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RESEARCH PAPERS
I
of the
WACCAMAW CENTER FOR HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL STUDIES
USC- COASTAL CAROLINA COLLEGE
CONWAY
"
II'
I.
A RECONNAISSANCE SEARCH FOR EVIDENCE OF THE
CAPIT ANA: LUCAS VAZQUEZ DE AYLLON'S 1526 FLAGSHIP
by
James L. Michie
'
11·
i
I
PUBLISHED BY THE WACCAMAW CENTER FOR HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL STUDIES,
USC -COASTAL CAROLINA COLLEGE,
CONWAY
RESEARCH MANUSCRIPT 3
1993
Main
Stacks
F
277
.G4
M53
1993
WACCAMAW CENTER FOR HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL STUDIES
USC- COASTAL CAROLINA COLLEGE, P.O. BOX 1954, CONWAY, SC 29526
(Associates of the South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina)
STAFF
Director:
Dr. Charles W. Joyner, Burroughs Distinquished Professor of Southern History and
Culture, USC - Coastal Carolina Coollege
Associate Director:
Mr. James L. Michie, Assistant Professor of History, USC- Coastal Carolina College,
and Associate Principal Investigator and Program Director, South Carolina Institute of
Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina
COLLEAGUES
Senior Research Fellows:
Dr. Roy Talbert, Historian, Professor of History and Department Chair, USC- Coastal
Carolina College
Research Fellows:
Mr. Rod Gragg, Historian, Conway, South Carolina
Mrs. Catherine H. Lewis, Historian, Conway, South Carolina
Mr. James 0. Mills, Archaeologist, Research Associate, South Carolina Institute of
Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina
Mrs. Alberta Lachicotte Quattlebaum, Historian, Waverly Plantation, Pawley's Island,
South Carolina
Mr. William M. Weeks, Research Associate, South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and
Anthropology, University of South Carolina
Dr. Randall A. Wells, Oral Historian, Associate Professor of English & Speech, USCCoastal Carolina College
Associates:
Mr. Jamie Constance, Chicora Wood Plantation, Plantersville, South Carolina
Mrs. Patricia D. Doyle, Georgetown County Historical Society, Georgetown, South
Carolina
Mr. Olan Mills, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Mr. Wallace F. Pate, Arcadia Plantation, Georgetown, South Carolina
Mrs. Lucille V. Pate, Arcadia Plantation, Georgetown, South Carolina
Mrs. Genevieve C. Peterkin, Murrells Inlet, South Carolina
A RECONNAISSANCE SEARCH FOR EVIDENCE OF
THE CAPITANA: LUCAS VAZQUEZ DE AYLLON'S
1526 FLAGSHIP
by
James L. Michie
Associate Director, Waccamaw Center for Historical and Cultural Studies, USC- Coastal
Carolina College, Conway
and
Associate Principal Investigator and Program Director, South Carolina Institute of
Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia
THIS PROJECf WAS FUNDED BY A GENEROUS GRANT FROM THE
GEORGETOWN COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Early Spanish Olive Jar (1490-1570)
Waccamaw Center for Historical and Cultural Studies
(Associates of the South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, USC -Columbia)
Research Manuscript 3
1993
·coastal Carolina University Kimbel Library
KIMBEL LIBRARY
COASTAL CAROLINA
UNIVERSITY
CONWAY, SOUTH CAROLINA
The Charles Joyner
Collection
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ...........................................................................................
Introduction
.......................... .........................................................................
1
11
Settlement of San Miguel de Gualdape .................................................................... 1
The Initial Voyage of 1521
The Return Voyage of 1525
The Voyage and Settlement of 1526
The Location of the Jordan River
Archaeological Implications of the Wreck ....... .. . . . . . . . . .......... ... . . . . . .. . . . .. . . ... . . . . .. . . . .. . . . ... . 6
The Environmental Setting . . .. . .. . .. ........ ....... .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . .. . ... ... . .. ..... .. ... . .. .. ... .. . ... ..... 8
The Present Environment
Considerations for a Sixteenth Century Environment
The Search for Cultural Materials ......................................................................... 14
Survey Methods
Results of the Survey
Future Directions ..... ........ ....... ........ ....................... ....... ................ ....... ........... 17
References Cited
18
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This publication is a continuation of an initial study funded through the efforts of Patricia D.
Doyle, President of the Georgetown County Historical Society (1988-1990). The initial study,
conducted during the fall of 1990 and continuing into the winter of 1991, was oriented towards the
search for the 1526 Spanish settlement, San Miguel de Gualdape, thought to be in the vicinity of
Winyah Bay. In an effort to validate the current supposition that Ayllon may have entered the
South Santee River or Winyah Bay, Mrs. Doyle approved the expenditure of funds to search the
beaches associated with these estuaries. We deeply appreciate her continued support.
The survey was conducted by Mr. William M. Weeks, who acted under my direction. He was
often assisted by Mr. T.C. Weeks and Ms. Kathi Weeks, volunteers who gave gladly of their time
and effort. We appreciate their support.
Mr. Mark Newell and Ms. Lynn Harris, underwater archaeologists with the South Carolina
Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, shared their knowledge
about shipwrecks and the eventual fate of dispersed artifacts. Mr. Mark J. Brooks, archaeologist
with the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, provided
helpful comments about coastal processes, and Dr. Paul Gayes, a marine geologist with USCCoastal Carolina College, shared information regarding his recent studies at Winyah bay. Their
time and helpful comments are invaluable.
Many thanks to Mr. Robert Joyner, the manager of the Yawkey Wildlife Center for providing
information and allowing us permission to enter the peripheral edges of their property on South
Island.
Ms. Karlene G. Rudolph, English Instructor with USC- Coastal Carolina College, performed
a much needed service by reading the final manuscript. Her eye for punctuation, grammar, and
spelling is also appreciated.
INTRODUCTION
Soon after Christopher Columbus discovered the New World by making landfall on the island
of San Salvador, Spain quickly laid claim to the new land. By the beginning of the sixteenth
century the island of Hispaniola was colonized and becoming a prosperous settlement with
interests in the slave trade, sugar plantations, gold mines, and the perceived treasures that lay in the
unexplored lands to the west and the north.
In this milieu of growth and expansion it was only a matter of time before someone would sail
to the north and exploit the richness of a land that would later become the United States of
America. The precedent for expansion and conquest was well underway in the formative years of
the sixteenth century. In 1513 Ponce de Leon began exploring portions of the land he called
Florida, and when he was killed in a preliminary attempt to found a settlement in 1521, Hernando
Cortes was laying waste to the Aztec city of Tenochtitlan, the same year Fernando Magellan and
Sebastian del Cano had passed the Falkland Islands and entered the Pacific Ocean on their voyage
around the world (Weinstein and Wilson 1974: 7, 11, 23). In the shadows of these historic events
two caravels sailed separately from the island of Hispaniola bound for the Bahama Islands, their
lots cast for an unplanned landfall on the coast of present-day South Carolina.
The pilots, Francisco Gordillo and Pedro de Quejo, had been sent to find slaves by their
employers, Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon and Sancho Ortiz de Urrutia. Their discoveries led to a return
voyage in 1525, and eventually an unsuccessful settlement in 1526. Partial events were recorded
by Spanish historians, but for the past 465 years the settlement location has continued to remain a
mystery. In 1956, Paul Quattlebaum pulled together a collection of Spanish documents and
published his book, The Land Called Chicora. His contention was that landfall had occurred on the
Cape Fear River and that the settlers relocated to the eastern edge of Winyah Bay near the city of
Georgetown. His interpretation of documents available in the 1950s was an excellent treatise, but
during the succeeding years Paul E. Hoffman reviewed additional documents and was able to fmd
information that changed the interpretation of landfall and settlement locations. According to
Hoffman's A New Andalucia and a Way to the Orient, landfall was made not on the Cape Fear, but
either the South Santee or Winyah Bay. The colonists stayed in the area for a brief time and then
relocated to the coast of Georgia, perhaps on Sapelo Island.
.
In 1990, Quattlebaum's hypothesis was tested by an archaeologist and a crew of paid workers
and volunteers (Michie 1991). Despite an intensive survey, evidence of the settlement could not be
found. Following the survey, attempts were made at searching local beaches for any evidence of
the contents of the Capitana, the lead ship that sank while trying to enter the river Jordan, which
was either Winyah Bay or South Santee River. It was this ship that carried much of the supplies
and food for the settlement. Although much time was spent walking beaches and dune complexes
no evidence of the shipwreck could be found.
This publication, then, briefly outlines the events that led to the ill-fated settlement while it
discusses the beach search and provides an explanation for an apparent absence of artifacts. While
Quattlebaum's (1956) and Hoffman's (1990) presentations are quite similar, I have chosen to use
the latter writer because he presents a more thorough treatise, which contains current information
including the Chaves Rutter - the most important document yet found in the Spanish archives.
Although settlement location remains a mystery, it becomes relatively clear that Winyah Bay
and the South Santee River figured prominently into early Spanish contact. With little doubt, the
Spanish entered Winyah Bay in 1521, 1525, and again in 1526.
THE SETTLEMENT OF SAN MIGUEL DE GUALDAPE
The Initial Voyage of 1521
Among the many residents of Hispaniola, there were two who set into motion events leading to
the settlement of San Miguel de Gualdape. One could argue that the very presence of Hispaniola
was a catalyst by the fact it was an economic power driven by plant, human, and mineral
exploitation. Sooner or later someone was going to press northward and open the closed doors of
America, regardless of the promise of riches. As it happened, it was the search for slaves by Lucas
Vazquez de Ayllon and Sancho Ortiz de Urrutia that did so. Ayllon had come to Hispaniola in
1502, and within a short time had been appointed to the position of auditor, judge for His Majesty
in the Royal Court and Chancellary, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and member of the Royal
Council of Hispaniola. In addition to social and political positions, Ayllon had invested heavily in
sugar plantations, gold mines, and slaves. Urrutia, a confederate and accomplice of Ayllon, also
had interests in slavery. In 1521 both men, who were licensed for the slave trade, sought the
talents of two pilots and shipmasters to search the Bahama Islands for native Americans. Ayllon
formerly had dealings with Fransciso Gordillo, and Urrutia had employed the services of Pedro de
Quejo, both experienced navigators. Their services were again secured (Hoffman 1990: 3-5).
In January or February of 1521, Ayllon instructed Gordillo to search the Bahamas, and if
slaves could not be found he was told to sail northwest and verify a report of native Americans.
Several months later Urrutia instructed Quejo to sail with merchandise to Cuba and then turn
towards the Bahamas to look for slaves. While he was sailing off the coast of what is now Florida,
Quejo met a relative, Alonzo Fernandez Sotil. Quejo was encouraged to return to the Andros
Islands and join the efforts of Gordillo in an agreement of mutual interest - the capture of slaves.
Having come to an agreement, both pilots raised anchor and sailed for eight days, although
fruitlessly, towards the northwest. Failing to encounter land, the mariners adjusted their rudders
towards the west and soon saw a line of distant trees. As they approached land on June 24, 1521,
they saw, with imagined enlightment, the presence of native Americans who began gathering on
the beach. A small boat was dispatched to the curious inhabitants while the ship was taken
carefully over the bar into an embayment that would later be called the River Jordan. For the next
several days they gave presents to the inhabitants and explored the lands from present-day Cape
Romain to Winyah Bay, and eventually relocated to a better anchorage, presumably in Winyah
Bay. The land was claimed in the name of Ayllon and Urrutia and the location of their anchorage
was recorded at latitude 33 degrees 30 minutes - a position that corresponds closely with the
location of North Island and Winyah Bay (Figure 1). After several weeks of trading and becoming
familiar with the inhabitants, at least sixty unsuspecting Indians were enticed aboard the ships. The
anchors were raised and the Spaniards, with their captives, sailed for Hispaniola (Hoffman 1990:
8-14).
The slaves were equally divided between Ayllon and Urrutia according to former agreements
made by Gordillo and Quejo. Ayllon's half were then divided with his silent partner, Cavallero,
who had helped fund the expedition. Almost immediately the question of slave licenses was
brought before the royal council, which affected both Ayllon and Urrutia. On behalf of the
partnership Ayllon went to Spain to argue their case, taking with him Francisco Chicora, one of the
slaves, to serve as a witness for the potential of the new land. Once in Spain, Ayllon took
advantage of his position and convinced Charles V that the land had great potentials for richness
and colonization and that he alone had financial resources capable of initial settlement. His
arguments must have been convincing because the partners were "quietly dropped", and he then
became "the king's agent for the new venture." (Hoffman 1990: 18-20).
Search for the Capitana
2
N
-
alternate routes of the Capitano
LOCATION OF AYLLON'S
1526 LANDFALL
SCALE
0
I
2
3
(miles)
Figure 1. Location of Ayllon's 1526 Landfall.
4
Settlement of San Mi~uel de Gualdape
3
The Return Voya~e of 1525
In order to establish a colony Ayllon had to satisfy obligations to further explore the coast and
"gather data upon which the crown could formulate policies for the annexation of the new land into
the Spanish empire." (Hoffman 1990: 50). As Hoffman continues to tell us, "Ayllon's instruction
to Quejo are not known" (1990: 51), but it seems certain that Quejo was told to explore at least two
hundred leagues of coastline, record soundings and bearings, take possession of the land in his
and the king's name, erect stone markers, obtain Indian interpreters, introduce European food
plants, and establish peaceful relations with the inhabitants.
Quejo sailed from Hispaniola in the spring of 1525 with two caravels and about sixty men. On
May 3, 1525 he made landfall at a large river he called Rio de la Cruz, which may have been the
Savannah River. In this location they were able to find some Indians who spoke a language
different from those who occupied Winyah Bay and were enticed to join the Spaniards on their
trip. From the Savannah, Quejo sailed north looking for the familiar river, bay, and cape associated
with of the initial landfall in 1521. On May the 9th he found the area, naming it the Cape of San
Nicholas, and the river was named the Jordan. This embayment and its associated river was
probably Winyah Bay (Hoffman 1990: 51-53).
He was received with anger for having taken slaves, but after apologies, gifts, and plant seeds,
he was able to gain their trust. After several days he sailed out into the ocean and coasted north and
south covering a distance of some two hundred leagues during which time he recorded landforms
and acquired at least four groups of Indians who spoke different languages. Towards the end of
July he arrived back at Hispaniola, having fulfilled his orders (Hoffman 1990: 53-59).
The Voya~ and Settlement of 1526
With necessary information and Indian interpreters, Ayllon began making plans for a
settlement. During the following year he massed together necessary supplies, nearly six hundred
people, who included black slaves, doctors, clergymen, surgeons, and other men, women, and
children. In order to obtain sufficient food he was forced to strip his estates, and through other
means he eventually gathered nearly one hundred horses in addition to a large supply of corn and
bread, cattle, sheep, and pigs, olive oil, and other goods including six ships, all totaling a cost of
some 20,000 pesos (Hoffman 1990: 60-63).
By the middle of July the ships were stored and anchored in the harbor at Puerto Plata awaiting
departure. With the blessings of Father Bartolome de las Casas the small fleet sailed out into the
ocean, bound for the River Jordan. The lead ship, bearing considerable food and supplies, in
addition to Ayllon, was the Capitana, followed by the five other ships: the El Breton Grande, the
El Breton, the La Chorruca, the Santa Catalina, and the La Trinidad (Hoffman 1990: 62).
The fleet arrived at Cape San Nicholas on August 9 and promptly changed its name to Cabo de
San Roman to honor the saint whose festival occurred on the landfall date. Many details of the
entry attempt are uncertain, but Oviedo, the Spanish historian, says the Capitana struck ground
when it was being worked in over the bar in front of the River Jordan (Figure 1). In support of this
statement, Father Cervantes and Alonso de Espinosa Cervantes said it was lost while trying to get
the ships into the bay. Espinosa Cervantes provided additional information saying that it happened
at night during a storm. Whatever the conditions and however the wreck occurred, the Capitana
struck ground, immediately creating a disaster that would affect the settlement and its survival.
Ayllon and his crew escaped without loss of life, but the supplies were destroyed (Hoffman 1990:
63-67).
The lands adjoining the River Jordan, as it happened, failed to capture the interests of Ayllon
and his company. In an attempt to find better land, Ayllon sent out several ships that searched the
northern and southern coasts for nearly two hundred leagues. During their absence a smaller boat,
the La Gavarra, was constructed to replace the Capitana . When the ships returned, a decision was
made to move southward to an estuary they called the Rio Seco, which lies adjacent to present-day
Sapelo Island. While the ships moved out to sea, a separate group of able-bodied people, horses,
4
Search for the Capitana
and probably some of the livestock followed a route that ran parallel with the coast. The distance of
some forty to forty-five leagues was covered by the ships in a matter of a few days, while those on
land may have spent three weeks crossing rivers and walking through forests and swamps before
arriving at Sapelo Island. Situated somewhere on a river they called the Gualdape, the settlers
finally began building their town which was named San Miguel de Gualdape (Hoffman 1990: 6772).
The loss of supplies aboard the Capitana had a detrimental effect on survival, and to make
matters worse disease began to spread throughout the colony. Caused perhaps by malaria or
contaminated drinking .water, many of the settlers died, including Ayllon. The resultant effect of
limited subsistence, disease, death, and the loss of Ayllon created social unrest, which encouraged
a political revolt. Power was taken from Ayllon's successor, but following a rapid reprisal,
authority was restored and a decision was made to abort the settlement. In the late fall of 1526 only
one hundred and fifty of the once-hopeful colonists loaded their ships and returned to Hispaniola,
leaving more than four hundred of their comrades buried somewhere along the Gualdape (Hoffman
1990:72-79).
The Location of the Jordon River
The location of the Jordan is unknown, although Quattlebaum and Hoffman have discussed it
at great length and with varying opinions. Quattlebaum (1956: 21) follows Oviedo's statement that
it was situated at 33 and 3/4 degrees, a position in close agreement with the Cape Fear River, and
that it was named only after Ayllon made landfall in 1526. Fernandez de Oviedo was an official
Spanish historian and chronicler for the Indies and was a personal friend of Ayllon. Additionally,
he talked with Ayllon in 1523, and later interviewed people associated with the ill-fated settlement.
This and other information was entered into his Historia general y natural de las Indies, which
outlines the settlement attempt. Given such familiarity with his subject matter, one would accept
Oviedo's latitude. Hoffman (1990: 53), on the other hand, tells us the River Jordan was named
during the 1525 return voyage by Quejo, and for this very reason Ayllon was headed for the
Jordan, a position previously recorded by Quejo at 33 and 1/2 degrees latitude. In defense of his
argument, Hoffman (1990: 317) points out that Oviedo specifically located Cabo de San Roman at
33 and 1/2 degrees and then located the Jordan to the north at 33 and 2/3 degrees- an obvious error
because the Jordon was known to exist south of Cabo de San Roman.
One of the most reliable documents yet found is the Chaves' Rutter. If Quattlebaum had viewed
this document he would have questioned Oviedo's latitude because it provides specific directions to
the Jordan. The Rutter is a compilation of information provided by pilots who sailed the
Southeastern coast of what is now the United States during or around the first quarter of the
sixteenth century, and surely included information sent to Seville by Gordillo and Quejo
concerning all three voyages. Alonso de Chaves initially prepared the document in 1533-1537 in
order to secure a position with the House of Trade of Seville, but it remained in obscurity until it
was partially published in 1964; the full text of the document did not appear until 1977. The Rutter
is not a map, but rather a document that tells a mariner how to get to a specific place. It provides
latitudes, reference points, and distances in leagues to prominent landforms and river systems.
Chaves' main datum points are Cabo de San Roman (North Island at Georgetown) and Cabo de la
Cruz (Amelia Island, Florida). When he gives the location of a specific place, such as the Jordan,
he provides a latitude of 33 and 1/2 degrees and references its position as four leagues west of
Cabo de San Roman and thirty leagues northeast of Cabo de Santa Elena (Hilton Head Island). To
be sure, the distance of a league is not tightly fixed, but it varies from about 2.75 to 3.25 nautical
miles, depending on who is consulted. If it is possible to average out the distance of a league we
may arrive at a value close to 3.1998 nautical miles (Hoffman 1990: 322). If we then multiply by
the above leagues, then Chaves is telling us that the Jordan is about 96 nautical miles northeast of
Hilton·Head Island and about 13 nautical miles south of North Island, a position close to the South
Santee River. This, then, shows the value of Chaves' Rutter because it often provides a location
with relative accuracy.
Settlement of San Mi~uel de Gualdape
5
However, it is important to mention that locations provided by Chaves are not always accurate.
In some instances the differences between Spanish and modern latitudes vary from 1!4 to 1/2
degrees, while other distances between points were "Apparently estimated rather than derived from
dead reckoning" (Hoffman 1990: 325 notes). Furthermore, Chaves tells us some conflicting
information, especially that the Jordan is called ... "the River of Ayllon because he died here."
(Hoffman 1990: 324, citing Chaves). This statement is confusing because Oviedo clearly tells us
that Ayllon left the Jordan and went south to settle on the Gualdape, where he died. Exactly why
Chaves entered this statement is a mystery because he must have known that Ayllon relocated some
forty to forty five leagues to the south. In his statement concerning Cabo de San Roman he
explicitly tells us that ... "on its western side it has an inlet and it has the Jordan River." (Hoffman
1990: 325, citing Chaves). The literal or primary meaning of this statement is simply that there is
an inlet on the western side of North Island containing the Jordan. If this is true, then Winyah Bay
and the Jordan flow together, a statement directly conflicting with his assertion that the Jordan is
located four leagues to the west of Cabo de San Roman. Whatever Chaves meant to convey to his
readers is confusing, but his point to point measurements and his latitude of 33 and 1!2 degrees
locates the Jordan in the vicinity of Winyah Bay or the Santee River, which involves a relatively
small area.
It is important to remember that Gordillo and Quejo probably entered the South Santee River in
1521 and soon relocated to a better place, presumably Winyah Bay. In the voyage of 1525 they
again sought out the area and named North Island the Cape of San Nicholas and the river of 1521
was named the Jordan. Just which river received the name, however, is questionable. If Quejo
sought out a better place with safe anchorage, then we can presume the area of initial landfall was
undesirable. Any present-day visit to either the South or North Santee River will quickly reveal an
inhospitable environment of broad, flat marshes and small hummocks incapable of sustaining
settlement. In order to find well-drained high ground associated with the mainland one has to travel
nearly ten miles up either river. If the environmental conditions in the Santee delta have remained
relatively constant since the 1520s, then we can understand their reasons for moving to a safer
place.
Given the current interpretations of archival information, it appears that either Winyah Bay or
the South Santee River was the intended landfall of Ayllon's party in 1526. If this is true, then
some evidence of the Capitana may exist in the form of relic debris scattered along beaches.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE WRECK
Hoffman's detailed accounts of preparations for the 1526 voyage and the tragic events of
landfall allow us an opportunity for additional research, i.e., the discovery of the Jordan River by
finding dispersed remains and other artifacts associated with the Capitana. At the beginning it is
important to realize there was only a slight possibility that remains of the ship could have survived
coastal dynamics. During the past 465 years the coast has been battered by innumerable hurricanes
and local storms, all of which transformed coastal configuration and worked towards the
transportation and reduction of objects deposited in shallow water. In the absence of storms,
longshore currents have had additional effects on the movement and transportation of sediments
whereas beaches have been constantly affected by erosion or accretion. However, while these
primary agents have destroyed and changed configurations, the same agents have also had an
opportunity to expose things formerly buried. With this knowledge, then, a walk-over survey of
beaches associated with the South Santee River and Winyah Bay seemed justifiable.
The total amount of supplies carried on the voyage is unknown, but Spanish documents tell us
Ayllon carried cattle, sheep, and pigs, in addition to about 276,000 kilograms (6,000 pounds) of
bread, 1,000 bushels of maize (com), and 16,332 liters (4,000 gallons) of olive oil (Hoffman
1990: 61-62). Presumably, bread and com were stored in barrels or baskets, but olive oil was
surely placed in earthenware containers called olive jars. These containers were made and used
throughout the past until shortly after the twentieth century began. Attribute studies by John
Goggin (1960) show there are three separate styles of olive jars: early, middle, and late. The early
style, which dates from about 1490-1570, is a medium-sized globular vessel with opposing loop
handles placed close to a flared, collared mouth (see inside front cover). Although there is some
variation in size, the diameters are about 23 em (ca. 9 inches) and heights about 25cm (ca. 10
inches). These containers held about 5.4liters, and considering size variation, capacity was about
5 to 61iters (ca. 1.3-1.6 gallons). A poorly durable white slip was usually applied to the exterior of
the vessel and the interior was coated with a glaze that ranged in color from dark emerald green to
brown.
The number of olive jars is unknown, but we can determine an approximate number by using
the information provided by Hoffman (1990: 61). Given that capacity was in the range of about
5.41iters, and knowing that the ship was transporting 16,3321iters, the number of jars should be
about 3,025. If we then consider size variation, the minimum number was 2,722 and the maximum
number was 3,266.
Given the Capitana was grounded in shallow water near the entrance of the Jordan, and that it
occurred during a storm, its perishable contents, i.e., bread and com, would have been ruined
immediately. The impact and successive jolts created by waves breaking against the side of the ship
would not only cause it to roll, but this action would shatter the earthenware jars. Within a
relatively short time the ship would begin to fall apart, scattering structural components, i.e.,
timbers and hardware, in addition to its contents. The masts, spars, and riggings would be the first
to break away, followed by decks, sides, and probably supporting members. Heavy and stronger
structural components, such as the keelson, would probably remain intact and become embedded
in the sandy bottom. The fate of lighter materials is open to speculation, but considering the effects
of wave dynamics within shallow water there is an inherent tendency for rapid displacement,
transportation, and eventual deposition on adjacent beaches (Mark Newell and Lynn Harris:
personal communication).
Organic materials in the form of structural timbers and rigging have been subjected to the
adversities of variable conditions, i.e., wetting and drying within a saline environment, which
accce~erates the process of deterioration. By this very fact such materials should disappear rapidly.
Inorganic materials, although exposed to an abrasive environment of surf and sand, would
Archaeolo~ical
Implications of the Wreck
7
continue to exist for longer periods of time. While the potential number of pottery sherds is
understandably unknown, one could easily imagine that dynamics could reduce some 3,000 olive
jars into tens of thousands of fragments. Thus, if the Capitana went down in shallow water near
the entrance to the Jordan, there is a possibility that relict remains of olive jars may lie scattered in
the existing dunes or in a narrow zone between the dunes and the low-water line.
THE ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING
The Present Environment
The coastal zone from Winyah Bay to the South Santee River is a variable environment in
terms of topography, soils, and vegetation. The uplands represent old terrace formations while the
lowlying marshes, dissected by numerous creeks, are composed of esturine deposited silts and
clays. Upland vegetation is a combination of both recent and old growth ranging from predominant
stands of pine to Southern mixed hardwood forests and maritime forests. Within this relatively
small area, which covers about twelve miles, upland elevations undulate from six to eight feet to
heights in excess of 30 feet above sea level.
Winyah Bay is a large estuary formed by the confluence of the Sampit, Pee Dee and
Waccamaw Rivers which drain all of eastern South Carolina. The Pee Dee begins in the mountains
of North Carolina and flows southeasterly through the Piedmont of both states as it receives the
discharge from many large streams. After it enters the Coastal Plain of South Carolina it receives
additional discharge from the Lynches, Black, and Little Pee Dee Rivers. The Waccamaw drains a
large area of the lower Coastal Plain of southern North Carolina and the northern coastal area of
South Carolina. The tremendous amount of freshwater entering Winyah Bay creates a stratified
estuary incapable of supporting large mollusk communities except areas in close proximity with the
ocean. In fact, the amount of freshwater is so great that it once allowed the cultivation of rice on
antebellum plantations, located only a few miles from the Atlantic Ocean (Rogers 1970:254, e.g.
Fraser's and Michau's plantations).
The uplands along the eastern edge of Win yah Bay are represented by an undulating terrain of
sandy hills (Stuckey 1982) that rise to elevations in excess of 30 feet (asl) and support a Southern
mixed hardwood forest (Quaterman and Keever 1962). With increasing approach to the salt
marshes the vegetation begins to change and assumes the posture of a maritime forest (Barry 1980:
178-182), especially with increased numbers of live oak and occasional palmetto. The uplands
west of Winyah Bay are seen as a sandy progression of old deflated dune ridges (Stuckey 1982),
separated by linear drainages which discharge into Win yah Bay. South of these nearly level ridges,
which rise some 20 feet (asl), the topography falls and the terrain becomes relatively flat and
follows into a succession of low-lying islands, stream-dissected marsh, and then a zone of dunes
and beach.
To the east of Winyah Bay is North Island, formerly known by the Spanish mariners as Cabo
de San Roman. The island appears to have formed as an accreting spit (Leatherman 1982:29),
evidenced not only by numerous curvilinear beach ridges, but in the continuous accretion of sand
south of the lighthouse. When John Drayton published his book, A View of South Carolina in
1802, he included a map showing North Island and other lands associated with Winyah Bay
(Figure 2). When the map was published the lighthouse was indicated at the very tip of North
Island. Mills' Atlas, published in 1825, shows a little more than a half mile of southerly accretion
(Figure 3), which is similar to the United States Coast Survey map published in 1877 (Figure 4).
During the years between 1802 and 1877, the southern tip of the island grew by nearly 3,000 feet;
however, the tip of the island is now more than a mile south of the lighthouse (Figure 5).
Immediately west of North Island, associated with the northeastern portion of Win yah Bay, is
a small embayment known as Mud Bay. Although the embayment is openly connected with
Winyah Bay, it is differentiated by a broad expanse of shallow water. According to Dr. Paul Gayes
(personal communication), a marine geologist with USC - Coastal Carolina College, studies during
the past several years have indicated that both Mud Bay and North Island are recent developments
that formed during the past 2,000 years. Soil cores taken from North Island and Mud Bay indicate
that accreted sands are resting on similar shallow-water marine sediments. At some point in time,
then, Winyah Bay was not blocked by North Island, but may have resembled an open estuary.
Whenever North Island began to form and move southward, the northeast portion of the bay
The Environmental Settin~
Figure 2. Drayton's 1802 Map of Win yah Bay and Adjacent Areas.
9
10
Search for the Capitana
Figure 3. Hemingway's Map of Georgetown County (Mill's Atlas) Showing Winyah Bay.
The Environmental Setting
Figure 4. U.S. Coast Survey Map of 1877 Showing Win yah Bay and Adjacent Areas.
11
12
Search for the Capitana
became a sediment trap - the estuary was unable to flush the sediments that began collecting behind
the newly forming island. North Island, then, seems to be a relatively recent formation.
Such rapid accretion is also evident along the eastern edge of South Island, immediately south
of the entrance into Winyah Bay (Figure 5). By using the above sources and comparing each with
recent coastal maps, accretion between 1802 and 1877 was minimal, but during the twentieth
century it has resulted in more than 6,600 feet of marsh and beach front. The reason for this
dramatic change is surely related to the construction of jetties and the maintenance of the ship
channel. The first mayor of Georgetown, William D. Morgan, who served between 1891-1906,
initiated the construction of the jetties (Rogers 1970: 512). Since then, the Corps of Engineers have
continuously dredged the entrance and maintained a deep channel to the Sampit River at
Georgetown. Not only have the jetties caused extensive accretion by reducing longshore currents,
but constant dredging and localized deposition have contributed significantly to the development of
marsh and beach front south of the jetties and east of South Island.
The Santee River also begins in the mountains of North Carolina and receives the discharge
from numerous other large tributaries as it travels through South Carolina. When it reaches the
coast it has drained most of central South Carolina. As it approaches the coast, it separates into two
separate streams, the North and South Santee. While this separation would appear to allow an
equal amount of flow in each stream, at least 85% of the water enters the ocean through the North
Santee allowing for a greater mixture of freshwater (Cummings 1970: 28). Although the North
Santee has a greater abundance of water, the estuary formed by both rivers is considered partially
mixed under normal conditions, but becomes highly stratified during periods of flooding
(Cummings 1970: 34). The resultant effect of mixing creates shellfish communities only in areas
with greater amounts of saltwater, i.e., those nearer the ocean.
Between these two rivers and along each outward edge is a large delta that currently supports a
mixed community of marsh reeds and grasses, which includes, but is not limited to, Phragmites,
Zizania aquatica, and Zizania miliacea. The delta, some two miles wide, is dissected by small
streams and occasionally intersperced with small lowlying hummocks. During the antebellum
period upper portions of the delta were used extensively for the cultivation of rice.
Upland topography on either side of the delta is composed of a complex of old deflated marine
deposits often represented by fme sandy loams (Miller 1971; Stuckey 1982). Elevations vary some
five to 30 feet (asl) and support forests similar to those mentioned earlier. Whether entered from
either the North or South Santee, the surrounding environment does not afford a traveler immediate
access to the interior uplands. In order to reach high ground one has to travel about 10 miles inland
on either river. For the most part the delta is not conducive to prolonged human habitation because
of the marsh and the small, lowlying hummocks.
In contrast to the Santee delta, the area of Win yah Bay allows immediate access to a welldrained upland environment on either side of the estuary. Not only is this evident by virtue of the
terrain, but by the very fact that conditions were favorable for the eighteenth century settlement of
Georgetown and that it later became a port and a serious competitor with Charleston in terms of
colonial and antebellum shipping (Bridwell1982).
Considerations for a Sixteenth Centwy Environment
Environmental conditions during the past 12,000 years have been dynamic in terms of change,
especially vegetation and sea level. I see no immediate reason to review the wealth of contemporary
literature regarding these topics, except to state that current vegetational communities were in place
perhaps as early as 7,000 years ago (cf. Watts 1980), and that sea level has fluctuated and risen
considerably during the past millennia (e.g., Colquhoun and Brooks 1986).
According to Mark J. Brooks (personal communication), a geoarchaeologist with the South
Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, sea level
during the past 500 years has risen some two to three feet While this rise has had some effect in
terms of inundation and lateral erosion, he feels that coastal configuration has remained relatively
The Environmental Settin~
13
until the construction of earthen dams, which altered both river discharge and sedimect deposition,
in addition to the emplacement of jetties, which have modified the coast line.
The information provided by Paul Gayes is also important for it alerts us to the possibility that
while North Island (Cabo de San Roman) was obvioulsy in position, the entrance to Winyah Bay
would have been wider at the beginning of the sixteenth century.
If these propositions are true, then the sixteenth century coastline may have resembled general
configurations noted on nineteenth century maps.
THE SEARCH FOR CULTURAL MATERIALS
Survey Metbods
During separate times in August and October of 1991, beaches associated with the entrance to
Winyah Bay, the North Santee, and the South Santee River were searched intensively (Figure 5).
Not only were the beaches walked, but attention was also given to the adjacent dunes - areas that
varied from 150 to 300 feet wide extending from low-water to the edge of the uplands. Survey
methods were relatively simple- the dunes were first traversed in a zig-zag manner until the survey
party had reached its desired distance, which was often thousands of feet. On the return walk
attention was then given to the beaches by using the same method. The results of several visits
resulted in surveying thousands of feet of shoreline. Although the stirvey covered a large area
between Winyah Bay and the South Santee River, there were no indications of Spanish olive jars
and little indication of other historic artifacts.
Results of the Survey
Area 1 - South Island: This area is represented by a relatively flat beach which extends
approximately 3,000 feet northwesterly from the south jetty at Win yah Bay. Maximum elevations
are some three to five feet above normal high water and the area appears to represent spoil from
channel dredging at the entrance to Win yah Bay. The east beach of this peninsula was examined
between high and low marks and was found devoid of any artifacts.
Area 2 - South Island: The beach extending to the southeast from the south jetty was examined
for a distance of about 4,000 feet. The beach is some 300 feet wide and only one to two feet above
normal high tide; complete inundation occurs during periods of excessive tides and storms. About
6,000 feet to the west of this narrow beach there is a densely forested and much older dune line
separated by recent marsh and tidal creeks. Comparisons with nineteenth and twentieth century
maps demonstrate that the marsh and present beach have resulted in excessive accretion,
presumably since the construction of the jetty. There were no indications of artifacts.
Area 3- South Island: The beach is about 100 feet wide and lies along the western edge of
Win yah Bay, opposite the lighthouse on North Island. Extending for some 10,000 feet and
bounded on each end by low marsh, the beach is composed of hard-packed sand occasionally
interspersed with deposits of clay and silt. It rises towards the north to a flat plateau elevated about
five to six feet above normal high tide. The southern section of the beach below the Yawkey
Foundation administrative office rises into a two to three foot high dune ridge some 300 feet wide,
and then into higher dunes rising some eight to 15 feet above sea level.
Historic artifacts were found clustered in specific areas across the beach, with increased
concentrations opposite the office building towards the north. The peninsula is fairly open across
its 1,000 foot width for a distance of some 4,000 feet north of the office and this area was
examined as well. The understory at this locality is minimal and most of the area has been plowed
to allow planting of winter rye grass. Historic artifacts recovered across this plateau include kaoline
tobacco pipe fragments, brick fragments, and ceramics from the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries.
A single eroded prehistoric sherd with curvilinear stamping was found on the beach.
Area 4 - Nortb Island: Approximately 6,000 feet of beach and dunes were examined south of
the lighthouse on the eastern shore of North Island. A comparison of a recent topographic map
with Drayton's 1802 map of Win yah Bay shows considerable accretion during the past 191 years.
The survey failed to find artifacts.
Area 5- Nortb Island: Approximately 10,000 feet of beach and dunes were examined on the
eastern shore of North Island fronting the Atlantic Ocean, north of the lighthouse. This area is seen
15
Search for Cultural Materials
LEGEND
[;[J
marsh
EEl
old rice canals
m
uplands, lowlying
m
ponds
19th century dune line
AREA 6
AREA 7
BEACH SURVEY AREAS
AREA 8
----
0
Figure 5. Beach Survey Areas.
-
2
(miles)
16
Search for the Capitana
as a broad, flat beach with sand dunes rising some 20 feet above sea level. No cultural materials
were found.
Area 6 - Santee Point: This area is located at the southern tip of South Island at the confluence
of the North Santee River and the ocean. The beach and dunes bordering the ocean were walked
for a distance of about 10,000 feet from the southern tip to the north, and for a distance of some
7,000 feet to the north along the eastern edge of the North Santee River. The beaches are relatively
flat and dunes have poor elevation. Neither the beaches, dunes, nor the eroded mainland
overlooking the North Santee revealed cultural materials.
Area 7 - South Island: This beach, which fronts Cedar Island, is located between the North and
South Santee Rivers. Basically, it is a relatively flat beach with low-lying dunes. An examination
failed to produce any cultural materials.
Area 8 - Murphy Island: The South Santee River flows along the eastern edge of Murphy
Island and joins with the ocean. The western edge of this confluence was examined for a distance
of some 3,000 feet to the southwest and then north along the western edge of the river for a
distance of some 4,000 feet where the beach narrows into the marsh. There were no indications of
cultural materials.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
The historical evidence indicating that the Capitana sank while trying to enter either Winyah
Bay or one of the Santee rivers is compelling. Yet, despite the extensive walk-over of miles of
beaches, there are no indications of cultural materials. This absence is surely related to the
continuous effects of long shore currents and other coastal dynamics, including the twentieth
century construction of jetties, and the constant dredging of the entrance to Winyah Bay. These
processes have surely buried larger structural components of the ship, in addition to the provisions
that were later scattered across the beaches.
The potential for future research directives are questionable, especially because the area has
been significantly altered by a number of natural and artificial processes. There is a possibility that
structural remains of the ship are yet intact and lie buried beneath accreted sand or marsh, but the
effort and the financial burdens of such research are tremendous. Although it is possible that forms
of remote sensing could disclose the location of a small, wooden ship through magnetometry, soil
resistivity, or ground penetrating radar, the search area is extremely large. In order to use such
equipment effectively, one must consider a systematic survey that is measured in terms of feet.
Beyond this logistical problem, which would necessarily have to include terrestrial and marine
application, if the survey was fortunate enough to find a wreck, it would also find the remains of
numerous wrecks separated by time and space.
The location of San Miguel de Gualdape remains elusive, although there is a growing body of
evidence that looks south towards the coast of Georgia. If this evidence is correct, and if the
Capitana went down several months earlier along this small piece of coastline between Win yah Bay
and the South Santee River, then finding the ship or its scattered contents may be difficult. I
believe Paul Hoffman (1990: 328) is correct when he writes: "Perhaps someday the site will be
found by archaeological means and the question of its location can be settled for all time." I also
believe that finding Ayllon's colony will be much easier than fmding his flagship, but there is
always a chance that someone will find some olive jar fragments in a fresh deposit of dredged
sand, somewhere along a beach, or perhaps lying among the remnants of old dunes. Until then, or
until some ambitious researcher applies remote sensing, the location of initial landfall and the
Jordan River may be known only to the survivors of Ayllon's colony and the mariners who
provided nautical information to Alonso de Chaves.
REFERENCES CITED
Barry, John M.
1980 Natural Vegetation of South Carolina. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia.
Bridwell, Ronald E.
1982 "...That We Should Have a Port ... ": A History of the Port of Georgetown, South
Carolina, 1732-1865. The Georgetown Times.
Colquhoun, Donald J. and Mark J. Brooks
1986 New Evidence from the Southeastern U.S. for Eustatic Components in the Late
Holocene Sea Levels. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal! (3): 275-291.
Cummings, T. Ray
1970 A Reconnaissance of the Santee River Estuary, South Carolina. South Carolina
Water Resources Commission, Report No.2 .
Drayton, John
1972 A View of South Carolina. The Reprint Company, Spartanburg, S.C. Originally
published in 1802 by W.P. Young, Charleston.
Goggin, John
1960 The Spanish Olive Jar: An Introductory Study. Yale University Publications in
Anthropology, No.2, Yale University Press.
Hoffman, Paul E.
1990 A New Andalucia and a Way to the Orient: The American Southeast During the
Sixteenth Century. Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge.
Leatherman, Stephen P.
1982 Barrier Island Handbook. University of Maryland, College Park.
Lucas, Silas Emmett
1980 Mills' Atlas: Atlas to the State of South Carolina, 1825. Southern Historical Press,
Easley, S.C. Originally published in 1826 by Robert Mills.
Michie, James L.
1991 The Search for San Miguel de Gualdape. USC- Coastal Carolina College, Waccamaw
Center for Historical and Cultural Studies, Research Manuscript 1.
Miller, E.N.
1971 Soil Survey of Charleston County, South Carolina. U.S. Department of Agriculture,
Soil Conservation Service.
Quaterman, Elsie and Catherine Keever
1962 Southern Mixed Hardwood Forests: Climax in the Southeastern Coastal Plains, USA.
Ecological Monographs 32: 167-185.
Quattlebaum, Paul
'1956 The Land Called Chicora. University of Florida Press, Gainesville.
References Cited
19
Rogers, George C.
1970 The History of Georgetown County, South Carolina. University of South Carclina
Press, Columbia.
Stuckey, Benjamin N.
1982 Soil Survey of Georgetown County, South Carolina. U.S. Department of Agriculture,
Soil Conservation Service.
Watts, W.A.
1980 Late-Quaternary Vegetation History at White Pond on the Inner Coastal Plain of South
Carolina. Quaternary Research 13: 187-199.
Weinstein, Allen and R. Jackson Wilson
1974 An American History: Freedom and Crisis. Random House, Inc., New York.
DATE DUE
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