the extermination order, Laura took her family, now enlarged by the birth of a son named
Joseph, to the jail to see their father before they fled from Missouri.
“The jailer allowed father to step down stairs with us and carry the
baby,” Mary Ann wrote, adding, “We left our home and every thing;
just packed up what few things we could and came away, we never
got a cent for our property.”16
Laura wrote a letter to her family in Chicago about the exodus
from Far West, Missouri, to the Mississippi River, which she crossed
into Quincy, Illinois. The letter read in part: “I drove my wagon all
the way; turned over once with my children under the load, but hurt
them but little—I can safely say this day, I am not sorry I ever joined
this Church, for I recollect this company that John saw come up
through great tribulation. We have to be tried like gold seven times
tried.”17
Laura followed her father, Timothy Baldwin Clark, from
Quincy to Commerce and then back across the Mississippi River to
Montrose, Iowa, where he and some of his sons (including Ezra T.
Clark, Laura’s younger brother) decided to settle. According to her
daughter Mary Ann, Laura
looked around to find a place for herself and children and
found an old house in the middle of a corn field. The people
who had lived in it . . . told [her] that she was welcome to
move into the old house, but they did not think it was fit for
anyone to live in as they had stabled horses in it and it was
in very bad condition. After looking at the place, however,
mother decided that any place was better than to be right
out of doors. The sun was getting so very hot; so she unpacked our things and went to work cleaning up the place.
In cleaning it, Laura’s daughter recalled, “We . . . shoveled the
17. Phelps, “Life History,” 3.
167
manure out, whitewashed the place, and then washed the floor . . .
and moved in.”18
Laura determined to return to Missouri to see her husband
and attend his trial. Her brother John Wesley Clark joined her on
this journey of 150 miles on horseback. They arrived in Columbia,
Boone County, where the prisoners had been transferred, to find
that Orson Pratt, Parley’s brother, had also arrived for the trial.
Parley wrote: “Previous to their arrival the Lord had shown me in
a vision of the night the manner and means of escape. . . . Mrs.
Phelps had the same thing shown to her in a vision previous to her
arrival.”19
Parley wrote at length of this daring escape; his account shows
Laura’s courage and resolve:
Our plan was this: My brother, Orson Pratt, was to wait
on the Judge and Attorney, and obtain various papers and
arrangements. . . . He and Mrs. Phelps and her brother were
to stay with us until the 4th [of July], and after celebrating the day . . . he and the young Mr. Clark were to take
leave with their horses, and also with the horse and saddle
on which Mrs. Phelps had ridden, on pretence of taking
him home with them to Illinois, while she stayed with her
husband a few weeks in the prison; in the meantime engaging her board in the family of the keeper, who occupied part
of the building in connection with the prison.
This measure, on the part of Mrs. Phelps, served the
double purpose of lulling them into serenity, and also of
furnishing a third horse; as there were three of us [Parley P.
Pratt, Morris Phelps, and King Follett]. . . .
In this, as in most other fields of battle, where liberty
19. Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt, ed. Parley P. Pratt Jr.
(Chicago: Law, King, and Law, 1888), 266–67.
168
and life depend on the issue, every one understood the part
assigned to him and exactly filled it. Mr. Follett was to give
the door a sudden pull, and fling it wide open the moment
the key was turned. Mr. Phelps being well skilled in wrestling was to press out foremost, and come in contact with
the jailer; I was to follow in the centre, and Mr. Follett, who
held the door, was to bring up the rear, while sister Phelps
was to pray.
The plan was enacted as described. Parley continued, “One or two
leaps brought us to the bottom of the stairs, carrying the old gentleman [jailer] with us headlong, helter skelter, while . . . Mrs. Phelps
exclaimed, ‘O Lord God of Israel, thou canst help.’”20
Mary Ann’s retelling of her mother’s adventure adds a few details:
Mother said she sat back on the bed in the kitchen, and
pretty soon she could hear steps and a rumbling noise, heard
the jailer call out, and she said his wife rushed up stairs to
where he was (she weighed about two hundred pounds.)
The jailer had father clinched, but father jumped down two
pair of stairs, six steps each, and with the jailer’s wife hanging on to one of his arms. He would get rid of her when he
jumped, but she would clinch him again when she again
reached him. . . . Mother said . . . she thought she could
pray if she could do nothing else. She thought she was whispering a prayer, but they said she hollered just as loud as
her voice would let her, and she said, “Oh! Thou God of
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, deliver Thy Servant.” Father said
he felt as strong as a giant when he heard those words; he
just pushed the jailer and his wife off as if they were babies
and cleared himself.21
20. Pratt, Autobiography, 268, 274–75.
21. Mary Ann Phelps Rich, “A Hazardous Mission of Love,” in Autobiography
of Mary Ann Phelps Rich, Microfilm, pp. 9–10, Family History Library.
169
Orson Pratt and John Wesley Clark held the horses at the
agreed-upon meeting point. Mary Ann recounted what followed:
When he [Morris Phelps] got to his horse, the enemy
had retaken Brother Follet, and they had mother’s horse,
which she had given to Mr. Follet. Father was so exhausted
that uncle John had to help him on his horse and put the
whip in his hand. . . . It soon commenced to storm, and
father’s hat was knocked off in the struggle with the jailer; so
he was bareheaded.
The enemy returned with Brother Follet on my mother’s horse, which, of course, was pretty plain evidence against
her. The jailer called her [Laura] everything and told her to
be gone out of his sight. She told him to get her shawl and
bonnet and she would leave; he told her to go up stairs and
get them, but she said no, for them to bring them to her, as
she knew the windows were open up there, and she thought
they might throw her out of one.22
It is remarkable that Laura, a lone woman, chose to remain at
the scene, her own life at risk. Parley P. Pratt wrote of Laura’s experience with the jailer and the mob after the brethren escaped:
As soon as the prisoners had cleared from the jailer, and
were fairly under way, Mrs. Phelps, who was still an inmate
of the dwelling, became the particular object of their spite
and rage. The old jailer and his wife commenced to rail and
curse her as the author of all the mischief. They threatened
her with instant death, and finally turned her out of doors in
the dusk of the evening, and in the midst of a mob who had
gathered in great numbers around the prison and raging like
22. Rich, “Hazardous Mission,” 9–10. King Follett was released from jail several months after his recapture on account of his age and his not being a Church
leader.
170
so many tigers disappointed of their prey. Being a stranger
and without money, friends, or acquaintances in the place,
she knew not where to go or what to do. She finally sat
down in the open air in the midst of the mob, by whom she
was assailed, cursed, insulted, threatened, and abused in the
most unfeeling manner for some time.23
Mary Ann recorded some additional details her mother must
have told her:
A gentleman . . . seeing the door-ways crowded with
men and boys, said to the jailer, ‘How do you expect this
lady to get out of this place;’ the jailer said he did not care
how she got out . . . if she did not get out of his way before
dark, he would soon put her out of the way. This gentleman
said he would see her safely out, and took her by the hand,
and as they went out she picked up my father’s hat.24
He left her in the prison courtyard.
A little boy surnamed Richardson had witnessed the entire event
and heard the jailer’s threat. He ran home, “crying as though his
heart would break.” Upon hearing his story, his parents took him
back to the courthouse. Mr. Richardson said to his wife: “Elizabeth,
you take this lady to our home. If her husband were the greatest
murderer in the world, we could not see anyone in our town treated
with such cruelty as this.”25
The Richardsons proved to be true friends. They returned to
the jail the next day and collected items belonging to Morris. They
searched until they found the sidesaddle that the mobbers had disfigured and discarded after one of them rode Laura’s horse while
searching for the escapees. After a few days Mr. Richardson located
23. Pratt, Autobiography, 287.
24. Rich, “Hazardous Mission,” 10–11.
25. Rich, “Hazardous Mission,” 11.
171
Laura’s horse, too, which had been sorely used. Mr. Richardson repaired the saddle and nursed the horse back to health. Mary Ann
wrote, “Mother stayed with these good people ten days; never heard
a word as to whether father was dead or alive, but mother was a
woman with lots of faith and courage.”26
Laura was determined to return to her family, despite the
Richardsons’ concerns about the dangers for a woman traveling
alone through unsettled country where bandits roamed. Finally, they
all agreed that Laura would travel a good part of the way with the
mail boy. “They had to travel late at night and start out early in the
morning, but she told them she could stand it. She had preached
Mormonism to them all the while she was there, and she left a Book
of Mormon and a Hymn book with them. She had also sung to
them the songs of Zion, as she was a great hand to sing.”27
Laura told her daughter about the last miles she traveled alone
after leaving the mail boy. Mary Ann wrote: “She had ridden fifty
miles and was just starting into the woods (the timber in that country was very thick,) and she said this was the first time her courage
failed her, she had such a lonesome, dismal feeling come over her . . .
and she did not know what would accost her . . . because it was getting dark.” Then, amazingly, she saw a man coming on horseback. It
proved to be King Follett’s son who had been sent to find out if she
had ended up in prison because no one had heard from her. With
him she traveled to Quincy, Illinois, where Morris was recovering
from eight months in prison and three days without food or rest
during his escape. Laura also found that Orson Pratt and her brother
John had safely arrived there after walking more than a hundred
miles from Columbia, Missouri.28
Laura and Morris still feared for Morris’s safety and did not
26. Rich, “Hazardous Mission,” 11–12.
27. Rich, “Hazardous Mission,” 12.
28. Mary Ann Phelps Rich, “A Happy Reunion,” in Autobiography of Mary Ann
Phelps Rich, Microfilm, pp. 12–13, Family History Library.
172
dare stay even with the kind people of Quincy. After only a few
days, Laura and her husband left their children with neighbors and
traveled to Kirtland to see Morris’s family, whom Laura had never
met. Laura and Morris attempted to teach his Phelps relatives the
gospel, to no avail. During their lengthy time away from Illinois,
Laura gave birth to Jacob, her fifth child.
In July 1840 the family was reunited. “We were overjoyed at
seeing our father and mother again,” Mary Ann wrote. “No tongue
could express our feelings at being together again, all alive and well.”
But this season of happiness and reunion was not to last. The last
sentences in Mary Ann’s account of her mother’s life are tender:
We moved to a town twenty miles from Nauvoo
called Masedonia. Here we located and soon all were our
friends. . . . We lived there about a year and a half, which
were the happiest of our lives; then my mother was taken
sick and died, leaving her five children, three girls and two
boys, the baby one and a half years old. We were all heartbroken and did not know how to manage without mother.
She was buried in Nauvoo. . . . Hard work and exposure had
broken her health.”29
Heber C. Kimball, author of Laura’s obituary and a speaker at
her funeral, said: “It is with deep regret that we announce the death
of our highly esteemed and worthy sister, Laura Phelps, consort of
Morris Phelps, who departed this life Feb. 2d, in the 36th year of her
age. . . . She was one of the first who embraced the gospel . . . [and]
manifested to the world that no sacrifice was too great for her to
make for the cause which she had espoused.”30
The Prophet Joseph Smith said at her funeral that “she had
29. Rich, “Happy Reunion,” 14.
30. Kimball, “Obituary,” 713.
173
lived her life very fast and her salvation was sure.”31 In the compiled
History of the Church she is remembered thus:
Sister Laura Phelps, wife of Morris Phelps, died, age 36
years. She was driven from Jackson county in 1833, was in
the persecution of Missouri, in 1838, and went from Iowa
to Missouri to assist in liberating her husband, and was left
in the prison yard when he made his escape, willing to suffer
all the abuses a savage horde could inflict upon her to set her
companion free from the grasp of his murderous enemies.
Her rest is glorious.32
31. Rich, “Happy Reunion,” 14.
32. Joseph Smith, History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed.
B. H. Roberts, 2nd ed. rev., 7 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1932–51), 4:513.
Chapter Forty-Nine
“A Good Old Mother and
a Fine Old Lady”
Mary Presdee Phillips (1773–1871)
Jay G. Burrup
I
n the 1830s, Mary Presdee Phillips, a widow and midwife, was
one of several hundred devout members of the United Brethren
religious sect residing in the rural agrarian villages of England’s West
Midlands. Despite being somewhat advanced in years, Mary resolutely decided in the spring of 1840 to leave the Primitive Methodist
movement and become a Latter-day Saint. That choice and its dramatic consequences, which included migrating to America, profoundly shaped her future for the next three decades. Nearly all
those years were spent living a hardscrabble pioneer life on the western frontier of the United States. Although Mary was illiterate and
left no life writings, her profound faith, undaunted courage, and resilient determination distinguished her as a Latter-day Saint convert
and pioneer.1
1. Church of England, St. Andrew’s Parish, City of Worcester (Worcestershire),
174
175
Although various sources suggest that Mary was born in De
cember 1773, her christening occurred a year later on December 27,
1774, in the Church of England parish of Alfrick, Worcestershire.
Mary’s parents were James and Mary Purshull Presdee, and she was
the eldest of ten children.2
About five months after Mary’s father died in 1793, she was
united in marriage at age twenty with William Phillips, of Oxenhall,
Gloucestershire. The couple was married by license on December 3
of that year at St. Andrew’s Parish in the city of Worcester.3 The newlyweds settled nearby in the village of Leigh, where their first several
children were born.4 William worked as a farmer and laborer to support his family, which burgeoned to twelve children. Presumably,
three of the children died before reaching age twelve. The Phillipses
Parish registers, 1754–1934, Microfilm, Family History Library, The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Family
History Library. Mary signed her marriage entry with an “X,” indicating she was
illiterate.
2. Church of England, Alfrick Parish (Worcestershire), Parish registers, 1655–
1812, Microfilm, Family History Library. Mary’s patriarchal blessing given on
January 31, 1853, by John Smith states she was born December (no day listed)
1773. The blessing given on February 17, 1865, by John Young gives her birth
date as December 2, 1773; copies in author’s possession. Blessing of 1853 is on
file at the Church History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church
History Library. Wilford Woodruff ’s journal entry of November 12, 1864, states
that Mary “will be 91 years old in 3 weeks.” Wilford Woodruff ’s Journal, ed.
Scott G. Kenney, 9 vols. (Midvale, UT: Signature Books, 1983–84), 6:195–96.
Mary’s gravestone uses the date December 4, 1773. See also Jeanne R. Mooney,
Family Group Record for James and Mary Purshull Presdee, 1989, copy in author’s
possession. A common variant spelling of Presdee is Pressdee. Family records often
record Mary’s name as Mary Ann, although christening and marriage records refer
to her simply as Mary.
3. Church of England, St. Andrew’s Parish, Registers, 1754–1934.
4. Jay Greaves Burrup, Family Group Record for William and Mary Presdee
Phillips, 1981, copy in author’s possession; “Ancestral File Record: Mary Presdee,”
NewFamilySearch, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed
December 7, 2011, https://new.familysearch.org.
176
moved frequently between rented farms in Leigh, Worcestershire;
Cradley, Herefordshire; and Oxenhall, Gloucestershire, tight-knit
villages located near each other but in three different counties. 5
Because of incomplete records, some of William and Mary’s children’s birth or christening dates cannot be determined.6
In November 1825, William died at age sixty-two at Longley
Green, near Suckley, Worcestershire. Mary, then aged fifty one, was
left to care for six children under age eighteen; her two eldest daughters and eldest living son likely had households of their own. The
couple’s son Edward, who was only twelve years old at the time,
assumed partial responsibility for supporting his mother and several
siblings by farming and blacksmithing.7
Mary Presdee Phillips was religiously inclined and enthusiastic
in her pursuit of spirituality. Christened in the Church of England,
she distanced herself from Anglicanism and united with the
Countess of Huntingdon’s Connexion, a Calvinistic evangelical sect,
for about fifteen years. After becoming disaffected from that persuasion, she joined a local Primitive Methodist break-off sect called the
“United Brethren.”8 This group, superintended by Thomas Kington
of Dymock, Gloucestershire, was composed of several hundred adherents who had organized themselves into congregations and obtained non-conformist licenses that allowed them to use members’
homes as sites where the group’s male and female preachers rotated
their sermons according to a published schedule.9 Edward Phillips,
5. Sylvia Phillips, “Biographical Sketch of Edward Phillips,” 1889, p. 1, Church
History Library. Burrup, Family Group Record for William and Mary Presdee
Phillips.
6. Birth and christening information is lacking for Elizabeth, Ann, and James.
7. Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 1.
8. “Obituaries,” Deseret News [Weekly], February 1, 1871.
9. Cynthia Doxey Green, “Wilford Woodruff: Missionary in Herefordshire,” in
177
then in his mid-twenties, served as one of the Brethren’s fervent circuit preachers.10
In early March 1840, Latter-day Saint apostle Wilford
Woodruff, who was proselytizing in Staffordshire’s famed pottery
district, felt inwardly compelled to visit his friend William Benbow’s
brother John, who resided some distance away at Hill Farm in Castle
Frome Parish, Herefordshire. John was an earnest member of the
United Brethren and a successful farmer. John and his wife, Jane,
were quickly convinced of the truth of Elder Woodruff ’s message
regarding the first principles of the gospel and the restoration of
biblical doctrines through Joseph Smith, a modern-day prophet.
John perceived this message as the further light and knowledge that
the United Brethren had been prayerfully seeking. John, Jane, and
other Benbow family members were soon baptized and began inviting groups of fellow Brethren and neighbors to gather at their commodious home and outbuildings to hear Elder Woodruff ’s dynamic
sermons. Reportedly, news of the conversions “flew through all parts
of the country like electricity.”11
Edward Phillips was one of the Brethren invited to attend meetings held at Hill Farm. He remembered that as he left home one
day to hear Elder Woodruff preach, his “good old mother” said,
“Edward, I should think you will not come back without being
baptized.”12 Edward obeyed her counsel, and after being baptized
Banner of the Gospel: Wilford Woodruff, ed. Alexander L. Baugh and Susan Easton
Black (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, Religious Studies Center; Salt Lake
City, UT: Deseret Book, 2010), 153–54. See also “United Brethren Preachers’
Plan of the Frooms Hill Circuit, 1840,” in James B. Allen, Ronald K. Esplin, and
David J. Whittaker, Men with a Mission, 1837–1841: The Quorum of the Twelve
Apostles in the British Isles (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1992), 127.
10. Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 1. See also “United Brethren Preachers’
Plan.”
11. “Elder Woodruff ’s Letter (Concluded),” Times and Seasons 2 (March 1,
1841): 327–28.
178
on March 30, 1840, at Frome’s Hill, he was ordained to the office
of priest and assigned to take charge of the branches at Ashfield and
Crocutt near Leigh.13 In the fall he was ordained to the office of
elder and assigned to proselytize with fellow convert John Gailey
in the Forest of Dean, Gloucestershire, an area in which some of
Edward’s relatives lived.14
Mary soon followed the counsel she had given Edward. Less
than a month after her son was baptized, she was baptized by
Elder Woodruff on April 27 at Moorend Cross near Mathon,
Herefordshire.15 Mary’s daughter Susanna and son-in-law John
Hyrum Green were soon baptized, as well.16 Susanna had married
John, a widower with a young son, in 1835. John was a locally renowned pugilist of Acton Beauchamp, near Alfrick. He had previously married Susannah Burrup, and the couple had a son, Thomas,
in 1826.17
Another of Mary’s daughters, Ann, had married John Burrup
(Susannah Burrup’s brother), who was a farmer and carpenter,
in 1832. Ann died four years later at age twenty-five after giving
birth to three sons, two of whom died in early childhood. John had
13. Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 1. See also Kenney, Wilford Woodruff ’s Jour
nal, 1:381, 444. Although Edward apparently did not remember the date of his
baptism, Wilford Woodruff recorded that he baptized Edward on March 30, 1840,
and ordained him to the office of priest about a month later, on April 26.
15. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff ’s Journal, 1:384–85.
16. Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 1. For Susanna’s baptismal date, see Record
of Members, Layton 1st Ward, Davis Stake, early to 1907, Microfilm, Church
History Library. Susanna reported that she was baptized in 1840 and confirmed by
William Jenkins. For John H. Green’s baptismal date, see Bountiful Utah Orchard
Stake, Melchizedek Priesthood minutes and records (of Davis Stake), 1884–1915,
Microfilm, Church History Library. John reported he was baptized “in the month
of May 1840” and confirmed by John Cheese.
17. Inez Robinson Preece, “History of John Hyrum Green,” p. 1, Daughters of
Utah Pioneers Museum, Salt Lake City, Utah, copy in author’s possession.
179
subsequently married Martha Grice by the time Elder Woodruff arrived in the West Midlands.18 Mary’s interest in the restored gospel
apparently caught John and Martha’s attention and that of John’s
widowed and elderly mother, Susanna Dutson Burrup. 19 Within
only a few months, a substantial number of the interrelated Phillips,
Green, and Burrup families had become Latter-day Saints. Most of
the converts eagerly embraced the doctrine of leaving Babylon behind and gathering to Zion in Nauvoo, Illinois, with the Prophet
Joseph Smith and thousands of fellow Saints.
Although the doctrine of gathering must have seemed inspiring
and adventurous to the new converts, it likely caused deep contemplation on Mary’s part. She was an elderly widow who relied heavily
on family members for support. If she emigrated, she would have to
offer the Lord her solemn personal sacrifice: never returning to her
homeland and never again seeing her children and grandchildren
who would remain behind. A strenuous and potentially dangerous
voyage to America lay ahead, and it would surely test the limits of
her physical and emotional endurance. Fellow Latter-day Saint convert William Clayton, who immigrated to Nauvoo the year before
Mary, commented on the courage that new converts and immigrants
needed: “Those that come to this land must set their minds firm to
come through all and not flinch if death should stare them in the
18. Jay Greaves Burrup, Family Group Record of John and Ann Phillips
Burrup, 1981, copy in author’s possession.
19. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff ’s Journal, 1:385. See also William Thurgood,
Diaries, January 21, February 7, and April 17, 1859, Microfilm of holograph,
Church History Library. John and Martha’s baptismal dates have not been determined, but in April 1859 they and other apparently longstanding members
who remained in the Suckley, Worcestershire, area were excommunicated by
Elder Thurgood for “total neglect of duty and for refusing to comply with the
Reformation.” One of the requirements of the Reformation was being rebaptized
as a sign of recommitment.
180
face. The Lord calls for valient hearted men who are not afraid to
die.”20
Sister Melling, another British convert and migrant, echoed this
counsel and added her own caution:
In gathering to this land many shake out by the way,
and others after they arrive, but one solemn fact is, all those
who fall away immediately begin to curse and swear, tell lies,
and get drunk, and, finally, if they do not speedily repent,
will go down to hell. Do not persuade any barren soul to
come here—we want men of faith, who can sacrifice their
all for Christ’s sake and the Gospel’s.21
Undoubtedly added to Mary’s concerns about her own trial of
faith and endurance was the worry of what to do with her ten-yearold grandson, James Burrup. His mother Ann, Mary’s daughter,
was dead, his two younger brothers had also died, and his father
and stepmother were focused on their own family. James’s widowed
paternal grandmother, Susanna Burrup, was almost as elderly as
Mary. Susanna had been baptized by Elder Woodruff and yearned to
gather to Zion, too. Although they had also been converted to the
new faith, James’s father and stepmother seem to have been either
reluctant or financially unable to migrate so quickly. Mary probably
debated in her mind what would become of young James were he
left in England. She must have concluded that he would be better
off spiritually if he left with her and the extended Phillips family.
Stoked with the fire of faith and trust in the Lord, Mary took James
20. William Clayton to Edward Martin, November 29, 1840, Nauvoo Restora
tion Inc. Collection, Church History Library.
21. “Extract of a Letter from Sister Melling, who lately emigrated from Preston,
England, to Nauvoo, United States,” Millennial Star 2 (October 1841): 96.
Attempts by the author to determine the exact identity of Sister Melling have been
fruitless. She may have been the wife of Peter Melling (1787–1844), first patriarch
of the British Mission.
181
under her wing and determined to do the best she could by sharing
responsibility for his upbringing with his grandmother Burrup.
The only known account of the voyage of Mary and her family to America is preserved in Edward’s brief reminiscences. He remembered that a group of about one hundred converts, many from
the Herefordshire area and superintended by Thomas Richardson,
traveled first to Gloucester and then to Bristol, where they boarded
the ship Caroline. Setting sail on August 8, 1841, the ship arrived in
Quebec, Canada, after “a tedious voyage of eight weeks and three
days.”22
A newspaper in Quebec, La Gazette de Quebec, noted the
Mormon migrants’ arrival. Referring to an unnamed English newspaper’s assessment of the group, La Gazette reprinted the paper’s
comments:
Public curiosity has been quite excited during the last
few days, in the city of Gloucester, by the departure of a
great number of deceived peasants (Mormonites), young
and old, for the “New Jerusalem” in America. Some of those
poor dupes, who have sold comfortable households and
properties, are on the brink of their own grave, but believe
that when they arrive in their American paradise, they will
be rejuvenated and will live one thousand years!23
Another issue of La Gazette reported further:
A group of Mormons, numbering 60 to 70 individuals,
passed through this city [Quebec] a few days ago, bound for
Nauvoo, Illinois. . . . They are represented as being harmless and not without some resource. Believing in the efficacy
of prayer as the means of curing all diseases is for them an
23. “The Mormonites,” La Gazette de Quebec, October 23, 1841, translation of
article in author’s possession.
182
article of faith. After arriving here, they found shelter in the
places of refuge provided for the immigrants. While there,
one of their children suffered from a toothache, and immediately two members of the sect laid their hands upon his
head, and asked the Almighty to heal him. It would seem
that those unfortunate creatures have fallen victims to the
cupidity of certain mountebanks who deal in the transportation of such travelers. It is the more shameful since it seems
that these new immigrants have placed themselves completely at their mercy.24
After leaving the French Canadians, the converts progressed
steadfastly toward Nauvoo. Edward remembered:
From Quebec, we went to Montreal by steamer, and
from Montreal through the lock to Kingston and then we
sailed along Lake Ontario to Lewiston. We had a fine view
of the city of Toronto. From Lewiston we boarded a train
(which was drawn by mules) for Niagara Falls. There we tarried one night and had a fine view of the beautiful falls.
The next day, we boarded the train for Buffalo [New
York] and arrived at that place after dark. We put up at the
farmers exchange for a week. We then boarded the Ches[a]
peake for where now stands the great city of Chicago. We
hired a man to take us from there to Nauvoo with a team
which contract he filled. We arrived at Nauvoo in the latter part of October 1841 on Saturday. On Sunday, I was
anxious to see the prophet [Joseph Smith]. I attended meeting there and saw him for the first time. I did not need an
introduction for I knew him the moment I saw him. He
24. “A Group of Mormons,” La Gazette de Quebec, October 21, 1841, translation of article in author’s possession.
183
preached the gospel of salvation to us that morning which
caused my heart to rejoice.25
After arriving in Nauvoo, Mary settled at Camp Creek, a Latterday Saint farming community about fifteen miles east of the city.
Mary’s son Edward and his wife, Hannah Simmons, whom he married in 1842, joined her there. Susanna Burrup also settled at Camp
Creek with grandsons James Burrup and Thomas Green.26 Mary was
delighted at the birth of Edward and Hannah’s first two children,
Frances Sarah and William Robert, and likely served as the attending
midwife during their births. Subsequently, grief struck the Phillips
family when Frances died at age one and William at two months.
The location of their graves is unknown.27
During the fall of 1845, anti-Mormon mobs began threatening the Saints and burning the homes and fields of Nauvoo’s satellite farming communities. The antagonism and hostilities soon
reached Camp Creek. Church leaders in Nauvoo encouraged the
outlying Saints to move into Nauvoo as quickly as possible and organized teams and wagons to help transport them to the city’s safer
confines.28 Mary, Edward, Hannah and family, Susanna and James
Burrup, and Thomas Green were likely among those who moved to
Nauvoo to escape further threats and incendiary attacks. Reportedly,
Mary was quite ill during the forced relocation.29 Susanna Burrup
26. Camp Creek Branch, Record, 1842–1845, Church History Library. See
also Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 2. James Burrup was not baptized until May
or June 1844. It seems that the branch record was not kept current.
27. Hannah Maria Phillips Layton, “Brief Sketch of the Life of Hannah
Simmonds Phillips,” 1926, p. 2, Church History Library.
28. Journal History of the Church, September 14, 16, 23, and 24, 1845,
Church History Library, hereafter cited as Journal History.
29. “Obituaries.”
184
may have died around this time, leaving young teenager James to the
care of the Phillips and Green families.30
In preparing to leave with the Latter-day Saints abandoning
Nauvoo under mob pressure in early 1846, Edward tried to sell his
farm at Camp Creek. In the process, he encountered bitter antiMormon resentment in a potentially deadly situation. He recorded:
I went to McDonald’s near McAween’s [McQueen’s] Mill
to try to sell my little farm. There I found a few of Joseph
and Hyrum’s murderers drinking together. One of them was
“Old Tom Dickson” of Locus[t] Grove, and an old professed
friend of mine. If it had not been for him, I expect they
would have butchered me also for they placed a pistol in the
hands of a little boy about eight years of age, and told him
to say [to me] “Damn you Sir, I could kill you.” The little
fellow swung his revolver and acted bravely over the affair.31
Fortunately, Edward was able to disengage himself from the malevolent scene without being harmed. He did not record whether or not
he was able to sell his property to others.
Family sources record that Mary brought with her from England
several chests of fine linens, which she was obliged to sell in order
to raise money for her family to outfit themselves for the journey
to Iowa and then to Utah.32 She and her family, including seven
grandchildren, left for Iowa in May 1846 and settled near Winter
Quarters. There they later joined the congregation of Saints near
30. Susanna took part in baptisms for deceased family members in the Nauvoo
Temple on August 10, 1844. No record of her life beyond that date has yet been
found. Her death was not noted in the Camp Creek (Illinois) Branch records,
and her name does not appear in the Lake Branch (Iowa) records of ca. 1848–49.
Details regarding her death and burial location appear to have gone unrecorded.
31. Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 2. McQueen’s Mill was located a few miles
north of Camp Creek near Shokokon, Henderson County, Illinois.
32. Colleen Willey, “Mary Ann Pressdee Phillips” (unpublished manuscript,
August 1986), p. 2, copy in author’s possession.
185
Council Bluffs identified as “Lake Branch.”33 It appears that Mary
suffered the loss of nearly all her remaining possessions in a fire
while living in the Saints’ temporary settlements in Iowa.34
Mary and grandson James traveled from Iowa to Utah in 1849
with Mary’s son Edward, his wife, Hannah, and their family. They
migrated with the Samuel Gully–Orson Spencer Company, arriving
in the Salt Lake Valley in the latter part of September 1849. Mary’s
daughter Susanna, her husband John Green, and their family joined
the George A. Smith–Dan Jones Company. They arrived in the
Salt Lake Valley in October 1849, only one month after the Gully–
Spencer Company arrived.35 Edward described one of the challenges
the Gully–Spencer Company faced while crossing Nebraska:
The cholera was very troublesome on the road, it being the year of the California gold craze. A great many of
the emigrants died of cholera. It also got among the Indians
and made them very angry with the whites for crossing
their country. A great many of them were camped at Scotch
[Scotts] Bluffs, and were threaten[ing] to war with the emigrants. When we arrived at Scotch [Scotts] Bluffs, soldiers
were called for at Fort Laramie to come and meet us which
they did and guarded us through in safety.36
After arriving in Utah and settling temporarily in Salt Lake City,
Mary once again uprooted herself in April 1850 and moved with
33. Lake Branch (Iowa), Record, 1848–1851, Church History Library.
35. “Samuel Gully/Orson Spencer Company (1849),” and “George A. Smith/
Dan Jones Company (1849),” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database,
1847–1868, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed December
7, 2011, http://mormontrail.lds.org; Phillips, “Biographical Sketch,” 3. See
also Journal History, Church emigration of 1849, pp. 6–7 (following entry for
December 31, 1849).
186
Edward’s family, the Greens, and grandson James to settle in what is
now Kaysville.37 Close friends William and Mary Bennett Kay and
family joined them a day later.38
At age seventy-six, Mary had finally established her last home—
a rustic log cabin situated in an austere, semiarid desert bordered by
snow-capped mountain peaks on the east and the desolate shoreline
of the Great Salt Lake on the west. The setting was almost completely opposite that of her native Alfrick, nestled in the undulating green hills and lush meadows of Worcestershire. Settling into
her Spartan circumstances in Zion, Mary quickly immersed herself
in serving the fledgling community as a midwife. Family tradition
suggests that she delivered nearly a thousand babies in the Kaysville
area in the twenty years she lived there. Her medical skills seem to
have been multifaceted—one of her descendants recorded that when
David E. Layton’s lip was cut badly, Mary sewed it up with needle
and thread, and it healed nicely.39
Living on the western frontier presented unusual situations that
Mary would not have encountered in England. After losing nearly
all her possessions in a fire in Iowa, she had only a few pieces of
willow-ware china remaining. Family tradition recounts that an
Indian appeared at Mary’s door one day and threatened violence
if she did not give him the remaining dishes. Mary surrendered
the china but somehow managed to retain one small piece and a
candlestick.40
Occasionally, Mary’s life was briefly noted in the Deseret News
and in Wilford Woodruff ’s journals. In 1857 the News commented
under the heading “A Hale Old Lady”:
37. Andrew Jenson, Manuscript History of Kaysville Ward, entry for 1850,
Church History Library, hereafter cited as “Manuscript History.” See also 1850
U.S. Census, Utah Territory, Davis County schedules.
38. Jenson, “Manuscript History,” entry for 1850.
39. Willey, “Mary Ann Pressdee Phillips,” 3.
40. Willey, “Mary Ann Pressdee Phillips,” 4.
187
Sister Mary Phillips, of Kaysville, Davis co., is now 84
years old, enjoys good health, and can walk 20 miles in a
day. In the summer of 1854 she gleaned 20 bushels of wheat
and raised 20 bushels of potatoes; and last fall she donated
a yoke of cattle to the P. E. [Perpetual Emigrating] Fund for
gathering the poor.41
When Wilford Woodruff visited Kaysville on November 12,
1864, he recorded in his journal:
I attended the meeting at the meeting house. I there
met Mother Mary Philips the oldest person in the territory.
She will be 91 years old in 3 weeks. She will thread a needle
readily without glasses and walked to meeting as spry as a
girl. I Baptized her in Herrifordshire in 1840.42
The minutes of the Kaysville Ward Relief Society record:
In May 1868, the Church’s local branch of the Female
Relief Society was organized in Kaysville. Mary and daughter Susanna Green were admitted to membership at a meeting held June 23 of that year. A couple of weeks prior,
General Relief Society President Eliza R. Snow had attended
the Kaysville Ward Relief Society meeting and encouraged
and blessed the sisters in their efforts to provide community
service. About a month after being admitted to membership, “Grandmother Phillips” and daughter Susanna Green
contributed 50 cents each to the Society’s fund that was regularly tapped to provide quilts and bedding for local needy
families.43
41. “A Hale Old Lady,” Deseret News [Weekly], June 24, 1857.
43. Relief Society Minutes, June 23 and July 21, 1868, Kaysville Ward, Davis
Stake, Church History Library.
188
The inevitable consequences of old age finally weakened and debilitated Mary’s health. A fall in 1868 dislocated her shoulder and
broke her collar bone. Another fall about two years later, in October
1870, seemed to hasten her death, which occurred on January 19,
1871, in Kaysville.44 She was ninety-seven.
Mary’s obituary was published locally in the Deseret News and
in Great Britain in the Church’s Millennial Star. The Star’s account
bore the headline “A Fine Old Lady.” Brief snippets of information
regarding her life were included in the obituaries:
She officiated in the capacity of midwife for forty-five
years; and until she was ninety-six years of age waited upon
some thirty women annually, and never lost a woman under
her administration, and never a child until two years before
her death. She had 11 [12] children, two of whom were in
the valley at the time of her death, the youngest fifty-four
years of age. She had thirty-five grandchildren in the Valley
and thirty-one great-grandchildren. When eighty-two years
of age she gleaned over twenty bushels of wheat and raised
thirty bushels of potatoes and dug and carried them into her
cellar. She fatted two hogs, and gave a good yoke of oxen
the same year to emigrate the poor from England. . . . She
made a will of all the property she had, including some fifteen head of horned stock, to emigrate her relatives from
England to Utah. She possessed a great memory, which she
retained with her intellect in full up to her death. She appointed six of her grandsons to be her pall bearers, who fulfilled her request.45
Mary’s family invited Wilford Woodruff to speak at her funeral,
45. “Obituaries.” See also “A Fine Old Lady,” Millennial Star 33, no. 9
(February 28, 1871): 138–39.
189
which was held on Sunday, January 22, in Kaysville. Elder Woodruff
recorded in his journal:
I took [railroad] cars to Kays ward to attend the funeral
of Mary Philips who died in her 98 year. I Baptized her into
this Church in 1840 31 years ago. The funeral Commenced
at 11 oclok. We had a large Congregation. I spoke one hour
but had a severe Cold upon my lungs which troubled me
much about speaking. G. D. Watt reported my Discourse. I
was followed by Brother Wm Kay & Bishop [Christopher]
Layton. The corps was followed to the grave by 61 full
loaded waggons & Carriges & some Horsmen.46
Unfortunately, Elder Woodruff ’s funeral sermon, likely taken
in shorthand by George D. Watt, one of the Church’s first British
converts and prominent clerks, has not survived. Andrew Jenson,
assistant Church historian, later noted in a history of Kaysville Ward
that Mary attributed her long life “to the keeping of the commandment ‘Honor thy father and thy mother.’”47
Mary’s obituaries befittingly summed up her life of deep commitment and determination in these words:
She has been true and faithful to her family, her friends,
her religion and her God, and has gone down to her
grave like a shock of corn fully ripe, and awaits a glorious
resurrection.48
The only known photograph of Mary shows her seated beside
an unidentified young grandson, thought by family members to be
Alma Phillips (1853–1927). The rather unusual image, probably
taken in the early 1860s, conveys the impression that Mary took
47. “Manuscript History,” entry for 1871.
190
loving care of her posterity, even to the end of her life. In the
Kaysville cemetery she shares a gravestone with other family members, including a five-month old grandson, Daniel M. Phillips. A
brief chiseled tribute to Mary has weathered away over time and,
lamentably, is now unreadable.
Mary’s patriarchal blessings, given in 1853 and 1865, declared
that her name would be held in “honourable remembrance” among
her numerous descendants and that they would “rise up and call
[her] blessed” because she embraced the gospel.49 Today, her posterity reaches into the ninth generation. Thousands of those descendants enjoy the blessings of the gospel because of her conversion and
her life, whose hallmarks were faith, sacrifice, courage, and resiliency.
49. Patriarchal blessings, January 31, 1853, given by Church Patriarch John
Smith, and February 17, 1865, given by local patriarch John Young, copies in author’s possession. Blessing of 1853 is on file at Church History Library.
Chapter Fifty
“Those Days Were Grand and Glorious”
Martha Pane Jones Thomas (1808–1885)
Amy Reynolds Billings
M
artha Pane Jones was born February 20, 1808, in Sumner
County, Tennessee, where her family lived on the western
frontier of a rapidly growing nation.1 Martha’s parents, Isaac and
1. All biographical material in this chapter comes from Martha and Daniel
Thomas’s memoirs and Martha’s autobiography, from which all passages quoted
below are taken. The autobiography was edited by Martha’s granddaughter Kate
Woodhouse Kirkham, who explained: “It was the desire of Grandma Thomas that
her posterity should know something of the early history of her family—something
of what they endured for the gospel sake. To this end she wrote her journal. The text
is not reproduced in full, however, her own words have been used as much as possible.” Martha Pane Jones Thomas [1808–1890], Daniel Stillwell Thomas [1803–
1878], and Kate Woodhouse Kirkham, Daniel Stillwell Thomas Family History (Salt
Lake City, UT: Kate Woodhouse Kirkham, 1927). Martha’s autobiography was
written during the height of the United States government’s efforts to end plural
marriage in Utah and after C. C. A. Christensen’s 1878 tour of Utah Valley with his
Mormon Panorama, which focused heavily on early Mormon persecutions.
191
192
Polly Oglesbye Jones, died while she was young, leaving Martha and
her three younger brothers in the care of an uncle, William Jones.
Just before her eighteenth birthday, Martha married Daniel Stillwell
Thomas. Their first child, Morgan, was born in December 1826,
and the following year the young family moved to Kentucky. There
Martha and her husband heard about Joseph Smith from the young
missionary Wilford Woodruff.
Martha and her husband joined the Latter-day Saints in 1835.
They wanted to gather with the Saints in Missouri but felt they
could not do so until they had made all necessary preparations. After
much anticipation, the Thomases sold their property and were finally able to move to the Far West area of Missouri in February
1837.2
Daniel’s brother, Henry, joined them in Missouri, and the two
families enjoyed a prosperous first year bringing in a good harvest.
Their peace was short lived, however, and Daniel was enlisted to
join the Saints in their efforts to protect their community from the
increasingly violent actions of the mob. Daniel was at the Battle of
Crooked River and later was one of the first required to sign over
his property to make reparations. Forced to abandon their property,
Martha and her family left Missouri on February 14, 1839, making
the trek while Martha was eight months pregnant.
The family arrived in Quincy, Illinois, near where Martha soon
gave birth to her sixth child, a son they named after the Prophet
Joseph Smith.3 The Thomases moved to Nauvoo in the spring of
1840, and Martha had fond memories of living among the Saints;
she heard sermons preached by Joseph Smith, and felt proud that
her husband and son worked on the Nauvoo Temple until it was
2. Martha wrote, “[I] fear[ed] we would never get to Zion, knowing that we
could not go unless we could sell our property.” When her husband came home with
the good news that their property had been sold, she wrote, “If any one ever felt like
flying it was me.” Thomas, Thomas, and Kirkham, Thomas Family History, 9.
3. Joseph Alma was born March 17, 1839.
193
completed. They received their temple endowments before leaving
for Winter Quarters.
Like many others, Martha buried a son at Winter Quarters.
Though grieving for this loss, she continued to work hard to prepare her family for their journey to Utah. Martha arrived in Utah in
1849. Soon after their arrival, the Thomases moved to Lehi, where
Martha lived out the rest of her life, content to be among the Saints
of God.
Martha Pane Jones Thomas wrote her autobiography to explain
to her posterity what she and her family members had endured for
the gospel’s sake. The following extracts illustrate their sacrifices.
Journey from Kentucky to Missouri
We now started for Zion. After three days’ journey I was
sick with a disease called sun pain. Crossed the Tennessee
river, laid over one day. The pain in my head was so severe
I thought I would die. [My husband] Mr. [Daniel] Thomas
came into the tent and said, “Mother! what can I do for
you!” “Oh! I don’t know, can you ask Brother Sherwood to
administer to me?” “Yes.” Now, this was something new to
us for we had not seen any one healed. He went and spoke
to him: “Certainly” said he, “I was thinking about it but
thought I would let her call on me.”
He came in the tent with Brother Smoot, and others,
they laid their hands on my head, I felt a calm, quiet, spirit
go from my head to my feet. He said I should be healed
from that moment; so I was. The pain and soreness of my
eyes were all gone. I got out of my bed, washed, ironed,
baked, and was ready for my journey next day.
We started—it was something very new to us to be led
by anyone and obey him in all things. In this we did not fill
194
the bill very well. It did not take him long to tell us sharply
that if we did not harken to his counsel better, the wind
storms would over take us.
That night I thought we would be destroyed by the falling timber, but no one was hurt. I acknowledge the hand of
God, for the fallen timber lay all around us. We commenced
studying our duty to our God and our leader. We traveled
on very quietly for several days. A few families fell in with
us, going to Zion the same as we, though strangers to us.
Brother Sherwood asked them to join our company and
he would lead them. They said, No! they could lead themselves. Our leader called them Judas’s company, they never
got fairly out of sight, sometimes ahead, sometimes behind.
One day it was very hot; both man and beast were suffering for water. Our leader went ahead and found running water, “but you must not noon here,” he said: “Loose
your cattle, let them drink all they want and you can pack
enough for your dinner.” We did not like the idea, but we
had not forgotten the wind storm. We all moved on except
one family. . . .
It was about a quarter of a mile to the edge of the
grass. There was not a tree nor a bush to shade us. Brother
Sherwood had crawled under our wagon, I thought he
was asleep. Old father Hendricks came walking up to our
wagon, harmless as a child, saying, “I don’t see why we can’t
travel without a leader as the Judas’s company do? They get
along as well as we do.” I wish you could have seen our
leader roll out from under that wagon and call the attention
of the company.
He soon got it for he spoke with such power we were
fairly paralyzed. I cannot think of the hundredth part, but
he said if we did not do better and acknowledge him as our
leader, the judgments of God would come down upon us.
“Now hitch up your teams and start. . . .”
. . . It was but a few minutes when we were in the most
severe storm that I ever saw.
It thundered, the lightning was so vivid that it almost
blinded us. The rain and hail came down with such force
and the wind was so strong the teamsters had to stand with
their oxen, to keep the wagons quartered with the wind, for
fear we might all go rolling together. . . .
Where the storm came from I do not know, whether
it was called down from above or up from below we could
not say, but we all acknowledged the hand of God in our
deliverance.
Dear reader, I do not mean you to think I am finding
fault with our leader. We had all confidence in him as a
leader and a good man. His fireside teachings were good
and noble. We all fasted with the best of feelings and he
pronounced great blessings on the faithful. The fault was
in ourselves. We did not know how to be led, thought we
might lead part of the time.4
Mobbing
Tuesday about six in the afternoon word was sent
[to Mr. Thomas] to gather his men and go to the outside
settlers between his house and Crooked River. The mob was
gathering there for battle.
They drove women and children from their homes
and set their houses on fire. The prairie was on fire and
the smoke and flames were whirling up in the air so high
it looked like the world was in a blaze. He commenced
buckling on his sword. I spoke to Morgan to yoke up the
oxen. He looked up with surprise. “What are you going to
do with the oxen.” “I am going to town.” “What! tonight”?
“Yes, I will not stay another night alone.” He saw I was in
4. Thomas, Thomas, and Kirkham, Thomas Family History, 11–13.
195
196
earnest—laid down his sword and began to throw things in
the wagon, pell, mell. I had a big iron kettle of beef bones
boiling. He drained the water off and hoisted it in the front
of the wagon; then picking up the children tossed them in. I
called to him saying: “don’t set them in the kettle of bones.”
We had to stop and laugh, even though all our enemies were
upon us. He then gathered up his gun and sword and started
on the run as his men had gone on ahead. The children and
I started for Far West just as the sun was setting. . . .
We now had five wagons, two men, the rest were
women and children. . . . We got there about ten o’clock. I
drove to Bro. David Patten’s, found them all asleep. I rapped
on the door he said come in. I spoke to Brother Patten.
“Well! Sister Thomas, you are the last one I would have
taken for a coward.” “I am no coward, but I did not feel safe
so close to the mob.” Sister Patten got up and lit a candle,
saying “Bring your beds in.” She cleared a place for me on
the floor, which was covered with beds. . . .
We all quieted down for sleep, but there was no sleep
for me. At midnight a drum was sounded, a gun fired. I
called to Brother Patten. “You are scared,” he said. Another
gun was heard. “That’s two,” says I. “If that is so, there is
trouble.” He called to Brother Bently, who was working for
him, to get his horse ready quickly. In a few minutes they
were all out of sight.
What took place in the next few days many have told;
suffice it to say he was brought home a corpse from the
battle of “Crooked River.”
When I started for town, Mr. Thomas, my husband,
said he would be there early the next morning. He did not
arrive until late in the evening. I was very uneasy, not knowing whether he was dead or alive.
In a few days the militia marched in sight, camped on
the east bank of Goose Creek. Four thousand in number;
it was a terrible sight to see their campfires after dark. How
horrifying it was to us, to hear the yells, shouts and screams;
the damned in hell could not be any worse than that was.
That evening Brother Joseph and his brethren walked
into camp “like lambs to the slaughter.” Never will I forget
those days in time or eternity. I wish I could speak so it
would be stamped on the minds of my posterity as with
indelible ink, never to be ruled out.
The death sentence was pronounced on them. They
were to be shot next morning, but they were not.
The Lord says,—“So far can you go and no farther.”
So it was and so it will be, if we are faithful, keep the commandments of the Lord and the counsel of those whose
right it is to counsel.
The next morning the brethren were called out, by our
own music, with double quick time; they gathered their
guns and everything they had to fight with and ran to the
public square. The militia was there, surrounded them and
marched them around in sight of the militia camp. We hurried and got breakfast but no one came to eat. We got dinner, it was the same. We could see some apostates on the
house tops, all looking in the same direction. By this time I
was so uneasy I could not bear it. I said to Sister Patten, fill
two baskets with provisions and Morgan and I will go until
we find them. There were eight men who ate at our table.
“Oh! dear, can you do that?” “Yes, I dare do anything in
behalf of our brethren and the kingdom.”
“Well! go, I will watch the children and pray for you.”
We started and soon came in sight of a long string of men.
I spoke to Morgan saying, “It is the guard.” I was afraid
he would get frightened, I went ahead until we came up
to them, I asked them if they would please let me through.
“Yes,” said one, “open the way for this lady.” I was quite
encouraged to hear them call me a lady. When I walked in,
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198
there were four men abreast, with their bayonets glistening.
About ten steps farther there was another guard. We went
on, nothing daunted. They let us through. . . .
I turned to the brethren and saw Mr. Thomas coming
toward me, and the brethren that ate at our table. They soon
made away with the food, giving a piece around as far as
it would go. An officer gave orders to the guard, to march
to quarters. He turned to the brethren saying, “You can go
to your places of abode, you need not put out a guard, we
will guard you now.” I said, “What does that mean?” Mr.
Thomas pointed to the pile of guns saying, “We have nothing to guard with.”
Early in the morning there was another call. “What
next?” You must sign away all real estate to pay expenses.
A list of names had been given by Geo. M. Hinkle for the
prison. D. S. Thomas was one of that number. He came to
dinner with two men to guard him. He asked them to eat,
they said, “Yes, you sit there,” themselves sitting on either
side of him. I was astonished at their impudence, telling
him where to sit at his own table. Then they laid their yawgers across their laps with bayonets sticking out about three
feet, for me to run around and wait on them.5
Henry Thomas Leaves Missouri
[Daniel’s brother] Henry Thomas had moved to his
home, our farms joined. He heard Mr. Thomas was coming home soon. Bro Joseph had sent word for the Saints to
travel the upper road and cross at Quincy. Henry said, “It
would not do as there were no farms and we would starve.”
“The lower road,” he said, “was in good order and plenty of
provisions to sell.” “Well,” said I, “We will go to the upper
road.” “You will see when Dan comes,” he said, meaning his
brother. We travelled the upper road and he the lower. The
Missourians would not sell them anything, they suffered
much for want of food so he wrote and told us afterward.
He traveled the lower road till the day of his death. He
never gathered with the church again. I speak of these things
that the young and rising generation may take warning and
obey counsel.6
Leaving Missouri for Quincy
We now bid farewell to the Zion we anticipated building in Missouri. I said to Mr. Thomas, “All I want now is a
house on wheels, so we can turn and travel in any direction
the Lord may direct.” On the 14th of Feb., 1839, we started
across the Prairie to Tenny’s Grove, about twenty miles. The
snow was about six inches deep. The children all barefoot,
except the oldest boy. To hear them crying at night with
their feet cracked and bleeding was a grievous sight for a
mother to bear. I would often grease them and put on clean
stockings, instead of making them wash them when going
to bed.
We are now on the upper road, as counseled. Found
stations all along the road with provisions for those that had
money and those that had not. We were much surprised as
this was the first station we ever saw. We acknowledged the
hand of God. Drew provisions and went on to the next, until we reached Quincy in safety. We could not cross for the
ice; several hundred families were camped on the river bank.
Brother Brunson came over the river [and] called the
Brethren together. After they had talked a few minutes Mr.
Thomas came back in a hurry saying, “Mother what do you
think of our team going back to Far West.” “The Brethren
and Sisters (for there were many widows and children) are
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all to be shot if they are not out by such a day.” “Well dump
the things out by that log.” “What will you do if you are
taken sick?” he said. “I will do as well as Sister Wight did
in Davis County, when confined by a log in a snow storm.”
“According to your faith so shall it be.” Out went every
thing by the log, the looking glass by a stump.
Sure enough that night I was taken sick.7 Sent for Sister
Margaret Smoot. She asked where my bed room was. “Oh
there is plenty of room, you and Mr. Thomas must make a
bedstead.” He drove four forked stakes in the ground, the
forks up, laid some poles in each side and then roped them
well with bed cord, making a nice bed. He then drove four
upright posts about six feet high, laid poles on them, hung
quilts all around except the foot, which was left open so the
heat of the log fire would shine in and keep me warm. I
have often thought a queen never enjoyed such a bedroom.
It was a comfortable place but I got better, had one good
night’s rest in it.8
Crossing at Quincy
Both boats started out, the ice commenced floating
down very thick. We made our landing good at Quincy. The
other boat was surrounded with ice and taken out of sight,
below town. I was much troubled for fear they would all be
drowned.
Just imagine I was left on the shore, with no living
one with me, but four small children. The sun was down.
I could not see across the river. I wrapped the children in
the bed clothes. It was very cold, and sat down on the bed
to watch for the boat. I began to look at my situation, not
knowing what moment I might be taken sick. For the first
7. Martha began having labor pains.
time the tears stole down my face, on my own account. One
of the little ones said, “Mother are you sick?” “No,” said I,
“the wind is so cold.” Just then Bro. Wiswager rode up and
asked where Bro. Thomas was. He saw I was feeling bad and
stayed with me until he heard the boat coming. . . .
. . . We stopped by a stump five feet high, put one end of
a pole on the stump, drew some quilts over it, making a bed
for the children. Have two bits (25c) we hurried to town for
fear the doors would be closed, spent it all in bread, which
was a beautiful sight, we divided it in three meals, built a
fire by the stump to watch for our lost wagon. . . .
In a few days I was put to bed quite comfortablle, a fine
son in my arms. We named him for our Prophet Joseph,
then in chains in prison. I did not eat anything that night;
we saved it for breakfast. You may think we had a good one
then, so we did. We had a little meal. I told my little daughter how to serve it, brown the bran, we would call it coffee.
She wet the corn meal, baked it and breakfast was ready.
We asked a blessing and I am sure the Lord blessed it, for I
never got along better in my life. . . .
. . . I think it was in ’41 Bro. Joseph told us the Lord
had called on us to build a house to His name, that we
might be blessed therein. I was at the laying of the cornerstone. The Saints rejoiced to think we were privileged to
build a house to the “Most High God,” who is our Father
in Heaven.
To my posterity I will say, we esteemed it a privilege to
work on the House of God and the Nauvoo House, which
your father and Morgan did, until it was finished. We were
then called to the house to receive the blessings the Lord has
in store for the faithful, which amply paid them for all their
labors. Those days were grand and glorious, but have they
stopped? No! you have the same privilege today, as we had
then, and a great deal more means, for the Saints then were
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in the depths of poverty, but we rejoiced in building the
House of the Lord.9
Martha preserved for her posterity the experiences that shaped
her life and testimony. She chose to include stories of sacrifice and
hardship, violence, poverty, pioneering, and testimony gained by
obedience. Through these experiences, Martha learned that she
could call upon God in times of trial and he would answer her
prayers. She believed that the blessings of temple covenants more
than compensated for the trials she endured, and she died in the
hope of eternal life.
Chapter Fifty-One
“By Our Faith and Good Works”
Margaret Cooper West (1804–1882)
Shirley Smith Ricks and Lynette Smith Lyman
M
argaret Cooper was born on December 9, 1804, in Halifax,
Montgomery County, Tennessee, the daughter of John and
Esther Fletcher Cooper. As a young child, she exhibited a talent for
healing. Her father died when Margaret was four, and her mother
when she was fifteen.1 She missed her mother greatly and turned to
religion two years later. When she was in her early twenties, Samuel
Walker West asked her to marry him. She explained: “I prayed for
the Lord to help me make a wise choice, and it seemed that the
Spirit said, ‘You must pray together,’ to which I agreed. We were
married the 29th of January, 1829, and I felt contented and happy.”2
1. John Cooper, Margaret’s father, died April 28, 1809. See Montgomery County
Tennessee Genealogical Journal 6 (September 1976): 17. According to http://new
.familysearch.org, Margaret’s mother died about 1820.
2. Mary West Riggs and Roy A. West, Our Heritage as It Glows from the West
(Salt Lake City, UT: Utah Printing, 1956), 9.
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204
During a serious illness in 1830, Margaret dreamed that “the
day of the Lord was at hand” and that “something great had either
taken place, or was about to take place on the earth.”3 Shortly thereafter, two important events occurred that she thought fulfilled her
dream. In 1834, a salesman came to the door with a book, Samuel
Thompson’s New Guide to Health.4 Margaret’s interest in healing
persuaded her to buy a copy for the then-huge sum of twenty dollars out of her own funds; thus began her lifelong dedication to the
Thompsonian school of healing.
Soon afterward, two other men also arrived at the West home
with another book, the Book of Mormon. Feeling that this was a
sacred book, Margaret and her family accepted the gospel message
taught to them by Elders David W. Patten and Warren Parrish.
Margaret and Samuel were baptized in late 1834 and remained
faithful the rest of their lives.
Because of increasing distrust and persecution, the family
moved first to Kentucky and then, in 1842, to Nauvoo. The Wests
left Nauvoo with other Saints in 1846, settling temporarily in
Kanesville, Iowa. There Margaret’s tenth and last child was born,
only to die within a year. Traveling with the Harry Walton–Garden
Grove Company in 1851, their family had two wagons, eight cows,
and eight sheep. They arrived in Salt Lake City in September. At
general conference a short time later, they were called to settle in
Parowan, Iron County, Utah. Their neighbors considered them “a
vigorous, lovable, hospitable people.”5
3. Riggs and West, Our Heritage, 10–11. Eight months earlier, The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was officially organized.
4. We have chosen to use the spelling of Samuel Thompson, which is how his
name appears in Margaret’s personal copy of the book, 9th ed. (1833). Many other
editions say Thomson. As a result, his practices are known as both Thompsonian
and Thomsonian medicine.
5. Carl N. Smith, ed., Inside the Circle of the Samuel F. and Lulu J. Smith Family
(Phoenix, AZ: privately printed, 1977), 1, Family History Library, Salt Lake City,
Utah.
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Margaret continued to serve in the community as a midwife and
healer, blessing the lives of hundreds. She had gained a hard-won
testimony of the principle of plural marriage while living in Nauvoo,
and Samuel married two other women in Parowan. A few years after
her husband died, Margaret went with several of her children to
settle in Snowflake, Arizona.
Margaret died in Snowflake on June 19, 1882, leaving a large
posterity. The Snowflake Relief Society composed the following tribute to her:
We hold in sacred memory her many virtues, both in
precept and example: . . . her firm integrity to the principle
of Celestial Marriage, even to the last . . . ; her many years
of usefulness among the sick, etc. . . . We strive to imitate
her meekness and patience, benevolence and uncomplaining
disposition, her economy and cheerfulness, her wisdom, in
being a woman of but few words, and her devotedness to
her God and his people.6
Margaret, a Healer
Four-year-old Margaret attended her father in his final illness
because her touch soothed him. She always cared for those around
her who needed nursing. Her childhood neighbors rejoiced when
she remained in Tennessee after her marriage to Samuel Walker West
because of her reputation as a caring healer who was available day
and night. It wasn’t long before Samuel realized he must allow his
wife the freedom to share this compassionate service with the entire
6. Relief Society Sisters in Snowflake, Arizona, “A Mother in Israel,” Woman’s
Exponent 11 (August 1, 1882): 38, originally written on July 13, 1882, for the local newspaper and for her many friends in Parowan, where Margaret had lived for
twenty-seven years.
206
community. Besides treating fevers and illnesses, she assisted at the
birth of hundreds of babies throughout her life.
Four days after the birth of her second child in December 1830,
Margaret became dangerously ill from eating a potato blighted by
frost. “I tried to pray, but I suffered much,” she related. “I could
not sleep; my nerves became affected. I tried to sit up, but I could
not for I was all in a tremble, and it appeared that I should die. My
husband carried me to the bed, and I thought I was dying. Then I
looked up to my husband and said, ‘I shall not die. I shall live and
we shall live together to a good old age in the Lord.’ For so it had
seemed to me.”7
She pondered deeply through fevered dreams. “By our faith and
good works,” she realized, “we increased in knowledge, both in the
things of God, and works; also in the healing power. For when we
saw ourselves right, we saw that a natural medicine was easy to manage.” She saw things that she didn’t understand. “I thought something great had either taken place, or was about to take place on
the earth,” she later wrote. When a salesman came to her door in
1834 with a 5x7½-inch book, Samuel Thompson’s New Guide to
Health, she was immediately attracted to it because she felt that healing was one of her callings in life; she believed the book to be at
least a partial fulfillment of her visionary dream. As she perused the
topics—including fevers, steaming, colic, rheumatism, poison, and
herbs—she knew she had to have the book, no matter the price. She
felt that twenty dollars was not too much to pay, even though it was
an enormous amount at that time and she took it from her own savings: If it saved someone’s life, it would pay for itself. “I thought it a
great work, for it seemed to me that natural things were set forth in
the most natural manner. And I thought if the pattern was observed,
our lives would be longer, and our constitutions stronger. I thought
7. Riggs and West, Our Heritage, 10.
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it was not much less than the work of God.”8 Later she told Samuel
she “felt that she had received full value for the money spent.”9
Margaret recounted that the rest of her children were born with
“no assistance, except my husband, and Dr. Thompson’s medicine.
But I did well.”10 She used Thompson’s methods not only in childbirth but in her other treatments. She also relied on prayer and inspiration: “My faith increased in these natural medicines, and we did
not forget to pray,” she said.11
Margaret even defended Thompson’s work to David Patten,
a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, who said that
“Thompson was an illiterate man, and that his work was of little
value.” Said she, “The Sectarians say as much against the Saints as
the fashionable practice say against Thompsonism, and with about
as little reason.”12
Although Margaret’s treatments were generally efficacious, even
more important, she knew that they would do no harm.13 She advocated the use of herbs, natural remedies, and sweating cures. In a letter to a daughter dated November 26, 1862, she wrote: “If you need
anything in your sickness, do not be afraid of the Thompsonian
9. Mary West Riggs, “And They Were Healed: A Thompsonian Doctor,” in
Our Pioneer Heritage, ed. Kate B. Carter, vol. 2 (Salt Lake City, UT: Daughters of
Utah Pioneers, 1959), 75.
13.  Riggs and West, Our Heritage, 19. Cecil O. Samuelson Jr. described
Thompsonian medicine as using “various botanical products, water, and massage.
Neither allopathic nor homeopathic in orientation, Thomsonian medicine was
perhaps closest to today’s naturopathy. While not aggressively dangerous, as were
many of the then common practitioners of quackery or some of the orthodox practitioners, most often the Thomsonians could do little more than offer kindness.”
“Medical Practices,” in The Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel H. Ludlow
(New York: Macmillan, 1992), 2:875.
208
medicines or steaming. They are all natural methods. If you take
medicine be sure to drink plenty of warm water. I have used these
remedies for many a year—they are harmless and very effective for
good.”14
After the Wests joined the Church in late 1834, a Methodist
minister in Tennessee made trouble for them, scoffing at the four
persons who had been baptized and promised “the gift of the Holy
Ghost.” Margaret felt it personally because she was “one of those
persons.”15 Although many of the local men warned their wives
against continuing to use the services of this Mormon woman, the
women and children were willing to overlook Margaret’s religion to
have her continued ministrations. But bitter persecutions from former friends, the enforced movement of the Saints, and an invitation
from Samuel’s mother to join her in Kentucky led the Wests to move
to that state. Before Margaret departed, she instructed some of her
neighbors on medicinal treatments.
During her three years in Kentucky, Margaret continued alleviating distress and suffering, day and night, never seeking remuneration. As Margaret and her husband and family prepared to leave
Kentucky for Nauvoo, Illinois, “people wondered how they could
manage without the help of such an experienced nurse. Margaret
was now more than a nurse for she took care of sprains and broken
bones, setting them correctly.” There in Kentucky, “Margaret left a
memory. She left prescriptions, and instructions, and had even tried
to train some of the women so that they might carry on.”16
Historian Mary West Riggs described what happened when
Margaret and her family arrived in Nauvoo in 1842:
Margaret knew from the very first day that she would
be needed here—fevers of many types, shaking ague, caused
16. Riggs, “They Were Healed,” 77.
209
from over-exposure, overwork, and ofttimes improper diet.
How many days and nights Margaret found herself making
the familiar sweat tent with sheets and blankets, a raw-hide
bottom chair, if possible, covered with a blanket for the patient so that the steam could better reach him. Then the
cans or small tubs filled with water into which heated rocks
were lowered carefully until a sizzling sound could be heard.
Hot drinks such as cayenne tea to retain the vital inner heat.
The nurse and her helpers would be perspiring quite as
freely as the patient, and when sweat began to pour from
every part of the body, he was carefully rubbed until cool
with clean clothes dampened in either vinegar or alcohol.
The patient was then put to bed and closely watched for the
perspiring might continue. Many such cases by the aid of
steaming, emetics and close care of elimination [were] cured
during these trying days.17
The Wests joined the exodus from Nauvoo in the summer of
1846 and lived five years in Kanesville, Iowa (modern-day Council
Bluffs). Knowing that her stay there was also temporary, Margaret
taught other women her methods and the knowledge she had gained
from her copy of Thompson’s New Guide to Health and her own
experience. In preparation for the westward trek, which she and
her family made in 1851,18 Margaret and her children collected
herbs and barks. “Her medicines were plainly labeled and carefully
wrapped and stored in the wagon where they were easily accessible,”
18. Margaret and her family traveled in the Harry Walton–Garden Grove
Company. They departed from Garden Grove, Iowa, on May 17, 1851, and arrived
in the Salt Lake Valley September 24–25, 1851. “Harry Walton/Garden Grove
Company,” Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel Database, 1847–68, The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed May 10, 2011, http://mormontrail
.lds.org.
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wrote Mary West Riggs, “for she realized in the hundreds of miles
they would travel, that sickness or accidents might overtake them.”19
Only days after their arrival in Salt Lake City in September
1851, the family was called to help settle Parowan, Iron County,
Utah, where Margaret made her home for twenty-seven years. Of
course, her nursing skills were in high demand from neighbors and
family members. Among the letters she wrote was one to her son-inlaw, George A. Smith, in 1863:
Brother Smith, Dear Son-in-law
We acknowledge with thanks and gratitude the few lines
you wrote to us 14 Dec. It brought the joyful intelligence
that Susan was mother of another child, and what has made
it more joyful, is the name, the darling child called for its
Grandma West. All the children are very dear to me, both
Clarissa and Margaret [the newborn]. Susan is a good child
and she endears herself to us all the time, but we have neglected answering the letter and telling her what to take to
make her give more milk. I should say, clear the system of
morbid matter, and then take any nourishing food.
I have often told her to learn to take courses of medicine. The steaming will have a tendency to throw the cold
matter out of the skin. Fill the stomach with warm teas, and
quickly after, get in bed with a warm stone at the feet. Take
warm tea with lobelia [an emetic], whose sickening qualities
will cause it to heave off. Then steam again is important.
Wash and dress if well enough. After this a little bitters may
be good. Then eat what you please if you can get it. Milk,
porridge are very good with bread. Perhaps I have said more
of this than you like to hear. I know that I feel a delicacy in
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writing to one like you, but you wrote to us, and Susan has
not written since, so I must request you to read this to her.20
When her granddaughter Clarissa was about ten years old,
Margaret wrote to her recommending a cure for her father’s cough:
I think if I were there I could give your father [George A.
Smith] a good trade for his cough. I had a very bad one.
Your Uncle John [Anderson West] came to see if I could
help Aunt Mary Jane, who is very ill. I went but I felt bad
and knew I could not do good for her until I was better, so
I prescribed and left her mother, Sister Robinson, with her.
When I reached home, I began with Dr. Thompson’s remedies. I took the course of his prescribed herbs, steamed good
Thompsonian method and a slight emetic, drank plenty of
warm water and this morning I found I had changed my
cough for a course of good medicine.
Now I would offer such a trade to your father for his
cough and for a very bad cough, I would add tincture with
oil and the Thompsonian cough powders (which I make)
and if I could not trade on such conditions, I would double
or more the treatment.21
Her son-in-law’s lingering cough, which Margaret feared might
be tuberculosis, was finally healed when he followed her methods of
“the emetic, steaming, hot herb teas, followed up with the syrupy
herbs,” and he became a “well man.”22
Margaret’s beloved husband, Samuel, died in 1873 while
they were still living in Parowan. About five years later Margaret
20. Margaret West to George A. Smith, February 15, 1863, in Our Pioneer
Heritage, ed. Kate B. Carter, vol. 3 (Salt Lake City, UT: Daughters of Utah
Pioneers, 1960), 174–75.
21. Riggs and West, Our Heritage, 18–19.
212
accompanied several of her children who were called on a mission
to settle a new frontier in Snowflake, Arizona. There she continued her healing ministrations until her death in June 1882, after a
four-month illness caused by dropsy (edema). At the time she had
a posterity of ten children, fifty-six grandchildren, and forty-nine
great-grandchildren. Margaret willed her much-loved and well-used
copy of Thompson’s New Guide to Health to her youngest daughter,
Nancy, who carried on her mother’s healing tradition.23
Margaret’s Testimony of Plural Marriage
During the last months of her time in Nauvoo, Margaret became tormented with rumors of plural marriage and the idea that
faithful members of the Church were to practice it. She was so sure
the principle was wrong that she did not even converse with her husband or the Church leaders about it. She came to feel that this was
just an Abrahamic test and that they would not truly be required to
live the principle.
When the Prophet Joseph Smith first made known the revelation on plural marriage, Margaret declared that even if an angel
from heaven should tell her it was right, she could not believe it. But
she made it a matter of sincere prayer. Years later her testimony of
plural marriage—as given in the presence of Jesse N. Smith, Samuel
H. Rogers, Smith D. Rogers, and others—was published in the
Woman’s Exponent:
We were living in Nauvoo when I first heard that it was
right for men to have two wives. I never thought then of
their having more than two; it looked an awful thing to me,
and I said that I would not believe it was right, if an angel
from heaven should tell me so. And again, I said that if I
should hear the Almighty tell an angel to come and tell me
it was right, I would not believe it. I knew very well what
I thought. I thought it would only be to try my virtue, as
Abraham’s faith was tried, when he was told to offer his son
as a sacrifice, and I thought the Lord would love me better
if I refused to believe in such a heinous thing, for the Lord
loves virtuous women.
I was very busy at that time, for we were preparing
to go to the wilderness (that was what we called it then).
I do not think I had at that time heard of the valleys of
the mountains, but we termed it going to the wilderness.
My daughters and I were very busy, parching corn, stewing
squash for drying, and weaving cloth. In all my preparations
I did not have time to go round and get the news of the day,
but Sister Thompson and Sister Carmichael used to come
and tell me what the folks were talking about, and who of
the brethren had taken another wife. I told them not to believe a word of it, for I knew the authorities of the Church
would put it down. They would say, “You may look out,
for your husband is sure to get another.” Sister Carmichael
said, “If it is so, I know William (her husband) will take
another wife, for he will do anything the authorities tell him
is right.” “But,” she added, “I will go down and talk with
Sister Murray about it.” Sister Murray was Bro. Young’s sister. In a few days she came again, having in the meantime
seen Sister Murray, and asked if it was true that the brethren
were taking more wives, to which Sister Murray had replied
that it was too true. When I heard this, I was perplexed;
I did not have much to say. I felt very serious over it, and
made it a matter of prayer.
On the Sunday morning following, after my husband
and I were ready to go to meeting, we walked out through
our gate, and he said, “Let us call in at John’s (his brother’s);
perhaps some of them will go to meeting.” As we passed
through the gate, all creation was opened in vision to my
view, as it seemed to me; we were as the grass of the field. I
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can see now how it looked as it ran off in the distance. Then
I saw plurality of wives, the celestial order of marriage, open
to my view, and knew it was right, and a virtuous principle,
and pertaining to the everlasting Gospel of Jesus. Then I saw
the authorities of the Church, and what they had suffered to
establish this peculiar doctrine. It was a grand point in the
Gospel, and had to be established in this generation; there
was no getting around it, it had to come forth. When I saw
the labors of the brethren, and their toils and sufferings, my
heart was pained for them, and I loved and pitied them. I
was no longer an opposer of the two-wife system. I did not
speak of these things, but pondered them in my heart. I realized the beauty and glory and exaltation connected with this
heavenly principle; it was grand and glorious, and I felt rapt
in joy. I repented of my former unbelief, and went forth and
was baptized for the remission of my sins in that respect,
though at that time I did not confess to any person what the
sin was, for the remission of which I was baptized.24
Shortly before leaving Nauvoo, Margaret shared this testimony
with a married daughter and her husband in a letter. Speaking specifically to her son-in-law William Barton, she advised:
Tell your mother and sisters not to bee troubled about
spiritual wife ism. It will not bee urged on us against our
will. I have but little perfec[t] knolledg [knowledge] about
it but I know that I was tryed with it til I thaught if it was
a command of god that I should curse and quit the church
but it is no sense. Wee are but as the grass of the field til we
24. “Testimony of Margaret West,” Woman’s Exponent 11 (August 1, 1882):
35. In the early days of the Church, members often were rebaptized as a symbol of
their rededication to the gospel. Paul H. Peterson, “Rebaptism,” in Encyclopedia of
Latter-day Saint History, ed. Arnold K. Garr, Donald Q. Cannon, and Richard O.
Cowan (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 2000), 984–85.
215
are perfected by beeing tryed in all thing[s] and then wee
shal bee worthy of salvation.25
When Margaret “learned the truth and was converted [that] it
was honorable, exception[al]ly unselfish and legal and a command
from the Lord, she gave her full consent for her husband to marry
a plural wife.”26 Samuel Walker West married Christianna Johnson
on February 20, 1858, and Mary Hanson on May 15, 1858.27 Both
women were Danish. Christianna had six children with Samuel,
and Mary none. Margaret’s approval in this matter was so genuine and sincere that before her death she willed all her property
to Christianna, who was a widow with a young family. Although
Margaret had children and legal heirs to the property, they did not
object to this arrangement.28
Following their mother’s lead, a son and three daughters of
Margaret practiced plural marriage. Her oldest son, John Anderson
West, had two wives, and Susan Elizabeth married George A. Smith,
who had multiple wives. Two more daughters, Emma Seraphine
and Margaret Fletcher, became the first and second wives of Jesse
Nathaniel Smith, the youngest cousin of Joseph and Hyrum.29
In concluding her life sketch, Margaret expressed the desire that
her posterity would be blessed by reading about the challenges she
faced and overcame and about the service she gave.
25. Margaret West to William and Esther Barton, May 31, 1846, Holograph,
City, Utah.
26. Edith S. Bushman, comp., “Sketch of Margaret Cooper West” (unpublished submission to Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Mesa Camp, Mesa, Maricopa,
Arizona, 1967), p. 4, Pioneer Memorial Museum, International Society Daughters
of Utah Pioneers, Salt Lake City, Utah.
28. Bushman, “Margaret Cooper West,” 4.
29. Emma Seraphine West Smith is the great-grandmother of the authors;
Margaret Cooper West is their great-great-grandmother.
216
I have endeavored to make this work short as I could,
for my time has been hurried. I have written some in secret.
I should like to have the privilege of completing a narrative
of my life, and I should like to have what I have written read
by some Bishop, or a good-hearted brother, who knows how
to feel for the distressed and the oppressed. I feel some way,
that there is something about me that would be a blessing to
my husband, myself, my family, and all my posterity, and to
many of my brothers and sisters.
May God bless and help us all, is the desire of my
humble heart.30
Chapter Fifty-Two
“I Have Been a Living Witness”
Elizabeth Ann Smith Whitney (1800–1882)
Jan De Hoyos Tolman
O
ne of the great women of the Restoration was Elizabeth Ann
Smith Whitney. She had the kind of faith that opens the heavens and gently settles among members of the Church with the glorious presence of undeniable spiritual gifts.
Elizabeth Ann Smith (always known as Ann) was the eldest child
of Gibson and Polly Bradley Smith.1 Born on December 26, 1800,
in Derby, New Haven, Connecticut, she grew up in a home full of
love, tempered with responsibility. Ann was well educated by her
father and trained by her mother in all the necessary homemaking
1. Sources for this biography can be found in a series of articles written by
Elizabeth Ann Whitney entitled “A Leaf from an Autobiography” and published in
Woman’s Exponent 7 (August 1, 1878): 33; (August 15, 1878): 41; (September 1,
1878): 51; (October 1, 1878): 71; (November 1, 1878): 83; (November 15, 1878):
91; (December 15, 1878): 105; (January 1, 1879): 115.
217
218
skills of the day: spinning, dying, weaving, embroidery, sewing, and
even dancing.
At eighteen years of age, with permission from her parents, Ann
set off with a maiden aunt for the wild frontier of Ohio. At the time,
it was unusual for two women to travel alone, but it was not out of
character for this strong-spirited young woman.
In Ohio Ann met a young entrepreneur by the name of
Newel K. Whitney. He “accumulated property faster than most of
his companions and associates. Indeed, he became proverbial as being lucky in all his undertakings.”2 They were married October 20,
1822, in Kirtland, Ohio, and settled themselves there with a little
store. In search of spiritual direction, Ann attended a meeting that
advertised a “golden bible.” She immediately sought baptism.
In Kirtland, Ann’s home housed the Prophet Joseph Smith and
his family and was a gathering place for the Saints. The upstairs
rooms of the Whitney store were used for the School of the Prophets
and receiving revelations. Later, in Nauvoo, while living in the upper
rooms of Joseph Smith’s red brick store, Ann once again shared space
with the site of important meetings, including the organization of
the Relief Society.3
Called as a counselor to Relief Society president Emma Smith in
Nauvoo, Ann presided at some of the last meetings of the Nauvoo
Relief Society and kept the organization together as Emma found
it more and more difficult to attend on account of illness, travel,
and internal struggle over Joseph Smith’s introduction of plural
marriage.4
Ann was the second woman to receive her endowment in this
2. Whitney, “Leaf,” 41.
3. Before living above the red brick store, the Whitneys lived in a cottage owned
by Joseph Smith. Whitney, “Leaf,” 91.
4. Editorial Note, Nauvoo Relief Society Minute Book, The Joseph Smith
Papers, p. 87, accessed December 1, 2011, http://josephsmithpapers.org.
Eliz abeth Ann Smith Whitney (1800–1882)
219
dispensation, after Emma Smith, who was the first.5 Ann’s tenth
child, whom Joseph Smith blessed and named Mary, was the first
born in the covenant. Ann gave birth to eleven children, the last one
on the trail as her family journeyed west.
In the Salt Lake Valley, Ann continued her work in the Relief
Society. She traveled with Eliza R. Snow and Zina D. H. Young,
organizing Relief Societies, bearing testimony of Joseph Smith, and
serving faithfully as a counselor to Eliza until her death in 1882, at
the age of eighty-two. Ann, tested through many sacrifices and sufferings and blessed with the glorious revelations she bore testimony
of, never lost the faith.
Elizabeth Ann Smith was her father’s daughter: strong-willed,
independent, intelligent, and determined—seemingly anything but
inclined to religion. While traveling westward, she met a young man
and married him, never guessing that together they would uncover a
spiritual nature within themselves. Ann and her husband, Newel K.
Whitney, would seek out religious truth, recognize it, accept it, and
live it for the remainder of their lives.
They found some truth in the Campbellite congregation led
by a reformed Baptist named Sidney Rigdon. What was taught
seemed close to what the New Testament preached, but they still
did not know how to receive the Holy Ghost. “We had been praying
to know from the Lord how we could obtain the gift of the Holy
Ghost,” explained Ann.
My husband, Newel K. Whitney, and myself, were
Campbellites. We had been baptized for the remission of
our sins, and believed in the laying on of hands and the gifts
5. Jill Mulvay Derr, Janath Russell Cannon, and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher,
Women of Covenant: The Story of Relief Society (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book;
Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1992), 55.
220
of the spirit. But there was no one with authority to confer
the Holy Ghost upon us. We were seeking to know how to
obtain the spirit and the gifts bestowed upon the ancient
saints. Sister Eliza Snow was also a Campbellite. We were
acquainted before the restoration of the gospel to the earth.
She, like myself, was seeking for the fullness of the gospel.
She lived at the time in Mantua [Ohio].
One night—it was midnight—as my husband and
I, in our house at Kirtland, were praying to the Father to
be shown the way, the spirit rested upon us and a cloud
overshadowed the house. It was as though we were out of
doors. The house passed away from our vision. We were not
conscious of anything but the presence of the spirit and the
cloud.
We were wrapped in the cloud. A solemn awe pervaded
us. We saw the cloud and we felt the spirit of the Lord.
Then we heard a voice out of the cloud saying: “Prepare
to receive the word of the Lord, for it is coming!”
At this we marveled greatly; but from that moment we
knew that the word of the Lord was coming to Kirtland.6
Soon afterward, Oliver Cowdery, Ziba Peterson, Peter Whitmer
Jr., and Parley P. Pratt came into town with the Book of Mormon.
After hearing them preach, Ann recorded, “I knew it to be the voice
of the Good Shepherd, and went home rejoicing, to tell my husband
the news.”7
She was baptized in November 1830, along with many in
Sidney Rigdon’s congregation; Newel followed her a few days later.
Being new members of the restored Church, Ann and Newel prayed
for the opportunity to hear Joseph Smith personally. A few months
6. Edward W. Tullidge, Women of Mormondom (New York: Tullidge & Crandall,
1877), 41–42.
221
later, in February 1831, Joseph and Emma drove up to the Newel K.
Whitney Store in a sleigh.
Joseph jumped out and went in; he reached his hand
across the counter to my husband, and called him by name.
My husband, not thinking it was any one in whom he was
interested, spoke, saying: “I could not call you by name as
you have me.” He answered, “I am Joseph the Prophet; you
have prayed me here, now what do you want of me?” My
husband brought them directly to our own house; we were
more than glad to welcome them and share with them all
the comforts and blessings we enjoyed. I remarked to my
husband that this was the fulfillment of the vision we had
seen of a cloud as of glory resting upon our house.8
Ann’s gift of song was well known, and her voice was often
sought when comfort was needed:
Great manifestations of power were witnessed in the
Kirtland Temple; it used oftentimes to seem as though it
was illuminated, and many and powerful were the manifestations to those who were humble and participated in the
ordinances bestowed upon the faithful Saints in that house.
The first patriarchal blessing meeting over which Joseph
Smith, Sen., presided was one of the most striking and noticeable features of that particular period of time. In this
meeting, I received the gift of singing inspirationally, and
the first Song of Zion ever given in the pure language was
sung by me then, and interpreted by Parley P. Pratt, and
written down; of which I have preserved the original copy.
It describes the manner in which the ancient patriarchs
8. Joseph Smith said that in vision he had seen Newel and Ann Whitney
praying for him to come. Joseph knew them by sight when he entered the store.
Whitney, “Leaf,” 51.
222
blessed their families, and gives some account of “Adam
ondi Ahman.”9
At the end of her life, Ann stated, “The Prophet Joseph promised
me that I should never lose this gift if I would be wise in using it;
and his words have been verified.”10
Ann’s friend, future general Relief Society president Emmeline B.
Wells, later wrote these words:
The gift of song which Sister Whitney possessed in such
a rare degree was often a comfort to the Prophet in those
days of trial and gloom. He would sit as it were spell bound
and listen to the rich melody of her magnificent voice for
the time so absorbed, as to forget his sorrows. . . . She possessed a reverential, prophetic and poetic temperament, and
the spirit of the gospel strengthened in her all these exalted
attributes.11
Newel and Ann were so enthusiastic over this religion which
professed to care for the poor in heart that they organized a threeday “Feast of the Poor” as was taught in the New Testament. They
were more well off than were most other members of the Church,
and though they had given generously toward the building of the
temple, they felt this additional offering would be pleasing unto the
Lord. Joseph Smith’s journal recounted that he
attended a sumptuous feast at Bishop N[ewel] K. Whitneys
this feast was after the order of the Son of God the lame the
halt and blind wer invited according to the intruction of
the Saviour . . . recieved a bountiful refreshment . . . while
9. The text of the “First Song of Zion” can be found in Whitney, “Leaf,” 83.
11. Emmeline B. Wells, “Elizabeth Ann Whitney,” Woman’s Exponent 10
(March 15, 1882): 153.
223
partaking of an antipast of those Joys that will be poured
upon the head of the Saints w[h]en they are gathered together on Mount Zion to enjoy each others society forever
more even all the blessings of heaven and earth and where
there will be none to molest nor make us afraid.12
According to Ann,
this feast lasted three days, during which time all in the vicinity of Kirtland who would come were invited, and entertained as courteously and generously as if they had been able
to extend hospitality instead of receiving it. The Prophet
Joseph and his two Counselors being present each day, talking, blessing, and comforting the poor, by words of encouragement and their most welcome presence. . . . The Prophet
Joseph often referred to this particular Feast, during his lifetime, and testified of the great blessing he felt in associating
with the meek and humble ones whom the Lord has said
“He delights to own and bless.” He often said to me that it
was preferable and far superior to the elegant and select parties he afterwards attended, and afforded him much more
genuine satisfaction; and to me it was a ‘feast of fat things’
indeed; a season of rejoicing never to be forgotten.13
Newel became closely associated with Joseph Smith, went on
several missions with him, and served as bishop of the Church. He
was gone much of the time, leaving Ann to manage the household
and the store. She did so without complaint, honored that their
family could be of such service.
12. Dean C. Jessee, Mark Ashurst-McGee, and Richard L. Jensen, eds.,
Journals, Volume 1: 1832–1839, vol. 1 of the Journals series of The Joseph Smith
Papers, ed. Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman (Salt
Lake City, UT: Church Historian’s Press, 2008), 146.
224
When it came time for the family to leave Ohio and set off for
Missouri and the unknown, Ann said,
I bade adieu to my beloved home, where I had anticipated spending all my life, and where everything had been
arranged according to my own ideas of taste and beauty;
to my dear friends, and my kind and ever true Aunt Sarah,
who had been a mother to me indeed and mine.14
When the Whitneys set out for Missouri in the fall of 1838,
Ann and Newel had six children, the oldest fifteen. Along the way
they received word of the persecution the Saints were experiencing
in Far West. They had sent supplies ahead to establish a store where
the Saints were gathering in Missouri, but they learned that the
goods had been destroyed and the Saints ordered to leave the state.
After arriving in St. Louis, the family was advised to go to
Illinois and settle in Carrolton. Ann and the eldest son, Horace, sustained the family there that winter while Newel returned to Ohio
to settle business dealings for Joseph. In the spring, after checking on his family in Carrolton, Newel took Horace and went on
to Commerce, where they found Joseph organizing the new city of
Nauvoo. After Newel had worked only a short time, the Prophet
told him to return to his family immediately because they were in
danger. Enemies of the Church had discovered the bishop’s family
and planned to be rid of them. With the help of two kindly neighbors, the Whitneys escaped in the night and made their way north
to Quincy, Illinois. Through the years, Ann always remembered a
simple and sincere gesture her husband made that harrowing night.
“I shall never forget my husband’s taking off his hat, wiping the
perspiration from his brow, and thanking God for our deliverance.
14. Aunt Sarah did not join the Church, and Ann never saw her or her parents
again. Whitney, “Leaf,” 83.
225
Strange how trifling incidents like these sometimes leave indelible
impressions upon the memory which can never be effaced.”15
From Carrolton, Illinois, the family rested in Quincy for a season, before finally arriving in Nauvoo the following spring. Sick and
homeless, Ann gave birth to her ninth child. When the Prophet discovered their condition, he and Emma opened their arms, returning
the hospitality they had received in Kirtland to the Whitneys. Ann
and Newel would eventually make their home in the upper rooms of
the red brick store where Newel worked for Joseph.
The upper floor was fitted with living space, as well as a large
gathering room. Many important meetings were held in this room,
including the meeting where Joseph Smith organized the Female
Relief Society of Nauvoo with Emma Smith as its first president and
Ann Whitney and Sarah Cleveland as her counselors.16 “I was also
ordained and set apart under the hand of Joseph Smith, the Prophet,
to administer to the sick and comfort the sorrowful,” Ann wrote
years later. She recalled her feelings:
The Relief Society then was small compared to its numbers now, but the Prophet foretold great things concerning the future of this organization, many of which I have
lived to see fulfilled; but there are many things which yet
remain to be fulfilled in the future of which he prophesied,
that are great and glorious; and I rejoice in the contemplation of these things daily, feeling that the promises are sure
to be verified in the future as they have been in the past.
16. Sources differ on whether Ann was called as Emma Smith’s first or second
counselor. The Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes do not distinguish the offices; Ann
is simply referred to as “Counsellor Whitney.” She was set apart for the office by
John Taylor. Nauvoo Relief Society Minutes, March 17, 1842, Church History
Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah;
Nauvoo Relief Society Minute Book, The Joseph Smith Papers, accessed November
19, 2011, http://josephsmithpapers.org; Whitney, “Leaf,” 91.
226
I trust the sisters who are now laboring in the interest of
Relief Societies in Zion realize the importance attached to
the work, and comprehend that upon them a great responsibility rests as mothers in Israel. President Joseph Smith had
great faith in the sisters’ labors, and ever sought to encourage them in the performance of the duties which pertained
to these Societies which he said were not only for benevolent purposes and spiritual improvement, but were actually
to save souls.17
The year after the Relief Society was organized, Joseph Smith
recorded the revelation he had received on celestial marriage. He approached the Whitneys, explaining it in its entirety, and asked them
to pray for understanding and to give their oldest daughter to him
in marriage.
He had been strictly charged by the angel who committed these
precious things into his keeping that he should reveal them only to
such persons as were pure, full of integrity to the truth, and worthy
to be entrusted with divine messages:
Joseph had the most implicit confidence in my husband’s uprightness and integrity of character. . . . He therefore confided to him, and a few others, the principles set
forth in that revelation, and also gave him the privilege to
read it and to make a copy of it, knowing it would be perfectly safe with him. . . .
My husband revealed these things to me; we had always
been united, and had the utmost faith and confidence in
each other. We pondered upon them continually and our
prayers were unceasing that the Lord would grant us some
special manifestation concerning this new and strange doctrine. The Lord was very merciful to us; He revealed unto
us His power and glory. We were seemingly wrapt in a
227
heavenly vision, a halo of light encircled us, and we were
convinced in our own minds that God heard and approved
our prayers and intercedings before Him. Our hearts were
comforted, and our faith made so perfect that we were willing to give our eldest daughter, then only seventeen years of
age, to Joseph, in the holy order of plural marriage . . . laying aside all our traditions and former notions in regard to
marriage, we gave her with our mutual consent.18
On July 27, 1842, Sarah Ann was sealed to Joseph Smith by
her father, Newel K. Whitney, in the presence of Elizabeth Ann
Whitney, her mother.
Less than a month later, on August 21, 1842, Newel and
Elizabeth Ann Whitney were sealed for time and eternity. 19 In
January 1844, the first child born in the new and everlasting covenant was born to them.20
Ann affirmed that Joseph asked Newel several times to take
other wives. Newel resisted this commandment at first but finally
took another wife after Joseph’s death. Ann was supportive, saying,
“I am intimately acquainted with the practical part of polygamy.”21
She said further:
Instead of my opinion of women being unfavorable or
my feelings unkindly in consequence of being intimately
associated in family relationship with them, I am more favorably disposed to women as a class, learning more of the
true nature of woman-kind than I ever could without this
peculiar experience; and I am willing and ready to defend
19. Todd Compton, In Sacred Loneliness: The Plural Wives of Joseph Smith (Salt
Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1997), 348.
20. Joseph Smith blessed and named this baby Mary. Wells, “Elizabeth Ann
Whitney,” 154.
228
enthusiastically those of my sisters who have been genuine
enough and who possessed sufficient sublimity of character,
to practically live the principles of divine faith, which have
been revealed in these the last days, in the establishing of
the kingdom of God upon the earth. It has required sterling
qualities indeed to battle with the opposition on every hand
and not be overcome.22
The same faith that encouraged Ann to accept plural marriage
pervaded her entire being. Andrew Jenson, who served as assistant
Church historian, wrote these words about Mother Whitney:
The Spirit of peace seemed ever to rest upon her. She
was often alluded to as “the comforter,” so powerful were
her blessings upon those needing such help. Her ministrations among the sick and afflicted endeared her to the community at large and made her truly a mother in Israel.23
In 1845, Newel took a second wife, Emmeline Blanche
Woodward Harris.24 He eventually married six other women. Two
years after reaching the Salt Lake Valley, Newel died.
Ann helped Eliza R. Snow organize Relief Societies throughout
the territory, later serving as her counselor. In Ann’s later years, she
headed the women’s department in the Endowment House, a building erected for administering temple ordinances while the Salt Lake
Temple was under construction.25
Once Ann learned of the gospel, she adopted it for life. She and
23. Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, 4 vols. (Salt
Lake City, UT: Andrew Jenson History Company, 1901–36), 3:563–64.
24. After Newel’s death, Emmeline married Daniel H. Wells. She became the
fifth general Relief Society president. Jenson, Biographical Encyclopedia, 4:199.
25. Lamar C. Berrett, “Endowment Houses,” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism,
ed. Daniel H. Ludlow, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 2:456.
229
many other valiant women stood together with pure, unwavering
faith. The blessings they enjoyed were a result of their spiritual nature and lifestyle. She stands as a witness and an example for us as
we live to overcome our own hardships and sorrow.
Ann wrote her autobiography at Emmeline’s request. For us it
is a treasure to know her and understand her. But she recorded her
words for only one purpose:
In looking back, if there are any principles which have
given me strength, and by which I have learned to live more
truly a life of usefulness, it seems to me I could wish to impart this joy and strength to others; to tell them what the
Gospel has been and is to me, ever since I embraced it and
learned to live by its laws. A fresh revelation of the Spirit day
by day . . . a most implicit faith in a divine power . . . the
fountain from which we must never depart into labyrinths
of our own.26
Elizabeth Ann Whitney’s testimony stands today. She never
questioned the gospel. She overcame her fears and trepidations. She
stood by her husband’s side at the most frightening and difficult
of times and never lost faith. Her legacy shines forth as an eternal
declaration:
My testimony to my sisters is that I have seen many
demonstrations of the power and blessing of God through
the administrations of the sisters, but they should be ever
humble, for through great humility comes the blessing. The
Lord remembers His daughters and owns and acknowledges, in a perceptible manner, those who are striving to be
faithful. I could say much to my sisters on this subject, for it
is one in which I am deeply interested. I have been a living
witness to the trials, sacrifices, patience and endurance of
230
thousands of them, and my heart goes out to all those who
are seeking to walk the narrow way and keep fast hold of
the iron rod. The Father has great blessings in store for His
daughters; fear not, my sisters, but trust in God, live your
religion and teach it to your children.27
Contributors
Amy Reynolds Billings graduated from Brigham Young
University with bachelor’s and master’s degrees in United States history. She lives in Tucson, Arizona, with her husband, Shane, and
four children. She teaches continuing education courses in Latterday Saint Church history.
Linda G. Birch is a great-great-granddaughter of Catherine Clark
and Robert Smith. Over many years of investigating Catherine’s
life, Linda has developed a desire to know the stories often hidden in family history. She graduated from the University of Utah
in elementary education and is a retired elementary school teacher.
Linda lives with her husband, Gary, in Riverton, Utah, where they
are close to their three children and six grandchildren. It is her hope
to pass on to them an appreciation for those who influenced who we
are today.
Gary L. Boatright Jr. is a historic sites curator for the Church
History Department of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints. He received his bachelor’s degree in history and geography
from Weber State University and a master’s degree in liberal studies
(museum studies emphasis) from the University of Oklahoma. He
resides in Riverdale, Utah, with his wife, Lori Ames Boatright, and
three daughters.
Jay G. Burrup graduated from Brigham Young University with a
BA in history and an MS in library and information science. He is
a certified archivist at the Church History Library of The Church
231
232
Contributors
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Jay is married to Dorothy
Anderson Burrup of Taber, Alberta, Canada, and they are the parents of four daughters.
Carol L. Clark holds a PhD from the University of Utah and
manages the hosting and research services team of the Family
History Department of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints. She served on the U.S. Department of Education Fund for
the Improvement of Postsecondary Education and on a number of
community boards. She won national awards for her newspaper consumer column and book and has written extensively for the Church.
Carol served on the Relief Society general board under three presidents. She was part of a team that won a Clio award for several
Church-sponsored public service announcements with a focus on
women’s service.
Rachel Cope is an assistant professor of Church history and
doctrine at Brigham Young University. She received her PhD in
American history from Syracuse University and an MA and BA in
American history from Brigham Young University. Her dissertation
won the Outstanding Dissertation Prize from the Maxwell School of
Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University. Rachel was a
research editorial fellow at BYU Studies and a visiting fellow at the
Manchester Wesley Research Centre. She is the copy editor of Wesley
and Methodist Studies and has been the recipient of various grants
and fellowships that have enabled her to study women and conversion in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Amanda Kae Fronk was raised on family trees and ancestral lore.
Her love of stories continued in her studies at Brigham Young
University, where she received a bachelor of arts degree in English
and editing. She is pursuing a master’s degree in linguistics with aspirations to become a professional editor. Amanda has worked as an
editor at BYU’s Religious Studies Center and at BYU Magazine, and
she works for the Joseph Smith Papers Project. She is honored to
Contributors
233
share the inspiring life of her fourth great-grandmother and hopes to
follow in her footsteps of strength and faithfulness.
Janiece Johnson is the general editor of the Mountain Meadows
Legal Papers for the Church History Department of The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. She has master’s degrees in
American history and theology from Brigham Young University and
Vanderbilt University, respectively. She has published a variety of
journal articles in addition to her thesis, “Give It All Up and Follow
Your Lord”: Mormon Female Religiosity, 1831–1843.
Lynette Smith Lyman graduated from Brigham Young University
with a degree in elementary education, served a mission to Germany,
and worked in the education profession for more than twenty-five
years. She and her husband, Gregory, have six children and thirteen
grandchildren.
Elizabeth J. Mott is a doctoral student at Claremont Graduate
University in the history of Christianity and religions of North
America. She received her bachelor's and master's degrees from
Brigham Young University in English and mass communications,
respectively. She loves spending time in the mountains of Arizona
and Utah because these sanctuaries allow her to escape the heat in
the summer and enjoy the pine forests with her family and friends.
Catherine Wheelwright Ockey, a third-great-grandaughter of
Diantha Morley Billings, attended Brigham Young University, where
she spent many hours playing the cello in music performance classes
and eventually graduated with a degree in English and history. She
and her husband raised their children on an island off the coast of
northwest Washington State, where she also worked as a freelance
writer and newspaper reporter. Now she writes from her home in
Helena, Montana.
Wendy Peacock attended Brigham Young University, where she
received her bachelor’s degree in history education and a master’s
degree in English with an emphasis in British literature. She married
234
Contributors
Alen Peacock while at BYU, and they live in Orem, Utah, with their
four energetic children. She loves to get lost in history, whether it be
in book form or travel.
Shirley Smith Ricks earned three degrees from Brigham Young
University in home economics education and family studies.
Since 1988 she has served as an editor for what is now the Neal A.
Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship. Shirley is married to
Stephen D. Ricks; they are the parents of six children and grandparents of eleven.
Anna T. Rolapp is an empty-nester who finished her bachelor’s
degree in 2010 and visualizes advanced degrees in her future. She
is actively involved in the Claremont Graduate University oral history project, collecting histories of Latter-day Saint women. Her
passion is quilting, both collecting and creating, with an emphasis
on quilts that tell stories. She and her husband, Frank, have been
married for more than three decades. They raised their four children
in California.
Donna Toland Smart received bachelor’s degrees in education
and business from the University of Wyoming and a master’s degree in English literature from the University of Utah. She married
William B. Smart, and they are the parents of five children, grandparents of twelve, and great-grandparents of eight. Donna taught
school in Afton, Wyoming, and in Salt Lake City, Utah, and was a
technical writer for The Coptic Encyclopedia. She edited the diaries
of Patty Bartlett Sessions (published by Utah State University Press),
for which she won an award. She and her husband coauthored another award-winning book on Parley P. Pratt. Donna is working on
a biography of her great-great-grandmother Myra Mayall Henrie.
Jonathan A. Stapley received his doctorate from Purdue
University and is an executive with a firm that is industrializing his
graduate work. He is an independent historian who serves on the
Contributors
235
editorial board of the Journal of Mormon History. He is married to
Kathryn Maxfield Stapley, and they are the parents of three children.
Jan De Hoyos Tolman has been the stay-at-home mom of six
children. Over the years she has volunteered as a tour guide at the
Humanitarian Center of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints and as a docent at the Church History Museum. Enrolled in
Brigham Young University’s Bachelor of General Studies program
with an emphasis in creative writing, she spends much of her time
researching the history of the Relief Society and shares what she
learns on her blog, www.ldswomenofgod.com/blog. She is married
to Stephen J. Tolman.
Kaye Watson was born in western Pennsylvania and attended LDS
Business College in Salt Lake City. She married R. D. Watson, and
they moved to Sanpete County, Utah, to operate his family farm.
They have two sons and four grandchildren. Kaye was involved in
producing a history of their town entitled Life under the Horseshoe:
A History of Spring City and has worked at the local post office for
seventeen years. She loves family history work.

Richard E. Turley Jr. and Brittany A. Chapman, editors

Transcription

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