Po l AND Hu N g A ryg D r Cze CH os lo v A ki A bulg A ri A

r o m an i a
buLgaria
C z e ch o s l o v a k i a
GDR
Hungary
PolAND
Concept:
Z b i gn i e w G l u za
Editor-in-Chief:
P i o tr G ł o g o wsk i
Editorial and historical collaboration:
A gn i e szka D ę bska , B art o sz K al i sk i
Translation:
B arbara H e rch e nr e d e r
Co-ordination of edition II:
Ł u kasz B e rtram
Text research:
M a ł g o rzata K u d o sz , M at e u sz S i d o r
Picture research:
Ewa S u larz
Additional picture research:
j o anna ł u ba
Graphic design:
D an u ta B ł ah u t - B i e ga ń ska
Picture editing:
P i o tr Jan e cz e k , P i o tr S u w i ń sk i
Computer type-setting:
T and e m S t u d i o
The publication is available on a Creative Commons licence:
Author attribution+Noncommercial use+No derivatives
– Version 3.0 Poland (CC BY-NC-ND). Licence information:
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/pl/
Cover photograph: Warsaw, 17 November 1989. Demolition of
Monument to Feliks Dzerzhynski, creator of the ‘Tcheka’ Soviet Political
Police (future KGB). Photo: Jarosław Stachowicz / FORUM
The opinions expressed in this publication are those of its Authors.
The contents presented in this publication do not automatically
reflect the official stance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The project has been
co-financed by the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs of the
Republic of Poland
F u ndac j a O ś r o dka K A R T A
ul. Narbutta 29, 02-536 Warszawa
tel. +48 (22) 848-07-12
e-mail: [email protected]
www.karta.org.pl
Warsaw 2014
Edition II updated
978-83-64476-09-9
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A LIVE FUSE
Zbigniew Gluza
I
n 1989, that part of Europe which lay to the west of the ‘Iron Curtain’ became a stage for an
extraordinary experiment. Within a short period of time, several nations were standing on
the threshold of a chance to change their fate – an event almost unprecedented in history.
The pace of the year 1989 was extraordinarily intensive – as though the whole
breakthrough in freedom for Eastern and Central Europe had to take place within the
space of that year. In January, the pending changes to the system were little more than
a glimmer of hope. By December, the new, independent order was a reality in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia; at the same time in the German Democratic Republic, Bulgaria,
Romania and the Baltic Republics of the USSR, the vision of changes to the existing system
were already deeply rooted. For Poland, the end of the year, which brought about the restitution of the ‘free’ emblem of the state and the traditional name of the country, provided
a sure sign of a return to independence.
Each half of that year had its own specific dynamics which were diametrically opposite.
The first half saw the waning of the Communist system but, nonetheless, with all its main
characteristics – the arrogance and brutality of the authorities (as in the GDR, Czechoslovakia, or in Soviet Georgia), economic catastrophe, public apathy and a general feeling of
hopelessness. The fact that changes to the system were essential was obvious but the Communists could still quash each individual attempt at rebellion. The second half of the year
brought an avalanche of increasing, independence orientated attitudes in the individual
communities. The actual breakthrough came midway.
The image we present is that of communities progressing through the year as in a relay
race. There is no direct communication between them, they do not exhort others to act and
do not agree dates – but one nation passes the baton on to the next. As an operation came
to an end in one country, so it passed on naturally to the next. Each national culminating
point was actually distinct from the others, like the stages in a relay race. Spring belonged
to the Poles. Summer – to the Hungarians and to the ‘Baltic chain’. Autumn belonged to the
Germans, Czechs, Slovaks and Bulgarians. In the early days of the winter even the Romanians felt the breakthrough.
On 4 June 1989, the day when a European nation – the Polish nation – won a victory
over the Communist authorities, rebellious Chinese students were massacred in Tiananmen Square (the Square of Heavenly Peace) in Peking. There, when faced with a threat, the
Communists did not hesitate to resort to violence and even now continue in power. In the
countries which have undergone a democratic transformation and which eventually joined
the European Union, a return to Communism after 25 years seems impossible.
If everyone in Europe lived as we do – in a stable, democratic world, a return to the
beginning of this quarter century would not be so very important. However, in the Ukraine,
the year 2014 is a reminder that not all of Europe changed after 1989; only the border delineating it moved farther East.
TPHREE
B
2
V
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D E C A D E
Bartosz Kaliski
y the end of 1970, there were no pointers to indicate that the Soviet bloc faced no
more than ten years of existence. Back in 1979, convinced of its imperial power, the
Kremlin had sent its armies into Afghanistan.
In Poland, a democratic opposition became increasingly active from 1976. A secret organisation which put together the main aims of society (Polskie Porozumienie
Niepodległościowe – Polish Independence Agreement), and open ones, which organised
and coordinated sectors of society and social action (“KOR” – Committee for Social Defence,
or the Movement for Defence of Human and Civic Rights). By the end of the 1970’s the basic
principles of action for democracy and independence had been established.
When the Polish Pope, John Paul II, visited Poland on a pilgrimage in June 1979, he was
greeted by crowds numbering millions, crowds which had discovered that it was possible
to organise themselves despite the Communist authorities. The words uttered by the Pope
in Warsaw: “May Thy Spirit descend on us! And change the face of the world! This world!” – were
treated not as a challenge but as a prediction.
At this time, the hopes of Czech intellectualists that Czechoslovakia would recognise the
Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Eastern Europe lay in ruins. Gustáv
Husák, leader of the Communist Party, was not interested in dialogue. The leading signatories of
Charter 77, and the activists of the Committee for the Defence of the Unjustly Persecuted (VONS),
were sentenced to prison (among them, the dramatist, Václav Havel) or forced to emigrate.
In Romania, the Communist-Nationalist regime commenced a phase of increased repression. The security apparatus expanded on a monstrous scale and the cult of the leader of the
State and the Party – Nicolae Ceauşescu – blossomed. Those who rebelled were forcibly incarcerated in psychiatric hospitals or exiled. In 1979, the organisers of the Independent Trade
Union of Romanian Working Peoples (SLOMR) were arrested and given long prison sentences.
In Hungary, the dissatisfaction felt by intelligentsia spheres with government policies
took on an organised manifestation – gestures of sympathy with Charter 77 were openly
expressed, contacts were established with “KOR”, and a free press was set up. The Foundation
for Aid for the Poor (SZETA), set up in 1979, was unquestionably an opposition organisation .
In Bulgaria, the ultimate opposition stance during this period became the Bulgarian
Charter 77. This, and other acts of protest, were met with ruthlessness by the security forces,
which even went as far as liquidation of unwelcome elements.
In the German Democratic Republic, opposition activities were based on tight links
with the Protestant Churches, which gave refuge to rebellious young people. Especially
popular was the peace movement, whose aim was the introduction of an alternative (civilian) military service and pro-active environmental policies.
In the summer of 1980, helpless in the face of a growing wave of strikes, Polish Communists undertook negotiations with workers’ leaders in the Coastal Provinces and agreed
to the main demand – the formation of an independent trade union movement. The multi-million strong “Solidarność” Union, which came into being in September 1980, became
a widespread social movement, representing Polish aims for independence. In the many
months of its legal operations (1980–81), Poland experienced freedom on a scale hitherto
unprecedented in the Soviet bloc.
From the outset, the Polish revolt was met by threats from the Soviet authorities. In December 1980, as a result of strong diplomatic pressure from the USA, military intervention
was called-off. In March 1981, “Solidarność” was in a position to call a general strike which
would paralyse the entire country. The Soviets again threatened military intervention. Yet, in
the first days of December, when General Jaruzelski came close to dealing with “Solidarność”,
the Kremlin revoked military guarantees should the ‘internal’ operation prove unsuccessful.
The introduction of Martial Law on 13 December 1981, the internment of thousands
of opposition members, the freezing of democratic reforms – served only to reveal
the weakness of the Communists. “Solidarność” was de-legalised and yet tens of thousands of people joined the ranks of its underground structures. The democratic societies of the West supported this independent, underground movement. The leader of
“Solidarność”, Lech Wałęsa – Nobel Peace Prize laureate in 1983 – was treated as an official
representative of Polish goals. In answer to the threat posed to the regime, the countries
of the Soviet bloc reinforced their internal policies and treated oppositionists with increasing
brutality. By the middle of the 1980’s, signs of a thaw began to emerge from Moscow.
After an amnesty announced in September 1986, the Polish authorities ceased to arrest
people on political grounds. “Solidarność” began to re-build its open structures. The strikes
in the spring and summer of 1988 made it clear to the authorities that social and economic
stagnation was beginning to pose a threat to the stability of the system. The Communists
showed signs of readiness for dialogue. They were encouraged in this by the changes in the
USSR (glasnost, perestroyka) – which were rejected by those in power in the GDR, criticised
by Ceauşescu, or treated with considerable reserve in Bulgaria.
The Polish opposition which had been organising itself as a Civic Committee since December 1988, under the leadership of NSZZ “Solidarność’s” Lech Wałęsa, and headed by
Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Bronisław Geremek, decided to enter into concrete talks with the
reformatory wing of the Polish Communist Party (PZPR) and thus to provide it with cautious
support. Preparations for the Round Table talks commenced, representatives of the Catholic
Church acting as intermediaries. The very people who had been responsible for the earlier
attack on Polish society – Generals Wojciech Jaruzelski and Czesław Kiszczak (Minister for
Internal Affairs) – were now in favour of dialogue.
Changes were taking place, too, in other countries. Towards the end of 1987, Gustáv
Husák resigned as leader of the Czechoslovak Communist Party; the country began to seethe
with activity and independent initiatives and acts of protest multiplied but the regime continued to counter these with persecution. In Hungary there was talk of emergence from economic stagnation and when the leader of the Party, János Kádár, resigned in May 1988, market
reforms were put into place opening up the country to foreign investment.
The year 1988 came to an end in this Communist dominated part of Europe with the
realisation that the system was, nonetheless, losing power.
3
p o l A N D
In Poland it took ten years, in Hungary ten
months, in East Germany ten weeks; perhaps
in Czechoslovakia it will take ten days…
Timothy Garton Ash in conversation with Václav Havel
on 23 November 1989 in the Magic Lantern Theatre in Prague
Gdańsk, 3 June. ‘Solidarność’ rally organised
before the parliamentary elections.
Photo: Jan Juchniewicz / KARTA Centre (OK)
J anua r y
Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, Chairman of the
State Council, in a New Year address:
The year 1989 will undoubtedly be full of
important and remarkable changes in Poland.
What, then, can I wish you on the eve of the
coming year? Let each one of us do everything
possible to ensure that the New Year brings
the opening of new and wide horizons for
Poland. May the internal changes lead to
permanent peace in the country, ensure social
order and create a strong basis for national
understanding.
May they become a real and permanent
contribution to the rebuilding and resurrection
of socialism and to the process of relaxation
of tension in Europe. [20]
4 January
– On the 7th anniversary of the de-legalisation of the Independent Students’ Association, an illegal student demonstration takes
place in Katowice. The participants chant:
“Minister Kiszczak, we want to act legally”.
Intervention by the militia ends in several
arrests.
Student demonstrations demanding the reinstatement of the Independent Students’
Association [NZS] – a parallel organisation
to “Solidarność” and banned during Martial
Law – continue for another two weeks in
various towns.
Warsaw, January. Street traders selling clothes.
Photo: Bernard Bisson / SYGMA/CORBIS/FotoChannels
6
6 January
10 January
– USSR. Yuri Vorontzov, Foreign Minister, confirms an undertaking made during a meeting with delegates of Afghanistan
partisans, that Soviet troops will be withdrawn from Afghanistan by 15 February 1989.
– USSR. In Vilnius, an opposition manifestation takes place,
organised by the underground League for Lithuanian Independence and the anti-Communist Democratic Party.
A 50-thousand strong crowd demands that Lithuania be
granted independence. The authorities do not intervene.
P
6 January
– A meeting takes place in Warsaw with the
participation of: Stanisław Ciosek – a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Polish United Communist Party,
“Solidarność” adviser – Tadeusz Mazowiecki,
and the director of the Press Office of the
Polish Episcopy – Father Alojzy Orszulik. The
subject of the talks is the possibility of carrying out changes to the Polish regime and
the re-legalisation of “Solidarność”.
Further meetings with the same participants take place every few days throughout
January. Father Orszulik notes: “Mazowiecki
and I came to the conclusion that a resolution
of the Plenum [of the Central Committee of
the Polish United Communist Party] in the
matter of “Solidarność” must be formulated
in such a way that it be acceptable not only
to the [Party] apparatus but also to society in
general, otherwise it will not offer any openings. […] The conditions for legalisation are
open to discussion”.
Graffiti by the Federation of Fighting Youth (FMW)
O
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An underground “postage stamp”
featuring Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski:
“Our bad winter”. Ośrodek KARTA (OK) collection
From New Year wishes of Polish
intelligentsia published in the underground
“Opinia Białostocka” [Białystok Opinions]:
What do we […] wish for on the brink of
this new year of 1989? A Poland free and
independent of the dictatorship of Moscow
and the Communist Party. A multi-party
system and equal mandates in the Sejm for
existing and new opposition parties. That input
from the Polish intelligentsia be appreciated
when putting in motion systems of reform.
Medication to fight off “ideological pneumonia”.
Coloured TV sets and a TV media not solely for
red propaganda. Salaries for the intelligentsia
to cover at least 500 portions of ‘bigos’, to
give us the strength necessary to fight for an
Independent Poland. We ask for so little.
Białystok, winter [33]
7
11 January
– HUNGARY. The National Council passes laws allowing freedom of expression and of association. The laws make it possible to organise rallies and to set up non-Communist political
parties but they do not specify how these are to be registered.
Demonstrations are not to be held in the vicinity of the Parliament building.
J anua r y
Kraków Independent Students’ Association banner:
“An end to the red terror”
18 January
– Despite resistance on the part of some
members, after two days of talks, the Plenum of the Central Committee finally decides to legalise “Solidarność” once again.
Thus the condition that the opposition
side take part in negotiations is fulfilled.
A document entitled Stance of the Central
Committee on the question of political and
trade union pluralism contains a note as follows: “During the Round Table negotiations,
organisational structures built on wider fundaments of national understanding must be
specified. At the same time, it is necessary to
establish the terms, manner and time frame
within which union pluralism is to be introduced and to open the way to the introduction
of new trades’ unions, including “Solidarność”.
“…I’d like to but I daren’t!” Drawing: Tomasz
Rzeszutek. From the collections of the Muzeum Karykatury
8
16 January
18 January
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. Resorting to the use of truncheons,
gas and water cannon, the militia quells a demonstration in
St. Vaclav Square, the place where twenty years previously
Jan Palach had set fire to himself as a protest against the
invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact troops. Security
Forces arrest many participants in the rally, amongst them
Václav Havel and the spokesmen of Charter 77.
– GDR. The General Secretary of the German Socialist Unity
Party (SED), Erich Honecker, speaking of the Berlin Wall: “It
will continue to stand for fifty, even one hundred years, so long
as there are reasons for its existence”.
P
27 January
– The previously agreed meeting between
representatives of the authorities and of
“Solidarność” to prepare the ground for
the Round Table Talks, takes place in Magdalenka, a suburb of Warsaw. As a result of
the decisions taken, negotiations can commence on time and the agenda is divided
between three working parties. A communiqué issued after the meeting states:
“Once the formula of a social agreement
has been agreed, we will apply to the State
Council for a change to be made to the law
on trade unions and, subsequently, at the
Round Table Talks we will specify a date for
the commencement of the official establishment of “Solidarność”. The road is now clear
for negotiations.
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Extract from a note written
by Father Alojzy Orszulik:
Mazowiecki: Not only is there an economic
and political crisis but there is also considerable
distrust on the part of the people. We must bear
this in mind. This distrust can only be alleviated
by facts, not by documents. The Round Table
and its successful outcome will be one such
fact but the legalisation of “Solidarność” will
be a fundamental fact. The second matter is to
ensure that society realises that this historical
experiment is not just empty words but the
beginning of a road to fundamental reforms
The third aspect concerns singularity and
openness. Singularity means that the electoral
agreement reached concerns the present and
is not a permanent solution. Openness – that
we must ensure that the public is given frank
and open information about the agreement.
Magdalenka nr. Warsaw, 27 January [34]
Warsaw, 28 January. “Solidarność” press conference
following the meeting in Magdalenka. Seated,
from left: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Lech Wałęsa,
Bronisław Geremek. Photo: Erazm Ciołek / FORUM
Bronisław Geremek,
advisor to “Solidarność”:
We were faced with the vision of a national
drama. We knew that the economic situation
was disintegrating at a rapid rate and that,
unless we reached a speedy understanding,
pact, or agreement, we might wake to find
ourselves amid the ruins of a devastated
Poland. Of course, were we to treat Poland
as a small-holding, then it would have been
better to wait for the farm manager to finally
prove his inefficiency, to wait until everything
was completely run down and then to take
over the entire management. But this was not
about a farm, it was about our Country.
Warsaw [14]
9
29 January
János Kis, Hungarian dissident:
– HUNGARY. The Communists accede that the events of
1956 were a national uprising and not – as previously held
– a ‘counter-revolution’. This declaration by the Party is a significant indication of the changes taking place in Hungary.
Once again the demands made in 1956 are on the
agenda. Some of them, like the country’s neutrality
in foreign policy, are seen as part of a more distant
perspective. Others, like a multi-party constitutional
system, have already become part and parcel of the
direct aims of the political battle. This constitutes
a definitive psychological about-turn. [31]
F eb r ua r y
An underground “postage stamp”.
From an OK collection
5 February
– In Warsaw, the III Congress of the Confederation of an Independent Poland [KPN]
continues. The Congress issues a statement
criticising the idea of holding talks with the
ruling party.
The Polish Independence Party [PPN] is
also opposed to any talks with the authorities and accuses the Communists of having
completely devastated Poland and of imposing persecution. The resolution issued
by PPN states: “We declare that those Polish
independence organisations which sit down
to negotiate with those responsible for introducing Martial Law are – to all intents and
purposes – giving support to the rule of the
Polish Communist Party.”
Warsaw, 5 February. III Congress of KPN. Photo: Jerzy Kośnik / FORUM
10
6 February
11 February
– GDR. 20-year old Chris Gueffroy is killed and his companion
is seriously injured by East German border guards as they attempt to escape over the Berlin Wall. Despite the fact that
both youths stopped when challenged, they were shot at close
range by the guards.
Following this operation, all four guards are decorated with
the ‘Merit Medal’ and each receives a bonus of 150 Marks.
– HUNGARY. A law is passed to reinstate a multi-party system and this results in the immediate re-establishment of
the activities of some 50 political parties. This is yet another
step by the ruling Communists towards a de-centralisation of
the political system.
P
6 February
– Round Table plenary discussions commence in the Namiestnikowski Palace in
Warsaw. A total of 57 people take part –
representing both the government and the
opposition. Jerzy Turowicz states: “I realise
that we cannot jump from ‘social realism’ to
complete democracy in the space of a single
day and that sensible compromises will be
necessary but – without real and meaningful
chan­ges in our political system and in the way
it is run – there cannot be an understanding
between the authorities and society.” After
the opening speeches, a resolution is taken
to set up three working parties, so-called
‘little tables’. The subject of the negotiations
concerns the establishment of foundations
for a pluralist social system which would be
acceptable to both sides, as well as preparations for the repair of the economic system
in Poland.
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Lech Wałęsa in a speech during the
inauguration of the Round Table Talks:
Our efforts were, and still are, wasted, rates
of pay are poor, nothing is as it should be.
This results from a bad system, from a lack
of freedom. We can still feel Stalin breathing
down our necks.
This cannot go on. It must change – Poland
must be a fit place to live and Poles must feel
that they are in charge.
[…] The hopes of the nation surround this
Table, but there is mistrust, as well. There will
be people who will not accept the results of our
efforts. This is something we cannot ignore
and must respect. However, we do hope for
a loyal understanding of the importance of the
matters with which we are dealing and of the
responsibility which this moment entails.
Warsaw, 6 February [57]
Warsaw, 6 February. Commencement of Round Table Talks. On the left – the government
representatives, on the right – the opposition. Photo: Erazm Ciołek / FORUM
11
13 February
16 February
– USSR. An independent demonstration organised by the
Moldavian Democratic Movement takes place in Kiszyniov.
Approximately 10 thousand demonstrators demand the
reinstatement of the Latin alphabet and the recognition of
Moldavian as the official language of the Republic. The rally
ends with the intervention of the Soviet militia and dozens of
participants are detained.
– USSR. During a 300,000 strong rally organised in Vilnius
to mark the 71st anniversary of the Lithuanian Declaration
of Independence, the leaders of the Communist dominated
Sayudis (Lithuanian Movement for Reform), give way to
social pressure and declare their intention to work towards
independence. The Communist authorities turn a blind eye to
Lithuanian nationalist demonstrations.
P
Warsaw, 6 February 1989. Inaugural session
of the Round Table Talks. Photo: Anna Pietuszko / OK
O
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F eb r ua r y / M a r ch
Wrocław, 22 March. Participants in the Easter march give flowers
to the militiamen. Photo: Mieczysław Michalak / OK
14
19 February
5 March
– USSR. The Belarus National Front organizes the first opposition rally in Mińsk to be accepted by the authorities;
some 40,000 people take part. Armed with national flags,
the demonstrators demand an end to the leading role of the
Communist Party, the setting up of a Belarus army and the
establishment of the Belarus language as the official language of the state.
– USSR. A legal, several thousand strong rally, organised by
the independent “Memorial” Association takes place in Moscow’s Gorky Park. Speakers recall Stalin’s crimes (on the anniversary of his death) and demand official condemnation of
these crimes.
In Kiev on the following day, several thousand Ukrainians demand national mourning for the victims of Stalinism.
P
O
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25 February
– Despite preventative measures by the
Security Services (over 100 people are detained at railway and bus stations), the first
working session of the Anti-Regime Opposition Congress takes place in Jastrząb.
Around 50 activists from various parties
take part, among them: the Confederation
for an Independent Poland, the “Freedom
and Peace” Movement, “Fighting Solidarity”,
the Polish Socialist Party – the Democratic
Revolution and the Polish Independence
Party. In the summing up document, the
participants criticise both the Communist
authorities and Lech Wałęsa, and other participants in the negotiations with the government representatives. The stance of the
Congress is unequivocal: “All compromises
with the Communists, notwithstanding the
intentions of those who undertake them –
serve only to prop up the toppling regime.”
2 March
– A meeting takes place in Magdalenka,
near Warsaw, between Gen. Czesław Kiszczak and Lech Wałęsa. The aim of the meeting, which lasts 7.5 hours, is to break the
stalemate situation in the Round Table Talks.
These meetings in Magdalenka are repeated throughout the Round Table Talks,
whenever the two sides are unable to reach
a compromise.
15
15 March
26 March
– HUNGARY. In Budapest, a rally takes place on the anniversary of the People’s Spring and is attended by many thousands.
The actor, Györgi Cserhalmi, reads the demands listed by the
opposition organisations. Delegates from “Fighting Solida­rity”
distribute 5,000 leaflets in Polish and Hungarian, mentioning
the uprisings of 1848, the ties linking both nations and the
current political situation in both countries.
– USSR. The first partially democratic elections to the Council of Peoples’ Deputies take place. This, in turn, will lead to
the Supreme Council. One-third of the seats in Parliament are
reserved for members of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, while the remaining two-thirds are the subject of rivalry between candidates put forward by various institutions,
work-places and legal organisations.
A p r il
Bronisław Geremek:
Did we agree to give the Communists 65%?
Did we give them these 65%? No, because they
already had 100%. What we did do was agree
was that they should relinquish 35% in favour
of the nation. […] We were leaving behind
a system in which society had no say at all.
Nobody had asked the nation who was to sit
in Parliament. For 40 years, this decision had
belonged to the Party. [14]
5 April
– After two months of negotiations, the
Round Table Talks in Warsaw come to an
end and a final agreement is signed. A document entitled Stance on Political Reform
states: Accordingly, 60% of the mandates for
parliamentary deputies will be allocated to
the coalition composed of the PZPR [Polish
United Workers’ Party], the ZSL [United Peoples’ Party] and the SD [Democratic Party],
and a further 5% to PAX, PZKS, UChS [catholic parties sanctioned by the Communists].
Non-party candidates, put forward by independent groups of citizens, will rival amongst
themselves for 35% of the overall number of
deputy mandates.”
Warsaw, 5 April. The final meeting of the Round Table. Photo: Krzysztof Miller / Agencja Gazeta
16
7 April
– USSR. A mass demonstration takes place in Tbilisi. Thousands of Georgians gather outside Party headquarters and
demand reinstatement of independence and territorial integrality for Georgia. The demonstration lasts continuously
throughout the day and night and the number of participants
grows to over 200 thousand.
P
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7 April
– Changes in the Constitution are passed
by the Sejm of the Polish Peoples’ Republic,
establishing an upper house of Parliament
– the Senate – and the office of President.
A new electoral procedure to both houses
of Parliament is also passed, as well as a law
on freedom of association.
8 April
– The Civic Committee meets in the basement of a church in Warsaw and assumes
patrona­
ge of the “Solidarność” electoral
campaign.
The following day, it decides not to include
a representative of KPN in its number.
Report issued by Department III of the
Ministry of the Interior concerning
the meeting of the Civic Committee:
T[adeusz] Mazowiecki […] stressed – on the ba­
sis of discussions with representatives of some of
the groups which did not take part in the Round
Table Talks – that “it was better to have lost 5 or
10 mandates, than to have won them in a manner which might have led to dire consequences.”
J[acek] Kuroń […] stated that the “Soli­dar­
ność” electoral platform should base its cam­
paign on three elements: the sovereignty of
the nation, democracy and a process of evo­
lutionary change.
J[an] Olszewski – social apathy does not re­
sult from laziness but from total lack of con­
fidence. […]
L[ech] Wałęsa […] stressed that the election
campaign must be very active and efficient, as
“…we must win. We have no alternative.”
Warsaw, 8 April. Meeting of the Civic Committee.
Photo: Jerzy Kośnik / FORUM
“Solidarność” campaign leaflet: “We must win!”
From the OK collection
Warsaw, 8 April [25]
17
8 April
Imre Kónya, Hungarian dissident:
– HUNGARY. Representatives of opposition organisations
taking part in Round Table talks reject the government’s
proposition that the talks commence without setting initial
terms. The opposition makes it clear that a condition for the
commencement of the talks is acceptance by the Communists
of free elections.
The Opposition’s Round Table […] demonstrated
to the whole world that, although the opposition
is composed of a political spectrum, it can speak
with one voice. At the same time, it encouraged
other organisations to join as this would give added
credibility in the eyes of the public. [43]
A p r il
Extract from the “Solidarność” Civic
Committee’s electoral programme:
Why are we going to vote?
We exhort everyone to take part in the elec­
tions because we can see the benefits which
Poland can achieve through the participation
of independent voices in the Sejm and the
Senate.
[…] In taking part in the elections, we are
not closing our eyes to the as yet undemo­
cratic way in which the country is governed,
nor do we intend to pretend otherwise. We
want to change the system but to do so by
way of evolutionary reforms and also by ta­
king advantage of parliamentary methods.
The emergence of a chance to take a limited
part in Parliament is not a favour granted to
us by the authorities but a way of restoring
to the nation something which belongs to it
by right.
[…] Our aim is the sovereignty of the na­
tion and the independence of the country,
the restoration of the Republic. We intend to
achieve our aims through legal activities and
to fight our political battles in a parliamen­
tary manner.
Our goal is to lay a foundation for human and
civic rights so that a society of free people can
begin to rebuild its own country.
Warsaw, April [25]
“Solidarność” electoral poster: “Fall asleep
and they’ll outvote you!” From the OK collection
9 April
– After mass in St. Brygida’s Church
in Gdańsk, “Solidarność Walcząca” organises
a protest against the Round Table agreements. De­monstrators call for a boycott of
the elections, declaring them undemocratic.
The following day, Lech Wałęsa comments:
“The fact that kids parade through the streets
shouting slogans is neither here, nor there.”
Almost every day, right up to the elections,
demonstrations organised by pro-indepen­
dence groups take place in various towns
throughout Poland in protest at the agreements reached between the government
and the trade union.
18
9 April
– USSR. At 4 a.m., Soviet security units and troops attack the
participants of a demonstration in Tbilisi. Specnaz commandoes assault innocent members of the public with metal bars,
trench spades and knives. Military gas is also used to disperse
the crowds. Some 40 people lose their lives and hundreds are
injured.
Over the next few days, dozens of people report to hospitals
with symptoms of severe poisoning. Having quelled the independence demonstrations, the Soviet authorities introduce
a curfew throughout Georgia and place the republic in a situation of isolation. Tanks and armoured troop carriers appear
in the streets of the Georgian capital.
P
O
L
A
N
D
11 April
– “Tygodnik Mazowsze” ceases to appear. Its
editors join a team headed by Adam Michnik, who is setting up an official opposition
newspaper.
13 April
– The National Council establishes a State
Electoral Commission and sets election
dates: 4th and 18th June.
16 April
– A ceremony to commemorate the Katyń
Massacre turns into an anti-government
demonstration. Some 10,000 people demand the withdrawal of Soviet troops stationed in Poland. Several hundred people
march on the Provincial HQ of the Polish
Communist Party. This leads to skirmishes
with the militia.
Warsaw, April. The editorial team of “Tygodnik
Mazowsze” gathered in Helena Łuczywo’s
apartment. Photo: Anna Pietuszko / OK
Gdańsk, 16 April. Opposition demonstration on the anniversary
of the Katyń Massacre. Photo: FMW/OK
19
17 April
– USSR. The Lithuanian Democratic Party organises a legal
rally in Vilnius. Several thousands of demonstrators demand
the withdrawal of the Soviet armies of occupation.
A p r il
Warsaw, 17 April. Re-registration of NSZZ “Solidarność” in the Provincial Court.
Photo: Krzysztof Wójcik / FORUM
Lech Wałęsa, the leader of “Solidarność”:
After one hundred weeks of hard work on
our part, the Provincial Court in Warsaw
has once again registered the “Solidarność”
Independent Self-Governing Trade Union –
a national organisation with headquarters in
Gdańsk. This event was not marked by any
triumphant displays and the media showed
little interest. We, Poles, like our triumphs to
be accompanied by fanfares and gun salutes
and the flutter of flags. Peaceful, ‘official’
victories do not turn us on, even though they
prove a superior political maturity. From
the very beginning of this ‘second life’ of the
Union, it was obvious that “Solidarność”
would not now be the party of the ‘nation as
a whole’ against the Communist regime but
a mature, permanent structure, an association
of people with a well developed social and
political consciousness. [53]
17 April
– The Provincial Court in Warsaw re-registers NSZZ “Solidarność”. Three days later the
“Solidarność” Independent Self-Governing
Trade Union of Private Farmers is also registered.
25 April
– The Confederation of an Independent
Poland [KPN] organises an electoral rally
outside Warsaw University. It ends with
the intervention of the Civil Militia and the
arrest of several people. Despite its critical attitude towards the Round Table, KPN
nonetheless decides to put forward its own
candidates to the coming elections.
20
Imre Kónya, Hungarian dissident:
22 April
After a stormy Opposition Round Table discussion,
we decided not to take part in the negotiations so
loudly proclaimed by the press because our terms
had not been met. I will appear on my own to
represent all of us. I am to announce that we are not
avoiding the talks but that we do not intend to take
part in a posturing game. [43]
– HUNGARY. Independent parties and political organisations
taking part in the Opposition Round Table agree a common
stance prior to negotiations with the ruling Communists. The
main item on the agenda is the establishment of a date for
free parliamentary elections. Hungarian dissidents conclude
that the achievements of the Polish Round Table Talks are not
sufficient for the Hungarians to emulate.
P
O
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A
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D
28 April
– The electoral campaign commences. Polish
Radio transmits the first electoral broadcast
on behalf of the Civic Committee.
A photographic session featuring the Civic
Committee’s candidates for Parliament – and
including Lech Wałęsa – takes place the following day in the Gdańsk Shipyard.
Declaration issued by the Confederation
of an Independent Poland:
An openly undemocratic electoral system will
evoke an understandable desire to boycott
the elections. This has been planned from the
outset, to ensure that a large abstention bring
maximum legitimacy to the ru­
ling party.
Therefore, boycotting the election […] plays
into the hands of the Communists. A boycott
will reinforce the Polish Communist Party
and its allies.
These undemocratic elections can, however,
be changed into a plebiscite against Commu­
nist rule and at least some of the mandates
may go to deputies and senators who are,
indeed, independent. We can use these elec­
tions to begin to set in motion the process of
independence and democracy. [7]
Gdańsk, 29 April. Electoral campaign photographic
session with Lech Wałęsa. Photographs, from top:
Jacek Kuroń, Zofia Kuratowska, Andrzej Szczepkowski.
Photo: Erazm Ciołek / FORUM
21
28 April
– USSR. Yet more people report to the hospital in Tbilisi with
symptoms of military gas poisoning. The number of victims
of the demonstrations on 9th April rises to 100. The military
authorities refuse to specify the type of gas used during the
riots and this makes it impossible for doctors to provide effective treatment.
maY
8 May
– As a result of the agreements reached
during the Round Table Talks, the first issue
of “Gazeta Wyborcza” [Electoral Gazette]
appears – this is a daily newspaper which
is to represent the solidarity of the opposition and is edited by a team headed by
Adam Michnik. This first issue – published in
a print-run of 150,000 copies – introduces
the Civic Committee’s Parliamentary candidates. Under the newspaper title is the
slogan: “No freedom without ‘Solidarność’ ”.
The editorial team of “Gazeta Wyborcza”
in an introductory article:
Here, at last – after over forty years – for the
first time in Poland and probably in the whole
of the [Soviet] Bloc, is a normal, independ­
ent daily newspaper with a national print run.
By ‘normal’, we mean one which endeavours,
above all, to provide a wide range of informa­
tion – quickly and objectively – and differen­
tiating between information and comment.
So far we have only heard of such newspapers
– now we intend to produce them. […] We
feel a bond with “Solidarność” but we intend
to present the views and opinions of the public
as a whole, and of various opposition spectra.
Warsaw, 8 May [8]
The first issue of “Gazeta Wyborcza”
Tomasz Jastrun, dissident writer:
Together with his classmates and neighbours,
my son, who is still at primary school, took an
extraordinarily active part in the election [the
election campaign]. Of course, the children
were most excited about pasting up posters.
[…] They started out on Bernardyńska Street
in the Sadyba district, which was seen as being
infamous since Captain Piotrowski [murderer
of Father Popiełuszko] lived there. Nor can it be
said that he stood out in that district. Which is
why hanging up posters in Sadyba evoked such
strong emotions amongst the locals. […] Some
very nice ladies began to screech: “It’s disgusting
– they’re now even using children to do their
work for them. You have no idea who’s behind
it all – “Solidarność” is a band of Jews”. Many
of our other posters carried graffiti in similar
terms. It’s not just a sign of some sort of new, ugly
wave […] but an indication of the helplessness of
people whose world is toppling around them.
Warsaw, May [21]
22
7 May
8 May
– GDR. Local authority elections take place. The opposition
carries out a monitoring operation and discovers mass rigging of elections. In Lipsk, the militia detains some 100 people demonstrating against the fraudulent elections.
From now on, on the seventh day of each month, opposition
members stage demonstrations in various towns throughout
East Germany.
– CHINA. The student protest which started on 15th April in
Peking, gradually widens. The main demand put forward by
the strikers is that the Communist authorities recognise the
recently established Autonomic Union of Chinese Universities
– an organisation which coordinates efforts aimed at democratic reform.
P
O
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A
N
D
Warsaw, spring. During the election campaign.
Photo: Wojciech Druszcz / OK
9 May
– Channel II of Polish Television transmits
the first election broadcast on behalf of “So­
lidarność”. The production is almost ama­
teurish and primarily features Lech Wałęsa.
The second part of the broadcast shows
people in the public eye who speak about
why they intend to vote for “Solidarność”.
– Information flows in from all parts of the
country about how ‘unknown elements’
have been tearing down Civic Committee
posters.
Lech Wałęsa during a press conference:
If the wave of strikes does not destroy us, if we
do not give way to economic demands and
do not ignore political expediency, then we
may manage to lead Poland into Europe. To
a Europe which will be open, like those other
[Western] countries. Where you can leave or
visit and come back, open to workers. But also
to a Europe which will be an entity and which
will not take from us our own intimacy
– family intimacy, national intimacy. [2]
23
14 May
Zhang, a Chinese student:
– CHINA. In Peking, 300 thousand demonstrators demand
reinstatement of full civic rights. A student delegation meets
with members of the Chinese Communist Party and puts forwards its demands.
They keep trying to influence us and tell us how
we should behave. […] And yet we, too, have our
‘principles’. Gorbachev, for instance, allows people
in his country to speak. Why should we not have the
same open discussions here, in our country? That’s
why I have come here to the Square.
Peking, May [37]
Kraków, 18 May. Skirmishes between
demonstrators and militia units.
Photo: FMW/OK
maY / J une
Warsaw, May. “Solidarność” election posters. Photo: Jerzy Kośnik / FORUM
A Polish United Workers’ Party election poster with
the slogan ‘Yes!’ Photo: Chris Niedenthal / FORUM
22 May
– The election campaign enters its deciding phase. Despite some fears, the Communists are convinced that they will manage to
achieve a successful outcome. In a conversation with SED Secretary General, Erich Honecker, General Wojciech Jaruzelski states:
“A hard pre-election battle is now taking place.
There are major political lessons to be learnt.
It is difficult to foretell what results the election will bring. […] We hope to recoup something. Elections to the Senate are being held
in a different manner but the Senate is of less
importance than the Sejm. However, even
here, we have to fight to win our position…
[…] The situation in the army and in the security services is good. And the opposition is
aware of this.”
26
20 May
26 May
– BULGARIA. Mass demonstrations by people of Turkish extraction demand the release of their activists and respect for
the rights of minorities. Security forces take 7 days to crush
the demonstration and 7 people are killed.
At the beginning of June, the authorities circulate a directive
ordering all citizens of Turkish extraction to leave the country
immediately. This leads to a mass exodus to Turkey.
– USSR. Demonstrations take place in Moscow in protest
at the elections to the Supreme Council of the USSR where
not a single candidate from the reform camp was successful. Demonstrators carrying Russian national flags shout
anti-Communist and anti-Party slogans. In Pushkin Square,
the militia disperses “participants of an illegal gathering”.
P
2 June
– After a break of 8 years, “Tygodnik Soli­
darność” reappears, with Tadeusz Mazowiecki as editor-in-chief. This independent socio-political weekly – unique in the
Polish People’s Republic – first appeared in
April 1981 and continued publication until
Martial Law.
Two days before the elections, Mieczysław
F. Rakowski notes: “This evening, Wojciech
Jaruzelski appeared on television. He appealed for common-sense and distanced his
broadcast from the election battle […]. His
appearance will not change much but we
shall see. The atmosphere of unease in the
Government-Party establishment grows.”
O
L
A
N
D
Tadeusz Mazowiecki
in the introductory article:
The realisation that we are embarking on the
preparation of foundations for a democratic
Poland, brings with it a new insight into our
tasks. […] Up till now all that was necessary
was to oppose totalitarianism. Now we must
begin to construct the social structures of
democracy. Up till now we have spoken of the
necessity for pluralism. Now we must be able
to practice that pluralism. Up till now we have
addressed ourselves to our opponents, now we
must tailor the values for which we fought to
our own selves.
Warsaw, 2 June [51]
Warsaw, 2 June. Tadeusz Mazowiecki and a team of editors collect the first edition
of the new “Tygodnik Solidarność” from the printers. Photo: Leszek Wdowiński / FORUM
27
3 June
The largest, officially sanctioned meeting takes place at the
Luzhniki stadium and is attended by 100,000 people.
The following day, Boris Yeltsin, a representative of the ‘de­
mocrats’ who received almost 90% of the Muscovite votes in
the March elections to the Council of Deputies, is accepted by
the Supreme Council.
– CHINA. The situation in Peking becomes increasingly tense.
A crowd numbering many thousands of demonstrators repels
the troops who are trying to take over the city centre. Stones
are hurled at the Parliament building.
J une
An underground “postage stamp”.
4 June
– During the first round of parliamentary
elections, 62% of those entitled to vote take
part. The Opposition wins hands down,
gaining 160 of the 161 seats in the Sejm, allocated as a result of the Round Table agreements, and 92 seats out of 100 in the Senate.
For the authorities, the sore point is the fai­
lure of the national list of candidates, which
included most of the leaders of the parties
making up the government coalition.
Two weeks later, the second round of elections sees a low turnout. Civic Committee
candidates win the one missing seat in the
Sejm and 7 in the Senate.
From the OK collection
Lech Wałęsa:
We had to do everything to penetrate the
narrow fissure of democracy since only that
could cause a rift in the embedded red rock
of the national monolith. The elections were
a chance to create an interim system which
would be a meaningful bridgehead for the
coming victorious battle. […] “Solidarność”
pickets were present in the vicinity of polling
stations in order to help people who were
unsure how to choose a candidate from the
Civic Committee’s list. […]
We were aware that what was happening
was a test for several generations of Poles and
that, by the following morning, Poland would
be a different country. By participating and
voting for our own candidates, we were opting
for reforms but without a loss of blood. And
yet the scenario could have been completely
different.
Gdańsk, 4 June [53]
Warsaw, 4 June. “Solidarność” information point.
Photo: Erazm Ciołek / FORUM
28
4 June
– CHINA. The unofficial leader, Deng Xiaoping, orders the
army to occupy Tiananmen Square in Peking and to remove
from it the students who are demanding political reforms.
At 2 o’clock, tanks roll onto the streets of the city and infantry
units fire on the helpless demonstrators using machine guns.
The massacre lasts several hours. Independent press sources
report several thousand dead.
P
5 June
– Resigned to their electoral defeat, the Communists try to retain as much control as they
can. Meetings take place between the government side and representatives of the opposition and the Episcopate. Faced with the
threat that the election results could be inva­
lidated, “Solidarność” advisor, Bronisław Gere­
mek, agrees to the introduction of changes
to the electoral system which would make it
possible for the ruling coalition side to make
up for some of the losses it incurred.
A week later, the authorities announce that,
in accordance with Round Table agreements, Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski will become Presi­dent. In a discussion with Archbishop Bro­nisław Dąbrowski, Gen. Czesław
Kiszczak states that unless Gen. Jaruzelski
“[…] is elected to the office of President, we
will be faced with further destabilisation and
the process of political reform will have to be
terminated. No other President can count on
the loyalty of the security forces and the army.”
Zbigniew Ferczyk, dissident:
We divided ourselves into teams and, after
midnight, began to receive reports form
the electoral commission. The first reports
arrived and… we couldn’t believe our eyes. As
successive reports arrived, it became obvious –
“Solidarność” had won an enormous landslide.
[…] Consternation among our opponents.
They made up for it with forced smiles and
insincere congratulations. We still did not
know what the results were in our electoral
regions and throughout the country. Soon,
however, everything became clear – we had won
everything that was possible.
O
L
A
N
D
Wrocław, 10 June. Following the Tiananmen
Square massacre: “Look to China.”
Photo: Henryk Prykiel / NAF Dementi / Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
Jerzy Urban, head of the TV and the radio:
The morning after the elections, I attended
a Politburo meeting. Czarzasty, our election
campaign wizard who, only the previous
day, had been worried that our victory might
be too overwhelming, he now reported a
resounding defeat. I wrote an announcement
about the lost election and that the Party must
accept it and I handed it to Jaruzelski.
He read it aloud and then I had the biggest
shock. Jaruzelski asked for comments.
There were none. Power was relinquished
without any discussion at all.
Warsaw, 5 June [49]
Nowa Huta, 5 June [55]
29
8 June
– GDR. In East Berlin, 300 demonstrators take part in a protest march against the rigging of the local authority elections
which took place a month earlier throughout East Germany.
The militia arrest around 100 people.
Berlin, 8 June. Demonstrators carry a banner with
the slogan: “We will never come to terms with rigged
elections” and a ballot box painted black, bearing the
words: “Here lies democracy”. Photo: Associated Press / East News
J anua r y
czerwiec
30
Warsaw, 4 June. Awaiting interim election results.
Slogan on poster: “We understand everyone!
Solidarność” Photo: Tomasz Wierzejski / FOTONOVA
P
O
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A
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Part of a “Solidarność” post-election poster. From the OK collection
9 June
– During a conversation with Gen. Czesław
Kiszczak, Adam Michnik rejects the proposition that a ‘grand coalition’ be formed and
accepts a proposition that Gen. Wojciech
Jaruzelski be nominated for the presidency
in exchange for the office of prime-minister
for the opposition. Czesław Kiszczak: “They
had only just declared that they were not
inte­rested in government posts and that they
were in favour of a parliamentary coalition.
Now they speak of the post of prime-minister.”
12 June
– The National Council issues a decree
changing the electoral system. 33 mandates are transferred to the regions but only
fresh candidates may stand for these seats.
This leads to the final elimination of the key
activists of the PZPR, ZSL and SD coalition.
Mieczysław F. Rakowski during a meeting
of the Secretarial Office of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party:
By giving away the post of prime-minister,
the PZPR is giving up power and putting the
Party on the defensive. […] Our only chance
lies in demonstrating that we are invincible.
Defeatist positions will, I’m afraid, lead to our
losing everything – not only will we, ourselves,
lose but so will thousands, even millions of
people, who have put their trust in us. I am
against any form of concessions.
Warsaw, 16 June [48]
Bronisław Geremek:
We have demonstrated that the end of
Communism is inevitable, that the king is
bereft of everything, that of all the splendours
left to him is a naked blade, that he has no
public support. The June elections proved
what was already obvious but empirically
unconfirmed – that the Communists have no
back-up, that they remain in authority only
thanks to historical inertia, supported by the
illusion of power. The election results, recorded
in real-time figures, were a turning point in
the perception of the future of Europe. [14]
31
9 June
– USSR. In the course of the debates of the Congress of
People’s Deputies in Moscow, the founder of the independent ‘Memorial’ Association, Andrei Sakharov, demands the
revocation of the clause in the Soviet Constitution which
speaks of the ‘ruling role of the Communist Party’. His speech
is applauded by only some of the deputies – mainly by the
Moscow group and the representatives of the Baltic States.
H U N G A r y
When I was in Hungary at the
beginning of the 1980’s and spoke
about the events of 1956 and about
‘Solidarność’, and voiced my belief
that this entire system would fall
apart sooner or later, people thought
I was mad. I was determined that we
would live to see it fall, and when
people expressed their disbelief I told
them: come to Poland and see for
yourselves.
Ákos Engelmayer during a discussion at a meeting entitled
Common past – common memory?, held in Wrocław in October 2002
Budapest, 23 October 1989. Rally to commemorate
the declaration of the Hungarian Republic.
Photo: Bernard Bisson / SYGMA/CORBIS/FotoChannels
J une
Imre Kónya, Hungarian dissident:
The opposition organisations decided that
I should make the declaration on behalf of the
Opposition Round Table. […] This was an
enormously moving experience, as I had never
been inside the Parliament building.
We entered through a side door and made our
way up a wide staircase. Cameras whirred
and flashlights went off. In the Hunters’ Hall,
the two delegations introduced themselves.
György Fejti [Secretary of the Central
Committee] approached me and shook my
hand. I told him my name. He answered that
he had seen me on television.
13 June
– After several months of preparation, the
first meeting of the Triangular Table takes
place in Budapest, with the participation
of representatives of the Hungarian Workers’ Socialist Party, the Opposition Round
Table and the so-called third power, composed of state-run social institutions. Talks
centre, above all, on how pluralism is to be
introduced in Hungary and on democratic
parliamentary elections. These negotiations continue for three months.
Budapest, 13 June [43]
Budapest, June. Triangular Table Talks. Photo: Hungarian Telegraph Agency MT / Hungarian Institute in Warsaw
34
Extract from a letter from the Chinese Commu­
nist Party, published in the German press:
A hostile extremist minority planned to overthrow
the People’s Republic, the socialist order and the
leadership of the Party. This political clique made
up of anti-social elements was given foreign sup­
port and was based on an ideology of civic liberal­
ism. [30]
14 June
– GDR. The authorities express decided support for the activities of the Communists in China who are “actively engaged
in the suppression of anti-socialist behaviour.”
Meanwhile, the Chinese authorities publish a list of telephone numbers, which citizens can dial in order to help
‘dispense the justice of the people’.
H
U
N
G
A
r
y
Budapest, 16 June. Ceremonial funeral of Imre Nagy. Photo: Hungarian Telegraph Agency MT / Hungarian Institute in Warsaw
16 June
– In Budapest, a crowd of 300,000 people
takes part in the symbolic funeral of Imre
Nagy, leader of the 1956 Hungarian Uprising, murdered by the Communists. Referring to the symbolism of the events of 33
years ago, the participants wave Hungarian
flags from which the emblem of the Communist state has been removed.
The ceremony is broadcast on Hungarian television. That same day János Kádár, the
man who was partially responsible for the
death of Nagy, dies.
Viktor Orbán, Hungarian dissident,
in a speech given in Heroes’ Square:
If we trust in our own strength, we can put
an end to Communist dictatorship; if we are
sufficiently determined, we can force the Party
to organise free elections; if we do not lose the
idealism of 1956, we can choose a government
which will negotiate with the Russians with
the aim of a swift removal of their armies.
We will not be satisfied with Communist
promises, we must create a situation where the
governing party will not be able to use force
against us – even if it wants to.
Budapest, 16 June [29]
35
23 June
– POLAND. A Civic Parliamentary Party is set up in the Sejm
and the Senate, headed by Bronisław Geremek.
Despite limitations on numbers resulting from the Round
Table agreements, the “Solidarność”faction in Parliament becomes the moving force behind the peaceful transition from
a Communist system to a democratic one.
Bronisław Geremek, Chairman of the Civic
Parliamentary Party [OKP]:
When we resigned from putting forward our own
candidate [for President], we made it clear that
we are facing a balance of power resulting from
a contract and which we regard as being transitional.
[…] it became obvious that the Communist majority
was already disintegrating. [14]
J une
Zoltán Bíró, Hungarian dissident and
participant in the Triangular Table Talks:
Hungarians are currently living a dream of free
elections. I believe that it is in the commission
dealing with the elections that particularly
intensive and lively discussions will take place.
I stand firmly by my opinion that the elections
should take place no later than this year. It is
not the interests of the Party but that of the
country which should count in this matter.
[…] Since the country needs a Parliament
which is born out of a free election, as well as
a government formed on the same basis and
which is legal and acceptable to the nation,
then it follows that the elections should take
place as soon as possible.
Budapest, June [9]
Sopron, 27 June. Alois Mock and Gyula
Horn cut the barbed wire border fences.
A satirical cartoon from the June issue
of the Hungarian magazine “Ludas Matyi”
21 June
– The second round of talks between representatives of the ruling Hungarian Workers’
Socialist Party and representatives of the
opposition commences in the Parliamentary Hunters’ Hall in Budapest. The factions
represented in the Opposition Round Table
demand that free elections be organised as
soon as possible.
27 June
– Gyula Horn, Hungarian Foreign Minister,
and Alois Mock, Austrian Foreign Minister,
cut the barbed wire border fences in a gesture symbolising the liquidation of the Iron
Curtain.
Over the next few days, a systematic operation is carried out to dismantle all border fences and obstacles. The barbed wire
is used to manufacture commemorative
mementoes of the Iron Curtain, which are
mainly sold to foreign tourists.
Photo: Bernhard J. Holzner / Associated Press / East News
36
28 June
29 June
– POLAND. Wojciech Jaruzelski issues a statement in which
he states that the PZPR’s monopoly on power is a thing of
the past. In his opinion, the Party suffered an electoral defeat because “society did not understand that the Polish United
Workers’ Party was engaged in activities aimed at reform and
democracy”.
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. In Prague, the signatories of Charter 77
address a petition entitled ‘A Few Sentences’, in which they
call for far-reaching political reforms to be carried out in the
country, for the recognition of human rights and for restoration of full civic liberties. They write, among others: “We
exhort the authorities in our country to finally realise that the
time has come for real changes to the political system […].
Warsaw, 30 June. A student march in protest
at the candidature of Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski
to the presidency. Photo: Erazm Ciołek / FORUM
P
O
L
A
N
D
Artist: Zbigniew Ziomecki.
From the collection
in the Muzeum Karykatury
37
The first step towards any radical changes, starting with the
introduction of a new Constitution and ending with economic
reforms, must be a fundamental change in the social climate
in our country and a return to the spirit of freedom, trust, tolerance and pluralism. […] A social dialogue is the only possible way out of the dead end, in which Czechoslovakia currently
finds herself.” The Communist press accuses the Charter 77
activists of “incitement to acts of terrorism”.
30 June
– POLAND. A demonstration organised by independence
organisations, opposed to the candidature of Gen. Wojciech
Jaruzelski to the presidency, takes place outside the Central
Committee of the PZPR in Warsaw. For the first time in several years, the militia uses water cannon to disperse about
500 demonstrators.
J ul y
6 July
– The Hungarian Supreme Court rehabilitates Imre Nagy, leader of the 1956 Uprising
and concedes that the death sentence meted out to him was illegal.
– Representatives of the government side
and of the opposition meet once again in
the Hungarian Parliament building. The
subject of the talks is the establishment of
a basis for Hungary’s transition from Communism to a democratic system.
14 July
– Members and supporters of the October Party and the Hungarian Radical Party
carry out an informal operation to eradicate
Communist street names in Budapest.
Imre Mécs, a participant in the Triangular
Table Talks, on behalf of the Association
of Free Democrats:
Six months ago we would not even have
dreamt of what today is reality. However,
we must not allow ourselves to act either
too quickly, or too slowly. If we proceed too
slowly, people will become impatient and
will cease to believe that we will ever become
a parliamentary democracy. On the other
hand, if we move too fast, then we could be
faced with chaos and perhaps even some sort
of outburst.
[…] We are an integral part of Europe but for
the last 40 years we have moved away from
Europe and now we must find our way back.
Budapest, July [38]
Budapest, 14 July. An operation to restore the name of Palatine Street (Nádor utca),
which the Communists changed to Ferenc Münnich Street in 1960. Photo: Piroska Nagy
38
7 July
10 July
– GDR. 120 members of the opposition in East Berlin, who had
revealed numerous instances of vote rigging during the GDR
local authority elections on 7th May, are temporarily arrested.
The authorities thus make it impossible for them to organise
demonstrations demanding a repetition of the elections.
– USSR. A miners’ strike erupts. Workers demand that the
working day be shortened to 8 hours, Sundays to be workfree, an improvement in working conditions in plants and
a wage rise. Over the next few days, more mines – in Siberia,
Vorkhuta, Donbas, Karaganda and Kuzhbas – join the strike,
which also spreads to other branches of heavy industry. It is
estimated that the number of people taking part in the strike
Warsaw, 3 July. Militia intervene against the KPN
demonstration. Photo: Wojciech Druszcz / OK
P
O
L
A
N
D
39
19 July
(at its peak) is in the region of 400,000. Workers demands
soon include calls for the removal of the leading role of the
Communist Party and for a general election to be held to
choose the head of state.
It takes the authorities two weeks to quell the main focal
points of the strike by promising reforms.
– POLAND. The first sitting of the National Assembly – the
combined houses of parliament – elect Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski to the office of President. In his speech, Gen. Jaruzelski
stresses: “I wish to be a President of harmony, the representative of all Poles. I also wish to win the trust of those who express
hostility or dislike of me.”
J ul y / A ugust
19 sierpnia
– An independent Pan-European Picnic
takes place in Sopron to mark the removal
of barbed-wire border fence posts. Border
guards are withdrawn along many kilometers of the border in the vicinity of the
town on the orders of the Hungarian Prime
Minister, Miklós Németh. 700 citizens of East
Prime Minister Miklós Németh speaking
to West German Chancellor, Helmut Kohl:
Sending the refugees back to the GDR is
no longer a possibility. We are opening our
border. It will remain open for citizens of East
Germany provided that no external military or
political force makes us change our minds.
Gymnich, 25 August [24]
Sopron, August. Citizens of the GDR cross into Austria. Photo: Herbert Knosowski / Reuters/FORUM
Germany, who are holidaying in Hungary,
take advantage of the several hour opening
of the border and escape to Austria.
Over the next few days more mass escapes
across the border take place. News that it is
possible to escape to the West spreads like
wild-fire among East Germans. Soon, the
streets of Hungarian towns are filled with
cars left behind by the escapees.
Helmut Kohl:
As I listened to Németh, I felt tears come to
my eyes. […] After all, the Hungarians could
have acted quite differently. It could not have
been an easy decision for the Hungarian
government to take and, despite current
agreements, to tell the GDR authorities
outright: “Any Germans who are currently
in Hungary may leave for the West”.
Gymnich, 25 August [24]
40
29 July
16 August
– POLAND. Mieczysław F. Rakowski becomes 1 Secretary
of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’
Party. The XIII Plenum of the Party decides to designate
Gen. Czesław Kiszczak for the post of Prime Minister.
st
– POLAND. Following Gen. Kiszczak’s resignation as Prime
Minister, a meeting takes place between Lech Wałęsa, Roman
Malinowski (ZSL) and Jerzy Jóźwiak (SD) to discuss a government coalition. Negotiations end with the drawing up of an
agreement between the United People’s Party [ZSL], the Democratic Party [SD] (until now off-shoots of the Polish United
Workers’ Party) and the Civic Parliamentary Party.
Lithuania, 23 August. Part of the Baltic chain.
L
i
T
H
U
A
N
I
A
Photo: Kęstutis Vanagas / FOTOBANKAS
41
23 August
– At 7 p.m., some 2 million citizens of Lithuania, Latvia and
Estonia form a continuous human Baltic chain in protest at
the consequences of the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact, which
took away their independence for 50 years. The chain, which
stretches across Vilnius, Riga and Tallin, is almost 600 kilometres long. This is the biggest independent demonstration in
the history of the USSR. Soviet authorities do not intervene.
Vytautas Landsbergis, Leader
of the oppositional Sajudis:
Today’s action is a symbol, above all, of the
solidarity between the Baltic nations but also
between all those who are oppressed. […]We would
like the next such wave to stretch to Warsaw and
Budapest and perhaps even to Prague.
Vilnius, 23 August [50]
A ugust / S e p tembe r
László Bruszt, participant in the Triangular
Table Talks on behalf of the opposition:
The setting up of a government under
Mazowiecki is a signal to Eastern Europe
that it is possible to nominate the first nonCommunist Prime Minister in this region.
The range of possibilities this presents includes
not only the liberalisation of the politics of the
region, not only power sharing but also the
prospect of a peaceful change of regime.
Until August 1989, all we could look forward
to – even in conversation – was the option to
change the model – or rather, to make changes
to the model. And the clearer this became,
“Solidarność” logo from a Hungarian poster
the further Hungary advanced towards
negotiations on the subject of free elections.
The first real sign, however, that a peaceful
way out from under the rule of the regime
is possible comes with the nomination of
Mazowiecki to the office of Prime Minister,
and then the formation of the first nonCommunist government in Eastern Europe.
These were immensely important signs for
opposition factions in this part of Europe,
indeed, for all its citizens – the knowledge that
everything is up to those in local power, that
they, too, can achieve the same in their own
countries. [56]
11 September
– At midnight, Hungary opens its border
with Austria, enabling 15,000 East German
citizens to leave for Austria over the follo­
wing three days.
Gyula Horn, Foreign Minister, explains: “Budapest was forced to take this decision, since
the German states were unable to resolve the
problem between themselves. The GDR had
a week to persuade those of their citizens who
were currently in Hungary, to return home.”
The East German press agency describes
the behaviour of the Hungarian authorities
as “trading in human lives under the umbrella
of humanitarian action.”
42
24 August
– POLAND. The Sejm confirms the nomination of Tadeusz Mazowiecki as Prime Minister. Mazowiecki’s speech contains the
declaration: “The government which I will head does not bear
responsibility for the mortgage, it has inherited but which, nonetheless, has an influence on the way we govern. We are drawing
a thick line under the past. We will be answerable only for what
we do to extricate Poland from its current state of collapse.”
Ireneusz Sekuła, the resigning
Deputy Prime Minister:
The final dot over the ‘i’ was the nomination of
a […] non-Communist Prime Minister. The Soviet
Union […] turned a blind eye. This was a catalyst
for the future events in other countries: […] since
no intervention had followed in Poland, there
would be none elsewhere. [26]
H
Helmut Kohl in a telegram
to Miklós Németh:
Your policies – in which Man, his dignity and
his rights are paramount – should serve as an
example in the creation of a peaceful order in
Europe.
Prime Minister, Sir, we will never forget what
Hungary has done for us during this time.
U
N
G
A
r
y
The manner in which you have kept your
word and stood by a humanitarian solution to
a problem, which has arisen out of the
division of Germany, is most impressive.
Bonn, 12 September [24]
Budapest, September. An East European family on its way to Austria. Photo: Peter Turnley / CORBIS/FotoChannels
43
4 September
9 September
– GDR. Prayers for peace, in the Church of St. Nicholas in
Leipzig, lead to a spontaneous demonstration by several
thousand people. From this moment, every Monday, ever increasing crowds of demonstrators gather outside the church,
demanding democratic reforms.
– GDR. An opposition movement called the New Forum is set
up. Its founders’ declaration states: “At the base of all the aims
which the New Forum proclaims is the desire for justice, democracy and peace, and the protection of the natural environment.
This is the goal which we intend to introduce in all walks of life
as part of the impending social changes.”
Sarbogard, Spring 1989. Soviet soldiers stationed
in Hungary. Photo. David Turnley / Corbis/FotoChannels
S e p tembe r
P
O
L
A
N
D
Warsaw, 12 September. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, following
the Sejm’s approval of the new government.
Photo: Chris Niedenthal / FORUM
46
12 September
– POLAND. Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki speaking in the
Sejm: “We reject the political philosophy that economic reforms
can be introduced without reference to the wishes of society,
[…] putting aside democratic changes. Only a society of free
citizens and the policies of a government which has the trust of
a decided majority can be instrumental in Poland’s recovery.” The
Sejm unanimously approves the new government.
– GDR. An opposition organisation entitled Democracy Now
is set up in Berlin. Its members state: “We wish to create
a united society and to achieve democracy in all walks of life.
[…] Instead of a state dominated by a single party, a state
which, without the mandate of the people, has taken on the
role of instructor and teacher of the nation, we want to have
a state which is based on the wishes of the people.”
H
18 September
– In Budapest, the main stage of the Triangular Table Talks concludes, with over 200
working meetings behind it. The summing
up contains decisions to hold free Parliamentary elections and to make changes to
the Hungarian Constitution. Some opposition factions (including Fidesz and the Union of Free Democrats) fail to countersign
the final agreement, thus expressing their
protest and the not entirely democratic
manner of election of president prior to free
parliamentary elections.
U
N
G
A
r
y
György Szabad, spokesman
for the Opposition Round Table:
It is not important what the agreement meant
to the opposition, what is important is what it
gave to the country. We have agreed the basis
for a new Constitution, making a clean break
with Stalinist dictatorship; we have worked
out Hungary’s most democratic election
system ever – the most advanced in the entire
Socialist bloc. […]
We have had to make concessions but
further dialogue was only possible through
compromise. There was a danger that the
current leadership of the Party might make
decisions which would close the door to an
understanding for a long time.
Budepest, 18 September [10]
Budapest. Representatives of the opposition Round Table during the Triangular Table Talks.
Front, from left: József Antall, György Szabad, Viktor Orbán. Photo: Encompass
47
17 September
22 September
– POLAND. The 50 anniversary of the invasion of Poland by the
Red Army, sees a demonstration staged by ‘Fighting Solidarity’
and KPN in Katowice. Several thousand participants make their
way to the Soviet Trade Bureau and the Provincial HQ of the
PZPR. Demonstrators shower both buildings with small change
‘for the train home’ and chant slogans: “Down with Communism!”, “Soviets go home!” The militia does not intervene.
– POLAND. The Supreme Court in Warsaw re-registers the
Independent Students’ Association, accepting its statute and
conceding its right to strike, which the Provincial Court had
rejected in May.
th
G D R
Those who, like us, have come here
straight from Warsaw, have seen for
themselves what the process of reforms has managed to achieve
in Poland and in Hungary and they
realise that the most important task
now is to search – step by step – for
a path to a common future. […] I call
on everyone in Eastern Germany:
you are not alone, we stand at your
side! We are and will continue to be
a single nation, we are one whole…
Helmut Kohl, 10 November 1989 during a rally in front
of Schöneberg Town Hall in West Berlin
49
East Berlin, November 1989. Rejoicing at the fall
of the Berlin Wall. Photo: Chris Niedenthal / FORUM
Oct o be r
Warsaw, 1 October. Train carrying East German refugees
leaves Warsaw. Photo: Czarek Sokołowski / Associated Press / East News
Janusz Onyszkiewicz, OKP Member
of Parliament:
Crowds of Germans from the GDR sought
asylum in the West German Embassy [in
Warsaw]. There was not enough room for
all of them. Mr Johannes Bauch, who was
chargé d’affaires at the time, […] came to
the Sejm to discuss the matter. I believe that
Geremek and I gave him what he had come
for: an undertaking that none of the asylum
seekers would be sent back to the GDR. We
then managed to arrange for special trains to
take them through the GDR, and on into West
Germany.
In a way, we had removed a sizeable brick
from the Berlin Wall.
Warsaw, 1 October [32]
1 October
– East German refugees, staying temporarily on the premises of the West German
embassy in Warsaw, are given leave to enter
West Germany.
Comment on East German TV: “The beha­
viour of those who have left the country has
excluded them from our society. And for that
reason alone, no-one will miss them.”
2 October
– Yet again, a procession leaves the Protestant Church of St. Nicholas in Leipzig after
the service and makes its way into the town.
Passers-by join the procession. 20,000 people take part in the opposition led demonstration. Astonished by the size of the
protest, the militia does not intervene. The
demonstrators chant: “We want to stay here!”
Subsequent demonstrations are to take
place every Monday.
50
2 October
– USSR. Representatives of the Sajudis present a petition
approved by the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic to Mikhail Gorbachev, requesting that
a referendum on independence be organised in Lithuania.
Mečislovas Ščepavičius, A map of the expansion
of democracy. “Gazeta Wyborcza” dated 10 August
G
D
R
GDR, October. Propaganda poster. Photo: Associated Press / East News
51
5 October
– POLAND. A demonstration organised by the Independent
Students’ Association takes place outside the GDR Consulate
in Wrocław. The organisers read out a declaration: “We, young
Poles, […] protest most strongly against the limitation of
freedom in the GDR and, in particular, we demand an end to
the beatings and harassment meted out to members of independent organisations. Today’s demonstration is intended as
an expression of our solidarity with those Germans who desire
freedom and democracy.”
Oct o be r
Extract from an opposition report entitled
An accursed helplessness:
Individual demonstrators were dragged out
of the crowd at random with unbelievable
brutality; they were then subjected to bea­
tings by as many as eight security service
functionaries in civilian clothing. Detaining
numerous people, the militia forced them
into police vehicles, laying into them brutally
despite the fact that no resistance was offered.
Women were treated particularly brutally in
the hope of provoking the male demonstra­
tors to use force against the security forces.
At his point, the entire event was stage-man­
aged by Stasi officers.
Berlin, 7 October [54]
5 October
– Beginning of the official 3-day celebrations to mark the 40th anniversary of the
GDR. Mikhail Gorbachev and Gen. Wojciech
Jaruzelski are among the guests.
In a counter-demonstration, several thousand people march through the centre of
East Berlin, demanding freedom and reforms; they chant: “Gorbi, help us!” The militia intervenes and many demonstrators
are arrested. The following day, the government newspaper “Neues Deutschland”
comments: “Those who thought that the
40th anniversary celebrations would bring
a change in government policy made a grave
mistake. Any attempt to bring down the socialist ideal is bound to fail.”
East Berlin, 5 October. Military parade to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the GDR. Photo: Chris Niedenthal / FORUM
52
Imre Pozsgay, Hungarian Deputy Prime Minister:
7 October
I kept labouring under the delusion that the
Communist Party would initiate a process of reform.
This proved impossible. The Communist system finally
collapsed. […] Never, in the history of Hungary, has
there been a military coup […]. The consequences of
Jaruzelski’s policies are an adequate deterrent. [11]
– HUNGARY. The leadership of the Hungarian Socialist Wor­
kers’ Party decides to dissolve the Party and to transform it
into the Hungarian Socialist Party.
This is the first instance of the dissolution of a ruling Communist Party in the whole of the Eastern bloc.
G
9 October
– Yet another ‘Monday’ rally takes place
in Leipzig. After prayers for peace in the
Church of St. Nicholas and in three other
protestant churches in the city centre, at
6 p.m. around 100,000 demonstrators begin a peaceful march through the city. The
demonstrators chant: “No force!” For the
first time, the militia does not take counter
measures – the first sign that the Communist regime in the GDR is weakening.
D
R
Martin Jankowski, dissident writer:
Late that evening [after the rally] friends
gathered at my home as previously arranged.
Eyes bright, we were able to report: There
were no arrests. There was no gun-fire. Nor
were there any skirmishes. Everything went
smoothly. The authorities did not dare to
attack. […]
Suddenly, the ‘counter-revolution’ and
oppression was at an end. We felt enormously
powerful. We felt brave and invincible. […]
We began to discuss the meaning of the events
which had taken place in the country that day.
[…] Of course, I had no champagne at home,
so we raised a toast in Georgian tea.
Leipzig, 9 October [19]
Leipzig, October. Church of St. Nicholas. Photo: Martin Naumann
53
14 October
15 October
– USSR. The Soviet authorities refuse to register the ‘Memorial’ Association, whose aim is the commemoration of the
victims of Stalinist repression. The organisation’s representatives treat this refusal as a “profanation of the memory of
people who lost their lives during the years of Stalinist terror.”
– USSR. During a 10-thousand strong rally in Moscow, Boris
Yeltsin demands democratic reform for the USSR and the removal from power of the “conservatives” in the Politburo of
the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party.
Oct o be r
16 October
– In Leipzig a further ‘Monday’ rally takes
place in support of democracy. 120,000
people take part and their slogans include:
“We are the nation!”
Some officially recognised associations and
organisations also demand reforms.
18 October
– After 18 years as leader, Erich Honecker
resigns from all Party and State posts ‘for
health reasons’. Egon Krenz takes over the
office of Secretary General of the German
Socialist Party of Unity.
Helmut Kohl, Chancellor of the Federal
Republic of Germany, in a statement:
Overflowing jails, numerous injured and
unending waves of refugees – these are the
symbols of a fossilised dictatorial system […].
They are also an expression of the insecurity
which haunts East Berlin’s ruling circles. […]
Internal peace and stability cannot
be achieved by force and by depriving
people of their rights.
External peace and good neighbourly relations
between our countries cannot begin to develop
until the leadership of the GDR stops isolating
itself and cutting off its country from the changes
taking place around the world, and from the
current reforms in the East and the West.
Bonn, October [24]
GDR, October. Rally organised by supporters of democratic changes.
Banner (front) reads: “We demand free elections”. Photo: Associated Press / East News
54
21 October
23 October
– BULGARIA. For the first time since the end of the II World
War, an official public meeting takes place which has been
organised without the participation of the Communist authorities. In Sophia independent activists and ecologists from
the Ecoglasnost organisation take part in talks to discuss the
tragic state of the environment. The Bulgarian militia does
not intervene.
– HUNGARY. Once the Hungarian constitution has been updated to enable the introduction of a multi-party system,
the Hungarian Republic is proclaimed.
G
D
R
Bärbel Bohley, a German dissident,
speaking during the debate with SED
leaders:
My dream is to find my fulfilment here.
Previously we never knew what sort of GDR
we dreamt of because we were constantly
looking elsewhere. […] We felt stifled and
we imagined what it would be like to live
somewhere else… My hope is that we will
recognise that our desires are not dictated by
the Politburo but by ourselves.
East Berlin, 26 October [36]
20 October
– A wave of demonstrations sweeps the
GDR. The largest rallies take place in Leipzig,
Berlin, Potsdam and Karl-Marx-Stadt. An
unusual demonstration occurs in Dresden,
as 50,000 people take to the streets of the
city in total silence.
These protests last throughout the next five
days.
26 October
– Representatives of the New Forum, Jens
Reich, Bärbel Bohley and Sebastian Pflugbeil, meet with the leadership of the German Socialist Party of Unity and discuss the
necessity of introducing reforms. East German te­levision transmits extracts from this
debate.
Demonstrations spread to further towns in
East Germany – Rostock, Erfurt and Gera.
East Berlin, 21 October. A chain formed by
supporters of democratic change in the GDR.
Photo: Associated Press / East News
27 October
– Steffen Reiche, representative of the GDR
Social-Democratic Party, demands that an
East German Round Table be set up.
– East German authorities announce an amnesty for all those who attempted to cross
the border illegally.
Some of the demonstrators who were
arres­ted during recent demonstrations in
support of democratic changes, are now
released.
55
Jan Ruml, Czech dissident:
28 October
Thousands, perhaps even millions of people took
to the streets in the GDR once they realised where
the road to a civic society and to freedom lay.
Meanwhile, in Czechoslovakia, millions of citizens,
laden with shopping bags, blunder round a country
entangled in barbed wire. [27]
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. The authorities organise a swearing-in
celebration for conscripts in St. Vaclav Square, hoping that
this will deter an independent demonstration to mark the 71st
anniversary of the country regaining its independence. In the
afternoon, a crowd of several thousand demonstrators gather
in the Square, chanting: “We want freedom!” The militia intervenes. More than 300 people are arrested.
N o vembe r
Leipzig, October. Opposition rally. Photo: Associated Press / East News
56
3 No v e m b e r
Petruška Šustrová, a Czech dissident:
– POLAND. A 3-day International Seminar opens in Wrocław;
it is entitled “Central Europe. A Culture at a Crossroads – between Totalitarianism and Commercialism”. During the Seminar, a Review of Independent Czechoslovak Culture takes
place, with the participation of musicians from Czechoslovakia, including émigrés, among them are Karel Kryl and Jaroslav Hutka. Several thousand Czechs and Slovaks are present.
As we walked around Wrocław, […] we would
come across groups of people and almost all of them
spoke Czech. […] How many of them took part
– two weeks later – in the demonstration in Prague
which saw the beginning of the Velvet Revolution?
Many of those who felt the taste of freedom here, no
longer wanted to return to the same old set-up. [35]
G
D
R
4 No v e m b e r
– A rally in Alexanderplatz in East Berlin
draws almost one million participants. They
realise that the complete lack of reaction by
the authorities to such an enormous public gathering signals the end of the old system. Members of the opposition, officials
and cultural celebrities speak to the crowds
from improvised platforms. The demonstrators demand a return to democracy in the
GDR, freedom for the press and freedom of
association.
Stefan Heym, writer, in a speech given
in Alexanderplatz:
During the last few weeks we have overcome
our own helplessness, we have begun to learn
how to walk with our heads held high. And all
this in a Germany where no revolution was
ever able to change anything, where the people
were always meek – in the days of the Kaiser,
of the Nazis and later, too.
East Berlin, 4 November [36]
Róbert Juharos, Hungarian student,
speaking in Alexanderplatz:
The nations of Eastern and Central Europe
are linked not only by a common past,
by a sombre 40 years of dictatorship and
oppression but also by the desire for a real
democracy, where our lives can take their
natural course. […]
We consider that our joint European house
should be constructed only of democratic
states. We are, therefore, in favour of radical
reforms in all countries of the Eastern bloc. [1]
East Berlin, 4 November. Demonstration in
Alexanderplatz. Slogan on banner: “Radical changes
– or else”. Photo: NAF Dementi / Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
7 No v e m b e r
– The Government of the German Democra­
tic Republic resigns. Many thousands of
demonstrators continue to rally in the
streets of the capital.
57
7 No v e m b e r
– USSR. Numerous independent rallies take place in Moscow
during the celebrations to mark the anniversary of the October Revolution. Several thousand people take part in a de­
monstration in support of pluralism, free elections, abolition
of censorship and the release of political prisoners. The militia does not intervene.
N o vembe r
9 No v e m b e r
– At about 7 p.m., during a press conference
in East Berlin, the Secretary of the Central
Committee of the SED, Günter Schabowski,
unexpectedly announces the immediate
introduction of a law allowing GDR citizens
freedom of travel abroad. Two hours later,
spontaneous destruction of the Berlin Wall
commences in several places.
Günter Schabowski during
a press conference:
Today, we decided to introduce a regulation
which will enable every citizen of the GDR
to leave through GDR border crossings […].
Applications for private travel abroad are
allowed, without the necessity of presenting
hitherto required documentation – reasons
for travel and certificates proving that the
applicant has family abroad. Permits will
be issued within a short space of time. […]
Citizens wishing to take up permanent
residence abroad will be allowed to leave via
all border crossings between the GDR and
the Federal Republic of Germany, and even
through West Berlin.
East Berlin, 9 November [15]
Annemarie, active member
of Democracy Now:
We didn’t know what was happening. We
couldn’t believe it. My husband said: “Let’s
got to Kurfürstendamm [in West Berlin] for
a beer.” I said: “Have you gone mad? How?
It’s not allowed.” That’s the way we thought:
it’s not allowed, and that was that. […] We
made our way to the nearest crossing point,
on the Bornholm Bridge. From a distance we
could hear a roar, shouts of joy, there were
rivers of people making their way in the same
direction, some had just thrown coats over
their pyjamas.
East Berlin, 9 November [52]
1 0 No v e m b e r
– A large-scale demonstration of solidarity
with East Germany takes place in West Berlin, with the participation of high ranking
representatives of the government.
– Spontaneous festivals of welcome are
held in West German border towns, to greet
arri­vals from East Germany.
Mieczysław F. Rakowski, Ist Secretary
of the Central Committee of the Polish
United Workers’ Party:
It appears that the “perestroika plague” has
even penetrated the GDR. During a recent
conversation with [SED Secretary, Egon]
Krenz, I asked him whether he could envisage
the following scenario: 100,000 demonstrators
approach the Wall and begin to dismantle it.
What will you do then? Will you fire on them?
Krenz replied that this was a good question
and that he can see it happening…
Warsaw, 10 November [40]
58
1 0 No v e m b e r
1 0 No v e m b e r
– USSR. A crowd numbering many thousands of people takes
part in a demonstration in Kishinev, in support of democracy
and independence for Moldavia. The demonstrators are brutally attacked by the Soviet militia, using truncheons, tear
gas and water cannon. Skirmishes continue until late in the
evening. According to media reports, hundreds of people are
injured.
– BULGARIA. Todor Zhivkov is forced to resign from his post
as Ist Secretary of the Bulgarian Communist Party. His successor is Petyr Mladenov, the long standing Foreign Minister.
During a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee
of the Bulgarian Communist Party, motions are put forward
demanding the introduction of political pluralism and a market economy.
G
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East Berlin, 10 November. After the fall
of the Berlin Wall. Behind the guards
is no-man’s land – until recently trespassers
risked death. Photo: Robert Wallis / Corbis/FotoChannels
1 3 No v e m b e r
– The East German authorities issue a directive to remove all blockades along the Berlin Wall.
Hans Modrow becomes the new Prime Mi­
nister of the GDR. He expresses a wish that
the German states should be unified.
– Another wave of mass demonstrations
sweeps through East Germany, crowds gather in the streets of Leipzig, Dresden, KarlMarx-Stadt, Cottbus, Magdeburg and other
towns. With increasing confidence, the demonstrators chant: “We are one nation”.
59
1 5 No v e m b e r
– USA. In Washington, Lech Wałęsa delivers a speech to
both houses of Congress. Several times during the speech,
he stresses the meaning and character of the changes ta­king
place in Eastern Europe: “Poland’s battle for human rights,
a battle without the use of force, Poland’s determination and
steadfast attitude on the road to pluralism and democracy,
demonstrate to many people today, and to many nations, too,
how to avoid the worst dangers. If there is any threat to European stability today – it does not come from Poland. The road
taken by Poland, leading to very fundamental yet peaceful,
evolutionary reforms, negotiated with all sides – makes it possible to avoid the worst dangers and it can be an example to
many other regions.”
Commentators label Lech Wałęsa’s speech as “historical”.
Berlin, 10 November. The Wall
by the Brandenburg Gate.
Photo: Jerzy Patan / OK
Václav Havel in his book Briefly, please (Kraków 2007)
c z e cho s L 0 VAK I a
It’s true that our revolution was one of
the last but it took less time than the
others and, in one sense, it was also
more radical – we did not have any
pe­restroikas or reformatorycommunist interludes. Instead, after
barely a few days, we immediately
began to build a normal democratic
society. Czecho­slovakia was the first
country in the whole Soviet bloc where
the new head of state was a true and
life-long non-Communist, moreover,
one who just a few days earlier had
been the foremost dissident, the ‘star
of the theatre of opposition’.
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Prague, November 1989. Demonstration
by supporters of democratic reform.
Photo: Fausto Giaccone / Anzenberger/FORUM
N o vembe r
Col. Jiří Bytčánek, Head of Prague’s
Security Services:
Twenty-one functionaries with radio
transmitters were assigned to the rally, as well
as seven transmission vehicles. […] Neither
the official ceremony, nor the subsequent
march by student demonstrators had anything
to do with the celebrations in honour of Jan
Opletal. Various anti-Socialist and anti-social
slogans were shouted. The first blockade was
sited in the vicinity of the botanical gardens,
so the demonstrators turned off towards the
Fryderyk Engels boulevard and carried on in
the direction of the National Theatre. At that
juncture, Miroslav Štěpán [Secretary of the
Prague Communist Party Town Council]
rang me: “Jirko, those are not students
– we have to restore order.”
1 8 No v e m b e r
– Following the demonstration in Prague,
students announce a sit-in strike in the university.
In the evening, they are joined by actors
from the theatres of Prague. A rumour
spreads that a student, Martin Šmíd, has
been killed by the militia.
Prague, 17 November [41]
1 7 No v e m b e r
– On the 50th anniversary of the funeral of
Jan Opletal, a student murdered by the
Germans during an anti-Hitler demonstration, students stage a legal rally in Prague.
A march by a crowd of some 15,000 people
– mainly students – heading for St. Vaclav
Square is blocked and the militia uses truncheons and tear gas to brutally disperse
the crowd.
64
Radoj Ralin, dissident Bulgarian writer,
speaking during a rally:
10 November [when Todor Zhivkov resigned]
marks a second liberation of Bulgaria. And may it
not remain just a heroic act or a romantic ideal…
As a nation we are still being misled yet we no
longer have room in our souls for empty illusions.
That is why the first task must be the organisation
of free elections in the spirit of party pluralism.
[…] Parties should be formed not in order to take
over power but to ensure the mature development
of society and of the individual. This is an inherent
right.
Sophia, 18 November [17]
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Petr Pospíchal, Czech dissident:
I arrived at Petr Uhl’s apartment just as
they were listening to a cassette recording of
an interview with a woman who recounted
how a close friend of hers had been killed
during the demonstration. We listened to
the recording several times and came to
the conclusion that this posed something of
a problem – to publish or not to publish.
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In keeping with professional responsibility
and ethics (by then we had long been active
as the East European News Agency), Petr
and I decided to make the information public
but with the added comment: “We have
received this news from a woman who has not
identified herself; according to her…”
This information had a radical effect on
people – it acted as a catalyst for revolution,
even though it turned out to be untrue.
It must have been part of a ploy by security
forces although it is difficult to fathom what
purpose it served.
Prague, 18 November [39]
The Charter 77 logo drawn on walls
Prague, 17 November. Student march blockaded
on National Street. Photo: Radovan Boček
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1 8 No v e m b e r
– BULGARIA. The first rally to be organized by the opposition
takes place in the square outside the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Sophia. 100,000 demonstrators carry banners and
shout slogans in support of democratic reform, they demand
the release of political prisoners, free elections, freedom
of speech and the prosecution of Todor Zhivkov.
Prague, November. Demonstration
in St. Vaclav Square. Photo: Ota Nepilý
N o vembe r
Prague, 19 November. Demonstration of solidarity with students,
beaten up by the militia. Photo: Peter Turnley / CORBIS/FotoChannels
Tomáš Hradílek, Dana Němcová,
Saša Vondra, Signatories of Charter 77,
in Stance on the situation in the country:
While almost all the countries of Eastern Europe are peacefully making their way towards
democratic reform, the Czech Party and State
leaders are launching a war against their own
citizens, who ask only that the actions of neighbouring countries be emulated. […] We believe
it is essential that those who are directly responsible for the brutal acts committed against
our own citizens, should immediately resign
from Party and State leadership.
1 9 No v e m b e r
– Throughout the day, people lay flowers and light candles in National Street in
Prague, in memory of the alleged murder
of a student and of the 150 people injured
during the rally on 17 November. Security
forces do not intervene.
Czech dissidents in the Drama Club set up
a Civic Forum association, headed by Václav
Havel; its aim is the democratisation of the
country through reforms.
Prague, 19 November [5]
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2 0 No v e m b e r
2 1 No v e m b e r
– BULGARIA. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the
Bulgarian Communist Party issues a statement to the effect
that most of the demands put forward during the demonstration by supporters of democratic reform are unacceptable.
The leadership of the Party calls on the public to “maintain
the peace which is essential to the process of introduction
of state reforms”.
– GDR. Demonstrations by supporters of an immediate introduction of free elections continue. A rally takes place
outside the Czechoslovak Embassy in East Berlin in protest
at the brutal treatment of students by the Czech militia
on 17 November.
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2 0 No v e m b e r
– Slovak dissidents set up an association
entitled Public against Violence. Its aims are
peaceful activities in support of removal
of the clause concerning the leading role
of the Party from the Constitution, and
a speedy introduction of free elections.
2 1 No v e m b e r
– Some 200,000 people demonstrate in
St. Vaclav Square in Prague. Václav Havel
speaks to the crowd from the balcony of the
Melantrich Publications building. Following
his speech, Marta Kubišová sings a hymn
entitled A Prayer for Marta, which has been
banned since 1968. The rally ends as the
crowd sings the Czech national anthem.
2 2 No v e m b e r
– Throughout Czechoslovakia, all institutions of higher education and some secondary schools go on strike. Prime Minister
Ladislav Adamec declares that the armed
forced will not be employed to quell opposition de­monstrations.
– 80,000 people take part in an evening rally in Bratislava. Students, actors and representatives of the independent organisation
Public against Violence deliver speeches
during the rally in the Slovak National Uprising Square. All the speakers condemn the
policies of the ruling Communists and demand democratic reforms.
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Extract from a resolution passed by
the actors of the Slovak National Theatre
and read out by Magda Vašáryova
during a rally:
One of Man’s main responsibilities is the
protection of life, including his own. When
we speak of the dignity of life in the humanist
sense: it should serve that which is good,
justice and truth – let us strive for this
together, of our own free will, in a spirit
of honesty and tolerance… without anger,
hatred, with love for our neighbour and
for nature, of which we are a part. […] Let
us start as quickly as possible with a clean
table and a clean slate, without immoral
compromises. […] May our thoughts have
enough free rein to allow us to live in truth.
Together, let us create a Republic in which we
will all feel at home, as equal citizens.
Bratislava, 22 November [23]
Prague, 22 November. St. Vaclav Square.
Photo: Karel Cudlin
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2 2 No v e m b e r
2 4 No v e m b e r
– GDR. The opposition and the Communist Party agree to set
up a German Round Table. In Parliament, Prime Minister Hans
Modrow declares that the social and political changes taking
place in the German Democratic Republic are irreversible.
– ROMANIA. Nicolae Ceauşescu is once again elected Ist Secretary of the Romanian Communist Party. The decision of the
members of the Central Committee is unanimous.
N o vembe r
J.J.K. Nebeský, high-school pupil,
in his diary:
At 4.50 p.m. I made my way to the square and
took part in the demonstration. […] It was
really marvellous, first the students’ resolution
was read out and then we went to the church
(there must have been 400–500 of us there),
where the priest read out an open letter from
Cardinal Tomášek. Then we went outside
and someone read a declaration signed by
300 workers from Sigma Hranice. Finally
we chanted slogans: “Wake up, Hranice!”
and “No work at Christmas!” It really was
wonderful, the whole thing started and ended
with the Czechoslovak national anthem.
People lit candles, too. My first demonstration
– it made a great impression on me. At least
I could do something to demonstrate my
views. Of course, it was very cold because it
started to snow yesterday. I’m going again
tomorrow.
Hranice, 23 November [45]
Jiří Dienstbier, Czech dissident:
The iceberg in the heart of Europe is melting.
In effect, it has already melted but fragments
are still floating around in our waters and we
will not let go until they disappear completely.
The second phase will be more difficult.
Although, until recently, the removal of the
fossilised power structures had seemed almost
impossible, it now seems that it was easier than
the tasks which now await us. Nonetheless, the
Velvet Revolution, as it is sometimes called,
has put down strong foundations on which we
can build in the future.
Prague, November. Demonstrators gathered at the
statue of St. Vaclav. Photo: David Turnley / CORBIS/FotoChannels
2 3 No v e m b e r
– For the first time, Czechoslovak TV shows
short clips from demonstrations and broadcasts demonstrators’ comments. Rallies
take place in smaller towns, too.
Prague, 24 November [28]
2 4 No v e m b e r
– Meetings of the Central Committee of
the Czechoslovak Communist Party commence in Prague. 15 out of 24 members
of the Presidium and Secretariat resign. In
the streets of the capital, a demonstration
by many thousands of people continues.
Demonstrators ring bells and jingle keys to
mark their demand for the resignation of
Party leaders.
2 4 No v e m b e r
2 6 No v e m b e r
– GDR. The East German opposition group ‘Democratic
Breakthrough’ demands that free parliamentary elections be
organised within a year. The Communist authorities propose
to extend this period by two years.
– HUNGARY. A national referendum takes place which approves the decision to organise a presidential election after
the elections to parliament.
70
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2 6 No v e m b e r
– Talks between the opposition and the authorities commence; a Civic Forum delegation meets with representatives of the Central Committee of the Party. The Forum’s first
demand is the release of 18 people detained
during the November demonstrations. In
the evening, the Forum organises a 500,000
strong demonstration in Prague, where it announces its stance vis-à-vis the authorities.
– In Brno, demonstrators form a live chain
to the prison in Bohunice, in the town’s su­
burbs.
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2 7 No v e m b e r
– A general strike is announced throughout
Czechoslovakia; factories, schools, government offices are at a stand-still. Ever increa­
sing crowds of demonstrators appear in the
streets of towns and cities. The Civic Forum
announces its programme.
Brno, 26 November. A chain of solidarity with political prisoners. Photo: Ota Nepilý
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2 9 No v e m b e r
– POLAND. In Nowa Huta several hundred demonstrators belonging to the Alternative Society Movement, the Orange Alternative and the Federation of Fighting Youth throw stones
and bottles of petrol at a statue of Lenin. Fighting breaks out
and the militia uses truncheons and tear gas.
Grzegorz Hajdarowicz, participant
in the demonstration:
Our politics were played out in the streets. A few
telephone calls and a “rent-a-mob” was ready.
Propaganda called us “irresponsible louts”,
we were accused of terrorism but organisation
of demonstrations and skirmishes with the militia
were our only way to express our protest. [6]
N o vembe r / D ecembe r
Extract from a Civic Forum appeal entitled
What do we want?:
Our country finds itself in a deep moral, spi­
ritual, ecological, social, political and econo­
mic crisis. This crisis is proof of the inefficiency
of the current political and economic system.
[…] The Czechoslovak Republic must be
a democratic country with a rule of law. Bea­
ring this in mind, it is necessary to work out
a new Constitution, and the entire legal sys­
tem will have to be gradually brought in line
with the principles contained in the Constitu­
tion, with guarantees that not only the citi­
zens of the country will be subject to the law
but also the governing powers.
2 8 No v e m b e r
– Representatives of the Civic Forum agree
with Ladislav Adamec’s government that
the composition of the new, Czechoslovak
“wide-ranging coalition” will be presented
by 3 December.
2 9 No v e m b e r
– The federal Parliament approves chan­
ges to the Czechoslovak Constitution –
the clause concerning the leading role of
the Communist Party and Marxist-Leninist
ideo­logy is deleted.
Prague, 27 November [3]
Prague, 28 November. Conclusion of talks between the government
and the opposition sides. Photo: Miroslav Zajíc / CORBIS/FotoChannels
72
Hans Modrow, GDR Prime Minister in an
interview for the “Der Spiegel” weekly:
If we want to undertake talks regarding
a confederation, we must first establish the realities.
[…] What happens when there is a nation and two
states? Are there two nations, or a single nation
with two states? First, we must have foundations
upon which we will then be able to build. After all,
we live in Europe and in a world which is watching
us, you have neighbours and allies and we have
them, too. And we – both states, that is, each with
its own alliances – need to have confidence in what
is happening.
Berlin, 4 December [22]
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Jiří Dienstbier, Czech dissident:
When the Federal Prime Minister, Adamec,
announced his ‘reformed’ government, people
protested and demanded a radical change.
I remember that evening I left “Laterna” and
made my way to the boiler house – it was
cold and I wanted to turn on the heating so
that the workers who finished their shift at
10 p.m. would be able to have a hot shower.
I returned after midnight and there were
several people in “Laterna”: Havel, Pithart,
Jičinský and others. We discussed who might
be in the new government and someone
came up with the idea that I could be the
Minister for Foreign Affairs. […] We did not
believe that they would want either me or
Čarnogurskiego, who had been released from
prison a few days earlier. [18]
Prague, 4 December. Demonstrator carries a bust
of Stalin, with a sign saying: “Nothing last for ever”.
Photo: Dusan Vranic / Associated Press / East News
3 December
– Students protest at the composition of the
new cabinet and they demand more widespread reforms. The President of Czechoslovakia recalls further members of the
government.
4 December
– Many thousands gather in St. Vaclav Square
in Prague in answer to an appeal by the Civic
Forum. Demonstrators express their dissa­
tisfaction with the new government and demand the dissolution of the People’s Militia.
Civic Forum poster: “A Return to Europe!”
From Filip Blažka’s collection
73
3 December
7 December
– GDR. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the German
Socialist Party of Unity resigns.
Thousands of East German citizens form a live chain to de­
monstrate their desire for democratic changes and for the
unification of both German states.
– GDR. German Round Table talks commence in Schönhausen
Castle in Berlin. Decisions are taken regarding a new Constitution, the organisation of free elections and the dissolution
of the Stasi Secret Police.
– USSR. The Supreme Council of the Lithuanian Soviet Socia­
list Republic deletes the clause in the Constitution which refers to the leading role of the Communist Party.
b u L g a r i a
As far as world events
were concerned, the role
of ”Solidarność” did not lie
simply in providing an example
and creating a model of a
successful political battle against
Communism; it lay, too, in the
fact that it formed a decisive
link in a chain of events which
was of world significance.
It provided a template for
the ‘velvet revolutions’ in Central
and Eastern Europe.
Zhelyu Zhelev in a speech during the From “Solidarność” to Freedom
Conference, held on 30 August 2005 in Warsaw
Sophia, 14 December 1989. Demonstration by supporters
of democratic changes. Photo: Klaus Titzer / Anzenberger/FORUM
D ecembe r
Sophia, 6 December. Demonstration in support
of restoration of religious freedom.
Photo: Fausto Giaccone / Anzenberger/FORUM
The Union of Democratic Forces founders’
declaration states:
The Union coordinates the efforts of opposition
groups in the battle for democracy by creating
a joint democratic platform. Its aims are, above
all, to work towards the establishment of a civic
society, political pluralism, a multi-party system, the rule of law and a market economy.
Sophia, 7 December [17]
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8 December
Prague, December. Poster reads: “Let stars stay
in the sky, sickles in the fields and hammers
in factories”. Photo: Dominik Księski / OK
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. The new Prime Minister is a Slovak –
Marián Čalfa, a Communist representative who joined the
Public against Violence association. More than a dozen representatives of the opposition are included in the new government of “national agreement”.
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6 December
– Several thousand people take part in
a rally in Sophia in support of restoration
of religious freedom. Demonstrators present a petition to the representatives of
Parliament, demanding that the Orthodox
Church be freed from state control.
7 December
– In Sophia, 13 opposition groups join to
form a Union of Democra­tic Forces, under the
leadership of Zhelyu Zhelev. The protest by
the Committee for the Defence of Religious
Rights escalates. Demonstrators put forward
new demands, among them – free elections.
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8 December
– The Plenum of the Central Committee of
the Bulgarian Communist Party excludes
Todor Zhivkov and 26 other members from
the Central Committee. In this way, the reform group, led by Petyr Mladenov, tries to
hold on to power in the face of escalating
public dissatisfaction.
10 December
– 100,000 demonstrators in Sophia demand
a Bulgarian Round Table, democratisation
of the state and free elections.
From an appeal by the Union of
Democratic Forces to the Bulgarian
nation, entitled Yes! to reforms, read
out during a rally by Georgi Spasov:
The deep political, economic, social and
spiritual crisis in which the country finds
itself requires radical changes which should
escalate, widen and deepen the process
of democratisation. In order to effect
these reforms it is essential to carry out
simultaneous changes in personnel at all levels
of Party structure and in the state leadership,
and to repeal those clauses of the Constitution,
as well as other laws and directives, which
ensure the preferential status of the Bulgarian
Communist Party […]. The democratisation
of the Bulgarian Communist Party is an
essential element of the democratisation
of the country.
Sophia, 10 December. Demonstration by supporters
of reform. Slogan on poster with Stalin reads:
“65 years later, we found out who he was”.
Sohia, 10 December [46]
Photo: Klaus Titzer /Anzenberger/FORUM
77
10 December
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. The last major rally of 1989 takes place
in Prague organised by the Civic Forum. The Communist President, Gustáv Husák, resigns after the swearing in of the newly
formed government.
– In Bratislava, 150,000 people take part in a March for Understanding and make for Hainburg in Austria, on the other side
of the Danube.
Sophia, December. Demonstration by supporters
of free speech. Photo: Nadeżda Czipewa
D ecembe r
Sophia, December. Opposition demonstration outside the Parliament building. Photo: Oleg Popov / Reuters/FORUM
11 December
– The Plenum of the Central Committee of
the Bulgarian Communist Party proposes
the exclusion from the Constitution of Article 1, which refers to the leading role of the
Party. Todor Zhivkov is expelled from the
Bulgarian Communist Party.
12 December
– Another peaceful demonstration in support of democratic reform takes place in Sophia. Tens of thousands of people ga­thered
outside the HQ of the Central Committee,
light candles and stand in total silence.
80
12 December
István Orosz, It’s over, Comrades! Property of the author
– HUNGARY. The new authorities begin negotiations with
representatives of the USSR with regard to the withdrawal
of Soviet troops from the country. The first contingent will
consist of 10,000 out of an overall 60,000 troops stationed
in Hungary.
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13 December
– The Bulgarian Communist Party organises
a rally in Sophia. The 100,000 supporters
declare their total backing for the new Party
leaders.
14 December
– Prime Minister Georgi Atanasov and the
Secretary of the Central Committee of the
party, Andrei Lukanov, meet with representatives of the Union of Democratic Forces – Zhelyu Zhelev and Georgi Spasov.
In the afternoon, students (some 50,000
people) form a live chain around the Bulgarian Parliament building in Sophia, demanding autonomy for the university. The
demonstrators are joined by supporters of
an imme­diate change in the Constitution to
exclude the clause relating to the leading
role of the Communist Party, the resignation of the go­vernment and free elections.
During the rally, the new Communist leader, Petyr Mladenov, is heard to say: “Better to
bring in the tanks”. This later contributes to
his resignation.
15 December
– Bulgarian TV transmits a propaganda report on the events in Sophia. 20,000 demonstrators blockade TV headquarters and
demand that the facts be rectified. They disperse the following day, when their demand
is met.
The authorities announce an amnesty for
political prisoners.
– Numerous demonstrations by supporters
of democratic reform take place throughout the country.
Sophia, 13 December. Rally by supporters
of the Communist Party. Photo: Nadeżda Czipewa
Petko Simeonov, leader of the Union of
Democratic Forces, speaking on television:
If a crowd numbering many thousands
demands the resignation of state leaders,
the dissolution of Parliament, the
renouncement by the Party of its leading role
and the exclusion of the Party from places of
work – that is not extremism. It is quite simply
proof that the public has lost confidence in the
authorities, who have been instrumental in
causing a profound social and economic crisis.
Sophia, 16 December [12]
81
13 December
16 December
– POLAND. On the 8 anniversary of the introduction of Martial Law, independent demonstrations take place throughout
the country. Participants demand that Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski should be removed from the office of President and should
face charges. In many places, the militia intervenes and se­
veral dozen people are beaten and detained.
– GDR. A Congress of the German Socialist Party of Unity
takes place in Berlin. Erich Honecker, who is under house
arrest, sends a letter of self-criticism. Participants in the
Congress also receive a letter from Moscow, in which the
leadership of the Soviet Communist Party states: “We Soviet
Communists have already learned the hard way that life cannot
be encompassed by dogmas”.
th
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We showed the world that we were able to
libe­rate ourselves from this horror – by paying
the highest price, that of spilt blood. Despite the
fact that they were bought at the cost of a sea
of blood, those two events – the revolution
and the death of Ceauşescu – remain the most
splendid gifts for the Romanian nation. Taking
into account the enormity of the crimes and
losses which resulted from the rule of the
Ceauşescu family, I consider that the punishment
was just. I speak as a Romanian citizen.
My feelings at this moment are unequivocable.
Ion Teşu, the Romanian “regime” Ambassador to Warsaw, in conversation
with Urszula Biełous at the end of December 1989 (“Polityka” issue 1/1990)
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Bucharest, 22 December. Street riots.
Photo: Jose Nicolas / CORBIS/FotoChannels
D ecembe r
László Tőkés, pastor of the Hungarian
Reformed Church in Timişoara:
Five times, the Secretary and the Mayor came
running. The number of demonstrators had
increased ten-fold, they were demanding
written confirmation that Tőkés would not be
transferred – at the same time hurling invectives
of an unrepeatable nature at both officials.
At 3 p.m. [Mayor] Moţ invited a delegation to
his office, ostensibly to give them the document.
They returned with an ultimatum: unless the
crowd disperses by 5 p.m., water cannon will be
used. I advised the people to go home.
The crowd of Romanians grew larger and
shouted slogans which had nothing to do with
me or with the Church of the Reformation […].
They sang the national anthem Hora Unirii
– five thousand hearty voices! I was extremely
touched. I kept repeating: “Go home” and they
answered: “We love you, we won’t give you
up”… They shouted: “Down with Ceauşescu’s
dictatorship”, “Freedom”, “Bread”… most of
them made their way to the city centre.
I could feel it, I knew what would happen now
– five thousand people in the city centre are
capable of anything.
Timişoara, 16 December [47]
16 December
– Mass protests break out in Timişoara in
defence of Pastor László Tőkés, whom the
authorities want to transfer to another pa­
rish. The townspeople take down portraits
of Nicolae Ceauşescu and symbols of Communist power, they remove books written
by the conducător (leader) from bookshops
and throw them into the streets and then
openly destroy them.
Timişoara, December. A street poster with a likeness
of Nicolae Ceauşescu. Photo: Owen Franken / CORBIS/FotoChannels
17 December
– The demonstration outside the headquarters of the Provincial Council and Party
Committee in Timişoara continues.
– Units of the Securitate (political police) fire
on the unarmed crowd. Several dozen people, including children, are killed.
– In the evening, army units commence
ope­
rations in Timişoara and skirmishes
break out throughout the city. László Tőkés
is arrested.
18 December
19 December
– GDR. In Berlin, the East German Round Table declares its
intention of reunification of the two separate German states.
The composition of an interim Government of National Responsibility is also agreed. It is to hold power until the free
elections set for May 1990.
– GDR. For the first time in history, the Chancellor of the Fe­
deral Republic of Germany appears at a rally in Dresden in the
German state on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Helmut
Kohl expresses his support for democratic reform in the GDR.
During a meeting with the GDR Prime Minister, Hans Modrow,
a joint declaration is agreed, setting out a programme aimed
at the unification of the two German states.
84
r
O
m
A
n
i
A
Romanian flag with a hole in place of the Communist emblem.
Photo: Peter Turnley / CORBIS/FotoChannels
18 December
– People gather outside the Cathedral in
Timişoara intending to commemorate the
victims of Sunday’s massacre. The Security
Forces and the militia cut the city off from
the world. Meanwhile, Nicolae Ceauşescu
and his wife leave for an official visit to Iran.
Some of the military, led by Colonel Viorela
Oancei, cease operations against the people and join the demonstrators.
– News of the incidents reaches other towns
in Romania. A rally takes place in Brasov in
support of the inhabitants of Timişoara.
The militia intervenes.
19 December
– Skirmishes between the people and the
Securitate functionaries in Timişoara last
throughout the day. A delegation of the
city’s inhabitants takes up talks with Prime
Minister Constantinem Dăscălescu. In the
afternoon, military troops cease operations
and withdraw to barracks.
A flag with a hole instead of the Romanian
Communist Party emblem becomes the
symbol of the revolution.
20 December
– Mass strikes break out in places of work in
Timişoara, soldiers demonstrate alongside
the civilian population and the Securitate
forces eventually withdraw beyond the city.
The crowd chants the slogan: “We’re not
afraid to die!”
The atmosphere of rebellion spreads to
other regions of Romania.
85
20 December
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. An extraordinary Congress of the
Czecho­slovak Communist Party takes place in Prague. Participants pass a resolution, in which they apologise to the people
for repression, injustice, the consequences of the invasion by
Warsaw Pact armies, the stifling of freedom of speech and for
making use of power for their own ends.
From an appeal to former members
of the Czechoslovak Communist Party,
expelled during the period 1968–69:
Comrades, in this hour of reform which you,
yourselves, commenced – we, […] together with
rank and file Communists ask that you forgive us
for the past.
Prague, 20 December [44]
D ecembe r
21 December
– A rally in Bucharest, called by Nicolae
Ceauşescu in order to denounce the “rabble from Timişoara” turns into a demonstration against the Communist authorities.
The Romanian leader barricades himself
in the headquarters of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party.
The militia intervenes. In the afternoon,
troops and armoured vehicles appear on
the streets of the capital.
Bucharest, 21 December. Nicolae Ceauşescu speaks
from the HQ of the Romanian Central Committee.
Photo: Associated Press / East News
22 December
– The Romanian authorities announce
a state of emergency. Fighting continues
between the army, which has sided with
the rebellion, and the Securitate forces. The
Minister of National Defence, Gen. Vasile
Milea, is killed in mysterious circumstances.
Following an unsuccessful attempt to
escape, President Nicolae Ceauşescu
and his wife are detained by Gen. Victor
Stănculescu’s troops and imprisoned. The
Securitate uses machine guns to fire on
civilians. Fighting in the streets of the Romanian capital continues for another few
days. The number of victims exceeds several thousand. The National Liberation Front
now takes over power.
Bucharest, 22 December. Insurgents on a lorry.
Photo: Agencja ROMPRES
86
21 December
– HUNGARY. The National Assembly takes a decision on the
voluntary dissolution of Parliament on 16th March 1990, in order to pave the way for free elections. Hungary’s first real Parliamentary election campaign since the end of the war will
start in the new year. Over 50 political parties will take part.
r
Dorana Cosoveanu, Curator
of the National Museum, founder
of the Civic Alliance:
Towards evening [22 December] all hell broke
loose. Short burst of fire from machine guns
shattered windows, pierced walls and forced
apparently solid doors out of their frames. No
telephones, no lights. It was difficult to establish
where the firing was coming from, from inside or
outside, was it the army or ‘terrorists’… A night
of terror, when it seemed as though everything
would come crashing about our heads.
At daybreak, we divided into three ‘patrols’
– made up of the curator and a few young
O
m
A
n
i
A
soldiers – and made our way swiftly through
the halls of the “European Gallery”. A terrible
tragedy met our eyes: paintings by Rubens,
Rembrandt, Jordaens, Breughel were damaged
by gunfire, they hung on the remnants of
frames, singed here and there. In the choking
smoke, we quickly brought out the remainders
of the wonders of this world.
As we tried to rescue the Flemish 16th century
tapestry which yesterday had still been a glorious
green, it disintegrated in our hands like ashes.
Cry? Scream? Hide! Outside the light was getting
stronger. The cannonade was resumed.
Bucharest, 22 December [16]
Bucharest, 22 December. Skirmishes in the streets of the city. Photo: Radu Sigheti / Reuters/FORUM
87
24 December
Virgilijus Čepaitis, Secretary to the Sajudis:
– USSR. A Congress of People’s Deputies declares the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact invalid and this, in turn, means legal
grounds for the annexation of the Baltic Republics to the
USSR cease to exist. The Ist Secretary of the Soviet Communist
Party, Mikhail Gorbachev, states, however, that nationalist
tendencies in the Baltic States could lead to violence and to
destabilisation.
At first we feared the word ‘independence’. No
longer. […] Of course, there remains the question –
what happens if tanks invade Lithuania? […] Some
madman could use force. Be that as it may. But we
cannot go on living like this… If madness prevails
then we will not resort to the use of force. We’ll do
as the Poles have done – we’ll wait. [42]
Bucharest, 22 December. Street fighting between demonstrators
and Securitate units. Photo: Fatih Saribas / Reuters/FORUM
D ecembe r
Extract from the sentence passed
by the Extraordinary Military Tribunal:
Genocide has been committed and not only
in Timişoara and in Bucharest. We are dealing with 25 years of crimes committed
against the people through starvation, dep­
rivation of heating and electricity and, above
all, of crimes committed against the soul. […]
How long did the Romanian people have to
put up with you in the fear that, at any mo­
ment, they might be apprehended, drugged,
shut up in lunatic asylums!
Târgovişte, 25 December [4]
25 December
– The Romanian dictator, Nicolae Ceauşescu
and his wife are shot in the town of
Târgovişte, in accordance with a sentence
passed as a result of a trial lasting several
hours. The insurgent forces find the dictator guilty of the crime of genocide, guilty of
driving the country to economic ruin and of
appropria­ting public property of immense
value.
Photographs of the execution of the dictatorial couple are released around the world.
Bucharest, 25 December. Television broadcast of the execution of Nicolae Ceauşescu.
Photo: Krzysztof Miller / Agencja Gazeta
90
26 December
27 December
– BULGARIA. The Independent Trade Union “Podkrepa” organises an all-day demonstration in Sophia in support of the
speedy democratization of Bulgaria. Trade unionists demand
the immediate resignation of the government, the dissolution of Parliament and arrangements for free elections.
– BULGARIA. Round Table Talks are officially announced, with
the participation of the ruling Communists and representatives
of the opposition (they commenced two weeks later).
The following day, new political parties are set up. The Bulgarian authorities undertake to respect the rights of the Tur­
kish minority which had been subjected to many repressions
at the end of the 1980’s.
r
O
m
A
n
i
A
Bucharest, 26 December. Demonstration in the city centre. Photo: Krzysztof Miller / Agencja Gazeta
26 December
– Former high-ranking functionary of the
Romanian Communist Party, Ion Iliescu,
takes over the office of interim President
of Romania. The National Liberation Front
forms a government headed by Petre Roman (which is approved three days later).
Most of the Departments are taken over by
former Communists. A demonstration takes
place in the capital, in protest at this composition of the Cabinet.
28 December
– Battles with the surviving remnants of the
Securitate in Bucharest slowly come to an
end, most of the militia units loyal to the regime surrender.
91
28 December
– POLAND. The Sejm approves an Act introducing economic
reforms. “This package,” says Finance Minister Leszek Balcerowicz, “comprising 13 Acts and 7 Resolutions, is a major
breakthrough for the Polish economy. We propose an economy
based on market forces, with a private ownership structure, as
in highly developed countries, an economy which is open to the
world and whose rules are clear to all.”
– CZECHOSLOVAKIA. Alexander Dubček becomes Speaker of
the Federal Assembly.
The following day, Václav Havel becomes President. In his
inauguration speech, he stresses: “It is now no longer about
a better future for Czechoslovakia. […] May the road we are
taking towards a better future lead us to a better future for the
whole of Europe and of the world.
D ecembe r
Kraków, 1990. Eagle without a crown,
symbol of the People’s Republic of Poland
being demolished. Photo: Jerzy Szot / OK
P
O
L
A
N
D
92
Lech Wałęsa:
30 December
The year 1989, called by some the ‘People’s
Autumn’, was coming to an end. In Poland it was
officially marked by a change in the name of the
country: from ‘People’s Republic of Poland’, back
to ‘Republic of Poland’. The country’s emblem was
also transformed with the restoration of the White
Eagle’s gold crown. [53]
– POLAND. The Senate approves amendements to the Polish
Constitution. As of midnight on 31 December the new name
of the country becomes valid – the Republic of Poland. The
new emblem is the White Eagle with a gold crown, on a red
background. The clause referring to the leading role of the
Communist Party is deleted from the Constitution. Freedom
to set up new political parties is guaranteed.
r
O
m
A
n
i
A
Bucharest, December. Victory Demonstration.
Photo: Libertate Roumanie, 1989
30 December
– Pastor László Tőkés declares: “The punishment meted out to the Ceauşescu couple was
an act of justice. But showing their bodies on
television was inappropriate. I do not feel hatred towards them. May God forgive them.”
31 December
– The National Liberation Front passes
a de­
cree on the registration of political
parties. After over 40 years of Communist
dictatorship, political life is revived and pre1946 parties reinstated.
Ion Matei, head of the newly formed
“Romanian Renaissance Party”:
We now have more electric power and more
food in the shops. We also have freedom of
speech. Despite this, the old power structures
are still there, with the same old people. There
are too many people who, just two weeks ago,
spoke out on behalf of Ceauşescu, and now
talk of democracy. Until this changes,
nothing will change.
Bucharest, December [13]
93
31 December
– GERMANY. Half a million people see in the New Year at the
Brandenburg Gate in Berlin. The ceremony takes place in an
atmosphere of German unification. According to official data,
almost 350,000 citizens left East Germany in 1989.
T DwE O C
S
94
A
D
E
S
L A T E R
Bartosz Kaliski
triving to reform the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev became its undertaker. The fact that he
was awarded the title of President of the USSR and was given wide ranging powers
did nothing to halt the implosion of the system, nor the galloping economic crisis.
From the beginning of 1990, the Republics of the Soviet Union, headed by Lithuania,
Latvia and Estonia, began to announce their sovereignty and aimed for a complete
break with Moscow. Beyond the Caucasus, national conflicts reared up and the incompetent
actions of the Moscow leadership served only to stoke the fires of antagonism.
In January 1991, a bloody attack by Soviet special units on Lithuanian Government
buildings in Vilnius could not turn the tide of events – the Baltic Republics regained their
independence. Gorbachev’s indecision played into the hands of Boris Yeltsin, who was determined to rid himself of the burden of his past. In June 1991, he became President of the
Russian Federation, the largest republic in the USSR. In mid 1991 the final tool of Soviet
hegemony was finally dismantled – the military Warsaw Pact and COMECON (the Council
for Mutual Economic Aid). In December 1991, Boris Yeltsin, together with the leaders of
Belarus and the Ukraine, both of which also had leanings towards independence, signed
a document officially dissolving the USSR.
The break-up of the Soviet bloc changed the political and economic face of Europe.
On 7 February 1992, in Maastricht, an European Community was transformed into the European Union – with a common currency, European citizenship, a joint foreign policy and
joint security policies.
From January 1990 radical changes began to take place in Poland. The Polish United
Workers’ Party ceased to exist. The “Solidarność” camp broke up into several warring factions. Mazowiecki’s government applied shock therapy to the Polish economy (“Balcerowicz’s Plan”), and this caused rising unemployment and the fall of many uneconomical factories and plants. Above all, however, it triggered an explosion of entrepreneurship amongst
Polish citizens and introduced an economic rationale.
In Bulgaria, the Round Table Talks finally took place at the beginning of 1990. Todor
Zhivkov, state leader and Party leader, was sentenced to 7 years’ imprisonment for misuse
of power and for fomenting national conflicts (forced ‘Bulgarisation’ of the Turkish population). Post-Communists won success in the free elections, however, they agreed to the
election of the opposition candidate, Zhelyu Zhelev, to the office of President.
There was no lack of former supporters of Ceauşescu in a still restless Romania. Nonetheless, the country was beginning to develop towards a parliamentary democracy and
market economy.
Free elections took place in the GDR in March 1990, as a result of which the Communist
Party lost power. The Soviet Union had no reservations with regard to the unification of
Germany, and it finally became a fact on 3 October 1990.
GDR Stasi files, which mostly escaped undamaged, became the basis of a searching
assessment of East German Communism. And, while Honecker’s trial never came to fruition
and the East German politician managed to escape from Europe, the swift manner with
which the heritage of the SED dictatorship was tackled set an unprecedented example to
other countries in the region.
In other countries, information about the crimes committed under Communism was far
slower in reaching public awareness. Symbolic of the changes taking place in Hungary was
the election as President in 1990 of the writer, Árpád Göncz who had been sentenced by
Kadar’s regime to lifetime imprisonment for his part in the 1956 revolution. It was far easier
to honour the victims of Communist regimes than to bring their leaders to justice. Even
today crimes committed by the Communist system remain unpunished.
In April 1990, Czechoslovakia’s title was changed to the Czech and Slovak Federal Republics. ‘De-Communisation’ was brought into being (functionaries of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party were removed from positions of authority). On 1st January 1993, the new
federal state ceased to exist and the independent Czech and Slovak states appeared on the
political arena. Václav Havel became President of the Czech Republic.
In the period 1991–94, Soviet army units finally withdrew from all the countries of
Central and Eastern Europe, which had regained full independence and in which the Soviet
units were seen as an occupying force.
The dominant political powers in the post-Communist countries were in agreement as
to the fact that their long-term aim should be economic and political integration with the
Western world. They cut themselves off from their Communist past in a more or less radical
form. Ethnic tension between Hungary, Slovakia and Romania was smoothed out through
negotiation and bilateral agreements. Following the economic catastrophe, this part of
Europe soon found itself on the path to economic growth.
In 1994, the ‘Partnership for Peace’ programme was brought into being – this involved
cooperation with NATO. Five years later, in March 1999, the Czech Republic, Poland and
Hungary became full members of the North Atlantic Pact and, as such, they supported
NATO intervention in defence of the Kosovo Albanians. In 2004, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania,
Latvia, Romania and Slovakia also joined the Pact. .
On 1st January 2002, a common currency – the Euro – came into force in twelve (out of
fifteeen) of the countries of the European Union. This heralded a previously unprecedented
area of economic freedom in Europe.
May 1, 2004 saw the accession to the European Union of the three Baltic Republics,
Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. Three years later, they were joined by
Romania and Bulgaria.
These countries which – just two decades previously – had been embedded in a civilisational and economic nightmare, supporting the interests of the Soviet Union – now achieved
a historical success: they became full and equal partners in a united, common Europe, built
on a foundation of respect for human rights and freedom, on principles of democracy and
the right of nations to self-determination.
95
L I S T o f
96
1.
Berlin Alexanderplatz, CD no. 2, Random House-Deu
2005, transl. Piotr Głogowski.
2.Piotr Bielawski, Romuald Lazarowicz, Dziwny rok 1989
[1989 – A Strange Year], Janki 2000.
3.“Biuletyn Informacyjny. Pismo Solidarności PolskoCzechosłowackiej” [Information Bulletin. PolishCzechoslovak Solidarity Publication] no. 16/1990.
4.Elżbieta Centkowska, Jesień Ludów ’89. Kalendarium
wydarzeń [The People’s Autumn – ‘89], Warsaw 1992.
5.
Charta 77. 1977–1989. Od morální k demokratické revoluci
[Charter 77. 1977–1989. From a moral to a Democratic
Revolution], ed. V. Prečan, Bratislava 1990,
transl. Piotr Głogowski.
6.“Gazeta Krakowska” [Kraków Gazette], 25 July 2005.
7.“Gazeta Polska” [Polish Gazette], 13 May 1989.
8.“Gazeta Wyborcza” [Election Gazette], 8 May 1989.
9.“Gazeta Wyborcza”, 15 June 1989.
10.“Gazeta Wyborcza”, 20 September 1989.
11.“Gazeta Wyborcza”, 13 October 1989.
12.“Gazeta Wyborcza”, 18 December 1989.
13.“Gazeta Wyborcza”, 1–2 January 1990.
14.Geremek opowiada, Żakowski pyta. Rok 1989 [Geremek
recounts, Żakowski questions. The Year 1989],
Warsaw 1990.
15.Hans-Hermann Hertle, Chronik des Mauerfalls
[A Chronicle of the Fall of the Wall], Berlin 1997,
transl. Xymena Dolińska.
16.Inigma de szapte ani. Timişoara 1989–1996 [The Seven
Year Enigma. Timişoara 1989–1996], Biblioteca Sighet,
vol. 4, Bucharest 1997, transl. Roman Wyborski.
17.Istorija i civilizacija [History and Civilisation], Sophia 2006,
transl. Olga Gronowska.
18.Jana Klusaková a Jiří Dienstbier rozmlouvají [Jana Klusaková
and Jiří Dienstbier in conversation], Praha 1993, transl.
Tomasz Grabiński and Andrzej Sławomir Jagodziński.
19.Martin Jankowski, Der Tag, der Deutschland veränderte.
9 Oktober 1989 [The Day which changed Germany.
9 October 1989], Leipzig 2007, transl. Piotr Głogowski.
20.Wojciech Jaruzelski, Przemówienia 1988 [Speeches,
1988], Warsaw 1989.
21.Tomasz Jastrun, Dziennik zewnętrzny [External Journal],
“Kultura” Paris no. 10/1989.
22.Jesień Ludów [People’s Autumn], Part 1, Zeszyty
Dokumentacyjne PAP [PAP Documentation], Warsaw 1990.
23.Keď sme brali do rúk budúcnosť [When we took the future
into our own hands], Bratislava 1990,
transl. Piotr Głogowski.
24.Helmut Kohl, Pragnąłem jedności Niemiec [I wanted
German Unification], Warsaw 1999.
25.Komitet Obywatelski przy Przewodniczącym NSZZ
“Solidarność” Lechu Wałęsie. Stenogramy posiedzeń 1987–
1989 [Civic Committee under “Solidarność” Chairman
Lech Wałęsa. Transcripts of meetings 1987–1989],
Warsaw 2006.
26.Koniec Epoki. Wywiady Maksymiliana Berezowskiego [the
End of an Epoch. Maksymilian Berzeowski’s interviews],
Warsaw 1991.
27.“Lidové noviny” [The People’s Gazette] no. 11, 1989,
transl. Piotr Głogowski.
28.“Lidové noviny” no. 12, 1989, transl. Piotr Głogowski.
29.“Magyar Nemzet” [The Hungarian Nation], 17 June 1989,
transl. Piotr Głogowski.
S
O
U
R
C
e
S
30.“Neues Deutschland” [New Germany], 6 June 1989,
transl. Piotr Głogowski.
31.“Nowa Koalicja” [New coalition], no. 8/1989.
32.Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Ze szczytów do NATO [From
Summits to NATO], Warsaw 1999.
33.“Opinia Białostocka. Pismo KPN. Obszar X Białystok”
[Białystok opinion. KPN Publication. Area X – Białystok],
January 1989.
34.Alojzy Orszulik, Czas Przełomu. Notatki z rozmów
z władzami PRL w latach 1981–1989 [The Breakthrough
Period. Notes from Talks with Polish People’s Republic
Leaders during the period 1981–1989], Warsaw 2006.
35.Pamięć wyszehradzka [Memories of Visegrád] , “Karta”
no. 37, 2003.
36.Pokojowa rewolucja w NRD w prasie polskiej 1989–1990
[Peaceful Revolution in the GDR, in the Polish press
1989–1990], Berlin–Warsaw 2006.
37.“Polityka” no. 23/1989.
38.“Polityka” no. 35/1989.
39.Petr Pospíchal, account recorded and noted by
Katarzyna Madoń-Mitzner in October 2002.
40.Mieczysław Rakowski, Dzienniki polityczne 1987–1990
[Political Journals 1987–1990], Warsaw 2006.
41.“Reflex“ no. 46/2004, transl. Piotr Głogowski.
42.“ResPublica” no. 9–12/1989.
43.Anna Richter, Ellenzéki Kerekasztal. Portrévázlatok
[The Opposition Round Table. Sketches for a Portrait],
Budapest 1990, transl. Wojciech Maziarski.
44.“Rudé Právo”, 21 December 1989, transl. Piotr Głogowski.
45.Sborník prací absolventů a současných studentů [An
Anthology of Works by Today’s Graduates and Pupils],
Hranice 1996, transl. Piotr Głogowski.
46.Georgi Spasov, recorded for Radio Free Europe by
Rumiana Uzunowa, 11 December 1989, transl. Olga
Gronowska.
47.Titus Suciu, Reportaj cu inimă in gură. Timisoara 16–22
December 1989 [An Open-Hearted Report], 1990,
transl. Roman Wyborski.
48.Tajne dokumenty Biura Politycznego i Sekretariatu KC.
Ostatni rok władzy 1988–1989 [Secret documents
from the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Central
Committee. 1988–1989: the final year in power],
ed. Stanisław Petrzykowski, London 1994.
49. Teresa Torańska, Byli [They Were Here], Warsaw 2006.
50.“Tygodnik Powszechny” [National Weekly], no. 39/1989.
51.“Tygodnik Solidarność” [“Solidarność” Weekly], 2 June 1989.
52.“Tygodnik Solidarność”, 1 December 1989.
53. Lech Wałęsa, Droga do wolności. 1985–1990 [The Road
to Freedom. 1985–1990], Warsaw 1991.
54. Stefan Wolle, Wspaniały świat dyktatury [The Wonderful
World of Dictatorship], Warsaw 2003.
55.Wybory ’89 w Krakowie. Wspomnienia, relacje i dokumenty
z kampanii wyborczej Małopolskiego Komitetu
Obywatelskiego “Solidarność” [’89 Elections in Kraków.
Memoirs, recollections and documents from the
Election Campaign of the Małopolska “Solidarność”Civic
Committee], Kraków 1999.
56.Wynegocjowany upadek komunizmu: polskie rozmowy
Okrągłego Stołu, dziesięć lat później [The Negotiated Fall
of Communism: Polish Round Table Talks – Ten Years On],
Univ. of Michigan, 7–10 April 1999.
57.“Życie Warszawy” [Warsaw Life], 7 February 1989.
Ośrodek KARTA [The KARTA Centre] – is an
independent, non-governmental public amenity organisation (administered as a Foundation),
which deals with the documentation and popularisation of the recent history of Poland and of
Central & Eastern Europe. The KARTA community
commenced its [underground] publishing activities in 1982, documentation – in 1987, legal
activities – in 1989, international presence – in
1992, educational activities – in 1996. In 2005,
KARTA set up the ‘History Meeting House’ in
Warsaw.
The pace of the year
1989
was extraordi-
narily intensive – as though the whole breakthrough
in freedom for Eastern and Central Europe had to take
place within the space of that year. In January, the pending changes to the system were little more than a glimmer of hope. By December, the new, independent order
was a reality in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia;
at the same time in the GDR, Bulgaria, Romania and the
Baltic Republics of the USSR, the vision of changes to the
existing system were already deeply rooted.
The image we present is that of communities progressing through the year as in a relay race. There is no direct
communication between them, they do not exhort others to act – but as an operation came to an end in one
country, so it passed on naturally to the next. Spring belonged to the Poles. Summer – to the Hungarians and
to the ‘Baltic chain’. Autumn belonged to the Germans,
Czechs, Slovaks and Bulgarians. In the early days of the
winter even the Romanians felt the breakthrough.