XXVIIes Journées de Linguistique d`Asie Orientale - crlao

XXVIIes Journées de Linguistique d’Asie Orientale
Contents
Communication invitée : P Haihua – e Bound Variable Hierarchy and Donkey Anaphora in Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1
Communication invitée : Alexander V – Out of Southern China?
Some linguistic and philological musings on the possible Urheimat
of the Japonic language family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2
Christian B – Negation in Mon – a diachronic view . . . . . . . . .
3
Andrej B – Modal expressions in written discourse: Sentencefinal modality and topic continuity in Japanese editorials . . . . . . . . .
4
Raoul B – Sémantique des constructions en NV-sha . . . . . . . . . .
5
B ị Hoàng Anh – Contribution à l’étude des marqueurs cũng –
vẫn en vietnamien contemporain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6
C Chao-jan – What Metaphorical Compounds Reveal about
Categorization of N-N Compounds in Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7
Anne D – Khasi, Pnar, War and Lyngngam complex negation systems and some of their questions for Austroasiatic typology
and classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8
Zhitang D – L’analyse compositionnelle des valeurs spatiotemporelles de qian et hou dans la formation lexicale en chinois . . .
9
D, N, N – Approximations sémantiques
des enfants en L1 et des apprenants en L2 du japonais. . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Michel F – « Le peuple des abri-sous-roche » : Restitution
d’une ancienne strate d’ethnonymes en Asie du Sud-Est . . . . . . . . . . 11
G Jiayin – Production and perception of Yang tone breathiness
in today’s Shanghai Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Robert I – Modal verbs and conditional sentences (a case study
from Chinese). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Alain L – Marque d’agent et marque d’objet : mirages
et réalités de la grammaticalisation en chinois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Chrystelle M – Les prémices de la simplification de l’écriture
chinoise attestées dès l’époque des Shang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Barbara M – Georg von der Gabelentz and Chinese
Linguistics: e linguistic strategy of topicalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
M, F, N – e Phong Nha dialect of Vietnamese
(Quảng Bình Province) in historical perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Yayoi N-D – Rôle de la place initiale dans la phrase
japonaise : discursif et informationnel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Miki N – Co-occurrence restrictions on the ’-te Form +
shimau’ and negation in Japanese: A contrastive analysis with Hindi 19
S Na – Deux particules finales 唻呀 [lɛ.ja] et 唻 [lɛ] dans le dialecte de Baoding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Irena S – Distribution, semantic and syntactic profile of
Japanese i-adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
S Meng – La nuance et la diversité dans les expressions de sentiments négatifs en chinois - une analyse typologique et comparative
22
Yiqin Q – e Strict and Sloppy Identity Puzzle – Differences between Mandarin, Japanese and English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Lin X – La séquence temporelle et les marques d’aspect dans la
construction verbale sérielle en mandarin contemporain . . . . . . . . . 24
Xinyue Y, Xiaoshi H – Gei, gei, gei and gei: Interaction between
lexical semantics and syntactic position of GEI in mandarin Chinese 25
Z Xiaoqian – e semantics of preverbal temporal expressions in Mandarin Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Communication invitée : e Bound Variable Hierarchy and
Donkey Anaphora in Chinese
P Haihua
City University of Hong Kong/Beijing Language and Culture University
Cheng and Huang (1996) argue that both unselective binding and E-type pronoun
strategies are necessary for the interpretation of natural language sentences and claim
that there exists a correspondence between two sentence types in Chinese and the two
strategies, namely that the interpretation of the “wh … wh” construction (which they
call “bare conditional”) employs the unselective binding strategy, while the ruguo ‘if ’
and dou ‘all’ conditionals use the E-type pronoun strategy. ey also suggest that there
is a complementary distribution between bare conditionals and ruguo/dou conditionals
in the sense that the latter allows all the NP forms, e.g. (empty) pronouns and definite
NPs, except for wh-phrases in their consequent clauses, and can even have a consequent
clause with no anaphoric NP in it, while the former permits only the same wh-phrases
in their consequent clauses.
Although we agree with Cheng and Huang on the necessity of the two strategies in
natural language interpretation, we see exceptions to the correspondence between sentence types and interpretation strategies and the complementary distribution between
wh-phrases and other NPs in bare conditionals and ruguo/dou conditionals. We think
that the claimed correspondence and the complementary distribution are the default or
preferred patterns, or a special case of a more general picture: bare conditionals prefer
the unselective binding strategy and the ruguo ‘if ’ and dou ‘all’ conditionals, the E-type
pronoun strategy. While wh-phrases are more suitable for being a bound variable, pronouns are more suitable for being the E-type pronoun. e Preferred Bound Variable
Hierarchy to be proposed in the paper helps account for the distribution of wh-phrases
and pronouns in Chinese conditionals, and any deviation from the preferred patterns
will require additional contexts or accommodation.
1
Communication invitée : Out of Southern China?
Some linguistic and philological musings on the possible Urheimat of
the Japonic language family
Alexander Vovin
EHESS/CRLAO
In my presentation I will offer a new hypothesis concerning the possible Urheimat
of the Japonic language family. As first explicitly formulated by Janhunen (1992, 1994),
although on different grounds, from a typological point of view Japonic is a very aberrant ‘Altaic’ language. First, in spite of the fact that both Old Japanese (OJ) and Middle
Japanese (MJ) have quite rich morphology, especially verbal, a closer scrutiny reveals
that most of it is of the late secondary origin. Second, a number of OJ compounds, both
verbal and nominal have their constituents in the order that can only reflect a VO word
order, not a OV one. ird, OJ has prefixes, which is a very un-‘Altaic’ feature and a
verb can fill up to two prefixal positions. While this raises reasonable doubts whether
Japonic was a member of the ‘Altaic’ Sprachbund for a long time, it tells us next to nothing about its possible Urheimat. It appears though that Japonic shares several striking
lexical parallels (some of them from the very basic vocabulary) with Kadai (Kradai) languages, especially, but not exclusively with its proto-Tai branch. e striking nature of
these parallels lies in the fact that in addition to perfect segmental correspondences,
there are also regular correspondences between low and high tonal registers in protoJaponic and proto-Tai. Note that I am not going to propose a new linguistic affiliation
of Japonic, as I believe that these parallels reflect millennia-old contacts (Vovin 2010).
Finally, I conclude my presentation claiming that some odd words in the Han period
dictionary Fāngyán (方言) can be interpreted as Japonic. It comes as a little surprise that
most of them are found to the South of Yangzi river, and one right in Guilin, which is
in the heartland of the Kadai ancient territory. If this proposal turns out to be correct,
it will likely be the last nail to the coffin of the ‘Altaic’ hypothesis of Japonic origins,
as it is highly unlikely that any ‘Altaic’ language would have its Urheimat so far to the
South. Many great minds of the last century have been chasing the ‘Altaic’ ghost, while
leaving the early language contacts virtually understudied. It is high time to change this
unfortunate situation and to move from trying to ‘prove’ ‘Altaic’ origins of Japonic to
the study of Altaicization of Japonic.
References
Janhunen, Juha 1992. ‘Das Japanische in vergleichender Sicht’. Journal de la Société
Finno-Ougrienne 84. 145-161.
Janhunen, Juha 1994. ‘Additional notes on Japanese and Altaic (1) and (2)’. Journal de
la Société Finno-Ougrienne 85. 236-240, 256-260.
Vovin, Alexander 2010. 「上代日本語と古代・中世韓国語の「水」と「涙」」。日韓言語
学者会議。麗澤大学言語研究センター。１１５−１２０頁。
2
Negation in Mon - a diachronic view
Christian Bauer
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
[email protected]
As one of the more archaic Austroasiatic languages of the Southeast Asian mainland Mon possesses a system of
negating verbs that, on the surface, appears to be quite simple:
A single 8th/9th c. occurrence of the negative marker kuṁ (cognate pA Khm. kaṁ , Mid.Khm. kuṁ) shows it
simply attached to the main verb:
(1)
’or
s-kuṁ
das
jāti
OPT
IRR-NEG
BE
existence
‘may [I] not be of a lower existence’
smar
low
Noteworthy in this sample (1) is that the negative marker in this Old Mon (OM) variety, kuṁ, must carry the
inflection [s-] for the irrealis and not the verb to be negated, a rule that also applies to the OM dialects of the
11th/12th c. of Burma in which the negative marker is kaḥ:
(2)
s-kaḥ
sak
IRR-NEG
NEG.suppl
‘shall be without peril and harm’
bhey
peril
s-kaḥ
IRR-NEG
sak
NEG.suppl
’upadrow
harm
Sample (2) introduces yet further problems to be considered when examining negation in Mon, namely
suppletion: as the verb for ‘to be present, exist, possess’, nom, cannot be negated by kaḥ alone, the suppletive
form sak, in combination with kaḥ, is used instead.
This suppletive form sak appears in other contexts as grammaticalized, negating phrases and sentences, as in (3)
(3)
tir
ta
to
sak
ḍeḥ
heretic PL
PL
NEG.suppl
3SG
‘he will not let the heretics enter the house’
kil
give
lop
enter
sṅi
house
or lexicalized ‘to be without, lacking’, derived by ellipsis of kaḥ, as in (4b):
(4a)
kaḥ
sak
NEG
NEG.suppl
‘without reason’
het
cause
(4b)
Ø
sak
Ø
NEG.suppl
‘without reason’
het
cause
(4c)
ka
sak
NEG
NEG.suppl
‘without reason’
het
cause
(4c) shows one of many instances where kaḥ occurs as a weak form in an unstressed syllable, behaving as a
quasi proclitic.
OM kaḥ may also be combined directly with numerals, suggesting them to be etymologically verb in
Austroasiatic:
(5a)
kaḥ
moy
lṅim
kaḥ
ḅār
NEG
1
1000
NEG
2
‘not one thousand, not two thousand’
lṅim
1000
The paper will present in detail morphology and syntax of early forms of Mon negation.
3
Modal expressions in written discourse:
Sentence-final modality and topic continuity in Japanese editorials
Andrej Bekeš -- University of Ljubljana Faculty of Arts -- [email protected]
In the context of situation (field, tenor and mode, Halliday 1978) dictum pertains to field, while modus
pertains to tenor and modality expressions belonging to modus are an explicit signal as to what kind of
verbal interaction is going on in a particular context. There are several possibilities to look at modality
expressions. One is from within a sentence, the prevalent approach to discussion of modality in sentencebased approaches until recently. Another one is to look at modality expressions from the point of view of
their distribution in discourse, used in genre and style analysis (cf. Srdanović Erjavec et al., 2008). The
third possibility is to look at how different modality expressions, embedded in respective sentences,
interact with co-text.
This paper proposes an exploratory analysis of sentence-final modality expressions in Japanese
editorials (shasetsu) as seen from their interaction with co-text. The author argues that such analysis
leads, combined with topic continuity based analysis of segmentation (cf. Givón 1983, Sakuma 1987), to
reconstruction of written text as a verbal interaction (in this case, argumentation), on the basis of content
dependencies within the text (cf. Givón 1983, Sakuma 1987). Sentences with explicit modal expressions
are often intrinsically connected to their co-text, based on the purpose of the text (cf. Teramura 1984).
This interaction is revealed in planned texts, such as expository and argumentative prose. For example, in
the discourse segment (1) below, a part of an editorial, S4 with explicit evidential modality is not isolated:
(1)
S1 今回の素案は⼀転して原発を「重要なベース電源」と位置付けた。
S2 将来的に依存度を下げていく考えは⽰したものの、⻑期的に⼀定割合を確保すると明
記した。
S3 ⼀⽅で「新増設は⾏わない」という原則は盛り込まず新増設の余地を残した。
S4 「原発ゼロ」はご破算にしたということだ。
Sentences S1-S3 can be analysed as citation from a document under editorial’s scrutiny, and are not
marked for evidentiality. Sentence S4 with evidential modality (toiu koto da) is related to S1-S3 as the
logical conclusion or subsumation, based on them, and is marked as such.
Rhetoric structure theory (cf. Mann and Thompson 1988) provides a descriptive framework for
this analysis. The analysis can be employed for a wide range of purposes, among others in critical
discourse analysis, and for pedagogical purposes.
Keywords: modal expressions, verbal interaction, discourse strategies
References:
Givón, Talmy (1983) “Topic continuity in discourse: an introduction”. In Talmy Givón (ed.) Topic
continuity in discourse, pp.1–43. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Halliday, M.A.K. (1978) Language as Social Semiotic: The Social Interpretation of Language and
Meaning. Edward Arnold.
Mann, W. C. and Thompson, S.A. (1988) Rhetorical Structure theory: toward a functional theory of text
organisation. Text 8(3) pp. 243-281.
Sakuma Mayumi (1987) ‘Bundan’ nintei no ichi kijun (I): teidai hyôgen no tôkatsu [A criterium for
bundan content based paragraphs (I): topic marjker based coherence. Bungei gengo kenkyû - gengo hen
11, pp. 89-136. University of Tsukuba Institute of Literature and Lingusistics
Srdanović Erjavec, Irena, et al. (2008) Distant collocations between suppositional adverbs and clausefinal modality forms in Japanese language corpora. In: Large-scale knowledge resources : construction
and application ; Third international conference on large-scale knowledge resources, LKR 2008, Tokyo,
Japan, March 3-5, 2008 ; proceedings, (Lecture Notes in Computer SScience, 4938), (Lecture Notes in
Artifical Intelligence). Berlin: Springer, pp. 252-266.
Teramura Hideo. (1984) Nihongo no shintakusu to imi II [Japanese syntax and meaning 2]. Tokyo:
Kuroshio Shuppan.
4
Sémantique des constructions en NV-sha
Raoul Blin, CNRS-CRLAO
Nous présenterons les premiers résultats d'une étude à grande échelle de la relation logique entre la
construction sino-japonaise <nom verbal - suffixe sha > (par ex. : tuuyaku-sha ; « traduction +
personne » « personne qui fait de la traduction », « traducteur ») et le nom verbal inclus ( tuuyaku
« traduction (simultanée) »). Cette construction est étonnamment peu étudiée en japonais alors qu'il
existe une abondante littérature sur la question dans d'autres langues (français, anglais, néerlandais
entre autres). Pourtant, la construction japonaise pose beaucoup plus de problèmes qu'il n'y paraît.
Notre exposé s'organise comme suit. Nous décrirons très brièvement la structure en défendant
l'hypothèse que la construction est sémantiquement compositionnelle. Puis, à l'aide de contreexemples, nous montrons en quoi les explications existantes sur son fonctionnement sémantique ou
sur le fonctionnement des constructions équivalentes dans d'autres langues sont inadéquates. Cela
nous amène à remettre en cause la méthodologie usuellement appliquée à ces constructions et à
adopter une approche strictement basée sur les propriétés syntaxiques (structure argumentale) et
inférentielles. Nous justifierons cette nouvelle approche. Nous présentons ensuite les données et les
analyses. Sur 1600 constructions relevées dans un corpus de grande taille, nous parvenons
actuellement à expliquer le fonctionnement de 1200 d'entre elles. C'est à dire que pour ces cas, la
compositionnalité sémantique est démontrée. Le reste, sur lequel nous nous attarderons, échappe en
apparence à toute régularité. Nous discuterons des possibles explications et avancerons des
hypothèses d'analyse étant entendu que, si le figement d'un certain nombre d'entre elles n'est pas
exclu, on ne peut admettre que la construction soit massivement figée.
5
CONTRIBUTION A L’ETUDE DES MARQUEURS CŨNG – VẪN EN VIETNAMIEN CONTEMPORAIN BUI Thi Hoang Anh Laboratoire de Linguistique Formelle (LLF) – UMR 7110 – Université Paris VII [email protected] En vietnamien, il existe un grand nombre de mots ayant des emplois discursifs que l’on appelle des « particules » (đã, rồi, thế, vậy, mới, mà, cũng, vẫn, đi, nhé, ect). D’une manière générale, la grammaire traditionnelle ne leur reconnaît pas une valeur sémantique propre ce qui tend à minimiser leur rôle dans l’énoncé. Or, dans un énoncé, la suppression (ou même le changement de position) d’une particule est susceptible de modifier, voire même de changer radicalement l’interprétation de tout l’énoncé (ex. (0)). Notre communication traite de deux particules cũng, vẫn qui sont traditionnellement considérés comme des mots d’accompagnement dont l’usage dépend d’une autre unité dans la phrase (Nguyen Kim Than (1997, 2008), Diep Quang Ban(2011)) et qui ne peuvent pas en être une partie principale (Nguyen Kim Than (2008)). L’inventaire des données nous permet de défendre l’hypothèse que ces deux marqueurs ont des fonctions discursives spécifiques qui varient d’un énoncé à l’autre. Cette autonomie sémantique est confirmée par le fait qu’ils peuvent avoir des emplois absolus (bien qu’en nombre limité) et dans plusieurs cas, leur suppression rend les énoncés moins naturels, voire inacceptables. Nous montrerons que du point de vue sémantique, le marqueur cũng présente une sémantique de l’ajout (ex. (1)-­‐(4)). Vẫn signifie qu’au moment de l’énonciation, un procès X continue à se dérouler alors qu’une discontinuité était envisagée comme possible (ex. (5)-­‐(6)). La combinaison de cũng et vẫn dans un même énoncé ne peut que se faire dans l’ordre cũng vẫn (ex. (7)). Dans quelques cas, la commutation de cũng avec vẫn est possible (mais avec une modification sémantique) ; en revanche il est très rare de remplacer cũng par vẫn. CORPUS (0)
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
Binh dit à Nam : - Anh giúp em
đi ! /
- *Anh đi giúp em/ - *Anh giúp e !
2SG aider 1SG PART !
« - Si tu pouvais m’aider, s’il te plaît ! »
Bình : Tớ nghĩ chúng mình cần phải nói việc này với giám đốc cậu ạ. Nam : Tớ
cũng nghĩ
như
cậu.
Nam : 1SG cung penser comme 2SG
« Binh : Je pense qu’on doit parler de ce fait au directeur. Nam : - Je partage le même avis que toi ».
En remarquant que Binh ne veut pas recevoir son aide, Nam lui dit :
- Việc của anh cũng là
việc
của tôi,
tôi
không thể
bỏ mặc
anh trong
Affaire POSS 2SG cung COP affaire POSS 1SG, 1SG NEG pouvoir abandonner 2SG dans
lúc
khó khăn được.
moment difficile
possible
« - Ton affaire est aussi la mienne, je ne peux pas t’abandonner dans cette période difficile ».
Sau khi nghe sáng tác mới của nhạc sĩ X, Bình nhận xét : - Bài hát này
nghe
cũng được đấy.
Chanson DEIC écouter cung bon PART
« Binh donne un commentaire sur un nouveau tube du musicien X : - Cette chanson n’est pas si mal »
Bình rất
dễ thương và tốt bụng. Ai nhờ
việc gì
anh cũng làm mà
không toan tính
Binh ADV adorable et gentil. Qui demander aide fait quoi 3SG cũng faire PART NEG calculer
« Binh est très adorable et gentil. Peu importe ce que les gens lui demandent, il le fait sans calculer »
Mỗi
dịp Bình về
công tác tại quê nhà
anh vẫn tới
thăm cô giáo
cũ
Chaque fois Binh retourner mission lieu ville maison 3SG van venir voir professeur ancienne
« Binh vient toujours voir son ancien professeur à chaque fois qu’il est en mission dans sa ville natale »
Dù đã
chia tay nhau bốn
năm nhưng
tình yêu của Bình dành
cho Lan vẫn nguyên vẹn
Du PART séparer
quatre ans
OPPOSI amour POSS Binh réserver BEF Lan van intact
« Bien qu’ils soient séparés depuis 4 ans, l’amour de Binh pour Lan reste toujours encore intact »
Dù
thế nào
thì
em
cũng vẫn/ * vẫn cũng ở bên anh
CONCESS comment COP 1SG cũng vẫn
être côté 2SG
« Quoi qu’il en soit, je serais toujours encore à côté de toi ».
BIBILOGRAPHIE 1. ĐINH, Văn Đức., 2010, Ngữ pháp tiếng Việt – Từ loại, Maison de l’édition de l’Université Nationale de Hanoi, Vietnam. 2. DIEP, Quang Ban., 2011, Ngữ pháp tiếng Việt, tập 2, Edition de l’Education vietnamienne. 3. FRANCKEL.J.J, 1989, Etudes de quelques marqueurs aspectuels en français, Librairie Droz S.A, Genève. 4. NGUYEN, Duc Duong, 2000, « Nghĩa của đều, cũng và vẫn », Revue Ngôn ngữ, Numéro 2, 2000, p.15-­‐25 5. NGUYEN, Kim Than., 2008, Cơ sở ngữ pháp tiếng Việt (Base de la grammaire vietnamienne), Edition de la Science sociale, Vietnam. 6. PAILLARD, D., 2010, « Prise en charge, commitment ou scène énonciative », Langue française. 162, 2009, pp. 109 – 128. 6
1 What Metaphorical Compounds Reveal about Categorization of N-N
Compounds in Chinese
CHEN Chao-Jan
National Chi Nan University
According to Ungerer & Schmid (2006), English noun-noun compounds include, from a
cognitive perspective, two major kinds: “part-whole” compounds and “type-of”
compounds. Such an observation seems to hold as well in Chinese N-N compounds. A
common Chinese N-N compound in form of XY can generally be a hyponym of Y (e.g.
ma-che
) or a meronym of X (e.g. ma-wei
). However, there are often cases, in
which the two ways of XY categorization both hold. For example, the compound
che-deng
can be regarded conceptually as a part of che
as well as a type of
deng
. This paper aims to explore the potential duality of these two ways of
categorizing an N-N compound.
☛
✝
☛✁
✝
In the theoretical framework of Cognitive Linguistics (cf. Langacker 2008),
compounding can be regarded as a constructional schema [ X+Y ]. Based on the
framework, this paper argues that there exists a Gestalt effect of figure-ground perception
in Chinese N-N compounds, where X and Y can respectively be perceived as the figure,
as long as it is possible, to serve as the cognitive reference point of categorization. The
choice of different reference points allows thus two potential ways of categorizing an
N-N compound: XY can be perceived as a type-of subordinate of Y or a part-of
subordinate of X in respective conceptual hierarchies.
✌✂
Such a cognitive perspective allows us to account for the motivation of certain Chinese
(literally snow-flower, ‘snowflake’) and
metaphorical compounds such as xue-hua
hai-bao
(literally sea-panther, ‘seal’). Otherwise, a traditional morphological
analysis of such compounds under a modifier-head type-of interpretation would require a
certain semantic broadening of Y (with Y meaning “a Y-like thing”), which is
nevertheless unnatural, if not implausible, in many cases. As an alternative analysis, we
argue that a metaphorical compound XY can possibly be interpreted as a “part-of”
compound with its concept XY perceived as a part of the cognitive domain denoted by X.
The part-whole relationship between XY and X serves as the topology of the target
domain in the mapping required by Conceptual Metaphor Theory (cf. Lakoff & Johnson
1980). In this metaphorical mapping, the concept Y in an understood source domain is
mapped to the concept XY in the target domain X.
✡✄
7
Khasi, Pnar, War and Lyngngam complex negation systems and some of their questions
for Austroasiatic typology and classification
Anne Daladier, LACITO, CNRS
[email protected]
In the group usually known as Khasian, Pnar, War and Lyngam exhibit complex negation
systems; the Khasi negation system appear as a fading of the Pnar one. Khasi is analysed as
an offshoot of Pnar in Daladier (2011). Each language has its own morphology and more or
less specific negative values, which I will summarize. In addition to one plain negation,
prefixed to the verbal element, these languages have “grounding” negative particles
expressing aspectual and subjectivity values and negative particles expressing “forces” like
prohibition, denial, negative mirative and negative questions. Those are inserted in the
position of forces and grounding particles, for example in War at the beginning of the
sentence. These complex negations are interesting both from a typological and from a
comparative view point in the Austroasiatic family.
Complex negation systems are also found in South Munda, Anderson ed. (2008), in
Khmuic, Svantesson (1983) and to different extents in Palaung, Milne (1921), Aslian, in
Semlai, Kruspe (2004), in Temiar, Matisoff (2003) and in Bahnaric, Guilleminet (1963),
Manley (1972). Traces of such systems seem to exist in Old Khmer, Jacob (1993) and in Old
Mon, Shorto (1971).
While Khasi has developed a nearly conventional verbal system, War especially still
has very little morphology for part-of-speech distinctions with only few affixes specializing in
nominal and verbal functions, no dependency markers for adjectives, no relative pronouns, no
complementizers, a few conjunctions borrowed from Pnar or Khasi. Instead, War has layers
of predicative particles, which may combine productively or be frozenly compounded. In the
four languages, some negative expressions express emphatic denials using grammaticalized
verbs, which may also be used as positive elements, see Daladier (2012) for War. A negative
emphatic particle in Pnar: ʔɛm is also used as a kind of copula having a positive emphatic
value; it has become the main negation in Khasi; it is related to an AA negation *ʔəm found in
Khmuic, Shorto (2006:1297) and probably also to a Vm negative particle found in South
Munda, in Gorum, Juang, Kharia, Gutob and Remo. Negative particles in Pnar, War and
Lyngam have specific connections in South Munda languages and in Khmuic, Bahnaric, Mon
and Aslian (MK), sometimes with semantic shifts.
References:
Anderson, G. ed., 2008. The Munda languages, Routledge Language Family Series
Daladier, A._2011. “The group Pnaric-War-Lyngngam and Khasi as a branch of Pnaric”,
JSEALS 4-2, 169-206
_____2012. “ Graded Active and Passive values in Serial Constructions in Kudeng
War” in: Gwendolyn Hyslop, Stephen Morey and Mark W. Post eds., North
East Indian Linguistics 4, Cambridge University Press India, 373-403
Guilleminet P. 1963. Dictionnaire Bahnar-Français, Paris : EFEO
Jacob, J. 1993. « A Diachronic Survey of some Khmer particles (7th to 17th
Centuries) », Cambodian Linguistics, Literature and History, London: SOAS
Kruspe, N. 2004. A Grammar of Semelai, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Manley, T. 1972. Outline of Sre Structure, Hawaii: Oceanic Linguistics
Matisoff, J. 2003, “Aslian: Mon-Khmer of the Malay Peninsula”, MK Studies 33: 1-58
Milne, L. 1921. An Elementary Palaung Grammar, London: Oxford U. Press
Shorto, H. 1971. A Dictionary of the Mon Inscriptions, London: Oxford U. Press
Shorto, H. 2006. A Mon-Khmer Comparative Dictionary, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics
Svantesson, J-O, 1983. Kammu Phonology and Morphology, Lund CWK cleerup
8
L’analyse compositionnelle des valeurs spatio-temporelles de qian et hou
dans la formation lexicale en chinois
Zhitang DROCOURT
INALCO/CRLAO
[email protected]
Mots clés : expressions spatio-temporelles, lexico-sémantique, polysémie, compositionnalité
Pour exprimer la temporalité, le chinois moderne utilise, entre autres, les lexèmes spatiaux
qian/hou, shang/xia, zuo/you, représentant les trois axes anthropo-centrés : frontal, vertical et
latéral. Une des problématiques maintes fois traitée est de comprendre pourquoi le chinois
utilise qián « devant » pour parler du passé et hòu « derrière » du futur ? Dans leur perception
temporelle, les locuteurs de chinois sont-ils orientés face au passé ? Si oui, pourquoi, dans
d’autres expressions, qián renvoie-t-il au contraire à l’avenir ? Depuis plusieurs décennies, le
sujet a inspiré de très nombreuses études, notamment d’une approche cognitive et/ou
psycholinguistique. Cependant, force est de constater que les résultats ne donnent pas
entièrement satisfaction et que la confusion continue à régner.
Nous proposons une analyse lexico-sémantique afin d’établir une cohérence entre la valeur
sémantique de ces lexies et l’interprétation cognitive.
Fortement majoritaires dans le lexique moderne, les composés sont formés par la jonction
d’au moins deux lexèmes suivant de différentes règles morphologiques. Dans la mesure où le
signifiant et le signifié de leurs formants sont analysables selon une des règles récurrentes, on
pourra alors examiner, d’une approche différentielle, la compositionnalité d’une lexie
« construite » : le contenu sémantique du composé XY est compositionnel s’il est une
fonction de celui de X et de Y ainsi que de la règle de leur composition.
Au lieu de parler de la projection du concept spatial dans le domaine temporel, nous partons
du postulat selon lequel, dans ces composés, le sémantisme de qian ou hou constitue un seul
sémème polysémique, et suivant la structure compositionnelle, c’est leur sème /spatial/ ou
/temporel/ qui est actualisé. Dans l’interprétation, on prendra en compte plusieurs paramètres :
(1) l’ancrage déictique ou relatif, qui peut être explicite grâce au lexème associé ou implicite
en fonction du contexte syntaxique ou discursif ; (2) le trait sémantique du lexème associé ; (3)
la « fonction compositionnelle » ou la relation qui lie les lexèmes à l’intérieur de la lexie.
Ainsi, on dégagera, parmi les lexie de différentes structures comportant qian ou hou, un
invariant sémantique à la fois /spatial/ et /temporel/, qui nous aidera à mieux comprendre
pourquoi le premier renvoie au /passé/ et le second au /futur/. Enfin, un examen de données en
chinois archaïque confirmera notre analyse.
Bibliographie :
Ašić Tijana (2008), Espace, temps, prépositions, Genève, Droz.
Fillmore C. J. (1975). Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971, reproduced by the IULC,
Bloomington, Indiana.
Lai V. T, L. Boroditsky (2013). The immediate and chronic influence of spatio-temporal
metaphors on the mental representations of time in English, Mandarin, and Mandarin-English
speakers. In Frontiers in Psychology, vol. 4, 1-10. Radboud University, Nijmegen.
Rastier F. (1991). Sémantique et recherches cognitives. Paris, PUF.
Pottier B. (1962). Sémantique des éléments de relation. Paris, Klincksieck.
9
Approximations sémantiques des enfants japonais en L1 (langue maternelle) et des apprenants
adultes en L2 (langue seconde) du japonais
K. Duvignau (Univ. Toulouse), H. Norimatsu (Univ. Toulouse), S. Nishio (INALCO)
Résumé
L'analogie est un outil de raisonnement qui joue un rôle central dans la mise en place,
l’organisation et l’usage du système langagier et cognitif. Ce raisonnement par analogie est un des
moteurs essentiels permettant de développer et d'organiser leur lexique. Or, les travaux dans ce
domaine concernent surtout l’acquisition des noms en langue maternelle. ( Winner, 1979, Clark,
1993; Gelman & al., 1998; Tomasello, 2003) . La présente recherche s'intéresse au rôle de l'analogie
dans l'acquisition des verbes/concepts d’actions, champ encore peu développé, en examinant
d'abord les comportements verbaux en langue maternelle des enfants japonais [L1], et, ensuite, en
les comparant avec ceux des apprenants adultes du japonais en langue seconde [L2].
Concernant l'acquisition précoce du lexique en L1, nous voulons mesurer l’importance de la
flexibilité sémantico-cognitive à travers l’étude de la production d’«approximations sémantiques »
du type « déshabiller orange » (Duvignau 2003, Choi & Duvignau 2010, Gaume & al 2008),
avec la mise en place du protocole "APPROX" (the Actions Denomination & Reformulation
Task), développé par Duvignau & Gaume (2004)]. Ce protocole nous permettra d'observer
l'évolution développementale du lexique non-conventionnel (vers un lexique conventionnel) chez
les enfants japonais (monolingues, japonais langue maternelle, âgés de 2 à 8 ans ), à travers l'évaluation de la
fréquence des approximations sémantiques et en fonction de l'âge de l'enfant.
En suite, la comparaison du résultat ci-dessus avec celui obtenu auprès d'apprenants adultes du
japonais avec le même protocole "APPROX" permettra d'observer les similitudes et différences
entre ces deux types d'acquisition, et d'ouvrir ainsi la discussion sur les enjeux thériques mis en
jeu.
10
« Le peuple des abri-sous-roche »
Restitution d’une ancienne strate d’ethnonymes en Asie du Sud-Est.
Michel Ferlus
Les données ethnolinguistiques et les documents chinois concernant l’Asie du Sud-Est
ont permis de restituer une catégorie d’ethnonymes désignant des populations par leur mode
de production : les cueilleurs (fruits et graines), fouisseurs et creuseurs (racines et
tubercules), essarteurs et riziculteurs (riz)…
A la suite des évolutions phonétiques et sémantiques, ces désignations ont perdu leur
motivation d’origine en devenant des noms de peuples. La linguistique historique permet
parfois d’en restituer le sens. Qui pourrait savoir aujourd’hui que Giao (dans Giao Chỉ, nom
du Vietnam ancien) représente une proto forme *kraw de sens probable “tubercule, taro” ?
Parfois, les désignations sont empruntées dans une langue dominante, le chinois en
général, dont elles suivent alors les changements phonétiques. Les vocables transformés sont
parfois restitués aux désignés d’origine, voire utilisés pour d’autres peuples. Ainsi la proto
forme *kri “(ancien nom des) thay/tay” a été transformée en *daj (thay/tay) et li/hlay, puis
ces formes ont été restituées à différents groupes Tai-Kadai. Ces acquis ont déjà été exposés.
Nous allons dans ce qui suit aborder une nouvelle strate d’ethnonymes désignant des
populations de collecteurs s’abritant dans des abris sous roche.
Les rapprochements entre la double signification du laven ɟruʔ, d’une part
1/ autonyme des Lavens (bahnarique-Austroasiatique, sud-Laos) et 2/ “profond”, et d’autre
part l’autonyme des Rục (sous-groupe Viet-muong, Quảng Bình), de ruk “grotte” dans le
dialecte vietnamien local, nous conduisent à restituer une ancienne racine *ɟ.ruʔ “grotte,
abri-sous-roche” désignant les gens vivant dans ces lieux. Cette racine a des correspondants
dans d’autres langues de la famille Austroasiatique.
Ce même type de relation entre des ethnonymes et des éléments naturels rocheux est
observable, mais avec une autre racine, entre l’autonyme des Palaung (palaugiqueAustroasiatique, Birmanie) ta raʔaŋ et ses variantes, et les notions de “rocher, falaise,
précipice, gouffre” diversement attestées par taʔaŋ, raʔaŋ et d’autres formes.
L’utilisation judicieuse de la phonétique historique et comparative dans l’analyse des
données ethnolinguistiques permet de restituer la plus ancienne strate des désignations
ethnonymiques, avant l’ère de l’horticulture et de la riziculture.
11
Production and perception of Yang tone breathiness in today’s Shanghai Chinese
Jiayin Gao ([email protected]), Laboratoire de Phonétique et Phonologie – Paris 3/CNRS
In Shanghai Chinese and other northern Wu dialects, Yang tone syllables are said to be accompanied
with some breathy quality, known as 清音浊流 ‘clear sound followed by muddy airflow’, whereas Yin tone
syllables are not. This breathiness may be viewed as a redundant feature of Yang tone syllables, which are
otherwise characterized by a low tonal register. Several acoustic studies have examined this issue and most
of them confirmed the presence of the breathy quality (e.g., Cao & Maddieson, 1992). Yet, physiological
and perceptual studies remain relatively rare. Besides, less is known about the variation and the evolution of
this feature. However, Shanghai Chinese, has undergone the most rapid changes among Wu dialects.
In a recent study, we examined the production of Yang tone syllables by 11 speakers of two age groups,
using physiological and acoustic measurements. The results showed large cross-age and cross-gender
variation. Our female speakers, elderly or young, didn’t produce any differential breathiness in Yin vs. Yang
syllables in terms of spectral configuration (H1-H2) and glottal open quotient (OQ). Clear breathiness in
Yang syllables was found for our elderly male speakers. The young male speakers’ productions were more
variable. The results suggested a general trend toward loss of breathiness in Yang tone syllables.
In this study, we focused on the perceptual aspect of breathiness, in order to determine whether
breathiness plays a secondary role in tone perception. We asked whether the loss of a redundant feature in
production was preceded by the loss of its role in perception, as suggested by the listener-oriented
explanation for sound change (Ohala 1993)? We therefore conducted two identification tests with 16 young
native speakers of Shanghai Chinese (mean age: 22; from 18 to 26).
In both tests, subjects were presented with tone continua between two “base” syllables in tone 2 (T2:
Yin tone) and in tone 3 (T3: Yang tone). For each continuum, the base syllables were synthesized (test A) or
naturally produced (test B) with either modal or breathy phonation. All the stimuli shared the /ɛ/ rime. Their
onsets were /Ø, p, t, f, s, m/. On each trial, subjects had to identify between a Yin-Yang minimal pair (as
illustrated by a Chinese character) the syllable that corresponded best to the stimulus presented. We
recorded Yang response rates as well as Yin and Yang response times (RT) along the continua, according to
the “base” syllable phonation type, in each test. The data of one subject in test A and of two subjects in test
B were discarded.
Our results showed that Yang response rate was higher overall for breathy than modal syllables in both
tests A and B, as shown by the Yang identification functions’ shift toward the T2 endpoint for breathy
syllables (Figure 1). RTs were consistent with the tendency to identify breathy syllables as Yang: For the
breathy syllables, Yin response RTs were slower, and Yang response RTs faster (test B).
(A)
(B)
Figure 1. Identification curves of Yin responses of (A) synthesized stimuli and (B) natural stimuli.
Thus, breathy quality facilitates Yang responses. Even though young speakers are found to produce less
breathiness than elderly speakers, our young listeners seem to perceive breathiness as a secondary cue to
Yang tone. Our two studies suggested that, in the course of sound change, the loss of a redundant feature is
observed in production before perception, contrary to Ohala’s (1993) listener-oriented explanation.
12
Selected references
Cao, J. F., & Maddieson, I. (1992). An exploration of phonation types in Wu dialects of Chinese. Journal of
Phonetics, 20(1), 77-92.
Ohala, J. J. (1993). Sound change as nature’s speech perception experiment. Speech Communication, 13(1), 155-161.
MODAL VERBS AND CONDITIONAL SENTENCES
(A CASE STUDY FROM CHINESE)
Robert ILJIC (CNRS/EHESS)
[email protected]
There is a great affinity between the modal verb hui in Chinese and conditionality. Hui
frequently occurs in the apodosis of conditional sentences as well as in the main clause of
sentences with a temporal subordinate clause. For example :
(1) Ruguo xia yu, ni hui bei linshi.
<if-fall-rain-you-HUI-PREP (passive)-drench.wet>
‘If it rains, you’ll get wet.’
(2) Ren lao-le, jiu hui si.
<human-grow old-VS-then-HUI-die>
‘Once they have grown old, people [will] die.’
These are compound propositions that have the form ‘if p, then q’, in which p and q are two
different propositions. The occurrence of the event described in q depends on the condition(s)
expressed in p. Conditionality must not be confused with possibility, but ought to be included
under necessity. It is closely related to both causality (the interrelation of cause and effect) and
logical implication (‘p  q’). The event referred to in the apodosis -in which appears hui- is
presented as a consequence or result of the event referred to in the protasis. The two events
are ordered in time, p comes before q (the cause precedes the effect).
The fact that hui may occur in the conclusion of a logical syllogism provides additional and
compelling evidence for my claim. For example :
(3a) Ren dou you yi si.
<man-all-have-one-die>
‘All men will one day die.’
(‘All men are mortal.’)
(3b) Sugeladi shi ren.
<Socrates-be-man>
‘Socrates is a man.’
(3c) Sugeladi hui si.
<Socrates-HUI-die>
‘Socrates will die.’
Note that the conclusion follows necessarily from the premises. Most crucially, a syllogism
can be transformed into a conditional statement by taking the conjunction of the premises of
the given argument as its antecedent and its conclusion as its consequent. For example, the
conditionalization of ‘all men are mortal’ ; ‘Socrates is a man’ ; ‘so Socrates is mortal’ is ‘if
all men are mortal and Socrates is a man, then Socrates is mortal’.
In sum, the event referred to by hui always depends on or ensues from something else. In
view of the facts, I therefore argue that hui marks a certain kind of necessity rather than
probability or possibility.
REFERENCES
KRATZER Angelika, 2012. Modals and conditionals (New and revised perspective). Oxford studies in
theoretical linguistics. Oxford : Oxford University Press.
PALMER Frank R., 2001. Mood and modality (2nd edition). Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.
PORTNER Paul, 2009. Modality. Oxford surveys in semantics and pragmatics. Oxford : Oxford
University Press.
SANDERS Robert M., 1992. ‘The expression of modality in Peking and Taipei Mandarin’, Journal of
Chinese Linguistics [JCL] 20.2: 289-314.
13
KEYWORDS : modals, conditionals, necessity, discourse/pragmatics, Chinese.
Marque d’agent et marque d’objet :
mirages et réalités de la grammaticalisation en chinois
Alain Lemaréchal
Université Paris-Sorbonne, École Pratique des Hautes Études
[email protected]
Les études sur la diachronie du chinois, en particulier sur les changements
typologiques qu’a connus la famille des langues sinitiques et sur le rôle qu’y jouent les
phénomènes de grammaticalisation, ont connu des développements et accompli des progrès
considérables. Toutefois, certaines de ces études sur la grammaticalisation des lexèmes en
morphèmes devenus de plus en plus grammaticaux pourraient faire croire que les adpositions
ou autres morphèmes grammaticaux issus de verbes sont devenus en tout point semblables à
ce qu’ils sont dans des langues comme le français ou l’anglais. Or, non seulement leur valeur,
malgré leur « blanchiment » (« bleaching »), garde encore des traces de la sémantique du
lexème d’origine, mais nous soutiendrons que les structures syntaxiques précises dans
lesquelles ils fonctionnent restent encore, en partie, celles d’origine.
Nous prendrons comme exemples bǎ, marque de l’objet, et bèi, marque d’agent ou de
passif. Non seulement le sémantisme d’origine du premier explique en partie les contraintes
de sélection qu’il exerce sur l’objet qu’il introduit aussi bien que sur le verbe qui le régit
(action délibérée d’un agent [+contrôle]), mais la structure dans laquelle il fonctionne reste
une construction pivot. De même, bèi fonctionne, dans la synchronie du mandarin, comme ái,
shòu, zāo, et continue en fait à avoir pour régime non pas l’agent, mais une proposition
constituée de <+ agent + V2> (« subir le fait que P »), bien qu’à la différence de ái, shòu et
zāo, bèi soit entièrement grammaticalisé — en tout cas si l’on s’en tient à des traits comme
l’impossibilité de constituer le prédicat unique d’une phrase, l’incompatibilité avec le TAM et
l’incompatibilité avec un régime constitué par un nom d’action ou d’événement (zāo/*bèi shuǐ
zāi).
On a donc là un mode de grammaticalisation tout à fait spécifique, que l’on retrouve
dans toutes les langues isolantes du type du chinois : thaï, vietnamien, yoruba, etc. Malgré
leur grammaticalisation et leur désémantisation, les grammèmes issus de lexèmes constituent
des sous-classes à usage limité de leur catégorie d’origine et continuent à fonctionner, au
moins en partie, dans leur structure d’origine.
14
Les prémices de la simplification de l’écriture chinoise attestées dès
l’époque des Shang
Chrystelle Maréchal, CNRS-EHESS-CRLAO
marechal @ehess.fr
Suite à un article qui vient de paraître retraçant l’évolution de la tendance à
la simplification de l’écriture chinoise des origines à nos jours, nous
postulons que les prémices d’une systématisation de ce processus sont
décelables dès les inscriptions sur os et carapaces du XIIIe s. av. J.-C. Nous
fondant sur les travaux de datation de Huang Tianshu (1991), nous
apporterons, exemples à l’appui, des indices en faveur de notre thèse, sans
pour autant dissimuler la difficulté d’identifier une tendance claire dans des
textes aussi anciens. Nous nous référerons également aux inscriptions sur
bronzes pour conforter ou relativiser notre propos.
15
Georg von der Gabelentz and Chinese Linguistics: The linguistic strategy of
topicalization
Barbara Meisterernst
Institute of Asian and African Studies, Humboldt University Berlin
[email protected]
Georg von der Gabelentz’s Chinese Grammar Chinesische Grammatik mit Ausschluss des
niederen Stiles und der heutigen Umgangssprache von Georg von der Gabelentz, mit drei
Schrifttafeln, 1881 represents a landmark in the history of Chinese grammatical studies and
still has to be considered as possibly the most systematic grammatical analysis of Literary
Chinese available (e.g. according to Harbsmeier 1998). Gabelentz’s grammatical studies are
based on a profound knowledge of the history of grammatical studies of the Chinese language
in the West, and he was well aware of the deficiencies the previous approaches exhibited due
to the fact that they were all, to a different extent, based on Western grammatical traditions;
thus they were not able to capture the nature of the Chinese grammar in an adequate manner.
As a trained linguist with a particular interest in language typology Gabelentz introduced a
purely syntactic approach to Chinese linguistic studies; this approach paved the way for many
modern linguistic studies of Chinese, frequently, though, without any reference back to
Gabelentz. Many of the claims he made about the syntax of Chinese have later been
recognized as particularly representative for the Chinese language. One of the most prominent
of these features first acknowledged by Gabelentz is the ‘topic prominence’ of the Chinese
language which has been accounted for by Gabelentz with the introduction of the term
‘psychological subject’. In connection with the grammatical structure of topicalization more
syntactic issues, for instance different structures of object preposing (inversion) and other
deviations from the default word order, are discussed in Gabelentz’s grammar; many of these
are still under debate today.
In this paper, the historical and linguistic background of Gabelentz’s grammatical studies and
their influence on later studies will be emphasized. Based on an analysis of different
topicalization strategies in Late Archaic and Early Medieval Chinese it will be demonstrated
that the purely syntactic approach of Gabelentz lead to analyses which were more precise and
adequate than the analyses presented in the early European Grammars and even in some later
grammars. Example (1) presents on of the most frequent topicalization structures, i.e. the
topicalization of the object. However, the strategy of topicalization is not confined to this
structure as Gabelentz already pointed out.
(1) 諸侯之禮，吾未之學也。
Zhūhóu
zhī lǐ, wú wèi
zhī xué yě
Feudal.lord SUB rite, I NEGasp OBJ learn SFP
‘I have not learned the ceremonies of the feudal lords yet.’
Meng 3A2
Many of the European grammars preceding that of Gabelentz were written by missionaries
and were based on the grammatical traditions of the west, i.e. on grammars of the IndoEuropean languages with their rich inflectional morphology; the syntactic parts of these
grammars were usually confined to stylistic analyses and the analysis of agreement relations.
This also accounts for the first Chinese Grammar, the Ma shi wen tong 馬 世 文 通 ,
contemporary to Gabelentz’s grammar. A comparison of Gabelentz’s with modern Western
and Chinese approaches to the linguistic structures at issue will show that some of
Gabelentz’s analyses are unsurpassed even today; for others modern syntactic studies have
provided new analyses proposing solutions for syntactic problems Gabelentz did not find a
solution for.
16
Abstract submitted to the 27e Journées de Linguistique d'Asie Orientale
Michel FERLUS (CNRS France, retired) [email protected]
Alexis MICHAUD (International Research Institute MICA, HUST – CNRS/UMI-2954 – Grenoble INP,
Hanoi University of Science and Technology) [email protected]
NGUY✆N Th Minh Châu (Vietnam National University in Hanoi, Department of Linguistics) [email protected]
Vietnamese dialects exhibit considerable diversity, and remain relatively under-studied. The present
report is intended as a contribution towards the study of the present-day diversity of lesser-described
Vietnamese dialects, and of the range of evolutionary paths to which they testify. Within the field of
Vietnamese dialectology, an area of special interest is that of dialects of Central-Northern
Vietnamese that do not exhibit regular correspondences with Vietnamese as reflected in Rhodes’s
Dictionary (1651), referred to below as Written Vietnamese. In view of these irregularities, these
dialects are referred to as “heterodox” (Ferlus 1995). Understanding these dialects is a topic of
interest (i) for Vietnamese dialectology, (ii) for the study of the Vietic subbranch as a whole, and
(iii) for general linguistic models.
The dialect studied here is that of the hamlet of Phong Nha, in the commune of S✁n Tr✂ch, county of
B✄ Tr✂ch, Qu☎ng Bình (thôn Phong Nha, xã S✁n Tr✂ch, huy✝n B✄ Tr✂ch, t✞nh Qu☎ng Bình). Lexical
data were collected in 2014 from two consultants. Conservative features were identified in the vowel
system and the consonant system.
Comparison within Vietic reveals that two Vietnamese vowels typically correspond to a single vowel
in proto-Vietic (Ferlus 1997). This two-way split does not correspond to the familiar effects of
consonant shifts (Ferlus 1979). Some “heterodox” dialects, however, do not show the diphthongized
forms characteristic of Vietnamese. Phong Nha is a case in point: it preserves reflexes of ProtoVietic *a✟/ *✠✟ *✡✟ and *☛✟ that appear essentially unchanged since Proto-Vietic. Another notable
feature of the system is the presence of a short /☞/ in syllables with a /-j/ or /-w/ offglide, where
Written Vietnamese has a long /a/. Lists of cognate sets will be presented. Conservative
characteristics of the consonant system will also be presented, such as the preservation of some
nonspirantized initials. The discussion hinges on the analysis and periodization of contact phenomena
across Vietnamese dialects and within Vietic.
References:
Ferlus, Michel. 1979. Formation des registres et mutations consonantiques dans les langues monkhmer. Mon-Khmer Studies 8. 1–76.
Ferlus, Michel. 1995. Particularités du dialecte vietnamien de Cao Lao H✂ (Qu☎ng Bình, Vietnam).
Dixièmes Journées de Linguistique d’Asie Orientale. Paris. http://halshs.archivesouvertes.fr/halshs-00922735.
Ferlus, Michel. 1997. Problèmes de la formation du système vocalique du vietnamien. Cahiers de
linguistique - Asie Orientale 26(1). 37–51.
Rhodes, Alexandre de. 1651. Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum. Rome.
17
Rôle de la place initiale dans la phrase japonaise :
discursif et informationnel
Yayoi NAKAMURA-DELLOYE
INALCO, CEJ, [email protected]
Le japonais est considéré comme une langue dans laquelle l’ordre des mots est
assez libre. Beaucoup d’études visent alors à déterminer l’ordre « canonique », plus naturel
et fréquent. Mais nous pensons que tous les ordres ont un sens propre, produisant un effet
spécifique. L’important est donc d’identifier, plutôt que l’ordre canonique, les effets
produits par chaque configuration. De plus, nous supposons que certaines places ont un
rôle particulier, notamment la partie initiale de la phrase. En effet, nous considérons
qu’elle est munie d’un rôle éminent au niveau discursif. Elle devrait représenter pour
l’énonciateur, comme le dit Le Goffic (1993), « une zone de liberté relative, avant d’être
pris dans le réseau serré des relations syntaxiques de son énoncé » dans la phrase
japonaise tout comme dans la phrase française. Nous avons donc examiné dans nos
travaux antérieurs les éléments initiaux et avons montré qu’y apparaissaient différents
éléments extérieurs au noyau syntaxique, comme ceux considérés comme externes dans la
littérature, mais aussi les éléments que Charolles (1997) appelle introducteurs de cadre du
discours. Néanmoins, nous avons également constaté que d’autres éléments plus intégrés,
les compléments argumentaux introduits par la particule casuelle, apparaissaient aussi
dans cette place initiale.
Nous nous focalisons donc dans la présente étude sur les deux types d’éléments
parmi les éléments initiaux identifiés : les compléments argumentaux et les introducteurs
de cadres temporel et spatial. Nous examinerons les occurrences des compléments
argumentaux en position initiale dans un corpus constitué à partir du BCCWJ (Balanced
Corpus of Contemporary Written Japanese, le plus grand corpus annoté existant du
japonais) pour déterminer l’effet exact de la mise en tête des éléments introduits par un
relateur casuel. Nos études semblent montrer que le déplacement des arguments en
position initiale est motivé dans la plupart des cas par la focalisation avec effet d’exclusivité.
Par ailleurs, dans nos travaux antérieurs, nous avons défendu l’idée que l’installation du
cadre était réalisée par la mise en tête du complément locatif sans wa, en critiquant
Klingler qui attribuait le rôle d’indication de l’extériorité au codage morpho-lexical,
particule wa. Toutefois, nous avons effectivement un grand nombre de compléments
locatifs suivis de wa apparaissant également en position initiale. Nous allons donc
également tenter de répondre à la question sur la différence entre ces deux constructions
initiales et proposerons comme hypothèse qu’il s’agit là de deux types de cadres différents,
ordinaire et contrastif.
Tous ces constats semblent montrer que le japonais est une langue munie de
moyens de marquage de contraste particulièrement développés. Cette particularité du
japonais devrait permettre d’apporter un éclairage aux phénomènes flous d’autres langues
qui ne disposent pas d’outils d’indication équivalents. Références
CHAFE, W. L. (1976) Giveness, contrastiveness, definiteness, subject, topic and point of view. In
Charles N. Li (éd.) Subject and topic, Academic Press.
CHAROLLES, M. (1997) L’encadrement du discours : univers, champs, domaines et espaces.
Cahier de recherche linguistique, 6 :1-73.
CHAROLLES, M. (2003) De la topicalité des adverbiaux détachés en tête de phrase. Travaux de
Linguistique, 47 :11–51.
KLINGLER, D. (2003) Spécificité du dispositif créé par le marqueur wa en japonais comparaison
avec le français. Travaux de linguistique, 2(47).
KUNO, S. (1972) Functional sentence perspective: a case study from Japanese and English.
Lunguistic inquiry, 3.
LE GOFFIC, P. (1993) Grammaire de la phrase française. Hachette, Paris.
SAEKI, T. (1998) Yôsetsu nihon-bun no gojun [Ordre des mots dans la japonaise]. Kuroshio
Shuppan, Tokyo.
18
Co-occurrence restrictions on the ‘-te Form + shimau’ and negation in
Japanese: A contrastive analysis with Hindi
Miki Nishioka
Osaka Univesity
[email protected]
This paper is aimed at investigating restrictions on the co-occurrence of the –te form of
the main verb plus the vector verb shimau ‘PUT AWAY’ with negative markers. It is well
known that shimau as well as other auxiliary verbs connected to –te forms of the main verb
functions as an auxiliary verb [i.e., V2] and that it adds some nuance of lexical aspect or
modality. Hindi, a member of Indo-Aryan language family, has a quite similar device.
Jagannathan (1981), a grammarian of the Hindi language, has claimed that a V2 such as j ✁ n ✁
‘GO’ used as an auxiliary never co-occurs with negative markers in Hindi. If we assume
that V2s in Hindi and Japanese belong to the same or very similar grammatical categories,
then the same constraint on the negation of V-te plus shimau sequences may apply to them
as well.
With this conjecture in mind, using data from BCCWJ ( Balanced Corpus of Contemporary
Written Japanese) provided by NINJAL (National Institute of Japanese Language and
linguistics), I have collected examples of V-te plus shimau sequences and compiled statistics
on the co-occurrence of vector shimau with negative markers, and examined in what
circumstances these examples are used, that is, what kinds of elements precede and follow
negated V-te plus shimau sequences.
In conclusion, the results of the data indicate that such co-occurrences are never found
in indicative sentences. They are restricted to expressions that are the equivalent of moods,
such as imperatives, subjunctives and conditionals or to modalities that express a speaker's
mental state or judgment vis-a-vis the propositional content of an utterance.
Main References
Jagannaathan, V. R., 1981. Prayog aur prayog. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
19
National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics and Lago Institute of Language, 2012.
NINJAL-LWP for BCCWJ (NLB), NINJAL, Tokyo, accessed 5 October 2012, < http://nlb.ninjal.ac.jp/>.
Deux particules finales 唻呀 [lɛ.ja] et 唻 [lɛ] dans le dialecte de Baoding
Song Na [email protected]
CRLAO /INALCO
Nous analysons deux particules finales 唻呀 [lɛ.ja] et 唻 [lɛ] dans le dialecte de
Baoding, qui correspondent chacune à deux emplois distincts de la particule finale 了
le en chinois standard (notée 了2 le2), considérée en général comme indiquant le
changement d’état, ou l’état pertinent par rapport à l’état actuel. (Currently Relevant
State, CRS) (voir Lü Shuxiang 1999:351, ZhaoYuanren 1979:355, Li &Thompson
1981:240). Par exemple,
(1) 我回来了。(ZhaoYuanren 1979 :355)
wǒ huílai le。
1SG rentrer CRS
Je suis rentré.
Les phrases se terminant par le dénotent souvent des événements passés, mais 了
2 le2 peut également apparaitre dans les phrases annonçant un évènement imminent,
souvent avec les adverbes temporels qui indiquent le futur, ou avec certaines
contraintes énonciatives. L’emploi « futur » est considéré comme une extension
naturelle de la valeur de « changement d’état » (Li et Thompson 1980 :278-282, Lü
Shuxiang 1999:352, Chen Qianrui 2005).
(2) 快
放假
了。(Lü Shuxiang 1999:353)
kuài
fàngjià
le。
bientôt être.en.vacances CRS
On va bientôt être en vacances.
Certaines phrases peuvent être ambigües en chinois standard :
(3) 北京站到了。
běijīng zhàn dào le。
Pékin gare arriver CRT
a) Nous allons entrer en gare de Pékin. (attention à ne rien oublier à bord.)
b) Nous sommes déjà arrivé à la gare de Pékin.
(4) 休息
了。
(Lü Shuxiang 1999:353)
xiūxi
le。
se.reposer CRS
a) On va faire une pause
(= 快休息了。kuài xiūxi le。)
b) Ils sont déjà en train de faire une pause. (=都休息了。dōu xiūxi le。)
20
Contrairement au chinois standard, la particule finale indiquant le changement
d’état dans le dialecte de Baoding, à savoir, 唻 [lɛ], équivalent de了2 le2 en chinois
standard, ne peut pas apparaitre dans une phrase indiquant un événement futur. C’est
Distribution, semantic and syntactic profile of Japanese i-adjectives
Irena Srdanović, University of Ljubljana Faculty of Arts,
[email protected]
The computer-assisted systematic research on carefully collected large-scale authentic data confirms that
lexical items retrieved for an utterance constrain the syntactic structure that can be employed for their
construction (cf. Schönefeld 1999: 138-9, Stefanowitsch and Gries 2003: 209-10). This empirically based
confirmation is one of the main achievements of the corpus linguistic research in analysis of human spoken and
written discourse and reminds us of the necessity to employ the methodology to further analyze particular
languages and human language in general. Accordingly, the aim of this research is to explore Japanese
language patterns of i-adjectives, especially concentrating on their role as modifiers of nouns, using empirical
methods of corpus linguistics and employing the latest language resources and lexical profiling tools.
Firstly, the research examines the distribution of i-adjectives in present-day large scale written corpora and
provides a short list of adjectives that often repeat taking up rather large amount of adjective’s overall usage.
On the other hand, there is a very long list of adjectives that are rarely used. In addition, the large gap between
adjective distribution in the two-fold word annotation data of short and long-unit words (Maekawa et al. 2013)
gives some new insights into the productivity of compound and derived adjectives and confirms the most
productive adjectival suffixes in Japanese.
Secondly, the research analyzes the distribution of patterns of three major roles of adjectives (predicative,
attributive and adverbial, as recognized in previous studies, cf. Suzuki 1972, Nishio 1972, Hashimoto and
Aoyama 1992), and shows different tendencies in the usage of the roles among adjectives. Adjectives with
lexical constraints in some adjectives’ syntactic patterns are also discovered, for example tebayai “quick”,
tokorosemai “crowded” are not used in their attributive form of adjective preceding and modifying a noun but
rather in other forms, such as adverbial form preceding verbs (tebayaku katazukeru “to tidy up quickly”,
tokorosemaku narande aru “to line up crowdedly”. Furthermore, the research reveals the complexity of
structures related to adjectives in attributive form preceding a modified noun and concludes that there is a
need to further split the types of attributive role of adjectives based on patterns discovered in the analysis and
distributed differently with different adjectives.
Finally, the research applies cognitive semantic approach on the adjective takai in combination with the
modified nouns and presents the pattern usage of the adjective in a form of a lexical map. The usage of takai
modifying nouns covers three large cognitive domains: positional relations (takai yama “a high mountain"),
quantitative relations (takai kakuritsu “a high probability”) and superior/inferior relations (takai hyouka “high
evaluation”). The domains are further divided into subgroups, positioning natural, concrete and general before
unnatural, abstract, and metaphorical meanings.
The research results contribute to a comprehensive account of distribution, patterns and constraints of
Japanese language i-adjectives and are potentially applicable in Japanese language education and wider.
Literature
Hashimoto, M. and Aoyama, F. (1992) Three usages of adjectives. Keiryo Kokugogaku (Mathematical
Linguistics), 18(5), 201-214.
Maekawa, K., Yamazaki, M., Ogiso, T., Maruyama, T., Ogura, H., Kashino, W., Koiso, H., Yamaguchi, M., Tanaka,
M. and Den, Y. (2013) Balanced corpus of contemporary written Japanese. Language Resources and
Evaluation. Springer Netherlands
Nishio, T. (1972) A descriptive study of the meaning and uses of Japanese adjectives. NLRI 44, Shuei Shuppan
Schönefeld, D. (1999) Corpus Linguistics and Cognitivism. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 4:1, 137171.
Stefanowitsch, A. and Gries, S. T. (2003) Collostructions: investigating the interaction of words and
constructions. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 8:2, 209-243.
Suzuki, S. (1972) Japanese Grammar and morphology. Mugi shobo
21
La nuance et la diversité dans les expressions de sentiments négatifs en chinois
- une analyse typologique et comparative
Meng Sun
CRLAO et SeDyl, INALCO
[email protected]
L’analyse de sentiment est un nouveau domaine de recherche émergeant en linguistique
appliquée. Elle vise à classifier et identifier les opinions du public, les commentaires de
consommateurs, les tendances sur les forums et les microblogs etc., en traitant les données
textuelles générées spontanément par les locuteurs. Dans l’approche symbolique qui est adoptée le
plus souvent par les linguistes, la tâche centrale consiste à construire un dictionnaire en recueillant
les mots et expressions qui caractérisent les sentiments dans le texte. On peut ensuite les étiqueter
d’une façon plus ou moins fine en fonction de leur intensité, de leur polarité et d’autres
caractéristiques, selon les besoins du traitement.
Dans la pratique, on a constaté un phénomène intéressant : il y a souvent plus de mots
négatifs que des mots positifs, aussi bien en chinois qu’en anglais et français. Pourtant, en chinois
l’écart est plus grand, ce qui nous a incité à regarder de plus près pourquoi et comment la langue
chinois montre tant de variété et de dynamisme.
Étant donné que notre dictionnaire des sentiments construit à base de microblogs contient
pour le moment 600 mots négatifs et 300 mots positifs, nous disposons de plusieurs moyens de
classement et de plusieurs angles d’observation pour ces termes. En les triant par nature sémantique,
par mode d’expression et par la méthode rhétorique dans certains cas, nous avons analysé assez
finement les particularités des expressions négatives en les comparant avec celles qui sont positives
et en les comparant brièvement avec celles d’autres langues. Cette étude se réfère à plusieurs
théories sémantiques, ressources lexicales de grande taille, qui en constituent la base théorique.
22
The Strict and Sloppy Identity Puzzle
—— Differences between Mandarin, Japanese and English
Yiqin Qiu – [email protected] University of Paris Diderot, LLF-­‐UMR 7110
One of the most crucial problems of VP-ellipsis lies on the semantic interpretation of identity reading of
the target clause in VPE constructions, especially the sloppy identity reading. Huang (1988, 1991),
Otani & Whitman (1991) and Lee (2005) argue respectively for Mandarin Chinese, Japanese and
Korean that the sloppy identity reading in the elided site is a solid proof of the parallelism between these
languages and English. On the contrary, Hoji (1998), Li (1998), Kim (1999) and Xu (2003) provide
evidence against the sloppy identity and the locality constraint in VSVPE and propose a null object
account for the VP-ellipsis in disguise.
In this article, I will follow the proposal of Huang (1988, 1991) and Otani & Whitman (1991) and show
that in Mandarin Chinese, like in English, the identity interpretation of the elided clause depends on that
of the antecedent clause. The similarities in identity interpretation between Mandarin and Japanese
come from the occurrence of different pronouns in the antecedent clause instead of the availability of
null object in these languages.
There are two types of pronouns in Japanese (Noguchi 1997): the D-pronouns like he in English, eg.
Zibun ‘self’; and the N-pronouns like nouns, eg. Kare ‘he’. Only the reflexive pronoun zibun ‘self’, but
never the personal pronoun kare ‘he’, can be used in VP-ellipsis to derive the sloppy identity
interpretation.
English
Japanese
Mandarin
his/kare/ta-de
STRICT
SLOPPY
?
STRICT
SLOPPY
himself/zibun/ziji
*STRICT
SLOPPY (LOCAL)
STRICT
SLOPPY
THIRD READING
*STRICT
SLOPPY (LOCAL)
STRICT
SLOPPY (LOCAL)
ta-ziji ‘he.self’
Table 1. Distribution of identity interpretation in English, Japanese, and Mandarin
Parallelism of interpretation exists between personal pronoun in English, and personal pronoun as well
as compound reflexive pronoun in Mandarin on the one hand, and between reflexive pronoun in English
and in Mandarin on the other hand. Because of the availability of the ‘third reading’, the Japanese case
is quite different from that of English or Mandarin. Thus it is reasonable to assume that VP-ellipsis in
Mandarin does not receive the same analysis as its counterpart in Japanese. VPE in Mandarin cannot be
analyzed by analogy with Japanese as null object construction.
VPE
ta ‘he’
STRICT
SLOPPY
ziji ‘self’
STRICT (LONG-DISTANCE)
SLOPPY(LOCAL)
ta-ziji ‘he.self’
STRICT
SLOPPY (LOCAL)
Deaccented VP
*STRICT
SLOPPY
*STRICT
SLOPPY (LOCAL)
‘THIRD’ READING (LOCAL LONG-DISTANCE)
*STRICT
SLOPPY (LOCAL)
Table 2. Identity interpretations in the target clause of different pronouns in Mandarin Chinese
Table 1 and table 2 show that the interpretation distribution of VPE in main clause or in embedded
clause is basically the same in Mandarin Chinese, which is very different from that in Japanese. Thus
the empty category in the target clause in MC cannot be analyzed as a null objet on par with the Dpronoun zibun ‘self’ in Japanese. If it is true that the interpretation of the empty objet in Japanese can be
reduced to dependency relation, as claimed by Hoji (1998) and Kim (1999), the interpretation of the
empty category in Mandarin must retain a parallel relationship with the antecedent. In addition, the
difference between the deaccented VP in Mandarin and in English sheds light on the hierarchy of
grammar in both languages. The functional category licensing VPE must be different in Mandarin and
in English to account for the parallelism between VPE and deaccented VP in English and the nonparallelism in MC.
23
Selected références vHoji, Hajime. 1998. Null object and sloppy identity in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry, vol. 29. N° 1, 127152.vHuang, C.-T. James. 1991. Remarkes on the status of the null object. In Principles and parameters in comparative grammar, ed.
Robert Freidin, 56-76. Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press.vKim, Soowon. 1999. Sloppy/strict identity, empty objects, and NP ellipsis.
Journal of East Asian Linguistics 8, 255-284.vLi, Hui-ju Grace. 1998. Ellipsis constructions in Chinese. Doctoral dissertation, University of
Southern California.vNoguchi, T. 1997. Two types of pronouns and variable binding, Language, 73 : 770-797.vOtani, Kazuyo &
John Whitman. 1991. V-raising and VP-ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 22, 345-358.vWilliams, Edwin. 2008. Tokenism and identity in
anaphora. In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory, eds. Robert Freidin, Carlos Otero, and Maria Zubizarreta, 275-290. MIT
Press.vXu, Lie-Jiong. 2003. Remarks on VP-ellipsis in disguise. Linguistic Inquiry, 34 : 163-171.
LA SÉQUENCE TEMPORELLE ET LES MARQUES D’ASPECT
DANS LA CONSTRUCTION VERBALE SÉRIELLE EN MANDARIN CONTEMPORAIN
XIAO Lin
Université Paris-Sorbonne
[email protected]
RÉSUMÉ. —Dans la ligne de la pensée de Pierce (1930) et des célèbres travaux de J.Haiman
("Iconicity in syntaxe" 1983), J.Tai (1985) a pensé pouvoir rendre compte de l’ordre des
mots, qui constitue un des éléments essentiels du marquage syntaxique en chinois, par
l’iconicité : « l’ordre relatif de deux unités syntaxiques est déterminé par l’ordre temporel des
états qu’elles représentent dans le monde conceptuel. » Vu que la contrainte de la linéarité qui
caractérise toutes les langues et le respect globale de la séquence temporelle dans la langue
chinoise, la construction verbale sérielle (CVS), qui est généralement définie comme deux ou
plusieurs groupes verbaux se succédant sans aucune marque segmentale, est souvent
considérée comme un lieu privilégié de l’application du principe d’iconicité. L’application du
Principe de la Séquence Temporelle dans la CVS en chinois nous paraît pouvoir être l’une des
premières choses qu’on doit examiner pour ce qui est du caractère iconique de cette langue.
L’article de J.Tai « 时间顺序结构与时貌标记"着" » (la séquence temporelle et la
marque d’aspect inaccompli zhe) , qui vient de publier en janvier 2014 dans le Journal of
Chinese Linguistics, soutient que l’apparition ou non du suffixe d’aspect inaccompli zhe dans
la CVS est déterminé par le type de procès du V1, mais que ce n’est pas l’élément décisif, et
qu’il faut examiner si les des deux procès ont un intervalle qui se chevauchent : si les deux
procès commencent et s’accomplissent simultanément zhe doit certainement apparaître, mais
si le déroulement des deux procès partage aucun intervalle commun, zhe est exclu. Nous
apprécions le cadre proposé par Tai qui précise les différents schémas temporels, mais nous
serons plus réservé à propos de son explication des CVS dont le V1 suffixé en zhe exprime le
moyen. Il nous paraît discutable sinon inapproprié de représenter cette relation sous la forme
d’un schéma temporel de simultanéité, et nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure qu’on
puisse mettre les deux procès ‘simultanés’ sur le même plan.
Nous nous inspirerons du cadre fourmi par les schémas temporels d’Allens (1984,
1985) utilisé par Tai dans son article, et nous examinerons dans la présente communication la
relation entre la présence des marques d’aspect accompli et la séquence temporelle exprimé
par la CVS. On constatera que les CVS qui miment la succession des procès exige que le
point de rupture entre le procès 1 et le procès 2 soit explicitement marqué, c’est-à-dire que le
V1 soit borné. Le chinois possède deux procédés pour marquer l’aspect accompli de V1: l’un
est l’aspect lexical (ou Aktionsart, en français « type du procès ») dont les composés à
deuxième élément constitués par des verbes de phase, ex.完 wan ‘finir’, ou directionnels, ex.
出 chū ‘sortir’, 上 shàng ‘monter’ ; l’autre est l’aspect grammatical marqué par le suffixe
d’aspect accompli 了 le ou la réduplication du verbe.
Ainsi, en tenant compte de la présence ou non des marques d’aspect du V1, et de leur
incident sur les différentes valeurs que prennent les schémas temporels, on pourra définir des
degrés d’iconicité et mesurer avec plus de précision la distance entre signifiant et signifié.
24
Gei, gei, gei and gei:
Interaction between lexical semantics and syntactic position of GEI in mandarin Chinese
Xinyue Cécilia YU, Université Paris Diderot, [email protected]
Victor Xiaoshi HU, Université Paris Diderot, [email protected]
GEI in mandarin Chinese has interested many linguists for its surface multiple functions. As
mentioned by Zhu (1983), GEI can at least mark a recipient, a beneficiary and a maleficiary. Recent
works has shown that GEI may occupy different syntactic positions regarding its different lexical
functions such as preposition, low or high applicative heads (Tsai 2009, Tang 2009, Paul &
Whitman 2010, among others). Based on these previous studies, our work aims to refine the
analysis of GEI with respect to verb lexical semantics.
Dative GEI and Benefactive GEI
There are two types of verbs available to express a caused possession event: those inherently
denote a caused motion event (Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2007) (such as ji ‘send’, reng ‘throw’,
ban ‘move’) and those inherently encode a caused possession event (such as (zeng)song ‘offer’, zu
‘rent’, jie ‘lend’). There are two constructions with GEI in question: (i) V-Theme-GEI-Recipient (cf.
(1a) and (2a)); (ii) GEI-Recipient-V-Theme (cf. (1b) and (2b)). We find that caused motion verbs
can occur freely in both of the two constructions, while caused possession verbs are much less
acceptable in (ii) with the preverbal recipient.
(1) a. Zhangsan [AspP jii-le [vP vi [VP [VP Vi yi-feng-xin][PP gei Lisi]]]].
Zhangsan
send-Asp
one-Cl-letter GEI Lisi
b. Zhangsan [AspP [PP gei Lisi][AspP jii-le [vP vi [VP Vi yi-feng-xin]]]].
Zhangsan
GEI Lisi send-Asp
one-Cl-letter
‘Zhangsan sent a letter to Lisi.’
(2) a. Zhangsan [AspP jiei-le [vP vi [VP yi-ben-shu Vi [PP gei Lisi]]]].
Zhangsan
lend-Asp
one-Cl-book
GEI Lisi
b. #Zhangsan [PP gei Lisi]j [AspP jiei-le [vP vi [VP yi-ben-shu Vi PPj].
Zhangsan
GEI Lisi
lend-Asp
one-Cl-book
‘Zhangsan lent Lisi a book.’
Based on previous works (Paris 1978, Jackendoff 1990, Goldberg 1995, RH & L 2007, Paul &
Whitman (2010), etc.), we suppose that the asymmetry between (1) and (2) is due to the verb lexical
semantics which determine to different argument structures. Although (1a) and (2a) are linearly the
same, caused possession verbs take a PP-recipient as complement in (2a), while caused motion
verbs take a PP-recipient as adjunct in its occurrence in (1a). Consequently, a PP adjunct can be
inserted in front of VP as in (1b), while a PP argument is difficult to be raised out of VP in (2b). If
the latter is forced to move, it will be in conflict with the PP-beneficiary adjunct for the same
position, and thus provokes low acceptability in a caused possession event.
Malefactive GEI and Ethical GEI
Although Tsai (2009) distinguished the different properties of the beneficiary GEI (PP adjunct)
and the maleficiary GEI (high ApplP), his data are limited to those marked by juran ‘unexpectedly’
based on which he proposed that ApplP moves to FocusP. However we find that the reading may be
established as long as the event expressed by the verb is pragmatically malefactive enough to
introduce an affectee (cf. (3)), and thus Tsai’s ‘raising’ account may be too strong.
(3) Zhangsan gei Lisi zai men-kou
jian-le yi-ge che-ku, Lisi
qi-feng-le.
Zhangsan GEI Lisi at entrance build-Asp one-Cl garage, Lisi angry-crasy-Asp
‘Zhangsan built a garage at the entrance, which made Lisi very angry.’
Furthermore, some data also show that, the affectee marked by GEI is not always limited to the
first single person, which proposed by Tsai. A comparison between French (Leclerc 1976, 1978,
25
ZHANG Xiaoqian
Université Paris Diderot
[email protected]
The semantic meaning of preverbal temporal adverbials in Mandarin Chinese
This work deals with preverbal temporal adverbials containing a bare NP (henceforce Adverbialsbare) in
Mandarin Chinese, as is shown in (1-2).
(1) zuotian Lisi (zai) shi fenzhong (de shijian li) chi-le liang-ge dangao.
yesterday Lisi at ten minute
(DE time in) eat-PFV two-CLF cake
‘Lisi ate two cakes in ten minutes yesterday.’
(2) zuotian zai wu fenzhong de shijian li, Lisi faxian-le
Zhangsan de mimi.
yesterday at five minute
DE time in Lisi discover-PFV Zhangsan DE secret
‘Lisi discovered Zhangsan’s secret in five minutes yesterday.’
We have observed that preverbal Adverbialsbare are compatible with the accomplishment chi liang-ge dangao
‘eat two cakes’ in (1) and the achievement fanxian Zhangsan de mimi ‘discover Zhangsan’s secret’ in (2).
However, they have difficulties in co-occurring with the state gaoxiang ‘happy’ in (3) and the activity da
Zhangsan ‘beat Zhangsan’ in (4).
(3) (*zai yi-ge xingqi de shijan li,) Lisi hen gaoxing.
at one-CLF week DE time in Lisi very happy
(4) (?zuotian zai ershi fenzhong de shijian li,) Lisi da-le
Zhangsan.
yesterday at twenty minute DE time in Lisi beat-PFV Zhangsan
‘Lisi beat Zhangsan for twenty minutes yesterday.’
‘Lisi was happy for one week.’
Note that we can appeal to frequentative adverbials to rescue the infelicity of (3) and (4), as (5-6) illustrate.
(5) zai yi-ge xingqi de shijan li, Lisi yizhi/
mei tian
dou hen gaoxing.
at one-CLF week DE time in Lisi all the time/every day all very happy
‘Lisi was happy all the time/every day for one week.’
(6) zuotian zai ershi fenzhong de shijian li, Lisi yizhi
/butingde zai da Zhangsan.
yesterday at twenty minute
DE time in Lisi all the time/ceaselessly PROG beat Zhangsan
‘Lisi was all the time/ceaselessly beating Zhangsan during twenty minutes yesterday.’
Furthermore, the verbal classifier liang-dun ‘twice’ can be used in (7) to render the activity beating
Zhangsan in (4) acceptable.
(7) zuotian zai yi-ge xiaoshi de shijian li, Lisi da-le
Zhangsan liang-dun.
yesterday at one-CLF hour
DE time in, Lisi beat-PFV Zhangsan two-time
‘Lisi beat Zhangsan twice in one hour yesterday.’
Lastly, we can also create a plural event which consists of the event beating Zhangsan and other events such
as scolding Zhangsan to make (4) well-formed, as in (8).
(8) zuotian zai ershi fenzhong de shijian li, Lisi ma-le
Zhangsan, ye da-le Zhangsan.
yesterday at twenty minute DE time in Lisi scold–PFV Zhangsan, also beat-PFV Zhangsan
‘Lisi scolded and beat Zhangsan during twenty minutes yesterday.’
In a nutshell, preverbal Adverbialsbare are compatible with telic events (1-2) on one hand. On the other hand,
they co-occur with plural events. The plural events can be created by frequentative adverbials (Cusic 1981;
Geenhoven 2004) in (5-6), by verbal classifiers in (7) and by a group of events in (8).
As to the semantic meaning of preverbal Adverbialsbare in Mandarin Chinese, Peck (2011) claims that they
are temporal frame adverbials. However, temporal frame adverbials (Bennett&Partee 1972) must “refer to an
interval of time within which the described event is asserted to have taken place”. In other words, they must
identify a temporal interval on the time axis. Note that preverbal Adverbialsbare in all the examples cited above
do not necessarily have a definite temporal reference for the events in question to be located on it. In this
respect, they differ from preverbal temporal adverbials containing a demonstrative since the latter have a
definite reference of the temporal interval as shown in (9).
(9) zai na yi-ge xingqi de shijian li, Lisi hen gaoxing.
At DEM one-CLF week DE time in Lisi very happy
‘Lisi was happy during that week.’
Hence, we claim that preverbal Adverbialsbare cannot be taken to be temporal frame adverbials. Rather, we
argue that they denote a contiguous and specific/unknown time interval during which discretized events
including telic events and plural events can take place.
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References
Bennett, M. and B. Partee. (1972) Toward the logic of tense and aspect in English. System Development Corporation, Santa Monica,
Calif. Reprinted in Partee, B. Compositionality in Formal Semantics. 2004. Oxford: Blackwell
Cusic David. (1981) Verbal plurality and aspect. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Stanford.
van Geenhoven, V. (2004) For-Adverbials, frequentative aspect, and pluractionality. Natural Language Semantics, 12:135-190.
Peck, Jeeyoung. (2011) Analogy and Reanalysis in the Postposing of Durative and Iterative Adverbials in the History of Chinese.
Proceedings of the 23rd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics, Volume 1, 65-83.