Youth Cultural Production in Rural China

University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education
Drinking Games, Karaoke Songs, and "Yangge" Dances: Youth Cultural Production in Rural
China
Author(s): Adam Yuet Chau
Source: Ethnology, Vol. 45, No. 2 (Spring, 2006), pp. 161-172
Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education
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DRINKINGGAMES,KARAOKESONGS,
AND YANGGEDANCES:YOUTHCULTURAL
PRODUCTIONIN RURALCHINA'
AdamYuetChau
Universityof London
This article examinesthe differentways youth in rural Shaanbei,northcentral
China participatein culturalproduction.It exploresthe media through which
young people express themselvesand the roles that social institutions(temples,
schools, villages, households),modern technologies(video compactdiscs), and
translocal/transnational
massmedia(satelliteandcableTV)playin enablingyouth
to asserttheir presenceas culturalbeingsand producers.Shaanbeiyouthdo not
choose between modernforms of entertainment(karaokesongs) or traditional
forms(playingdrinkinggames),or betweeninstitutionallyorganizedactivitiesand
those self-initiated to express themselves. (Rural Chinese youth, cultural
production,templefestivals,drinkinggames)
have a long-standinginterestin studyingthe socializationof
Anthropologists
childrenandprocessesof enculturation
cross-culturally,
yet youthculturehas
remained
the
of
and
largely
preserve sociologists specialistsof popularculture.
Thestudyof Westernyouthculturehas its rootsin studiesof youthsocialand
culturalmovementsin the 1960sand 1970s:the Hippies,the anti-warprotests,
Punks,Beatlesfans,etc. (HallandJefferson1976;Hebdige1979;Skeltonand
Valentine1998). Youthculturein the West seemsto be predicatedon a selfconscious,relativelycoherentset of mentalattitudesandbehavioralpatterns,
oftendubbedsubcultural
characteristics
orcounter-cultural.
Themostimportant
of Westernurbanyouthculturearethedegreeof expressivity(e.g., It's"loud"!)
in termsof music,fashion,hairstyle,andmanners,andtheeffortto counterwhat
is perceivedto be adultstiffnessandconservatism.
Thoughhavingoriginatedin
the West,analyticalapproachesfor studyingWesternurbanyouthmovements
seemto be easilytransferable
to theChineseurbancontext,withtheMayFourth
Movementandsubsequentstudentcultureasprimeexamplesof a self-conscious
Chineseurbanyouthculture.In recentyears,the importof rock'n' roll, disco,
andexpandedanurbanyouthstyle
hiphop,andravepartiesfurtherconsolidated
distinctfromadultandotherculturalproductions
(Farrer2002;Moore2005).2
OnemightthinkthatbecauseruralChinais portrayed
in the mediaas being
in
cultural
its
impoverished things
(wenhuapinkun),3 youthlacktheopportunity
to haveor produceculture.Butthisdependson wherein ruralChinaone looks.
In certainpartsof ruralChina,some formsof metropolitan
youthcultureare
ruralareas,especially
emergingsinceurbanculturalformsarerapidlypenetrating
161
ETHNOLOGY
vol. 45 no.2,Spring2006,pp. 161-172.
c/o Department
of Anthropology,
TheUniversity
ETHNOLOGY,
of Pittsburgh,
PA 15260USA
Pittsburgh
Allrightsreserved.
Copyright
O 2007TheUniversityof Pittsburgh.
162
ETHNOLOGY
of largecities.Ina villageneara majorurban
alongthecoastandtheperipheries
center(Heilongjiangin northeastern
China),Yan (1999) foundthe local rural
youthculturelargelyderivativeof urbanpopularculturein termsof tasteand
activities(e.g., billiards,musiccassettetapes,printedT-shirts).In Shaanbei,
manyaspectsof youthcultureare also drawnfrommetropolitan
pop culture.
Althoughthemoreeducationa Shaanbeiruralyouthreceivesthemorehe orshe
is alienatedfromvillage cultureandpeasantknowledge,the attractiveness
of
traditional
formsof culturalproduction
persistswithyoungpeople,especiallyin
arestillvibrantand
placeslikeShaanbei,wheresuchformsof culturalproduction
Yan
included
in
consumerism
rural
increased
his
popular. (1999)
study
youth's
andmaterialism,
sex,theassertionof individualrightsand
increasingpremarital
anda tendencyto
resistance
to
independence,
parentsandlocalstateauthorities,
trynew ways of life suchas workingin thecity or traveling.
As the focusof this articleis on youthculturalproduction,otheraspectsof
hererefersto theensembleof
Culturalproduction
youthlife arede-emphasized.
activitiessuch as
mostly expressiveculturalactivities,and not instrumental
includes the
and
culture
also
trade.
agriculture,employment,
Expressive
consumptionof culturalproducts,such as karaokesongs and the necessary
to be thosewho live
accompanying
equipment.Ruralyouthmaybe understood
in villagesandmarkettowns,andwhohaveagricultural
householdregistration
householdregistration
(nongyehukou).Excludedareyouthwithnonagricultural
(feinongyehukou),andthosewho residein theprefecturecapitals(i.e., Yan'an
andYulin)andcountycapitals(xiancheng).Giventhelarge-scaleregionalruralto-urbanmigrationof the pasttwo decades,manyruralyouthhave foundtheir
way to Shaanbei'surbanareasorevenbeyondShaanbeias temporaryworkers.
Thereare also manywho go to secondaryschool in urbanareasandthusare
temporaryurbanresidents,but are includedin this study as they still hold
agriculturalhouseholdregistration.(These almost invariablyreturnto their
villagesduringwinterandsummervacations,or morefrequently.)
THREEPATHSTOADULTHOOD
Shaanbeiyouthfacethreepathsof socializationintoadulthood.Whichpath
one takes has immense implicationsfor the individual'slife orientation,
worldview,andthe rolehe or she playsin youthculturalproduction.
Of the threepathsof socializationinto adulthood,the most commonis to
learnhowto farmandbecomea peasant.Mostyoungmenandwomenbeginfulltimefarmingafterhavingcompletedprimaryschoolorjuniorhighschool.Since
Shaanbeipeoplereferto farmingasshouku(bearinghardshiporburden),it is the
least desired.The overwhelmingmajorityof Shaanbeiyouthtake this path,
YOUTHCULTUREIN RURALCHINA 163
especiallythose living in remotevillagesfarremovedfromtownsandcounty
capitals.Theirworldviewoverlapswiththatof theirelders.Someof themmight
life inthevillage,butmostsimplyareresigned
enjoythehardbutuncomplicated
to acceptingwhatfatehasallottedthem.Whilemoreandmoreruralmencannot
affordto marryas the bridepricehas skyrocketed,
youngwomenmightbe able
to improvetheirlives by marryingandmovingout of remotevillagesintothe
towns.Theseruralyouthmightbe functionallyliteratethanksto a few yearsof
formalschooling,andtheymighthavedevelopeda tasteforurbanculturalforms
suchas karaokeandpopmusic,buttheirlife orientationis towardstheirvillage
andagricultural
production.
Thesecondpathto adulthoodis to avoidfarmingandrunone'sownbusiness,
or workat jobs such as in restaurants,
stores,and inns, or becomea migrant
worker(mingong)or domestichelperin the cities. As the Maoist planned
economyabatedand petty capitalistopportunitiesexpandedin the past two
decades(Gates1996),ruralyouthare increasinglytakingthis path.Shaanbei,
however,is notknownforsendingmigrantworkersto thebig citiesandcoastal
areas,nordo manyof itsyouthhavethecapital,skills,andconnectionsnecessary
to opentheirownbusinesses.Therefore,
mostselltheirlaborto themanyprivate
inns, stores,factories,
enterprisesspringingup all overShaanbei-restaurants,
mechanicshops,and even coal minesandoil drillingcompanies.Manyfarm
slacktimes.
duringfarmingseasonandhirethemselvesout duringagricultural
their
Someworkin businesses(mostlyin the markettowns)ownedby
parents,
and
folk
between
or
somewhere
lies
Their
cultural
taste
relatives, co-villagers.
metropolitan.
Thethirdpathof socializationis to receiveenoughschoolingto be eligible
fora statejob (gongzuo).Graduates
of universitiesandsomevocationalschools
(zhongzhuan)4aretheoretically
eligiblefor statejobs. However,becauseof the
If
lackof statejobs,thegraduates
to findtheirownemployment.
areencouraged
they cannotfind anyjobs, they becomethe "youthwaitingfor employment"
(daiyeqingnian).Becausethewaitis oftenindefinite,somejoin the army,as all
demobilizedsoldiersare eligible for statejobs. Even then, the wait for an
acceptablejob can be long andunnerving.In sum,the statejob pathrequires
academicexcellence,perseverance,
monetaryinvestment,connections,the not
uncommonbribery,anda lot of goodluck.
Theoverwhelming
majorityof youngpeoplewhoget statejobs arerelatives
of thosewho havestatejobs. MostShaanbeiyouthwho set outto get a statejob
do not succeed.The smallpercentageof thosewho do succeedendup working
in governmentoffices,or stateworkunits(danwei)suchas banks,postoffices,
factories,shops,hospitals,mines,tradingcompanies,andschools.Mostof them
in effect leave the village worldandenterthe worldof countyor prefectural
164
ETHNOLOGY
capitals,wheremost of the statejobs are located.If they have switchedtheir
householdregistration
andbecomeurbandwellers,theyarenotincludedasrural
youthin this article.Theseupwardlymobileyoutharemuchmoreexposedto
schoolbasedstateideologicalindoctrination
and
thantheirpeasantcounterparts,
somebecomemembersof theCommunist
andthe
YouthLeague(gongqingtuan)
CommunistParty.Whetherornottheygeta statejob, youthwhospendmuchof
theirformativeyearssocializingwithschoolmatesinurbansettingsadopta more
urban-oriented
worldviewandpartakemuchmorein the consumptionof mass
mediatedyouthculture,suchas HongKongfilmsandpopularmusicon tapesor
VCDs.5
The statusstructureandthe threesocializationpathsmentionedpreviously
arenotnew in China.Theyexistedin lateimperialandRepublicantimesin the
figuresof the peasant,the pettycapitalistor merchant,andthe scholar-official.
Thislong-standing
structure
wasreplacedtemporarily
duringthepeakSocialist
to
Because
the
household
period(1950s early1980s).
systemmade
registration
rural-urban
almostimpossible,ruralyouth
migrationandcareeradvancement
the
andworkin the
during peakSocialistdecadeshadto stayin theirbirthplaces
fields,evenif theywereearningworkpointsandworkingforthecollectiverather
thanfarminglike traditionalpeasants.At thattime,no privateenterpriseswere
allowed,ashiringworkerswouldhavebeenconsidered
exploitativeandcriminal.
Fewruralyouthcouldcompetewithurbanyouthforthemuchsoughtprivileged
in
positionsof stateemployment,especiallybecauseeducationalopportunities
thecountryside
werepoor.Itis necessaryto emphasizethattodayunemployment
is commonfor Shaanbeiruralyouth,especiallyforthosewho still haveofficial
ruralresidencebutwhoseparentshave lost theirlandby havingmovedto the
towns.Manyyoungpeopleare unemployedafterthey graduatefromschool.
Whenaskedwhat they were doingeveryday, a commonresponsewas, "Just
stayingat homedoingnothing"('ialishengzhe).
SITESOF YOUTHACTIVITIES
AND CULTURALPRODUCTION
Thekey factorsaffectingShaanbeiruralyouth'sabilityto engagein cultural
arecommodification,
cash,andmobility.Commodification
production
todayin
Shaanbeiis commonbut far less elaboratethanthatin the cities becausethe
rangeof commoditiesavailablelocally is limited.Most consumergoods in
markettownsareutilitarian;
i.e., food,clothing,kitchenware,
farmingtools,etc.
Shaanbeiyouthhaveto makea longtripto thecountycapitalor theprefectural
cityto buybooks,magazines,musictapes,VCDs,or to go to a dancehall or a
videoparlor.
INRURALCHINA 165
YOUTHCULTURE
As shichanghua
increasedin Chinaduringthe pasttwo
(marketization)
Shaanbei
become
a
Cashisneeded
has
cash-based
decades,
economy.
thoroughly
to buymostthingsotherthanthefoodoneproduces,
buta peasanthousehold's
donotwantto spendmoniestheyneedto save
budgetis tightandmostparents
forwhattheyconsiderpriorities,
suchas thechildren's
weddings.Therefore,
most
unlesstheyortheirparents
arewagelaborers
orpettymerchants
(getihu),
Shaanbeiyouthhave access to far less cash thanthat availableto their
metropolitan
peers.
Travelin Shaanbeiis difficultbecauseof its loess hillsandvalleys,and
fromvillagesto markettowns,countycapitals,andprefectural
transportation
and
citiesis time-consuming
andoftencostly.Theterrainis too demanding
distances
toolongforbicycles.Mostyouthhavetopaytotakea busorminibus,
orhitcha ridefromanadultvillagerona motorcycle
to "goto town."
ortractor
Fewcanaffordto owna motorcycle,
howtoridewill
butthosewhohavelearned
to go
borrowonefromanuncleora friendwhenever
the
have
opportunity
they
forajoy ride.
venues,cash,andthelimitations
Despitetherelativelackof youthcultural
in manyformsof youth
ontheirmobility,Shaanbei
to
youthmanage participate
cultural
activitiesincludeattending
UrbanChineseyouthcultural
production.
orinternet
rockorclassicalmusicconcerts,
karaoke
boxes
to
going
cafes,using
andcaf6s,
in
bars
out
slang,shoutingslogansduringpoliticalprotests,
hanging
etc.
visitingartexhibitionsandculturesalons,goingto themovies, Shaanbei
youthculturalactivitiesincludehangingouton marketdays,goingto temple
indanceanddrumtroupes,
festivals,
songsathome
singingkaraoke
participating
orat
in
restaurants
oratnightmarkets,
about,playingdrinking
games
rambling
etc.Unliketheirurbancompatriots,
Shaanbei
youthdonothavetheir
banquets,
own socialspacesbutmustsharedifferentkindsof space,suchas temple
orbanquets,
withpeopleof allagesandtryto usethesesites
markets,
grounds,
fromtheothers.Theseconstraints
haveforcedthemto makedowith
differently
whatareavailable
to havefun(honghuo;
lit.,redandfiery).
TheVillageandthePeasantHousehold
Collectivelife underthe communesduringthepeakSocialistperiodwas an
importantlocus where youth culturewas producedwith groupsinging and
dancing,propaganda
troupes,politicalstudysessions,militiatraining,women's
groupactivities,etc. (Blake 1979;Yan 1999).For a while, the field andthe
threshinggroundwere importantsites of youthactivitieswhereperformances
werestaged,the sexes mixed,andrevolutionary
fervoraroused.Buteversince
the communes,brigades,andteamswere disbandedin the early 1980s, these
166
ETHNOLOGY
kindsof collectiveandorganizedyouthculturalactivitiesceased.In somerural
areascollectivelife has almostdisappeared
entirely(Yan2003).
Thepeasanthouseholdincludesmembersof differentages andgenerations
who live andworktogether.Theheadof the household,usuallythe father,has
themostauthority.Becauseolderpeopledonotgo outas oftenas youngerones,
andgrandmother
oftenmakethe homea placefor visits of friends
grandfather
andneighborsfor casualchit-chator cardor mahjongplaying.Butthepeasant
householdis not conduciveto youthactivities.Withsmallerchildrenplaying
games,runningabout,or crying,youngsterswho wantto havetheirown space
findthemselvescompetingwithotherfamilymembersforthe samespace.Since
familymembersoftendemandtimeandenergyfromyouthwho arepresent,the
latterwouldrathergo outthanstayat homeif theywantto havefun.
Neitherthe peasanthouseholdnor the villageplay any significantrole in
in contemporary
Shaanbei,eventhoughthey
enablingyouthculturalproduction
do sometimesprovidethe settingsfor someyouthactivities-temple festivals,
forexample,or communalfestivities,suchas funeralandweddingbanquets.
Templesand TempleFestivals
In the past two decades, popularreligion in Shaanbeihas enjoyed a
revitalization
(Chau2006).Templeshavebeenrebuiltandfestivalshonoringthe
deitiesareubiquitous.Templefestivalshavespurredthe resurgenceof regional
Infact,
operasandyanggedances(a traditional
peasantformof entertainment).
templeshave becomethe motorof folk culturalproductionin Shaanbei.The
leadersof templeassociationsare usuallymen in their 50s and 60s who are
villageactivists.Youtharenotableto be leadersin templeassociationsbecause
buttemplesandtemplefestivalsprovidethesettings
theyaretoo inexperienced,
forcertainformsof youthculturalproduction.
Templefestivalstypicallylast threeto fourdays.In additionto the opera
songand
performances,
largertemplefestivalsattractmanyitinerantmerchants,
dancetroupes(gewutuan),circusperformers,
billiardtents, freakshows(e.g.,
and
dwarfs
and
in formaldehyde-filled
babies
three-limbed
jars),
singing dancing
videorooms,games,gamblingcircles(illegalbutoftentoleratedbylocalpolice),
and countlessfood stalls and watermelonstands.In the springand summer
monthsandduringthefirstmonthof thelunaryear,literallythousandsof temple
festivalstake place acrossthe Shaanbeilandscape.Youngpeople relishthe
excitementof templefestivals,as groupsof themstreamthroughthe crowds.It
is also increasinglycommonto meet one's futurespouseat one of the temple
festivals.
YOUTHCULTUREIN RURALCHINA 167
Everyyearin the firsthalfof the firstlunarmonth,eachtempleassociation
aroundthevillages
organizesa yanggetroupeto "visitdoorbydoor"(yanmenzi)
in thevicinityof thetempleto greetthevillagersandto collectdonationsforthe
temple.This is a traditionalnorthChinavillage activity.Village men, some
dressedas women,formtroupesrangingin size froma dozenpeopleto overa
hundred.They dance with trumpets,drums,gongs, and other instruments.
Today'syanggetroupesoften have womenparticipants,a legacy of Maoist
mobilizationstrategies.The same yanggetroupe
mixed-genderrevolutionary
wouldalso be mobilizedto performat thetemplefestivalhonoringthe deity's
birthdayandotherimportantcommunityevents.Seekingexcitement,fun,and
camaraderie,
manyyoungpeoplejoin yanggetroupesorganizedby the temple
associations.Thismirrorssimilardevelopmentin Taiwan,whereteenageboys,
orprofessionaldancetroupes
especiallysecondaryschooldropouts,
joinamateur
to performat the increasinglypopularreligiousfestivals(Boretz1996;Sutton
2003).
Schools
Becauseof thesuccessof masseducationin Shaanbeiinthepastfewdecades,
schoolshavebecomethemostimportant
siteformoldingtheyouth.
institutional
Mostof thetimethe studentshaveto listento theirteacherstell themwhatthey
canandcannotdo. The schoolstryto channelyouthenergyintopoliticallyand
ideologicallyusefulmass activities;e.g., paradesat nationalholidays(May1st
LaborDay,October1stNationalDay,etc.).Theseandothercultural
International
lives
activitiesoftenconstituteanimportant
partof thestudents'extracurricular
for
andaremostlynotvoluntary.Studentshaveto spendmanyhoursrehearsing
mix
and
schoolperformances.
to
meet
However,becauseof the opportunities
with a largenumberof schoolmatesandto have fun in a large group,many
schoolyouthenjoytheseschoolactivities.Sportsmeetsarealsoactivitieswhere
official ideologiesof "soundbodies"incorporate
the youthpenchantfor fun,
competitivestriving,andmixed-gender
frolicking.
By attendingschool,Shaanbeiyoutharebothenabledandconstrained
bythe
institutionthroughwhichtheyproduceculture.The schools'manifestfunction
is to trainstudentsto advancethroughprimary,juniorhigh, andhigh school
gradesto the university,althoughthe final destinationis unreachablefor the
schoolsare
overwhelming
majorityof the students.Ideologicallyunchallenged,
intendedto impartlearning,education,literacy,and knowledge-in a word,
civilization,or Culturewitha capital"C."Thoughan importantpartof school
life, the productionof small-"c"cultureis only supplementalto the schools'
functionas a producerof CulturedYouth(despitethe fact thatmanypeasant
168
ETHNOLOGY
parentswish thattheirchildrencan at least learnhow to sing a few songs at
schoolandbe ableto writethe family'sownNew Year'scouplets).
Almost all Shaanbeischools stage large-scaleyangge performanceson
differentfestiveoccasions.Becauseit hadbeenadoptedby the RedArmyas a
usefulrevolutionary
form(hencesanctified),thisrusticdancehasbeena cultural
idiomin schools.(Sometimesthetempleandthe schoolmerge,as someprivate
schools are fundedand operatedby temples.)Manyschools also send their
yanggedancetroupesto performat templefestivals,unitingtwo verydifferent
realmsof culturalproduction.
theyanggestepstheyouthhavelearned
Ironically,
at schoolcombinewiththosetheylearnatthetempleto re-enforcea morerustic
bodyhabitusandidentity.
Translocal/MassYouthCulture
Translocalculturalflows bringurbanyouthculturaltastes,suchas popular
songs and movies on videos, to ruralyoungpeople.Unlike organizedyouth
activities, such as those of schools, young people themselvesinitiatethe
consumptionof these culturalproducts,whicharestimulatedandmediatedby
massmediatechnologies(Schein2000:262-67;Zhongguoqingshaonian
yanjiu
with
as
coastal
its
relative
zhongxin2000:228-50).Despite
poverty compared
regions,Shaanbeiof the late 1990swas floodedwith culturalproducts,most
receivedthroughcableandsatellitetelevisionanda prodigious
notablyprograms
amountand varietyof piratedcopies of cassette music tapes and VCDs of
karaokeandmovies.Shaanbeiyouthof todayknowmanypopsongsbyheartand
theyareamongthefirstin thevillageto buya VCDkaraokemachine(usuallyas
partof theweddingfurnishings
package).Someof thekaraokevideosmusthave
astonishedoldervillagers:as thelyricsof thesongsflashedacrossthebottomof
the screen,imagesunrelatedto the contentof the songsservedas background,
whichwereoftenbikini-cladyoungwomensun-bathing
or gyratingseductively
to themusic.
Thedissemination
youthculturearelocated
pointsof translocal
metropolitan
in thecities andlargertowns.Ruralyouthgo thereto buytapes,rentVCDs,go
tothedancehalls,watchmoviesinprivatelyoperatedmoviebooths,singkaraoke
songs,playbilliards,buyfashionableclothes,hangoutin the streets,drink,eat,
andmeetotheryouth.A few also on occasionengagein groupfightsor, if they
havethemoneyandcourage,visitsing-dancegirlsorprostitutes
intheubiquitous
One oftensees
pleasurejoints thatdot the moreurbanizedareasof Shaanbei.6
of
rural
their
less
by
groups
young men, distinguishable
sophisticateddress,
gatherat streetcorners,leaningagainsttheirmotorcycles,or walkingaround
town,armsaroundeachother'sshoulders.Therearealso femalegroups,since
YOUTHCULTUREIN RURALCHINA 169
manyruralyoungwomenworkin the countyseats and largertowns, live in
factorydormitories,and emergein the eveningsto relaxand seek fun. In the
to meet,unseenby their
towns,ruralyoungwomenandmenhaveopportunities
elders.
Rambling
Chuan(lit., to stringtogether)is the Shaanbeiwordfor going aboutfrom
placeto place.Themostcommonformsarecallingonone'sneighbors,relatives,
andfriendsat theirhomes,visitingthemarketon marketdays,goingto temple
festivalsor to town,andforthosewitha littleextramoney,goingfartheraway,
as to a famoustemple.Few Shaanbeiruralyouthhavetheresourcesto travelfar
fromhome. Largercities like Xi'an (provincialcapitalof Shaanxi),Taiyuan
(provincialcapitalof Shanxi),andBaotou(inInnerMongolia)areall atleastten
hoursawayby bus andexpensiveto visit unlessone has relativesor friendsto
staywith.Thosewhojoin laborcrewsto workon roadandconstruction
projects
havetheopportunity
to travelto farawayplaces(evento coastalcitiesorBeijing),
butmoststayclose to theirvillageandramblewithina limiteddistance,despite
thefactthatmanyof themareextremelycuriousaboutdistantplaces.
Springandsummeraretemplefestivaltimes,andsometimesfestivalstake
placeonthesamedays.Ontheseoccasionsruralyouthmayhopfromonetemple
festivalto another,preferablyby motorcycle,butalso usingbuses,minibuses,
trucks,andeventractors.
Finger-GuessingDrinking Games
The folk culturalelementsin Shaanbeiyouthculturealso includefingerguessingdrinkinggames,whicharemostlyplayedbymen.Oldermentendto be
savvierat these games from decadesof practice.Thereare a few kinds of
drinkinggames.The most commongameis huaquan(lit., swingingthe fists).
Thisgameis playedby menin pairs.Bothsimultaneously
swingouttheirright
handswithvaryingnumbersof fingersandshoutouta numberwhicheachthinks
will be thetotalnumberof fingersdisplayedby bothmen.Theone who guesses
correctlywins andthe loserhasto drinka cupof hardliquoror a glass of beer.
Drinkinggamesaremostcommonlyfoundatmarriageengagements,
weddings,
orfuneralbanquets,butalsooccurin restaurants
andhomes.Betterplayersoften
utteridiomaticexpressionsto go withthe numbers,whichmakesplayingthe
gamemorepleasurable.
Playingdrinkinggamesis a moreimportantsocialskill
for Shaanbeimen thansmokingandexchangingcigarettes:one can exchange
cigarettesbutneverplaydrinkinggameswithstrangers.
Beinggoodat swinging
170
ETHNOLOGY
thefist is a signof culturalcompetenceandmasteryof socialinteraction-ithas
to be playedwith good humor.It is also one of the most importantmeansof
fosteringfriendshipamongmalepeers,as one drinksandplaysthis gamewith
partnersof the samegeneration(see Shang2000).
Many Shaanbeiyoung men play the drinkinggame with great relish.7
Althoughan acceptablecustom,oldervillagersget annoyedwhentheseyouth
drinkingpartiesbecomeincreasinglyfrequentandboisterous.Onecaninterpret
thisas ruralyouth'smomentary
defianceof adultauthoritythroughan idiomof
adultness.So longas Shaanbeiyouthtreasure
thisgameas a folktradition,
young
men'sfrequentengagementwiththegameindicatesa sortof peasantbutproud
attitude(Kipnis1995;also Bell 1987).
CONCLUSIONS
Rural Shaanbeiyouth cultureconsists of culturalproductionsthat are
institutionally
organizedandthosethatareindividuallyenabled,andShaanbei
find
satisfaction
involvedinyouthculture
inboth.Institutions
youth
participating
includeschoolsandtemples,whichmobilizeyouthto participatein paradesor
dancetroupes.Individuallyenabledculturalactivitiesincludesingingkaraoke,
ramblingabouttown,andplayingdrinkinggames.RuralShaanbeiyouthdo not
karaokesongsor
haveto choosebetween"modem"and"traditional"-singing
between
organized
institutionally
playingfinger-guessingdrinkinggames--or
activities and self-initiated small-groupactivities. Each enables youth
expressivityandthe assertionof theiridentities.
The structureof theirworldboth enablesand restrictsShaanbeiyouth's
abilityandinclinationto engagein differentkindsof culturalpractices.Perhaps
becauseof the difficultyof escapinga peasantlivelihoodandrurallife, many
Shaanbeiyoutharenot averseto embracingrusticformsof culturalproduction.
But this is only to view theirlife chancesin negativeterms.The genuineand
intenseftiun,sociality, and animatedphysicalityenabledby yangge dances,
drinkinggames,andramblingabouttemplefestivalsarein factalso desiredbut
rarelyrealizedby urbanyouth, whose media saturatedworld offers fewer
foractiveparticipation
in culturalproduction.
opportunities
It is difficultto predictwhatthe futureholdsfor Shaanbeiyouthculture.As
local governmentscome to realizethe economicpotentialof peasantcultural
tourism(i.e.,urbantouristsconsumingrusticculture),theruralformsof Shaanbei
On the otherhand,
youthculturewill face the challengeof commodification.
translocaland metropolitaninfluencesare bound to penetratedeeper into
Shaanbeitownsandvillages.In 1998,the moreeducatedyouthwereexcitedly
talkingaboutgettingaccessto theinternetandemail,whichbeganto be available
YOUTHCULTUREIN RURALCHINA 171
in the two prefecturalcities, Yan'anandYulin.Mobilephoneswere alsojust
Onethingseemscertain,thatShaanbeiyoungmenwillnotstop
beingintroduced.
swingingtheirfists andguessingthe numberof fingersanytimesoon.
NOTES
1. An earlyversionof thispaperwas presentedat the 2000 annualmeetingof the American
Association,SanFrancisco.I thankmyco-panelistsfortheirusefulcomments.
Anthropological
Financialsupportfordifferentperiodsof fieldworkbetween1995and1998fromtheCommittee
on ScholarlyCommunications
withChina,the Wenner-Gren
Foundationfor Anthropological
theCenterforEastAsianStudiesof StanfordUniversity,and
Research,theMellonFoundation,
the ChinaTimesCulturalFoundation
is gratefullyacknowledged.
2. MostWesternstudiesof youthin Chinahavefocusedon urbanyouth,andofferfew details
onculturalproduction
(Gold1991;Hooper1985,1991;Jankowiak
1993).Amongthefewstudies
on ruralyouthis Yan(1999, 2003). Someexcellentsurveyreportson youthin Chinainclude
Zhongguoqingshaonian
yanjiuzhongxin(2000).
3. TheChinesewordfor culture(wenhua)hasthreemeanings.Onehasthe anthropological
andbehaviorof a groupof people or a
sense;i.e., the materialand symbolicmanifestations
geographical
region(e.g., Chineseculture,Cantoneseculture).A secondrefersto literacyand
formaleducation;and a thirdrefersto expressiveculture,suchas music,dance,andliterary
"Culture"
in thisarticlerefersto thethirdsenseof culture.
productions.
4. Therateof gettingintouniversities
andotherinstitutions
ofhighereducationis extremelylow
in Shaanbei,
buttherearevocationalschoolsthattrainstudentsinelementary
education,nursing,
agriculture,
forestry,irrigation,accountingandfinance,mining,etc. Manyjuniorhighschool
entertheseschools,hopingto learna tradeor somespecializedskill.
graduates
5. A Chineseinventioncirca1993,VCDstandsforvideocompactdisc andis a simplerand
of VCD
betweendifferentChinesemanufacturers
cheapertechnologythanDVD. Competition
players,coupledwiththe marketfloodingof cheap,piratedVCDs, causeda veritablemedia
entertainment
revolutionin China.
6. Forreferencesto the flourishingsectorsof sex, advertising,
andcommercewhereyouthful
is
in
femininity commodified urbanChina,see Zhang(2001).
7. Thereis no drinkingage in China.Shaanbeimennormallybegindrinkingat banquetsas
teenagers.
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