The Contribution of (ommon Land to Sense of Community

Transcription

The Contribution of (ommon Land to Sense of Community
Ching Li
College of Environmental Science and Forestry, State University of New York
The purpose of this study is to determine the contributions of common land to sense of community in
Taipei, Taiwan. The researcher defined four types of
communities based on different types ofcommon land
in communities. In each type, the researchers selected
one typical community. In the Wan-Ho community
(Type 1), most of the buildings are lower than five stories with community alleys, green space, and parking
lots. In the Kao-Tai community (Type II), aU buildings are seven stories each with a building entrance,
and an underground parking lots. In the Chen-Kung
community (Type III) the buildings are from seven to
19 stories with courtyards, playgrounds, parking lots,
and a community center. The Lon-Sam-Lin community (Type IV) is a single family housing community
with a main secured entrance, a golfpractice green, a
swimming pool, playgrounds, tennis courts, basketbail courts, and a community center.
The researcher conducted the survey with the lB-item
scale modified from the Nasar and Julian (1995) scale
to measure sense of community and also study the
participation frequency of activities on the common
land. There were 529 respondents (Type 1=106, Type
II =102, TYpe III =205, Type IV=115). The overall
sense of community among these four communities
was different. The respondents from the Type III community have more sense of membership, integration
and fulfillment needs, and sharing emotional connection. The respondents from the Type II have alower
score on sense of community.
We also focused on how the activities on the common
lands influenced sense of community. The researchers found that the daily activities play an important
role to influence sense of community, if these activities also create other interactions. We suggest further
studies to observe the space outlets of the activities in
order to determine what types ofdesign ideas will contribute to sense of community.
Introduction
Common land provides spaces for formal or informal meetings, recreational uses, or aesthetic appreciation in a community (Nelessen, 1992). It is fully
aware that these places may serve different age
groups in the community. In 1977, Alexander
pointed out "Without common land no social system can survive:'
In Taiwan, based on the Building Complex Management Act (RCM) of 1995, a community with common land must set up a management committee.
According to this legal approach, common land can
help local people to clearly define their community
boundary and to applypossible resources to develop
their community. On the other hand, the common
land in the communities becomes different to other
public spaces. The community common land exclusively belongs to the community members. AIso,
each member in the corn munity has his or her rights
to access the corn mon land within a desired manner. However, this desired manner is shaped by culture, competing interests, and regulations (Carr et
al., 1992). The uses of the common land may reflect
the agreement among members in their community.
According to different community development
concepts in Taiwan, corn mon land has a variety
forms and functions in communities. Therefore, the
study attempted to determine if people living in
communities with different types of common land
feel differently regarding sense of community.
Study Area
The researcher studied four communities in Taipei,
Taiwan area. These four communities are:
l)The Type 1 Community (Wan-ho Community):
There are 1288 households in this community. This
community is a typical early corn munit y design
(Figure 1).
refereed papers . 57
The major parts of this community include the military family housings and the Bureau of Forest family housings. The community is next to a river, but
beyond the river is a city highway and there is about
a ten-meter-high wall between the river and the
community edge. The community uses the space
under the highway to create parking space, green
belts and sorne small plazas. Most of the buildings
in this community are lower than five stories.
ln the military housings, each house entrance faces
to each other, and the average width of alleys is about
Figure 1 Wan"Ho Community Appearance and Site Plan
walked at the corn munit y alley,
it is verv
people talking in their living
room and
people were doing in there.
Therefore,
observation, sorne residents
went out and
me why 1 was there. These
houses sur round a small square and the management committee office.
ln the Bureau of Forest family housings, it is a fourstory building complex. Each apartment is about
1000 to 1500 square feet. The building complex also
has a small plaza. Right now, the plaza is occupied
bya food vender and becomes a community parking lot. Other buildings were built by other unknown builders around 1970.
They very flexibly use and manage their common
space. In military housing are a, it is very hard for
cars to park or run into sorne community alleys. The
alleys become a playground for children, a place for
neighbors to get together, and extra storage space.
Additionally, in the green space, members put their
old sofa sets for getting together in the summertime.
During the special event, they clean up the green
space and arrange sorne temporary facilities to hold
a party. They also hold community meetings in the
green space.
58 . edra 29/1998
Figure 2 Kao-Tai Community Appearance and Site Plan
2)The Type II Community (Kao-Tai Community):
There are 637 households in this eommunity. The
apartment size is about 1400 square feet to 2000
square feet. People live here beeause of their ehoiees.
The whole eommunity was built at the same time
and aH buildings are seven stories in straight, paralleI rows (Figure 2). In eaeh building, approximately
14 households share a public entrance and an elevator. The whole eommunity shares an underground parking lot. The eommunityalleys are about
eight meters and beeome extra parking space for this
area. Some of residents modify their front yards to
beeome their parking space. There is no sidewalk
for pedestrian in eommunity alleys. The pedestrian
needs to wateh traffie when walking around the
community.
\
Figure 3 Chen-Kung Community Appearance and Site Plan
Communhy
3) The Type III Community (Chen-Kung Community): This corn munit y is a typical super block development. Traffie system is rigidly spared. Almost
aH of automobiles need to park outside the community or in community parking lots. Therefore,
people can walk around the communitywithout any
interceptions. Three major building complexes are
from seven to 19-stories high (Figure 3). These
building complexes sur round the center court yards,
and each building complex has its own yard and
public entrances. In this community, haHways and
green belts are used to connect each building. In
sorne buildings, the residents hire door attendants
from 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. The whole community
shares a community center, and playgrounds. About
2452 households are in this community. The sizes
of apartments are about 900 to 1600 square feet.
court yards
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~~=~~;~~~~-~~
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la
n
rilt __StOl,
o
s.vent_Sl«y
iil
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60 . edra 29/1998
s.a-
::igure 4 Lon-Sam-Lin Community Appearance and Site Plan
4) The Type IV Community (Lon-Sam-Lin Community ): This is a new style of community. There are
1157 households in this community. All the buildings in the community are single family housings
(Figure 4). Each house has its own entrance and
yard. The range of the living area in a house is from
2845 square feet to 7576 square feet. The automobile and pedestrian routes are separated. There is a
main road connecting each community alley. Each
community alley has agate to stop cars into the alleys and lead aU cars into an underground parking
lot entrance. Pedestrian routes include sidewalks on
the main road and trails connecting each common
land in the community. The shuttle buses go around
the community or commute to other placep. The
community has a main secured entrance, a golf practice green, a swimming pool, playgrounds, tennis
courts, basket baIl courts, and a corn munit y center.
refereed papers ·61
Method
Pretest results
First, the researcher did the observations and interviews in these four communities to understand the
activities on community common land.
The measurement of sense of community was developed through modifying the Nasar and Julian's
measurement in 1995 and sorne other related research, such as Glynn's study in 1985, and Davidson
and Cotter's studies in 1993(Table 2).
Then, the researcher did the pretest for the measurement of sense of community. The pretest discussed
the reliability and validity of the scale for measuring sense of community.
After the pretest, the researcher conducted a survey
that includes the measurement of sense of community, participation frequency of activities on common land, and demographic information in these
four communities. The researchers randomly
mailed the survey through the list of community
members. Then, the researchers waited for two
weeks and called each selected subject to remind
him/her to return the questionnaire.
Results trom Observation on Community
Activities
During the observation process, the researcher
found the daily activities may create other social interactions. Sorne daily activities create a lot of social interactions, such as talking to each other, and
playing together. However, sorne do not create many
social interactions, such as looking and greeting.
In the community, the management committee arranges sorne community clubs to provide opportunities for members to meet others who have the
same interests. During the special time, the management committee may hold celebrations. Additionally, the members participate in the management
processes, so sorne activities, related to the management process, are labeled as the management activities. Therefore, the researcher coded the activities
into five groups (Table 1):
• Daily Activities - Low Social Interactions (DAL)
• Daily Activities - High Social Interaction (DAH)
• Special Activities (SP)
• Rotational Activities (ROT)
• Management Activities (MANA)
62 . edra 29/1998
Although the previous researchers tested the reliability and validity of the scale in the United States,
this study still pretested for this measurement scale
because of the culture difference. There are three
processes in this pretest:
1) Translation Test: First, the researcher translated
these 18 questions from English to Chinese. Then,
the researchers found five graduate students from
the telephone list of Chinese Students Association
from Taiwan in the Syracuse area. The researcher
asked these five Chinese students translated these
questions from Chine se to English. After this process, the researcher found these translated questions
can precisely match the original English questions.
This indicates the questions in Chine se and in English are similar in meaningto Chinese respondents.
2) Reliability Test: The researcher did the reliability
test for this measurement. The pretest with 100 respondents holds in two small communities. One is
similar to the Type II. The other one is similar to
Type III. The Cronbach Coefficient Alpha estimate
of reliabilityfor the l8-item scale equal to 0.78 that
is larger than 0.70 that was recommended as the
minimum value by Nunnally (Hatcher, 1994). However, the Cronbach Coefficient Alpha is 0.53 for estimating the reliability of the Il-item scale. This
means respondents can respond to the 18-item scale
more consistently than the Il-item scale. If S3 and
S6 were dropping, Cronbach Alpha would become
higher (Table 3). However, the researcher found
these two questions are reversed questions, so the
respondents cannot respond consistently. Because
the l8-item scale has reached the requirement for
reliability, the researcher would like to retain these
two questions to do further study.
3) Validity Test: Referring to Babbie's "Survey Research Methods" in 1990, the validity consists of face
validity, criterion-related validity, content validity,
and construct validity. The face validity indicates the
Table 1 Activities on Common land
Daily Activities -low Social Interaction (DAll:
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
1meet my neighbors at my community parking lots. Then, 1just greet them and leave ..................... 1 .............. 1 ............ 1 ............. 1
1meet my neighbors at the hallways. Then, 1just greet them and leave ............................................ 3 .............. 3 ............ 3
Wh en 1pick up my mail, 1meet my neighbors and greet them .......................................................... 7 .............. 7 ............ 7 ............. 7
1park my car in the community parking lots ...................................................................................... 9.............. 9 ............ 9
1put my personal belongings at the hallway ................................................................................... 10 ............ 10 .......... 10 ........... 10
1talk awalk at the community alleys ..........................................................................................:.... 11 ............ 11 .......... 11 ........... 11
1do exercises at alleys ...................................................................................................................... 13 ............ 12 .......... 12 ........... 12
1park my car at the community alleys ............................................................................................. 17 ............................................... 9
1do exercise in the green spa ce ....................................................................................................... 23
1take awalk at the community green space .................................................................................... 24
ln the elevator, 1just greet my neighbors but not talk to each other .................................................................... 5 ............ 5
1do exercises at the community courtyard ........................................................................................................................ 14 ........... 14
1go swimming at the community swimming pool ............................................................................................................................... 3
1play tennis at the community tennis court ......................................................................................................................................... 5
1take the community bus ................................................................................................................................................................... 24
1do exercises at the community basketball courts .............................................................................................................................. 37
1do exercise at the community skate rink ........................................................................................................................................... 40
Daily Activities - High Social Connect (DAH):
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
1meet my neighbors at my community parking lots. Then, 1talk to them for awhile ........................ 2 .............. 2 ............ 2 ............. 2
1chat with my neighbors for awhile at the hallway .......................................................................... 4 .............. 4 ............ 4
When 1pick up my mail, 1meet my neighbors and talk to them for awhile ....................................... 8 .............. 8 ............ 8 ............. 8
1buy something and chat with my neighbors at the community alleys.
Children in my family play with others at the community alleys ...................................................... 14 ............ 13 .......... 13 ........... 13
1encourage children in myfamily to play with neighbors' children.
Also,1 connect with their families' members ................................................................................ 15 ............ 14 .......... 17 ........... 17
1chat with my neighbors at the community green space ................................................................ 22
Children in my family play at the community green spa ce ............................................................... 25
ln the elevator, 1chat with my neighbors ............................................................................................................. 6 ............ 6
Children in my family play at the community playground ................................................................................................. 15 ........... 15
1chat with my neighbors at the community playground ................................................................................................... 16 ........... 16
1chat with my neighbors at the courtyard ......................................................................................................................... 36
1chat with my neighbors at the community swimming pool ..............................,.............................. 4
1chat with my neighbors at the community tennis court .................................................................. 6
1chat with my neighbors at the community bus .............................................................................. 25
Children in my family play at the community basketball courts ....................................................... 38
1chat with my neighbors at the community basketball courts ........................................................ 39
Children in myfamily play at the community skate rink .................................................................. 41
1chat with my neighbors at the community skate rink .................................................................... 42
*the number in the cell is the question number in the questionnaire
refereed pa pers . 63
Table 1 Activities on Corn mon land (continued)
Special Activities (SP):
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
1participate special events on the green space .................................................................................. 6
1hold my personal events, such as parties and special ceremonies, at alleys .................................... 28 ............................................. pl
1 participate special
events on the community center ........................................................................................................ 38 ........... 35
1participate the recreational sport tourna ment in my community ..................................................................................................... 34
1participate the community annually hiking ........... ;.......................................................................................................................... 36
**p1:This activity is listed as aprohibited activity in the community management principles.
Rotational Activities (ROT):
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
participate the community meeting .............................................................................................. 19 ............ 19 .......... 22 ........... 22
participate the party to worship the Earth God each month .......................................................... 21
participate the drawing club at community center ........................................................................ 26 ............................ 30 ........... 30
participate the dancing club at the community center .................................................................. 27 ............................ 31
participate the English conversation group at the community center .............................................................................. 24 ........... 27
participate Mom's singing club at the corn munity center ................................................................................................ 25 ........... 26
participate the Taiwanese singing club at the community center .................................................................................... 26
participate the Chinese opera club at the community center ........................................................................................... 27
participate the 60s' song club at the community center ................................................................................................... 28
participate the Chinese craft club at the community center ............................................................................................. 29 ........... 32
participate the flower-arranging club at the community center ...................................................................................... 33
participate the Chinese folk music club at the community center .................................................................................... 32
participate the chess club at the community center ......................................................................................................... 34
participate the reading club at the community center ..................................................................................................... 35 ........... 31
participate the cooking club at the community center ...................................................................................................................... 28
participate the Japanese conversation group at the community center ............................................................................................ 29
Management Activities (MANA):
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
1participate the planning processes for the special events in my community .................................... 5 ............ 18 ......... 37 ............ 33
1help fix sorne problems in my community, if 1know
...................................................................... 16 ............ 15 ......... 18 ............ 18
1participate management affairs .................................................................................................... 18 ........................... 21 ............ 21
1suggest sorne ideas to change my community .............................................................................. 20 ............ 20 ......... 23 ............ 23
1am not willing to pay for the management fee ................................................................................................ 17 ......... 20 ............ 20
1help the management committee ................................................................................................................... 16 ......... 19 ............ 19
*The number in the cell is the question number in the questionnaire
64 . edra 29/1998
Table 2 The Measurement of 5ense and Community
The Questions:
51
52
53*
54
55
56*
57
58
59
510
511
512
513
514
515
516
517
1am quite similar to most people who live here .................................................................................................................... NJ ...... (
If 1feellike talking, 1(an easily find someone in this corn munity to talk to ........................................................................... NJ ...... (
1DO NOT (are whether this (ommunity does weil or not ....................................................................................................... NJ ...... (
1am
willing to help other people who live in this community if they are in trouble .............................................................. NJ ...... c
50me of neighbors in this community are my friends ...................................................................................................................... c
If 1am upset about something personal, there is NO ONE in this (omm unity whom 1can turn to .......................................... NJ ...... c
1have sorne friends in this community whom 1can rely on ................................................................................................... NJ ...... c
If there were serious problems in this corn munity, the people in this community could get together and solve them .......... NJ ...... c
If 1had an emergency, even people 1do not know in this corn munity would be willing to help ............................................ NJ ...... (
If someone does something good for the community, that makes me feel good ................................................................... NJ ...... c
1feel my value is similar to the rest of the people in the community ................................................................................................ (
My (oncerns can get quick responses in this community .................................................................................................................. c
1feell belong here ........................................................................................................................................................................... c
1am proud totell otherwhere 1live ................................................................................................................................................. c
The community can satisfy what 1need in my daily life ................................................................................................................... c
It will take a lot from me if 1 move out this community .................................................................................................................... (
1feel safe in this community ............................................................................................................................................................ (
518 1can tell who do es or doesn't live in the community ........................................................................................................................ (
The police in this neighborhood are generally friendly .......................................................................................................... NJ
NJ: the questions are developed by Nasar and Julian (1995) ...............................................................................................................................................................
c the questions are used in this study
common agreement on this measurement. This
scale has been used or tested in many studies, such
as in Nasar and Julian's studies in 1995, Glynn's studies in 1981 and Davidson and Cotter's studies in
1993. Therefore, the researcher believes the scale has
face validity. The criterion-related validity means the
predictive validity. The researcher followed the
McMillan and Chavis's four elements of sense of
community to structure the scale. The McMiIlan
and Chavis's theory about sense of community has
been widely used in sense of community studies. In
the scale, each element is measured by three to five
items (Table 4). The scale should have criterion-related validity to measure sense of community.
AIso, from the correlation analysis, the range of correlation coefficients is from -0.00304 (s5-s18) to
0.66387 (sl-s11). It indicates the relationships in
each pair of variables are low to moderately related.
It shows most items have their own directions to
measuresense of community and also correlate to
the total measurement (Table 3).
The content validity means the studies also need to
coyer the other related information in this study. In
this scale, the researcher only measured sense of
community, but in the questionnaire, the researcher
also coUected demographic information, and participation frequency of corn munit y activities. The
researcher thinks the whole studyshould have content validity.
In order to prove the construct validity of the scale,
the researcher applied MANOVA (Multivariate
Analysis of Variance ) to test the ability of the scale
to differentiate the sense of community between
these two communities. The results show the 18item scale can differentiate these two communities
(F=4.0081 and the Pr < 0.05).
Table 3 Results from Pretest: The Cronbach Coefficient Alpha
Raw Variables 1
5tandardized Variables 2
Table 4 The Theoretical Elements in 5ense of Community
The overall sense of community (18-item scale): Cronbach Coefficient Alpha 0.855114 for four communities survey.
Oeleted
Variable
Correlation
withTotal
Alpha
Correlation
with Total
Alpha
51
0.421185
0.753444
0.442794
0.763129
52
0.494484
0.745841
0.489077
0.759735
53
0.029542
0.783625
0.059841
0.789816
54
0.366664
0.757872
0.3847·18
0.767335
55
0.178107
0.770858
0.184963
0.781365
56
-0.413991
0.808639
-0.375719
0.817296
57
0.397905
0.754960
0.395874
0.766532
514 1am proud to tell others where 1live.
58
0.390200
0.755721
0.362307
0.768943
517 1feel safe in this community.
59
0.346202
0.760212
0.353333
0.769584
518 1can tell who does or doesn't live in the community.
510
0.367386
0.758275
0.386925
0.767177
511
0.659213
0.738176
0.675995
0.745647
512
0.625336
0.737957
0.631023
0.749093
513
0.593724
0.742704
0.610915
0.750622
514
0.501260
0.753525
0.514575
0.757850
515
0.244767
0.768882
0.211606
0.779533
516
0.370415
0.757283
0.343324
0.770298
517
0.455752
0.749750
0.426886
0.764287
510 If someone does something good for the community, that
makes me feel good.
518
0.441086
0.751472
0.422387
0.764614
512 My concerns can get quick responses in this community.
1
for raw variables: 0.769556
lfor standardized variables: 0.779425
In short, this 18-item scale has the reliabilityand
validity to measure sense of community in Taiwan.
Therefore, the researcher has confidence to applythe
scale to further studies in the Taipei area.
Membership (5M):
51
1am quite similar to most people who live here.
511 1feel my value is similar to the rest of people in the community.
513 1feell belong here.
2 Influence (51):
53 1DO NOT care whether this corn munity does weil or not.
58 If there were serious problems in this community, the
people could gettogether and solve them.
3 Integration and fulfillment of needs (5IF):
57 1have sorne friends in this corn munity whom 1can rely on.
59 If 1had an emergency, even people 1do not know in this
corn munitywould be willing to help.
515 The community satisfies what 1need in my daily life.
4 Share Emotional 5haring (55):
Results from the Community Survey
The study conducted a survey in these four communities. The survey includes the 18-item scale to
measure sense of community, questions to study the
participation frequency of activities on the common
land, and questions about the demographic data.
The researcher sent 2500 questionnaires to the selected communities (Type 1 =500, Type II = 500,
Type III = 1000, and Type IV = 500). The total respondents to the questionnaire was 598, but the to-
66 . edra 29/1998
52 If 1feellike talking,l can generally find someone in this
community to talk to.
54 1am willing to help other people who live in this community if they are in trouble.
55 50me of neighbors in this community are my friends.
56 If 1am upset about something persona!, there is NO ONE in
this community whom 1can turn.
516 It will take a lot from me if 1move out this community.
tal of valid respondents was 528 (Type 1= 106, Type
II = 102, Type II = 205 Type IV = 115). The return
rate of this survey is 21.12%.
From the mode (Table 5), we can find the respondents from the Type 1 community have a lower education level, are more liberal in political orientation,
and have been living in the community longer. In
the Type II community, respondents work for service industry. In the Type III community, the respondents are similar to the whole respondents. The
Type IV community respondents have higher income and most of them are business-persons and
students. However, there were 140 respondents who
refused to answer this question. In addition, most
respondents are housewives, so they daim they do
not have any income. Almost 40% of respondents
daim they do not have income or refuse to answer
the questions. Although the statistic shows the income level is associated to the types of communities (df = 15 F value =37.37 pr<0.05), the researcher
thinks that it may not be an appropriate measurement.
From Chi-square test, the types of communities are
associated to many demographic variables. These
characteristics are age, education level, political orientation, the length of residence, occupation, the
number of generations living together, marital status, and ownership. It implies that each type of communit y has its own demographic characteristics.
Table 5 The Demographie Characteristies* of Respondents Among These Four Communities (Mode)
Age
Education Level
Politieal Orientation
Length of Residence
Occupations
Generations
Marital Status
Ownership
Income Level
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
Overall
40-65
High school
Liberal
20 years
Housewives
Two
Married
Own
10,000-20,000
40-65
University
Moderate
12-14 years
Service
Two
Married
Own
10,000-20,000
40-65
University
Moderate
10-12 years
Housewives
Two
Married
Own
10,000-20,000
40-65
University
Moderate
4-6 years
Students & Businessman
Two
Married
Own
20,000-30,000
40-65
University
Moderate
10-12 years
Housewives
Two
Married
Own
10,000-20,000
*all demographic variables are associated with types of communities p<0.05
Table 6 The Means of Sense of Community
Y1* - Indieates Average Score of Sense of Community
SM* - Indicates Sense of Membership
SI** - Indieates Sense of Influences
SIF* - Indieates Sense of Integration &Fulfillment of Needs
SS* - Indicates Sense of Emotional Sharing
*pr < 0.05
Type 1
Type Il
Type III
Type IV
3.72
3.60
3.55
3.36
3.86
3.73
3.63
3.68
3.58
df=54
3.92
3.54
3.70
3.71
3.92
3.50
3.62
df=3
df=3
df=3
3.98
3.62
3.70
3.55
df=3
f=4.06
f = 6.41
f=2.40
f = 3.72
f=2.76
**pr< 0.10
Bolded is used to indicate the highest score among these four communities.
Italie is used to indicate the lowest score among these four communities.
Sense of Community Among Four Communities
The purpose of this study is to test the effects of
community types on sense of community. The researcher applied the Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) to test the study hypothesis. In order to further analysis, the scores of sense of
community are defined as:
Strongly Agree =5, Agree =4, Not Sure ~3 Disagree
=2 and Strongly Disagree = 1. Therefore, the higher
score stands for the higher sense of community.
The researcher applied the MANOVA to test the
study hypothesis:
• HO: In different types of communitiy, the means
of sense of community (SI-S18) is equal.
• HI: In different types of corn munit y, the means of
sense of community (SI-SI8) are not equal.
The results from the MANOVA show among these
four communities the means of sense of communit y (sl-s18) are significantly different at 5% significant level (df =54 F value is 3.84 pr<0.05). It indicates these four communities have different means
of sense of community.
In addition, the researcher also tested the differences
in the scores of average sense of community, and
scores of the McMillan and Chavis's four elements
of sense of community (Table 6). The results also
show the me ans of average scores are different
among these four communities. From the results, the
respondents in the Type III have the highest overall
sense of community. The respondents in the Type
II have the lowest sense of community.
The means of sense of membership score are also
significantly different among these four communities at the 0.05 significant level (df =3 f=6.41). The
mean scores of sense of integration and fulfùlment
of needs are significantly different among these four
communities at the 0.05 significant level (df =3 f
=3.72). AIso, the me ans of sense of sharing emotional connections are different at the 0.05 significant level (df=3 f=2.76).
From the results, the respondents from the Type III
community have more sense of membership, inte-
68 . edra 29/1998
gration and fulfillment needs, and sharing or emotional connection. The respondents from the Type
II feelless about three of the four elements of sense of
community.
There is no significant difference of sense of influence arnong these four communities at the 5% significant level. If we change the 5% significant level
to the 10% of significant level, the means of sense
of influence among these four communities are different. The respondents from Type 1 feel more sense
of influence.
Contributions of Activities on Common land to
Sense of Community
People more often use common land for their necessary activities, such as passing, parking, and picking up mail (Table 7). These simple daily activities
also create sorne social interactions such as greeting, talking, and playing. These combined activities
significantly influence the sense of community. The
results from the correlation analysis show the relationship between sense of community and the participation frequency of daily activities with high
social interactions has a higher correlation coefficient and also meets the 5% of significant level
(Table 8).
Sense of membership, sense of interaction and fulfillment of needs, and sense of emotional sharing
also have higher correlation coefficient with daily
activities with high social interactions. Only, sense
of influence has higher correlation coefficient with
management activities. The results infer that higher
participation frequency of the daily activities with
high social interactions may increase sense of community. People more frequentlyparticipate in common management pro cess, and feel they are able to
influence the community.
Among these four communities, respondents also
have a different frequency of participation in activities on common land (Table 7). Respondents in Type
III community have a higher frequency of participation daily activities with social interactions and
in special activities, than in other communities. In
the Type I community, respondents have a higher
frequency of participation in management activi-
lable 7 Sense of Community and Frequency of Activities
Type 1 Type Il
of Community
Type III
Type IV
3.72
3.55
3.73*
3.68
S<.?nse of Influence
3.98*
3.86
3.92
3.92
:>ense of Integration
and Fulfillment
3.62
3.54
3.70*
3.50
:>ense of Sharing
3.70
3.55
3.71*
3.62
Daily Activities with
Low Interactions
3.00
2.80
3.23*
2.99
Daily Activities with
High 1nteractions
2.89
2.81
2.95*
2.74
Special Activities
2.54
0.00
2.85*
2.42
Rotational Activities
2.17*
0.00
1.41
1.45
Management Activities
2.87*
2.63
2.5
2.53
• indicates the highest score among these four communities
Table 8 Correlation Between Sense of Community and the
Freq uency of Activities
ties and rotational activities. In the Type II communit y, they do not have special activities and rotational activities in their community.
Discussion
From ab ove results, we know the participation frequency of activities also reflects the sense of communit y. We found respondents in the super block
community (Type III) have more sense of community than others. Additionally, people in the Type III
communityalso participate more often in the daily
activities with other social interactions (Table 7). The
researcher implies that in the Type III community
physical setting in the Type III community design,
people need to walk into the community. Also, the
pedestrian feels free to walk around the community
and there are many benches on community courtyards, playgrounds or greenbelts. The residents also
put sorne chairs or sofas in the hallways or around
public entrance areas. People walk around the communitywithout consideration of traffic and also have
facilities to take a break. These conditions may encourage people to interact with others, so in the Type
III community, people feel more sense of community.
Y1
SM
SI
SIF
SS
DAl
0.45337
0.0001
0.37196
0.0001
0.31593
0.0001
0.39549
0.0001
0.40463
0.0001
DAH
0.49074
0.0001
0.39883
0.0001
0.31565
0.0001
0.40242
0.0001
0.47862
0.0001
SP
0.31183
0.0001
0.29810
0.0001
0.22078
0.0001
0.21566
0.0001
0.26144
0.0001
People involving common land management process may also effect sense of influence. In the Type l
community, respondents more often participate in
rotational activities and management activities
(Table 7). Additionally, the management committee was set up byvolunteer residents. Therefore, they
have a higher score in sense of influence.
ROT
0.18974
0.0001
0.18932
0.0001
0.13995
0.0013
0.11884
0.0063
0.15344
0.0004
Conclusion
MANA 0.38916
0.0001
0.30109
0.0001
0.38766
0.0001
0.29140
0.0001
0.31483
0.0001
Yl indicates average score of sense of community
5M indicates sense of membership
51 indicates sense of influences
51F indicates sense ofintegration &fulfillment of needs
55 indicates sense of emotional sharing
DAl indicates daily activities -Iow social interaction
DAH indicates daily activities - high social interaction
5P indicates special activities
ROT indicates rotational activities
MANA indicates management activities
Daily activities with other social interactions are important to inspiring sense of community. Involving
common land management pro cess also contributes
to sense of community. The physical setting also affects opportunities for these activities. Therefore, the
researcher infers that if the corn munit y designers
can create space, not only for necessary activities,
but also for other social interactions, such as chatting and playing on common land, the sense of
community would be stimulated. In addition, providing a space on common land, in which the com-
munit y members can get together and have chances
to participate in the management process, may increase sense of community.
Further research may study the space outlets of these
activities to determine what types of design ide as
currently affect sense of community. The research
can help planners and designers to understand
which kinds of conditions the activities can be
evinced and how to apply the physical designs to
increase sense of community.
References
Alexander, C. (1979) A Pattern Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Babbie, E. (1990) Survey Research Method. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth. Inc.
Copper Marcus, C. (1965) Some Social Implications of House
and Site Plan Design at Easter Hill Village: A Case
Study. Berkeley, CA: University of California.
Carr, S., Francis, M., Rivlin, 1. and Stone,A. (1992) Public Space.
Cambridge: University press.
Hatcher,1. (1996) A Step byStepApproach to Use the SAS Sys-
tem for Factor Analysis and Structural Equation
ModeZ. Carry, NC: SAS Institute Inc.
Housing Dept. of Taipei City Government (1987) Housing
Taipei from 1976 to 1985. Taipei, Taiwan: Taipei City
Government.
Lieberg, M. (1995) Teenagers and Public Space. Communication Research. 22(6).720-744.
Nasar,J. 1. and Julian, D.A. (1995) The Psychological Sense of
community in the Neighborhood. Journal of the
American Planning Association. 61 (1).178-184.
Nelessen,A.C. (1994) Visions for a New American Dream. Chicago, IL: Planner Press.
70 . edra 29/1998
The Impact of the Sociophysical Environment on Interpersonal
Communication and Feelings of Belonging in Work Groups
Bonnie N. Pollack
Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina at Charlotte
This study examined how properties of the physical
environment and social climate influence group members' feelings of belonging as mediated by interperson al communication. Group-level properties of the
physical environment included worker density and
degree of work setting openness whereas group-level
social climate properties were group cohesion and supervisor support. Mediating properties of communication networks were intensity of ties and enjoyment
of communication among workers. Data were gathered from aU employees in nineteen non-customer
service groups within four organizations using selfadministered questionnaires. Group sizes ranged from
three to fourteen members, resulting in a total individual-level sample of 105 employees. Physical
measurements of the work settings were also made. A
hypothesized cross-level model was tested using hierarchicallinear modeling and path analysis. Of the four
group-level predictors, only group cohesion had a significant positive direct effect on individuals' feelings
of belonging. Intensity of ties and enjoyment of communication mediated the relationship between group
cohesion and feelings of belonging. The two communication properties did not mediate the other three
direct relationships. The hypothetical model was only
partially supported. Furthermore, social climate had
a greater impact on interpersonal communication and
feelings of belonging than the physical environment.
Participants
In order to understand contextual influences of individual behavior and attitudes in the workplace, we
need to examine both traditionally studied social
environments as well as the physical setting. Few rese archers have studied how physical and social environments together affect interpersonal interactions and individual outcomes in work settings,
despite the fact that Moos (1976) and Walsh (1987)
note that the se different types of factors are likely
to influence each other reciprocaUy and must be
studied together. This study examines the relationships between social climate and physical environment antecedents and feelings of belonging as mediated by interpersonal communication in the
context of work groups. The present studyextends
previous research by: 1) examining both physical
environment antecedents and social environment
(climate) antecedents within the same study so that
the relative importance of antecedents can be assessed; 2) examining the relationships between
group-level phenomena and individual-level phenomena for individuals nested within groups; and
3) examining the outcome of employees' feelings of
belonging within a work group as influenced by
physical and social settings.
One of many possible psychological reactions to the
workplace environment (both social and physical)
is workers' feelings ofbelonging. The contextual influences on employee feelings ofbelonging is an area
in which further understanding is needed. Recently,
Stokols (1990, pp. 644-645) has stated, ''An additional direction for future research is to ... identify
the physical and social attributes of settings that
contribute to individuals' experiences of spiritual
enrichment. More specificaUy, what environmental
and social arrangements are most closely associated
with feelings of... social acceptance, and belongingness ....?"
In the organizational behavior literature, belonging
and affIliation are often presented in theories of employee motivation (e.g., Gibson, Ivancevich, &
DonneUy, 1994). In classical psychological theories of
motivation (Alderfer, 1972; Fromm, 1968; Herzberg,
Mausner, & Synderman, 1959; Maslow, 1954;
McClellend, 1971), belonging, or belongingness, has
been defined as a human need. Sociobiological and
socioanalytic theories further suggest that humans
have an innate need for belonging. For example, in
Baumeister and Tice's (1990) exclusion theory, the
underlying mechanism is the biologically based
need to belong, which motivates people to be together with others. Based on the assumption that to
sorne degree, people do have a basic need to belong,
the present study focuses on feelings of belonging
in the workplace as a consequence ot:environmental factors. Here, belonging represents a feeling of
whether the need is met, versus the motivational
need itself. Belonging, as experienced bywork group
members, may be defined as a subjective feeling of
being an integral and indispensable part of a work
group, which is adapted from definitions by Anant
(1970) and de Jong-Gierveld and Kamphuis (1985).
sonal interaction and individual needs. The second
aim of this research is to understand how the social
climate factors of peer cohesion and staff support in
conjunction with the physical environment properties affect interpersonal communication and individual feelings ofbelonging.
The purpose of this research is to combine two
streams of research on social climate antecedents
with physical environment antecedents, and to understand how they, in combination, affect feelings
ofbelonging in the workplace as mediated by interpersonal communication. The conceptual model
combines the theoretical frameworks of Becker
(1981) and Moos (1976). Becker's research focuses
on the role of physical settings in organizations. He
postulated a model in which sorne physical environment properties directly support individu al outcornes and others act as catalysts. Physical features
that could act as catalysts include size, arrangement,
quality, location, and density of settings. He proposes that these features indirectly affect individual
outcomes as mediated by social interaction and
communication (both the quality and level). Becker's
model has not been empirically tested, and thus, one
aim of this research is to test his proposition that
physical environmental factors can act as catalysts.
The conceptual model is shown in Figure 1. The
model is mediational, as suggested by Becker's
(1981) environment -as-catalyst process, with the interpersonal communication constructs mediating
the relationships between the social and physical environmental constructs and feelings of belonging.
Two group-Ievel physical environmental factors are
included. They are density, which is the number of
people per a given unit of are a (Becker, 1981), and
openness, which is the ratio of the total square footage to the totallength of its interior walls (Oldham
& Rotchford, 1983). Two group-Ievel social climate
factors are included. They are group cohesion, which
is the perception of togetherness or sharing among
members within the work group setting (Koys &
DeCotiis, 1991) and workers' tendency to stick together and help each other (Moos, 1976), and supervisor support, which is the perception of the tolerance of member behavior by superiors (Koys &
DeCotiis, 1991). The two mediational communication constructs are intensity of ties, which is degree
to which an individual has face-to-face communication with other members in a communication network (e.g., work group), and enjoyment of face- toface communication, which assesses how enjoyable
face-to-face interactions with other work group
members are, on average, for individuals (Monge,
Edwards, & Kirste, 1983). The individu al hypotheses are indicated with numbers on the arrows, and
predictions for the directions of the relationships
are indicated with plus and minus signs.
The other theoretical influence is Moos' (1976) conception of the social environment in work settings.
Moos' social climate framework incorporates relationship dimensions, which identify the nature and
intensity of personal relationships within the environment, as weIl as dimensions of personal development and system maintenance. Moos postulated
that the social relationship dimensions of involvement, peer cohesion, and staff support in the workplace are the dimensions that most affect interper-
The conceptual model proposed is an attempt to
further the theoretical understanding of the multilevel phenomena of interest. Until recently, there has
been little theory-driven research on multi-Ievel
phenomenon (Rousseau, 1985). It is important to
develop and test theory at both levels of analysis and
not just focus on group-Ievel or individual-Ievel
phenomena alone. Employees' behaviors and attitudes are partially determined by the groups within
which they work, and as such, those contextual ef-
72 . edra 29/1998
fects should be examined. The current conceptual
model is a cross-level model (Klein, Dansereau, &
Hall, 1994; Rousseau, 1985), which is a popular subtype derived from the traditions of ecological psychology(Barker, 1968; Wicker, 1992),in which contextual characteristics affect behavior.
Method
Participants
Participants were employees working at least halftime (i.e., 20 hours per week) who were members
of work groups as defined below. Employees who
were members of more than one work group were
included if they identified the selected group as their
group of primary affiliation. Once groups were selected by the method described below, aU employees, including the group's supervisor, working within
those groups were recruited for participation.
In addition to Hackman's (1990, pp. 3-5) defining
properties of work groups, other constraints were
necessary to fit within the theoretical framework of
this study: 1) work groups members had to be colocated within the same building; 2) groups had to
be internally-oriented/non-customer service; 3)
groups had to have one supervisor per group; 4)
groups had to range in size from three to 15 members; and 5) groups had to be intact for at least six
months.
Nineteen groups were sampled, ranging in size from
three to fourteen employees. A total of 138 employees were recruited for participation. Of these, 105
participated, culminating in an overall response rate
of 76%. In terms of response rate by group, two
groups had less than half of the members responding, with rates of 38% and 40%. The other seventeen groups aU had a majority of members responding, with rates ranging from 60% to 100%.
Figure 1 Conceptual Model with Hypothesized Relationships of Communication Properties Mediating Physical and Social Factors' Impact
on Feelings of Belonging
Physical Environment Factors
Density
Openness
Social Climate Factors
Group Cohesion
D
c:::::>
c::>
Hypothesis Number
Group-Ievel
Individual-Ievel
... Mediating Relationships
- -.... Direct Relationships
The nineteen groups were selected from four organizations. Eight were laboratory groups at a large
Midwestern university; six were bio-medical
groups; and two were engineering groups. Seven
were administrative and operations groups in the
administrative headquarters of a small Midwestern
bank. Two were operations and consulting groups
in a Midwestern health care information company.
Two were technology groups in a Midwestern information technology consulting company.
Design
This study used field research methodology at multiple research sites. The sample of nineteen groups
was a convenience sample with a minimum of two
groups from every participating organization. Sorne
groups were recruited by the snowball sampling
method (Henry, 1990, p. 21), such that recruited participants recommended other eligible participants
for inclusion. Physical measurements and survey
(self-administered questionnaire) methods were
used to colle ct the data.
Measures
Physical environment factors were calculated based
on floorplan measurements. Group work space density was calculated by dividing the square footage
for the group's space by the number of employees
in the work group. Openness was calculated by dividing the total square footage of the group work
space by the totallength of its interior waUs.
For the interpersonal communication constructs,
respondents were asked questions for each member of their work group. Dyad-Ievel values were
computed, and then the total responses of one individual about aIl ofhis/her co-workers were averaged together. To assess intensity of ties, respondents
were asked to "estimate the total time (in hours)
spent in face-to-face communication for a typical
work week:' To assess enjoyment of face-to-face
communication, respondents were asked to "rate the
degree to which you enjoy communicating in general with this person:'
Other constructs were measured with various questionnaire indices. Group cohesion (a = .89) was
measured with an index consisting of 5 Likert -type
74 . edra 29/1998
items from Koys and DeCotiis' Cohesion Dimension of Psychological Climate scale (1991). Supervisor support (a = .90) was measured with an index
consisting of 5 Likert-type items from Koys and
DeCotiis' Support Dimension of Psychological Climate scale (1991). For the two social climate constructs, after each index was formed, individual responses were aggregated within each group to form
group-Ievel measures. To assess feelings ofbelonging, a subscale (slightly modified) from the de JongGierveld Rasch-Type Scale (de Jong-Gierveld &
Kamphuis, 1985) was used (a = .91). Two control
variables were also measured with indices: introversion/extroversion (from the Keirsey Temperament
Sorter of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator) and
communication apprehension (from McCroskey's
(1977) Personal Report of Communication Apprehension - 24 index).
Results
Preliminary statistics were run including descriptive univariates and bivariate correlations. lndividual hypotheses were tested with the hierarchical
linear modeling (HLM) technique (Bryk & Raudenbush, 1992), and the overaU conceptual model was
tested with path analysis Ce.g., Blalock, 1971).
lndividual Hypotheses
To test hypotheses 1 through 4 (direct effects), a
cross-Ievel regression was conducted with aU four
group-Ievel exogenous variables. To produce the results, an HLM means-as-outcomes regression
model was run. To test hypotheses 5 through 14
(mediating relationships), cross-Ievel regressions
were run for the three endogenous variables. To regress intensity of ties on the four group-Ievel predictors and enjoyment of communication on the
four group-Ievel predictors, the HLM means-asoutcomes regression models were used as described
above. To regress feelings of belonging on the two
mediating individual-Ievel variables, the square mot
of intensity of ties and enjoyment of communication, and the two control variables, introversion/
extroversion and communication apprehension, the
HLM random-coefficients regression model was
used. Details of the HLM technique are described
in Bryk and Raudenbush (1992).
Flgure 2
.
.,
!i~ediational Model of Communication Properties Mediating Physical and Social Factors' Impact on Feelings of Belongmg wlth Results
Density
Openness
.66
Intensity ofTies
Enjoyment of
Communication
Group Cohesion
Introversion/
Extroversion
<:::) Group-Ievel
c:> Individual-Ievel
Due to the small sample of groups (N = 19), the statistical tests had low power, and many relationships
were not found to be statistically significant, while
there may have in fact been true relationships. Many
of the results were in the expected direction of their
respective hypotheses, but they were not statistically
significant at the standard test level of p < .05. The
following hypotheses were those from the set of
fourteen that were statistically supported.
• Hypothesis 3: Employees in groups with greater
group cohesion have stronger feelings ofbelonging
than those in groups with less group cohesion (g =
.39, t = 2.48, P < .05).
• Hypothesis 11: Employees in groups with greater
group cohesion enjoy communicating with their coworkers more th an those in groups with less group
cohesion (g = .43, t = 2.89, P < .05).
• Hypothesis 14: Employees who enjoy communicating with their co-workers have stronger feelings
ofbelonging than those who do not enjoy communicating with their co-workers (g = .44, t = 4.95, P <
.001).
*
p<.10
**
p < .05
Overall Model
From the results of the cross-Ievel regressions, a
causal path model could be formed with four exogenous group-Ievel variables and three endogenous
individual-Ievel variables. The model with results is
provided in Figure 2. The predictors vary to the degree they explain variance in the endogenous variables: the four group-level predictors explain 34%
of the between-group variance in the square root
of intensity of ties; the four group-Ievel predictors
explain 73% of the between-group variance in enjoyment of communication; and the four individual-level predictors explain 18% of the withingroup variance in feelings of belonging. To test the
overall fit of the model, Q and W values can be computed and tested with the chi-square statistic as described in Pedhazur (1982, pp. 617-620). The current data led to the results that Q =.713 and W ( 4) =
34.216, based on a sample size of 105. The critical
value of c2 for df = 4 is 9.488, so W is significant and
the model is rejected based on the c2 test. Comparing the value of Q to 1.0, the model is not a poor fit
of the data, but is not an excellent fit either.
To determine if the relationships investigated are
truly mediational, it is important to calculate not
only the indirect effects of the four group-Ievel variables on feelings of belonging as was done above,
but to also test if the direct effects are eliminated
when the two mediators are included in the regression (Baron & Kenny, 1986). If intensity of ties and
enjoyment of communication are full mediators,
then the four direct relationships should disappear
when these two communication variables are entered into the regression (Baron & Kenny, 1986).
Although not entirely eliminated, three of the direct relationships were reduced as follows: group
cohesion's effect decreased from g = 0.390 to g =
0.154; supervisor support's effect decreased from g
=0.180 to g =0.118; and openness decreased from
g = 0.021 to g = 0.005. The only direct relationship
which was not reduced by the addition of the two
communication variables was density, which increased, indicating a suppression effect (Pedhazur,
1982,pp.104-105). Thus, the relationships between
group cohesion, supervisor support, and openness
with feelings of belonging were partially mediated
by intensity of ties and enjoyment of communication.
Discussion
The first purpose of this study was to address the
research question: How do group social climate factors in conjunction with group physical environment properties predict individual feelings of belonging? When examined concurrently, the social
climate factors of group cohesion and supervisor
support were more strongly related to individual
feelings of belonging than the physical properties
of density and openness. Among the four grouplevel antecedents, group cohesion had the strongest
influence and density had the weakest. Of the four,
only group cohesion had a statistically significant
relationship with feelings ofbelonging. Together, the
four antecedents explained about 66% of the variance between groups in employees' feelings of belonging.
These fmdings indicate that when the social climate
and the physical environment of group work settings are considered simultaneously, the social cli-
76 . edra 29/1998
mate has more of an impact on employees' feelings
of belonging. In the past, there has been little rese arch on how physical and social environments
together affect interpersonal interactions and individual outcomes in work settings. When examined
concurrently, group cohesion and supervisor support have more of an impact on individuals' feelings of belonging than the density or openness of
the group's work space. So although properties of
the physical environment may be important in determining certain interpersonal and individual outcornes in the work setting, when predicting whether
group members will feel a sense of belonging towards their group, the physical features of their work
settings are not as important as the social climate.
In particular, it is the cohesiveness of the group that
best predicts if employees will feel a sense ofbelonging.
The second component of the research was: Does
interpersonal communication mediate the relationships between these group properties and individual
feelings ofbelonging? For the most part, the answer
is no. The largest indirect effect, with intensity of
ties and enjoyment of communication serving as
mediators, was the indirect relationship between
group cohesion and feelings ofbelonging, and it was
fairly small. The next largest indirect relationship
was between density and feelings of belonging,
though it is most likely a result of density acting as
a suppressor variable since the strength of the direct relationship between the two was much smaller,
so no substantive conclusions should be drawn. For
both openness and supervisor support, their relationships with feelings of belonging were not mediated by the two communication properties.
The overall conclusions drawn from these findings
are that (1) interpersonal communication properties have no bearing on relationships between density, openness, and supervisor support on the one
hand, and feelings of belonging on the other; and
(2) interpersonal communication partially mediates
the relationship between group cohesion and feelings ofbelonging. In particular, it is employees' enjoyment of communication with co-workers that
affects this relationship. So group cohesion has both
a direct effect on individuals' feelings of belonging
and also an indirect effect through group members'
enjoyment of communication with their co-workers.
Limitations of this study include the following. Since
the interpersonal communication constructs were
measured with self-report data, they may have been
biased, since participants may under - or over-report
true amounts due to poor recall or estimation. Since
nonprobability sampling procedures were used, the
findings may not be valid due to selection bias, and
caution should be used before generalizing. Due to
the small sample sizes, it is unclear if there were truly
no relationships in sorne cases, or just too little statistical power to detect them. Though the conceptuaI model is recursive, in reality, for many of the
relationships, the causal flow probably goes in both
directions. Finally, since the causal links asserted in
the conceptual model could not be tested (since this
study used a cross-sectional field setting design),
only correlation al conclusions can actually be
drawn.
Before pursuing future theoretical development, the
initial theories that generated the current study must
be reexamined. Turning to the theoretical frameworks (Becker, 1981; Moos, 1976) that guided the
conceptual mode!, an important question is, do the
current results support their models? Becker (1981)
proposed that physical features such as density and
arrangement of work settings indirectly affect individual outcomes as mediated by both the qualityand
level of interpersonal communication. Based on this
study's findings, Becker's assertions were not supported. Becker may have not implicitly included
feelings of belonging in his targeted group of individual outcomes. The three outcomes listed in his
conceptual model were turnover, personnel, and absenteeism. So, although it is not clear whether the
currently findings are directly applicable to the specifics of his model or not, at least in spirit, they do
not offer support for it.
sor) support were examined. As with Becker's
model, it is not clear if Moos implicitly included feelings ofbelonging as a potentially affected outcome,
though it is feasible that his notion of morale might
be conceptually similar. This study's findings did
offer support for the aspects of Moos' model that
were investigated. Group cohesion, and to a lesser
degree, supervisor support did directly impact individuals' feelings of belonging.
Turning to future the ory development, researchers
such as Moos (1976) , Walsh (1987), and Stokols
(1990) have called for more research that combines
the study of physical as weIl as social contexts as they
impact interpersonal pro cesses and individual behaviors and attitudes. Further theoretical work is
needed to understand why the physical environment affects intensity of ties but not enjoyment of
communication and feelings ofbelonging, and why
the social climate affects enjoyment of communication and feelings of belonging but not intensity
of ties. AIso, theory is needed not only to guide research on cross-Ievel contextual effects, but also regarding how group-Ievel social and physical properties affect each other. As demonstrated in this
study, physical and social properties of work groups
were considerably related, but the reasons why remain unclear. Clearly, further theoretical development is needed to guide future research in this area
of study.
References
Alderfer, c.P. (1972) Existence, Relatedness, and Growth: Human Needs in OrganizationalSettings. New York: Pree
Press.
Altman, 1. (1975) The Environment and Social Behavior.
Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Anant, S.S. (1970) Belongingness and Socialization: A Developmental Theory of Belongingness. Psychologia: An
International Journal of Psychology in the Orient,
13(2-3),102-112.
Moos (1976) offered a model in which the social relationship dimensions of involvement, peer cohesion, and staff support in the workplace are supposed to impact individual attitudes and behaviors
such as satisfaction, morale, absenteeism, and turn0ver (see Figure 2). In the current study, the dimensions of peer (group) cohesion and staff (supervi-
Barker, R.G. (1968) Ec%gical Psych%gy: Concepts and Meth-
ods for Studying the Environment of Human Behavior. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Baron, R.M., and Kenny, D.A. (1986) The Moderator-mediator Variable Distinction in Social Psychology Research: Conceptual, Strategie, and Statistical Considerations. Journal of Personality and Social
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Public Policy and Mass Housing in Brazil
Antônio 1. Reis and Maria C. Lay
University of Rio Grande do Sul, School of Architecture
This paper looks at mass housing stock in Brazil after
1964, when a national housing policy was adopted
and the National Housing Bank (BNH) was created.
Therefore, the intersection ofenvironment and behavior and public policy is examined with respect to mass
housing in Brazil within that context. The paper examines the main socioeconomic and physical characteristics of mass housing produced by the BNH; it further explores the relationship between public policy
and the mass housing produced and identifies the
main factors affecting user satisfaction and behavior.
Results from a research carried out in three housing
estates comprisingfour different dwelling types is presented together with results from other studies. Data
was collected by means of questionnaires, interviews
and observations. It was revealed that there are several negative aspects associated to quantity and quality in the housing provision yet to overcome. Just as
political action must be taken in order to increase investments in housing provision and to improve the
socio-economic situation of the large lower-income
groups of the Brazilian population, also the shape and
spatial structure of the subsidized housing provided
in Brazil need to be changed according to the design
factors so far identified as affecting performance, sa
that significant improvement can be achieved in mass
housing design.
Introduction
This paper looks at mass housing in Brazil after
1964, when a national housing policy was adopted
and the National Housing Bank (BNH) was created.
Therefore, the intersection of environment and behavior and public poliey is examined with respect
to mass housing in Brazil within that context. A brief
history of two main related aspects of 1964 mass
housing policy is presented. The paper examines the
main socioeconomie and physical characteristics of
mass housing produced by the BNH; it further ex-
plores the relationship between publie policy and
the mass housing produced and identifies the main
factors affecting user satisfaction and behavior.
Two Main Related Aspects of 1964 Mass Housing
Policy: Migration and Population Growth
The urban population growth has been the main
cause of a huge increase in the number of housing
units needed in the urban are as, since the last four
decades, caused mainly by two factors: migration
from rural areas and the significant increase in the
total Brazilian population.
After 1950,Brazil went through a chaotic urbanization, due to an uncontrolled migration from the
rural areas toward the urban are as, mainly caused
bya quick industrialization (Pedreira, 1985).As industrialization did not follow any integrated development poliey, profound imbalances were generated, amplifying the regional differences and
promoting desertion of the countryside. As a result
of the intense migration movement, the urban centers had a phenomenal expansion, creating physical and social effects (Guglielmi, 1985). By the end
of the 1950s, the urban population was 70% larger
th an it was at the beginning of that decade. As this
increase was maintained during the 60s, the growth
pro cess produced a severe shortage of urban amenities (Serra, 1989).Amongthemanyshortages (such
as infrastructure, community facilities, and publie
serviees), the housing one was highlighted, with the
proliferation of'corti,cos' (sIum tenements), squatter settlements and precarious self-built houses on
the urban periphery (Guglielmi, 1985).
Also contributing to the urban explosion was the
explosive rate of population growth . From 1950 to
1980 the total Brazilian population increased from
52 to 119 million, an increase of 128% in 30 years.
During the same period the urban population increased from less than 19 million to more than 80
million, growing by 321 %. The urban population
was 45% of the total in 1960 and 67% of the total by
1980. Today, with an estimated population of 150
million people, around 112 million are calculated
to be living in urban are as and about 38 million in
rural areas. This trend indicated that 75% of the
Brazilian population will live in urban areas by the
end of this century, at which time the total population would be more than 165 million. However, the
number of inhabitants in rural areas at the end of
this century would be the same Brazil had in 1950
(Serra, 1989).
Despite the comments on that urbanization cufve
of Brazilian population was beginning to descend,
so that the impact of migration fluxes on urban life
ought to be smaller each time, as well as the demographiegrowth was also diminishing (Singer, 1985),
it, however, does not alleviate the seriousness of the
housing number and quality-related problems, as
shown in the next sections.
Mass Housing after 1964: Public Policy and Socioeconomic Related Aspects
Only in August 1964, after the military coup, was
the first national housing policy elaborated, with the
creation of the BNH (National Housing Bank), the
CNDU (National Commission for Urban Development) and the SFH (Housing Finance System)
(Maffei, 1974; Batley, 1983). The BNHwasto'finance
publie housing and urban infrastructure: according to SFH finance poliey, using money from compulsory savings-the FGTS (Guarantee Fund for
Employment Time), whieh was a kind of unemployment insurance-and from voluntary savings in
banks or finance institutions. The CNDU had the
task of'preparing plans and proposing laws dealing
with the explosive urban growth' (Serra, 1989,
p.309).
Moreover, it was remarked that the military coup of
March 1964 needed, in order to sustain its government, a poliey of popular involvement and economie development that generated incomes and
jobs, and at the same time showed the sensibility of
the new government to housing problems.
This justified the creation of BNH and the setting
up of a saving policy enabling the creation of a housing system that would give support to other gov-
80 . edra 29/1998
ernment initiatives of the 'revolution'. As a consequence, the number of units financed increased
from 29 thousand in 1966 to 148 thousand in 1968.
This demonstrated the relationship between housing policy and the political and economic necessities of the government (Guglielmi, 1985). These
points are referred to by Darke and Darke when discussing the reasons for state intervention in housing (Darke and Darke, 1988, pp.4445).
The BNH-financed mass housing and infrastructures was promoted byCOHABs (municipal or state
housing company), among others, and generally
produced housing for people with incomes varying
between three and five minimum salary. This was
in practice the lowest income band acceptable for
those applying for a dwelling in one of the housing
estates financed by the BNH; this was called "low
income;' "popular;' or "economic" housing (Batley,
1983, p.75). This does not mean, however, that
low-income people were the ones to benefit most
from BNH housing policy. Although the main purpose of the BNH was said to provide housing for
low-income people, most of the people housed were
low-middle income people, because these were the
people who could afford to pay for these dwellings
(Projeto 1987, Batley, 1983; Marieato, 1987). Singer
pointed out that the creation ofBNH was a considerable move in housing poliey. He argued that its
inspiration was possibly the liberal North -American
model of savings and loans associations that avoided
the direct intervention of public funds. However, its
application in Brazil was considerably distorted
since aIl the FGTS money was applied to schemes
creating mass housing but actually not occupied by
lower incomes, yet financed by the workers' own
salaries. The FGTS was in fact used to feed the
"boom" of the building industry that was orientated
to the middle classes, whose real income the "economic miracle" (significant economic growth between 1968 and 1973) expanded in a notable way
(Singer, 1985).
After the Brazilian "economic miracle" it was riecessary to recover the prestige lost with the working
class. During the succeeding government, the salary squeeze was alleviated and a bigger portion of
BNH funds were applied to housing that could be
considered "popular" or "social;' though it rarely
reached the poorest (Singer, 1985). Whereas during
the so called "economic miracle" an ever-Iow number ofhousing units, 54 thousand units in 1972, were
financed by the BNH, after the "economic miracle"
249 thousand units in 1977 and 339 in 1979 were
fmanced by the BNH. This was an apparent demonstration of change of governmental position after the defeat in the regional elections of 1974
(Guglielmi, 1985). During the "political openness"
of successive military governments, an audacious
massive housing production policy was established,
with 626 thousand units financed in 1980 and 560
thousand units in 1982, with the objective of getting approval from the working class sectors.
Though the housing production from 1980 allowed
delay of an economic crisis for more three years, the
recession and market retraction felt in 1983, with
the arrivaI of the IMF, generated a fmancial collapse
that was reflected not only in the building industry
but in the national economic performance as a
whole. This situation was not altered in the government of'Nova Republicà (New Republic - from 1985
to 1990), the first civil government after 21 years of
military dictatorship. The level of unemployment
continued to be high, incomes were kept low, and
the discrepancy between mortgages and readjusted
salaries did not stop. As a consequence four and a
half million borrowers were declared defaulters
(Guglielmi,1985).
The BNH and SFH were extinguished in 1986 and
resources and projects transferred to the CEF (Caixa
Economica Federal- Federal Saving Bank). During
its 23 years of existence, the BNH did not produce
more than four and a half million housing units. of
which one million and six hundred thousands units
were 'popular' or 'economic' dwelling units promoted by COHABs income band. This left an estimated deficit of 10 million housing units, in addition to the growth of squatter settlements and sIums
(Pedreira, 1985;Veja, 1991).
cal characteristics of the housing estates that were
built. Generally these mass housing schemes
reached 500 units, housing about 2000 to 2500
people, though they could reach 3000 or 5000 units
or even 20000 units, with about 100,000 residents
or even 200,000, as in Cajazeira housing estate on
the periphery of Salvador City in northeast Brazil
(Pedreira, 1985; Veja, 1991). Housing estates in Sao
Paulo tended to be the largest ones, and might reach
the dimensions of a medium sized city of 150,000
inhabitants, as in the case of Itaquera 1,11, and III
(Maricato, 1987).
Figure 1
Figure 2
Four Storey Blocks of Flats
Oetached Houses in Small Plots
Figure 3
Figure 4
Two Storey Blocks of Flats
Row Houses
Mass Housing after 1964: Physical Characteristics, Dwelling TYpes and Layouts
The housing estates have been mainly characterized
by two dwelling types: the repetitive block of flats,
usually without lifts and four storeys high (Figure
1); and the detached houses on small individual
plots (Figure 2). While the block of flats followed
the modernist approach with blocks placed in continuous open space without differentiation and not
related to the street, the detached houses on small
plots followed the conventional division of plots
with "a narrow and long block arrangement. Two
storey blocks of flats (Figure 3) and row houses (Figure 4) were also built.
The problems of mass housing in Brazil were related
not only to the number of housing units produced
and the fact that the poorest were excluded from the
pro cess ofhousing allocation, but also to the physi-
Generally, the housing estates were located on the
urban periphery, in old urban empty plots with large
dimensions, or built many kilometers from the city
center, expanding the borders of the city (Herrmann,
1985; Pedreira, 1985). The land in-between was
transformed from rural to urban plots, the object
of severe speculation (Herrmann, 1985).
Sorne housing estates had a verypoor building quality. Without any environmental comfort, these estates were created only as a dormitory, practically
without leisure, health, and educational facilities,
telephone services or public transport (see Pedreira,
1985). AIso, there was a lack of adequacy of building materials to climatic conditions in many cas~s,
and it was uncommon to use regional technologIes
(Souza in Almeida, 1985).
Brazil did the contrary of Colombia, where a variety of proposaIs involving the private sector and
popular movements in different combinations were
experimented with. The Brazilian government
adopted, during the same time, indistinguishable
official projects that covered the peripheries of medium and big cities with bad examples of urban
design and architecture for more th an 20 years
(Santos, 1988a).
Mass Housing after 1964: Pro cess of Production
and Allocation of Housing Units
Norrnally, the buyers of the housing units built by
the COHABs did not even know where they were
going to live, even less if their housing units would
be houses or flats, or if built with blocks, concrete
walls or any other building material. The general
decisions ofwhy,how, where and when the housing
estate should be built were determined by the institut ions involved with its promotion and finance,
which had with political and economic ambitions
different from those that would be defended by the
future users. Moreover, the BNH did not allow for a
housing policy that permitted quality control of the
aIl processes of production and for sorne sort of user
participation as weIl since aIl the projects followed
a nationwide orientation dictated by the BNH[,
which controIled the resources and the release of
funds (Souza in Almeida, 1985). Hence, the total
dominance of the producer viewpoint over the user
viewpoint during aIl the production pro cesses including the design, in housing provision in Brazil
was clear and irrefutable.
82 . edra 29/1998
The Problem of User Dissatisfaction with Mass
Housing in Brazil
Although, when the housing deficit is very significant, it is easy to emphasize quantitative aspects
rather than qualitative ones, these do not lose importance. It seems weIl established that the importance of thc qualitative aspects concerning mass
housing in Brazil has been neglected. Those housing estates and dwelling units that have been produced have not satisfied their users in many respects.
It was properly reported that many Brazilian housing estates are bad, not necessarily because they are
cheap, but because they are badly planned, badly
provided with services and facilities, and built with
the classic lack of governmental care when dealing
with low in come people (Veja, 1991). It is shown in
the next sections various aspects of the housing environment that have not satisfied its users. These
aspects are, mainly, the result of the research carried out in a number ofhousing estates in southern
Brazil, comprising four different dwelling types,
namely, detached and row houses, two and four
storey blocks of flats (figures 14). Questionnaires,
structured interviews, observations ofbehavior and
physical traces were used as data gathering means
(Reis, 1992, Lay, 1992).
Dwelling Related Factors Affecting User Satisfaction
There were a number of common causes for dissatisfaction to all dwelling types related to rooms, either size, layout or number. The poor quality of
materials and workmanship were also a problem for
most except for those living in row houses. Lack of
habitability of the housing units, deterioration of the
materials, and plumbing not working properlywere
also problems found in the dweIling units (Souza,
1985). Moreover, many technical problems originated in the inadequacy of projects and materials
used in certain regions and sites. Similar projects
were used in regions ofBrazil with different climatic
conditions and in sites with different topography.
As an example, it can be mentioned the use of concrete blocks without external pl aster in the Rubem
Berta housing estate in Porto Alegre, which is not
proper for its humid climate; rain water has infiltrated (Reis, 1992). The case of the Santa Etelvina
Table 1 Main Factors Affecting Satisfaction with the Dwelling
DwellingType
%
Main Factors
Provo king Dissatisfaction
%
Main Factors
Inducing Satisfaction
%
Main Factors
Users would Like to Improve
38.4
21.4
11.9
11.9
11.9
11.9
11.9
increase dwelling size
change the size of rooms
fence around patio
change room use/fune.
change pos. of door/window
change/imp. materials/work.
security from burglar
Detached
Houses
Tancredo
35.7 rooms arrangement
26.2 quality of materials/work.
16.7 number of rooms
Detached
Houses
Costa
60.0
30.0
20.0
20.0
20.0
20.0
number of rooms
size of rooms
quality of materials/work.
position of doors/windows
lack privacy in the dwelling
size of patio
20.0 location of house in esta te
70.0 change the size of rooms
30.0 change room use/function
30.0 change/imp. materials/work.
Row
Houses
Costa
59.0
50.0
45.4
36.3
31.8
row houses themselves
number of rooms
type of access in backyard
size of backyard
size of rooms
27.2 location of house in estate
22.7 qua lit yof materials/work.
63.6
40.9
27.2
27.2
27.2
inerease dwelling size
change room use/function
type of access backyard
change dwelling type itself
Two Storey
Blocks of Flats
Taneredo
65.9 size of rooms
26.8 quality of materials/work.
14.6 nothing they don't like
nothing they like
location of fiat in estate
security from burglar
58.5
22.0
22.0
17.1
12.2
have a patio or balcony
increase dwelling size
fence around the block
Four Storey
Blocks of Flats
Rubem Berta
65.0
40.0
30.0
27.5
20.0
17.5
12.5
55.0
37.5
32.5
27.5
20.0
20.0
15.0
12.5
external block appearance
add/remove partition wall
internai privacy
room appearance
change room use/function
increase dwellin 9 size
rooms arrangement
lack privacy in the dwelling
humidity wind infiltration
water/sew. elecJtelephone
number of rooms
nothing they don't like
23.8
14.3
11.9
11.9
24.4
14.6
12.2
12.2
almost everything
qua lit yof materials/work.
location of house in estate
everything
45.0 nothing they like
observation:frequencies were obtained from open questions,are not mutually exclusive,and are ranked by descending order.
refereed pa pers ·83
housing estate in Sao Paulo is also worth mentioning, where the many repairs mainly due to topographic problems put up the original cost of PUS
6000 dollars a flat to about PUS 18000 dollars,
equivalent to the cost of accommodation with the
same dimensions in a better neighborhood (Veja,
1991).
Other reasons given for dissatisfaction were related
to sorne aspects of design within th~ house such as
lack of privacy (detached Costa, four storey Rubem)
and other particular faults (see Table 1). Lack of visual and auraI privacy were problems also established in the work done by IPT. Moreover, household size (density) was very important in affecting
resident satisfaction, principally in relation to privacy and cariying out activities (Motta and Del
Carlo, 1975). None of these problems, it is argued,
are related to a fundamental characteristic of a
dwelling type-they are design faults that could be
found in any type. However, two of the reasons for
dissatisfaction given by those living in row houses
were a function of their type-a criticism of the type
itself characterized by the common side walls, and
the lack of direct external access to the backyard
only found in row houses.
Size of dwelling and rooms was the factor that residents most wished to change in all types of dwelling, though to a lesser extent in the four storey flats.
In these there were many other concerns that predominated related to quality of the flats, their design for the point of view of privacy and also overall appearance. In detail, table l indicates different
priorities and differences in the wish to change aspects of their dwellings. Those factors causing dissatisfaction were, in general, all mentioned as needing to be improved.
In research carried out by COHAB of Sao Paulo, in
Presidente Castelo Branco housing estate, it was
found that though sorne 65% were said to be satisfied with the size of their dwellings, 78% said the y
aspired to make changes in the future. These
changes were not, however, related to major needs
of user expression or personalization, but mainly
related to increasing the size of rooms (52%), addingone more room to the house (29%), and to general improvements such as roof, ceiling, floor, plas-
84 . edra 29/1998
ter the walls, change of doors and windows, and
paint in general (21 %), and separation of living
room and kitchen (9%). Nonetheless, financial difficulties of the residents in spending money on the
maintenance of the dwellings was noted. Only 22%
were said to be satisfied with the dwelling, followed
by Il % who were said to be satisfied with the living
room (used by many as living room during the day
and as bedroom during the night), and Il % who
were said to be satisfied with the location of the
dwelling in the estate and the location of the estate
itself.
The factors most provoking dissatisfaction were
noise, mainly from children playing in corridors and
staircases in blocks of flats due to lack of open spaces
and play are as, noise from pets in houses or flats and
the consequent effect on user interaction (15%),
poor quality of materials and workmanship (10%),
and lack of window shutters (9%) (COHAB-SP,
1978). It is worth noting that though the majority
were said to be satisfied with the size of the dwelling, only a minority mentioned the dwelling as a
whole as promoting satisfaction. It might be that
users were not actually satisfied with the dwelling
size, as the des ire to increase room size indicated,
but that the majority answered positively, perhaps
because this question was put right at the beginning
of the questionnaire, and the questionnaire was administered by the CO HAB itself. This might have
had sorne inhibiting effect on user answers, and
might also be related to the rather conspicuously low
percentage of residents mentioning factors provoking dissatisfaction, such as quality of materials and
worlunanship.
Housing Es ta te ReZated Factors Affecting User
Satisfaction
It is shown in Table 2, that play spaces for children
is a problem in aIl housing estates, especiaIly in
Costa, and were clearly an important aspect to be
improved in all estates. Moreover, a confrontation
between the estate layout and user interests has been
detected through the under-utilization or abandonment of collective areas and community facilities
provided (Lay, 1992; Reis, 1992; Carvalho, 1985).
Those in four storey blocks in Rubem Berta were
clearly the least satisfied with a high proportion
Table 2 Main Housing Estate Factors Affecting Satisfaction by Dwelling Type
DwellingType
%
Main Housing Estate Factors
Provo king Dissatisfaction
%
Promoting Satisfaction
Users would Like to Improve
%
Detached
Houses
Ta ncredo
35.7
21.4
11.9
11.9
11.9
paved streets/footpaths
play space for children
health centerfacility
shops/supermarket
45.2
38.1
16.7
11.9
11.9
shops
public transport
health center facility
school
drugstore
26.2
23.8
19.0
19.0
19.0
11.9
11.9
play spaces for children
health center fa cil ity
shops/supermarket
nothing to improve
schools
security from thieves
Detached
Houses
Costa
30.0
30.0
20.0
20.0
20.0
20.0
play spa ces for children
security from vandalism
estate layout
esta te maintenance
estate c1eanliness
30.0
20.0
20.0
20.0
public transport
street lighting
school
50.0 play spaces for children
20.0 security from thieves
20.0 nothing to improve
Row
Houses
Costa
31.8
31.8
27.2
22.7
play spaces for children
security from vandalism
estate maintenance
22.7 public transport
TwoStorey
Blocks of Flats
Tancredo
29.3
19.5
19.5
17.1
14.6
12.2
12.2
electric/water sewage system
estate c1eanliness
public telephone
exterior estate appearance
22.0
22.0
17.1
17.1
shops/supermarket
nothing they like
public transport
sense of community
26.8
19.5
17.0
14.6
12.2
12.2
12.2
fence around the block
trees/greenery
esta te col ors
exterior estate appearance
Four Storey
Blocks of Flats
Rubem Berta
45.0
45.0
42.5
17.5
15.0
15.0
15.0
rubbish collection
estate c1eanliness
how open spa ces are used
play spa ces for children
organization users in a block
37.5
20.0
20.0
15.0
12.5
nothing they like
public transport.
location of estate
sense of community
shops/supermarket
35.0
27.5
15.0
12.5
12.5
12.5
12.5
12.5
child's play spaces
use of open spaces
estate c1eanliness
organization users in a block
securi ty for child's pla yg round
31.8 security from thieves
22.7 play space for children
observation:frequencies were obtained fram open questions,are not mutually exclusive,and are ranked by descending order.
users mentioning poor rubbish collection and lack
ofhousing estate cleanliness among many other factors causing dissatisfaction. In addition, the improvement of pavement of streets and of footpaths
was a major concern of those in detached and two
storey blocks in Tancredo, and in four storey blocks
in Rubem Berta estate. A lack of conservation of
collective areas, of lateral walls of buildings, and
of services and pavements, has also been found
through observations (Reis, 1992; L<\y, 1992;
Carvalho, 1985). It seems worth noting that between
the two factors ranked first among those provo king
dissatisfaction in the four storey blocks in Rubem
Berta, namely rubbish collection or refuse disposaI
facilities, and estate/neighborhood cleanliness, the
former was not even directly mentioned and the
later came only as the fourth factor to be improved
together with other four. This could be due to respondents option to expend money improving
pavements, streets and footpaths, while living rubbish collection and estate/neighborhood deanliness
to be improved bypromoting organization and education among the residents. In general, however, it
could be said that a relationship existed between
what the users indicated as causing dis satisfaction
and what they would like to improve in their housing estates (Table 2).
Shops in the Tancredo estate was liked by the residents, particularly by residents of the detached
houses (Table 2) because shops were more integrated in the houses area or/and because those in
fIats were generally less enthusiastic about the
Tancredo estate. Nonetheless, a tendency to isolate
housing from the other functions generaIly present
in spontaneous settlements was noted. Planned in a
hurry,most ofhousing estates promoted by COHABs
do not have a shopping area in the original project.
Shops appear later, not always in the most appropriate places. Garages were used, and shops built in
the common open spaces (Veja, 1991). This was also
the case in Rubem Berta housing estate (Reis, 1992).
Security from thieves in the streets not mentioned
only by those in two storey blocks in Tancredo, was
a main factor to be improved according to those in
row houses in Costa. In two storey blocks of fIats in
Tancredo, having a dear marking (fence) between
the semi -pnvate space around the block of fIats and
the public space, was the most mentioned factor as
86 . edra 29/1998
needing to be improved, though its absence was not
mentioned as a cause of dis satisfaction (Table 2).
It has been mentioned that poor housing estate location, and layout not suitable to the physical environment were among the estate-related problems
(i.e. Souza, 1985). Maricato mentioned that the estates were built far away from urbanized areas,
mainly because of the low co st of land (Maricato,
1987). Moreover, Santos commented that the housing estates, distant and isolated, were revealed as
equally or more problematic than the settlements
theywere supposed to replace (Santos, 1988). It can
be seen in Table 2 and in COHAB's findings shown
below, however, that these daims are not entirely
supported. It might be the case that the inconvenience of transport and distance to workplace could
be compensated bya rather better physical environment, in terms of green space than that found in
more urbanized areas in the city. For example, in
the research carried out by COHAB in the Presidente Castelo Branco housing estate the factors most
promoting satisfaction were green areas in the estate (25%), and the location of the estate, mainly
because of its provision of pure air, panoramic
views, and tranquillity (24%) (COHAB-SP, 1978).
Moreover, sin ce the provision of public transport
was an important factor promoting satisfaction in
aIl estates, especially valued by those living in detached houses (Table 2), it might be argued that with
an adequate system of transport, location by itself
it is not an indicator of adequacy in terms of distance to central areas.
On the other hand, when asked about satisfaction
with transport, it was found that 94% of residents
in the Presidente Castelo Branco housing estate were
dissatisfied (43% because of the reduced number
of buses and trains, 26% because of the price of the
ticket, and 25% because of the bus itinerary). Nonetheless, the factors mentioned as those most provoking dissatisfaction with the housing scheme were
constant voltage faIl and lack of electricity (28%),
lack of a police office (21 %), lack of pavement on
streets (19%), poor transport (12%), lack of a medical center (10%), deficient public lighting (9%), and
constant lack of water (9%). Yet, sorne said they were
not satisfied with anything on the estate (14%)
(COHAB-SP, 1978).
Conclusion
Hence, the intersection of environment and behavior and public policy examined with respect to mass
housing in Brazil after 1964, reveals that the match
between users' attitudes and behavior and the housmg environment was not adequately fulfilled by the
public housing policy, apart from the quantitative
aspects of housing production that have not been
accomplished. The problems were due to a lack of
concern of future users' needs and values, by the
government and by those involved in the process of
planning, designing and building the housing estates, whose values, in many cases, were quite different from users' values. Moreover, as argued by
Santos (1988), it is necessary to abandon the normative rigidity and the centralization of decisions
that had characterized housing production in Brazil. Small projects with control bythe local authorities and with respect for the values and needs of the
affected population could be the answer. Therefore,
just as political action must be taken in order to increase investments in housing provision and to improve the socioeconomic situation of the large
lower-income groups of the Brazilian population,
also the shape and spatial structure of the subsidized
housing provided in Brazil need to be changed according to the design factors so far identified as affecting performance, so that significant improvement can be achieved in mass housing design.
Herrman, J. (1985) A cidade contra 0 homem. Arquitetura e
Urbanismo, Novembro, pp. 94-97.
Lay, M. C. (I 992) . Responsive Site Design: User Environmental Perception and Behaviour. Oxford Polytechnic, Ph.D. Thesis.
Maffei, C. (1974) Towards a Housing System for Sao Paulo. England, Newcastle University, M. Phil Thesis.
Maricato, E. (1987) PoUtica Habitacional no Regime Militar:
do Milagre Brasileiro à crise Econômica. Petrapolis,
Rio de Janeiro, Editora Vozes.
Motta, C.F.A. and Del Carlo, U. (1975). Conjuntos Habitacionais:
Levantamento das Aspiraçoes e Necessidades do
Homen. Sao Paulo, IPT/FAPESP.
Pedreira, (1985) Um problema de todo mundo. Arquitetura e
Projeto, (1987) 0 que 0 Habitee 87 propôs para resolver
problema habitacional. Projeto, April.
0
Reis, A. (1992) Mass Housing Design, User Participation and
Satisfaction. Oxford Polytechnic, Ph.D. Thesis.
Santos, C.N.F. (1988a) 0 futuro esta ai - seremos todos agentes
de Nostradamus. Projeto, No.115, Outubro, pp.
139-142.
Serra, G.G. (1989) Post-occupancy evaluation at the urban
scale in Brazil, W.F.E. Preiser (ed.), Building Evaluation, New York, Plenum Press, pp.307 -315.
Silva, I.A. (1987) A Crise da Moradia. Rio de Janeiro, Livraria
Agir Editora.
Singer, P. (1985) Habitaçao Popular: 0 que fazer? Arquitetura e
Souza, R. (1985). Açao temolagica e produçao de habitaç6es.
Arquitetura e Urbanismo, Novembro, pp. 100-102.
Veja (1991) Prancheta Selvagem. Revista Veja, Ano 24, No. 34,
pp. 106-109.
References
Almeida, R. (1985) A Exigência Politica. Arquitetura e
Bat/ey, R. (1983) Power Through Burocracy: Urban Political
Analysis in Brazil. England, Gower Publishing Company.
Carvalho, T.C.C. (1985) As dimensoes da habitaçao. Projeto,
No.77, pp. 95-103.
Cohab-SP (1978) A Casa Prdpria: Atitudes e opini6es dos
moradores do conjunto habitacional "Presidente
Castelo Branco"- Carapicuiba. Sao Paulo, Diretoria de
Recuperaçâ.o Urbana.
Darke, J. and Darke, R. (1988) Affordable Housing: Roles for
the State and the Community. J. Friedrichs (ed.),
Affordahle Housing and Homeless. Berlin, Walter de
Gruyter & Co., pp. 43-58.
Guglemi, P. (1985) 0 acesso à moradia. Arquitetura e
Casitas: Gardens of Reclamation: The Creation of Cultural/Social
Spaces in the 8arrios of New York City
Daniel Winterbottom
Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Washington
In our increasingly multi-cultural society many voices
are not expressed in the public landscape. The design
ofpublic space often reflects a class based system.
In New York City, cam munity garden spaces are being created on "vacant" land. These spaces serve many
community uses including: social, political cultural
and religious events; children's play areas; and the
raising offood crops and ornamentals.
Created by Puerto Rican immigrants, these lush oases, recreations of their indigenous landscapes, provide respite from the surrounding streets. Casitas, investigates how these spaces are used ta express and
affirm traditional cultural expression, offering an alternative ta traditional western gardens and public
parks. and providing meaningful places for the local
communities.
garden plots, open spaces, and pathways surrounding a casita de madera or little wooden house. The
structure serves as a clubhouse and the garden provides space for ornamental and crop production and
socializing. These spaces, created by members of the
surrounding Puerto Rican communities serve a variety of cultural, social and political uses. The name
casitas derives from the house structure, however
the term is now commonly used in New York to describe the entire plot including the "little house" and
aU other built structures, ornamental and production gardens, play and social areas and the variety
of site elements including shrines and art works.
As folklorist, Joseph Sciorra states "The Casita is not
merely a nostalgic lament for an idealized past but a
form of community organizations whereby control of
one's immediate environment is achieved through the
use of traditional expressive culture. "1
The building of and attraction ta the casita is rooted
in the celebration of traditional Puerto Rican culture
and represents a reclamation and recontrol of the environment by the Puerto Rican community.
Introduction
In the 1980s as residents in the barrios of NYC reclaimed and planted vacant lots, connections to their
cultural and natural worlds were deepened, bringing order and wholeness to a deteriorating quality
oflife. The sites are commonly referred to as Casitas.
They are a distinct combination of vernacular architecture, landscape and art typically composed of
88 . edra 29/1998
El Bohio Boricua, Brooklyn, NY
Photo Ejlat Feuer
The casita differs from traditional community gardens in its use, in the allocation of space and in the
structural patterns. While the primary activity of
most co mm unit y gardens is the cultivation of produce and ornamental plantings, the casita serves additionally as classroom, daycare/play area, performance space, ceremonial space and as a community
center. AU the casitas on city land must be opened
to the public with set hours posted. Of the casitas
studied, most are used by extended familymembers,
friends and those associated by geographical proximity, and, once established in the community, the
user group typically broadens. One casita, "Catano:'
is used exclusively by people who come from that
town in Puerto Rico.
As evolving cultural prototypes, these gardens offer an alternative to traditional western gardens often derivative of European gardens of wealth. These
gardens are not simply recreations of vernacular
Caribbean gardens but are derivations and adaptations of the traditional forms. As the folklorist Joseph Sciorra, states "the casita is not merely a nostalgic lament for an idealized past, but a form of
community organization whereby control of one's
immediate environment is achieved through the use
of traditional expressive culture." 1 This culture
draws from a necessary resourcefulness, tenacity
and craft in the use of salvaged materials and plant
cultivation to transform a vacant lot into a designed
place. The casitas create a social focus, fostering
memories and building meaningful connections for
a displaced community. They derive from a unique
blend of collective and individual expressions. It is
this personal quality, woven into traditional
typologies, that make these gardens so extraordinary.
In this paper l will present findings stemming from
a Graham Foundation-funded study. The methodology used includes historical research, in depth
sur veys conducted with the principle organizers of
the casitas, informaI interviews and bi-lingual questionnaires completed bythe users, field observation,
site surveys, and photographie documentation.
The historie al material reviewed included the cultural and natural history of Puerto Rico, the evolution of vernacular architecture and associated land
uses patterns, the immigrant experience and current conditions of urban Puerto Rican populations.
A written survey was developed and administered
in the field. The survey method included multiple
choice and written response questions. The questions included a short section profiling the users and
a longer section focusing on how and why the space
is used and valued. The interviews elicited the history of the site and explored at a greater depth the
questions in the survey. For each of the casitas field
measurements were taken and a site plan was created for comparative interpretation. At least four
observation sessions were held at each study site
with an average length of three hours, though many
visits were longer and more frequent. The observational sessions were held in the spring and fall of
1996 and 1997 in which activities and frequency of
use were noted and inventories of plants, structures
and spaces were conducted.
In this studyeleven casitas in four neighborhoods
were documented, including Williamsberg in
Brooklyn, NY, The Lower Eastside (Loisiada) and
El Barrio known as Spanish Harlem both in Manhattan, and the Melrose section in the South Bronx.
The neighborhoods are similar in many respects.
Each has a large population of first or second generation Puerto Ricans. Residents income falls significantly below the New York City median and each
neighborhood tends to have higher rates of crime
and drug abuse. The neighborhoods vary in scale
with the tenement housing typology dominating.
The quantity of vacant land is greatest in the South
Bronx. Of the eleven gardens studied three were initiated by single women, three by a husband and wife
team, three by single men and two by groups of men
andwomen.
The rich heritage of Puerto Rican culture influencing the casitas evolved from the merging of three
peoples: the indigenous Taino Indians, the Spanish
conquistadors, and the African people brought as
slaves to the island bythe Spaniards. The clubhouse
casita structures derive from rural housing types
that can be traced 500 years to the Taino Indians.
The Taino bohio, a two-room rounded structure was
made of timbers and sheathed with cane or yagua
and roofed with thatch. With Spanish influence, the
form became rectilinear and a porch was added.
With the concentration of wealth in the cities, the
bohio evolved toward housing for the poor. It retained its form principally in the use of certain
building materials and the simple technology of
construction and in sorne aspects of spatial order.
Built from scraps of wood and other found materiaIs, it had an improvised, extemporaneous character. In the 1800's, the Jibaro, people of mixed ancestry practicing subsistence farming, built their bohios
on raised posts near rivers to prevent flooding. Unlike the independent Jibaros who had sharecropper
rights, Arrabal builders were displaced into urban
areas in the 1920s. They claimed land appearing to
be vacant, and utilized every available material, constructing a one room house, surreptitiously at night.
The strategies ofboth the Jibaro and the Arrabal are
similar in the method of assemblage and the accrual
mode of construction. While the traditional bohio
was still erected in the rural parts o( the island into
the 1940s, today they remain only in museums.
However, as anthropologist Carol Jopling notes
"they remain important in cultural memory not
only as evocations of Puerto Rican history, but as
significant influences on the spatial order and technology of subsequent vernacular houses."2
The most pronounced African influence was the
"changed and increased use of the batey;' an open
space fronting the casita. For the Taino, the batey
consisted of an open space around which the bohios
were grouped and was used as a yard with gardens
and fruit trees. As Jopling points out "The term batey
itself retained a certain emotional significance, but
the land came to function more as a 'commons' or a
plaza suitable for social and political activities:'3
Fundamentally, the connection for Puerto Rican
culture is a connection to nature, to the rural landscape, to an engagement with the land. This connection can be traced to the religious life of traditional rural communities that are disappearing on
the island. While Catholicism prevails among
Puerto Ricans, not all practice worship formaIly. The
relationship to the church in Puerto Rico is based
on individual revelation through reading of the
scriptures rather than dependence upon traditional
figures of chur ch authority. This was most pronounced in the Jibaros, who developed their own
response to Spanish institutions. As Ana Maria
Diaz-Stevens describes, this variation of Catholicism drawn from Jibaros religious beliefs centered
on "the cycle of nature and committed to an often
difficult struggle for subsistence. The people of the
rural areas fashioned a religious expression around
two things, without which their existence would not
be possible-land and family. Thus religious practices
and nature's cycles were very closely tied together.
The planting and pasturage season, for example usu-
90 . edra 29/1998
ally began in early February and was initiated by the
feasts of the Purification of Mary and of St. Blaise."4
This relationship of religion to the land can be seen
in both the Santos found in many of the gardens and
in the religious fiestas held in the Casitas. In addition Afro-Caribbean beliefs called Santeria and
Spiritualism featuring the use ofherbs are practiced
in the Casitas.
The findings in this investigation concern five qualities of experience significant to the users of the
casitas, refuge,recreation, cultivation, celebration and
expression.
Refuge
The casita is an aesthetic, social and spiritual oasis.
The garden consists of edible, ornamental and medicinal plantings with opportunistic species, presenting a contrast of wild and cultivated, the whole
offering a natural counterpoint to the hardness of
the environment. The casita provides an essential
place to relax. One women responded "It has
changed me in such a way that when 1 feel nervous l
would go to the garden and forget everything. l go
back home a new person .. :' Another offered "The
plants signify something for us, nature helps release
stress:' Both being within the garden and the act of
cultivating it were regarded as effective for reducing anxiety. This connection between the landscape
and human physical and physiological health recalls
the work of Roger UIrick,s the Chaplain's and others. 6 In this case, the source of the anxiety is a milieu of poverty, unemployment, substandard hous-
El Bohio Boricua, Brooklyn, NY
Photo Ejlat Feuer
ing, drug trafficking, gang and other criminal activity. While oasis, the casita is also fort. Within the
casita,limits on activity and behavior are upheld and
enforced. Drugs, fighting and even swearing and
other behaviors considered disrespectful are not tolerated. Women respondents spoke of the value of
safety concerns primarily for their children. For
many mothers, the casita is a place where their children can safely play under other adult's supervision,
leaving the mothers time to socialize and recreate.
For many of the male users, the primary safety issue was the avoidance of confrontation. The source
for this can be found in the traditional social mores
and values of Puerto Rico, specifically the concepts
of"respectd' and "dignidad:' As defined by social scientist, Anthony Laura, respecto "signifies proper attention to the requisites of the ceremonial order of
behavior, and to the moral aspects ofhuman activity. The verb form, repeater, indicates that in anyencounter, one expresses deference to the person
whom he confronts:'7 In a study by the Puerto Rican
Forum, 'dignidad' "is sometimes explained as the
display of a decent regard for the individual regardless of his social position." While one may be poor
in Puerto Rico, the association of wealth to respect
is less pervasive on the island. For many of the users the transition between cultures is demoralizing
and humiliating. The Casitas provide a cultural enclave, a structured environment in which tradition al
Puerto Rican aspects of socialization and behavior
are accepted.
Cultivation
For a significant number of the users, the garden is
the most valued space within the casita. In answer
to the question "Why do you spend time at the
casita?", the maj ority responded "to spend time with
family and friends:' When asked "what do you do
there?" seventy percent of the users answered that
gardening was their primary activity. This was substantiated when fifty percent answered that it was
the plants or the garden that they most liked in the
casita. When asked if any objects had special meaning eighty percent identified the garden as special,
particularly the process of planting and the observation of plant growth. Thirty percent responded
that the garden made them less nervous, happier,
and was "therapeutic:' Surrounded by a high stress
environment and with a lack of accessible natural
places, the importance of the garden as a stress reducer appears to be important.
In both the questionnaires and the interviews, responses such as "The Casita reminds me of my island,I feel as ifI was in Puerto Rico;' or"lts important for our cultural identify because it represents
the way our ancestors and grandparents used to live;'
or "Yes, it's important because we mustn't forget
about our culture and customs" were heard.
In an even wider realm, the Casita is a social resource
center. In the El Bohio Boricua, Harry Lefond, a
community activist helps others by translating and
explaining official forms and papers for Medicare,
welfare, and housing problems that for many are
confusing. The Casitas have also become part of the
Latino political network. Community activists and
politicians use the gathering spaces to hold forums.
Tending the Plots at Humacao, El Barrio, NY
Photo Daniel Winterbottom
We found four kinds of planting in the casitas. The
first, food species are planted for consumption and
represent 50% to 80% of the cultivated areas. The
second group, ornamentals, include perenniais and
annuals, shrubs, and shade trees. The third group,
herbs and medicinals, are found in aH the gardens.
These include herbs for cooking and medicinals,
consumed as beverages or used for medicinal baths.
Sorne are used by practitioners of Spiritism or
Santeria for their healing ceremonies. The fourth
group are opportunistic plants at the edges of the
sites and a few of these are also used as medicinals.
Most species grown are not indigenous to Puerto
Rico although a few gardeners acquire seeds from
the island. Sorne, not native to Puerto Rico, visually
resemble plants found on the island. As Gernaro
Lanausse, of Batey Dona Provi notes, the Russian
Olive tree in his garden "looks very similar to one
of our bean trees. The candules, its the same leaf,
same color, same everything. For everybody who
passes by that's Puerto Rican, they say 1 know that
tree, when is it going to have fruit?" Thus the aesthetics, despite species differences seems to reconnect users with their culturallandscape
While the style of gardening is very personalized,
sorne general patterns of cultivation are found. Food
and herb cultivation is typically done in raised beds
and plantings are commonly laid out in rows. AnnuaIs are often mixed into perennial beds. Most
shrubs are used as individuals or to define the perimeter of the batey or entry path, but they are rarely
massed in groups. This arrangement allows for
children's access and reinforces the sense of safety.
Most plant selection is limited byaccessibility and
affordability. The most common shrubs are roses
which are prevalent in Puerto Rico, and gardeners
affirm they feel connected to the homeland when
the roses bloom. Few of the gardens include lawn.
This may be due to availability and high maintenance requirements. Most of the bateys are dirt or
partially paved. Planting plots are typically allocated
to regular members or to others in the corn munity
space permitting. In Neighbors of Vega Baja Garden, plots are set aside for residents of a senior housing complex in the adjacent building. In Batey deI
Dona Privy, allocation includes plots for a daycare
center, an elementary school, the local beat cop, two
92 . edra 29/1998
neighbors, two relatives and the founder. In this example, horticultural education is provided to the
daycare center and elementary school through the
casita.
This relationship with local schools is not uncommon. In sorne cases, schools provide supplies to the
casita in exchange for classes. The casita differs significantly from most city public parks in that it provides open space that residents reclaim and control.
The opportunity to partake in the natural and agricultural pro cesses reflects much of the Puerto Rican
culture and character. Users feel connected to the
place both as a park and "as home:' Participants indicated repeatedlythat their connection to the cycles
of planting, cultivating, harvesting and consuming
food within the defined space of the garden was very
important as a symbol of the Jibaro's subsistence
gardens. There was also great pride expressed
among older members that their children share a
place and experience that they themselves fondly
remember, one that represents an indigenous way
oflife.
Recreation "Play"
Anthropologist, Manual Alers-Montalvo, has written "recreation in the Island has been a neighborly,
informaI, spontaneous affair. It has consisted in the
informaI, unscheduled visit, informaI parties (and)
informaI street corner groupS."8 The family unit
tends to be extended, close knit and geographically
close, so visits and child care among family members and friends is frequent and common. Because
of the climate much of the life in Puerto Rico takes
place out of doors, in the yards and streets. Daily
life in the casita. has the same extemporaneous quality. People stro11 in and out, play dominoes, eat native dishes and listen to tradition al music. In rnany
of these neighborhoods, the sidewalk, streets and
parks, once used for play, are today perceived to be
too dangerous. In sorne casitas play elernents are
built or installed. Los Amigos and The Childr-en's
Garden were created specifically to provide safe,
defined spaces for children's play. These secured play
areas relieve sorne of the mothers of their constant
supervision, resulting in increased sociability. A
nurnber of casitas have special dances for young
children celebrating life changes such as birthdays
and graduations. These events bring the children together under adult supervision and in a localized
community space providing positive alternatives.
Celebration
For many in the neighborhood, the casita represents
the community center where important secular and
religious events are celebrated. Religious celebrations are predominantly Christian, but as anthropologist Manuel Alers-Montalvo notes in his study
of Puerto Rican Migrants in NY City '1\11 members
of a Puerto Rican community-the pious and the
indifferent, the Catholic and the Protestant-are constantly exposed to religious activities (processions,
festivals, etc.) which although a culturallegacy of
Catholicism, have ceased to be Catholic and have
become common property of the community at
large."9
Many traditionallate winter celebrations oriented
to the planting of the fields, are rarely celebrated in
the casitas due to weather. Christmas is the exception, and lights, nativity scenes and other decorations are erected in many of the casitas. In Brooklyn,
at El Bohio Boricua, the traditional Christmas practice of plena aquinaldos, or gifts in the form of a
song, is kept alive. Employing native instruments,
the musicians leave the casita and wind their way
through the neighborhood stopping at each apartment to sing traditional festive songs and exchange
asaltos. In early May, the springtime feast of La Fiesta de la Cruz, and in June, the feast of Saint John
the Baptist is celebrated in many casitas. The garden is also the center for a ritual of healing by the
community for its members, as exemplified in the
leaving of prayers for those in trouble, or the raising of funds to pay for a funeral through the sale of
produce.
The casita is used to celebrate calendrical holidays
induding birthdays, mother's day, graduations, and
weddings. Many casitas sponsor softball teams, providing alternatives and mentorships for the youth,
and when teams from Puerto Rico visit, fiestas are
held in celebration. The ceremony at El Batey de
Dona Provi was full of reminiscing through traditional songs and feasting on lechon asado (roast pig)
after the Ponce team played the Cayey Tainos from
the Bronx.
Religious celebrations occur throughout the summer. In Puerto Rico each town has a festival for their
Patron Saint and sorne casitas follow this tradition.
The transfer of culture from a rural Island to a concrete city requires inventive adaptations. To celebrate
the feast of Saint John the Baptist in June, the members of Casita Rojo hold a candlelight procession
from the casita to the East River, where participants
wash their "bad luck" into the waters, as they do on
the beaches of San Juan. Following the deansing,
they return to the casita to sing traditional plena
songs, dance, and feast.
Expression
The Santos are Found in Many Gardens in NYC and in Puerto Rico
As a place, every aspect of the casita, induding the
architecture, the batey and the garden expresses
Puerto Rican culture. Within the casita forms of
expression can be found in the visu al art, the music,
the dance, and the sociallife, and it is these elements
woven together that form the experienced metaphorical sense of place. The arrabal architecture, in
its ever evolving manifestations, the gardens, clearly
subsistence in form and use, and the animaIs in pens
or running loose are all components of a cultural
landscape, a "home:' They are also very evocative
to those on the "other side" of the fence. Many, unaware of the Puerto Rican memories are lured to the
casitas as places of nature. They emit a strong presence transcending cultural barriers and tapping
more univers al cultural meanings.
Whether recorded salsa, or live bomba or plena, the
musical expression of Puerto Rico's black and mestizo working class of the urban arrabales (shantytowns), the rhythmical sounds are a pervasive component of the environment. The participatory
nature of the performance stimulates a group expression with the audience picking up improvised
materials and complementing the traditional
pandetetas and guiros. This group oriented improvisational style is characteristic of the casita, and of
the culture. The shared preparation of the food, the
raising of the wooden structure, and the shared
maintenance of the communal gardens plots are
examples. The songs not only bring back memories
of the island but, as with the serving of native foods,
they create an environment that reinforces the culture, one that is still very much alive, vibrant and
familiar, but also one transposed into a new context, and influencing the surrounding environment.
In the casita, affirmations can be expressed without
threat from the surrounding cultures. This is found
not only in the plena music, but in the other creative and material arts that thrive in the casita. At
Rincon Criollo in the Bronx, workshops are held in
which a variety of hand drums or Panderetas are
made. Bomba drums made from recycled pickle and
salt cod barrels and Panderetas constructed out of
discarded cooking pots or goat skins, imported from
Puerto Rico, are produced at the casita. Norma
Cruza, traditional dancer, offers formallessons in
folkloric bomba and plena dance, and Benny Ayla
holds music classes for the local children who often
perform in the holiday fiestas.
94 . edra 29/1998
The expressive character of the site itself is most
readily apparent in the casitas de madera (Httle
wooden house) with its articulated porches, bright
pastel house col or and contrasting trim. This colorfuI miniaturized world Îs further expressed in the
construction of santos and shrines found in many
of the casitas. In the El Jardine lOth Street, a different approach is taken. Salvaged objects are assembled into constructions less specific th an the
tradition al santos and wooden houses. The assemblages are very personalized, and like the arrabal
architecture are always in process. The combination
of painted tires, mannequin parts, doUs and other
found objects are juxtaposed into provocative sentinels, spread throughout the site. As sorne have
speculated, the process resembles sorne Puerto
Rican funerary practices in which toys and common articles are placed on the grave of the deceased,
in time creating a collage of pieces that as a whole,
tells the story of the pers on.
Assemblage in the Rivington Casita on the Lower Eastside, NYC
',-,other traditional craft practiced at the casita is
making of paper mache masks, or vejigante a
.\:stumed demon that is worn at carnival festivities
:-. Ponce. Many of the casitas, such as the "Children's
~lrden:' stock art making materials for the children.
-:-~ey are encouraged to explore their imaginations
:i1d to learn from artisans who work with them.
-:-l1eir paintings and constructions adorn the casitas
,çith images representative of the island lands cape .
:~~,;;
.-\s the architecture, garden and music reflect a place
:f deep and resonant cultural values, surrounding
xick and con crete waUs are often transformed
:hrough painted muraIs. Many of these muraIs il.ustrate rural island scenes or views of San Juan and
:nany of the casitas are named after the hometown
of members or the founder. MuraIs such as the
Coqui in the Magic Garden represent symbols of
affirmation. The style, less crude and often in the
~and of a local graffiti artist is graphic with symbols, emblems and col ors declaring cultural pride.
The muraIs complete the built world of transformation.
Conclusion
The building of and the attraction to the casita represent the celebration of traditional Puerto Rican
culture and the reclamation of the environment. The
Taino bohio, the Jibaro subsistence farm, and the
Arrabal squatter houses are aU powerful influences
on the forms found in the contemporary casitas.
And it is the spirit of the independent Jibaro farmer
nowa mythic character in the hearts of many Puerto
Ricans, and of the Taino, bound to nature for survival that are important cultural influences and
affirmations of identity, and that can be se en today
in the casitas.
The aesthetic quality of the lush gardens, the defined
space providing a safe zone and the expression of
culture through dance, music and art are aU manifestations of the casita as a refuge. The deep connection to nature stems from an indigenous interpretation of Catholicism, Spiritism, and Santaria.
The gardens also serve as educational tools for
members of the community, a place to learn principles of cultivation and the medicinal use of plants.
Jardine Puertotorriquena, loisaida, (lower Eastside) NY
The casita as a social refuge also serves as a communit y center, created and supported by its members, disseminating information to the community.
The garden as a place of cultivation serves a very
important role in reducing stress and evokes rich
cultural memories. The casita plays an important
role as the place of celebration marking major events
in the religious and culturallife of the community
and its children. The casita is a place reinforcing
cultural identity for the "group" but also as a place
for individual expression. The Casita as a cultural
oasis provides an "alternative to being American in
any narrow, culturaUy delimited sense. Beyond its
place in pluralist mosaic, Latino culture harbors a
deeper cha,llenge to mainstream U.S. society in the
form of a different, and potentially divergent, ethos
and aesthetic:'lo The Puerto Rican and American
flags, typically flown in the casita, symbolize the
transference, affirmation and celebration of Puerto
Rican culture, and its contribution to the diversity
and richness of American culture. It is a living culture, not one oflegend relegated sadlyto a museum,
but, as the casita illustrates, a culture able to thrive
andgrow.
The future of the casitas is uncertain. It is not for a
lack of will nor purpose that their future may be
threatened. But as an island develops a distinct culture, in part due to its isolation, protected from influences from the outside, so too is poverty a form
of isolation. As the users of the casitas move up the
ladder will assimilation decrease the need for these
cultural expressions? How will demands for increased housing effect the use of the vacant lots.
In manyrespects these very powerfullandscapes are
cultural islands, and their ecologies are very fragile
and susceptible to disruption. As they exist, however, they are glorious celebrations of culture, of the
natural environment and of an empowered community.
References
1. Sciorra, J. (1990) "1 Feel Like l'm in My Country:' Drama
Review 34, no(4CT 128).
2. Jopling, C. 1988. Puerto Rican Houses in Sociohistorical Perspective. Knoxville: Tennessee Press.
3. Ibid.
4. Diaz-Stevens A.M. (1996) Aspects of Puerto Rican Religious
Experience: A Sociohistorical Overview. In G.
Haslip-Viera and S. Baver (Eds.), Latinos in New
York: Communities in Transition. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame.
5. Ulrich, R. (1979) Visual Landscapes and Phycological Well-
being.Landscape Research 4(1):17-23.
6. Kaplan S & Kaplan R., (Eds.) (1978) Humanscape: Environments for People. Duxbury Press.
7. Lauria,A. (1964) "Respecto:"'Relago" and Interpersonal Relations in Puerto Rico;' Anthropology Quarterly, 37: 1,
55.
8.Alers-Montalvo, M. (1985) The Puerto Rican Migrants ofNew
York City, A Study ofAnomie New York: AMS Press.
9. Ibid.
10. Flores, J. (1996) Puerto Rican and Latino Culture at the
Crossroads. In G. Haslip-Viera and S. Baver (Eds.),
Latinos in New York: Communities in Transition.
Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame.
96 . edra 29/1998

The Contribution of (ommon Land to Sense of Community

Transcription

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