Sayil Research Summary - Wired Humanities Projects, University of

Sayil Research Summary with Photographs
by Lorna Huff, [email protected]
The ancient Maya city of Sayil is located in a narrow valley that runs north and south
within a thick cluster of ancient settlements in the Puuc hill region of the northern
Yucatan lowlands. The neighbouring site of Kabah is located north of Sayil, Labna in the
east, Kiuic is southeast, and Chac lies to the south. This area has a long history of human
settlement extending back to the last Ice Age. Ceramic research at the site of Kiuic shows
that it was occupied 900-800 B.C. (Bey 2008). The Loltun Caves, in the Puuc region
northeast of Sayil, were used by Ice Age peoples as an animal butchery during the
Paleoindian Period of Mesoamerican history (c 22,000-6,000 b.c.) while a bas –relief
carving at Loltun shows a much later Pre-Classic Maya date (Hixson MPA).
Roys comments that Uxmal was the only place “ southwest of the puuc, or “low
mountain range” visited in the first migration narrative described in Chapter II of the
Chilam Balam of Chumayel although the region was densely populated by several urban
centers including “ Sayi ”. Roys speculates that the Xius must have come through this
region when they settled in Uxmal (fn 77:2). In Chapter V of the Chumayel, “Zeye” is
listed as one of the ancient towns, along with Uxmal and Kabah, that was depopulated
prior to the arrival of the Spanish. The farmers of Ticul insist the nearby Zayi ruins are
correctly called “ Zeye ” (fn 82:3). (Roys indicates that Zayi is located northeast of
Acanceh however it is southwest). Early explorer John Lloyd Stephens refers to “Salli”
as another name for Zayi.
Extensive survey research was conducted at Sayil in a project led by Jeremy Sabloff and
Gair Tortellot in the mid-1980s. They found that the residential settlement of Sayil covers
4.5 kms (sq) and extends only slightly beyond the valley margins except for two lobes in
the southeast and southwest corners which extend more than a kilometre and are also
clearly delineated. They documented 2, 500 archaeological features ranging from piles of
cobbles to three-story buildings. They described the site core containing the North Palace
(El Palacio), The Lookout (El Mirador) complex, South Palace, ball court, and other
sculptured and multi-storied buildings. An elevated causeway runs southwards from the
North Palace to the South Palace and ball court on the southern tip of the central zone
(Sabloff and Tourtellot 1992). It appears that evidence of Sayil being joined to other
Puuc sites via a limestone road (sacbe) such as the one that connects Kabah to Uxmal has
not yet been uncovered. (GIS least effort path models have been speculated for the
Bolonchen district of the Puuc region by Ringle et al 2003).
It is not clear what relationship Sayil had with other Puuc centers during the time of their
Terminal period florescence (A.D. 700-1050/1100 in the northern lowlands according to
Rice, Demarest, and Rice 2004), nor during previous and subsequent time periods. Their
affiliation to each other is most clearly demonstrated in their similar Puuc style
architecture. Uxmal, the largest of the Puuc cities, was likely the centre of regional
control during their florescent period (Drew 1999: 366). The small amount of
decipherable epigraphic text remaining on the Sayil monuments makes it difficult to
determine dates, names, and political affiliations.
Scholars have suggested that there was a significant if relatively brief period of cultural
and chronological overlap between the Terminal Classic Puuc sites and the powerful city
of Chichen Itza though they posses distinct styles of architecture, that is, “Puuc-Maya” vs
“Toltec-Maya” (Kowalski et al 1996). A Toltec style round Caracol structure at Chichen
Itza is thought to have influenced the same style at Uxmal with the construction and use
of the “Uxmal Round Structure”, possibly for ritual purposes, during the late-ninth to
late-tenth centuries due to a political-military alliance between the two major cities.
Uxmal is the only site with a known round structure (Kowalski et al 1996). Schele and
Mathews note that all of the hieroglyphic dates at Chichen Itza and Uxmal fall before
A.D. 909 and they were both major capitals for about another 100 years before their
decline. Dates documented on Puuc style structures at Chichen Itza indicate they were
built between A.D 700 -1,000 (Schele and Mathews 1998 :199). Common Puuc style
architectural elements at Sayil and Chichen Itza show that they were also probably
contemporaneous for a period of time. Elaborate mask and geometric façade designs are
evident in the Las Monjas complex in the southern zone of Chichen Itza. Puuc style
corner masks and rounded columns are apparent on the Temple of the Warriers in the
northern sector of the site as well. Extensive use of colonnettes is not nearly as prominent
on the Puuc structures at Chichen Itza and Uxmal as it is at Sayil and Kiuic.
Smyth’s research at Chac (II) reveals that it was a thriving community that emerged in
the Early Classic period, grew and flourished in the Middle and Late Classic periods (A.
D. 500 - 800), and then appears to have been depopulated at the onset of the Terminal
Classic as settlement patterns shifted to nearby Sayil. Smyth documents a central
Mexican influence at Chac evidenced by Teotihuacan style burial offerings and mortuary
practices suggesting a residential presence of a group of long-distance traders or
merchants from Central Mexico during the early to middle Classic period (Smyth 2000).
Ceramic data from the site of Gruta de Chac (I) located a few kilometres from Sayil
indicates it was probably a highly sacred place for the inhabitants of Northern Yucatan
beginning in the Early Classic period, and may have also been a pilgrimage site (Smyth
2000). Gruta de Chac is the closest permanent source of water to Sayil (although difficult
to access since the spring is located deep underground and is described by John Lloyd
Stephens, after his long arduous descent to reach it, as a meagre “basin of water”). Due
to the lack of surface water in the vicinity, such as sinkholes and cenotes, artificially
constructed underground chultuns were in use at Kiuic beginning in the 4th century
(Smyth 2000), and were later used extensively at Sayil to collect rainwater during the
lengthy dry season (Sabloff and Tourtellot 1992). The large number of chultuns recorded
at Sayil indicates a population of 10,000 people within the urban core and another 7,000
in the surrounding area by the ninth century (Drew 1999:365).
The spacious three-tiered North Palace seen in the following photograph is located on a
rise at the north end of the central urban zone of Sayil:
http://whp.uoregon.edu/DigitalCahuleu/Galleries/Huff/elpala.html
The remainder of a wide central staircase ascends from the ground to the third terrace.
On the west side of the first level are vaulted rooms with multiple and single doorways
and columns forming a partial colonnade. Unfortunately, this portion of the first level is
in poor condition and the decorative features are not readily discernible. The east side of
the first level consists of several doorways with a facade clearly decorated with a
continuous frieze of colonnettes. The architectural design resembles Early Puuc
Colonnette 1 style documented at Kiuic (Ringle 2005: fig 22).
The second story boasts an impressive colonnade with an entablature consisting of bold
mosaic masks set between rows of colonnettes:
http://whp.uoregon.edu/DigitalCahuleu/Galleries/Huff/elpala2.html
Internal staircases lead from second level rooms to the third story terrace. This level also
resembles Early Puuc architecture previously documented at Kiuic (Ringle 2005: fig 18).
In his exploration of the North Palace, Stephens noted ten rooms on the north side of the
second tier in a large space called the Casa Cerrada, or closed house, which are
completely filled with stone and mortar. He hypothesised that the solid mass in these
rooms might have been necessary to stabilize the terrace and building above since they
appeared to have been filled in at the same time that the upper level was being
constructed, as evidenced by the filling-in rising above the doorway tops. It seems likely
that the third floor was built after the second rooms had been in use for some duration. It
would be interesting to know if the filling – in was actually required to achieve upper
level stability or if the rooms were filled for other purposes at the onset of the upper level
construction.
The third level structure appears akin to the function of the east side of the first tier with
single doorways leading to small rooms that may have served residential purposes (INAH
plaque on site). Stephens described the entablature as “plain” however there are outlines
of decorative features, including rows of colonnettes, that were removed or destroyed.
Tenons still protrude from the walls evidencing this (see Schele photo # 101075).
The close-up view in this photograph is of the diving figure on the second level façade:
http://whp.uoregon.edu/DigitalCahuleu/Galleries/Huff/elpalaDF.html
It can be supplemented by Schele’s photo #s 101067, 101069 and 101071 which show
wide perspectives of the North Palace façade with three alternating mask motifs: a Puuc
style long- lipped (Chak) corner mask (Schele and Mathews 1998 ; Boot 2004), a fanged
mask similar to Rio Bec and Chenes styles, and a zoomorphic diving figure ‘mask’. The
diving figure mask motif reveals a mix of seemingly disparate and segmented features
consisting of a distinctly phallus-shaped ‘torso’ with human legs displayed frog-like (i.e.
bowed) and feet braced on the inner upper ledge of the second story. Traces of red
(cinnabar?) paint are evident. In sharp geometrical contrast to the descending column-like
(phallic) torso are square blocks containing ‘eye’ holes, and a protruding nose or snout
which is broken off. The diving sculpture is flanked on each side by large square shapes
with curved elements on the corners giving the impression of a large set of ‘owl eyes’ or
‘goggles’. What appear to be fish tails are attached to curved segments that comprise the
serpent (?) bodies which terminate in stylized serpent heads, with open fanged jaws,
facing east and west (see Kerr photo # 8839J). Amongst several other decorative
elements each head displays a round disc insignia that is similar (minus the subfix) to the
flower design itz hieroglyphs on the Nunnery Quadrangle at Uxmal as described by
Schele and Mathews (1998: 265; fig 7.10). The entire design is above a single doorway
flanked by a row of four bonded columns that appear as a mouth-like extension of the
mask.
The diving figure appears during Classic and Post Classic periods in various guises.
According to Taube, the diving god is a manifestation of God E who is the Maya
counterpart of the central Mexican god of maize, Centeotl. The diving god is evident at
Late Post-Classic sites such as Mayapan and Tulum and in the Dresden and Madrid
Codices and was first identified as the “bee god” by Roys (Taube1992: 41- 43; fig 18).
In his ethnographic study, Aquilera draws a parallel between the cross of contemporary
Yucatan and Quintana Roo and that of a diving Chak figure depiction in the Dresden
Codex. The cross is described by Aquilera’s local shaman informants as a conduit for the
transmission of petitions to chak’oob “…which are said to be ‘grasped’ and brought
‘diving’ down through an aperture of the vault….” in a similar fashion as the Chak
figure holding a ceramic vessel from which emerges a cross-like foliated Axis Mundi
(Aquilera 2002: fig.18).
A similar Classic period presentation of a diving figure can be viewed in the descending
jaguar seen on Kerr vase 2942. In his article “ The Transformation of Xbalanque or The
Many Faces of God A”, Kerr states that the “Jaguar in flames” seen on this vase is not a
distinct character but one of the many transformations of the Popol Vuh’s Hero Twin,
Yax Balam (Xbalanque) (Kerr 2003: fig 15). The Sayil diving god then might also
signify a version of Yax Balam. The flames may also be representative of corn plant
foliage or husks, an association that seems plausible in view of the proposed connection
to the maize god as noted by Taube (1992).
A winged God K appears at Sayil where he is seen with a serpent leg and smoking mirror
on a lintel from Structure 4B1 (Taube 1992: fig. 34a). In the Terminal Classic art works
of Yucatan, God K is often shown with wings and appears in the upper portions of
architectural settings therefore alluding to the sky and their celestial quality. Winged God
K figures are found on Puuc and Chenes capstones, and at other places, including Flores,
Guatemala (Taube, 1992: fig. 34d). Milbrath notes that God K can be identified as the
sky god called Bolon Dzacab in Colonial period sources, an identification first proposed
by Eduard Seler at the turn of the century. God K appears in depictions as Classic period
GII of the Palenque Triad with his mythological birth recorded on the Temple of the
Foliated Cross. There appears to a strong association with significant events of the planet
Jupiter and depicted imagery (eg. manikin sceptors, double-headed serpents) related to
God K in the lives of Classic Maya rulers. In Terminal and Postclassic times the Mexican
god Tezcatlipoca and God K share an association with mirrors and serpents as shown at
Chichen Itza and Sayil (Milbrath 1999: 227-239).
Tatiana Proskouriakoff reviewed the Sayil stelae in her work “ A Study of Classic Maya
Sculpture” published in 1950. According to Proskouriakoff, Stelae 3 and 5 show
characteristics of the “decadent” style of Terminal Classic monumental art characterized
by Classic motifs (eg. manikin scepture on Stela 5) while others, such as Stela 9, a
bluntly sculpted figure with an exaggerated phallus, shows an alternate style being
focused on the subject rather than geometric patterns. She considered Stela 3 to be an
example of “extreme decadence” evidenced by a “ freely conceived and roughly
executed” technique with a Classic rope motif border also seen on Stela 5.
Proskouriakoff noted that the pointed form of Stela 1 at nearby Keuic (Kiuic) suggests it
is contemporary with or later than the monuments of Sayil. She indicates that Stela 6
might show a date of katun 9.19.0.0.0 (9 Ahau ; A.D. 810) Schele and Mathews note that
a monument was dedicated at Sayil in katun 10.3.0.0.0 (1 Ajaw; A.D.889) near the end of
the Terminal Classic period (Schele and Mathews 1998: 59).
Phallic sculptures are frequent at Puuc sites such as Uxmal, and at Chichen Itza, and
seem to suggest supreme fertility in regards to ruling class lineage heads. Krochock
argues that the penis epigraphic icon ton functions as a symbol or name for an important
founding lineage at Chichen Itza (Krochock 2002). In her survey of phallic imagery of
the Puuc region, Amrhein states that by marking sanctified sacred ritual space with overt
phallic images they served as public symbols to secure and legitimise the authority of the
ruling elite during the drastic changes that took place during the Terminal Classic period
(Amrhein 2003). Phallic imagery was taken to a ‘popular’ level of visibility perhaps
reinforcing a sense of kinship to counterbalance destabilising forces.
The structure shown in the photograph below is known as the “Temple of the
Hieroglyphic Doorway” and is located in the south group section of the central urban
zone near the Mirador pyramid:
http://whp.uoregon.edu/DigitalCahuleu/Galleries/Huff/southgs.html
(See also Ryne’s photograph collection showing various perspectives of this building).
A row of seven hieroglyph blocks carved in broad deep lines is evident on a doorway
lintel. Hieroglyphs also extend down each side of the entrance however they are obscured
by rubble. This building is identified as of Late Puuc architectural style and the meaning
of the glyphs as not yet adequately understood (INAH plaque on site). It is not clear what
allows for the designation of this building as a “temple”.
The second block of glyphs above the doorway is quite discernible and its’ main sign
resembles the hieroglyph T561 chan/ka’an possibly translating as “sky” or “captor”,
possibly also represented homophonously as kan “four” and “snake.” In her essay, Pure
Language and Lapidary Prose, Coggins discusses the multiple forms and punning
complexity of the sound-alike words kan, k’an, k’aan, and ka’an that are found in the text
on Stela A at Copan. Coggins refers to the Venus serpent known as K’uk’ulkan in
Yucatecan who figures prominently at Chichen Itza. At Chichen Itza and Copan
homonyms and puns on the word kan are figured in inscriptions as words and images
(Coggins 1992). In this case, at Sayil, the main sign quite resembles a frontal view of an
open mouth of a pit viper snake. (This seemingly unique form containing a small hole on
each side of the top half is similar to the superfix sign in the emblem glyph for Dos Pilas
- see Calvin, p.44). There is a large, partly eroded prefix attached to the ka’an or kan
glyph that might be the T4 na sign referring to “house” and perhaps also “first”. The
glyph block that proceeds the ka’an/kan glyph appears similar to the T126.552:23 ya-tana sign translating as “ the wife” or spouse. The third hieroglyph block following
ka’an/kan consists of a prefix that resembles the T12 a/AJ “he of”, and a main sign
cartouche divided into “four quarters” (Gates 1931:141; fig.310), in this case with four
visible ‘dots’, one in each quarter. Thus, the first three hieroglyph blocks above the door
(from the left upper corner) might go something like: ‘ The wife or spouse (of) first/house
sky (and/or captor) /four/snake, he of four quarters….’ ??
This structure is situated near an enclosed cluster of linear buildings within the El
Mirador Complex and might have functioned as an administrator’s office and/or a
residence for the possible adjacent marketplace area that Sabloff and Tourtellot have
proposed (1992). Recent soil analyses conducted by Terry and Dahlin’s team at
Chunchucmil in western Campache indicates an ancient marketplace economy as
evidenced by high concentrations of phosphorous that originate from the decomposition
of organic matter such as food stuffs (Science Daily, Dec/2007). It would be interesting
to know if this type of soil study in the open area at Sayil has been done and if it would
show similar results. West notes ceramic evidence documented by Smyth and Dore
(1992) indicates that ceramic manufacturing activity took place adjacent to the proposed
marketplace area although it is not known if the production was meant for internal or
external aims (West 2002: 179).
The following photographs show front and rear views of the “ The Lookout”:
http://whp.uoregon.edu/DigitalCahuleu/Galleries/Huff/elmira.html
http://whp.uoregon.edu/DigitalCahuleu/Galleries/Huff/elmirar.html
On his first view of the El Mirador pyramid from the top of the “Casa Grande” (North
Palace) John Lloyd Stephens writes: “ It stands on a terrace, and may be considered two
separate structures, one above the other. The lower one resembled all the rest. In the
centre was an archway running through the building. The front is fallen and the whole so
ruined that nothing but the archway appears. Along the middle of the roof, unsupported,
rises a perpendicular wall to the height of thirty feet. It is of stone, about two feet thick,
and has oblong openings through it, like small windows. It had been covered with stucco,
which had fallen off, and left a face of rough stone and mortar. On the other side were
fragments of stuccoed figures and ornaments. Since we had began our exploration of
American ruins, we had not met with anything more inexplicable that this great
perpendicular wall. I seemed built merely to puzzle posterity (Stephens 1843:142-144).”
Massive, elaborately decorated roof combs are seen on Classic period structures at
Palenque, Tikal, and Copan. Northern Yucatan roof combs are built in the tradition of
Peten style, distinguished by the preponderance of their immense weight and their
alignment along the central axis of the building (Schele and Mathews 1998: 33 ; fig1.9).
“Lofty” roof combs were documented in 1928 by early explorer, Thomas Gann, at
Dzibanche (that he had first named “Tzibanche”) in southeast Quintana Roo. The roof
comb that Gann found in best condition was on Temple 6 which he estimated to comprise
approximately one-fourth (25 ft.) of the total height of the 102 ft. building from base to
the top of the roof comb. (It appears that it has shrunk considerably since Gann first
measured it). At Edzna, in southwest Campeche, a still magnificent tall roof comb adorns
the Temple of the Five Stories.
Closer to Sayil, roof combs are seen on the Puuc style structures at Chichen Itza (eg. Las
Monjas, La Iglesia), and at Uxmal on the Dovecote House (see Perez de Lara photos).
The El Mirador structure at Labna is very similar in size and style to the El Mirador of
Sayil. Their temples sit high on top of pyramidal shaped foundations. Both possess
narrow vaulted rooms and soaring roof combs with “oblong openings” or vertical slots.
Both were decorated with elaborate stucco figures, fastened on with tenons, some of
which are still evident, particularly on the Labna structure. Stephens and Catherwood
encountered a building at Sacbacche, northeast of Sayil, with a tall decorative roof comb.
It consists of four cornices supported by pilasters forming vertical slots similar to the
oblong openings on the roof combs at Labna and Sayil. The roof comb at Sacbacche
however is decorated with panels of latticework design set between the pilasters on the
top two layers as seen in Catherwood’s 1841 drawing and Thompson’s 1890 photo of this
pleasing structure (Ackerman 1996: figs. 47, 48).
Roof combs, or “crestarias”, displayed motifs chosen specifically for their respective
buildings in an iconography understood by everyone, according to Grant Griffin (1978).
They displayed a building’s allegiance much like an emblem glyph does. They were tall
enough to be seen from a distance and may have served as a beacon for public events, as
a territorial marker, and as a lookout tower.
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