"Waiting to Exhale" or "Breath{ing) Again": A Search for Identity

"Waiting to Exhale" or "Breath{ing) Again":
A Search for Identity, Empowerment, and
Love in the 199O's
Tina M. Harris and Patricia S. Hill
As a function of most societies, there is an inherent
need for human contact. Whether it be a parent-child,
husband-wife,
boyfriend-girlfriend,
or
close-friend
relationship, relational intimacy or closeness is an integral
part of life. While these needs are fulfilled through
interpersonal interactions, men and women are socialized
to prioritize need fulfillment in contrasting ways.
Historically, men are conditioned to be breadwinners or
providers (economic responsibility) for their families and
expected to maintain power within romantic relationships.
Women, on the other hand, are expected to focus mental,
physical, spiritual, emotional, and social energies on their
primary relationships through the roles of daughter,
mother, wife, lover, and friend. These dichotomous
relational goals create dialectical tensions when role
expectations are challenged. Particularly, tensions may
occur when one or both partners have contradictory gender
role expectations of responsibilities in a romantic
relationship and external life goals, such as professional
aspirations.
Gender role expectations are learned through a myriad
of venues, including family, friends, society, and the
media. In the media in particular, television programming,
music, and movie industries contribute to this socialization
process. Societal members are covertly and overtly
conditioned to adopt social constructions of gender role
expectations, "ideal" beauty, and normative behaviors that
may otherwise not be learned. Consequently, these
internalized beliefs in conflict with one's life experiences
may adversely effect the interpersonal relationships one
develops.
Presently, there is limited qualitative research that
explores the relationship between gender role expectations
and the media's role in perpetuating or dispelling them.
The present exploratory study addresses the dearth of
research investigating this relationship by examining the
movie Waiting to Exhale. Based on Terry McMillan's
novel of the same name, the film Waiting to Exhale more
specifically aims to address the African American
woman's experience with the dialectical tension between
personal and professional life. While redefining herself,
each character challenges female gender role expectations
held by society, men, and the African American
community. The characters in the book and movie are
African American, yet the movie is inclusive of women's
experiences across racial and cultural backgrounds within
Western culture. The movie allows similarities to bring
culturally different women together, yet provides a
cinematic platform through which the voices and
experiences from an African American woman's
standpoint can be heard and shared. Exhale simultaneously
challenges long-held stereotypes of African American
women perpetuated in the U. S. and by Hollywood
cinematic endeavors, while achieving fair representation
through the lens of an African American female author and
African American director.
In the following sections, role expectations as shaped
from Western culture and racial gender role stereotypes are
described, followed by a discussion of media
representations of African American women and a
proposal for a cinematic paradigm shift in racial and
gender portrayals of African American women in cinema.
A rationale is then provided regarding Black feminist
thought as the framework shaping this study and the
methodology used to reach the researchers' objectives.
Finally, the emergent themes that evolved from in-depth
interviews with single, professional African American
women about their perceptions of the movie Waiting to
Exhale are described and compared to their lived
experiences.
Gender Role Expectations
Throughout the course of life, males and females are
socialized to accept and ascribe to certain gender roles.
Gender roles are described as "cultural constructs that
emerge in particular social and historical contexts to
organize human life. These constructs impose
physiological sex artificial dichotomies in personality and
activity that deny both males and females opportunity to
fully develop their human potential" (Hunt & Hunt, 1987).
Gender role expectations create multiple identities deemed
"appropriate" when both sexes adhere to these traditional
norms and behaviors that oppress self-definition. In turn,
females across all racial and cultural boundaries who break
traditional gender role expectations struggle between selfdefinition and "norm deviation." While these roles may
hinder the quest for empowerment in the 199O's, female
gender roles are an inherent part of Western culture that
creates a dialectical tension that consequently
"complicates" this self-definition process.
Western Gender Role Expectations
Because this study focuses on Western culture, the
following are gender role expectations of women from
different racial and ethnic backgrounds who are a part of
U. S. culture. We acknowledge that unique cultural and
racial expectations may generate additional gender roles
and expectations, but it is essential to address those
commonalities before differences are explored.
In a patriarchal society where males are in positions of
domination or power over females (Carter & Spitzack,
1993) and how women define themselves (Collins, 1993),
several gender roles exist that women have been and still
are expected to fulfill. Traditionally, women are expected
to "suppress the self (Steinem, 1993, 275) and become
more other-centered. If a female attempts to be
nonconformist, "social penalties for deviation from these
norms" (Steinem, 1993, 78) may be incurred in her
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 9
relationships that admonish such behavioral change. As the
following gender roles illustrate, there is wide acceptance
of these expectations despite efforts of some to achieve
self-fulfillment while simultaneously meeting the needs of
others.
The first role expectation that Western women are
expected to fulfill is that of "wife." As wife, women are
expected to take on provisional roles where unconditional
social support is given to their partners and/or families
(Duck & Silver, 1990). Women are conditioned to follow a
relational prescription: grow up, marry, and become the
"ideal" wife. They are expected to support the husband's
career goals, provide ego-enhancement, and preserve the
relationship "at all costs." Because men are "economic
agents" (Gerstel & Gross, 1987), their role is to be the
breadwinner and provide the financial resources that meet
the family's basic needs. As a result of this relationship,
the female traditionally has had no economic independence
from the male and is often times not acknowledged for the
career support provided her husband (Gerstel & Gross,
1987, 34). This role of giving "backstage supportive
services for the husband" (Hunt & Hunt, 1987) further
illustrates the other-centered philosophy that infiuences
self-definition of most Western women ascribing to gender
role expectations.
A second female gender role extending from the role
of wife is that of "mother." In this role, her primary
responsibilities entail childrearing, food preparation,
household maintenance, and strengthening family bonds
(Hunt & Hunt, 1987). During this family maintenance
process, the mother may sacrifice personal goals for the
sake of sustaining the family unit. In the past. Western
society has taught its members to expect that it is the
female's sole responsibility to have children and take on
the role of primary caregiver. In addition to her role as
mother, a subcategory or third role expectation is that of
nurturer (Steinem, 1993; Miedzian, 1991). In this capacity,
the female facilitates the emotional development of her
family, friends, and others, who are in need of counseling,
guidance, and support. Because their role in the family is
multifaceted, females must deal with a plethora of
overlapping expectations that make role fulfillment a
difficult and frustrating task to achieve.
As one of the feminist movement's task to achieve
political and economic gender equality (Offen, 1988), the
desire to have a career and family without sacrificing one
for the other has been a concem facing many dual-income
earner families (Hunt & Hunt, 1987). More specifically, as
a fourth role, women balancing career and family may be
faced with the task of being a career woman and a
"superwoman." This tension may potentially challenge her
efforts of self-definition through work and family, which
ultimately may have an adverse effect if others'
expectations "force" her to choose between roles.
The fifth, and final, female gender role expectation is
that of sex object. The objectification of Western women
connotes the "ideal" female who is sexually appealing, yet
"feminine," "ladylike," and "fragile" (Higginbotham,
1992; Offen, 1988). This idealistic female is objectified
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 10
and framed as an ornament to be adored for her aesthetic,
superficial attributes. Not only does she have to direct her
energies toward
interpersonal
relationships
and
responsibilities, but a woman is expected to "display"
dominant culture standards of beauty and femininity,
which, in tum, creates laborious pressure. For women of
today and years gone by, the expectation still exists that
they are to fulfill all of their roles without compromising
the skill with which they are able to meet the relational
expectations of others.
Racial Gender Role Stereotypes
When race as a socially constructed form of
oppression is coupled with gender, additional role
expectations and stereotypes emerge. Racial gender role
expectations
have
different
connotations
when
womanhood for women of color is defined (Collins, 1990).
This double oppression of race and gender for women of
color (King, 1988), specifically African American women,
has taught Westem culture members to view ethnic and
racial female group members as possessing qualities
deemed unattractive in comparison to dominant culture
standards. Hence, it is plausible that gender role
expectations and racist stereotypes embedded in Westem
culture will be even more oppressive for African American
women living in an historically patriarchal and racist
society.
Similar to dominant culture, there is the expectation
that African American women will take on the role of
wife. While this role entails relationship commitment,
emotional support, and ego-enhancement for the husband,
and allegiance to males other than one's spouse, African
American women experience unique pressures that further
complicate their various roles. For African American
women, family rule dictates that "Black women will
support Black men no matter what," which Collins notes is
an unwritten rule demonstrated during the Clarence
Thomas hearings (1996b). Despite gender identity or
differing political views, Collins asserts that African
American women were expected to support Thomas
because he is a male in the Black community. This gender
role expectation is illustrative of the Afrocentric view of
maintaining community (Collins, 1990), which relegates
African American women to the role of silent supporters of
all Black men.
The second and third roles of mother and nurturer are
also part of African American culture; however, the role of
wife is not a prerequisite for most African Americans. It
has been previously noted that Afrocentric thought, which
is a primary tenet of Black feminist thought, promotes
commitment to family, community, and spirituality
(Collins, 1990) to preserve African cultural values and
beliefs. As a result of this intrinsic commitment to
community, African American women fulfill "mothering"
and "nurturing" roles in a variety of ways. As
"othermothers" (Collins, 1990), African American women
provide emotional support, childcare, discipline, food
preparation, and household maintenance for children of
neighbors, friends, and relatives who are unable to fulfill
these roles themselves. Her marital status in no way
determines her ability to "mother" other community
members.
This role of communal caregiver has also experienced
negative stereotyping of African American women as
domestic servants (Collins, 1990) or the "happy domestic."
Because slavery and economic oppression forced them to
provide services for low wages, African American women
developed coping strategies that preserved their dignity
and self-respect (Collins, 1990). Unfortunately, Collins
notes, this role of extended-caregiver has been
manipulated to perpetuate disparaging stereotypes of
African American women as "Mammies" (i.e. happy,
asexual domestics) and strong, controlling "matriarchs"
(1990) by dominant culture. These stereotypes have not
been found to be associated with White women. The
stereotype of the matriarch also perpetuates the Moynihan
and Myrdal myth (Collins, 1989b) of the "dying" African
American family. They describe African American gender
roles as deviant (Collins, 1989b), dysfunctional, and
contributing to the African American family's
deterioration. Although gender role reversal preserved
slave families when parents were victims of slave-trade
(Collins, 1990), Moynihan and Myrdal infer that African
American gender role practices are "wrong" because they
deviate from "traditional" Westem gender role
expectations. It must be noted, however, that Moynihan
and Myrdal ignore that slavery as a form of racial and
economic oppression has negatively impacted African
Americans (Collins, 1989b). We must also note that the
traditional definition of "family" (in each study) represents
dominant culture ideology and excludes the infiuence of
culture and economics on the development and
maintenance of family.
The fourth role of career woman has been a part of
African American culture for years. Although the career
opportunities available to White females were not
accessible to African American women (King, 1988),
African American women have been accustomed to
fulfilling two or more roles simultaneously. It was not
primarily social change that predicated these defining
roles, but a need for survival in a doubly oppressive
society. Whether it was being a domestic servant (Collins,
1990) or educator, African American were, and still are,
expected to continue the "superwoman" legacy despite
increased responsibilities at home and in the workplace.
The gender role expectation that women will be committed
to "race uplifting" through education (Collins, 1990)
connotes a greater responsibility beyond family and
community. Unlike their White counterparts, Afi-ican
American women as superwomen within their racial
context are expected to promote an Afrocentric worldview
of improving the entire race — communally, nationally,
and globally.
The role of sex object for Afi-ican American women is
objectified but in a savage, animalistic manner (Collins,
1990). These gender and race stereotypes ascribed to
African Americans originate from the slave-master
relationship (Higginbotham, 1992). In an attempt to
rationalize slavery and sexual exploitation of slave women
by White masters, history presented European perceptions
of African Americans as "primitive, animal-like, and
savage" (Higginbotham, 1992). From this calculated
rationalization came the stereotype of African American
women being asexual (i.e. Mammies), yet sexually
promiscuous (i.e. Jezebel) and unattractive (Collins, 1990).
Higginbotham also notes that the constructed image of the
Afi-ican American woman has come to symbolize Black
sexuality in general (1992), which contributes to
stereotyping and ineffective interracial communication.
As history and interracial communication indicate,
gender role expectations and stereotypes perpetuated by
societal members have an adverse effect on women
challenging normative behaviors, particularly African
American women. Although attempts are made to fulfill
gender role expectations communicated through family,
friend, and social relationships, women experience
difficulty if they do not conform. Dominant culture has
also attempted to create a "non- gendered woman" by
excluding African American women from the definition of
"lady" (Higginbotham, 1992) and creating Eurocentric
standards of beauty (hooks, 1995) accepted by mainstream
society.
Media Representations
"Media: Whose voice is it, anyway?"
One area of qualitative research that has received no
attention is the correlation between gender role
socialization and the media's role in perpetuating or
negating gender and race stereotypes. While Higginbotham
purports that discourse of racism in the media reifies or
perpetuates the stereotype of sexuality for African
Americans (1992), African American filmmakers have
taken it upon themselves to challenge many longstanding
stereotypes held by Anglo-Americans (Gibson-Hudson,
1994). The African American woman has been presented
in the media as one dimensional and the product of a
patriarchal society (Gibson-Hudson, 1994); as a result, her
voice has been altered, muffled, and stripped as a means of
upholding negative characteristics and qualities she is
believed to possess (Weitz & Gordon, 1993). By giving
them voice, the theoretical implications of Black feminist
thought as applied to movies as visual discourse enables us
to have a better understanding of African American female
filmmakers' transformative knowledge.
An early pioneer in the crusade for cinematic equality
was African American filmmaker Oscar Micheaux (hooks,
1991). Cultural critic bell hooks observes that Micheaux
"worked doggedly to create screen images that would
disrupt and challenge conventional racist representations
of blackness," thereby creating "images that would convey
complexity of experience and feeling" (hooks, 1991, 351).
His drive was not reactive to negative White
representations of blackness in cinema but an impetus for
the provision of alternative perspectives on the "black
experience." Instead of replacing these stereotypical
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 11
images with images of "cinematic perfection," Micheaux
explored the racialized sexual politics existent in African
American heterosexual relationships (hooks, 1991). By
presenting reality based experiences in his movies,
Micheaux constructed images that ultimately challenged
dominant society's perpetuation of African American male
and female sexuality as dangerous and threatening.
Micheaux's cinematic endeavors also challenged
internalized racism which has resulted iii self-invalidation
based on European standards of beauty (hooks, 1991).
Another African American filmmaker who has aimed
to bring the life experiences of African Americans to the
silver screen is Spike Lee. To date. Lee has successfully
completed seven films, five of which have been scrutinized
for stereotypical depictions, and omission, of African
American women (hooks, 1993). In his first movie She's
Gotta Have It, Lee's lead character, Nola Darling, is a sex
crazed/starved woman in search of sexual gratification,
otherwise known as a Jezebel (Collins, 1993).
The negative stereotypes depicting African American
women as "nagging, bitchified, and seductive" (hooks,
1993) were perpetuated in the character Tina in the second
Lee movie Do The Right Thing. This media representation
reifies the notion that African American women are very
sexual and may potentially be unwed, welfare mothers.
The third movie. Mo' Better Blues, was not as
stereotypical, yet is evidence of gender role socialization
cinema. The female characters are either the "ho' " (hooks,
1993) who uses sex as a weapon for control in
relationships or the "mammy/madonna" (hooks, 1993)
who uses her innate gift to nurture, forgive, and provide
unconditional love to her man. The Jezebel and Mammy
images reinforce existent stereotypes of African American
women grounded in slavery (Collins. 1993; Higginbotham,
1992). These stereotypes were further manifested in Lee's
fourth film Jungle Fever, which attempts to address the
complexities of interracial relationships. The female
characters were domestics and fulfilled their sexual
obligations to their husbands, thereby presenting them as
one-dimensional beings. In his fifth endeavor, Malcolm X,
Lee excludes Malcolm X's sister Ella from the movie
(hooks, 1993). Such exclusion invalidates the critical role
and impact Malcolm X's sister had on his espousal of
Muslim doctrine and rise as a "religious" leader.
Additionally, Lee portrays Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X's
wife, as a womanist, which is an obvious
misrepresentation of the submissive role women are
expected to fulfill as members of the Nation of Islam
(hooks, 1993). Unfortunately, Lee again fails to challenge
these stereotypes and does not present African American
womanhood and African American heterosexuality as
being complex and multi-dimensional.
Another filmmaker who attempted to give voice to the
African American experience is director and producer
Steven Spielberg. In the movie adaptation of Alice
Walker's book The Color Purple, Spielberg attempts to
capture the essence of life for post-slavery rural African
Americans. Although The Color Purple was a "popularly
received commercial production that articulates Black
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 12
story lines played by Black casts for consumption by a
broad mass media audience" (Guerrero, 1993), Spielberg
took directorial liberties of filtering portions of the book
from the screen play adaptation (Peacock, 1991). Spielberg
fails to present the sisterhood experienced by African
American women (Peacock, 1991) and the Black
womanist values (Guerrero, 1993) of the female
characters. Additionally, Spielberg ignores Walker's
attempts to demonstrate "reconciliation and healing within
the black family and community" (Guerrero, 1993).
As these culturally specific movies indicate, the
absence of Black feminist thought in movies targeting
African Americans' lived experience is a framework
critical for fair representation. Being neither African
American nor female, Spielberg's own cultural identity
may have clouded his perception of what cultural values
were deemed essential to the storytelling; as a result,
Spielberg's voice "distorts" the true experience author
Alice Walker communicates in the book (Guerrero, 1993).
Similarly, Lee who is African American has one lens
through which to view the African American woman's
experience (race) yet fails to fully represent the experience.
This distortion may be attributed to his maleness which is
void of Black feminist thought and experience.
Cinematic Paradigm Shift
Given the dearth of attention placed on current
changes in movie representations of gender and race
equality in the cinema, this essay proposes that a
"cinematic paradigm shift" is taking place in some movies
that have been released in recent years. While the concept,
"cinematic paradigm shift," has not been developed
beyond the present study, it addresses a need for change in
the portrayal of underrepresented groups in cinema. This
proposed change asserts that women and other cultural
groups should be portrayed in a way that challenges
existent stereotypes that distort social perceptions of the
group as a whole and its individual members. It must also
be noted that a "cinematic paradigm shift" aims to give
voice to experiences that are refiective of real lived
experiences yet does not exploit those that are victims of
an open oppressive society (i.e. economically, racially,
sexually). Ultimately, a "cinematic paradigm shift" refers
to change in cognition or perception regarding equal and
fair representation of underrepresented groups in cinema.
With this shift comes a deviation from the traditionally
stereotypic portrayals in exchange for more reality based
representations.
In an effort to shift the existing cinematic paradigm.
Lee produced the movie "Girl 6," released Spring 1996,
and tells the "story" of an African American woman who
chooses to be a phone sex operator. This cinematic
perpetuation of the Jezebel character is evident, however,
hooks' critical analysis counters this position (1996).
hooks states that "in many ways, [it] shows that his artistic
vision around the representation of female sexuality has
expanded. This film is not an orgy of pornography/sexism"
(1996) While some may argue that such a depiction
perpetuates the stereotype of African American women as
being defined through sexuality, hooks posits that the
character's power of choice is indicative of the true power
women have over self-definition in various contexts
(1996). Although she does address social constraints
placed on power distribution in Westem culture, hooks
pointedly notes that Lee has "vindicated" his cinematic
vision by addressing womanist and feminist issues from a
"gendered" perspective.
What makes Waiting to Exhale distinct from Girl 6 is
the fact that two individuals, one African American male
and one African American female, were directly involved
in directing and recreating the screenplay for the film.
Waiting to Exhale is an example of how a "cinematic
paradigm shift" can occur by deviating from past movies
that portrayed African American women as militants
(Cleopatra Jones), Jezebels, and mammies (Butterfly in
Gone With the Wind). The shift changes the representation
of the women by showing them capable of receiving
higher education, professional careers, and somewhat
satisfying romantic relationships. Although this movie
does not reflect the lived experiences of all African
Americans, it does for some while giving hope to those
who are economically disadvantaged.
During the making of Waiting to Exhale, author Terry
McMillan's presence on the set influenced directorial
decisions and character development. As a result, director
Forrest Whittaker was more equipped to capture the
characters' "concrete experiences" on screen. As Collins
notes, concrete experience is a critical criterion for the
creation of meaning (1989a); in other words, the voice of
the African American female author adds authenticity to
the book's integrity and accurate interpretation of the
characters' experiences. It must also be noted that, as with
social science research (Higginbotham, 1992), the movie
Waiting to Exhale highlights the experiences of African
American women while focusing on the social
construction of gender role expectations across gender and
racial lines.
To
determine
Black
feminist
thought's
appropriateness as an interpretive method, this study
focuses on textual meanings audience members ascribe to
the movie and the characters' experiences with unhealthy,
co-dependent relationships. This process exposes the
internal conflict generated by gender role socialization and
challenges facing professional African American women,
and other women as well, in search of a balance between
career and personal life. In this study, in-depth interviews
were conducted with women who share their "standpoint"
and evaluations of the movie's portrayal of African
American women searching for identity, empowerment,
and love in the 199O's are analyzed. While the experiences
and perceptions are representative of a few professional
African American women, this study in no way asserts that
other women, including White, Asian, Latino, or Native
American, do not share these same life experiences;
therefore, comparisons to other women from different
cultural backgrounds are not central to the goal of this
study. Instead, the focus is on comparing the real
(interviewees') and cinematic (characters') experiences of
professional African American women and determining
from the interviewees' perspectives Waiting to Exhale's
authenticity in capturing the conflicts associated with
gender role expectations and the development of romantic
relationships, as well as the presence (or not) of sexual
racial stereotypes. The sexual stereotypes that are
addressed in the study may also be ascribed to other
women from different cultures, but, as Collins (1990) and
Higginbotham (1992 ) note, African American women are
denigrated to a greater degree due to excessive racial
oppression during slavery that has distorted the general
perceptions held of them. Never being recognized as a
"lady" (Higginbotham, 1992), the African American
woman has been gendered in name only (i.e. woman) and
devalued because of her race.
The Study
Black Feminist Thought
The conceptual framework guiding this study is Black
feminist thought (Collins, 1993). Because construction of
knowledge varies across people and individuals, it is
essential to provide a framework that encompasses
difference and allows the unique perspective to be
understood. As a framework. Black feminist thought is
appropriate as it demonstrates how the movie Waiting to
Exhale is a textual device giving voice to a marginalized
group ignored and neglected in research and cinema. By
including a cultural or ethnic perspective in social science
research, the academic community is acknowledging the
present exclusion of differing perspectives in Eurocentric
pedagogy (Hine, 1992).
According to Collins, in the 198O's and 199O's,
African American women developed a voice or a "selfdefined collective black women's standpoint about black
womanhood" (1996a). This newfound standpoint enables
African American researchers and everyday women to
share experiences that have been, and still are, ignored in
most social science research. Dominant discourse fails to
allow representation of African American women and their
experiences, thereby limiting opportunities for visibility
and exposure in "mainstream" arenas of discourse. In order
to shatter this "intellectual" glass ceiling, African
American women entered this public space through
(nonfiction) books, movies, and print media (Collins,
1996b). By empowering themselves. Black feminist
thought or standpoint provides African American women
with a sense of unity and sisterhood lacking in other
conceptual frameworks.
Black feminist thought was constructed to provide
consciousness for oppressed groups, specifically African
American women (Collins, 1989a). It allows them to
possess a self-defined standpoint symbolizing their
uniquely different lived realities resulting from existence
in an oppressive patriarchy. Because dominant discourse is
male centered and feminist research does not typically
encompass race concerns, Deborah King (1988) notes that
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 13
African American women are experiencing a "both/or"
orientation. Depending on the context, her experience may
be centered around her identity as an African American, a
woman, or an African American woman. This experience
gives them the advantage of relating to both worlds
because of their multiple consciousness, yet standing apart
because of differences.
There are several distinct qualities of Black feminist
thought that distinguish it from feminist thought, which is
essentially concerned with White middle-class women's
issues (Collins, 1990). Within Black feminist thought,
there is concem for gender equality within African
American organizations as well as economic and political
subordination, the welfare of all economic classes, equality
between African American males and females, and the
wider struggle for human dignity and empowerment
(Collins, 1990). As a standpoint. Black feminist thought
captures experiences and ideas shared by African
American women that provide a unique angle of vision of
self, community, and society.
Several social scientists validate the necessity of
Black feminist by recognizing the use of other pedagogical
devices (i.e. Black Studies) to give voice to marginalized
students (Hine, 1992) in addition to the construction of a
new knowledge base including the African American
woman's standpoint (hooks, 1996). According to Phillips
and McCaskill, African American women had to construct
a knowledge base outside of traditional dominant discourse
(1995), as the present frameworks fail to validate
knowledge outside of the academy. Much of the research
utilizing Black feminist thought embraces African
American intellectuals who gained knowledge through life
experiences and self-teaching contrary to "formal" means
of education. By making correlations between her lived
experiences and research, hooks demonstrates how the
traditional scholastic approach to attaining knowledge in
the academy is not the only tool for measuring intellect
and knowledge (1996). Conversely, it is through
integrating the lived with the researched that this
knowledge base can be extended.
As a means for communicating their experiences to
the masses, African American women entered the public
space via (fiction) books, movies, and print media (Collins,
1996b). The knowledge base that transpired through such
mediums enabled their lived experiences to be expressed
from their standpoint. Additionally, African American
women have achieved visibility by having self-initiated
exposure of their ideas and experiences accessible to the
masses (Collins, 1996b). hooks posits that Black feminist
thought aims to bridge pedagogy and theory to audiences
receiving little or no exposure to such critical thought
(1996). Therefore, it only stands to reason that this
standpoint is essential for including the experiences of a
marginalized group in future social science research.
Phillips and McCaskill extend this need for a voice by
emphasizing that the African American woman's
commitment to community should only continue as she
advances knowledge in the academy (1995). In other
words, instead of writing for colleagues and dominant
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 14
discourse, research should be extended for and to the
African American (and other) community.
For the purpose of this study. Black feminist thought
is an exceptional framework for allowing transformative
knowledge of marginalized African American women to
be accessible to those living the experiences and those
desiring to understand them. Waiting to Exhale as a visual
text portraying life for professional African American
women in the 199O's allows Black feminist thought and
oral tradition, which is an inherent part of knowledge in
the African American community, to serve as a medium
through which marginalized voices can be heard. By orally
sharing their perceptions of the movie's accuracy in
presenting images of gender role socialization and
associated challenges, African American women are able
to share their complex identities while affirming sisterhood
and solidarity through race and gender perspectives.
Methods
This study was conducted at a large Mid-western
university, which is predominantly White and has a student
population of 16,000. Because this study focuses on the
portrayals of professional African American women in the
movie Waiting to Exhale, only African American women
considered to be middle class (i.e. having a graduate
degree), single (never married or divorced), and either in
graduate school or in a professional administrative position
at the university were interviewed for this study. Since we
were evaluating the perceived accuracy of these cinematic
portrayals in reflecting real lived experiences of
professional African American women, attempts were
made to ensure that the interviewees possessed
demographic qualities that were similar to those of the
movie's characters.
The movie's storyline centers around the sisterhood of
four young, professional African American women and
how they support and affirm one another in their search for
love, career, and happiness. Although there are distinct
differences between the characters, each is faced with the
reality of the wrong choices they have made in their
romantic relationships. The characters also deal with the
pressures of being successful career women, wives, and/or
mothers during this quest for happiness. Bemadine Harris
is a homemaker who is committed to her husband and
children, until her husband divorces her, leaving her with
their two children and few financial resources. Similarly,
Gloria Johnson is a divorced mother raising her teenaged
son and operates a successful beauty salon; however, she
still seeks solace through brief sexual encounters with her
bisexual ex-husband. The two single characters, Robin
Stokes and Savannah, are attractive, successful,
professional women experiencing relational dissatisfaction
with the men they have chosen to become romantically and
sexually involved with. After bouts of frustration and
depression, both women focus on their careers since their
personal lives have not proven to be fulfilling. By the end
of the movie, all four characters have ended their
unhealthy relationships and become independent.
Although it is implied that they are not totally content with
their single status, the characters appear satisfied that they
are less other-centered and more focused on their wants
and needs. The five interviewees are Joyce, Sonya, Sarah,
Carla, and Trisha. Joyce is a single, 25 year-old 2nd year
doctoral student. Although she is not presently dating, she
notes that she focuses most of her energies on her graduate
classes and teaching responsibilities. Sonya, who is in her
second year as an administrator in a male-dominated
department, is single, 29 years old, and has a Master's
degree in business. Trisha, the third single interviewee, is a
25 year-old second year Master's student who spends most
of her time on course work and teaching undergraduates.
The next interviewee is Sarah, who is a 5O'ish mother of
two female college students and one single-parent son.
Sarah is recently divorced from her husband of more than
20 years. She recently received tenure in her department
and is actively involved in various university
organizations. Similarly, Carla is a 4O'ish divorced mother
of a 16 year-old son and is an administrator on campus.
She spends most of her time grant writing, fulfilling
administrative responsibilities, and being a single parent.
Interviews were conducted in a campus office
belonging to either the interviewee or researcher for the
convenience of participating during the business day. At
the convenience of the interviewee, we conducted a single
1 to l'/2 hour interview with each person and asked
scripted questions of each interviewee to maintain
consistency. Consistency across interviews was maintained
by both researchers following the scripted questions in
sequential order. Interview questions explored how
interviewees think gender role socialization is learned and
perpetuated, how they have learned different gender roles,
what gender roles women generally, and they specifically,
are expected to fulfil, what gender roles are present in
Waiting to Exhale, and what gender roles are unique to
African American women. Additional questions about
character portrayals in the movie asked interviewees to
describe gender roles that the characters fulfill, and the
accuracy of these portrayals in reflecting their real
experiences and those of friends who are professional
African American women. The interviewees were also
asked if any racial gender stereotypes were present, if the
movie challenged or perpetuated these stereotypes, and if
they would like to see similar (or different) movies
featuring African American women made in the future. At
points where the interviewee felt comfortable enough to
elaborate, they were encouraged to share their own
experiences that related to the question presented or
similar issues they wanted to address. When either
researcher was unclear about the response or description
provided, interviewees were asked to further explain their
answer.
After transcriptions were made, grounded theory was
used to determine if common themes existed in the data
regarding gender role socialization (in the movie and their
personal lives) and racial stereotypes relative to African
American women. According to social scientific research,
grounded theory
is a strategy for handling data in research,
providing modes of conceptualization for
describing and explaining. The theory should
provide clear enough categories and hypotheses so
that crucial ones can be verified in present and
future research . . . and must also be readily
understandable to sociologists of any viewpoint,
students, and to significant laymen" (Glaser &
Strauss, 1967, p. 3).
Therefore, the data analysis for this study entailed
analyzing the transcriptions extensively to fully understand
the types of experiences interviewees' had with gender
role socialization and (racial) stereotypes (i.e. with family,
society, and friends), whether or not these racial gender
role stereotypes were evident in the movie and its
characters, and their overall perceptions of the movie.
Because we were focusing on gender roles and racial
differences in them, the major themes, or categories, that
emerged were recurring gender roles observed by one or
more interviewees viewed as a part of the socialization
process for Westem culture in general and the African
American community speciflcally. Additionally, the
different real life experiences that the interviewees felt
were either accurately or inaccurately portrayed in the
movie were examined. Personal experiences were selected
to illustrate the movie's perceived realism or stereotypic
portrayal of professional African American women dealing
with multiple gender roles while searching for the
"perfect" romantic relationship. When there was similarity
or overlap in their response to a question, the interviewee's
statement that best described the experience or feeling was
included in the fmal data analysis.
The Findings
Participants' Racial Gender Role Expectations
After being asked what types of roles women have
been expected to fulfill in the past, participants noted eight
roles that vary in task and self-defmition. While these roles
may be applicable to other women from different cultural
backgrounds, it is the purpose of this study to explore
those roles observed to be the lived experiences of African
American women. The roles include nurturer, mother,
caregiver, superwoman, career woman, spiritual guide,
community activist, and teacher. When asked how these
roles are learned, one 26 year-old participant (doctoral
student), as well as one other female, stated that she has
learned these role expectations through family and the
media. Joyce addresses how dominant culture (i.e. media,
women's literature, fiction novels) communicates to
African American women that:
you are not an image of beauty, you're not this.
But anything that I think is going to give you ideas
of expectations for yourself really come through
the family. Like, for me, my grandmother . . . that
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 15
seems to be who I modeled myself after, the older
Black women I came in contact with, and friends,
so forth (Joyce)
The first role that emerged was that of nurturer and is
described as someone responsible for the growth and
development of others. The participants independently
reported that the female is expected to take on such
responsibilities in her interpersonal relationships that may
not be fulfilled in her absence. The women we perceive to
be nurturers serve(d) as communicator (family conflict
mediator), cook, domestic, support system, and counselor.
The role of nurturer encompasses numerous expectations,
both implicit and explicit, yet the descriptions of these
observed behaviors capture the true essence of what her
responsibilities are. According to Sonya, a single 29 yearold administrator, her mother is a prototype of the
consummate nurturer. After years of observing these
rituals, Sonya discusses how these gender role
expectations are normative behaviors within her family.
I was conditioned as a child that women were
supposed to be nurturers. That it was not...my
mother for instance, we would not eat until my
father had been served. Even if he came home
late, my father was served first. She would run his
bath water...uhm...shampoo his hair. Now, my
mother worked, but she would come home and
make sure that that was done. She would assist
the children in doing their homework and things
on that issue. So, as for the girls growing up, it
was implicit that that's what we were supposed to
do. We were supposed to take care of our men
first, then was the church. In our house, the
church was a big thing. My father pontificated
that, you know, God was above all, and then
came your fellow man, and then came you. That
was the order. And therefore, in our household, it
was God first and then you know, taking care of
your siblings, your brothers and sisters, and the
outside world. And you shouldn't have a thought
for yourself, for that was selfish. (Sonya)
Sonya's depiction of gender role socialization through
family illustrates how, for the African American
community, there are certain expectations that are ascribed
to with little reservation or concem. When asked if these
family domestic rituals are "transferred" to the roles she
and her two sisters are expected to fulfill, Sonya confirms
this observation and notes that, even though she is
independent, successftil, and single, the same expectations
surface when she returns home for visits. The males in her
family are taken care of "instinctively," despite the career
accomplishments and other roles the women have outside
the home.
The second role of 'mother' is an extension of the
nurturer but addresses the expectation that all females will
have children. Joyce reports that, when she used to date.
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 16
men would automatically ask her "How many children do
you want?". When she answered "None," they were quick
to assume she would eventually change her mind.
Similarly, the third role of 'caregiver' has responsibilities
of the nurturer yet there is greater commitment to ensuring
that basic needs (i.e. food, clothing, shelter, finances) are
met. For the two divorced women, being a nurturer is
crucial to their identities. For Carla (4O'ish), she is
responsible for making sure that her son, Jamal, is taken
care of. As for Sarah (5O'ish), making sure that her
grandchild is fed, clothed, and taken care of is part of her
role as caregiver. Sarah, a tenured faculty member, did
make it clear that while she loves her grandchild, it is her
son's moral obligation to make sure his daughter's needs
are met. The fifth role that emerged and resounded for all
women was "superwoman." The "superwoman" typifies
the general lived experience of the African American
woman. She is expected to fulfill all other roles with
"superhuman strength," with little or no difficulty. When
she describes this "superwoman phenomenon," Trisha, a
24 year-old graduate student, says that
"for African .American women, we try to be a
superwoman, you know we can do it all. The job,
career, and not neglect our family, our man or our
kids. And we don't want to let down others that
are looking on the situation you know, like 'Oh
she didn't make it.' Making it means doing both".
Although all of the participants were not divorced,
there appeared to be dialectical tensions present as they
attempt to define themselves through their career yet
contemplate commitment to a romantic relationship.
The sixth role addresses the career obligations African
American women face. Not only are task-related pressures
heightened, but gender role stereotyping occurs as well.
Sonya feels that individuals are conditioned to believe that
females conversing at work are "gossiping," and that her
suggestions for organizational goals are evaluated as "nice
idea(s)." Therefore, such evaluations devalue her presence
and work within the organization.
The seventh role, "spiritual guide," was central for
Carla. She notes that an African American woman's
spiritual base provides her with skills necessary for
adapting to situations and changes that occur in life. The
eighth role that emerged was that of "communal spirit."
Aligned with Afrocentric thought, the significance of
communal spirit on a college campus is evidenced by a
commitment or obligation to bettering the African
American community through mentoring, counseling, and
involvement with youths. The role of "teacher," which
addresses interracial communication, illustrates how
African American women are at times expected to be
ambassadors or spokespersons on the job as a means for
educating their White colleagues about African American
culture. Additionally, the women are expected to "race
uplift" as they succeed in their careers.
Gender Role Representations in Waiting to Exhale
As their examples indicate, gender role expectations
are pervasive in both dominant culture and AfVican
American culture. To determine the degree to which
Waiting to Exhale contributes to this cinematic paradigm
shift, participants were asked to describe (a) those gender
role expectations present in the different characters and (b)
how those portrayals (in)accurately addressed selfdefinition and empowerment issues facing professional
African American women in the 199O's.
Participants see the character Bemadine as the selfdenying mother, nurturer, caregiver, and superwoman.
Carla describes her as a woman who "had a degree and
gave up everything in support [of] her husband because we
are taught this at a young age" (p. 9, lines 28-29) which
illustrates the movie's ability to capture true gender role
socialization. Similarly, Sarah feels that the superwoman
role Bemadine fulfilled was true to life. Sarah, who
experienced divorce shortly after the movie was released,
feels she can relate to the character's tensions of trying to
balance career, family, and pursuit of self-identity.
Although the image of mammy was not blatant, stereotypic
gender roles are present in the movie. Joyce captured this
realism by stating that while viewing the movie, "you were
actually able to visualize the woman who was there" (p.
10, 2). In other words, the characters are believable despite
their character flaws and ascriptions to some gender role
and stereotype expectations.
The gender roles of the sacrificing spiritual presence,
superwoman, mother, caregiver, and career woman are
displayed in Gloria who is willing to sacrifice a romantic
relationship with a man as a means for preserving her
mother/son relationship. In regards to her total
commitment to this relationship, Sonya observes that, as
women, "your children do come first, you know, and her'
own interests were not supposed to be at the forefront of
anything. And she was supposed to be the little mama
taking care of hair because that's the other thing we're
supposed to do" (p. 10, lines 30-31). Joyce notes that this
character has depth and range, yet attempts to find
satisfaction by having a relationship with her son's father.
Conversely, the same role that her ex-husband does not
find attractive is what Joyce feels attracts Gregory Hines'
character to her (superwoman). Trisha's observation that
Gloria's being overweight contributes to the mammy
image connotes the difficulty with such portrayals that lie
between reality and socially constructed stereotypes.
Another character who perpetuates a stereotype
unique to African American women was Robin Stokes, the
promiscuous professional looking for love in all the wrong
places. Trisha and Carla observe the Jezebel stereotype in
Robin and Savannah, as they are portrayed as having
multiple sex partners.
I was a little disappointed. To me, it was women
jumping in bed all the time, and I don't think, I
guess I don't know, if Forest Whitaker tried to
portray that. You know, they got a man and just
jumped in bed - I think sometimes that is how
society thinks of [Black] women, as if we are
prostituting ourselves. It is just a sexual thing, and
I do believe that is how some guys see [Black]
women. (Carla, p. 12, lines 31-35)
I think that was a bit extreme, because of the
amount of sexual activity. Granted I am but 24,
but even the women in that age group, you know,
don't really [mature] into [womanhood]. Even in
that age group that are that active sexually, that
was a little extreme (Trisha, p. 12, 43-46)
As their opinions illustrate, the characters are
socialized and conditioned to be relationship focused, even
at the risk of numerous brief sexual encounters not leading
to long lasting relationships. The need for validation from
men is very apparent, as three of the participants indicates,
which may have been achieved through their sexual
excursions. Although sexual identity is a natural part of the
lives of some, such depictions of African American
women may perpetuate the Jezebel stereotype. Trisha's
statement reflects this dissonance by addressing the
realism and stereotypes associated with sexual identity and
African American women. She also says that, "for the
characters who were professional women [Robin and
Savannah], it all went back to a focus of what happened in
the bedroom."
The last character. Savannah (Whitney Houston), is a
professional woman who was involved in an adulterous
affair with an old, married boyfriend. At the urging of her
mother who says "Savannah, you say you want these
things, well, if you do, then you better do this and you
better do it like this, or, you know, it's not going to be
fulfilled," Savannah pursues the relationship. In the end
she is dissatisfied with this "half relationship" and breaks it
off, as she is resigned to her professional life without a
romantic relationship. Although her sexuality may have
perpetuated the stereotype of the Jezebel, Savannah is
perceived as the only character to challenge those gender
and race stereotypes.
I often find myself relating very well to her
character. A woman who has it all, but she's
nothing until she has a man. I mean, she had a
career, still taking care of mother from afar off
and it hurt her when her mom needed something
and didn't contact her, but in spite of all of that
and her having everything and being supposedly
'together,' you know, she's high-powered in her
career, very articulate, gorgeous Black woman,
she had to have that man. And, although she knew
that he was married and, you know, willing to
mess around, she was willing to love him in order
to be loved. (Sonya)
In the end, Sonya says that Savannah's attitude about
the desire to be loved is "To hell with him and let me get
my own thing going on over here." The character
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 17
development near the end of the film does not capture this
sentiment entirely, but the participants do observe this
evolution with Savannah in the long run. It is also noted
that Gloria, the only character with a relationship at the
movie's end, appears to display great strength that is not
fully developed on screen. Her willingness to let her son
travel around the world gives her the freedom she needs to
pursue her romantic relationship. It must also be noted that
the relationship development for Gloria is more
pronounced than the others, which may be due to the role
of sex in adult relationships. For those characters involved
in casual or non-committal sex, the relationship is less
likely to develop into a commitment between them and
their partner.
When asked if the characters' experiences were
representative of their own, participants agree that they are
provided examples of this cinematic realism. The single
and dating participants share that there are great
frustrations with being a 199O's woman juggling career,
family, and marriage expectations with personal goals.
One divorcee says that her desire to pursue tenure
challenged her gender role as a wife, which ultimately led
to the mutual decision to divorce. While her career was not
the impetus, Sarah is sure to make it clear that her exhusband's traditional gender role expectations were what
ultimately caused their relationship to dissolve.
The following comments demonstrate this pronounced
realism and duality experienced by the participants in this
study:
I think for me, it was really my fear that that was
real life and that that would be my future. Because
I saw aspects of myself or potential for myself in
all of them, so then it became real for me.
Whether or not that's an actual thing or actual
people, I hope not. But I know that those could be
real-life situations. But the response is...but that,
for me, was the biggest thing, like "God, please I
don't want to let that happen." (Joyce)
I think they were a good depiction in a certain
degree. When I speak to other women or other
women in my age group, it's always necessary to
have a man or to get a man because there is
nothing else that can fulfill you, not your children
or whatever, always that. In that sense, the urgings
for someone else to be in your life was accurately
depicted in the movie. (Sonya)
I'm disappointed, but I have to say yes. I really
do. Yes, to both questions. I think the, uhh,
socialization has caused us to buy into that is who
we are. That we have to be nurturers — if we are
not nurturers, something's wrong with us. If we do
not have a man in our lives, or our partner, nope,
man. Still, society has not accepted same-sex
relationships. So, if we don't have a man in our
lives, then something's wrong with us, no matter
what else you have. If you've not been able to
Women and Language, Volume XXI, No. 2, Page 18
take care of the family component, then you're not
really a woman. You can be a lot of other
things...but you're not a woman unless you have
that component in your life. (Sonya)
Oh, yeah. We used to have that conversation it
seems like all the time at Spelman, like how do
you do that? How do you kind of break away
from that if you want to, so that you can be happy
and fulfilled. And in graduate school, since being
here, it's kind of moving towards "Look, the
clock is tickin' . Time is kind of mnning out," so,
you gotta do what you gotta do, you know what I
mean, to kind of create that. So, in undergrad, it
was kind of, how can we subvert...how can we
change this image. And now, it's kind of like,
"The clock is ticking, time's almost up." And the
biggest mmor that you kind of hear in grad school
is that, if you're not married by the time you're
out of the Ph.D program, you're not going to be.
It's just over, you know what I mean. And I think
you have a greater chance of a bomb being
dropped on you...just that kind of stuff. (Joyce)
Conclusion
As the analyses of the visual images of the characters
in the movie Waiting to Exhale indicate. Black feminist
thought is an appropriate framework for exploring the
gender role socialization of African American professional
women in the 199O's. Cultural critic bell hooks provides a
bridge between pedagogy and theory allowing for critical
thought about ideas and experiences unique to the African
American woman (hooks, i996). Modes of expression for
African American women that have allowed their
'experiences to reach the masses are books, movies, and
print media (Collins, 1996b). Because dominant discourse
excludes diverse conceptual frameworks from being
explored in most social scientific research, such scholars as
Hill Collins (1996a; 1996b; 1993; 1990; 1989a; 1989b),
Higginbotham (1992), hooks (1996; 1995; 1993; 1991),
and Phillips and McCaskill (1995) greatly contribute to the
development and promotion of Black feminist thought. As
previously noted, this standpoint allows the oral tradition
of African American women who were not college
educated yet exceptionally intelligent to share their
experiences and critical thoughts that were so often
invalidated and ignored.
For the purpose of this study. Black feminist thought
is a framework allowing transformative knowledge of
marginalized African American women to be accessible to
others. The movie Waiting to Exhale, a visual text
portraying life for professional African American women
in the 199O's, allows Black feminist thought to serve as a
medium through which marginalized voices can be heard.
By orally sharing their perceptions of the movie's accuracy
in presenting images of gender role socialization and
associated challenges, the female African American
interviewees were able to share their complex identities
while affirming sisterhood and solidarity through gender
and race perspectives. As the participants' analyses of the
characters and personal experiences indicate, gender role
expectations and stereotypes perpetuated by societal
members have an adverse effect on women challenging
normative behaviors, particularly African American
women. Although attempts are made to fulfill gender role
expectations communicated through family, friends, and
social relationships, these women experience great
difficulty when these tensions are present. The
participants' evaluations of the eight gender roles and
those roles present Waiting to Exhale are indicative of the
great impact gender role socialization has had in both
mainstream culture and the African American community.
Furthermore, their own experiences capture the essence of
gender role confiict as professional women still exposed to
media and others promoting traditional gender role
expectations.
the movie that further illustrates the significance of Black
feminist thought is that it was directed by an African
American male instead of a female. As previously
mentioned. Spike Lee and Steven Spielberg attempted to
present African American women and their experiences in
the cinema (Peacock, 1991), but failed to do so. It is only
assumed that their status of "other" (i.e. male) limited their
abilities to capture Black feminist standpoint critical to
certain characters in their respective movies. Although
author Terry McMillan wrote the screenplay for Waiting to
Exhale, it is plausible that African American male director
Forest Whitaker inadvertently distorted the images and
experiences of African American women for similar
reasons (i.e. dominant sexual identity of characters).
Therefore, future efforts to shift the present cinematic
paradigm to include Black feminist thought in the
production and analysis of movies is critical to the goal of
attaining cinematic equality.
Ascription to varying standpoints such as Black
feminist thought can only contribute to increased
knowledge of marginalized experiences and voices
neglected in dominant discourse as well as cinema. It is
only logical that Black feminist thought be used to explore
the African American woman's experience with gender
role socialization and stereotyping in other movies beyond
Waiting to Exhale. It is only through this extrapolation that
research and theory can license marginalized groups to
engage in critical thought (hooks, 1996). Use of oral
tradition as a means for communicating one's knowledge
and lived experiences as "both/or" (King, 1988) is the
most commonly used investigative tool of inquiry into
Black feminist thought. As Higginbotham states, racism
discourse in the media reifies or perpetuates the stereotype
of sexuality, among others, for African Americans (1992),
therefore, it is the responsibility of African American
filmmakers to challenge many longstanding stereotypes
held by Anglo-Americans (Gibson-Hudson, 1994).
The African American woman has been presented in
the media as one dimensional and the product of a
patriarchal society (Gibson-Hudson, 1994); as the findings
of this study indicate, she is multi-dimensional and unique,
despite past efforts to uphold negative characteristics and
qualities she is believed to possess. Because social science
research has done little to include Black critical thought in
dominant discourse, it is the goal of this study to explore
such a standpoint as a means for understanding those
experiences ignored or invalidated in the past. By using the
critical culture approach espoused by hooks, this study
attempts to give critical thought to a visual text to provide
voice for marginalized African American women.
When asked if they would like to see more movies in
the future that explore lived experiences from the Black
female's standpoint, all the participants voiced interest in
shifting the cinematic paradigm to include their lived
experiences. While some wanted to see more character
development regarding their decisions to either remain
single, be a single-parent, or become romantically
involved, others wanted more elaboration on the
experiences of the men in the movie. One concem about
Finally, the following quote from one of the
participants fully captures the significance of Waiting to
Exhale in reaching the masses through the voices of
African American women:
I think it's such a powerful movie, in that it
moved so many women, brought so many women
together in discussion groups, you know, just
everything that happens. So, definitely, there is a
need and want for that. Because it really made
women question...their own identity. I heard a lot
of women, friends, say 'Well, which one are you?
Which one, you know, do you find yourself most
like?' So, I think [movies should focus] definitely
[on] things that explore who we are in this whole
myth of what we have to be...
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Dr. Tina M. Harris is Assistant Professor of Speech
Communication at the University of Georgia, Patricia Hill is in the
Department of Interpersonal Communication at Cleveland State
University and is completing her Ph.D. at Bowling Green University.