Emotional Capital and Professional Socialization: The Case

Emotional Capital and Professional Socialization: The Case of Mortuary Science Students (and
Me)
Author(s): Spencer E. Cahill
Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 62, No. 2, Special Issue: Qualitative Contributions to
Social Psychology (Jun., 1999), pp. 101-116
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2695852 .
Accessed: 28/09/2011 23:01
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Social Psychology Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
SocialPsychology
Quarterly
1999,Vol. 62,No. 2,101-116
Socialization:
EmotionalCapitaland Professional
ScienceStudents(and Me)*
The Case ofMortuary
SPENCER E. CAHILL
University
ofSouthFlorida
science
mortuary
studyof an accredited
Thisarticleis based on an ethnographic
social
and itsstudents'
a variety
of waysin whichthisprogram
progam.It describes
between
the
workwithand aroundthedead.It also drawscontrasts
livesnormalize
sciencestudents'emotionalreactionsto theworkoffuneral
successfulmortuary
students
(and myown),and explainsthoseconand thoseof unsuccessful
direction
I introDrawingon theseobservations,
trasts
in termsof biographical
backgrounds.
in
duce theconceptof "emotionalcapital"and explorehow it maybe implicated
and exclusion,
and of occupational
selection
socialization
processesofprofessional
ingeneral.
andinthesocialreproduction
ofstatusdistinctions
Barley 1983; Habensteinand Lamers 1981;
Howarth1996;Pine 1975;iXrnerand Edgley
[1976]1990;Unruh1979).Yet we have inexplicablyignoredtheiroccupationalsocialization.
This neglect is especially perplexing
whenwe considerrecentinterestamongstudentsofsociallifein theemotionaldemands
and dynamics of work (e.g., Hochschild
1983; Stenrossand Kleinman1989) and of
occupationalsocialization(e.g.,Loseke and
Cahill 1986; Smith and Kleinman 1989).
the workof funeral
Froma lay perspective,
directorsappears emotionallyoverwhelming. Funeral directorsconstantlyface the
They routinelyhandle
specterof mortality.
and live among corpses.Their embalming
workexposesthemto sightsand smellsthat
mostof thelay publicwouldfinddisgusting
disand repellent.
Theymustdispassionately
cuss with grief-strickenclients, without
obituar*1amgrateful
toMarthaCopp,Sherryl
Kleinman, seemingcallous,death certificates,
Donileen Loseke, E. Doyle McCarthy,and the ies, funeral arrangements,interment,the
forSPQ fortheircareful
read- costsand featuresof mortuary
reviewers
anonymous
merchandise,
of earlierversionsof
criticism
ingand constructive
direction
of
Funeral
and
methods
payment.
thispaper.I hope I have done theiradvicejustice.
neutrality"
involves
"affective
clearly
to
Spencer
Cahill,
Direct correspondence
InterdisciplinarySocial Sciences, SOC 107, (Parsons1951) towardmattersabout which
of SouthFlorida,Tampa,FL 33620-8350 the lay public feels anythingbut neutral.
University
([email protected]).
1As one indication
offuneral
directors'
relatively Thustheoccupationalsocializationoffunerwouldseem at least as emotionin 1990approximately
1,600students al directors
smallnumbers,
mortuary
science ally chargedand potentiallyinstructive
graduatedfromthe40 accredited
as
intheUnitedStates(Emmons thatoftheoftenstudiedphysician.
schoolsandprograms
1991:E4). In thatyear the nation's 124 medical
Here I examinepart of the process of
schools granted15,075MD degrees;its 182 law
schoolsgranted36,485LLB and JD degrees(U.S. becoming a funeraldirector,withspecial
BureauoftheCensus1994:191)
attention to its emotional demands and
In 1958, Everett Hughes (1958:120)
called for"studieswhichwill discoverthe
courseof passage fromthe laymen'sestate
to that of the professional."Since then a
numberof studentsof social lifehave heedsocialed his call forstudiesof professional
ization.Apparentlyconvincedthat physiprofessionals,
many
cians are the archetypal
have focused on medical students (e.g.,
Becker et al. 1961; Fox 1957; Haas and
Shaffir1977,1982); othershave studiedthe
professional
socializationof teachers(Lortie
1968), the clergy(Kleinman 1984), nurses
(e.g.,Davis 1968;Stimson1967),socialworkers (Loseke and Cahill 1986), and lawyers
(e.g., Granfield 1992). Funeral directors,
absentfromthislist.
however,are strangely
Studentsof social life have given a good
deal of attention
to funeraldirectorsin view
of their relatively small number' (e.g.,
101
102
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
dynamics.This paper is based on my five the biographical paths that lead them to
monthsof participantobservation of an suchwork.
accreditedmortuaryscience programat a
On the basis of that informationand
community college that I simply call thoseanalyses,I makethefollowing
proposal: The theoretically
reasonableassumption
Community
College.
... involves... a
Aspiringfuneraldirectors'formaledu- that"becomingprofessional
(Haas and
cationin mortuary
scienceis onlyone part psychologicaltransformation"
Shaffir
has
1982:194)
blinded
students
of
of theiroccupational socialization. More
social
life
to
what
aspirants'
bring
emotionthan a fewhave had at least some contact
withfuneraldirectionor directorsbefore ally to theiroccupationalsocializationand
enrollingin mortuaryscience programsor may have to bringto surviveits emotional
schools,as I discussbelow in greaterdetail. ordeals.BorrowingfromBourdieu ([1979]
Also, in most states,theyare required to 1984),I introducetheconceptof"emotional
completenot onlyan accreditedprogramof capital"and arguethatthecase of mortuary
study in mortuary science but also an science students suggests some general
The programin whichI par- lessons about emotionalprocessesof occuapprenticeship.
ticipated,forexample,is located in a state pational selectionand exclusion,socializathatrequiresaspiringfuneraldirectors,
after tion,and statusreproduction.
theycompletetheirstudies,to serve a 12monthapprenticeship
in a licensedfuneral STUDYING MORTUARY SCIENCE AT
COMMUNITY COLLEGE
home that conductsat least 40 funeralsa
year and to pass the nationallystandardThe mortuary science program at
ized examination administered by the Community
College consistsof a wide variConferenceof Funeral Service Examining ety of requiredcoursesthatgenerallytake
Boards. Only then can theytake the state two academicyearsto complete.It includes
boardexaminationand,ifsuccessful,
receive coursesin funeralserviceand griefcounseltheirlicense to practice.Yet, theirformal ing,managementand accounting,human
educationin mortuary
scienceis a significant anatomyand pathology,"restorativeart,"
part of their professional socialization. and a two-coursesequence on embalming
Mortuaryscienceschoolsand programscol- that involves both lectures and practical
lectivelyimmersetheirstudentsin theoccu- "laboratory"experience.In addition,stupationalcultureof funeraldirection,
provid- dentsare also requiredto take a fewliberal
ingan extendedprofessional
baptism.
artscoursesofferedbyotherdepartments.
In thisarticle,I focuson the emotional
The mortuaryscience departmentat
demandsand dynamicsof mortuary
science CommunityCollege is a division of the
education. I examine the more general School of Health Sciences. Although the
lessons theysuggestabout the emotional departmental
and facultyofficesare located
requirements
and consequencesof occupa- in the Health SciencesBuilding,all but two
tionalsocializationand about theemotional of the mortuaryscience classes-anatomy
reproductionof statusdistinctions.
I begin and pathology-areheld in thebasementof
witha briefdescription
of the mortuary
sci- anotherbuilding,
whichalso houses the stuence programin whichI participated
and of dentcenter.The groundslopes downwardat
my own participant observation. Then I one end of thatlong rectangularbuilding,
describe and analyze how the settingsof where the basement opens onto a small
aspiringfuneraldirectors'formaleducation, paved parking area. Concrete steps lead
theirrestricted
social networks,
and the lan- fromthat area up to a loading dock and
guage of mortuaryscience educationwork metal double doors that are painted gray.
togetherto neutralizetheemotionalimplica- The doorsbearfluorescent
orangesignswith
tionsof lay attitudestowarddeath and the black lettering that boldly announce
dead. Next I considerthe mortuary
science "Authorized
PersonnelOnly."
students'accountsof theirown emotional
These double doors open onto the
reactionsto theirworkwiththedead and of embalming
or whatthemortuary
laboratory,
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
science studentsand facultyoftencall the
morgue.Througha door to the leftis the
classroomwheremostof the mortuaryscience classesare held.That classroomis also
accessiblethrougha door to an emergency
exitaroundthe cornerof the buildingfrom
the loadingdock and througha door at the
back of an auditoriumstage.Both of these
doorsopen ontoa smallloungebetweentwo
sizablebathrooms
withshowerstalls.A door
on theoppositewall of theloungeleads into
a "displayroom"filledwithcasketsand other
funeralparaphernalia;
thedoor at the opposite end of the displayroomopens onto the
classroom. Mortuary science classes at
Community
Collegearenoteasilyaccessible.
I gainedaccess to thoseclasses through
the directorof the mortuaryscience programat Community
College.We firstmetin
her office,where I explained my interests
and plans.Althoughshe could not allow me
to participate in embalmingsbecause of
state regulations,2 she was otherwise
amenable.
The nextmorningwe walked fromthe
director'sofficeto the loading dock and
double doorsleadingintothemorgue.After
a brieftour of the embalminglaboratory
and displayroom,she introducedme to the
students in the Health and Sanitation
Scienceclass.Again I explainedmyinterest
and plans. The students,aftersome often
uncomfortable
questioningabout myintentions,3agreed unanimously,althoughperhaps unenthusiastically,
to accept mypres2
State law prohibited anyone except licensed
apprenticeand fullylicensedfuneraldirectors,registeredmortuaryscience students,and membersof the
deceased person's immediatefamilywho so request
fromwitnessingan embalming,much less participating.Thus,to attendthe embalminglab, I would have
had to registeras a mortuaryscience studentwith
the state department of health. That would have
requiredmore deceptionthanI was willingto perpetrate,and more thanthe directorof the mortuaryscience programat CommunityCollege was willingto
aid and abet.
3 The most disconcerting
questions seemed to be
designedto reveal myprejudices,whichI labored to
conceal. For example,one studentabruptlyasked if
"we look like you expected us to look." Aftersome
I answeredthatI did not know what I
stammering,
expected, convenientlyconcealing my surprisethat
theylooked like typicalundergraduates.
103
ence.Whatevertheirunspokenreservations,
I was heartenedwhenthreeof the students
invitedme, afterclass,to join themin the
cafeteriaforcoffee.
Over the next 42 months,I regularly
attendedclassesin healthand sanitationscience, psychologyof grief,and embalming,
and I visiteda fewotherclassesless regularly.I also talkedinformally
withthestudents.
I oftenjoined themfor lunch,coffee,and
in thestudentcenter,and visitconversation
ed a few of them at theirhomes and the
funeralhomes where theyworked.I also
interviewed
eightof the studentsmoreforI keptextensivefieldnotesand tape
mally.4
recorded the interviews and later transcribedthemin full.
I also keptwrittenand mentalnotesof
myemotionalreactionsto what I saw and
heard at and near CommunityCollege. In
analyzingmyfieldnotesand interview
transcripts,I became convincedthatimportant
lessons could be drawnfromthe contrast
between the mortuaryscience students'
emotionalreactionsand myreactionsto the
workof funeraldirection.
Thus,in whatfollows, I observe Kleinman and Copp's
(1993:54) advice,weavingmyown "feelings
into the analysis ratherthan relegat[ing]
themto the beginningor end of the story."
AlthoughthisprocessrevealsthatI was far
froma perfectlyempatheticresearcherat
CommunityCollege, it also demonstrates
the importanceof earlieremotionalsocialization to occupational socialization, and
perhaps to the reproductionof statusdistinctions.
LIVING AND WORKING WITH DEATH
Before beginningmy observation at
Community
College,I had had littlecontact
withdeathand the dead. I was and stillam
frightenedand repulsed by the veryidea;
4Three of theeightstudents
whomI interviewed
werewomen;fiveweremen.The threewomenwere
21,25,and35 yearsold;themen'sagesrangedfrom
20 to 36. I interviewed
one of thesestudents
at the
funeral
homewherehe worked,
twoat theirhomes,
andtheotherfiveat variouslocations
on thecampus
of Community
College.The interviews
rangedin
from11to41hours.
length
104
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
I gave them(and stillgive them) time,mostof us go aboutour everydaylives
therefore
littlethought.I doubt thatI am unusualin as ifdeathdid notexist.
This is notpossibleforfuneraldirectors
theserespects,
at least amongcontemporary
or
mortuary
science students.They are
NorthAmericans.The historicdecline in
rates and the associatedincrease unique even among those who routinely
mortality
in lifeexpectancy"means thatformanyof deal with death in their working lives.
us,thefirstpersonallymeaningful
deathswe Unlike physiciansand nurses,theycannot
will encounterwill be those of our parents leave the handlingof corpsesto underlings
and these will occur when we are middle (Sudnow 1967:43); unlike those aides and
aged" (Lofland1985:177).5Even whendeath orderlies, they cannot "systematically
makes an appearance in our lives,it often attempt to avoid the task" (Sudnow
remainssafelyconcealedbehindthewallsof 1967:82).Even morgueattendantsand medturnthedead over
such as hos- ical examinerseventually
"specializeddyinginstitutions"
to
who
funeral
often
mustcleanup
directors,
pitals and nursing homes (Blauner
the
mess
that
others
have
made of the
1966:384).There death assumesthe "repelDeath
deceased.
is
not
a routinepart
merely
lentformof the seriousillnessand the care
of
work
funeral
directors'
but
its reasonfor
it required" (Aries 1981:612). As Aries
with
the
dead
and around
existing.
Working
argues,modernmedicine'sheroicstruggles
constant
reminders
of
death
is
the cruxof
withdeath have increasedits horrorwhile
their
job
rather
than
one
distasteful
aspect.
decreasingitsfascination.
Perhaps we now talk and writeabout Mortuaryscienceeducationnormalizesthat
death almost obsessively.Since the 1950s, work; at least it does so at Community
whenGorer (1955) condemnedthe discur- College.
sive pruderytoward death and dying in
Scenes
"Anglo-Saxonsocieties,"theyhave become, Normalizing
in Lofland'swords,"very'in'topics."
The mortuary science students at
College cannotescape vestiges
in collegeclassrooms,
in Community
Theyarecelebrated
a torrential
outpouring
ofbooks,in newspa- and symbols of death. They pass several
in semi- times each weekday through either the
pers,magazineand journalarticles,
narsandconferences,
in television
documen- embalminglaboratoryor the displayroom
scitariesandtalkshows,
andinnewlyorganized on theirwayto and fromtheirmortuary
or rejuvenated
researchclearinghousesand ence classes. The normal scenes of their
foundations.
(Lofland1975:243)
withrefrigerateverydaylivesare furnished
ed compartmentsthat oftenhold corpses,
Yet suchtalkand suchtextscan be emotion- shinystainlesssteel "preparation"tableson
ally cheap.The cover of intellectualinsula- which bodies are embalmed three aftertionthattheymayprovidekeepsdeath'sfas- noonseach week,and casketsforoccupancy
cinating horrors out of our everyday bythedead.
thoughtsand conversations.6Most of the
The classroomprovidesno respitefrom
remindersof the students'intimateassociaS Contemporary
NorthAmericans'experience tionwithdeath.Whenseated at theirdesks,
withdeathcertainly
variesgreatly.
Yetincomparison theyface a numberof plasticbusts whose
withour ancestorsand withpeople in manyother featuresreplicatetheravagesof disease and
partsof theworldtoday,all buta veryoffewofus
are inexperienced
withdeath.Beforethe"mortality former
discursively
capturedand disciplined
bodily
in westernEuropeand NorthAmerica pleasuresundertherubricof sexuality;the latter
revolution"
during
thelasthalfofthenineteenth
century
andthe maywellbe discursively
tamingtheemotionalturfirsthalfof the twentieth
century(Goldscheider bulencesurrounding
death.Normativestandards
1971),deathwas a constantin almosteveryone's such as Kubler-Ross's (1969) widely known
In NorthAmericatoday,
experience.
suchexperience sequenceofemotional
toimpending
reactions
death,
is therareexception
rather
thantherule.
whichis now oftengeneralizedto griefas well,
6 Foucault's(1978) analysis
of themodernobses- determine
ofthoseemothenormality
orpathology
sion withtalkingand writingabout sexualityhas tionsandjustify
thetherapeutic
correction
ofabnorforthecontem- malresponses
instructive
potentially
implications
byvariously
titledengineers
of emototalkandwriteaboutdeath.The tions.
porary
compulsion
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
105
serioushead injuries.Those busts,on which amongcaskets.None ofthiswas abnormalin
the studentspracticetheirrestorativeart, the mortuary science classroom at
are stored facing forward on two high CommunityCollege. What was apparently
shelvesthatrunthelengthof thewall at the unusual was my own discomfortwiththe
frontof the classroom.To me, one of the blankstaresofgrotesquebusts,thesightof a
uninitiated,theywere the stuffof night- corpse,and the veryidea of sittingalone
maresratherthanof normal,everydaylife. amongcaskets.
partof
Theirconstantpresenceis apparently
sciencestudents'professional Normalizing
the mortuary
Associations
standard
So too is theinstructors'
initiation.
However normalthe mortuaryscience
practiceof spreadingtheirnotes on a body
gurneyand lecturingfrombehindthe gur- studentsconsider theirclassroom experiney.If no gurneyis presentin theclassroom, ences,most otherstudentsat Community
theywheelone in fromtheembalminglabo- College regardthemotherwise.One of the
sciencestudentstold me,"WhenI
ratoryratherthanusingthe always-present mortuary
at a partyor something,I
someone
meet
lecternand table,.The lecternand table are
to
talk
to themfora whilebefore
try
always
mere decorations;the gurneyis a familiar,
Even then,that'susuthem
major.
my
telling
normaltoolofthetrade.
It is also standard practice for the ally the end of the conversation."Another
and studentsto leave the doors studentdescribedthe receptionthathe and
instructors
open betweenthe classroomand both the two othermortuaryscience studentsfaced
theirtextbooksat thecamand thedisplayroom. whenpurchasing
laboratory
embalming
One or theotherof theseadjacentroomsis pus bookstore: "The cashier and person
visiblefromalmosteverydesk in the class- approvingchecks are talkingto everyone
room.Althoughthebodies forthe embalm- who comes throughthe line. We put our
inglab7are storedout of sightin the refrig- books on thecounter;theyjustshutup.They
the lingering
smellof wouldn'tevenlook up."I had a similarexpeeratedcompartments,
drifts riencewhenbuyingthetextfortheembalmsometimes
corpses
badlydecomposed
intothe classroom.On one such occasion,a ing class. The studentcashier greeted me
studentturnedto a classmatesittingbehind witha smile and pleasant hello,picked up
him and remarked,"Whew,are you guys thebook to findthe price,saw thatthe title
gonna have funin lab today."On another was The Principles and Practice of
(admittedlyexceptional)occasion,a rather Embalming (Frederick and Strub 1989),
substantialdraped body lay on one of the coldly told me the price, and studiously
tablesin themorguethroughout avoided myeyes throughout
preparation
the remainder
It was ofourtransaction.
the hour-longlectureon embalming.
clearly visible fromwhere I was sitting;
Other mortuaryscience studentscomdespite my best efforts,I could not keep plained that even when otherstudentsdo
about it.If I talkto them,as one womanrecounted,
fromlookingat it and thinking
"they
could judge fromthe discussionsand the ask all these dumb questions.Like, do you
furiousnote takingthatsurroundedme,the take the brainsout? Or like,I wear a lot of
otherstudentsfeltno suchcompulsion.
bracelets,and people ask if I take themoff
I saw a door to the classroom closed the bodies." Only one of the mortuaryscionlyonce,whena studentwas sentintothe ence students with whom I became
display room to take a quiz that he had acquainted maintainedthather major was
missed earlierbecause of illness.He com- not a social handicap. She once boasted,
pleted the quiz behind that door, sitting "I'm alwaysbeingasked out,and I've never
gone withone of these [mortuaryscience]
she was theonlystudent
guys."Interestingly,
7 The mortuary
science programreceivedso- who withdrewfromthe mortuaryscience
called"lifedonor"bodiesforuse in theembalming
thosebodiesweretransported programduringmy period of participant
lab.Once embalmed,
The distanceshe proudlyplaced
foruse observation.
to themedicalschoolat thelocaluniversity
class.
between herselfand her classmates may
intheinfamous
grossanatomy
106
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
havekeptherfromreachingheroccupation- classworkwere farfromordinary,
however.
al goal.
One woman,who had theembalminglab on
Shunned by the other students and Friday,complainedmorethanonce thatthe
wearyof theirmorbidcuriosity,
mostof the studentsin the Wednesdaylab "got all the
mortuaryscience studentsat Community bodies.At thisrate,we'reonlygonnagetten
College stick together. They often live or twelvethissemester.
It's notfair."
together:Four of the eightwomen in the
On anotheroccasion,a woman(K) and
programsharedan apartment,
and a number a man (M) had thefollowing
discussionover
of the men were roommates.Their apart- lunch.
mentswere oftenthe settingsfor parties
M: Did yousee thatonewe gotlasttime?
attendedprimarilyby othermortuaryscience students.Yet not all of the students
K: Theonethatbledandeverything.
were includedin thisinformalsocial circle.
M: Thatwasn'tblood.Thatwas shit.When
The two AfricanAmerican studentslived
we pumpedup the cavities,it shitall over
withtheirfamilies,who operated funeral
everything.
homes,and three older students,who had
come to the mortuaryscience programat
K:Theyalwaysdo that.
CommunityCollege afterpursuingother
M: [holding
up theforefingers
of each hand
careers,seldom associated withthe other
about
two
feet
That
apart]
big!
students outside the classroom. Among
these threeolder students,each of the two Thiswas usual fareforthemortuary
science
menwas marriedto thedaughterof a funer- studentsat Community
College.
al director,
forwhomhe worked;thewoman
was marriedto a funeraldirector.
One ofthe Normalizing
Talk
youngerstudentsalso had littlecontactwith
The mortuary
sciencestudents'intimate
the othermortuaryscience studentsaway
fromcampus; he lived in the thirdfloor contactwiththedead and withdeathis norapartmentof a statelyVictorianhouse that malizednotonlybywhattheytalkaboutbut
also by how theytalk and how instructors
had longheld a family-owned-and-operated
funeralhome.Whilelivingthere,thisstudent talkto them.Like nursingand medicaleduwas befriendedby the sisterand brother cation (Davis 1968:249; Haas and Shaffir
who ownedand operatedthe funeralhome, 1977:77), mortuary science education
and who lived on the second floor.Thus requiresstudentsto adopt an occupational
even among those studentswho did not rhetoricand esotericlanguagethatcommusocialize withtheirclassmatesoffcampus, nicate professional authorityand a calm
everydaysocial liferevolvedaroundfuneral composuretowardmattersthatmostof the
lay publicfindsemotionallyupsetting.
That
direction.
clinicallanguage
On campus,thestudents'casual conver- language,likethescientific,
sations also revolve oftenaround funeral of medicaleducation(Smithand Kleinman
direction.They regularlygatheraround a 1989),encouragesstudents'"analytictranstable in the cafeteriaof the studentcenter, formation"of theirpotentiallyunsettling
to whichtheyhave a standingclaim.Even contactwithhumanbodies.The corpseis no
when the cafeteria is otherwise filled to longera dead personbut an interconnected
capacity,that table is leftopen for them. systemof arteriesand veinswithnumerous
DuringthemanyhoursI spentat thattable, convenient points of entryand exit for
I never saw another studentaddress the injecting chemicals and draining blood.
sciencestudentsexceptto request Studentslearn to thinkof the corpse as a
mortuary
thesalt,pepper,or ketchup.
series of technical puzzles and problems
The conversations
thatwereheldat that posed by the cause of death,the previously
table coveredthe usual topicsof concernto ingestedsubstancesthatit maystillcontain,
college students:past and currentloves, the chemicalchangesthatit is undergoing,
plans forthe weekend,and classwork.The and the injuriesthatit sustainedbefore,at,
mortuaryscience students'discussionsof or afterdeath.
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
The mortuary science students at
Community
Collegehave littlechoicebutto
adoptthatlanguageand analyticperspective
towardthe bodies of the dead. Duringone
embalminglecture,forexample,a student
asked if "we have to reciteall thisforthe
National Boards." The instructorreplied,
"You're goingto have to knowitbetterthan
you do now." She then continuedher lecture, and the students continued taking
notesthatprobablyread something
like the
followingexcerptfrommy own notes for
thatday:
107
As I suggestedpreviously,the normal
scienceclassroomand
talk of the mortuary
embalming laboratory at Community
Collegeis oftenalso thetalkofthestudents'
casual conversation.During one lunchtime
conversation about cranial autopsy, I
remarked,"it probablytakes some restorative work." One of the students replied
quicklyand enthusiastically.
Thereare advantagesto usingthe axillary
arteryas a pointof injection.
It is nearthe
The comcenterof embalming
circulation.
panion,axillaryvein is near the centerof
venousdrainage.Bothvesselsare comparatively
superficial
andneartheface.
Such languageis more thana collectionof
words;ittransforms
corpsesinto"cases."
The embalming laboratory demands
such analytictransformation
of lifelessbodies intoobjectsof technicalconcern.The lab
instructor
oftenrequiresstudents,
usingred
and blue markers,
to traceparticular
arteries
and veins on bodies before they are
embalmed.The students'technicalfascinationwiththe bodies thattheyare embalminteringsometimesexceedstheinstructors'
est.As one studentexplainedto me,
We wereshootingfluidup thisside of the
head ... and thefluidwas goingup ... this
sideofthefacewas filling
up becauseitwas
goingbackdownthevein.But thissidewas
all getting
purpleand cloggingup.And the
veinhad beentiedup;thejugularhad been
tiedoffforsomereason.He [thelaboratory
toldus totieitoff,
butI said,"Mr.
instructor]
McDraw,8
youknowwhat?We couldgetthis
colorout,thisblood,ifwe openedup this
jugularand let the vein drainout.""Yeah
probablyso,"likehe couldhavecaredless.
Like,"getit done.I wantto go home and
havedinnerwithmywife."
It reallydoesn't
Actually,
you'dbe surprised.
unlessthepersonis bald.Because theyjust
cutthescalpfromthereto there[indicating
the imaginaryincisionon his own head].
And theyjustpull theskinback,and then
up to takethebrain
theytakethecalvarium
out.Thentheyfillup theheadwithcottonor
back,and
whathaveyou,putthecalvarium
pullit [thescalp]rightback.Thatside'son
so nobodyseesitanyhow.
thepillow,
He thenfinishedhislunch,butI did notfinishmine.His "case" was myhorror.
Althoughnot forme, the talk and the
scenes of mortuaryscience education at
CommunityCollege and the students'circumscribedsocial contactsapparentlynormalize death and work withthe dead for
mostof them,helpingthemto acquire the
and emojudgments,
emotionalperceptions,
tion managementskillsrequiredforadmitYet from
tance to theirchosenoccupation.9
all appearances and accordingto the students' own reports,they experience less
emotionaldifficulty
withtheworkoffuneral
directionthanI encounteredwhileobservingit.At leastthatseemedto be thecase for
those who eitherhad completed the pro-
9Manypracticing
worknotonly
funeral
directors
survivors.
withthedead butalso withtheirgrieving
fromthe
directors
mustshiftskillfully
Thosefuneral
affective
of thepreparation
room,where
neutrality
to thesympathetic
concernofthe
occurs,
embalming
consultationoffice.Mortuarysciencestudentsat
in
College receiveexplicitinstruction
Community
servicecounseling"
in one oftheirrequired
This studentand probablymanyothersare "funeral
courses,and some studentsrepeatedlyexpressed
engrossedby the normaltalk and workof theirinterest
and"helpingthefamiin grieftherapy
scienceeducation.
mortuary
seemto treatsympalies."Yet faculty
and students
clientsas "onlynatural."
theticconcernforgrieving
At leastthemortuary
scienceprogram
does notculconcernas extensively,
tivatesuch sympathetic
8This andotherpropernamesusedherearepseu- although
as itencourages
calmcomposure
implicitly,
donyms.
inhandling
thedead.
108
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
gramor remained enrolled at the end of
College.
semesterI spentat Community
EMOTIONAL DIRECTIONS TOWARD
FUNERAL DIRECTION
arteriesand pull themup. So we're sitting
ourthumbs,
whileshe'slike
theretwiddling
some anorexicpawingat meat ... You've got
to getyourhandsinanddo it.
The more successfulmortuaryscience stuAt the beginningof the academic year dents at Community College had little
in whichI attendedclasses at Community respectfortheirclassmateswho did not"get
College, 28 studentswere enrolled in the theirhandsin" and do theworkoftheirchomortuaryscience program.By the seventh sen occupation. These studentsreported
week of the springsemester,24 remained. doing so, and having done so, with only
Two students withdrew during the fall minordifficulty.
semestershortlyafterwatchinga filmof an
autopsyin therequiredanatomyclass,which EmotionalUndertakings
many of the students call "Gross I."
sciencestudentsat
Few of themortuary
Accordingto the directorof the mortuary Community
College claimedthattheynever
scienceprogram,
bothhad becomeill during had problemsworkingaroundand withthe
thefilmand decidedthattheywere"notcut dead. Although three told me that they
out" for a career in funeral direction. "neverhad any trouble,"mostreported,in
Anotherstudentwas expelledfromthepro- thewordsof one,thattheyhad trouble"just
gramforfailing"Gross I" because of exces- thefirsttimewe startedto do thelab itself.I
siveabsences.
thinkyou have to get used to it-the things
The studentswho remainedin the pro- thatgo on." Anotherstudentdescribedhis
gramhad littlesympathyforthese former firstembalming"case" and the attendant
classmates.As one of those remainingstu- difficulties
in somedetail:
dentssaid,"It's a businesswhereunlessyou
case.
My firstone actuallywas a mongoloid
really want to do it, you won't. That was
and he
theirproblem."Theyhad evenless sympathy It was prettysad. Like twenty-two,
And it was difficult
lookedsixty.
to embalm
forthewomanmentionedearlier,who withit was difficult
to findthe vents
because
drewfromtheprogramduringmyperiodof
[veinsforblood drainage].I mean,it was
observation.'0
One of herformer
participant
gruesome... I sat down ... you feel uncompartnersin the embalminglab told me the
fortableat first;don'tget me wrong.I felt
following:
real queasy.I admitthatI did.And then... I
You shouldbe able to makeyourincisions gotusedto it.It doesn'tbothermeanymore.
and raise arteriesin fiveminutesat the
of the mortuary
scimost-a minuteis all it should take. She Like thisstudent,most
who
at
ence
remained
students
Community
tookfifty-five
minutesjust to findthetwo
College admittedsome aspectsof embalmbotheredthembutreportedthat
inginitially
10The familybackgrounds
of the studentswho it seldomhappened"anymore."
orwereexpelledfromtheprogram
aresigwithdrew
Some studentsadmittedthattheystill
According
to one had occasional difficultieswith the dirty
arguments.
nificant
to subsequent
none of the
of the studentswhomI interviewed,
threestudentswho leftthe programbeforethe work of funeraldirection.Smells were a
"fromthe commoncause. As one studentexplained,
beganwere,in hiswords,
springsemester
business."Althoughthefatherof thewomanwho "The sight,you've probably seen worst
thespring
semes- thingson television.The smellis probably
fromtheprogram
during
withdrew
he wasemployed
director,
terwasa licensedfuneral
in a largefuneralestab- the worst."Along similarlines,anotherstuas a specialized"director"
lishmentsome distancefromthefamilyhome.In dent reportedthat althoughshe generally
thelaboroffuneral
direc- did notfindembalming
suchlargeestablishments,
"ifI have
unsettling,
tionis commonly
dividedamongspecialized"direc- a touch of the flu or drank too much the
tors,"who make the actual funeraland burial
thesmellcan be reallynauseatwith nightbefore,
whodeal directly
"counselors,"
arrangements,
I've alwaysbeen able to keep
But
so
ing.
far,
and "removalmen"(Pine 1975:
clients;embalmers;
it down."Some studentsalso told me that
62-63).
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
109
anxiety.Rather, to my eye and ear, they
seemedeithereagerto starttheirlaboratory
workor relaxed,engagingin casual converTherewerea coupleyoungwomen,bothour sationand playfulbanter.
Were the successfulmortuaryscience
oftwoweeks... itkind
ownage,in a matter
College simplymore
at Community
students
ofhitsyouwhenyougo home... You can't
to
work
around death
emotionally
suited
aboutit.
helpthinking
and withthe dead than theirfailed classdid "get used mates,me,and perhapsmostof thelay pubYet thesestudentsreportedly
to it,""keep it down,"and deal withemo- lic?The studentsthemselves
gave conflicting
tionallydistressing"cases." Like me, their answersto this question. During a casual
classmates who withdrew or who were conversationwithtwo male students,for
could example,I asked if theyconsideredthemexpelledfromtheprogramapparently
not.
selves"special."One said no:"Whatwe do is
and sometimesphysi- far less depressingthan what nurses and
Whatemotionally
mortu- doctorsdo. We onlyget the body afterthe
callyoverwhelmedthe unsuccessful
arysciencestudents(and me) seemedto fas- death and do not have to watchall the sufcinate the studentswho continued their fering."
The otherstudentdisagreedquickly
studies.For example, one successful stu- and emphatically:
"We're at least unique in
dent's remarksabout his experiencewith some way because notjust anybodycan do
"removals"fromhospitalmorguescontrast what we do." In a conversationwith two
sharplywiththereportedreactionsoftwoof femalestudents,
one remarked,
"It's notlike
his formerclassmatesto the filmedimages 'can you stomachit.' Like people say,'You
ofan autopsy:
have to have a stomachforit.' It's not like
The morgueitselfis alwaysin thebasement, that."Before she could explain what it is
deep darkdungeon.I really... findit inter- "like,"the otherwomanresponded:"Yeah,
esting... I lookat it,... doingautopsiesand but I thinkit's somethingthatyou have to
all,notjust [as] a place to stickbodiesin a have alwaysthoughtabout.For youitwas."
Althoughthe successfulmortuarysciroom,
cooler.Ifyougo intotheexamination
wheretheydo theautopsiesand thingslike ence students may not have "always"
that,I justfinditinteresting.
thoughtabout workingaround death and
withthe dead, thiswomanhad a point.As
If we may judge by their numerous and
suggestedby theirbiographicalexplanations
often detailed conversationsabout their ofhowtheycame to studymortuary
science,
"cases,"thestudentswho continuedto study they had thoughtabout such work long
mortuaryscience at CommunityCollege before theycame to CommunityCollege
when I was there"just found"embalming and farmoreextensively
thantherestofus.
Thisfascination
apparently
overinteresting.
occasional BiographicalUndertakings
shadowedany initialdiscomfort,
reactionsto cerqueasiness,and unsettling
tainkindsof"cases."
One morningovercoffeein the student
I was notallowedto attendtheembalm- centet at CommunityCollege, I became
ing lab and to see whetherthese students intriguedwiththe biographicalpaths that
wereas calmand composedas theyclaimed lead to mortuaryscience students'career
sciencestuwhen workingwiththe dead. Sometimes, choice.One ofthefivemortuary
science dentsat the table asked whetherI had ever
however,I lingeredin the mortuary
classroomaftertheembalming
lecturewhile thoughtof a career in funeraldirection.I
studentswent into the bathroomsoffthe answered that I never had done so and
loungeto prepareforthelab.Theyreturned added, "It's not the kindof thingguidance
to the classroom in their embalming counselorssuggest."The studentslaughed,
"whites"and gogglesto waitforthelabora- and one told a humorousstoryabout his
When I waitedwiththem,I highschoolguidancecounselor'sreactionto
toryinstructor.
did not detectanysignsof apprehensionor his career aspirations.It seemed clear that
theyfound"cases" of youngchildrenemotionally disturbing. One young woman
describedother"cases" thathad upsether.
110
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
neitherguidanceand careercounselors,
former teachers, nor perhaps the cultural
imagesof theirdesired occupation(Cahill
1995) encouraged these students' career
choice.What,then,broughtthemto study
mortuary
scienceat Community
College?
Often the answer was family background.Sixteenof the24 studentsweresons
or daughtersof funeraldirectors;thisproportionis about the national average for
mortuary
sciencestudents,
accordingto the
director of the program at Community
College. Most of these studentshad long
expectedto followin theirparents'occupationalfootsteps.
As one ofthemexplained,
studentshad "always been around" such
work.
Several other studentsalso had close
personalties to funeraldirectorsand direction.One studenthad datedthedaughterof
a funeraldirectorthroughouthigh school
and hoped to work at her father'sfuneral
home aftercompleting
his mortuary
science
studies.As mentionedearlier,two students
were marriedto daughtersof funeraldirectors,forwhomtheycurrently
worked.One
had been an emergencymedicaltechnician
whenhe married;theotherhad been a landscape architect.Both continuedto workat
thoseoccupationssome yearsaftermarriage
but gradually became interested and
MomandDad werealwaystalking
shop,and involvedin theirfather-in-laws'
work.As the
whenI gotolder,I hadtohelpout.It seemed
former
landscapearchitect
explained,
like a good business,comfortable
income,
andimportant.
I guessI neverreallythought My wife'sunclewhohad a partin thebusinesswouldgo to Florida.And he'dbe gone
aboutdoinganything
else.
fora month,
and I'd normally
be laid offfor
Othersfollowedmore reluctantly.
One stueightto ten weeksin the wintertime.
So I
dent,theson of a funeraldirector,
spenttwo
wouldcomeoverandworkfunerals
andcallyearsat a stateuniversity
and threeyearsas
inghoursand thingslike that.I was kinda
weanedintoitgradually.
a distributor
fora nationalsnackfoodcomscipanybeforedecidingto studymortuary
Also as mentionedpreviously,
anotherstuence:
dentwas marriedto a funeraldirector.She
I couldn'tdecideon a majorin college,andI reported having a highlysuccessful but
wasn'thappywithmyjob. I'd alwaysbeen stressfulcareer in advertisingbefore she
aroundfuneral
directing
becauseofmydad, took a tripto Big Sur, where she experiand I justdecidedI'd be happierdoingthis. enced a "New Age" conversion. She
He neverpushedme,butnow he's excited returnedto New York City,resigned her
aboutworking
together.
position,changedhername,and thenvisited
Anotherstudent,
of
theyoungest the family a friendwho lived in rural New England.
and the onlychild of a funeraldirectorto There she was introducedto a man whom
pursue mortuaryscience studies,reported she describedas "themostpeacefuland wisthatshe "consciouslyavoided" her father's est man I had ever met." He was an
work until two years before enrollingin embalmerat the local funeralhome.They
married,and two yearslatershe enrolledin
Community
College.
the mortuary science program at
wouldcomehomefromwork,and CommunityCollege so as to realize her
Myfather
veryrarelymentioned
it.I can'tremember dream of owningand operatinga funeral
himtalkingaboutit.The funeralhomewas homewithherhusband.
nextdoor,and I'd go overthereto talkwith
Althoughthese fourstudentshad not
himandmymomwouldbe overtherehelpalways been around the work of funeral
inghim,butI neverreallythought
aboutit.
direction,theywere quite familiarwithit
Thenmyfathergotreallybusyand needed
before enrollingin the mortuaryscience
someone to help, to come answer the
withpeopleand program at Community College. The
phones.AndI likedworking
remainingfourstudentswere less familiar
thefamilies.
withfuneraldirectorsand theiroffspring,
Howevertheyreachedtheirdecisionto pur- but they knew something about funeral
sue a careerin funeraldirection,
all of these direction before enrolling. One woman
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
her childexplainedto me thatthroughout
hood "I lived betweentwo funeralhomes,
and I was always around it. So, we didn't
treatit as strange."Two otherstudentshad
longbeen friendswithsons of funeraldirectors.One of theseyoungmen said thatthe
friendship
was crucialto hiscareerchoice:
I gotinvolved
withitinmyhometown.
I had
a friendwhosefatherownsa funeralhome.
He's intofuneral
directing.
He gotme interested in it.You have to knowsomebody,
witha funeral
somebody
home,orI wouldn't
init.
havegotteninvolved
The remainingstudentbecame involved
with funeral directing later in life but
claimedthathe "alwayshad an interestin
it."
And thenI gota contactto theinside.I met
I think
whois a tradeembalmer,"
thisfriend
beforemysenioryear of highschool.He
plays[theorgan]at a church.He was playing,andI had to go in to practice,
andthat's
howI methim.And we becameverygood
friends.
The wholetimeI was goingto State
we'dgo outon calls,andI'd help
University,
himdo removalsand embalmings
and that
I meanI was doingit whileI
kindof thing.
I wasnicknamed
wasstillat StateUniversity.
MorbidMark.I don'treallyknowwhatit is
thatdrawsone intoit,but[I know]thatone
is drawnintoit.
111
death" (Blauner 1966:384).In thisrespect,
sciencestudentswithwhomI
the mortuary
became acquaintedwere not average people. They had been regularlyexposed to
deathand workwiththedead beforedecidingto do thatwork.
Such familiaritywith death may not
reduce its horror,but it does lessen its
strangeness and even, as Aries (1981)
Unlike
implies,mayincreaseits fascination.
us butprobablylikeour ancestorsand those
who live "in manyparts of the world yet
today"(Lofland1985:177-78),the mortuary
science students at CommunityCollege
apparentlyhad come to thinkof death as
routineand, in some respects,intriguingenoughto justifythe
routineand intriguing
choiceoftheiranticipated
life'swork.
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND
OCCUPATIONAL SELECTION
sciencestudents'backThese mortuary
grounds and emotional reactions to the
workof funeraldirectionsuggestthatthey
Collegewithsomething
came to Community
I lacked and still lack. I doubt that I am
alone among contemporary North
Americansin thisregard.Our unfamiliarity
withdeath and our horrificdefinitionsof
deathleave mostof us ill preparedforwork
arounddeathand withthedead. If myexpeThe mortuaryscience studentsat Commu- rienceat CommunityCollege is any guide,
nityCollege mayhave been drawnto funer- the everydayscenes,talk,and workof moral direction,but theywere also pushed by tuaryscienceeducationwouldnotnormalize
theirexperiences.Unlike me and probably deathand workwiththe dead as readilyfor
mostothercontemporary
NorthAmericans, us as theyapparentlydid forthe mortuary
theywerewellacquaintedwithdeathand its science students at CommunityCollege.
symbolicremindersbeforeenrollingin the Theyseemedbiographically
betterprepared
mortuaryscience programat Community forsuchworkthanmostofus probablyare.
College. They had all lived,played,and/or
These studentsapparentlywere neither
workedin and aroundfuneralhomes.As I frightenedby death nor repulsed by the
deathrarelyintrudesupon thought of working with the dead. Any
statedpreviously,
and evenmorerarely qualms about the workof funeraldirection
oureverydaythoughts,
into our daily lives.And even when death seemed to be dispelled easily through
makes one of its rare appearances,special- engrossmentin that work.Those few stuized institutions
fordyingand the special- dentswho foundthe workmoregrossthan
ized occupationof funeraldirection"mini- engrossing
The normal
abandonedit quickly.
mize the average person's exposure to scenes,associations,
sciand talkofmortuary
ence educationat Community
College made
such studentseasily recognizableto them11A tradeembalmer
is a specialist
whoembalms selvesand to othersas ill suitedfora career
in funeraldirection.
homes.
forvariousfuneral
bycontract
112
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
The lessons thatstudentsof social life
mightdrawfromtheseemingly
peculiarcase
ofmortuary
sciencestudentsare notlimited
to thesestudents.
Theirexampleremindsus
of what Berger and Luckmann(1966:140)
identify
as the"fundamental
problemofsecondarysocialization:
It alwayspresupposesa
precedingprocessof primarysocialization."
Thus it musteitherbuildupon priorsocialization,transform
alreadysocializedindividuals,or do some of both.Althoughstudents
of professionalizationcommonlyfocus on
how such processescounteractpriorsocializationand transform
individuals,
theexample of mortuaryscience students(and me)
suggeststhattheyalso buildon priorsocialization.
It is doubtful that the professional
socializationof aspiringfuneraldirectorsis
unique in thisregard.For example,several
studiesconvincingly
documentthatmedical
school transforms
students'emotions(e.g.,
Coombsand Powers1975;Segal 1988;Smith
and Kleinman1989).Yet the authorsof one
of those studiesalso observe thatmedical
students"knowthe feelingrules of professional life before they arrive at medical
school"(Smithand Kleinman1989:67).
tions. Among others, Hochschild
(1983:153-61) and Gordon (1989) suggest
that early training and what Bourdieu
([1979] 1984) calls"conditionsof existence"
also shape emotionalperception,
judgments,
and emotion managementskills.As they
observe,thereare good reasons to suspect
thattheextent,timingand sequenceof children's exposure to differentemotions,to
evaluationsof particularemotions,and to
feelingand expressionrulesvariesby social
class,parentaloccupation,ethnicity,
and gender.
Such variablesocializationof emotions
mayresultin a social distribution
of whatI
call emotionalcapital. Over the course of
theirchildhood socialization, individuals
acquire (to draw again on Bourdieu) an
emotional"habitus"or systemof emotional
in
dispositions.
That systemof dispositions,
Bourdieu's([1979] 1984:170)words,is "general,transposable,"
and applied"beyondthe
limitsofwhathas been directly
learnt."That
is,it generatesemotionalperceptions,
reacand emotionmanagement
tions,expressions,
acrossvarioussituations,
strategies
including
those not encounteredpreviously.And as
Hochschild (1983) implies,this emotional
capital,like Bourdieu's "culturalcapital,"
Childhoodsocializationand formaleduca- channelsindividualstowarddifferent
occutionteachthemto setasidetheirfeelings
in
pationsand socialpositions.
public,to master"thefacts,"
and to present
Differentoccupations clearly require
themselves
in intellectually
defensible
ways.
different
formsof emotionworkand there. . . Medical situationsprovidevividchalfore
trade
on different
formsof emotional
lenges,but studentscome equipped with
Thus
individuals
capital.
withdifferent
forms
emotionmanagement
skillsthattheyneed
onlyto strengthen.
(Smithand Kleinman of emotionalcapitaltendto selectand to be
selectedfordifferent
careers.For example,
1989:67)
funeraldirectorsmustmasterany fear of
It wouldseem,then,thatthe successof any deathand revulsiontowardcontactwiththe
emotionalsocializationthatoccursat med- dead. Thus sons and daughtersof funeral
ical school, mortuaryscience school, and directors,who are familiarwithdeath and
perhapsotherprofessionalschools,training withwork withthe dead, are more likely
sites,and workplacesdependsin parton stu- thanour own sons and daughtersto considdents' and trainees'prioremotionalsocial- er, and to be considered for,a career in
ization or what mightbe called, drawing funeraldirection.Similarly,
high-steelironinspirationfromBourdieu ([1979] 1984), workersmustmaskand mastertheirfearof
their"emotionalcapital."
fallingoffnarrowsteel beams high above
AlthoughBourdieu'snameis associated the ground(Haas 1977).Thus working-class
most closely with the expressioncultural boys,who have long been encouraged to
capital,his argumentsabout the acquisition mask and masterfears are more likelyto
and biographicalconsequencesof aesthetic consider, and to be considered for,such
and tastesare analo- work thanmiddle-classgirls,who may not
perception,
judgments,
gous to those made by othersabout emo- have been encouragedto do so. In contrast,
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
113
fromoccupational
Self-elimination
airlineattendants
mustmasterangertoward
also mayoccur,quiteinadvertently,
rude and demanding passengers. Thus futures
middle-class girls,who have long been longbeforeindividualsembarkon some
specific
or occupationally
encouragedto place others'concernsbefore professionally
SolotandArluke(1997:29)report,
theirownfeelings,
are morelikelyto consid- training.
thedisconsider
thateducators
er,and to be consideredfor,sucha job than forexample,
are working-class boys, who have been sectionof fetalpigsin middleschoolan
riteof passage on the wayto
encouragedto respondangrilyto slightsand important
demeaning comments. Although these careersin scienceand medicine.Middle
whochoosenotto particiexamplesare largelyspeculative,theyillus- schoolstudents
as dida fewof
ritual,
trate how previouslyacquired emotional patein thatcollective
deprive
those
studied
by
Solot
and
Arluke,
capital may influenceoccupationalaspiraof
the
it
capital
themselves
emotional
tionsand selection.
their
"squeato
master
imparts.
Refusing
Thisis notto suggestthattheemotional
they
(SolotandArluke1997:48),
capitalwhichindividualsaccumulateduring mishness"
enroll
in
underunlikely
to
are
subsequently
theirchildhoodsocializationdeterminesthe
course of theirlater occupationallives.On graduatecollegecoursesin comparative
of a cat,or
thatrequiredissection
thecontrary,
theabove analysisof mortuary anatomy
for
to medto
consider
admission
applying
scienceeducationand Smithand Kleinman's
ical
school.
of
medical
education
docu(1989) analysis
ordealssuchas dissectThus,emotional
menthow professionalsocializationalters
a filmofa autopsy,
students' emotional habitus and thereby ingfetalpigs,watching
humancadaversare
shapestheemotionalcapitaltheyeventually and dismembering
socialization
ofbothemotional
bringto theirwork.In some cases,it maydo mechanisms
and
exclusion.
Yet
theselfoccupational
so radically.For example,manyworkingelimination
that
encourage
masks
their
they
class studentsat theelitelaw schoolstudied
effect.
ordeals
discourThese
exclusionary
by Granfield(1992) eventuallyredefined
defispecific
theirlong-cultivated
identifica- age thosewithoccupationally
sympathetic
in
from
ciencies
emotional
aspiring
capital
tion withthe socially disadvantaged as a
thecorreto pursue,
naive,irrational
viewof socialjustice.Yet in to,or fromcontinuing
other
On
the
hand,as
occupations.
sponding
learning to think dispassionately, like
such
emotional
Lortie
suggests,
(1968:261)
lawyersabout social inequitiesand justice,
a
ofconfithey faced more emotional struggleand ordealstendtofoster "subculture
identificato
collective
dence"
and
generate
needed more self-conscious
effortthandid
tionamongthosewhosecareeraspirations
their more affluentclassmates, who had
survivethem.Theyset theemotionalsurnever been as passionately sympathetic
vivorsapartfromothers,especiallythose
towardthesociallydisadvantaged.
whosecareeraspirationsdo not survive
As Bourdieu and Passeron ([1970]
them.
In theproudwordsofoneofthemorand likely
1990:43) suggest,the difficulty
tuaryscience studentsat Community
successof any secondarysocialization,percan do whatwe
College,"Notjustanybody
haps includingany secondarysocialization
cando theworkofthe
do."Notjustanybody
of emotions,are "a functionof the distance
norprobaofthephysician
funeral
director,
betweenthehabitusit tendsto inculcate...
ortheflight
ironworker
blyofthehigh-steel
and the habitusinculcatedby" priorsocialattendant-at
least,notunlesstheyacquire
ization.Althoughsome occupationalaspi- the
emotional
capital.
requisite
rants,like Granfield's(1992) working-class
law students,
can and do succeedin compenEMOTIONALCAPITALAND SOCIAL
satingforoccupationallyspecificdeficienREPRODUCTION
cies in emotional capital, the emotional
struggleand the effortrequired to do so
bringand probably
aspirants
Although
forms
ofemotional
probablypersuade manyto abandon their mustbringcertain
capithat
initialchoiceofoccupations.
tal to theiroccupational
socialization,
114
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
QUARTERLY
theiremotion- aspect of our currentlydominantcultural
veryprocessalso transforms
Carol and Peter
al habitus and therebyinveststhemwith arbitraryof emotionality.
occupationally valued emotional capital. Sterns's (1986) Anger and Aries's (1981)
This is the emotionalcapitalon whichthey Hour of Our Death documentthe historical
in formation
ofotheraspects.
subsequentlydrawto purchaseauthority
mattersrelatedto theirwork.For example,
Today those withpower and influence
the"detachedconcern"(Lief and Fox 1963) evaluate othersin termsof theirown stanof the examiningphysicianand the calm dards of delicacy and poise, theircareful
of the consultingfuneraldirector control and their calm verbalization of
sympathy
serve as "place claims," in Clark's anger,theirown conversationaland cogni(1990:305) words,attestingto these profes- tiveshunning
of death,and similaremotionsionals' authoritativestandingin encoun- al criteria.Theirs is the dominantcultural
terswithpatientsand withclients.The pal- arbitrary
of emotionality,
definingthe emopable contrastbetweentheirself-command tionalcurrency
of social prestigeand standand theirpatients'anxietyor theirclients' ing.
griefcommandsrespect and deferencein
Like funeraldirectorswhose emotional
mattersrelated to their work.These are capital has occupational but not general
how social value,membersof othersocial circles
onlytwopossibleexamplesillustrating
emotionalcapital maybe implicatedin the also may findthat theirvalued emotional
interactionalreproductionof occupational capital cannotbe convertedinto the emoand prestige.
authority
ofgeneralsocialprestigeand
tionalcurrency
Yet the example of funeraldirection standing.Dodd (1987), forexample,reports
suggeststhatsocial standingin encounters thatresidentsof an AfricanAmericanghetwhichare an occupation's work may not to,lackingotherresources,treatemotional
translatedirectlyinto generalsocial stand- posturing
as capital,evaluand manipulation
ing.However muchrespectand deference atingone anotherbyhowwelltheyplaythis
funeraldirectorsreceivefromclients,they game. Yet this formof emotional capital
meet withlittlerespectin popular media, clearlydivergesfromthe dominantcultural
everydayconversations,and receive little arbitrary
of emotionality,
againstwhichothTo thoseof us erswilljudge themin classrooms,
fromtheirmanysocial critics.
on thejob,
by deathand repulsedby and elsewhere.Thus,emotionalcapitalmay
who are horrified
theveryidea ofcontactwiththedead,funer- wellbe implicatedin thesocialreproduction
al directors'pecuniarydependenceon and of statusdistinctionsin professional,high,
withdeathseemstrangeand vulgar and middle schools, in physicians' and
intimacy
(Cahill 1995:125).Theiroccupationallyval- funeraldirectors'offices,
on highsteelstrucued emotionalcapitalis notconvertedeasily tures and in airlinercabins, in personnel
intosocial capitalbecause of its divergence offices,
at cocktailparties,and on the street.
from what might be called, following The case of mortuaryscience students
Bourdieuand Passeron([1970] 1990:9),the underscores this process and indicates a
of emotionali- ntimberof potentially
"dominantculturalarbitrary"
informative
empirical
ty.
and analytic directionsfor studyingsecLike the cultural capital of aesthetic ondarysocializationand thereproduction
of
perceptions,and taste,different socialdistinctions.
judgments,
formsof emotionalcapital distinguishthe
refinedfromthe coarse,the sociallyhonorREFERENCES
able fromthe dishonorable.Elias( [1939]
1978) documentedhow delicacy,or "shame Aries,Philippe.1981. The Hour of Our Death,
translatedby Helen Weaver. New York:
threshold,"has long been used in Western
RandomHouse.
the courtlyfromthe
societiesto distinguish
Barley,Stephen.1983."The Codes of the Dead:
common,the civilizedfromthe backward,
Semiotics of Funeral Work." Urban Life
and the normalfromthe incompetentand
12:3-31.
ill.His Historyof Mannerscan be viewedas Becker,Howard,BlancheGreer,EverettHughes,
a studyof the historicalformationof one
and Anselm Strauss.1961. Boys in White:
EMOTIONAL CAPITAL AND PROFESSIONALISM
StudentCulturein MedicalSchool.Chicago:
ofChicagoPress.
University
Berger,Peterand ThomasLuckmann.1966. The
Social Construction
of Reality.GardenCity,
NY: Doubleday.
Blauner, Robert. 1966. "Death and Social
Structure."
29:378-94.
Psychiatry
Bourdieu,Pierre.[1979] 1984.Distinction,
translated by Richard Nice. Cambridge,MA:
HarvardUniversity
Press.
Bourdieu, Pierre and Jean-Claude Passeron.
[1970] 1990. Reproductionin Education,
Society,and Culture.NewburyPark, CA:
Sage.
Cahill, Spencer. 1995. "Some Rhetorical
Directionsof FuneralDirection:Historical
Entanglements and Contemporary
Dilemmas." Work and Occupations
22:115-36.
Clark, Candace. 1990. "Emotions and
Micropolitics in Everyday Life: Some
Patterns and Paradoxes of 'Place."' Pp.
305-33inResearchAgendasintheSociology
of Emotions, edited by Theodore D.
Kemper.Albany:SUNY Press.
Coombs, Robert and Pauline Powers. 1975.
"Socialization forDeath: The Physician's
Role." UrbanLife4:250-71.
Davis, Fred. 1968."ProfessionalSocializationas
Subjective Experience: The Process of
Doctrinal Conversion among Student
Nurses."Pp. 235-51 in Institutions
and the
Person,editedby Howard Becker,Blanche
Greer,David Riesman,and RobertWeiss.
Chicago:Aldine.
Dodd, David. 1987. "Feelings as Capital: The
Existential World of Black America."
Presented at the annual meetingsof the
SouthernSociologicalSociety,
Atlanta.
Elias, Norbert. [1939] 1978. The History of
Manners.NewYork:RandomHouse.
Emmons,Steven.1991."FuneralService101."Los
AngelesTimes,June5,pp.E3-E4.
Foucault,Michel.1978. The Historyof Sexuality
Vol. 1: An Introduction, translated by
RobertHurley.NewYork:RandomHouse.
Fox,Renee. 1957."TrainingforUncertainty."
Pp.
207-41 in The StudentPhysician,editedby
Robert Merton, George Reader, and
PatriciaKendall.Cambridge,MA: Harvard
Press.
University
Frederick,L. G. and Clarence Strub.1989. The
Principlesand Practiceof Embalming,5th
ed. Dallas: Professional
Schools.
Training
Goldscheider, Calvin. 1971. Population,
Modernization, and Social Structure.
Boston:Little,Brown.
Gordon, Steven. 1989. "The Socialization of
Children'sEmotions:Emotional Culture,
Exposure,and Competence."Pp. 319-49 in
115
of Emotions,editChildren'sUnderstanding
ed by CarolynSaarniand Paul Harris.New
Press.
York:CambridgeUniversity
Gorer, Geoffrey.1955. "The Pornographyof
Death."Encounter
5 (October):49-52.
Granfield,Robert.1992. Making Elite Lawyers.
NewYork:Routledge.
Haas, Jack.1977. "Learning Real Feelings: A
Reactions
StudyofHighSteel Ironworkers'
to Fear and Danger." Work and
Occupations4:147-70.
Haas, Jack and William Shaffir.1977. "The
Professionalizationof Medical Students:
Developing Competence and a Cloak of
1:71-88.
Competence."
SymbolicInteraction
. 1982."Takingon the Role of Doctor: A
DramaturgicalAnalysis of Professionali5:187-203.
zation."SymbolicInteraction
Habenstein,Robert and WilliamLamers. 1981.
The HistoryofAmericanFuneralDirecting.
2nd revised Ed. Milwaukee: National
FuneralDirectorsAssociation.
Arlie.1983. The ManagedHeart:The
Hochschild,
Commercialization of Human Feeling.
ofCaliforniaPress.
Berkeley:University
Howarth,Glennys.1996.Last Rites:The Workof
the Modern Funeral Director.Amityville,
NY: Baywood.
Hughes, Everett. 1958. Men and Their Work.
Glencoe,IL: FreePress.
Kleinman, Sherryl.1984. Equals before God:
Seminariansas HumanisticProfessionals.
ofChicagoPress.
Chicago:University
Kleinman, Sherryl and Martha Copp. 1993.
Emotionsand Fieldwork.NewburyPark,
CA: Sage.
Kubler-Ross, Elizabeth. 1969. On Death and
Dying.NewYork:Macmillan.
Lief, H. and Renee Fox. 1963. "Training for
Detached Concernin Medical School."Pp.
12-35in ThePsychological
Basis ofMedical
Practice, edited by H. Lief. New York:
Harperand Row.
Lofland,Lyn.1975."Towarda SociologyofDeath
and Dying."UrbanLife4:243-49.
1985. "The Social Shaping of Emotion:
The Case of Grief."SymbolicInteraction
8:171-90.
Lortie,Dan. 1968."SharedOrdeal and Induction
and the
to Work."Pp. 252-65 in Institutions
Person,editedby Howard Becker,Blanche
Geer, David Riesman,and Robert Weiss.
Chicago:Aldine.
Loseke, Donileen and Spencer Cahill. 1986.
"Actorsin Search of a Character:Student
Social Workers' Quest for Professional
9:245-58.
Identity."
SymbolicInteraction
Parsons,Talcott.1951. The Social System.New
York:FreePress.
1975.Caretakerof theDead: The
Pine,Vanderlyn.
116
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
American Funeral Director. New York:
Irvington.
Segal, Daniel. 1988. "A Patient So Dead:
American Medical Students and Their
Cadavers." Anthropological Quarterly
61:17-25.
Smith, Allen and Sherryl Kleinman. 1989.
"ManagingEmotionsin Medical School."
52:56-69.
Quarterly
Social Psychology
Solot,Dorian andArnoldArluke.1997."Learning
the Scientist'sRole: Animal Dissection in
Middle School." Journalof Contemporary
26:28-54.
Ethnography
Stenross,Barbara and SherrylKleinman.1989.
"The Highsand Lows of EmotionalLabor:
Detectives'EncounterswithCriminalsand
Victims." Journal of Contemporary
17:435-52.
Ethnography
Carol Z. and PeterSterns.1986.Anger:The
Sterns,
Struggle
forEmotionalControlinAmerica's
QUARTERLY
History.Chicago: Universityof Chicago
Press.
Stimson,Ida H. 1967."Patternsof Socialization
into Professions: The Case of Student
Nurses."SociologicalInquiry37:47-54.
Sudnow,David. 1967. Passing On. Englewood
NJ:Prentice-Hall.
Cliffs,
Turner,Ronnyand CharlesEdgley.[1976] 1990.
"Death as Theater: A Dramaturgical
Analysis of the American Funeral." Pp.
2nd ed.,editedby
285-98in Lifeas Theater,
Dennis Brisset and Charles Edgley. New
York:Aldine.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1994. Statistical
Abstract of the United States 1994.
Printing
DC: U.S. Government
Washington,
Office.
Unruh,David. 1979."Doing Funeral Directing:
Managing Sources of Risk in Funeralization."UrbanLife8:247-63.
Social Sciencesand Sociologyat
SpencerE. Cahill isAssociateProfessorofInterdisciplinary
of SouthFlorida.His currentresearchexaminesadolescentculturesand relathe University
thatadolescentswroteand exchanged.
notesand otherpersonaldocuments
tionsthrough