specialists

PAINTING THE TOWN RED
PUBS, RESTAURANTS AND YOUNG ADULTS'
DRINKING CULTURES IN THE NORDIC
COUNTRIES
EDITED BY
BÖRJE OLSSON & JUKKA TÖRRÖNEN
NAD PUBLICATION NO. 51
2008
1
Published by:
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Nordic Centre for Alcohol
and Drug Research (NAD)
Annankatu 29 A 23
FI-00100 Helsinki, Finland
+358-9-694 80 82, +358-9-694 95 72
[email protected]
http://www.nad.fi
The Nordic Centre for Alcohol and Drug Research (NAD), from 2009
Nordic Centre for Welfare and Social Issues (NVC), is an institution
financed by the Nordic Council of Ministers.
Nordic cooperation takes place among the countries of Denmark, Finland,
Iceland, Norway and Sweden, as well as the autonomous territories of the
Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland.
The Nordic Council
is the forum for cooperation between the Nordic parliaments and
governments. The Council consists of 87 parliamentarians from the Nordic
countries. The Council takes policy initiatives and oversees Nordic
cooperation. Founded in 1952.
The Nordic Council of Ministers
is a forum for cooperation between the Nordic governments. It manages and
leads Nordic cooperation. The prime ministers have overall responsibility.
Activities are coordinated by the Nordic ministers for cooperation, the
Nordic Committee for Cooperation and portfolio ministers. Founded in
1971.
English language editor:
Cover design:
Editorial secretary &
Layout:
David Kivinen
Anders Carpelan
Antonina Eriksson
ISBN 978-951-53-3143-4
ISSN 0359-7024
Hakapaino Oy, Helsinki 2008
2
Contents
Introduction
5
Ingeborg Lund, Jukka Törrönen & Börje Olsson
Classifying pubs and telling stories of
public drinking
Consumption of Sociability.The Logic of Young
Urban Finns' Drinking Place Classifications
15
Antti Maunu
Drinking habits as described in the pub and drinking
diaries of young adult Finns
41
Jukka Törrönen
Oslo by night: young middle class adults‘
use of public drinking places
73
Ingeborg Lund & Janne Scheffels
Reykjavík Nightlife Narratives
95
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir & Unnur María Bergsveinsdóttir
Staging our dreams – alcohol and restaurants as
pleasurable identity-constructing symbols
119
Börje Olsson
Friday bars in Denmark
135
Karen Elmeland & Susanne Villumsen
3
Pubs and problems in the media
and local communities
Pubs and restaurants in the Norwegian media:
A review of newspaper articles in 1988, 1997 and 2007
153
Janne Scheffels & Ingeborg Lund
Newspapers‘ portrayal of alcohol licensing policy
in Swedish restaurants
173
Antonina Eriksson
New ways of socializing adolescents to public
party-life in Denmark
191
Torsten Kolind & Karen Elmeland
Licensed premises as settings for violence in Iceland
221
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir
Local prevention in licensed premises:
Experiences from the Finnish PAKKA-project
249
Katariina Warpenius & Marja Holmila
Concluding remarks
273
Börje Olsson & Jukka Törrönen
Appendix: The Social History of Public Drinking
in the Nordic Countries
279
Karen Elmland, Esa Österberg, Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir,
Ingeborg Lund & Lennart Johansson
Authors
313
NAD publications
315
4
Introduction
Ingeborg Lund, Jukka Törrönen & Börje Olsson
W
ith the partial exception of Denmark whose history is somewhat
different, alcohol use in the Nordic countries is traditionally
associated with special occasions and festivities and often characterised by
infrequent binge drinking (Järvinen & Room 2007). Our preference for
spirits has inspired the expression ―spirits belt‖ to describe Nordic drinking
culture (Olsson et al., 2002), while our relatively low per capita consumption,
stronger temperance movements and more pronounced political involvement
lies at the heart of another common description, i.e. that of ―dry countries‖.
Drinking habits in Denmark share more similarities with beer drinking
countries in continental Europe, where average per capita consumption is
higher and drinking patterns are more closely integrated in everyday life.
In essence one might say that alcohol has had, and to some extent
still has, a celebratory position in the Nordic countries. Alcohol is not an
ordinary commodity and it is not often part of the everyday diet. Rather,
drinking symbolises a shift from work to play (Ólafsdóttir& Leifman, 2002).
This is often contrasted with traditions in southern parts of Europe,
particularly the Mediterranean countries, where alcohol consumption is more
closely related to meals and less linked to intoxication (Room & Mäkelä,
2000).
On some level, the very concept of licensed premises is in conflict
with this celebratory position of alcohol, and this tension may have coloured
our attitudes towards them, attitudes that are probably best described as
ambivalent. Licensed premises are open every day, and consequently they
make alcohol available even outside of celebratory times. Furthermore, in
predominantly dry cultures where alcohol is not a very integral part of
everyday life, they are places where alcohol consumption is permissible,
perhaps even expected. Licensed premises offer a free space where different
norms prevail for alcohol consumption, and as such they take on the role of
safeguarding the possibility to drink and to get drunk. This aspect of licensed
premises is highly valued. At the same time, however, the permissive alcohol
environment represented by licensed premises is also seen as problematic.
Traditionally, people who frequent such places too often have been frowned
upon, and it has not been customary to use licensed premises as a place to
socialise on a day-to-day basis. These negative feelings are most likely related
5
to our drinking patterns, and particularly to our strong focus on intoxication,
where the general idea seems to be that people seldom go out without
drinking, and seldom drink without getting drunk.
These conflicting feelings and attitudes make licensed premises and
our use of them an interesting topic for research. To drink on-premise is
different from drinking in other settings. This is also an area where people‘s
opinions might be shifting as a result of increasing travel and the growth of
foreign influences. We seem to be increasingly envious of the southern
European café and restaurant culture and would like to see ourselves having
the same habits.
Alcohol cultures are not static but in a constant state of flux, and the
Nordic countries provide ample illustration of this. Part of these changes are
due to shifts in alcohol control policies (Room et al., 2002). To some extent
these changes have also led the countries onto diverging paths. The bestknown example is Denmark, where it may seem that alcohol has become a
more integral part of everyday life. Both overall alcohol consumption and the
frequency of drinking in Denmark are higher than in the other four Nordic
countries, although binge drinking (more than 6 drinks per session) is quite
common as well (Mäkelä et al., 2001). In addition to the potential influence
of the country‘s geographical proximity to central Europe, it has been
proposed that one of the reasons for Denmark‘s slightly different alcohol
culture lies in the policy measures taken at the beginning of the 20th century
when, after sharp increases in taxes on spirits in 1917, Denmark changed
from a spirits-drinking to a beer-drinking country (Olsson et al., 2002).
In the other Nordic countries, too, changes in alcohol control
policies have brought about changes in how and what we drink. The 1969
amendments to the Finnish Alcohol Act made alcohol in general, and beer in
particular, more readily available in the Finnish countryside, resulting in a
46% increase in overall alcohol consumption, with a relatively higher increase
in rural than urban areas. However, as this liberalisation mostly concerned
off-licence sales, most of the growth in consumption took place in people‘s
homes (Mustonen & Sund, 2002). In Iceland, new legalisation on beer in
1989 led to a shift in consumption from stronger to weaker beverages,
particularly among younger people (Ólafsdóttir & Leifman, 2002), and when
Sweden introduced new restrictions on medium beer sales in 1977, that
resulted not only in reduced medium beer consumption, but reduced alcohol
consumption overall (Ramstedt, 2002).
People in the Nordic countries seem to prefer to drink their alcohol
within their own homes. As has been shown by earlier research, only
between one-fifth and one-quarter of all drinking episodes take place in
licensed premises (Hemström et al., 2002). Despite this seemingly modest
6
role, on-licence premises have a very prominent presence on the alcohol
scene, and their role and position is a subject of much debate and discussion.
Central concerns include closing hours, the overall number of licences, age
limits and responsible serving.
The debate around closing hours is partly motivated by frequent
complaints from local residents about drunken brawls and general nuisance
at closing times. There are two main lines of argumentation. Some groups are
advocating longer hours to minimise problems, while others maintain that
nightclubs should close earlier. The reasoning in the former camp is that it is
preferable that people drink in licensed premises rather than at home because
drinking there is more controlled and regulated than at home, and
consequently there are likely to be less problems with violence and
intoxication. All the Nordic countries have laws in place which prohibit the
serving of alcohol to drunken customers. However, research results suggest
that these laws and formal regulations are not always followed and that the
sanctions for non-compliance are modest. One example is provided by the
focus in recent years on responsible serving. Actor-assisted purchase
experiments in Finland (Warpenius, 2005), Norway (Lauritzen & Baklien,
2007) and Sweden (Rehnman et al, 1997) suggested that there were large
discrepancies between the expected and wanted effects of the regulations and
their actual implementation. In many situations actors playing the role of
drunken patrons were served despite the clear and unequivocal rules.
The question of the overall number of licences is interesting from
both a preventive and a commercial perspective. Given the crucial impact of
availability on alcohol consumption, it is often suggested that consumption
should and could easily be reduced by restricting the number of licences.
However, in reality this is not as easy and simple as is given to understand.
Indeed, as is indicated by official statistics, the number of licences in the
Nordic countries has been on the increase for the last many years. Research
has pointed at several possible explanations (Andersen, 2000), but
commercial interests are obviously crucial. On-premise licences are
administered by local authorities, and arguments of competitiveness and
trade leakage will naturally figure prominently in their decisions.
Age limits, too, are primarily discussed in relation to preventive
actions. The main concern is not with the limits themselves, but rather with
their enforcement, and with the point or pointlessness of controlling the
serving of alcohol through a system of licences. This relates also to the idea
of responsible serving: some municipalities are now requiring that staff at
licensed premises are given training in responsible serving.
The common denominator that ties together all these themes is the
question of drinking on premises as opposed to drinking at home. Central to
7
the argument of many proponents of longer opening hours is the assertion
that the formal regulation of on-premise drinking contributes to more
sensible and less intoxication-oriented drinking styles. This view is not
entirely endorsed by the research evidence. As Lund (2007) showed in
Norway, pub-goers aged 18-34 years who frequently used licensed premises
got drunk more often than less frequent users. Also, the introduction of
longer opening hours in Iceland in 1999 did not reduce violence and public
nuisance in the centre of Reykjavik at night; indeed opening hours were
somewhat shortened again in 2001 after reports of growing nightlife-related
problems in the city centre (Ragnarsdóttir et al., 2002).
Content of the book
Although drinking in restaurants might have been less usual in the Nordic
countries than elsewhere, it has nevertheless been an important arena for the
symbolic construction of drinking cultures as well as a phenomenon that has
given rise to controversies in how alcohol control should be shaped. An
historical background to public drinking and account of the development of
regulations and control of on-premise drinking in each country is in the
appendix.
The first part of the book with the heading ―Classifying pubs and
telling stories of public drinking‖ deals with how alcohol consumers
themselves classify drinking places, tell stories about their evenings out and
motivate and give reasons for their ways of drinking. Antti Maunu‘s article
analyses focus group interviews conducted among young adults in Finland.
The object is to analyse young urbanites‘ classifications, their criteria and
meanings attached to pub life, sociability and lifestyle as well as the question
of whether young urbanites form a coherent group or community with a
distinct lifestyle and values.
The next five chapters in this volume analyse diaries written by
young adults in four Nordic cities: Helsinki, Oslo, Reykjavík and Stockholm.
The diary data were collected on the same criteria in each of these cities. The
original idea in recruiting diary writers was to select them among employees
within the new and rapidly expanding information and service branches. The
purpose was to collect datasets of young adults who represent culturally
emergent groups, a kind of new generation whose bar and drinking narratives
would offer material for inferring what kinds of drinking situations appear to
be diminishing in the Nordic countries, what kinds of drinking occasions are
culturally strong, and what kinds of new drinking habits are emerging. As the
attentive reader will notice, each country eventually came to apply somewhat
different recruitment principles. This was due to various difficulties in data
collection which mostly had to do with the disinclination of young adults to
8
keep a diary for two months.
Jukka Törrönen approaches the diaries from the point of view of
drinking habits. He assumes that heavy drinking is a multifarious
phenomenon and analyses what kinds of uses and meanings intoxication
takes on in Finland. Ingeborg Lund and Janne Scheffels study Norwegian
diaries by exploring ―how young adults describe their expectations and
experiences of different drinking situations in licensed premises‖.
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir´s and Unnur María Bergsveinsdóttir‘s analyse diaries
by looking at how the themes of sociability, group compositions during the
evening and time out aspirations are treated by the Icelandic diary writers.
Börje Olsson approaches the narratives collected in Sweden from the
perspectives of lifestyles and self-identity as a reflexive project.
In the last chapter of this section by Karen Elmeland and Susanne
Villumsen deals with Friday bars in Denmark. The phenomenon of Friday
bars was born in the early 1980s and has since then spread very rapidly at
Danish universities and high schools. Friday bars usually take place on Friday
afternoons, providing an opportunity for students to get together, meet
friends and have a few drinks. Elmeland and Villumsen analyse the Friday
bar phenomenon by using survey material, ethnographic observations and
qualitative interviews.
The second section of this volume contains four chapters which deal
with the media images of pubs and restaurants as well as problems in relation
to on-premise drinking.
Janne Scheffels & Ingeborg Lund and Antonina Eriksson describe
the issues that have been covered in newspapers in Norway and in Sweden,
that is, how the problems have been described in relation to on-premise
drinking, what alcohol policy solutions have been put forward and how such
descriptions have changed over time. Furthermore, the media coverage is
discussed in the context of how alcohol policies and restaurant cultures have
changed.
The relation between alcohol and violence is a serious concern for
alcohol policy makers, not least when violence occurs in public places such as
restaurants. Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir studies violence in such settings and in
their immediate surroundings. The chapter also explores the role of alcohol
in violence, as well as the circumstances, causes and reactions to the violent
acts.
Many claim on the other hand that restaurants provide a suitable
setting for learning how to drink and how to avoid harms from alcohol. In
order to give youngsters under age 18 the chance to get socialised to
moderate drinking habits, attempts have been made in Denmark to organise
―on-premise like‖ drinking occasions where such skills can be learned.
9
Torsten Kolind and Karen Elmeland describe and analyse the outcomes of
such experiments. In the last chapter Katariina Warpenius and Marja Holmila
explore the role of situational alcohol prevention at bars, pubs and
restaurants. Their study is based on a multi-component local alcohol
prevention programme in two Finnish regions in 2004-2007.
10
References
Andersen, J. (2000). Municipalities
between the State and the People.
In Sulkunen, P., Sutton, C.,
Tigerstedt, C, Warpenius, K.
(Eds). Broken Spirits. Power and
Ideas in Nordic Alcohol Control.
NAD publication 39, Helsinki,
Finland.
1968 and 1969 Finnish panel
survey data. In Room, R. (Ed).
The effects of Nordic alcohol
policies. What happens to
drinking and harm when alcohol
controls
change?
NAD
publication 42, Helsinki, Finland.
Mäkelä, P., Fonager, K., Hibell, B.,
Nordlund, S., Sabroe, S., &
Simpura, S. (2001). Episodic
heavy drinking in four Nordic
countries: a comparative survey.
Addiction, 96, 1575-1588.
Hemström, Ö., Leifman, H., &
Ramstedt, M. (2002). The ECAS
survey on drinking patterns and
alcohol-related problems. In
Norström, T. (Ed.). Alcohol in
Postwar Europe. Consumption,
drinking patterns, consequences
and policy responses in 15
European countries. National
Institute of Public Health,
Sweden
Ólafsdóttir, H., & Leifman, H.
(2002). Legalizing beer in Iceland:
its
effects
on
alcohol
consumption
in
times
of
recession. In Room, R. (Ed). The
effects of Nordic alcohol policies.
What happens to drinking and
harm when alcohol controls
change? NAD publication 42,
Helsinki, Finland.
Järvinen, M. & Room, R. (2007).
Youth
Drinking
Cultures:
European
Experiences.
In
Järvinen, M. & Room, R. (eds.).
Youth
Drinking
Cultures.
European
Experiences.
Aldershot, Ashgate.
Olsson, B., Ólafsdóttir, H., & Room,
R. (2002). Introduction. Nordic
traditions of studying the impact
of alcohol policies. In Room, R.
(Ed). The effects of Nordic
alcohol policies. What happens to
drinking and harm when alcohol
controls
change?
NAD
publication 42, Helsinki, Finland.
Lauritzen, H., & Baklien, B. (2007).
Overskjenking i Bergen. En
oppfølgingsevaluering
av
Ansvarlig vertskap i Bergen.
(Overserving in Bergen. A followup evaluation of responsible
serving in Bergen.) SIRUSrapport no. 5/2007, Norwegian
Institute for Alcohol and Drug
Research, Oslo, Norway.
Ragnarsdóttir, Þ., Kjartansdóttir, Á.,
& Davíđsdóttir, S. (2002). Effect
of extended alcohol serving-hours
in Reykjavík. In Room, R. (Ed).
The effects of Nordic alcohol
policies. What happens to
drinking and harm when alcohol
controls
change?
NAD
publication 42, Helsinki, Finland.
Lund, I. (2007). Drinking on the
Premises in Norway: Young
Adults‘ use of Public Drinking
Places. Addictive Behaviors 32:
2737-2746.
Mustonen, H. & Sund, R. (2002).
Changes in the characteristics of
drinking occasions resulting from
liberalization
of
alcohol
availability: A reanalysis of the
Ramstedt, M. (2001). Comparative
studies
on
alcohol-related
problems in postwar Western
Europe. Centre for Social
11
Research on Alcohol and drugs,
Sweden.
Ramstedt, M. (2002). The repeal of
medium-strength beer in grocery
stores in Sweden – the impact on
alcohol-related hospitalizations in
different age groups. In Room, R.
(Ed). The effects of Nordic
alcohol policies. What happens to
drinking and harm when alcohol
controls
change?
NAD
publication 42, Helsinki, Finland.
Rehnman, C., Lindewald, B.,
Andréasson, S. (1997). Servering
av alkohol till berusade på
Stockholms restauranger. En
studie av överservering på
restauranger i Stockholm. (Serving
of alcohol to drunken patrons in
Stockholm.
A
study
of
overserving in restaurants in
Stockholm.) Stockholm: STAD
projektet.
Room, R. & Mäkelä, K. (2000).
Typologies of the cultural
position of drinking. Journal of
studies on alcohol 61 (3): 475-483.
Room, R., Romelsjö, A., Mäkelä, P.
(2002). Conclusion. Impacts of
alcohol policy: the Nordic
experience. In Room, R. (Ed).
The effects of Nordic alcohol
policies. What happens to
drinking and harm when alcohol
controls
change?
NAD
publication 42, Helsinki, Finland.
Warpenius, K. (2005). ―Ett schtort
stop…‖
Skådespelare
testar
krogars serveringspraxis (―I‘ll
have a pint!‖ An actor-assisted
restaurant purchase experiment.)
Nordisk
Alkohol&
Narkotikatidskrift 22: 385-401.
12
Classifying pubs and telling
stories of public drinking
13
14
Consumption of Sociability. The Logic of
Young Urban Finns' Drinking Place
Classifications
Antti Maunu
D
ifferent kinds of drinking places − pubs, bars, nightclubs and
restaurants − are most typically classified on the basis of their
patronage. Indeed according to in Finnish legislation, licensing decisions are
to be made primarily on the basis the type of clientele that drinking places are
expected to attract: the lower-class the patronage, the more disorderly the
drinking is expected to be, and accordingly the stricter the licensing
regulations. Folklore and popular media also identify different drinking
places by identifying their customers. We speak and hear of suburban pubs,
rock bars, wine cafés and trendy nightclubs, for example, with clear images of
the types of people who frequent them.
Social scientific studies of drinking places also tend to revolve
around patron categories. The quantitative tradition approaches taverns by
analysing their patrons' socio-economic statuses, providing a means to study
the distribution of drinking at the population level (e.g. Holmila et al. 1997).
Qualitative studies, in turn, tend to analyse different drinking settings as
arenas that express the lifestyles of different groups, especially those of social
classes, genders, age groups and nationalities (Maunu & Millar 2005).
It is questionable, however, whether this is really the case. Some
studies suggest that the same people frequent several different places, and
that in any one place the patrons will behave differently depending on the
time, the situation and their company (Törrönen & Maunu 2007a). Indeed,
we may question the idea that a tavern is a mere mirror of its patrons' sociocultural identity. And vice versa, we may question whether the activities
taking place in a single setting can really provide sufficient evidence for
drawing a whole lifestyle script for any group.
In this article, I analyse young urban Finns' logic of thinking and
talking about drinking places. Using data collected in focus group interviews,
I ask, firstly, what kinds of classifications they make, and on what criteria.
Secondly, I ask what motivates these classifications: what do they stand for in
the interviewees' own logic? On this basis, I then proceed to ask whether the
interviewed young urbanites form a coherent group or community with a
15
distinct lifestyle and values, and whether we can consider some type of
drinking place as their home base.
The study by Pekka Sulkunen on the 1980s urban middle classes in
Finland represents a similar research setting (Sulkunen 1992). Sulkunen
discovered that in their bar life, middle-class people have an obsession for
self-chosen activities, especially pleasures, and for the freedom to individually
display their passions. On this basis, Sulkunen claims that rather than being a
group in the traditional sense, new middle classes form temporary, detached
communities or tribes. They gather in exclusive city bars, where in smart
settings and surrounded by respectful service they can maintain a distance to
each others' private lives. They take distance from drinking places that do not
guarantee this kind of mental hygiene and that therefore seem noisy and
messy to them. (Ibid.)
My own results, by contrast, suggest that young urbanites do in fact
form a coherent community. Even though there are some distinct elements
of fragmentation and detachment, they attach much greater importance to
group commitment. A distinctive feature of these urbanites is that they
commit themselves to several different groups, and thus gather in several
different places. Their rituals are aimed at creating coherence and continuity
out of dispersed commitments, and their rule is to adjust oneself according to
the group and situation at hand. Group members take distance from
alcoholic desperados who do not share their social versatility, but also from
the individualist elite for the same reason. They frequently refer to
themselves as average, ordinary and normal people; I therefore call them
"averages".
Sociability, consumption and practices
In the Nordic countries bars, pubs, nightclubs and restaurants are
traditionally seen as having one main function: to serve alcohol. However,
even though people do usually drink when they go out, this is not their main
motivation. The main reason they go out is sociability − uncompelled
interaction, nourishment of relationships, and making new acquaintances,
even if temporarily (Törrönen & Maunu 2007c). Thus, rather than the
consumption of alcohol, I claim that the most important activity in drinking
places is the consumption of sociability.
British sociologist Alan Warde suggests that we should approach
consumption as practice. That is, consumption consists of actions or
processes in which "agents engage in appropriation and appreciation [-] of
16
goods, services, information or ambience, whether purchased or not" (Warde
2005, 137). If we add to this list "interaction" in a broader sense than just
servicing and informing, and consider it as something to appropriate and
appreciate, then we can easily understand sociability as an object of
consumption. After all, sociability in drinking places is about agents engaging
in interaction with one another and with goods and ambiences. In this view
the important thing is not how much money is spent, but the experiences
and symbolic group memberships that the consuming agents seek (see also
Sulkunen 1996).
There are also other socio-cultural perspectives on consumption.
Warde offers his programme as a contrast to reductionist approaches that
view consumption either as a function of differentation and stratification
(Bourdieu), or as an individual adjustment to the demands of late modernity
and its pressures of individual identity construction (Giddens, Bauman).
Similar reductionist tendencies have also enjoyed prominence in recent
qualitative studies on substance use in the Nordic countries (Maunu & Millar
2005). Warde's programme is thus intended to provide a theoretical
foundation for thorough empirical analyses. It takes consumption and its
unfolding as the starting point, examines it from within, and does not try to
force it into some external definitions that are often alien to consumers
themselves. (See Maunu & Millar 2005 on this need in studies on substance
use.)
Furthermore, Warde stresses that in addition to being a discrete
practice of its own, consumption is a moment or phase in almost any other
social practice. For example, people do not go to a bar or a restaurant 'to
consume', but to have fun, talk, drink and eat; they engage in consumption at
the same time. Differences in consumption at drinking places thus reflect
differences in other activities, and vice versa. This also means that practices
of consumption may well embody social divisions, as they are acted out in
other social practices. However, these divisions are not necessarily hierarchic
or compelling, and they may be motivated by factors other than power
relations or the spirit of the times. Thus the divisions revealed by empirical
analysis may appear quite different from those derived straightforwardly
from general theories. (Warde 2005.)
In the analysis of sociability consumption, then, it is important,
firstly, to clarify the elements and processes of which that consumption
consists. Secondly, it is important to analyse the wider practices or processes
of which these specific events are a moment or phase. It is only at this point
that it becomes meaningful to offer interpretations of the more general
societal factors lying behind the phenomenon.
17
Group interviews with pictures as stimulus material
The data for this analysis consist of seven focus group interviews with 4−7
young adults in their thirties. Three of the groups included both men and
women; two groups were composed of men only and two groups of women.
All the interviewees were middle class, white Finns working in the rapidly
expanding areas of business and administration and living in the Helsinki
area.
The data were collected as part of a research project on young adults'
bar and drinking behaviour. In addition to focus groups, data for the project
have been collected using personal bar and drinking diaries and in individual
interviews on bars and drinking. (See Törrönen & Maunu 2005, 2007a,
2007b, 2007c.)
To collect the data, we contacted two Finnish trade unions in the business
and administration branches. The unions were cooperative and we received
access to the contact information of all their members aged 23−35 living in
the Helsinki area. Using this information, we recruited 120 persons to write
personal bar and drinking diaries. Half of them completed their diaries, and
they were individually interviewed before and after the writing period.
(Törrönen & Maunu 2005, 2007a, 2007b, 2007c.)
The focus groups were collected by asking the diary writers to form a
group of their acquaintances once they had finished writing their diaries. This
gave us seven highly motivated groups of long-time friends who also shared
the middle-class, upwardly mobile cultural characteristics of the diary writers
and participants in individual interviews.
The interviews were conducted at the National Research and
Development Center for Welfare and Health (Stakes) in Helsinki during the
winter 2003−2004. The interviews took place outside office hours, when
plenty of vacant conference rooms and lobby space were available. Upon
their arrival, the group members were first given 12 picture sheets: Each
sheet had three or four colour pictures of a drinking place, and they were
identified with a letter symbol (from A to L). The interviewees were then
asked individually to study each of the pictures for about 15 minutes and to
classify them according to their own impressions. In doing this, the
interviewees made good use of the lobby space. After this individual session,
we gathered into a conference room and started to discuss their
classifications.
In these discussions, the group members first introduced themselves
and their own classifications. The group then proceeded to a collective
discussion on these classifications with the help of the following questions:
18
On what grounds did you make your classifications? Did you find it easy to
make these classifications? What kinds of places were missing from the
pictures? What kinds of places do you personally like or dislike? Have bars
and restaurants changed during the past ten years? The group interviews were
divided into three parts, the first of which covered the classification theme.1
The discussions were led by Jukka Törrönen with my assistance, and they
were audio and video recorded.
The pictures were taken from the drinking places‘ websites or
photographed on the spot by myself. Using the 12 sheets as stimulus for
conversation, we aimed to present an adequate variation of different places
and activities to ensure that the discussions covered an adequate range of
topics around drinking places and the interviewees' attitudes towards them.
In other words, our aim was not to provide an exhaustive account of all
kinds of places or activities. Some pictures included patrons while others did
not. Some pictures were taken in the daytime and others at night; and so on.
Our intention was to let the interviewees themselves pick up the themes that
were relevant to them, and then let them flesh out and discuss these relevant
themes further. The object of analysis is the collective discussion triggered by
the pictures, not the pictures themselves. (See Törrönen 2002.)
Analysing speech classifications in focus groups
As the interviewees' task was to classify drinking places, the data obviously
revolve around classifications. For us, then, the challenge is to infer the
practices of consumption of sociability from these classifications. There are
two main paths to do this.
The first path goes through the classifications themselves. When the
individuals were asked to classify the pictures, they were presented with a
riddle, so to speak, that they first individually tried to solve. To order the
pictures in the first place, they have to decide upon some criteria that allow
them to classify the pictures. In the group situations, then, the individuals
present their classifications and − explicitly or implicitly − the criteria for
The second theme in the group interview was a collective discussion about seven
different film and tv series scenes that featured drinking. In the third part, the group
members briefly discussed having fun − what it brings to their mind and what it
means to them. In my analysis, however, I will focus exclusively on the first part of
drinking place classifications.
1
19
their classifications. As the group discussions unfold, the interviewees further
describe and negotiate these criteria, and by so doing express what they
consider meaningful and relevant aspects of different places and their
activities.
To gain knowledge about the consumption of sociability, it is
important to analyse the axes of classifications, that is, the principles by
which the interviewees have sorted out the pictures. It is interesting that all
individuals and groups in the data make use of quite similar principles. These
principles are collectively articulated in the following excerpt:
HANS : If I could see video shots of places [-] that would of course help
make those categorizations [-].
BART: The people [in the pictures] really influence your categorization
too, because for a while I had the category of 'empty bar'.
DAVE: Right, I thought at first should I just put all the empty places into
their own stack, but then I thought no, I have to do this the other way
round, so [if] the people are missing it's difficult to say what the place is
like as a whole.
JOAKIM: I think if you just look at the picture you feel that something,
what's the atmosphere like [-]. Generally you've been to every type of
place, sometimes at least, so you know what kind of people there are,
what goes on there [-].
ROBERT: And the decor very much determines the mood, but then… it
depends.
ALLAN: This picture is also hard to classify, you should have some idea
of what kind of music they play there, the music does a lot, the music they
play there [-]
DAVE: Who goes on there [in the place] depends on that [music].
ALLAN: I mean, Praha is not the best place as far as the interior decor is
concerned, but they play good music so that you really enjoy it there, even
if you stay longer [-].
BART: The same came to my mind, honestly.
The initial comment by Hans is emblematic. For him, a moving video shot of
the place would be more telling than still pictures, which speaks for the
importance of action and activities in drinking places. In all interviews, the
places are frequently classified on the basis of their main activities, such as
partying, dancing, hanging out, talking, or dining.
The second theme in the above discussion concerns the kind of
people who frequent different places. It is important to note that the talk
20
about people also refers to activities rather than to the patrons themselves,
their being or essence. Joakim equates the type of place with its patronage
and with "what goes on there". This has crucial importance for our analysis,
and it also fits in with the theoretical idea of the importance of practices over
agents' statuses − what matters is what you do, not what you are or where
you come from.
In the excerpt above, more disembodied factors such as music or
atmosphere are also discussed as important classification criteria. Just as
people, these factors can be seen as indicators of the expectations of action.
Dave notes that the music determines the patronage, which in turn
determines the activities. In several discussions, the location of the place (city
centre, suburb, or smaller town outside Helsinki) is also relevant to the
expectations of action, although it is not articulated in the fragment above.
Music and atmosphere are also mentioned as contributing to the
cosiness of the place, another relevant classification criterion. Cosiness,
though, is an explicitly subjective judgment, and thus it is also an act of selfpresentation by the individuals in the interaction situation. This takes us to
the second dimension of analysis.
The second path to inferring practices of sociability consumption on
the basis of classifications is to analyse the interviewees' evaluations of each
others' classifications. In this mutual evaluation, the interviewees collectively
negotiate the status of the individually suggested classifications: which
classifications are collectively shared in the group, which are not, and on
what grounds. Hence the groups concretely articulate the values and norms
that they themselves appreciate and pursue, and on the other hand that they
want to distance themselves from. If we want to find the norms and values
that create a coherent group out of the interviewees, we have to look for
them in this mutual evaluation.
In the interviews the evaluative negotiation about classifications took
place in three directions. Firstly, if someone's classification was considered
especially good and witty, it was rewarded with laughter and praise or
encouraging remarks. An example of this is the last comment by Bart in the
discussion above. On the other side of this coin, the interviewees, and
women in particular, were often apologetic if they thought their own
classifications were dull or uninspiring. Secondly, as most turns of talk was
just 'OK', not particularly witty but not inappropriate to anyone either, they
were taken onboard and bypassed in an elegant and almost unnoticed
manner. The most part of the discussions in our focus groups proceeded this
way, and this is also visible in the previous example. And thirdly, if someone
took a stand that challenged the group consensus, that prompted further
discussion and negotiation. However, there were no disagreements in any of
21
the groups, as the challenging accounts were always negotiated anew and
consensus was regained.
In addition to a possible overall ideology, there are also some more
particular contexts that impact the interaction in discussions. All groups
consisted of long-time friends, which brought a strong element of
togetherness and shared history in the discussions. On the other hand, the
initial task of classification was an entirely individual exercise. Therefore,
especially at the beginning of the interviews, the group members had a strong
situational motivation to present themselves as competent and respectable
individuals. For the analysis, however, the most important context of talk was
the particular question or theme under which the discussions were held. As
we will see, the questions that we researchers posed affected not only the
subject matter of the discussions, but also their normative framings; that is,
what kinds of remarks the interviewees considered appropriate of each other
in the context of the theme at hand.
Classification scheme of drinking places
In the first phase of the group discussions, individual group members offered
highly illustrative names and typifications for different kinds of drinking
places. Clever descriptions were well appreciated and rewarded by other
group members, which further stimulated the wittiness of the discussions. In
this sense all group members valued and possessed good cultural competence
to qualify different kinds of bars, nightclubs and restaurants. In addition, in
all groups it became important to recognize the places shown in the pictures;
if someone didn‘t know a familiar place, that was considered rather
embarrassing. This further strengthens the interpretation of the value of
cultural competence among the young urbanites interviewed.
In making their classifications, the interviewees tapped into several different
principles. Often in one and the same account, some places were classified
neutrally by their patronage, others by the activities of those places, and
others still in a more evaluative manner by their atmosphere or style of their
goings-on. Furthermore, the same features were often given different
meanings: for example, 'teens' could represent both juvenile excess and super
coolness at the same time.
There were, however, two main dimensions that were at least partly
involved in all classifications. The first is the main activities of a place, and
the second its style or quality. These axes are neatly articulated in the
following discussion:
22
ANN: My name is Ann2 and yeah, I quickly made three distinctions [-]…
I took these nightclub-like places, so perhaps there's an entrance fee, and
lots of people and lots of space [-]. I then distinguished the pubs, a bit like
the opposite style… to nightclubs [-]… And then I also found dining
places that can also be a nightclub or a pub [-]. So that's it.
JEN: Yeah, Jen, and… I've got four categories here, so… clearly a place
that‘s a nightclub with dancing and… different areas [-]. Then there is just
a dining place, then just like this suburban, neighbourhood pub [-] where
you have the same people sitting from morning till night… And then I
have this place where it's nice to drop by with friends during the daytime,
or in the evening before a movie or something like that [-]… Just some
thoughts.
#JT (interviewer): Ok, then…
KELLY: Well I‘ve reviewed three of [the pictures], and, actually you can
see it even from this… [-] Suburban pubs, or places getting started, I
listed them at least as haunts for drunkards [-] and… then those, similar
starting places of more average kind [-], then the more trendy type of
place [-]… And then there were these party places, a more trendy party
place and then… not-so trendy party places… [-] And then just a
straightforward dining place [-]. (Group #6, women and men)
In the first turn, Ann makes a quick and schematic distinction between
nightclubs, pubs and dining places. In the next turn, Jen also identifies a
nightclub and dining place, and divides pubs into two categories: first, a
suspicious suburban pub, and second, a more friendly pub where one can
drop by or hang out. And finally, Kelly makes a distinction between three
types of pubs, i.e. suburban haunts, "average" kind of places, and "trendy"
pubs or bars. Interestingly, Kelly bases her definition of pubs on the time or
―phase‖ of drinking: they are "places for getting started" from which one is
supposed to move on later to a "party place" (see also Törrönen & Maunu
2007a). Furthermore, party places can be divided into trendy and "not-sotrendy" ones. A dining place is a completely separate and schematic category
for Kelly. The division between the main activities − partying (nightclubs),
hanging out or getting started (pubs/ bars), and eating out (dining place) −
was evident in all groups, and it did not call for much evaluation or
negotiation. Meanwhile, the other axis of classification, the style or
atmosphere of the place, fuelled the most animated discussion in the groups,
especially so when it came to pubs and nightclubs. Dining places were treated
in a much more laconic manner, although they too were sometimes divided
into more or less cosy ones. In the next fragment, a group of men define a
suspicious suburban pub:
2
The names of the interviewees have been changed
23
HARRY: [-] And then, this bar K [-] was a real crappy beer bar and [-] it
says it there, there's a sign "pint 2.5 euros", what a surprise, it's a greasy
spoon… I can't imagine there'd be anyone in that bar that I'd like to speak
to, I mean hardly−
DOUG: −hey c'mon, you'll hear loads of fine, erm, life stories there.
HARRY: [-] It's like, it makes no difference what day you go there, you'll
always get the same picture.
DOUG: And you'll hear the same stories every day.
HARRY: Yeah, and most probably there are customers who are drunk all
day long, from morning till night, and they've been that way many years.
And in the morning when the pub opens they're sitting there… Hardly
any of them go to work. (Group #7, men)
In this discussion, the men highlight the static atmosphere of the bar and its
people: they are the same every day, drunk from morning till night, and this
has been going on for years. Many also describe 'bar K' in the pictures as
dirty and dangerous − in that place the drunkards come to talk, touch and
shove you without asking you first. This reminds of Sulkunen's study on
middle class bar patrons, who want to display their cultural goodwill
(Bourdieu 1984) by taking distance from noisy and smoky suburban pubs,
and display their sovereignty in definite high-class places (Sulkunen 1992).
However, Bourdieuan upward distinction is not the mentality of our
interviewees. They often make a clear-cut distinction away from such
superiority and its arenas, as in the following account:
BRENDA: [-] Well then bar H, it's like… These are the places you should
go to in principle, but I'm not interested in them one bit, I don't like them
at all. They're just like this Teatteri-Hesari style where I don‘t feel at all
comfortable. There‘s some coldness about them in spite of the warm
interior elements, but it's so trendy swinging there and I'm always
underdressed unless I‘m wearing some string dress … To start with you‘d
need to be like twenty-one, and really like… and the men there they‘re
real playboys, and it's repulsive. And then bar [-] B, it's like the Kola or
Soda-type where all wannabe artists and media dudes go, and there's a
huge phoney cool atmosphere, and it could be a nice place if the people
there weren't so full of themselves. (Group #1, women and men)
Here Brenda make a distinction between a nightclub (Teatteri and Hesari are
nightclubs) and a pub (Kola and Soda are pubs), but attaches similar
attributes to both. The atmosphere is cold and affected, the activities focused
on bodily or other boastful achievements, and the people are interested only
in themselves. This justifies the strong distinction "it's repulsive". However,
Brenda starts by noting that "these are the places you should go to in
24
principle". She feels that she might belong to the target group, but still does
not feel at home in those types of places. In other words, there is clear
ambivalence in the interviewees' relationship to 'trendy', fashionable places.
This ambivalence was also reflected in the more neutral descriptions
of trendy places as compared to sleazy suburban dungeons, even though
neither of them received any praise. Similarly, distanciations from sleazy and
grubby nightclubs, habitually associated with incompetent and excessive
"teens", were more straightforward than ambivalent descriptions of trendy
discos.
Based on the discussions about how to classify different drinking
places, it seems that the norm and the most favoured place to frequent was
the "average", laid-back pub or nightclub. The dress code there is casual and
the people one meets there are accessible, but these places also allow for
personal distance and the freedom to choose when and with whom one
wanted to interact. Average places were often described by reference to their
location (in the city instead of suburbs) or by the music they played (rock or
pop in contrast to techno).
Table 1. Classification scheme of drinking establishments
MAIN ACTIVITIES
QUALITY OF
Hanging out/
ATMOSPHERE
Partying
starting
Teen hell/disco
Greasy spoon
Meat market
Sleazy, cheap, grubby
Suburban pub
(overtly
sexual atmosphere)
Bar, pub
(no adjuncts)
Nightclub
Average, normal,
City pub
(no adjuncts)
laid-back
Rock / music bar
Party place
Place for hanging
Dancing place
out
Trend cafe/ bar
Showroom
Trendy, smart, cool/
Lounge bar
Jet set place
Lifestyle pub
Trend disco
Phoney, bleak, cold
Wannabe place
Techno hell
Eating out
Suburban
pizzeria
Shopping centre
restaurant
Dining place
Fine dining
Gourmet place
Most typically, however, they were presented simply by giving them a generic
name (pub, bar, nightclub) or by describing their main activity (dancing,
hanging out, dining), without any further attributes. This testifies to their
normative character. (See also Törrönen & Maunu 2005.) Based on these
considerations, we can now proceed to combine both axes of classifications.
25
This gives us a nine-cell matrix in which we can map the types of drinking
place presented in the interviews. Interestingly, the main activities in this
classification scheme overlap with the main drinking situations of young
Finnish adults that were identified on the basis of bar and drinking diaries.
The most frequent drinking situations are party drinking, hanging out and
meal drinking; and these data show that the main drinking situations are also
frequently identified by reserving a specific place or arena for each.
(Törrönen & Maunu 2007a.)3
The 'middle-of-the-road' distinction from both too sleazy and too
trendy places was also identified in a previous study of our research project.
In individual interviews on their bar tastes, young Finnish adults presented
themselves as ordinary, almost anti-cool persons who insist on equality in
their having fun, yet also want to avoid the anti-social creeps of suburban
pubs (Törrönen & Maunu 2005).
At this point, then, one could conclude that our interviewees would
only consume the seemingly conformist sociability that is found in the most
average places. It seems that the urban Finns of the 2000s prefer to leave the
suburban pubs for the creeps, excessive nightclubs for the youth, alternative
scenes for the pathetic hipsters and the trendy places for the distant elite.
This might also explain the cultural competence to recognize and qualify
different kinds of places described at the beginning of this section: since
there is so much to take distance from in the ‗middle-of-the-road‘ distinction,
you really have to know what to avoid. Surprisingly, however, this is not the
case. When we asked the interviewees about the places they liked or did not
like to go to, they claimed that anything goes for them, and their discussions
show that they have in fact been in all types of places. The interviewees thus
identify themselves as average buddies, they display substantial cultural
capital in their classifications, and they ultimately visit all kinds of places.
What is the motivation behind this enmeshing, and what does it tell us about
the logics of the consumption of sociability?
Commitment to the group
When we asked the interviewees to classify different drinking establishments,
3 The
two remaining types of drinking situation are carnival (several days' heavy
drinking) and individual drinking (often with addictive elements) that can take place
in any of the places discussed in the group interviews (Törrönen & Maunu 2007a).
26
we did not explicitly ask them to do so on the basis of their personal likings.
We said they could apply any criteria. Still, it was an elementary part of the
classification scheme to present confident, subjective judgments of taste.
One reason for this was that we researchers asked each interviewee to give
their own classifications individually. Apparently this individual framing
encouraged the interviewees to present themselves as competent urbanites,
specialists of nightlife, who were being consulted by researchers. It became
obvious that the ability to make fine-grained distinctions and to articulate
them clearly is an important part of the role or subject position of a
competent, urban individual (see Törrönen 2001).
After the individual classifications, the groups were asked to discuss
in an explicitly evaluative manner the types of places that they themselves
liked or disliked. The discussions now took on a very different nature.
Determined and persuasive distanciation away from suburban pubs and
trendy, swinging places recede into the background, as do confident
individual judgments. They are replaced instead by talk about social
omnivorousness motivated by commitment to the partying group.
ANN: It [the choice of place] depends a bit on your friends, what kind of
friends you have, if someone's a bit older like Jill [laughter], then it's more
like Kaarle XII [-], but if I have eighteen-year-old friends then with them
it's Tiger and nothing else [-].
JACK: To me the company makes the place for sure, so it's practically all
the same which bar it is, for instance among these ones [discussed in the
interview]. I feel just fine anywhere if…
JILL: …if the group's the thing.
JACK: Right… And also different groups, I mean… like we, we all have
bunches of different kinds of friends, and you always go to a classy pub
with some of them, to a hellhole with others, and to a nightclub with
others… It's a bit of that as well.
JILL: Yeah… it's like there are many kinds of us. (Group #6, women and
men)
As in all groups, the interviewees in this citation claim to be members of
many different groups. Because there are "many kinds of us" for everyone, it
is natural to choose the right place according to the present situation and
company. This is articulated further in the following discussion:
JULIA: [-] I think everything goes within reason, I mean I can't say I love
those suburban pubs, you won't see me going there in a hurry [-] but, you
know, everything in moderation so that you don't get bored [-]. To me
there are no absolute no's, there's no place I would absolutely and
27
categorically not go to [-].
KIM: It also makes a difference whether you go there on your own terms,
or with some group. I wouldn't go to a greasy spoon like, hey now I
wanna go there, but if someone suggested it to me, then why not. But
spontaneously by myself, no way, and it's the same thing with all those
trendy bars, I wouldn't go there like 'I wanna go' and get primped, but if a
friend's having their birthday party there, then that‘s ok, then I wouldn't
say no [-].
JULIA: Mm-hm… yeah to me it's a collective decision, always in the
group, you don't whine and fight it.
SHIRLEY: Right [-] especially if it's someone's party, like a birthday or
graduation party or something like that, then you give in for sure. (Group
#4, women)
It is quite clear from this discussion that the choice of place is made not by
the individual but by the group. In all groups the interviewees claim they
deliberately take time out from their individual preferences in favour of the
group when it comes to the choice of drinking place. Often the interviewees
also say that they make this choice "according to the mood", but as the
discussions unfold, it becomes clear that this mood has to do not with
individual wants, but with the tone of the group.
At this point, then, the interviewees' self-presentation is not about
being a competent urbanite making self-assured judgments, but about being a
respecting friend, a convinced member of the group. This commitment to
the group at hand is a major practice of consuming sociability among young,
urban Finns. Different interactions, goods and ambiences are appropriated
and appreciated in and through that commitment; individual relevancies are
temporarily loosened and group relevancies rule. This logic is quite different
from that of Sulkunen (1992) and other researchers that interpret drinking
and having fun as free pursuit and display of individual desires (see also
Maunu & Millar 2005).
This group commitment was also identified in our previous studies,
where we called it a "common will", a joint state of intentions that have a
shared and agreed direction. To gain and maintain this state is to manage the
differing intentions of individual desires, commitments to other groups,
situational factors, and so on. Common will, therefore, requires both ongoing
negotiation within the group and individual reflection so that one can adjust
oneself to the group (Törrönen & Maunu 2007c). For this reason the
commitment to the group does not by any means imply total surrender to
mob rule or involuntary social pressure. All group members are joining the
common will deliberately and have equal opportunities to influence it (see
also Törrönen & Maunu 2007b).
28
The logic of deliberate group commitment also underlies the two-way
distinction away from suburban creeps and superficial jetsetters. In the
interviewees' mindscape, the suburban drunkards are doomed to follow the
path of cheap pints from here to eternity. They have neither the will nor the
competence to make choices about their company, commitments or life in
general. They just exist; and if they act, they do so in an intrusive manner that
lacks the respect and sensitivity to others that lies at the core of common
will.
In much the same way, the jetset in fashion bars are stuck in their
own bubble. They do not appreciate nor engage in the diversity of social life
as the averages do, they just boast or dream about their juvenile
achievements. And most importantly, in their ethereal individuality they lack
the commitment to any real group activities. This character of trend people is
expressed in the following discussion as a contrast to decent socialization:
KELLY: But then the purpose [of going out], I was thinking, [-] some of
this group had quite a busy two weeks not so long ago, the [-] World
Championships were held here and some of us volunteered there… So it
was nice to go out with that bunch, there was no other purpose than just
to lay back the evening… And, of course you met some friends there and
so on, but the idea was not to see someone specifically [-].
JACK: On the other hand, like when we went on this so-called trend bar
trek, in this Bar Åbo, and we found a place called We Got Beef, places
like this… So they were packed out with people who had just one drink
all night, they were there to show up. And [-] a great percentage of the
people were something like… how should I say, futile celebrities, like TV
weather girls (laughter) [-]. Like someone said before, a trend bar is where
you go to show up, so they were standing there for two hours with their
glasses of water, and then they went home I guess. (Group #6, women
and men)
Kelly's account is a description of pure consumption of sociability: a nice
evening out for the sole purpose of achieving a sense of togetherness with
people you know. The experience of common will is an end in itself, and it
does not even require much effort − just the right mood. Meanwhile, Jack
describes trend bars where everyone acted according to their individual
interests, without attempting to merge these interests into a common will.
They are consuming sociability − seeing other people, drinking flashy drinks,
engaging in the ambience − but because they are doing so on their own,
individually, they seem ridiculous. They do not engage in group
commitments, the right practice of sociability consumption.
It is interesting that despite their critique, Jack and his group were
themselves in this same trend bar. Hence the consumption of sociability is
29
not only about the process of commitment to the group, but also about the
substance of interactions, goods and ambiences that are experienced in the
group and as a group. What, then, are the ingredients?
Places in use
The threefold typologies of the atmosphere and activities of main drinking
places were also in good use in discussions about the places frequented by
the interviewees themselves. The main attributes in talk about the
consumption of sociability were atmospheres: trendy, laid-back and sleazy.
However, because the context of talk had shifted from individual taste
judgments to the importance of the group, the interviewees were not so
much taking distance from inappropriate scenes as negotiating about
appropriate conditions for visiting different places.
The allurement of trend bars is largely about their popularity.
Popular media and street talk live to drum up the hot places, and no urbanite
is deaf to their beat. If you want to keep up with the times, you have to check
out the hot spots and by so doing be a member of the community of smart
urbanites. However, regular reports on these visits called for an excuse to be
there, or overt critique of what one had seen there. This can be seen as an
attempt to present oneself as a subject of one‘s own choices and as no fool
for fashion, but also as a means to make clear that one belongs not only to
the media target groups but other communities as well.
Often in the interviews, trendy bars and nightclubs also serve as
scenes for bigger events involving several and different kinds of participants,
such as wedding aftermaths, bachelor parties, or graduate celebrations. This
makes sense as the formal expectations of trendy places suit such formal
occasions, but there is another dimension. Trendy bars are considered to be
easy and acceptable settings for everyone, abstract or hygienic spots which do
not require a specific stand or attitude of anyone (see Sulkunen 1992, 81−83).
Although the party people would actually prefer an edgy and cosy rock bar,
for example, it is always possible that such a selection might be too much
against someone's personal likings and thus break the rules of mutual respect
and sensitivity. In the end, this fear may take the group to the latest hip place.
However, the popularity and hygiene of trendy places is also a
burden, as their sociability often is just too clean, formal and unattainable. It
ultimately rules out common will, as everyone is following their individual
intentions, or at best the preferences of some abstract, media-driven
community that cannot form a real-time partying group on the spot. This is
30
the source of ambivalence towards trendy places (cf. Brenda's comment on
trendy places earlier in the text).
The atmosphere of the suspicious suburban pub, in turn, is
consumed if one is looking for some really intensive interaction. As there is
not much else in which to get involved in suburban pubs, it offers a setting
for concentrated engagement within the group. There is also a nostalgic aura
about the uncompromised atmosphere of these hellholes. Some male
interviewees in particular claimed that if they were in some other (and
smaller) town than Helsinki, especially in their home town where they had
grown up, they would enjoy those places just as well. While this might not be
a true account of actual behaviour, it is interesting that the interviewees draw
legitimation for visiting these places from the past times or more traditional,
rural areas in Finland. The Finnish urbanites' roots in the countryside are still
close to the surface.
And last but not least, the average place. The norm of a normal place
somewhere in-between trendy and sleazy ones seem so obvious that they
receive fairly little discussion in the interviews. But when they do, they
usually are more reminiscent of the sleazy and excessive places ones than the
cool spots. Especially for men, rock music plays a crucial part in a real good
place, which is illustrated in the following discussion:
JOAKIM: And then what was missing [from the pictures] was a real good
rock bar.
DAVE: Yeah, something more underground, a more alternative-style
place.
#JT (interviewer): Are there such places in Helsinki?
DAVE: There is Factory and in the Kallio area you'll find them−
JOAKIM: −I've been looking for a long time in Helsinki, and I‘d say
Corner in Kamppi is one such place [-]. In Turku there are much more of
them.
BART: Yeah, like Dynamo and Appelsiini and places like that, they
weren‘t in these pictures.
ALLAN: In Oulu there's 45 Special, a pure rock bar.
#JT: How about this [one bar], how would you classify it?
BART: Well you only get one type of people in there, they probably
haven‘t put any effort into the decor, but the people are like-minded, they
listen to the same kind of music and they go there just to talk to each
other, to get smashed or whatever, they don't care about the atmosphere.
31
JOAKIM: And [that one place] is like, you know, liberal, I know a friend
of mine was there the other Saturday night naked, messing around a pole
[laughter], they didn't even throw him out [laughter].
ALLAN: And no better than that [-]?
JOAKIM: Or, you know, it's quite a liberal place, and still a city bar, like
that [-]. (Group #2, men)
In the beginning, the men display a great deal of cultural competence in
exhibiting and comparing their knowledge of good rock bars all around the
country. But this is obviously not a means for distinction (at least in
Bourdieuan terms). It becomes clear that one of the best places is actually
very much downplayed, to the point that some might consider it sleazy; it
accepts excessive behaviour like nude freakshows and makes no calls to pay
attention to the environment. While this passage is distinctly masculine and
not whole-heartedly supported even in this group (Allans's ironic comment),
both women and men in other groups attach parallel qualities to their
favourite pubs and nightclubs. These are the freedom to look and appear the
way you are, to dance and party the way you want, a liberal and permissive
attitude to the behaviours of others − and thus to gain an uninhibited,
authentic group experience. In short, this is experienced as a chance to "be
yourself" (see also Törrönen & Maunu 2005).
What then distinguishes these carnivalist "city bars" from excessive
teen hells or desperate suburban haunts is that they are scenes for many
different kinds of behaviour; in these other scenes, the behaviours are
doomed to be the same for ever more. From the perspective of individual
patrons, the city pubs and nightclubs are scenes for just one set of activities
within one circle of friends. And even though this may be considered the
most valued scene, it is never the only one. The objective in the consumption
of sociability is to consume all ambiences and interaction styles available.
This protection of diversity is another crucial practice in the
consumption of sociability in addition to the commitment to the group.
Besides authentic sociability, it also introduces an element of hygiene,
personal distance. Hygiene does not require clean tables or avoidance of
touching, not even distance from nudity, vomiting or same-sex kissing (cf.
Sulkunen 1992). What it requires is that something completely different is
done in-between carnivalist situations. It is this that distinguishes the average
freak-outs in a city nightclub from pathetic drunkards or juvenile youth: the
next evening they can be sipping a Gin Tonic at a cool club, cheering for a
football team in a sports bar, or enjoying a glass of wine in a cosy café − and
take pleasure in everything, if only the company is right.
32
Communities of competence
So far we have presented several findings on young Finnish urbanites‘
choices of drinking place, but on their basis it would be hard to claim that
these people form a distinct community. In fact, despite the emphasis on
commitment, the results might be read as indicative of hedonist and light
communality, often called tribalism or even orgies following Michel Maffesoli
(e.g. 1996). It might seem that the consumption of sociability is ultimately
about individual objectives, as the commitments are fragmented and personal
detachment is built into the system (also Sulkunen 1992).
But this is not the case. Despite the fragmentary and detached
elements, consumption of sociability is indeed a ritual that aims to glue the
pieces together and forms a community with shared and agreed values, and
collective sanctions for maintaining them. This becomes visible when we
analyse young urbanites' consumption of sociability in its larger context, or in
Alan Warde's terms, analyse the more general practices that include
consumption of sociability as a phase or moment in them (Warde 2005).
In this view, the interviewees' sociability consumption actually
involves three different practices. We have already discussed two of them.
The first is the practice of commitment to the group, clearly motivated by a
need to bond with others and to become recognized as a member of a group.
The second is the dispersed practice to seek several different group
memberships. While this can be seen as a need to gather fragments of
recognition in a segmental society, a more positive interpretation is to see it
as a celebration of social diversity.
To ensure social bonds in a dispersed world, then, a third kind of
practice is involved: to individually form a coherent self-identity out of these
temporary gatherings, and vice versa, to individually adjust oneself to the
demands of the situation and group at hand. This is the practice that
integrates the fragmented commitments into a continuous experience; and as
such it is also the real basis of the community.
In the following examination of a trend bar (bar B, cf. Brenda's
account earlier in the text), Oliver describes the place by reference to a lack
of the patrons' consistent self:
OLIVER: [-] Well, when you look at the bunch there, they‘re all searching
for an identity… They may have found some PVC fad, or leather, and
after that they‘re still searching for some more identity so that you find
yourself company, and then you change to the style of your companion.
(Group #7, men)
33
The irony with which Oliver equates 'identity' and its acquisition with gothic
subcultural clothing (PVC and leather) could be read simply as a conservative
critique against expressivity. But this would miss the point that the ideal
motivating the irony is to possess an integrated self that is not shaken by the
changing winds of fashion or other people. Thus, even though they are more
social, the averages also seem to be more individual than the pathetic
fadmongers.
However an average self should not be sealed off from others either,
but remain open and easily approachable. Oliver makes this point by
describing another place soon after the previous account:
OLIVER: And then, place G… This is [-] made to be enjoyed, it is
designed so that people enjoy being there. [-] It's noisy in there, music
played at full volume… there's no need for intellectual conversation there,
it's made for interaction, lots of interaction between different people [-].
(Group #7, men)
Oliver rates the place highly and draws attention to the interaction between
different people, but denies that "intellectual conversation" could fulfil this
function. This implies that the interactions must be temporary and based on
quick and intensive bodily interaction. It also implies that you are expected to
interact with several people, be available to as many people as possible, and
not get stuck in conversation with just one. Keeping in mind Oliver's
previous comment on the consistence of self, it seems that only when you
have an integrated self can you unconditionally bond with others in a manner
that does not allow for individual space − and still feel neither intrusion nor
ridicule.
Hence, the seeming contradiction between the need for individual
limits and their suspension becomes complementarity. The self needs to be
opened up to others in order to experience real interchange, but it needs to
be closed again to integrate the experience with other, different ones. The
self then becomes able to open up again and contribute to ever more and
different groups. This temporal dynamics also creates a successful balance
between social bonding and individual autonomy; and as such it is the core of
the ideology of the averages.
The strongest evidence for this argument is provided by the
previously presented simultaneity of clear-cut distinctions and social
omnivorousness in all interviews. These are not in fact contradictory either,
but they both show individual preparedness to fit into different social groups.
On the one hand, the distinctions are motivated by the desire to take
distance from people who are unable to adjust and commit themselves to
34
groups. Hence, self-assurance in taste judgments should not be seen as a
display of some general cultural competence or goodwill (cf. Bourdieu 1984),
but as a mark of eligibility to behave in a group.
On the other hand, social omnivorousness is about showing one‘s
acceptance of and willingness to social diversity, and about taking distance
from one-sided and prejudiced people. To display street-wise knowledge
about pubs and clubs, then, is to know how to act in different situations and
companionships, and to show that these competencies are an intrinsic part of
one's self. Self-assured competence signifies trustworthiness, moral maturity
in social situations that easily collapse if someone is not sensitively
committed to the group.
And just as the other two practices of consuming sociability, the
practice of individual self-integration also legitimates the distinction away
from desperados, teenagers, hipsters and jet set. These groups seem not just
anti-social, selfish and one-sided, but also unable to have a coherent and selfsteering self. This is actually the strongest means of all because it allows for
dividing people at the most personal level: it allows to question the other's
self as a whole.
Consumption of sociability and average ethics
In this article I have analysed young Finnish urbanites‘ classifications of
drinking places, their motivations for these classifications, and the moral
factors that make young urbanites of the early 2000s a distinct group. As an
analytic metaphor, I have used the concept of consumption of sociability,
defined as a composite of social practices, and in my analysis spelled out
these practices and the values they embody.
The classification scheme of drinking places consists of two axes:
Firstly, the places' main activities, which are hanging out; partying; and
dining. Secondly, the atmospheres or goings-on of the places, which are
sleazy; average or laid-back; and smart or superficial. The atmospheres
appear first and foremost as attributes of the main activities, and thus the
whole classification scheme can be seen as a map of expectations of action.
Although the interviewees took clear distance in their classifications
from sleazy and superficial places, they admitted that they go to and enjoy all
kinds of places. The analysis showed that the seemingly contradictory
elements of discussion were in fact different parts of a coherent whole.
Consumption of sociability is about bonding oneself with several groups and
groupings, which is also to have a colourful and versatile individual self. This
35
objective requires three specific practices. The first is to commit to a group in
the first place. The second is to commit to different and ever-changing
groups and situations. And the third is a twofold practice of individual
integration, both in terms of creating a coherent self-identity out of
fragmentary gatherings, and in terms of individually adjusting to the group at
hand.
The practices of commitment, versatility and integration seem to
derive their power from the way of life of young Finnish urbanites more
generally. That is, the main moral elements of sociability consumption seem
to be valid outside drinking places as well. Thus I claim that the interviewees
and their reference group form a coherent and distinctive community of
"averages", an epithet motivated by their two-way distinction. To conclude,
then, I describe below the average ethics as an interplay of their main life
practices.
First, commitment. The abstract group of averages needs to realize
itself in bodily rituals, that is, they visit drinking places or gather elsewhere in
committed groups of flesh and bone. This is the only way for the individuals
to recognize others and to become recognized themselves. Without such
real-time mirroring, the group and its members could never take their
existence for real, but they would be destined to irrational, even neurotic
illusions cut off from social reality (see also Törrönen & Maunu 2007b).
Thus, contrary to the arguments of some substance use studies and more
general social theories, today's young urbanites do not use their groups for
their own individual purposes. For the people in my study, this kind of
selfishness is something to avoid, something that phoney elites or sordid
creeps do. Rather, for the averages, real-time groups and commitment to
them is a fundamental ingredient of their identity.
Second, versatility. The specific groups with their temporary rituals
are not nearly as binding as more traditional groups with all-embracing rituals
(e.g. Turner 2007). No group alone can be responsible for its members'
whole life and the ingredients of their particular identity. Thus the groups
allow for and require 'extramarital affairs', memberships of other and
differing groups. The responsibility for bonding is thus shared with all
averages, that is, members of all groups to which an individual belongs −
even with people who are not present at some particular event. It follows
that the ritual of the averages is in fact a series of different rituals, and,
accordingly, the average identity is a series of different identifications rather
than a fixed entity. This is a logic that also ensures individual differentiation
while still nourishing group memberships.
And third, individual integration. As all individuals face and accept
the same moral requirements of commitment and versatility, the caste marks
36
of the averages show a willingness and competence to personally follow the
rules of situational respect, sensitivity and support. This requires that some
integration work is done individually in the background. It also gives the right
to insist that others do the same. No particular group benefits from this
integration of individual and collective aspirations, but rather it serves
simultaneously all groups in which the individuals take part. It gets no direct
support from any specific group either, but is tested in social situations over
and over again. It is this that makes the averages such an abstract group and
gives their gatherings a sense of segmentality. In fact, these segments are
drawn together by individuals in-between the gatherings − and this silent
integration is the strong ritual glue of the averages. It is the binding element
that makes coherent lives out of heterogeneous real-time rituals, and it is
interesting that even though the integration work is done individually
backstage, it feeds back into the social situations as it is ultimately evaluated
in and legitimated by collective gatherings. This introduces a crucial temporal
element into the averages' community and its maintenance which is absent in
studies that approach bar sociability as a reflection of static socio-cultural
structures (see Maunu & Millar 2005).
The averages' social diversity and competence means that they do
not take one specific type of drinking place as their home base. They can
bring along their own practices wherever they wish. What motivates their
liking of average, laid-back places, though, is that in those places 'good'
practices are offered on the house, so to speak. Accordingly, sleazy or
superficial places seem troublesome to them because those places do not
have similar conventions to offer. But it would be wrong to conclude that the
places determine their practices − averageness is not bound up with any one
setting.
Averageness is not bound up with any rigid socio-economic group
either. The interviewees certainly represent the socio-economic middle class,
but there is no reason to believe that working class or upper class people do
not belong to different groups and adjust themselves to those groups. That
the average ethics is articulated in contrast to low-life and various kinds of
elitism seems a moral distinction between "us" and "them", a fundamental
feature of human sociability, and not a description of real socio-economic
relationships. This is also how Sulkunen describes the new middle class: it is a
mentality that concerns us all, and it does not exist as a statistical category or
other structural group (Sulkunen 1992, 3).
There does, however, seem to be at least one real socio-economic
factor behind the averages' mentality. That factor sets the value of
commitment of the 2000s averages in contrast to the 1980s detached
urbanites in Sulkunen's study. In the space of these two decades, the living
37
conditions of young urbanites in Finland have become far less stable and
secure with the growing scarcity of job opportunities, shorter employment
contracts and vaguer social groupings. The 1980s middle class could take
these basic pillars of life more or less as given, and they have therefore had a
safe harbour in which to display detached individuality and, by so doing, feel
personal liberation from the paternalism of the past Finland (Sulkunen 1992,
152−155). By contrast, today's adults are born to choose, and the only
bedrock for their life plans is provided by their individual decisions. The
status of choosing has changed from a speciality to an everyday circumstance,
and commitments and social bonds increasingly require individual choices
and effort as well. This turns them into a desired object rather than a burden
of tradition.
Finally, this historical change also suggests a new logic of social
divisions in place of straightforward group-based divisions. The importance
of individual competencies and choices puts weight on personal
accomplishments instead of individuals' reference group. Thus distinctions
can be made between people on the basis of their individual performances,
their self, and not on the basis the nature of the group to which they belong.
While this is democratic in the sense that it allows people with different
backgrounds to participate on equal grounds, it is also an extremely strong
means of exclusion because it can refuse the other's whole persona − that is
the license to participate. Hence, the distinctions made by the averages do
bear great significance, even if they do not correlate with their structural class
position or other similar factors (cf. Bourdieu 1984).
38
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39
40
Drinking habits as described in the pub and
drinking diaries of young adult Finns
Jukka Törrönen
Altogether I had 5 bottles of beer and cider and 3 glasses of wine at this
place. At about seven in the evening we then went together back to our
workplace to continue and to watch a video. Some "not-so-welcome"
people turned up. But luckily they brought along some more drink, wine
and rum. The gang packed into a corner to watch the music video – I was
smirking to myself because of the wine. The video ended and then
everyone in turn gave their views on it. The salesmen were ready to sell
the band [CD's]. Good goings-on in every respect. Some of my
workmates left for the pubs to carry on. The core of our gang stayed on
to drink the rest of the wine. By this stage there are blank spots in my
memory. At some point Jaska tumbled over Leea like a blind drunk and L
hurt her head. L's sober boyfriend took her by a car to the hospital for
stitches. She may have broken her glasses, too. Jaska passed out on a
chair. Leo and some other workmates went to vomit. I myself drank the
rum I got and listened to "Viljami's" new rap CD – parties at their best.
Someone spilled red wine onto the fax machine. At this stage I think it
was about ten o'clock and we were down to me and 5 other workmates.
Things are now getting rather hazy …a wardrobe suddenly fell over on
Pate! Perhaps it was time to go to a bar – away from the workplace! We
got through all the wine (M(ale), 7).
This is an excerpt from a drinking diary kept by a young Finnish man. In it
he describes an episode from his workplace's 'wine & chips' Friday gathering
which started at another company office immediately after work at 4pm,
continued at his own office as reported in the excerpt, and then moved onto
a bar as the drinks dried up. In the episode quoted, the drinking is out of
control from quite an early stage. By 8 pm the narrator‘s memory is getting
rather patchy and things become quite chaotic: drinkers are falling over,
vomiting and passing out.
The excerpt illustrates drinking behaviour that fulfils the
stereotypical expectations concerning Finnish drunkenness and border
transgression. It also resonates with the epidemiological research whose
redundant message is that Finns are still drinking primarily in order to get
drunk. According to such research, Finnish drinking habits are characterised
41
by their slow change or cultural lag. Although living conditions in Finland
have improved and modernised dramatically, there remains the conviction
that Finns drink in the age-old way of peasants or backwoodsmen. The
excerpt sharply exemplifies this tension between the modern world and
traditional culture. The setting and accoutrements (video, rap music and fax)
are modern, perhaps they are the vogue; but the behaviour is traditional, even
archaic.
Besides being described as slow changing, intoxication is often given
a national character. This conclusion is drawn by virtue of the fact that
drinking to intoxication seems to unite the Finnish people beyond class
divisions, generational chasms and gender differences (Tigerstedt &
Törrönen 2005).
In this article, I study the current state of Finnish drinking habits
through the pub (literally 'restaurant' in Finnish) and drinking diaries kept by
young adults. The data consist of 60 diaries, 39 written by women and 21 by
men. The authors of the diaries are aged between 23 and 35 years. They were
recruited from the fast-expanding areas of employment in business and
administration, the assumption being that the roles given to alcohol in their
diaries are indicative of more general trends in Finnish drinking habits.
My article takes a critical view of the conception that there exists a
nationally uniform and unchanging way of drinking in Finland. I do not
believe that weekend heavy drinking proves that drinking habits have
remained unchanged and still replicate the same national purposes and
meanings that they did 30 or 40 years ago (Tigerstedt & Törrönen 2005).
Instead, I assume that the diaries describe many different kinds of drinking
habits, of which the above excerpt is one example. In addition, I assume that
heavy drinking is a multifarious phenomenon. It can have many different
uses and take on different meanings. It is by no means self-evident that heavy
drinking in Finland refers inevitably to a traditional drinking habit. It may
also assume modern characteristics. Rather than traditional drinking
behaviour, the above excerpt may also describe a late-modern way of
drinking heavily during weekends that is distinctive of global youth cultures
and that serves as a counterbalance to the hardships and discipline of work.
In order to gain a more sensitive grasp of the similarities and
differences of the drinking habits described in the diaries, I define a drinking
habit as consisting of three aspects: self-presentation, regulation and
situational variation. Self-presentation refers to the motives of drinking;
regulation to the aspirations and mechanisms of controlling drinking; and
situational variation to the contexts of drinking (Tigerstedt & Törrönen
2005).
The pub and drinking diaries offer rich material for studying drinking
42
habits. First, according to statistics, young adults are the most frequent pub
users and they consume more alcohol at pubs than other population groups
(Holmila et al. 1997). Secondly, the diaries provide a secure platform from
which the writers can reflexively discuss their own behaviour in relation to
others, to their environment and to themselves. They thereby contain much
reflection concerning the motives, regulation and situational variation of
drinking. Thirdly, besides pub drinking, the diaries also describe other typical
drinking situations, in which case they provide a general view of the mutual
relations, connections and meanings between different drinking situations in
the way of life of young adults.
The many meanings of Finnish intoxication
A recurring argument in the epidemiological research is that in Finland,
alcohol is not consumed instrumentally by subordinating it to other activities,
but self-purposefully with a view to getting drunk (Simpura & Partanen 1987;
Paakkanen 1995). The research says that until the 1960s, the aspiration of
intoxication has mainly been an undertaking of men. Since then, this same
aspiration has also spread among women, boys and girls. It is interesting that
this expansion of heavy drinking is ordinarily interpreted as an intensification
of male drinking habits, but not, for example, as a disintegration or
diversification of the tradition of heavy drinking. From this viewpoint, men's
drinking behaviour is fixed as a norm by assuming that the increase in
women's, boys' and girls' drinking has not undermined or changed the
cultural position and predominance of the masculine drinking tradition.
In an inspiring article, Juha Partanen (1992, 381) suggests that
drinking habits in Finland can be characterised as heroic drinking, an age-old
and hard-headed cultural pattern of action that renews itself automatically
and repetitively in its own mythical way. Its roots lie in the masculine
drinking circle. Both heavy intoxication, in which one travels to another
reality, and sociability, a striving for a sense of community, are distinctive of
this cultural pattern. Partanen (ibid.) assumes that it can "well be absorbed in
different social contexts and (…) used with different motives" (381).
Gentlemen may celebrate being confident of their powers, the poor may seek
mutual solidarity in their embitterment and women may aspire to
drunkenness to prove themselves equal with men (ibid. 381-382).
According to Partanen (1992), heroic drinking has maintained a
shared, nationally homogeneous position in Finland even though there is
wide variation in the motives, regulation and contexts of drinking. Thus he
43
subordinates the differences observed in drinking behaviour to a hypothetical
deep structure of culture. He commits himself to Lévi-Strauss's structuralist
view that structure (langue) is primary to action (parole) which reflects the
structure and is generated by it. This implies that drinking habits that seem to
be different are in fact only manifestations of the same inebriation. As the
Lévi-Strauss‘s well-known phrase goes, we do not speak with myths but are
spoken by them. When a Finn gets drunk, the language of his or her
forefathers begins to burble through.
This kind of theory of drinking habits is problematic in that it does
not give enough independence to concrete reality. When the differences
observed in drinking behaviour are explained as manifestations of the same
structure of drunkenness, this offers little encouragement to analyse the
empirical data from new viewpoints, or turns empirical research into a
secondary activity. And when differences in drinking habits are identified,
they can easily be interpreted as superficial echoes and modifications of the
deep structure.
As well as looking at Finnish drinking habits as manifestations of
cultural deep structures, researchers have expected to see a constant
modernisation of drinking habits, assuming that social development is a oneway, linear and teleological process. For example, Partanen (1992) assumes
that the Finnish intoxication-oriented drinking pattern is a cultural relic
which will eventually reach a juncture where it will transform into modern
drinking and be characterised by "hedonistic tasting, instrumental and
symbolic uses of alcohol and individual addiction" (ibid. 382).
By fixing drinking habits according to a linear image of history,
Partanen anchors heavy drinking as part of a pre-modern form of life and
moderate drinking as part of a modern lifestyle. It is, however, easy to find
cases where the opposite is true, where intoxication means newness and
moderate drinking oldness. In Italy, for example, drunkenness may articulate
new kinds of drinking habits that have now caught on among young people.
It is also possible that, rather than testifying to the predominance of male
drinking habits, the increase in women's drinking in Finland has reflected the
emergence of completely new kinds of traditions.
In this article, history is understood as an aimless process in which
drinking habits have no given meaning. The fact that heavy drinking has
remained a prevailing practice for several decades in Finland does not
necessarily mean it is a pre-modern relic. Rather, it is more believable that it
is a living tradition that has found new uses and meanings in new kinds of
living conditions. Based on data collected in 2000, Kortteinen and Elovainio
(2003) argue that heavy drinking seems to be less disruptive in Finland today
than it was some decades ago. This does not, however, exclude the possibility
44
that drinking habits could become more violent in the future.
When history is understood as an aimless process, culture too can be
approached and seen as a multilayered phenomenon. The heroic drinking
habit identified by Partanen (1992) is one behaviour pattern in Finnish
culture, but not the only one. Research has also recognised other forms of
intoxication that, as they are accumulated in cultural memory, may recede at
in some point in history, only to return again in some other context where its
meaning is no longer the same.
Falk and Sulkunen (1980) have described the intoxication of the
Finnish man as a journey in which, in the company of other men, he escapes
the control of society (women). During this journey, however, the sociability
of the drinking circle does not develop into a genuine community. Instead, it
remains distorted and empty, until the man finally ends up feeling a sense of
cosmic loneliness. Mäkelä (1982) has suggested that by getting drunk, Finns
are trying to overcome their loneliness. By loneliness, Mäkelä is not referring
to a psychological need or a nationalistic, essentialist characteristic, but rather
a quality of sociability prevailing in culture. According to Mäkelä, Finnish
sociability is characterised by a tendency towards separateness from others,
which refers at once to independence coupled with respect for each other's
intimacy, and to detachment, with its difficulty in sharing one's own feelings
with others (see Virtanen 1982).
Many qualitative studies have identified class and gender differences
in the motives, regulation and situations of drinking. For example, Sulkunen
and colleagues (1997 [1985]) found in their study of the urban pub that
working class men had an uncomplicated and appreciative relationship to
intoxication. Drinking is motivated by a tendency to make the pub a territory
of freedom for one's own drinking gang as a counterbalance to the
compulsions and restrictions of home. Drinking is regulated by external
factors: by the staff at the pub, (common-law) wives that show up at the pub,
and activities, such as darts or pool. Drinking becomes concentrated around
the safe environs of one's own local pub, where a lot of drinking goes on
during weekends.
A study on the pub life of the new middle class (Sulkunen 1992)
suggested that its members take a negative attitude towards the heavy
sociability and intoxication that characterises the working class pub. For
them, drinking is linked to a conversation among equals and regulated by
self-control. Drinking does not take place during weekends, but on the way
home from work, in pubs near the workplace, where one might talk about
work matters over a few drinks.
In addition, a number of studies have found clear gender differences
in drinking. For example, men's intoxication has been found to be more
45
transgressive than women's. The interview materials collected by Mäkelä
&Virtanen (1987) and Pyörälä (1991) reveal that young men's favourite
experiences of being drunk are characterised by transgression against
everyday life and its sociability. In these experiences a bunch of men travel by
car to a campsite, move around aimlessly, go perhaps to watch a local
summer event and finally return to the tent in the small hours. In these
summer trips, drinking is self-purposive; intoxications are stout and
uncontrolled.
Young women, on the other hand, describe their favourite
experiences of being drunk as part of their sociability. The main stage of their
narrative is a pub where they go with their best friends to meet other friends
and to have a chat, ordering drinks while they‘re at it. The motives for
drinking are socialising, dancing and dating, which, as activities, regulate both
their own and men‘s drinking (Pyörälä 1991).
However it has recently been suggested that women's drinking has
gained more transgressive features. For example, in an ethnographic study in
the 1990s, it was discovered that intoxication has become more acceptable
for women, but only on condition that they do not start publicly to splutter
and stumble (Nykyri 1996). In addition, a recent study has observed that the
intoxication of young women does not remain in the sphere of ordinary
sociability. The aim of getting drunk also raises them from objective-oriented
linear time to the cyclic time of their own group, where they can enjoy the
thrill of the timeless moment (Törrönen & Maunu 2005).
The above illustrates part of the wide variety of drinking habits in
Finland. In what follows, I will look at how these historical layers and
versions of drinking habits appear in the pub and drinking diaries collected
for my research.
Diaries as articulators of drinking habits
In this article, drinking habits are approached as entities composed of selfpresentation, regulation and situational variation (Tigerstedt & Törrönen
2005). This definition is influenced by Bourdieu's concept of habitus (1984).
First, it is considered essential that subjects have internalised drinking habits
from their environment by actively imitating and cultivating them for their
own competences (capital). Through internalisation, drinking habits have
become bodily extensions, "structuring structures" on the basis of which
subjects can spontaneously act and express themselves in various social
arenas. Secondly, as drinking habits become ossified as durable routines, they
46
change into the subject's "second nature". As they are closely entangled with
everyday life, they begin to guide the subject's perceptions, actions and
interpretations, as subconscious and compelling, "structured structures".
Thirdly, drinking habits appear differently in different concrete practices and
situations, which Bourdieu examines using the concept of field (Crossley
2001).
Bourdieu's concept of habitus is not unproblematic, however. First,
Bourdieu‘s analysis of habits is too heavily structure-oriented. He assumes
that dress conventions, walking styles and drinking habits are visible and
coherent expressions of class positions. He also undervalues the significance
of other factors in the development of habits, such as generational
differences, gender divisions and local practices. Secondly, Bourdieu deals
only partially with the contribution of creativity in the incorporation,
establishment and transformation of habits. Hence his texts create the
impression that habits can be transferred unidirectionally from society to the
individual. Thirdly, he does not discuss the way that habits shape actors'
subjective worlds and linguistic interpretative repertoires. For him, habits
primarily regulate action from the outside in, while the active shaping of
functional or linguistic routines from inside out remains, for him, a closed
box. In addition, Bourdieu mistakenly assumes that reflexivity does not
belong to the circle of habitual routines. This constructs an erroneous image
of people who mechanically follow their conventional patterns of behaviour
(Crossley 2001).
Following Crossley (2001), Bourdieu's theory of habitus can be
complemented by phenomenological (Merleau-Ponty, Husserl) and
pragmatic (Mead) concepts of habit. In my analysis of the diary descriptions
of drinking habits, I first of all pay attention to the fact that these habits
obtain their meaning dialogically in the interaction between the agent and
world. As Merleau-Ponty (1965) has argued, the agent does not respond
mechanically to environmental stimuli or act unconsciously by pig-headedly
repeating earlier schemas of behaviour. Habits are resources, part of the
agent's practical knowledge on the basis of which they navigate in the world,
seek recognition from reference groups and make discretionary choices
(Crossley 2001, 127). In their pub and drinking diaries, the writers here
consider and evaluate their own actions in the concrete contexts of everyday
life over a period of many weeks. Thereby the diaries make known how the
agents interact with their environs: what kind of habitual weekly or monthly
rhythm their drinking assumes, for what kinds of purposes do they harness
their drinking habits and what structural factors possibly explain their habits.
Secondly, the diaries articulate the situated freedom of the subjects‘
habitual action. They allow us to trace how the writers adapt themselves to
47
the expectations of others, how they challenge these expectations, choose
differently according to the situation‘s requirement, or even surprise
themselves when something unexpected happens in the situation. The diaries
make concrete the pragmatists' theory that in the flow of action, agents need
to continuously correct and specify the direction and purpose of their action
(Joas 1996). They cannot just act in a situation by following prior made plans.
The diaries contain abundant descriptions of how the writer-protagonists or
their drinking company extemporarily change their plans or agree on their
decisions. Because of this situated freedom, the subjects‘ habits may be
characterised as a "moving equilibrium" or as being in a slow but continual
state of dissolution and reconstruction (Crossley 2001).
Thirdly, the diaries open up an extended view of the inscape and
inner self of the actors (Symes 1999, 359). They show what kinds of habitual
motives and meanings the actors attribute to their own or others‘ drinking
behaviour in pubs or other typical drinking situations. These habits not only
regulate the action, but also guide the way that the agents perceive and signify
their environs, in other words, how they use language. Language is not an
abstract, external factor for action, but a fundamental part of it. When
subjects act in a flowing and complex reality, Husserl (1973) says, they have
to simplify their experience of that reality by "typifying" it. In this process of
typifying, subjects make use of the categories, classifications and schemas of
action offered by language. When subjects encounter new situations, they do
not act by "plucking them from scratch". Instead, they subsume them in the
sphere of their experience by comparing them with situations and objects of
the same type they have experienced in the past. In this way, knowledge of
the world is accumulated and sedimented into habitual categories,
classifications and action schemas that predispose and fortify the subject to
respond in "typical" ways to "typical" or "untypical" situations (Crossley
2001, 130-132). As Bourdieu has emphasised, the subject's habitus or
behavioural disposition is composed of characteristic ways of classifying the
world and modelling action (Bourdieu 1984). The diary data provide useful
material for identifying which kinds of categories and schemas the writers
have chosen for purposes of typifying the motives, regulation and situations
of their drinking.
Fourthly, the diary descriptions make it possible to grasp the
reflexivity of habitual behaviour. It is a convention of diaries that writers
have a confidential dialogue with themselves in relation to their own
behaviour, to the actions of others, and to society (cf. Jokinen 2004, 342).
Language has an important role in this. By means of language, humans can
take some distance from matters, question their immediate responses, make
apparent their practical intentions and enter into a process of dialogue with
48
their aspirations, inner life and self (Crossley 2001, 137-138). Diaries are
heavily reflexive data. Diary writers look at themselves or their protagonists
from the perspective of others or their reference groups, and evaluate
whether or not these reflected persons (with communal extensions – friends)
are acting in a way that is morally acceptable. Diary writers are thus
reflexively doubled, either as protagonists of the stories they are narrating
oras narrators who present themselves to their audience as moral beings.
Makkonen (1993) expresses this pithily: "In the situation of writing there are
two figures, one who is looking into the mirror and the other who is
watching from the mirror; the narrator and the object of narration" (15) .
The point is also illustrated by Mead's (1967) distinction between 'I' and 'me'.
'I' is the one looking into at the mirror and 'me' the other watching from the
mirror. The ability of agents to enter into a process of dialogue between 'I'
and 'me' enables them to try to consciously change their habits. An agent
may, for example, feel embarrassed (I) about having drunk too much in the
past few months (me) and decide (I) to change her or his drinking habits
(me) by going for a run instead of having a few beers in the evening (me).
Furthermore, it is probable that the pub and drinking diaries, as a
type of autobiography, bring out specific gender differences in drinking
habits. Previous studies have shown that women tend to emphasise private
and personal matters in their life stories, presenting themselves through
'significant others' as relational subjects, describing events in a fragmentary
and cyclical way, and position themselves as passive objects of others‘
actions. Men, again, tend to stress public deeds and achievements in their life
stories, to consider themselves as autonomous agents, narrate coherently and
straightforwardly about events and position themselves as active subjects of
action (Hyvärinen et al. 1998, 9-11).
This kind of contrastive and binary positioning has been criticised as
essentialist, however, for it identifies women and men as carriers of a single
and homogeneous gender. Indeed women's studies have been keen to
emphasise the many differences and variations that are found within the
categories of women and men. Habits are not divided by definition into
women's habits and men's habits. Instead, they can be thought of as cultural
models of behaviour with which women and men can identify in different
ways and shape as part of their disposition (Järviluoma et al. 2003, 50-66).
Butler (1993), for example, sees gender as a question of repetition or habit.
Gender does not have an origin, or a core essence, but it is actively made and
transformed by imitating, citing and stylising gender ideals (Rossi 2003, 1213).
49
Analysing diaries from the viewpoint of drinking habits
Based on the starting points outlined above, I now proceed to analyse the
diary data collected for this research. The writers were asked to describe each
of their visits to the pub or each of their drinking occasions in a story that
presented the initial situation, the unfolding of events, and the final outcome.
The narrative shape is valuable first and foremost because it avoids having
simply an abstract list of events. In their stories the narrators describe in
detail what they did in concrete situations and give meaning to the events by
telling how they are linked to each other and how they fit into the whole.
Diaries in a narrative form provide a concrete demonstration of how the
writers' drinking operates in interaction with their environs; what kind of
situated freedom it shows; what are the most characteristic ways for writers
to typify their drinking; and what kind of reflexivity they direct at their
drinking behaviour. Thus one can infer from the diaries what kinds of
habitual functions and meanings drinking has in their pub behaviour and in
other pivotal drinking occasions.
My analysis of drinking habits as described in the diaries has three
main focuses. First, I want to find out at which stage of the narrative
drinking is discussed in the diaries. To do this, I apply Greimas' canonical
narrative schema (Greimas & Courtés 1979). The narrative schema identifies
three phases for the story: the qualifying story, principal story and evaluating
story (Sulkunen & Törrönen 1997). In qualifying stories, the narrators probe
the setting and starting points for their pub evening or drinking occasion and
possibly write about their motives for gathering. In the principal story they
proceed to describe their activities on the main stage (pub, disco, camping
site, summer cottage, etc.), and finally in the evaluating story they evaluate
whether and how the evening was a success.
Secondly, I am interested to analyse the roles of alcohol in the
different phases of the narrative and which of its roles becomes dominant. I
do this by means of Greimas' actant model (1966). According to this model,
drinking may appear on the stage in the roles of sender, object, subject,
helper, opponent or receiver. As sender, drinking legitimates the action or
provides an obligation for action. This illustrated by the following diary entry:
"I often find that when I have a few drinks, I begin to feel an urge to go out"
(F1). As object, drinking becomes an end of action in itself, as in the
statement: "And again beer was drunk, and more beer. And yet some more
beer" (F36). Drinking becomes subject when it takes over the drinker and
begins to dictate the events of the narrative as a protagonist. This may
happen in cases where the writers have drunk so much that they can no
50
longer remember events and have to describe their actions through the
recollections of others: "They told me I was pretty tanked up and funny, I
was tossing my head around and getting really excited about things around
the city like a little kid" (F36). In the role of helper, alcohol provides abilities
and competences for others actions, as in the following excerpt: "because we
had a good few beers to start with, things went quite well" (F3). As
opponent, alcohol is manifested as an obstacle to action that is made
concrete by the diary entry: "By that time the birthday heroine (…) was
already so sloshed that it was impossible to celebrate any more" (F14). When
drinking takes the role of receiver, everything is done for the benefit of
drinking (see Törrönen & Maunu 2005).
By analysing the phases and roles of drinking, it is possible to grasp
the conventional sequences of drinking events as embedded in the diaries as
well as the habitual tasks assigned to drinking. In addition, the examination
of the phases and roles of drinking reveals what kinds of latent classifications
and action schemas are used by the diary writers to typify their drinking.
What kinds of categories, classifications and oppositions do they attach to
their own or others‘ drinking? In what way is drinking constructed as
transgressive, as distinct from the sociability of the sober world? (cf. Mäkelä
& Virtanen 1987).
Thirdly, I am interested to explore the viewpoints from which
drinking and its progression as well as related activities are considered in the
diaries. For this purpose I apply the narratological concept of focalisation
(Prince 1988). Focalisation means a vision, point of view or prism through
which the events of the narrative are experienced (Genette 1980). An analysis
of focalisation allows us to draw inferences about how reflexively narrators
(I) contemplate their drinking behaviour (me) in the diaries. Within
focalisation it is possible to distinguish a focalisor, filter and the focalised. A
focalisor is a point or person through whose eyes or senses the events are
experienced. It can be recognised by asking "who sees or experiences". The
focalised, then, is an object or activity that the focalisor foregrounds from the
events (Rimmon-Kenan 1983). In this case the question we need to ask is:
"what is seen or experienced?". Filter, in turn, refers to mental activities –
perceptions, attitudes, emotions, memories, fantasies, and the like – that
delimit and specify the relation and processes between focalisor and focalised
(Chatman 1990, 144). The filter can be identified by asking: "how does one
see or experience?". (Bal 1985, 100-117.) The following diary excerpt
provides a useful illustration:
51
(a) I often lose my memory if I drink more than four bottles of cider, but
this time I didn't have any blackouts. (b) Being able to eat well certainly
helped on Friday. (c) Looking at the amount of drinks on Friday, all I can
say is that I could have managed with less. (d) I do have something of a
moral hangover since I did not have enough time to do my homework
and other things at home on Saturday (F19).
At the beginning of the excerpt, the focalisor is me, the focalised is drinking
and the filters are the amount of drinking and loss of memory (a). However,
the narrator, straightaway specifies that this time she did not lose her
memory as she had been able to eat (a-b). The narrator then moves on to
consider yesterday's behaviour of 'me' from an external perspective,
evaluating her drinking as excessive and confessing to having a moral
hangover (c-d). In the afterthoughts, the narrator's drinking experience is
slanted with the filters of excessive drinking and moral hangover.
In what follows, I apply these tools of analysis to present, first, an
overview of the whole dataset. In this, I take a quantitative viewpoint to
describe what kinds of habitual phases, roles and focalisations of women's
and men's drinking are articulated in the diaries. I then analyse what kind of
qualitative and gender-specific variation can be seen in the drinking habits
described in the diaries.
Overview of drinking in the data
The data collection was designed to gather 60 diaries written in narrative
form, 30 by women and 30 by men aged between 23 and 35. The diary
writers were recruited from the personnel registers of trade unions for
information industry and service branch employees in the Helsinki
metropolitan area. They were sent a letter introducing the study and
subsequently telephoned to ask them whether they wanted to take part in the
research. The participants were first interviewed (Törrönen & Maunu 2004,
2005) and in this connection informed about the general guidelines for
writing the diary. It became clear from very early on that nowhere near the
number of writers would be able to fulfil the commitments necessary to
complete the diaries. Men in particular had great difficulty writing the diaries.
Therefore, in order to achieve the target of 60 diaries, we eventually
conducted 117 interviews. In spite of this, the gender distribution was
unbalanced. The final material comprised 39 women's diaries and 21 men's
diaries, which in retrospect was a good thing since earlier research has given
only scant attention to the subject of women's drinking.
52
Completed in 2003 and 2004, the diaries describe all the pub visits and
drinking occasions by the diary writers during a period of at least eight weeks.
The shortest diary runs to 4 pages, the longest one to 40 pages single spacing.
All in all the data comprise 1022 narratives.
Once all the data had been collected, they were coded using Atlas.ti
software and analysed by the tools described above. The author was assisted
in data collection and coding by Antti Maunu. As is clear from Table 1 which
summarises the data coding, alcohol and drinking are dealt with extensively
in the narratives, especially in the context of the qualifying story and the
principal story. In the whole dataset, drinking is the main activity in only 49
of the narratives. Drinking appears most often as a helper (1587), sometimes
as an opponent (64), but hardly ever as a sender, a subject or a receiver (less
than15 occurrences. In the context of the qualifying story, drinking is
habitually focalised as eating (245), conversation (180) and side-actions (161).
The focalisor is 'me' or 'us' and the experience is usually filtered by the mood
of drinking (82), by the amount of drinking (87), or by drinking controls such
as abstinence from drinking (125) or reflecting on others‘ intoxication (115).
In the context of the principal story, drinking is focalised as conversation
(423), moving on from one place to another (269), side-actions (264) and
eating (252). The focalisor is 'me' or 'us'. In addition, the position of the
focalisor circulates intersubjectively within the group from one member to
another. The relation to drinking is governed by control filters, such as
reflecting on others‘ intoxication (230), abstinence from drinking (212) and
hangover (58), or by states-of-mind filters, such as good feeling (156) and
fatigue (98). In the evaluating story, the focalisation is reflexively turned to
the focalisors and filters. The ex post facto evaluations of drinking are
dominated by hangover (153), abstinence from drinking (74) and good
feeling (70).
In a quantitative analysis there are only minor gender differences.
Women place somewhat more emphasis on control filters (abstinence from
drinking, hangover, response to others‘ drinking) than men. However a
qualitative analysis reveals some very interesting differences in drinking
habits and in their gender-specific character.
53
Table 1. Common actantial positions, focalised activities and filters of alcohol in the different phases of the diary narratives*
Actantial positions
Helper
Opponent
Object
Focalised activities
Conversation
Eating
side-actions**
moving on from one place to another
making friends, flirting
Dance
Filters
reflecting on other's intoxication
abstinence from drinking
reflecting on one's own intoxication
good feeling, fun
Hangover
amount of drinking
fatigue, unwillingness
laid-back feeling
Qualifying story (N=1039)
women
men
Principal story (N=1022)
women
men
Evaluating story (N=403)
women
men
All
(%)(N=671)
423 (63%)
16 (2%)
5 (<1%)
(%)(N=368)
266 (72%)
0
19 (5%)
(%)(N=663)
509 (77%)
24 (4%)
12 (2%)
(%)(N=359)
322 (90%)
5 (1%)
13 (4%)
(%)(N=272)
47 (17%)
14 (5%)
0
(%)(N=131)
20 (15%)
5 (4%)
0
1587
64
49
105 (16%)
157 (23%)
86 (13%)
88 (13%)
30 (4%)
11 (2%)
75 (20%)
88 (24%)
75 (20%)
59 (16%)
37 (10%)
8 (2%)
259 (39%)
158 (24%)
166 (25%)
159 (24%)
129 (19%)
129 (19%)
164 (45%)
94 (26%)
98 (27%)
110 (30%)
75 (20%)
47 (13%)
9 (3%)
5 (2%)
2 (<1%)
1 (<1%)
11 (4%)
3 (1%)
2 (2%)
3 (2%)
0
0
0
1 (<1%)
614
505
427
417
282
199
66 (10%)
73 (11%)
38 (6%)
41 (6%)
21 (3%)
40 (6%)
45 (7%)
38 (6%)
49 (13%)
52 (14%)
36 (10%)
41 (11%)
24 (7%)
47 (13%)
26 (7%)
11 (3%)
196 (30%)
147 (22%)
113 (17%)
97 (15%)
34 (5%)
62 (9%)
71 (10%)
49 (7%)
91 (25%)
65 (18%)
117 (35%)
59 (16%)
24 (7%)
92 (26%)
27 (8%)
38 (10%)
30 (11%)
47 (17%)
35 (13%)
47 (17%)
92 (34%)
7 (3%)
9 (3%)
19 (7%)
4 (3%)
27 (21%)
16 (10%)
23 (18%)
71 (54%)
7 (5%)
5 (4%)
7 (5%)
436
411
355
308
266
255
183
162
* The inference that can be drawn from the table is that the diary writers do not narrate in their stories all the possible phases, or narrate more then one version
of
phases.refer
In particular,
some stories
have many
which
reflectatthe
fact that
** some
Side-actions
to such activities
as playing
games,beginnings
watching TV,
looking
photos,
etc they include contradictory expectations of the course of the evening.
Heroic intoxication
The excerpt at the start of this paper represents a heroic drinking scene. The
drinking resembles a battlefield. Friends are falling over, passing out and
being hurt, but this does nothing to slow down the drinking. Rather, the
narrator feels that the atmosphere only gets more intense and makes the
comment that these are "parties at their best". He indicates that vicissitudes
come inevitably with the territory, highlighting the heroism of drinking when
one drinks together to the last man.
A salient point in heroic intoxication is the strong transgression from
an ordinary and discrete individual experience to a mutual ecstatic experience.
In it, one's own closed body is opened up and melts as part of the collective
bodily unity (Falk 1994). At the same time, the behaviour takes on
carnivalistic (Bahtin 1968) and excessive (Bataille 1987) features that
transgress the boundaries of the order of everyday life (Williams 1998). When
drinking heroically, individuals are transferred to a liminal state (Turner 1969)
in which they free themselves from the rational, emotional and objectiveoriented obligations to feel during the week.
Heroic drinking may appear in the context of the workplace or
partying in the pub, as in the excerpt that opens this article. However, much
better settings for heavy drinking are provided by a long weekend or holiday
on a campsite, cruise or at a summer cottage. Väinö says in his diary that he
had been looking forward "for months" to the traditional fishing competition
among a bunch of friends that this time was held at a camping site where
they had rented a large cottage. He sets up his story by noting that "fishing
doesn‘t really have very much to do with the event, it‘s mainly a pretext to get
together in a big gang, drink spirits like mad and have fun" (M10).
The events of the long weekend start with the old friends driving up
to the campsite immediately after work on a Friday. At some stage of the
journey, the women take over the driving so that the men can start drinking.
They arrive at half past nine. The atmosphere quickly reaches fever pitch as
the revellers drink indoors and out, in sauna and while eating. Väinö
comments on the events as follows:
The whole exercise was a kind of ordinary messing around inside and in
the yard. It is quite difficult to describe it otherwise than to say that we
had a great time. Quite festive goings-on and everything was quite mixed.
At some stage my memory went blank and all I can remember are just a
55
few little clips. The old geezers turned in about 0600 directly from sauna,
perhaps. After we arrived at the cottage, I got through about 12 bottles of
beer, a couple of decilitres of spirits and about a litre of wine, I suppose –
so not really all that strong a performance compared to bygone days
(M10).
Next morning, the drinking continues as soon as everyone is up. The group
goes out for a few hours of fishing in the afternoon. Then, the pace of
drinking speeds up again: "The bottles circulated and circulated. Beer was
also drunk but it‘s very difficult to estimate the quantities accurately. Perhaps
it‘s best and easiest to note at this stage that except for a few bottles of beer,
all the spirits were drunk" (M10).Väinö says that as planned, the atmosphere
is still relaxed and people are just aimlessly messing around and hanging out:.
―People were just enjoying the company of one another and the fact that
they did not have to dash to do anything or go anywhere. The sun was
shining and everyone was having a really good time" (M10).
At about eight o'clock, Väinö's memory begins to black out and he
has to resort to other people‘s accounts in order to describe the events of the
remainder of the evening. As his own body has been sacrificed to the service
of the collective body, it is impossible to avoid accidents. He was told that at
midnight, as he was lifting his friend, he fell flat on his back, hitting his head
on the floor: "I was told that I looked very bad and was out cold for a
moment". Väinö describes how his common-law wife then helped him "to
bed upstairs where some other exhausted but happy celebrants were already
resting". Väinö was not bothered about the accident. Concluding his
narrative, Väinö‘s final assessment of the weekend is that it " went as planned
– perhaps even better " (M10).
Väinö's story exemplifies well how heroic drinking includes both
heavy boozing and becoming merged in the collective body of friends.
Heroic intoxication involves travelling to the other side of culture, language
and consciousness to a state which is experienced as a carefree, harmonic and
cosmic confluence of the self, community and nature. As Väinö testifies, this
experience is difficult to verbalise.
The heroic journey towards intoxication may be characterised as
mythic. However in the diary accounts it does not appear to lead to empty
solidarity or cosmic loneliness. Rather, the messing around seems to
strengthen the collective togetherness of one's circle of acquaintances. It adds
stories to experiences that have been shared together. Although Väinö blacks
out and loses much of what happens in the evening, the next day the
community restores the events to his consciousness and makes them part of
the group's common collective memory. As Väinö says: "It is part of the
tradition to sit down and discuss the weekend so far in the pub on a Sunday
56
and to share the hangover." In this sense the heroic drinking described in the
diaries is culturally organised, ritualistic action, in which the transgression is
finally tempered and made part of surrounding culture. Heavy drinking and
the loss of control of the body take place in strictly defined situations, in the
care and arms of close friends.
It is interesting that heroic drinking occurs in the diaries almost
exclusively as a male undertaking, with women supporting in the background
and helping out when things get out of control. For example, in the stories
told by Väinö, the final remaining bunch of drinkers are men, whose mutual
intoxication is glorified by Väinö as he repeats that "again we boys had a
good laugh" (M10). His common-law wife does not take part in the drinking
other than by nurturing her man or by waking up when Väinö staggers home
from the pub in the small hours.
There are also some diary accounts in which women describe
evenings out at the pub or weekends at a cottage that resemble heroic
intoxication in terms of drinking motives and situations, but which
nonetheless differ in terms of regulatory aspects. For example, Jutta says in
her diary that she likes to get quite drunk a few times a year during public
holidays, because that means "you don‘t have to try to behave but can mess
around like the person you really are" (F36). In practice, however, Jutta does
not reach this objective. This can be seen from her focalisations. Whilst in
the heroic drinking of men it is common that the protagonist's filters for
heavy drinking remain positive all the time, for women the relationship to
heavy drinking is more problematic and slanted with the filter of shame,
although sometimes only at the end, as the events of the evening are
evaluated. Although at Midsummer‘s Jutta would like "to leave her brain in
the cloakroom and mess around (…) as the person she is", the carefreeness
ends as "everything consumed during the evening will come flying out onto
the the table in the bedroom upstairs". For the men who drink heroically,
these kinds of losses of bodily control are matters with which they can glorify
their manhood or which they can laugh at the next day. The hangover and
bad feelings caused by heavy drinking are also approved with good grace.
Women‘s 'I's do not feel the same kind of cultural affinity to the freaking-out
of their 'me's and their heavy drinking. For their 'I's, the messing around is
filtered the next day, not as honourable, but as a moral hangover. At the end
of her narrative then, Jutta is negotiating with her reference groups about the
shameful deed of her 'me'. She reproaches herself for carelessly having too
many drinks and for being unable to clean up her own vomit. In addition,
she moralises her friends who puked up all over the place and categorises this
year's Midsummer party as tolerable by naming it a "Midsummer of
teenagers".
57
Sociable partying
Heroic intoxication involves breaking out from the linear time of everyday
life to a cyclic time of the community and eventually to a cosmic timelessness
of the body. In the diaries, heroic drinking is articulated in only five of the
narratives. On the other hand, heavy drinking is characterised as sociable
partying or party intoxication in about 60 times (N=336) as many narratives.
A common characteristic of both heroic drinking and sociable partying is
lifting oneself out of the linear time of the everyday to the cyclic time of the
group. In addition, both of these drinking habits call for plenty of time;
therefore they usually manifest themselves during weekends or holidays.
Sociable partying differs from heroic intoxication both in its motives and in
its regulation of drinking. As we saw above, drinking in heroic intoxication
takes on an omnipotent and magical role. During the celebration, it appears
as a helper of the transgression, as an object that dominates the course of
events, as a sender that legitimates the messing around and as a mythical
stream to which one can turn over one's flaccid body, without any
reservations. In sociable partying, alcohol plays a much more minor role. The
transgression is directed towards the creation, intensification and
maintenance of the community spirit. This requires active cooperation on the
part of the "core gang", "best friends" or "intimates": a common will. As one
"worships" the common will, it is necessary to control one's drinking. In
order for the common will of the group to be sensitive to flowing together
and preserving cohesiveness, energy and unidirectionality, one cannot hand
over the control of one's own body to the community, as in the case of
heroic drinking. Rather than in an omnipotent role, drinking figures in
sociable partying mainly as a helper (Törrönen & Maunu 2005).
In sociable partying, the creation of the common will typically begin
with friends or intimates meeting at someone‘s home, at a pub, on a terrace
or in the park. The reason for the get-together may be a women's evening, a
men's evening, a routine Friday or Saturday pattern, a housewarming party,
birthday, graduation, the start of summer, Midsummer, a Christmas party,
etc.. In the initial stage, alcohol facilitates and quickens the detachment from
the obligations of everyday life and the transition from work to free time and
having fun. In this rite of transfer, the individual moves towards group time,
but alcohol is not given the same kind of self-purposeful position as in heroic
drinking. Instead, it serves sociability, like having a meal together, taking a
sauna, having a chat, watching TV, dressing up, making-up, playing games
and so forth. The next excerpt from the diary of Varpu describes a typical
start-up sequence in sociable partying:
58
There were about 15 of us friends waiting there at the party. First we
uncorked some sparkling wine and then started the games of the day. We
were organising our own Winter Olympics in which the teams played a
variety of games. During the games we also enjoyed "sports drinks" and
grilled sausages. After some intense competition it was time for sauna and
for us women to turn our attention to beauty matters, of course. As the
men went to sauna, the women started the compulsory job of putting on
their make-up for the pub and night club (F9).
In sociable partying, "a few drinks for starters" or the building of the
common will is typically spread out over a long period of time, often until
midnight but for a few hours at the very least. The group will then normally
go out to a bar or a nightclub. In women's evenings, the partying usually
culminates in dancing at the night club. Men's evenings do not have as clear a
culmination point. Instead the group will often crawl from one pub to
another, sometimes to watch a match, sometimes to listen to a band or
sometimes to pop in somewhere for a dance. Regardless of the configuration,
it is important "that the tribe holds together" (F41). It is equally important
that no one overemphasises their own desires or their superiority, since
placing the emphasis on the inner worlds of individuals or on their outward
qualities undermines the common will (cf. Simmel 1949). As much as the
common will succeeds in attaining a flowing motion and staying in the
groove, the evening may continue till the morning.
Sociable partying fulfils the focal traits of Durkheim's social ritual
(1965) and Simmel's ideal of sociability (1949). First of all, a lot of time is
used to proceed from individual moods and goal-oriented competition to a
common cyclic and well-matched time. Secondly, during the evening the
group will try to do things together, following the same rhythm, by
respecting the dynamics of the company. In addition, the activities are not
aimed at utilitarian goals, but they serve the revitalisation and reinforcement
of the social bonds among one's own mates (Järvinen 2003, 220).
Ideally, intoxication in sociable partying remains a matter of "getting
merry", with alcohol serving the purpose of dissolving the boundaries of the
self and helping to maintain the common mood and state of will (cf. Mäkelä
& Virtanen 1987; Gusfield 1995). Most of the diary narratives were true to
this kind of regulation. There are, however, also descriptions of situations
where the drinking of other groups gets out of hand. Women in particular
write about these kinds of cases, since it is usually through them that they
become objects of men's intrusion or sexual harassment. Sometimes alcohol
use transforms from helper of the common will into its opponent even
within one‘s own group. The diaries include some stories where the flowing
motion of the common will grinds to a halt as some group members drink
59
too much and crash out early in the evening or are overly drunk when they
go to the pub, which means that the others have to take care of them.
In the context of sociable partying, both women and men take a
negative stance on excessive drinking. However the 'I's of women focalise on
the more loaded issue of moral concern than the 'I's of men, who give only
brief mention to the excesses of drinking in their diaries. For example, Simo
describes how his good friend Jape became aggressive on a cruise when he
saw his ex-girlfriend talking to another man. As they hold onto Jape, a scuffle
ensues in which the diary writer also gets hurt. Simo comments on the case
as follows: "Kirsi [ex-girlfriend] is shocked but we are not distressed about
Jape's behaviour for long" (M24).
In addition, women writers reflect more than men on the birth of
the common will and consider possible threats to it during the evening. They
may ponder intently on the question of who must be invited to the party and
who should stay away so that the group could smoothly enter into the
common will (F42). They may be concerned in advance about someone who
is coming to the party and who often behaves indiscreetly when they get
drunk (F38). And if a friend of theirs seemed to be lonely during the evening,
they may express a sense of guilt in their evaluating stories about having
excluded that friend (F53).
Individual partying
Individual partying differs from sociable partying in that the get-together in
the pub, at home, on the shores of the lake and so forth is geared to
satisfying one's own interests. This drinking habit appears in about one in
nine diaries (N=110), around one-third of the number of sociable partying
narratives (N=336). In individual partying, there is no commitment to the
group‘s common will. Instead, the group and the increasing intoxication
serve as launch pads for one's own pleasure or displeasure. This is the reason
why individual partying irritates those diary writers who consider sociable
intoxication as "sacred" (Durkheim) and who want to exclude from drinking
both one's own interests as well as the cock fights and cat scratching that
goes on (Simmel 1949). For example, Reija writes in her diary that the fun is
disturbed if someone in the group sheds tears for love, dwells on a hot date
or comes on to men in the pub. An evening out at the pub, she says, is
relaxed and a success" if you don‘t 'have ' to watch the opposite sex but at
leisure enjoy the company and the beer" (F27).
The next excerpt from the first part of Mauri's diary finely captures
60
the drinking motives of the hetero men who pitch for individual partying:
In the evening [at the housewarming party] I personally expected to meet
many nice people (especially females), to enjoy some merry-making and to
get to bed with a blooming girl. My plan from the outset was not to drink
myself stupid but just into a feisty state (M2).
The filter for drinking in this excerpt is the expectation of meeting a woman
and having sex with her. At the end of his diary entry, however, Mauri
confesses that "one-night stands are not very satisfying, but in fact usually
end up going all wrong". For sure, he would like to "fall in love with a
woman" and start a family. This way he could also have "a life in which I
would not have to go boozing every weekend and suffer from hangovers at
the beginning of the week. A life where going to the pub would just add a bit
of spice to my life, as opposed to being a goal-oriented slog" (M2)
In this way Mauri comes to rank sociable partying as his drinking
ideal. In his diary he says that he should change his drinking habits because
his current alcohol use is distorting his self-image and making him approach
women in the wrong way: "When I‘m getting merry I feel like superman,
even though in the eyes of other pub goers I am just an ordinary and idiotic
drunkard. As I can't get enough response from women or I don't have the
courage to do anything, I drink even more spirits to try and resolve the
problem (…) So it‘s a real vicious circle" (M2).
Individual partying engenders a lot of contemplation in the diaries
about the regulation of drinking. Because one does not search for a point of
reference in one's emotions by merging into a collective body or a common
will, these emotions are, during intoxication, more vulnerably adrift. This can
be seen in the preceding excerpt from Mauri's diary. The phenomenon is also
clearly on display in the diaries written by the hetero women who are after
men. For example, Vilja makes the comment in her diary that if she receives
no sympathy from the man in whom she shows an interest while she is
getting drunk, she will start to drink with both hands:
Perhaps it‘s a fact that when you feel bad inside, you try to lift your spirits
by drinking. You then drink more and more because it seems your
'feeling' is not getting any better. So perhaps I‘ll then try to drown my
sorrows in liquor, to escape reality with alcohol. But as has been
discovered so many times, the opposite is true: your feelings are far from
any better. As was the case here again, I felt really down and I hated
myself" (F20).
61
When you soothe your emotions with the balm of alcohol, it may gain the
upper hand and during the evening develop into something that makes the
drinker do things with which the 'I' of the writer does not want to identify
the next morning. If the individual‘s emotional life remains unbalanced and
he or she continues to try and cure it by drinking, the individual's 'I' is
gradually driven into a continuous wrestle with her or his 'me'. This is
especially true when drinking pulls one away from the Friday or Saturday
boozing that the community allows. Ilkka, for example, who is looking for a
relationship, was turned down during the first weeks of his diary-writing by a
woman who had initially showed some interest but who after a few
rendezvous did not find him exciting enough. He decides to try and rectify
his situation by sipping homemade wine alone at home during the week, but
he gradually realizes that he is continuing to drink in the pubs on taboo days
as well. This causes a daily moral hangover for his ‗I‘. Finally, Ilkka makes the
decision to go "several days without a drop" (M 40).
On the other hand, some diary writers take pleasure from the fact
that they can change company on the move by following their own fancies
and feelings. In this case their sociability during the evening turns out to be
more sporadic, fragmentary and light compared with those who seek sociable
partying and for whom partying is distinctive for consolidating established
friendships, in other words, for heavy socialising. In individual partying the
choices are made in a way described by Maffessoli (1994) as here and now, by
complying with the ethics of the moment, in which case one might change
company or go according to one's desires (Sulkunen 1996).
For men, the following of one‘s desires may be manifested as a
hunger for sexual experiences. For Teuvo, pubs and parties appear as hunting
grounds where he can prey on a drunken woman whom he can persuade to
have a one-night stand. In his diary he wanders through parties, meeting
different company and women. The events take surprising turns. At the same
time, when a woman takes the bait, friends may be relegated to secondary
position, or the dynamics of the company may be forgotten. Indeed, Teuvo
concludes his diary with the exclamation: "Long live hedonism!"
Women, in turn, may be out for feedback on their appearance. For
Inkeri, pub life offers a reflection on whether or not she is sexually attractive.
She changes company during the evening according to where she finds the
most interesting single men. After a successful pub evening she looks at
herself in the mirror the next day and notices: "I am happy with what I see.
Yesterday I got a lot of compliments about my appearance which was nice.
You feel good when you are satisfied with your looks. [It also] significantly
influences the success of the evening" (F18). Likewise, Silja sees nightlife as a
mirror of her fancies. She confesses to her diary: "1. I love dancing, 2. Make-
62
up and the fashion for the evening are fascinating (…). Each time I can
change myself all over again, 3. I am hungry for attention and it is nice to
arouse bad blood" (F55). She describes how she goes to the pub to play
different kinds of roles. What she likes most of all about being in the pub is
the mutual fun among the women. She treats the men there as objects to be
fooled. She flirts with them in order to get free drinks. She may even give her
phone number to those of them who want to buy her drinks, but never
answers if they call the next day.
Hanging out
In the diaries, the writers may take some time alone at home or go to the
pubs (housewarming party, park, cottage etc.) to hang out. Hanging out
refers to having one or two drinks during the day, a weeknight or weekend
with workmates, hobby pals, friends, or by oneself. The duration of hanging
out may range from half an hour to many hours. Normally, hanging out is
regarded as so conventional that it is only reported in a few lines in the
diaries.
Tu 10.6
Went to the pub for one with Pete, between shopping, authentic
wonderful Irish cider (F23).
Su 1.6 Espoo [sports area]
We had a long-drink on the terrace after a round of golf. It was an
easygoing time together, and talking through the round, no big
expectations or experiences (F47).
15.4
Perhaps it‘s back to the same old track after training. The pub is calling,
but just for the one (M50).
It seems that for many male diary writers, going out for a few drinks or
having a few drinks at home is so commonplace that they do not even report
it every time. Women, on the other hand, seem to be more meticulous in
reporting each of their drinking occasions.
Hanging out is the most prevalent drinking habit in the diary
accounts. All in all about one-third of the narratives describe hanging out
(N=330), which exhibits a clear drinking pattern. The motive for drinking is
to take a momentary break from the daily grind and obligations in order to
relax with friends, to recap the fruits of work or a leisure activity, to meditate
63
on one's own affairs and so forth. Hanging out typically takes place in the
company of one‘s best friends or good friends rather than with people one‘s
hardly knows, if at all. In other words, in these sitting sessions one usually
forges Durkheimian-like social loyalties as opposed to Maffesolian-like light
tribal communities (cf. Sulkunen 1992).
On a workday, hanging out does not usually involve having more
than one or two drinks. For the regulation of drinking, then, work the next
day is typically a filter. On Friday and Saturday hanging out is usually
prolonged into a session of many more drinks, and in many cases going out
for a few drinks signifies the deepening of communion with the common will
and its transformation later into partying. In the following excerpt from
Kaisa‘s diary, hanging out and drinking develop features of the common will.
The situation might have developed into sociable partying later in the
evening, but Kaisa has to break the flow as she is organising a housewarming
party the next day.
After the workday [on Friday], we went with a few colleagues to a terrace
nearby for a few beers, because one of us was leaving for holiday. After
four o'clock I set off walking towards the town centre. En route I
managed to persuade my sister to come along for a few beers on the
terrace (it was tremendously warm and the sun was shining beautifully!).
We met at the terrace and ordered a few jars. We enjoyed the sun and the
cold beer, planned the trip to Denmark for my forthcoming holiday and
spoke about this and that. Soon, some ex-workmates of mine happened
to drop by and they joined us. My boyfriend also stopped by from work
but continued on his way home because "one can drink much cheaper
beer there". We exchanged the latest gossip with my ex-workmates. At
seven o'clock my other sister arrived whose workday had ended at six. At
this stage, my ex-workmates had already left, heading their own ways. In
total, we drank about 3 or 4 jars. I would have drunk more, but I needed
to get home to prepare for the housewarming party the following day. It
was a wonderful summer evening! (F5).
Meal drinking
One drinking habit that emerges clearly from the diary descriptions is
drinking in connection with a meal (N=146). In the diary accounts, sharing a
meal takes on similar ritualistic roles as drinking alcohol together (Lupton
1996, 31-32). It unites separate individuals as a collective group. There are a
number of narratives in which food and alcohol together create, intensify and
maintain mutual community and a common will between friends or
workmates. In this sense the narratives of meal drinking resemble the
64
narratives of sociable partying (Törrönen & Maunu 2005). Sometimes both
are manifested within a narrative as their own principal stories, for example
with friends first getting together for a meal in a restaurant from which they
then move on to a nightclub for sociable partying.
A sit-down dinner usually means that eating becomes the main event
of the evening. In this case, it generates different kinds of motives for alcohol
use than sociable partying. This comes across clearly in the next excerpt from
Anja‘s diary:
We spend our weekend evenings and holidays by partying with gourmet
food and good wine at home. We usually get together with friends, which
in a way makes it the equivalent to the activity that is sought for in the
pub, i.e. social dealings with people (…). I suppose that at home you
drink almost as much as you would during an ordinary evening out at the
pub. At home I may get mildly drunk, but it is clear that at home I‘m
much more interested in having deep conversations with folks as opposed
to getting drunk in the pub (F54).
When people get together around a meal and the stage is the home, drinking
serves as a lubricant for intimate and profound discussions. In this case, even
large amounts of consumed alcohol will not lead to heavy intoxication since
that is not the aim. The other diary narratives diaries involving drinking at
home in the evening follow the same logic. For example, Eino writes that
when they have a meal at home with friends, they will typically drink about
10 to 15 portions of alcohol, beginning with beer and cider, moving on to
carefully selected wines with the main course and dessert, and finishing with
coffee and cognac. In addition, after the meals, the evening may be continued
in the living room with some wine. Eino evaluates one of these evenings as
follows: "A fair bit of alchohol was consumed, but nobody was anyway near
being blind drunk. Quite sophisticated drinking, perhaps? Next morning the
only effect of the previous evening was perhaps a little fatigue" (M12).
Evenings spent in restaurants around a sit down dinner also seem to
push inebriation into the background. In narratives that describe eating a
three course evening meal, drinking remains moderate or alcohol is not
mentioned at all. When eating out, the concern of the agents is filtered by the
standard and taste of the food and drinks, as well as by the standard of the
service. The following excerpt from Ida's diary serves as an example:
65
All in all the food was excellent and it is particularly noteworthy that the
men had two appetizers and skipped the main course, which generally is a
habit of finicky women. My friend thought that the white wine wasn‘t
cold enough and the crayfish tails too dry, but they tasted good. What you
expect of those kinds of restaurants is service. Service is taking notice.
Service is personal. Service is no doubt friendly but, depending on the
situation, pertinent or even playful, for example. Service is about fulfilling
customers‘ needs(F16).
Expectations of service standards are high when people go out for a meal,
because eating out is also and importantly about relaxing and flowing cyclic
time. It is expected that personnel pay special attention to this. In other
words, personnel need to be competent and friendly and to have a good
sense of rhythm. If the service is not smooth, that will have an adverse effect
on flow of the experience (Törrönen & Maunu 2005). Ida highlights the
meaning of service by comparing it to chauffeuring: "I suppose that many
want to lie down when they are chauffeured – in a safe trip. In that situation,
you can relax without any worries and concentrate on the scenery. But if
there is reason to suspect the chauffeur‘s abilities, you will become a backseat
driver. The chauffeur becomes nervous and the situation is beset with
tension. The reason I go to the restaurant/ pub is to enjoy myself. I expect a
safe ride. Sometimes I want it to be on an [old-style] roller-coaster, but even
then I want the carriage and the conductors to be confident" (F16).
Alcohol as a lubricant of community, sociability and
fun
Earlier research has suggested that Finnish drinking habits revolve around
heroic drinking, mythical drinking, or heavy drinking that breaks down
mutual sociability. In the light of this study, these kinds of singular
interpretations no longer seem plausible. Heroic drinking only occurs
infrequently in the data and does not appear to lead to an emptiness of
sociability or to cosmic loneliness. Rather, after drinking, the heavy social
transgression is somehow collectively tempered with good friends in the
sphere of cultural order.
Together with evidence from earlier studies on drinking habits, the
analysis of the diaries collected for this research indicated that the
intoxication-oriented drinking habit is a heterogeneous tradition in Finland.
It is possible to identify five different drinking habits in the data: heroic
drinking, sociable partying, individual partying, hanging out and meal
drinking. These habits differ from one another in terms of their motives and
66
the regulation of drinking. Even though they appear in the same situations,
they frame the situations as diverse fields of action (cf. Goffmann 1974). For
example, in the frame of meal drinking, the pub or restaurant appears as a
different kind of stage for drinking than in the case of individual partying.
The five drinking habits identified in this analysis are not an
exhaustive account of the drinking habits prevailing in Finland today. A
dataset covering other population groups would probably bring forth new
(aspects of) drinking habits that would specify, complete and enrich the
variety of drinking habits recognised in this study.
In the diary accounts studied here, drinking habits are dominated by
hanging out, sociable partying and meal drinking. The core of each of them is
being together with other people. In being together, the drinking situation
serves as a place for social interaction, laid-back chatting, and for exchanging
news and gossip. In sociable partying and meal drinking, the motives are
additionally directed to the creation of a common will, in which the mutual
interaction of friends is intensified by doing things together.
These dominating drinking habits rest on Durkheimian–like social
rituals, and in them it is also possible to identify traces of Simmelian
sociability. Their cultural ideal is to regulate drinking so as to conserve
enough energy for doing things together. However the boundaries between
appropriate drinking and excessive drinking appear to be socially obscure.
The writers testify as eyewitnesses to numerous situations of excessive
drinking. Their occurrence in the public space of pubs illustrates that visible
drunken behaviour is tolerated to a large extent (Törrönen & Maunu 2005).
However in the diary data this tolerance of visible intoxication is gendered.
As was observed above, women are much less tolerant in their diary accounts
than men of the excesses of drinking.
In the diary narratives, the regulation of drinking seems to be most
problematic in the case of individual partying, where drinking is detached
from the emotional support of intimate friends and where emotional life is
more easily set adrift. Because drinking and drinking company are used for
one's own purposes, the possible negative consequences, like messing around
during the evening, are also more difficult to share collectively the next day.
In general one can say that women reflect on their drinking
considerably more than men do. There are a great many men's diaries in this
data where drinking is described as an integral part of everyday life. There is
no filter between the drinker and drinking that would focalise heavy drinking
as a moral concern, as is typical of the women‘s narratives. From this the
inference can be drawn that women's relation to their own drinking habits is
more active, flexible and open to change. If in men‘s diaries the 'I' looks
forward to the forthcoming evening with enthusiasm, is delighted by his
67
drunken behaviour during the evening and praises his 'down-in-one' antics
the next day, for the 'I's of women writers heavy drinking does not appear in
any circumstances as such a plain and straightforward matter.
Women‘s and men‘s drinking habits cannot, however, be aligned into
distinct and opposite categories. Instead, there appears to be much
fluctuation and variation. Some women writers identify with the tradition of
heroic drinking and derive from it a drinking habit of their own. Some of the
men, on the other hand, highly regard meal drinking and make it virtue that is
appreciated by their reference groups. In addition, all diary writers use several
different drinking habits as their resources in drinking situations. Väinö, for
example, sometimes indulges in heroic drinking, but also moves smoothly
into the frames of sociable partying or hanging out, like a fish moving freely
from one end of the pond to another.
In all of the drinking habits identified, the aim is to break out of
objective-oriented linear time to a cyclic and timeless time, to what can be
characterised as seeking an experience of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1975). In a
flow experience, the self melts into the action, time becomes denser, activities
change into ends in themselves, and the agents feel that they are harmonically
and safely taken away with the stream (Le Breton 2000, 2-3). In heroic
drinking, the flow experience is turned towards a collective body, in sociable
partying towards a common will, in individual partying towards pleasure or
the meeting of a love, in hanging out towards sociability or one's own time,
and in meal drinking towards a common will or sociability. The flow
experience may also be described by Merleau-Ponty's "passive intentionality",
which means a purposeful loosening of one's control of body, or controlled
uncontrolledness (Joas 1996, 169).
Drinking habits are embodiments of "passive intentionality" to
different degrees. None of them appears in the diaries in a culturally
inappropriate way. In heroic drinking, uncontrolledness is controlled by
external settings and the presence of good friends, in sociable partying by the
effort to do things together and to maintain the enjoyment of movement, in
individual partying by the goal to be quick on the trigger or to be lively, in
hanging out by the goal of good conversation and by next day's work, and in
meal drinking by the common interaction of the group or by the service that
gives rhythm to the activities.
It is significant that the control of drinking is social or structural by
character, which means that drinking is regulated by the dynamics of the
group or by work the next day or week. There are no references at all in the
diaries to the regulation of drinking on health grounds. The 'I's of the diaries
do not reflect on their drinking as a health problem, even though about onethird of their drinking occasions exceeds the recommended limits for healthy
68
and sensible drinking. This result goes to show that awareness campaigns
based on health or risk information alone are likely to be a waste of resources
(see Törrönen & Maunu 2005). While the authorities aspire to have an
influence on young people‘s drinking habits, they need to take into
consideration, in the first place, the meaning of drinking in the creation,
intensification and maintaining of sociability.
69
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72
Oslo by night: young middle class adults‘ use
of public drinking places
Ingeborg Lund & Janne Scheffels
Introduction
O
ver the last 10-15 years, the number over licensed premises has
increased sharply in Norway (Lauritzen, 2006). In larger cities this has
led to the development of a vibrant café and party scene. This is true
particularly of Oslo, Norway's capital and largest city. Oslo is a ―young‖ city
in more than one way. Firstly, the city's position as a centre of education and
career opportunities has made for a constant influx of people, and
consequently a large percentage of its inhabitants are newcomers or second
generation residents. Secondly, this also means that Oslo has a larger
percentage of younger people and single person households than any other
part of Norway (Falnes-Dalheim & Slaastad, 2007). Additionally, the
proportion of foreign immigrants is almost three times higher in Oslo than in
the whole of Norway, reaching 24% of the population in 2007 (Statistics
Norway, 2008). According to Amundsen, Rossow and Skurtveit (2005), the
presence of so many people from other drinking cultures has also affected
drinking habits among ethnic Norwegians, in the sense that Norwegian
youths living in neighbourhoods with many Muslims tend to drink less than
their age peers.
In Norway most of the alcohol has traditionally been consumed
during weekends, and drinking to intoxication has been a common outcome
from drinking situations. Research has shown that these aspects of our
drinking culture remain largely unchanged (Lund, 2007; Horverak, 2007).
Nevertheless, given the large proportion of young newcomers and
immigrants, it is reasonable to assume that the links to these traditions have
become weakened in the new urban cultures of Oslo as well as in other
Norwegian cities. As stated by Henriksen and Sande, a salient feature of
urban nightlife is the predominance of groups that "no longer can feel the
family's and the local community's moral control over their use of drugs and
alcohol" (1995, p 66, our translation).
The increased number of pubs and cafés in Oslo seems to have
73
resulted in a more frequent use of these places. At the same time, however,
the city has experienced increasing problems related to drunkenness, and the
wild nightlife has become a cause of growing concern (Aftenposten, 19 Sept
2006).
This article presents the results of a study on a group of young adults
living in Oslo and their use of public drinking places. The aim was to explore
how young adults describe their expectations and experiences of different
drinking situations, with special reference to the position and regulation of
alcohol and drinking. In particular, but not exclusively, we were interested in
drinking situations in licensed premises.
Young adults represent an interesting target for research, for several
reasons. The first is what could be described as the prolonged youth effect
(Aftenposten, 24 Sept 2007). As people remain in education for longer, have
children at an older age, and as the proportion of singles has continued to
rise, they might have had both the opportunity and the urge to continue to
use licensed premises frequently even beyond their juvenile years. According
to recent statistical information, both drinking and drug use have increased
more among people in their twenties than among youth from 1998 to 2006
(SIRUS, 2007).
Secondly, it is possible that young adults use licensed premises in a
different way and have different drinking styles than younger people. For the
young, partying and drinking alcohol often takes on the meaning of a "rite de
passage" in which wild partying and intoxication are meaningful aspects
(Henriksen & Sande, 1995). For young adults, the situation might be
different. Their drinking is probably less about a transition from one stage of
life to the next; if anything, they might be more committed to maintaining
their current status as still young. However, rites are not limited to passage
only, but play an important role in modern life (Henriksen & Sande, 1995).
For instance, Maffesoli (1996) maintains that rites help form and sustain
configurations that he calls neo-tribes. This conception is based on an
interpretation of collective orientations as more fluid and flexible than they
are conceptualised to be with a more structural, class-oriented understanding.
According to the idea of neo-tribes, individuals can be seen as continually
moving between different sites of collective expression, constructing and
reconstructing themselves accordingly (Bennett 1999). From this perspective,
an understanding of alcohol and restaurant use as a way of creating and
maintaining social identity in particular social contexts becomes visible.
74
Material and methods
This study is based on interviews and diary material. 13 people were
interviewed about their use of licensed premises and about drinking episodes
in general. After the interviews, nine of them wrote diaries about their
drinking and their going out. The diaries covered a two-month period. Three
diaries were written between December 2003 and February 2004, and one in
February-April 2004. The last five diaries were written in spring 2006; three
in February-April and two in April-June. Four of the diary writers were men
and five were women.
As the current research was conducted as part of a joint Nordic project, our
key interest was to recruit people of a similar description as those who had
participated in diary studies in Helsinki, Reykjavik and Stockholm (see
Törrönen, Olsson and Ólafsdottir & Bergsveinsdóttir in this volume), which
was to say Oslo inhabitants in the age group 25-34 and primarily in paid
employment. It was not easy to get people to write diaries about their
drinking, and the difficulties with recruitment meant that data collection took
longer than anticipated. Although other methods were tried (e.g.
announcements on university billboards), the only fruitful approach to
recruiting participants proved to be snowballing, as we asked our friends,
colleagues and contacts to ask their own friends, colleagues and contacts of
the right age to participate. Obviously, this method meant that it was quite
likely that some of the participants would know each other, or belong to the
same professional circles, but on the other hand it also meant that several
circles were represented. As it turned out, three of the diary writers were
friends, and these three would sometimes attend the same parties or drinking
situations.
When people describe themselves and their lives in an interview or
when they are writing a diary, they are not simply reporting events or their
feelings. They are telling stories, and those stories will not only be influenced
by conventions of the genre, but also by particularly influential ways of
thinking about the issues with which they are dealing. This means that
interview and diary accounts also provide interesting insights into the context
in which they are produced. Furthermore, all biographical stories are
normative, in the sense that they are a way of presenting oneself within a
particular normative context (Silverman 2006). In this practice of meaningmaking, the content of what is said, as well as how stories and arguments are
articulated, and they way these are linked together are all of interest to the
analysis (Holstein & Gubrium 2003).
75
The interviews
Two different methods were applied for the interviews. In 2004, eight faceto-face, semi-structured interviews were recorded and later transcribed. The
interviews ranged in length from 15 to 40 minutes. The remaining five
interviews took place in 2006, and in this instance the respondents were
asked to answer the questions by mail instead of the face-to-face method.
The 2006 interviews are therefore qualitatively different from the 2004
interviews in that the informants would only answer the questions we sent
them, while the earlier interviews took the form of a conversation that was
not only restricted to the interview schedule. Consequently, the 2006
interviews are shorter and contain less information than the 2004 interviews.
The main interview questions concerned how often the informants
normally went to restaurants or pubs, what type of places they preferred to
go to, and why. They were also asked to describe how they perceived a
perfect night out, and finally what kind of behaviours they regarded as
appropriate or inappropriate in drinking situations in licensed premises.
The diaries
In the diaries the informants were asked to describe all drinking situations,
not only those that took place in licensed premises, over a period of two
months. They were asked to write about these situations in the form of
stories, but also to record some factual information such as the day of the
week, the time of day and how long the drinking situation lasted, what type
of place it occurred in, and how much they drank (or whether they drank at
all). They were encouraged to focus on two main aspects: what they had
thought about the situation in advance, and how they reflected on it
afterwards. As an example, they were asked to describe how different
situations developed, and what factors they believed to have contributed to
this development. We also asked them to describe their own thoughts and
feelings during the situations they wrote about, as well as their interpretations
of the thoughts and feelings of the other participants in the situations.
Descriptives
Our informants‘ age ranged from 25 to 36 years. The men (average 28 years)
were slightly younger than the women (31 years). All of them lived in Oslo at
the time of the interview and when they were writing their diaries, although
several of them were not born there, but had moved into town either to
study or to get a job. Seven informants were in long-lasting relationships, and
76
one had children. Five were single and did not have children, and one woman
did not inform us of her circumstances. Eleven of the participants had
regular jobs and two were students. They all had a college education and they
were all ethnic Norwegian. Looking at these people as a group, it appears
that they all were representatives of the urban middle classes, or perhaps, as
described by Sulkunen (1992), the new middle class. According to Sulkunen
this class is not defined so much by their position in life, but rather by their
position to life, as it is more a mentality or a cultural disposition than anything
else.
This relative homogeneity in cultural and demographic terms may be
seen as a limitation. However, as the aim of this study is to provide insights
into a complexity of social interactions and their meanings, as attributed by
the participants themselves, narrowing the sample can make the analysis of
this complexity more manageable (Silverman 2006), as it could make some
traits stand out more clearly. Since we base our inferences on a small number
of diary writers, all factors contributing to making the situation less
fragmented might in other words rather be seen as an asset.
Altogether there were 136 narratives of various lengths on drinking
or going out episodes, and the informants drank alcohol in all but 11 of
them. 98 narratives were descriptions of parties, party-like situations, or
nights out, while the remaining 38 described shorter episodes like having a
glass of wine with dinner, or while watching TV.
Most narrated drinking episodes (60%) took place on Thursdays,
Fridays or Saturdays, 34% were spread out from Monday to Wednesday,
while only 6% happened on a Sunday. Only one of the informants did not
drink alcohol in any of the episodes she described, and she is also the diary
writer who reported the lowest number of going out episodes (5). The
maximum number of episodes, reported by two of the informants, was 25.
Even though the narrators describe several different types of
drinking situations, the majority of the episodes that happened in licensed
premises can be characterised as "hanging out" situations. Truly festive
activities, like parties, tended not to be set in licensed premises, but rather in
someone's home or perhaps in a place rented for the occasion. A typical trait
of these party-like situations was that only invited guests would attend,
although this did not mean that all the guests knew everybody else who were
there. The hanging out situations can be divided into several types,
depending on the purpose of going out. Catching up, regular participation
(e.g. in pub quizzes), and after-work meetings were common situations. As a
general rule these situations took place in pubs. None of the informants went
to a nightclub, but some of them would occasionally go to concerts. There
were substantial differences both between situations and between informants
77
in terms of how much drinking took place during the narrated episodes. As a
general rule though, men tended to drink larger amounts when they were out
than women. In terms of situations, parties and party-like episodes generally
involved more drinking than the hanging out episodes, although even in the
latter, intoxication was not uncommon. The quantities consumed at home
while watching TV or with dinner were usually low.
The use of public drinking places
People don‘t visit each other at home so much any more. They meet in
cafés. (Woman no 5.)
This interview statement expresses an idea that is not uncommon in Norway.
People like to think that cafés and pubs have become more like a second
home, or a home away from home, and that this is where everybody's social
life plays out. However, there was little evidence in the diaries to support this
idea. On the contrary, the diary writers often visited friends in their homes,
or had friends come to their home. This was especially true of drinking
situations planned to be proper parties.
On the other hand one could perhaps say that the diary writers tried
to create a homely feeling when they were out by making everything as safe
as possible, particularly by keeping their friends around them. This could be
one way of understanding the fact that when a party was not held in a private
home, it would sometimes be held at a place specially rented for the
occasion, and with only invited guests attending.
However, the closest thing to a home-away-from-home effect in this
material was probably the case where two diary writers had made one
particular pub their regular meeting place, and had been going there every
week for a whole year.
Yesterday we were ready for another Thursday evening at my favourite
pub, The T…. It‘s a relaxed, quiet place that a mate of mine and myself
decided to have as our local about a year ago. We live in the area around
S… park, about 3-4 minutes walk from both our sides of the square. I
found the place, and suggested that it should be our usual dive. Every
Thursday, all year round, we try to meet there, and the only valid reason
not to is if we are away, or if there is something else happening that is
very important. On the anniversary, that is one year after we had begun to
go there, we were allowed to hang up a small brass plate over our regular
table. So that plate hangs there now, saying that it is our table every
78
Thursday from 9 o‘clock. We usually meet at nine, and sit there until
closing time at about one o‘clock. Usually, only me and my mate were
there every Thursday, but the last two months a girlfriend of mine has
popped in for a couple of hours. I really look forward to these evenings,
actually a few days in advance, I really relax down there, and me and my
mate never run out of things to talk about. (Man no. 2.)
The regularity of their visits and the brass plate on their table has led to a
situation where the two friends had developed a sense of belonging and
ownership of the place. Another contributing factor is also that they have
become increasingly friendly with the people at the bar and, not least, that
they have supplied the music:
Actually, there is a story about the music, because when we had been
going there a while, we thought that the music wasn‘t so good. So we
have made collection CDs for them, six of them, and we have given the
CDs to them at regular intervals. On these Thursday evenings, we can
actually just say the number of the CD we would like to hear, for
example, ―let‘s hear number 4‖, and so we can listen to music we like.
(Man no. 2.)
For these two informants one might say that the pub has indeed become
something of a "home away from home". In the interviews both of them said
that this pub was their favourite place, and when other friends of theirs come
there, they feel proud when they seem to like it.
Me and my mate proudly showed our friends the place, and we were
pleased to hear that our two other friends also liked the place.... (Man no.
2.)
This sense of ownership probably also goes some way to explain their strong
reaction when other customers are behaving in a way they think is
inappropriate for the place, as on one occasion when someone "insisted on
dancing, something that NEVER happens there, and which I am glad never happens
there."(Man no. 2.)
„My kind of place‟
The interviewees often described their choices of restaurants or pubs as open
and largely practical choices. They would state that the reason they preferred
one place over another was that it was convenient for example in terms of
short distances either to their home or from the workplace. Nevertheless
many also emphasised that they preferred what they called ‗relaxed places‘:
cosy, homely and not too elegant:
79
I like it when it‘s kind of relaxed ehm.. not so stylish that people don‘t
dress up completely to go there, and that the staff is friendly.. (Woman
no. 3.)
On the other hand, when the interviewees spoke about the places they did not
like to go to, most of them expressed very clear opinions. Sometimes even
these were given practical explanations, such as not liking dancing places
because the music was too loud to be able to talk. However, places were also
often disliked because of the type of people that went there, as in the
following example where the interviewee states her disliking not only of
places that she defined as too snobbish, but also of places that she found too
common:
I don‘t like it in Grand street, you know, those places. ―C...‖ Since B-Bar
that place has sort of taken over the posh thing. I don‘t like it in Parade
street. I think it‘s gaudy there. I think the people there are loud, and it is
like lower suburbia that has come into town to party. And then I don‘t
like places that … that I feel have a very high chat-up factor. (Woman no.
4.)
In the interviews the type of place that the informants did not like generally
stood out as a marker for identification more than the type of place they said
they did like. Usually, however, the informants themselves did not seem to
acknowledge this aspect, but thought that they themselves were quite open
and very anti-elitist in their choice of places. One exception to this was an
interview where a male informant started off by describing how the guests in
some places tried so hard to be cool that in his eyes they ended up being
terribly un-cool, and then went on to admit that even he perhaps wanted to
go to places where he could somehow identify with the other guests:
I really dislike to go to places like…like…what‘s the name of that place,
it‘s very popular…‖O…‖. I have big problems with ―O…‖[…] I think it
is so uninteresting. […] because what you meet there is people who sort
of…well I feel that it is people who are always chasing after something
they think will be good for them, and that they have such enormous
visions about what it takes for them to be satisfied, that they have fun,
that they are cool etc., etc. [...] I feel that people are hiding behind
something that is quite distasteful. […] At the same time I will pop over
the street to ―L…‖, and that is also an ident… a need for identity, so you
may start to…to wonder about exactly how much you meet yourself in
the door here. But perhaps that is what it is then. I just can‘t identify with
those people. (Man no. 4.)
80
‘Being with my group’ – social drinking and group
dynamics
The internal group emerged as a very important factor in the descriptions of
going out situations, both in the interviews and in the diaries. In the
interviews all but one of the informants claimed to always go out with friends
or with the purpose to meet friends or colleagues, and this was also the
impression we got from reading the diaries. Virtually all drinking episodes
that required leaving home were described as instigated by a plan to meet
friends or to engage in some activity, like a pub quiz or watching a football
match, in a place where your friends would also be. The informants also
expressed very little interest in meeting new people during drinking
situations. Statements like "I don‟t go to bars to meet new people, so I don‟t do
anything to make it happen." (Man no. 2) or "I'm mostly with the people I'm with"
(Woman no. 2) were common in the interviews. Many of the diary writers
expressed similar feelings in their narratives of expectations and experiences
of drinking situations. The other people present at the place of drinking were
seldom mentioned. An exception to that rule was when these other people
behaved in a way the diary writers found objectionable, usually by being ―too
drunk‖ or, as in the passage below, by imposing on the diary writer or the
diary writer‘s group without being invited.
Some of the cheeky film people recognized Paul, because they had made a
music video with his band. They came and sat with us. Luckily, I had to
go to meet John. Poor Paul was left behind with them! (Woman no. 2.)
Drinking was almost always described as an integral part of going out for the
informants. In most of the narratives they did drink, and if they did not they
tended to explain why, e.g. that they were planning to drive home, or that
they were not feeling well. In their narratives, they often emphasised alcohol's
ability to make them feel more relaxed, to make the situation more enjoyable,
or to make interaction with other people easier.
Incredible how a beer can make you relax after a hard week at work – at
least, this is what the beer did to us two this evening. We had talked about
something that was a bit touchy on the bus on the way here, maybe
fumbled a bit. But as soon as we had had a couple of strong beers, our
tongues loosened. We were both a bit more honest, I think. Expectations
about getting a bit tipsy. Good fun! (Woman no. 1.)
81
The flow of conversation
Perhaps the most apparent theme discussed in these narratives of going out
together with friends related to how the internal group functioned together.
A topic that was given much weight in that respect both in the narratives and
in the interviews was the flow of conversation. In general, most writers
defined a good evening out with friends as an evening when the dialogue ran
smoothly. If it did not, the evening was less successful. Unless the purpose of
the evening was to go to a concert, the informants also tended to go to places
where the music was not too loud, and they explained this precisely by
reference to the fact that these places made better settings for conversation.
Talking with friends therefore emerged not only as the main activity in
drinking situations, but also as the main motivation for going out in many of
the narratives.
The preference for staying with the group was particularly evident in
situations that were set in public drinking places, for instance when the
informants were hanging out with friends in pubs. However, even in
situations where everybody present had been invited to attend, as in a party
at someone's home, the informants often expressed similar preferences. As
described by one informant when people he did not know so well entered a
private party he was attending, ―The atmosphere changes a bit when people from
outside come to such parties. You don‟t know them so well etc. and I felt that the company
wasn‟t as good as before..." (Man no. 2) It seems likely that when he mentions the
sinking quality of the social gathering, he is in fact referring to the intensity of
the conversation. With the arrival of the newcomers, the discussion may have
become less profound and more unfocused, and the informant himself might
have felt less secure and more uncertain of the situation.
On the occasions that outsiders were accepted into the original
group, someone would usually act as a gatekeeper or guarantor. To put it
shortly, someone had to know someone before contact could be established.
Whether or not this inclusion was felt to be successful, seemed to depend in
part on the chances of seeing this person again later on. A situation described
by a 27-year-old man may serve as an example. Following a night out with
colleagues from work, he found himself sitting with a colleague whom he did
not know very well.
After most of the people had gone home, I was still sitting there chatting
with a colleague I didn‘t know so well, until we left at about two-thirty. It
was a bit unexpected, but it was cosy. Nice to chat and get to know one
of the people I see but never talk to at work. (Man no. 1.)
82
The informant found the episode surprising but pleasant. In addition to the
fact that they had a good time, one possible interpretation of the informant‘s
delight in the situation is that this was an investment in a future relationship
for him. As the two of them worked together, they will meet again. Other
informants who met people they were less likely to meet again were often not
so enthusiastic, for example the 25-year-old woman who felt forced to
endure the boring life story of an unknown woman, or the man who
wandered from room to room at a private party, mostly waiting for it to be
time to leave for another party that he feels will be more interesting and
where he expects to meet more interesting people. In this story, the people at
the first party were no longer very central either in his professional or his
social life and he would apparently much rather spend time with the people
at the other party -- his current basketball team. The fact that there were lots
of free drinks at the second party no doubt contributed to his eagerness to
leave, but even though the informant seems to have defined the first party as
one where he would not be drinking very much and the second one as a
place to get intoxicated, one might suspect that this was largely a result of a
choice he had made himself.
In some descriptions of social situations involving strangers, alcohol
was also given a very instrumental role, as in the following example where a
man is going out in a new and unknown setting, mostly with people he
doesn‘t know, including his wife's first boyfriend, and he decides that he
needs a couple of beers first, to calm his nerves.
I feel a bit tense because I don‘t really know this scene. I feel that I am
going to get all my girlfriend‘s past thrown in my face. There is also an old
boyfriend here. He was the first one my girlfriend had sex with. I‘m so
childish about these sort of things that it bothers me a lot. I persuade my
girlfriend to leave earlier than planned, so that we can go to the pub next
door to the party... I want a couple of beers to soothe my nerves. I never
really do this, but I feel like doing it now. (Man no. 4.)
‘Drinking to be together’: re-inventing social ties and
getting closer
The general lack of expressed interest in people outside the group can be
understood as a manifestation of the diary writers' conceptualisation of going
out situations as arenas for reinventing social ties. Several writers describe
how changes in life situations, such as establishing a family, may have made it
83
more difficult to meet friends regularly. As one informant pointed out in the
interview: “It‟s not so easy to drop in on a Wednesday evening and have a coffee, because
people have partners, and you don‟t know their girlfriends and boyfriends so well, etc. We
drift apart.” (Man no. 4.)
A similar reflection was also made by a woman in the interview.
Before, we hung around with friends all the time, so it was really cool to
get new friends or talk to other people. But now, if I go out, to a pub or
somewhere to meet my friends, I really want to talk to them. Because
when we meet so seldom, because we have jobs and school and everyday
life and... dogs and.... (...).. well, most of them have a job, about 9-5, and
bought a flat and.... yes, normal everyday life, and some of them have
kids, and some are married, you know? So we don‘t hang around together
during the week any more. At least, not often. (Woman no. 9.)
For some, drinking together is a familiar activity, reminding the participants
of earlier similar situations and "the good old days". This effect was clearly
visible in a narrative written by a 28-year-old man. His wife and child were
going away for a few days, and so was his best friend's family. Consequently
they decided to make the whole weekend a party, and also invited two other
friends from what is referred to as "the old gang". The original plan is to
drink a lot, and revive the feeling from times of yore, when they were all
living together in a shared apartment. However, things do not go quite
according to plan. After several days of looking forward to the big night, they
are all too tired, not in the mood for partying, and even unable to get drunk.
The diary writer gradually gets more disappointed with the whole thing. In
his mind, the reason for the unsuccessful evening is that they are all too
concerned with reviving the good old times again:
84
I think it‘s like this because we are so concerned about keeping in contact.
We see each other a lot, but not under these circumstances. The company
of alcohol has been gradually replaced with partners and prams. We have
drunk a lot together. This evening we had the chance to re-experience
something we miss. We all agree that we have a better life now, and we
would never swap. However, we had this one chance this last six months
to travel back in time. That‘s why it is as it is. We are scared stiff that the
evening will be a flop, so that‘s what it is. (Man no. 4.)
In the narrative that this passage is taken from, the expected outcome of the
party was to drink large amounts of alcohol, with the ultimate aim of
reinvesting in social bonds. Alcohol was thus seen as an aid and helper in this
process, and even though getting drunk was part of the plan, being drunk
together was supposed to serve a greater purpose. The participants wanted to
experience again the feeling of communion they used to have before life led
them their separate ways.
Opening up, getting closer
The diaries also include several narratives where the diary writer reflected on
how people lower their guards and become more open towards each other
when they drink. This effect of alcohol is believed to help strengthen the
bonds between people, as for instance in the excerpt below.
As usual, my girlfriend left a while before the place closed, so once again,
my mate and I had a chance to talk together, just us two, a bit tipsy. In
these conversations, things often come up that my mate normally
wouldn‘t bring up, or that he would water down a lot when he talked
about it. This last hour gives me a great chance to get to know what he
really thinks and means about things, information that helps me to be a
better friend. (Man no. 2.)
Here, the diary writer's emphasis is on the fact that being drunk in many ways
makes his friend more honest and true. It gives him an opportunity to find
out what his friend really thinks. A logical consequence of this is that
without these situations of being drunk together, he would know his friend
less well than he does with them.
It is possible that one of the reasons why the diary writers describe
the act of getting drunk together as so valuable and important is that
intoxication creates a sense of being able to see through external façades and
to get to the core of people. In that sense, getting drunk with someone can
be understood as something of a brave act, as it strips you of your pretences
and leaves you only as yourself. For the same reasons it is also a vote of
85
confidence. Getting drunk with someone else means that you trust them to
see the person you really are. This idea may be what lies behind the reflection
below, that was expressed in an interview.
It can feel like a kind of purification to have gone through a kind of
upheaval, like you do when you get really drunk. You also get closer to
the people you have ended up with (literally: fallen with). The decisive
factor is who you are with. If they are positive people, it doesn‘t matter
that you get really drunk, because the positive is just brought out more.
But if the people are destructive, it can be really bad. (Woman no. 2.)
When this woman talks about getting drunk with friends, she uses an
expression that literally means ―tumbling or falling‖ together, an expression
that gives the impression of doing something risky. Similar thoughts were
expressed by another woman interviewee, possibly with an even stronger
emphasis on the safety aspects:
…meet good friends, and people who you in a way have a cosy, secure
and good time with. And we can get drunk, and it‘s quite alright. (Woman
no. 5.)
The position and regulation of drinking
Based on the analysis of the interviews and the diary narratives, one general
answer to the question of how drinking is regulated for these young adults is
that different situations have different rules in terms of alcohol intake and
intoxication, and that the suitable drinking level in any given situation is
related to the dynamics of the group interaction. As is illustrated by the
following story of a woman who got sick, to get out of rhythm with the
group by getting too drunk may give rise to feelings of shame.
I got far too drunk. Embarrassing that I threw up, but luckily it was after
we got home. John said that I had been sweet all evening. It was an
enjoyable evening, but I got a bit too drunk. I think it was because John‘s
friends are older than me, and they are men who drink a lot. When I try
to keep up, it soon gets out of hand.... (Woman no. 2. )
The party she attended was one were getting drunk was acceptable, but she
still feels she drank too much. Essentially, the definition of "too drunk" must
be understood as "drunker than the rest", or perhaps more precisely, to be
86
more in loss of control than the rest. The group members thus seem to have
joint defining power when it comes to the position of alcohol in the current
setting, and therefore also of the suitable level of intoxication. Harmony
prevails when everybody follows the same rhythm. If it is suspected that
someone consciously or unconsciously takes another path in terms of
drinking levels, this may result in disharmony.
There was a slight asymmetry in how ideas of drinking and the regulation of
drinking were expressed in the diary reports. In narratives that discussed the
occurrence of "too much drinking", the story tended to be one where the
diary writers described themselves as too drunk, as in the example above, or
one where they described how other people outside the internal group had
been drinking too much (for the situation). However, it was not common to
portray other persons within one‘s own group as too drunk, and when this
did happen it would be in narratives of situations where the group itself was
more loosely connected, as in private parties where everybody present could
be seen as members of an extended group, even though the narrator did not
necessarily know them all.
In narratives where the problem seemed to be "too little drinking", the
narrators would usually write about situations where other members of their
own group were not drinking enough. One example was found in a narrative
where a man, after being out with a friend, wrote: "Apart from that it was just an
ordinary evening. The only thing I reacted to was that my mate didn‟t drink for the last
half hour or so…" (Man no. 2.) We might suspect that the diary writer here was
worried that his friend was trying to stay more sober than our informant
thought was appropriate for the evening. Luckily for him, harmony was
quickly restored when he asked his friend why he was not drinking, and it
became clear that his friend had drunk some beer before he arrived at the
pub. In other words, instead of trying to stay more sober, he was just making
sure that he did not become drunker than his companion. A similar situation,
but with a different solution was found in a narrative describing a birthday
party with many guests. In this instance, the diary writer had expected a lively
party, but the evening ended up being quieter than he thought it would
because there were a number of pregnant women in the group, and he wrote
in his diary:
There were some women there who were pregnant, including the
girlfriend of the man whose birthday it was, and I noticed that in a way
this put a damper on the evening. I‘m not used to drinking and partying
with people who have kids, or who are about to have kids. And even
though this didn‘t really influence the topics of conversation, the
atmosphere was a bit different. (Man no. 2.)
87
Contrary to the previous example, where only two people were drinking
together, and where the one who wanted to drink more seemed to think that
his preferences took precedence over his friend's, the narrator in this last
excerpt seems to have felt that his original idea of the evening had to be
adjusted because he was out of rhythm with the larger group. Thus, the
importance of the group dynamics becomes quite pronounced in this
narrative, and it also demonstrates how the regulation of alcohol might
sometimes involve reduced drinking levels.
88
Discussion
Generally, the diary writers expressed surprisingly similar ideas about going
out and drinking situations. Spending time with friends emerged as one of
the most important reasons for going out. The favourite activity in drinking
situations was to engage in conversation with these friends, and the writers
preferred to go to unfashionable pubs with soft music. Drinking was
understood mostly as a tool for socialising, although it would also sometimes
be used in a ritualistic or even slightly mystic manner.
Obviously, the fact that all the informants were of the same age,
were at the same stage of life, and shared many socio-economic
characteristics, help explain a lot of these similarities. Furthermore, it is likely
that the participants' status as relative newcomers in Oslo has contributed to
strengthen their tendency to prefer their own group of friends when they go
out. Firstly, compared to life in the countryside where many of the
informants have their background, the urban way of life can be said to offer
fewer occasions to meet friends without having organised this in advance.
Secondly, this would imply that the available circle of friends consists
less of family and childhood friends, and more of existing or former
colleagues, and former fellow students. Friendships formed later in life differ
from those formed during childhood in that they are based to a larger degree
on choice, personal preferences and common interests, and more work might
therefore be necessary to keep them intact. This might mean that, particularly
as our informants' life situations have changed, with new jobs, starting a
family etc., the risk of finding themselves without friends might have give
them an extra incentive to consolidate their existing ties. In the words of
Maffesoli (1996), "the obvious dehumanisation of urban life is giving birth to
specific groupings for the exchange of passion and feelings."
The apparent orientation towards community and belonging found
in the way these young adults describe their motivation for going out might
also reflect a more general phenomenon than just these particular persons‘
linkage to their rural origins. According to Larsen (2003), Norwegian's social
life in cities is strongly influenced by social forms developed under a more
rural way of life, and he claims that "Norway, for better or for worse, is not a
full-blown modern society" (2003: 153). The rural self is not about where you
live but how you do it, and the orientation towards ―being with my group‖
that we have seen manifest itself through the diary writers‘ narratives could
perhaps also be interpreted along such lines.
89
With the focus so much on the internal group, and so little on other people,
one might wonder why these informants choose to go out in the first place.
Of course, one answer to this question is that they don't. Many of the
drinking situations described in the diaries took place in the informants' own
home or in someone else's home. However, those situations often had the
semblance of celebrations or parties. When the purpose of the evening is just
to hang out, it is possible that the surroundings of a pub, the music, the bar,
the other people and the general atmosphere, help set the frames and make it
easier to get the feeling of "time-out". It is also likely that the motivations for
hanging out in pubs instead of in someone's home are partly linked to
alcohol, as drinking might seem more permissible in a pub than it would at
home. Licensed premises are associated with drinking, and the situation is
therefore more easily defined as a drinking situation. In addition, being in a
licensed premise may reduce the complexity of the drinking situation as
everybody is familiar with the rules of how to behave, and as there will be a
higher degree of certainty with regard to who will be there and what the main
activity will be. In a home, on the other hand, the presence of other people
living in the house or apartment, or even surprise visits by friends or relatives
of the owner, might influence the course of the evening.
As in Træen & Hovland's (1999) study among club guests in Oslo,
the informants in this study largely understood alcohol as a tool to assist
sociability. Another similarity with Træen & Hovland's results is the idea that
getting drunk makes people more real and authentic. This interpretation of
the effect of alcohol meant that the act of getting drunk together with other
people was felt to result in stronger social bonds and closer relationships
between friends. One might perhaps argue that the fact that getting drunk
together is understood as something important in the bonding process could
be seen as a result of Norwegian drinking culture, particularly of the focus on
intoxication that is such an important part of that culture. However, drinking
and getting drunk together also have a ritualistic aspect, and as such it may
serve as a reinforcement of group ties that are more universal and less
contingent on local cultures (Maffesoli, 1996).
In an early work on drinking in groups, Bruun (1959) found that
group members were allowed to drink more than the others, but not less.
The informants in this study seem to have slightly different ideas with respect
to alcohol consumption. The suitable level of drinking, or rather of
intoxication, seems to be jointly decided by the group, and the ideal is that all
group members should be on the same level. To get too drunk, i.e. drunker
than the rest, is shameful, but to drink too little might also be seen as
sabotage, as it means you will be less "yourself" than the rest of the group. It
is likely that the difference between Bruun's results and the results from this
90
study can in part be explained by differences in the group compositions.
While Bruun's groups consisted of working class men, the groups under
study in this paper are middle class and mixed gender. However, the idea of
harmony expressed by the informants also illustrates the fact that when the
group is seen as the unit, to be too drunk and to drink too little are two sides
of the same coin. If one person drinks too little, the consequence might be
that the others appear to be too drunk. It is as though the low consumer is
trying to shame the others, by making them look like they are not in control.
The recipe for a successful evening is therefore a balanced drinking level,
particularly if the group is small.
Our informants tended to stay with their own group in going out
situations, and thus differed from the jumping between groups and places
found in a comparable study of young adults in Reykjavik, Iceland (see
Ólafsdóttir & Bergsveinsdóttir in this volume). It is possible that the size of
the groups has some bearing on this difference, as they were often quite
small in the drinking situations described in our material. However, it might
also be that structural differences between Oslo and Reykjavik, particularly
the size of the nightlife areas, encourage disparate cultural practices.
Interestingly, therefore, both these behaviours can be understood as
manifestations of Maffesolian neo-tribes, just under unlike conditions. As the
centre of Oslo is considerably larger than the centre of Reykjavik it does not
lend itself to the kind of ‗jumping‘ practices seen in Ólafsdóttir and
Bergsveinsdóttir‘s study. When our informants have chosen their group, they
tend to stay with it for the night.
In our interpretation, the Norwegian quest for balanced drinking
instead of the ideal of moderation found by Ólafsdóttir and Bergsveinsdóttir
is also influenced by the differences in group loyalties. Sticking with one
group for a longer period of time means that the Norwegian diary writers
more than those in Iceland would have had the opportunity to build up the
necessary group dynamics that would allow such a balance to develop. In line
with what Törrönen and Maunu (2007) have found among young adults in
Helsinki, we found that such group agreements often would not be explicit,
but tended to grow out of the situation itself. This implies that if the group
agrees, the regulation of alcohol might change during the evening, thereby
making it possible for alcohol to be regulated differently in situations that are
seemingly similar. This notwithstanding, the drinking habits and going out
practices that were expressed in the interviews and diaries in the current
study display many similarities with habits and practices found in similar
studies in Helsinki (Törrönen 2006) and Reykjavik (Olafsdottir &
Bergsveinsdóttir). In particular, sociability emerged as a central motivation
for going out and drinking alcohol in all three studies.
91
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93
94
Reykjavík Nightlife Narratives
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir & Unnur María Bergsveinsdóttir
Introduction
T
he aim of the Reykjavík Nightlife Narratives study is to shed light on
the role played by alcohol in the nightlife activities of young adults.
What expectations do young adults have about their alcohol intake, is
intoxication a goal in itself or a tool, and how and why do people limit their
intake of alcohol?
Nightlife and alcohol play a significant role in the lives of most
young people. Pubs, bars, restaurants and nightclubs are important to
sociability. Socialising appears to be the driving force when it comes to going
out on the town. The nightlife activities of young people are reflected in a
common lifestyle and common taste within large and small groups. At the
same time, people use nightlife as a setting in which to express themselves
and their lifestyle.
The need to go out and the scope in which to do so are generally
thought to be linked to a particular period in a person‘s life. The age
composition of guests in licensed venues reflects this view. Bars are venues
for people who are in the grey zone between the freedom of youth and the
responsibilities of adulthood. For a long time, the primary way of socialising
in Iceland was entertaining in the home, and it was not until the latter part of
the 20th century that public houses took over. (Bernharðsson, 1998.) The
number of public venues in Iceland increased significantly in the 1990s, and
their role changed. This corresponds to similar trends in all Western cities
(see e.g. Törrönen and Maunu 2005). In Iceland, however, it took place much
more rapidly. The concept of entertainment essentially underwent a
fundamental change. In 1988 there were 53 licensed establishments in
Reykjavík, but this number increased rapidly when beer was licensed for sale
in 1989, by 47% in the first year (Ólafsdóttir 1999). From 2000 to 2006 the
number of licensed establishments in Reykjavík grew from 182 to 206.
The main characteristics of Icelandic nightlife, as compared with
nightlife in other Scandinavian cities, are that it takes place almost exclusively
in the city centre, the type of establishment does not determine its opening
95
hours, there is no admission charge, and most establishments are a
combination of café, bar and nightclub. The area in which Reykjavík‘s
nightlife takes place is very small, just over one square kilometre in size, and
the clubs in the city centre are all within comfortable walking distance of
each other. This study‘s theoretical approach is based on the theories of
Simmel (1950) and Partanen (1991) on sociability, the theories of Maffesoli
(1996) on urban tribes and the theories of Foucault (2002) on heterotopias.
Simmel‘s theory (1950) is that sociability always exists in human relationships,
even if those relationships are founded on other interests that may or may
not be evident. In contrast to other goal-oriented relationships, sociability has
no specific goal or structure and does not lead to any sort of conclusion;
instead it is completely driven by the personalities of those present. The goal
is to experience a social moment that can be remembered. Sociability
incorporates equality and democracy, yet it is fragile since relations between
different social groups may be unstable and painful. According to Simmel,
the world of sociability is sometimes a sort of artificial world in which
privilege and inequality are set aside so as not to interfere with relations.
Sociability incorporates a code of ethics, as Simmel has discussed. Individuals
must behave as part of a whole, yet their lives are also similar to a carousel.
One part of this code of ethics deals with how to enter a group, leave it, and
form a new group, as well as how to begin and end a conversation.
Partanen (1991, 221) has questioned why Simmel did not deal with
the links between alcohol and sociability in his writings. His explanation is
that Simmel considered material things like food and drink to be outside the
realm of sociology. Partanen links sociability to the intake of alcohol and says
that alcohol helps set the stage for sociability, as alcoholic drinks provide
both material and symbol, facilitating a heightened sense of sociability. Thus
the impulse to socialise results in people coming together to drink alcohol.
Alcohol consumption thus strengthens sociability, yet is also precarious since
it can lead to aggression and assault. Rules concerning alcohol consumption
are set for that very reason.
In discussing places and spaces, Foucault (2002) talks about specific
places that he calls heterotopias. These are places within the space of society
that are subject to a special set of rules, in which breaking the rules of society
is permitted and even encouraged. Foucault speaks of such places as utopias
become manifest. Locations of this sort are worlds unto themselves; the
authority of the external world stops at their door.
While the heterotopia is a special location with a special set of rules,
the time within is usually also subject to a specific set of rules. Thus the
heterotopia, in its most classic form, is also a heterocronia. The heterotopia
becomes fully activated when humans are in some way removed from all
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links to their traditional time frame. Foucault mentions summer house
colonies as examples of heterotopias that are bound in time. Licensed
establishments can easily be viewed in the same manner. The interaction of
place and time is also significant: on weekends licensed establishments are
places where people are allowed to ‗go wild‘.
According to Foucault, heterotopias always incorporate a system of
opening and closing, the role of which is to delimit the heterotopia and also
to make them penetrable. The consumption of alcohol may be viewed as an
admission ticket to the type of socialising that takes place in licensed
establishments.
In his discussion of subcultures and sociability, Maffesoli (1995) used
the term ‗urban tribes‘ to describe new forms of sociability. The self-image of
groups is no longer based on traditional foundations like class, gender or
religion. Instead, tastes and patterns of consumption link people together in a
loosely-joined network of groups. The boundaries of the groups themselves
are vague, as is their evaluation of what joins the individuals within the group
and what excludes others. Individuals are permitted to move between groups
and also between different self-images, without being excluded anywhere.
According to Maffesoli, loyalty towards the group no longer takes
precedence, but rather how useful the group is to the individual in terms of
fulfilling his or her social needs (Weinzierl and Muggleton 2004, 11).
Therefore, in Maffesoli‘s view, the movement between groups is an
indication that sociability itself has once again become important as
something significant in its own right (Hodkinsson 2004, 286-7).
Methodology
A decision was made to conduct a diary study in order to explore in-depth
the use of alcohol in licensed venues by young adults. Comparable studies
have been conducted in Oslo and Stockholm, modelled on studies by Jukka
Törrönen and Antti Maunu in Helsinki (Törrönen and Maunu 2004). One
could ask to what degree it is realistic to compare nightlife in Reykjavík with
that of larger cities such as Stockholm, Oslo and Helsinki. The small size of
the area in which Reykjavík‘s nightlife takes place, as well as Iceland‘s small
population, goes a long way in explaining the difference between the
Icelandic study and the Scandinavian ones. However, there are similar
limitations as well as advantages to this study as to the diary studies in the
other cities. All those to whom the study was presented found it highly
interesting, yet few people were prepared to keep a diary of this sort.
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Forming contacts with individuals and small groups that were prepared to
keep a diary was time consuming and hence the study required a great deal of
follow-up. The participants varied in their willingness to follow directions
about the composition of their narratives and were only prepared to write
them down for a short period. Qualitative studies normally use small
samples, and this was also the case with this study.
Although the term ‗diary study‘ is used, this is not a study based on
diaries where the narrator writes down the day‘s events and his or her
thoughts about life in general. The aim in the gathering of data was for the
participants to write narratives giving an account of when they went out on
the town. The data in this study were obtained through snowball sampling.
This sampling method relies on referrals from initial subjects to generate
additional subjects. All participants were asked to keep an electronic diary of
their alcohol intake and visits to licensed establishments. In their diaries, the
participants were asked to give an account of the lead-up to going out, what
happened, and to describe the surroundings and circumstances. The
objectives of the study were presented to the participants at the outset and
they were informed about ethical issues and confidentiality. Each participant
was asked to keep a record of his or her alcohol intake and visits to licensed
establishments over a period of several weeks. After the participants had
agreed to take part in the study, all communication with them was in
electronic form.
A total of 13 people agreed to take part in the study. Of those, eight
were women and five men, all aged 25-35. They belong to an age group that
is most active in nightlife and that most frequently drinks alcohol in licensed
establishments, according to a study on alcohol use conducted by the Public
Health Institute of Iceland in 2004 (Lýðheilsustöð 2005). The women were
all employed in the service sector and the men in the computer sector, which
reflects the different type of employment between the genders. A few were
studying alongside work. Domestic circumstances varied; some participants
lived alone, others with friends or with their spouses and children, and still
others with their parents.
The study was carried out from May to December 2006 and thus
extended over summer, autumn and early winter. The participants were
initially asked whether they felt that seasonal changes impacted their visits to
licensed establishments. Most said that they went out on the town more
often in summer and also that they stayed out longer. A few mentioned that
they tended to seek out places where they could sit outside in summertime,
but apart from that they usually frequented the same places. They generally
met up with the same people, although some mentioned that, during the
summer months, students who were studying abroad and who were home
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for the summer joined the group.
The participants were instructed to write as if they were telling a
story. They were asked to describe the visits to the establishments, in those
instances when people were drinking alcohol, from two separate viewpoints:
preparation and progression. During the preparation stage it was ideal to
write about the beginning: where the narrator planned to go and with whom.
During the progression stage the participants were asked for a detailed
description of events and their personal interpretations of events and
happenings. They were asked to describe the main occurrences during the
evening, what they did, where they went, with whom, and how they passed
the time. They were also asked to focus on changes: did people move to a
different club, did anything unexpected happen? The participants were also
asked to describe the people they were with: who did what, what happened
first, and what happened after that? They were then urged to describe their
responses, thoughts, feelings, changes in mood and level of intoxication, as
well as their friends‘ responses and how other guests appeared to them as the
evening unfolded.
In other words, the participants were asked to describe the
preparation and then the actual night out on the town, and finally to evaluate
the evening‘s events. During the latter, the participants were asked to
evaluate whether the evening had met their expectations. If the answer was
yes, what factors contributed to this, and if no, what prevented the evening
from living up to their expectations? The objective was to elicit descriptive
narratives where the participants described in their own words how they
experienced the evening. A total of 56 narratives were received, or an average
of four from each individual. One participant sent in only one narrative,
while the greatest number of narratives from a single individual was eight.
The narratives vary in length, yet despite being written by only a handful of
individuals they are highly diverse. How well the participants followed the
initial instructions varies. The data incorporate numerous topics that were
recorded and analysed. The narratives were entered into a database using the
computer program NVivo. The data seem highly suitable for answering the
study questions.
Results
Purpose and reasons
Three reasons in particular were given for patronising a licensed
establishment. One, a certain event was being celebrated, such as a birthday
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or the end of exams. Two, in some instances the goal was to strengthen
friendships or social loyalties, such as when friends decided to meet or when
a family or couple went out to a particular place together. Such get-togethers
were sometimes linked to work, for example when work colleagues or fellow
students went out somewhere. Three, there were the regular weekend nights
out, where the goal was to go to a bar, have a few drinks and potentially run
into some acquaintances. Finally, it might be mentioned that people who
were single were aware of bars as possible venues to meet members of the
opposite sex.
Regular get-togethers with friends and acquaintances, often in the
same establishment on the same weeknights, was a clear theme in the
participants‘ narratives. If the clubs are examined in the light of Foucault‘s
ideas (2002) about the heterotopia as a heterocronia, it is evident that
repeated get-togethers at a bar correspond well with those ideas. Törrönen
and Maunu (2004 and 2005a, 2005b) have examined the phenomenon and
defined it as an attempt to respond to the goal-driven experience of time in
daily life. By creating a habit that is repeated, participants create a space that
can be viewed as an island in the flow of time, an experience of cyclical time
in the company of friends. According to Törrönen and Maunu, alcohol
consumption that takes this form is not a way of challenging traditional
values, nor is the drinking a goal in itself, but rather it is a way to strengthen
ties and sociability within a group. ―It‘s become tradition to go out for a beer
on Thursdays,‖ wrote one of the women (Woman6-n3).
Lead-up
One could say that when a decision has been made to go out, preparations
get underway. The day, time and place must be determined, and sometimes
also the company. A group of friends often needs a long period to come up
with a time that suits everyone. The greater the number of people going out
together, the longer the preparation stage is likely to be. Others need little
preparation, and with the widespread use of mobile phones and text
messages, people can arrange to meet more easily. The choice of venue is
usually determined through some sort of compromise within the group.
Individual preparation also varies. The women‘s narratives described
how they spent time on their appearance, whereas none of the men
mentioned anything of that sort. They prepared for the evening by eating
something ―… because I‘ve learned from experience that you can‘t go out
drinking on an empty stomach‖ (Man2-n1). Some ate something wholesome,
others settled for a bar of chocolate and an energy drink, so the individual in
question ―… wouldn‘t accidentally fall asleep while out on the town‖ (Man3n1).
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The high cost of alcohol, ‗special offers‘ notwithstanding, was cited as a
reason for drinking prior to going out. ―Even though there would be special
offers at the bar I thought it wise to drink a bit before going out, and even to
eat something.‖ (Man4-n2.) Also, people would often sip a glass of wine at
home to get in the mood, rather than just to save money. ―After taking a
shower at home I took quite a bit of time to just sip on a glass of red wine
and listen to music…‖ (Woman8-n2).
The border between normal life and leisure time varies in clarity
from one narrative to the other. In some instances the fun began at home
and subsequently moved downtown. The narratives are divided fairly equally
between weekends and weekdays.
Surprisingly, Wednesday turned out to be the major party night of the
week. (Man 2- n1)
I had the Friday itch to go out yesterday, which was fortunate since it
happened to be Friday. (Man 3-n2)
The choice of establishment can be a simple one, as illustrated by one of the
narratives:
We were there until closing time and knew exactly what to expect: the
cheapest beer of the evening, familiar and unfamiliar people to watch, and
a chance to talk until mandatory closing time. (Man2-n2)
The reasons for choosing a place can be practical ones, as per the following
example:
I wasn‘t totally convinced about the place, Babalú is nice and everything
and has just been licensed, but it often closes well before the official
closing time. That‘s just what happened this time, at 11.30 pm we were
asked to leave and had to change places yet again. (Man2-n2)
The interesting thing about that evening was how much time went into
moving from place to place looking for something suitable. Even though
there are places that have everything we needed: food, drink, a chance to
talk and an Internet connection … we just didn‘t chance upon them. Or
didn‘t want to go in because of the general atmosphere of the place.
(Man2-n2)
In some cases food, Internet access and a quiet place to talk was what people
were looking for. In other cases, some kind of celebration was underway and
the venue was chosen on that basis.
The narratives did not describe surroundings and conditions in much
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detail, but service was mentioned relatively frequently. The narratives
expressed satisfaction with food and service, and also severe dissatisfaction.
Examples of bad service were most often mentioned in narratives where the
primary aim was to go out for dinner, since naturally the establishment and
the service come under scrutiny to a greater degree when both food and
drink are being purchased. An example of dissatisfaction with slow service
was the following: ―It is probably too much to ask to have one employee
responsible for waiting on the tables, bussing the tables and also preparing all
the food and all the drinks.‖ (Man2-n2)
Us and them
As mentioned above, the choice of establishment appears to be determined
more by the composition of guests and the atmosphere than the licensed
establishment itself and the service provided. Familiar faces and the
possibility of running into friends and acquaintances are factors that matter a
great deal. Moreover, many participants mentioned that they felt comfortable
in certain places because there they found the group to which they felt they
belonged. A group of female friends creates security, whereas strangers create
inhibitions. A female group per se, however, is not able to create the same
framework as a group of friends.
In examining the self-image of groups, one often looks to Bourdieu
(1990, 132) who said: ―Nothing classifies somebody more than the way he or
she classifies.‖ According to Bourdieu, groups draw the line between
themselves and ―the others‖ with the formation of a common taste. To be
familiar with that taste, to know what‘s ―in‖ and what‘s not, is the key to
having an influence within specific groups – the key to being accepted.
Thornton (1997), who has studied British club culture, has worked with
Bourdieu‘s ideas about the power inherent in having the ―right‖ taste.
According to her, one of the main characteristics of club culture is its flowing
nature. What is ―in‖ today will not necessarily be ―in‖ tomorrow, nightclubs
are not permanent places; they change their emphases, names, or move
locations. In the nightlife arena, ―hipness‖, or knowing what is ―in‖ at any
given time, is an important tool.
Rex was like another world and, truth be told, a lot less fun. It was almost
uncomfortable to see how different those people are from the familiar
faces at Sirkus. And the music was awful. Still, we sat down with the guys,
ordered a gin and tonic and observed the crowd and the place.
Unsurprisingly, the joke of having gone to Rex wore off quickly, so we
went to Kaffibarinn… Kaffibarinn was – and is – more our type of place,
appropriately dirty and shabby, and the people and music are on our
wavelength. Walking in there was like coming home. (Woman6-n2)
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To be in the right place with the right group of people sometimes revolves
around more than just the company. As with Foucault‘s heterotopias, many
of the narratives can be viewed as descriptions of entering another world.
The venues in these descriptions are places where people have permission to
behave differently than they do on a daily basis.
There is very little room for morality at the bar, and some nights it‘s like
the guests have been told to leave it at the door. This was one of those
nights. (Woman6-n2)
The reversal of normal values means the heterotopia could seem like a
carnival, yet this is not so. Quite conversely, Foucault (2002, 141) says that
there are heterotopias that practise curious exclusions. Admission to them is
merely an illusion – the individual is in the place, yet separated from the place
that he meant to enter. One might argue that licensed venues fall under this
type of heterotopia, as those who have not adopted the behaviour, or
habitus, of the heterotopia, experience themselves as outsiders.
Poor Jóhanna was kind of out of her element in there. She said she was
more into Vegamót and Kaffibarinn. (Man3-n2)
Since many foreigners come to Reykjavík to work, study or as tourists, one
would expect them to be visible on the nightlife circuit. When foreigners
were mentioned, interaction with them was not described any differently than
with Icelanders that the person in question didn‘t know. Small-talk or
attempts at conversation were part of the communication pattern.
Interestingly, foreigners were not perceived as ―they‖; instead it seemed
natural that foreigners would be among guests at the venues.
On the move
A total of 56 narratives mentioned 46 places in 116 visits. It was most
common for participants to visit 2-4 places in a single evening, and single
individuals tended to go to more places than those who were in a
relationship. It is also evident from the participants‘ descriptions that they
consider Reykjavík city centre to be a unified space and movement from one
venue to the other to be movement within a single whole. Thus movement
from place to place is highly characteristic of the narratives. In some cases, of
course, this can be attributed to compromises within a group or the fact that
a specific type of service was being sought. Yet the reason is probably that
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the movement is an accepted form of behaviour and possibly perceived as
desirable in Reykjavík nightlife and the small space in which it takes place.
Maffesoli‘s ideas (1996) about urban tribes also shed light on movement
from place to place: where individuals can belong to more than one ―taste
group‖ it is not unusual for them to exploit the small size of the area to move
from one group to another if the atmosphere in one place or within a given
group is, in that instance, not to their liking.
Interestingly it seems as though loyalty to the group is not required.
None of the narratives reported that remarks were made if an individual
chose to leave a group, or that any sort of ethical code had to be observed
within that context. This is in contrast to the picture that is drawn up in the
other Nordic diary studies. In Oslo, going out situations were characterised
by fidelity to the internal group, and the informants expressed very little
interest in meeting other people than the friends they were going out with
(Lund & Scheffels in this book). The Finnish diary-writers did not follow
such a regular pattern, but a gender difference was portrayed in their
individual activity. The men wrote how they followed a plan and were targetoriented; finding partners or looking for more action in the next bar. Women
wrote about their quest as a looser action, whose objective changed as the
evening proceeded. For them, meeting men did not appear as a goal-oriented
action, but as a playful flirtation or atmosphere-generating (Törrönen &
Maunu 2007).
Togetherness and conversation
The narratives depict chit-chat and conversation as two of the most
important factors contributing to enjoyment, which corresponds to Simmel‘s
theory about conversation and sociability.
After that we sat and talked and laughed a lot. It was all a bit risqué. I was
pleasantly surprised how relaxed it was, and how much fun. (Woman2-n4)
Conversation may be viewed as part of sociability, where the conversation is
a goal in itself. This does not rule out the fact that people may want to
express their opinions about serious issues or gain a better understanding of
particular matters. However, according to Simmel‘s (1950) theories,
conversations at parties revolve around people applying tactic to keep their
status and class, as well as their personal feelings, outside the realm of
conversation. This does not mean that the topic of conversation is
unimportant, however. On the contrary, it must be interesting, fascinating or
significant. In society, conversation skills revolve partly around being able to
switch topics quickly and easily. Telling stories and jokes and being witty do
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not denote spiritual poverty, but rather are an important part of sociability
where conversation topics are used as a tool. All this is done to create fun,
harmony and consciousness of the ―party‖, and is the individual‘s gift to the
group.
Conversation topics were of a general nature. Discussions revolved
around current events, politics, how the election system and government
administration in Iceland are deeply flawed and stupid, election results,
Japanese culture and suicide, Chinese traditions and customs, music,
postmodernism, films, upcoming exams, Christmas, and homosexuality. True
stories were told about blind dates. There was talk of sex, alcohol and drugs,
old times were revisited, ―incredibly rude jokes‖ were told about games
played by the sexes and how ridiculous people can be. Rarely did
conversation reach any sort of depth (sharing of confidence), and it was
equally rare for a single subject to be discussed for an entire evening. Possibly
this is bound up with the extent to which individuals move from one group
to another and from one place to another. Alcohol was both cited as an aid
to maintaining lively conversation and as a hindrance for continued
conversation. Examples of alcohol as an aid to conversation were as follows:
I had been in a new job for two weeks (with the same company) which
means that I‘m out of the office more and don‘t take lunch or coffee
breaks inside the company. So this whole unused vocabulary
accumulates!!! And this became evident when I was about halfway
through my beer! I talked and talked, told stories and laughed and
laughed. The life of the party, in other words. (Woman2-n2)
We were all in a jolly mood and the more of that cocktail we imbibed the
less inhibited we became, not that we need it, we know each other so well
by now that we start spewing silliness at the mere smell of alcohol, we
probably just became more silly the more we drank of the cocktail!! But
what a great time we had: Crude and unrestrained babbling. (Woman 8n3)
However, alcohol consumption could also ruin conversation. The narratives
described conversations with a lot of fun to begin with, but by the time those
presents increased their drinking it wasn‘t so much fun any more.
Gender relations
In the world of sociability the strong individual can become equal to the
weak individual and pretend that the one who is weak is above him and more
important than he is. Simmel (1950) defines many aspects of sociability, such
as flirting, games, conversation and play, and solutions to ethical problems.
In response to the question of how the sexes handle the eroticism between
them, he claims it revolves around acceptance and rejection. This idea can be
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useful in analysing flirtation between people in contemporary society. His
other approach, that flirtation inherently means that women are striving to
attract the attention of men and not the other way around, does not
correspond to the behaviour of young people in the 21st century. Games that
the genders play in this arena have changed, like so many other aspects of
gender relations. Although the aim of going out on the town is more that of
strengthening friendship than meeting new people, there were more than a
few examples of such musings in the narratives.
And who knows – maybe a good-looking guy will show up? (Woman2n3)
It was good. Great to run into so many people at the concert and hear
good music. Celtic was not that much fun, though. I had no expectations
so I can‘t say I was disappointed. But I think you always have at the back
of your mind that you might meet a hot girl who falls for you. But that
may come later. (Man3-n1)
Alcohol consumption, self-control and level of intoxication
When an individual decides to patronise a licensed establishment, it goes
without saying that there will be opportunities to drink alcohol and it is very
likely that the individual concerned will do so. The consumption of alcohol is
considered so natural that, when no alcohol is involved, it is especially noted:
―Nasa, no alcohol. Gaukurinn, no alcohol.‖ (Woman 9-n3). The participants‘
accounts of how much alcohol was consumed are not always precise, nor is
the type of alcohol consumed always specified. Beer is the type of alcoholic
drink most frequently mentioned in the narratives, but women also cite other
varieties such as wine and cocktails. Hard liquor is rarely mentioned. The
conscious limiting of alcohol intake was governed by practical reasons. Thus
behaviour seemed to be first and foremost controlled by external variables:
...I started thinking about how I couldn‘t imagine drinking alcohol at
lunchtime and then going to work to do programming immediately
afterwards. (I‘ve tried it; it just doesn‘t work for me. I become
(comfortably) lazy, careless and absent-minded when I drink alcohol.)
(Man1-n1)
I wouldn‘t have minded getting pissed when I‘d finished that beer! Going
on a pub crawl! But there was no chance of that. It takes a bit more
planning when you‘re a) a single mother b) don‘t live in Reykjavík (i.e.
when the desire to get drunk comes over you in Reykjavík). (Woman2-n1)
The narratives describe drunkenness in many different ways. Participants
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write both about their own level of intoxication and that of others. The
following narrative captures many sides of intoxication.
It was great to just feel a little tipsy and stay that way for the whole
evening. I think drinking too much the night before allowed me to stay on
such a good level: And what a fantastic time we had! It was fun to watch
the sluts, how they became busier with each cocktail they imbibed. How
the ‗other drunks‘ behaved downtown, how the people at Sirkus acted in
their state of inebriation, either on the lookout or moving to the music. It
was great to see little Karl drunk, actually a welcome change… not to
mention how sweet it was to wake up next to the pretty boy without
feeling the least bit hung over and to remember everything! (Woman8-n3)
Sometimes drunkenness is described like it was any other occurrence – part
of the evening, but of no consequence otherwise.
The only night that I felt really pretty drunk. (Woman9-n2)
The booze was kicking in by this point. (Man2-n1)
I probably drank more beer because I became a bit more drunk. (Man 3n4)
I was really pretty drunk by this point. (Man 3-n4)
It was a major drinkfest. (Man3-n5)
Tact matters, setting boundaries when it comes to the demands of others and
the impetuosity of the individual. Simmel (1950) believes that high and low
―thresholds‖ are created that set limits for a person. The drunkenness of
other guests has an effect on the atmosphere in the various places, and
participants evaluate the level of intoxication of the other guests
...one of the guys had probably drunk more than was healthy for
him...(Man4-n4)
Then the three kids were competing about who was the most drunk.
Pretty funny. (Woman1-n2)
...after a while (soon) he was really drunk. Not cool at all. (Woman2-n3)
She just went downtown piss drunk with two guys who were virtual
strangers – and liked it! (Woman8-n2)
In one narrative, an incident was illustrated by referring to the past: ―I once
snogged one of them while disgustingly drunk on tequila‖ (Man3-n1). One
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example described the difficulty in reaching a suitable level of intoxication.
It was probably a mistake to eat so much because all evening I drank and
drank but hardly felt anything. All that bread probably prevented the
alcohol from entering my digestive system. I also felt kind of heavy after
my snooze –also most of the blood went into the digestion – and I think
I‘ve rarely been as lazy and sluggish as that evening. (Man4-n2)
The level of intoxication could sometimes surprise the participant and was
greater than intended. In other cases, limits were set to prevent further
intoxication.
Fell asleep and woke up still drunk. Man, I must‘ve drunk a lot. (Man3n2)
I was feeling a bit tipsy so I just had some water and waited for the
brothers to say Okay then! And go home… (Woman1-n1)
The narratives cite the different effects – of varying degrees of seriousness –
of the intoxication: only vaguely remembering, or not remembering, what
took place, regretting one‘s behaviour, or not being able to show up for work
the next day. Such consequences of alcohol consumption are more common
among the age group that the participants belonged to than among older age
groups. In a study of Icelanders‘ drinking habits, 49.7% of people aged 18-24
spoke of regret or guilt and 47.1% spoke of blackouts due to drinking in the
previous 12 months. Comparable figures for the next age group, people aged
25-34, were 21.7% when it came to blackouts and 34.4% when it came to
regrets as a result of drinking (Forvarnarráð, 2001). In the same study, 29.4%
of the younger age group and 14.1% of the older age group had not been
able to perform tasks that were normally expected of them as a result of
drinking.
Unless I said hello to them and then forgot… which could easily have
happened. After the equivalent of a bottle of red wine and nearly a sixpack of beer, some things become a little fuzzy, looking back. (Man2-n1)
After that, everything becomes more unclear and hazy. However, I think
the group ended up going to Dillon or some other rock bar like that. At
least I remember having seen about three-quarters of Sólstafir [a rock
group] and I‘m afraid I wound up going over to ―thank them for the
music‖. Ahem. Yes, and the whole table sang along when they played Ace
of Spades, of that much I‘m sure. A really fun evening at the outset,
although my memory sort of failed me at the end. (Man4-n4)
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Although participants report blackouts during drinking, the predominant
point of view in the narratives seems to be that they are the price to be paid
for having a good time. The following example, however, describes guilt and
self-criticism resulting from having drunk too much.
Kaffibarinn was just as much fun as Sirkus, but I don‘t remember a lot
from there. It‘s like my brain doesn‘t want to remember going out
partying when there‘s a lot of drinking going on. Maybe it‘s ashamed of
me. Impossible to say what it‘s thinking. (Man3-n2)
Illegal drugs
The narratives make clear that other drugs than alcohol are used in
conjunction with going out on the town. The narratives either mentioned
drug use by other guests, or the participants‘ own drug use. Special
arrangements are required to access drugs other than alcohol.
I left relatively early. I had a date with a friend of mine who was helping
me score some candy. (Woman2-n2)
This narrative did not specify the type of drug referred to; however, the
following terms were used in the group‘s narratives: mushrooms,
amphetamine, speed, joints, drugs, grass. One of the narratives revealed that
drugs were clearly differentiated on the basis of their strength.
Sure. I said. Feeling pretty good.
You want to feel better? He asked.
What – better??
Sure, it‘s no problem, I‘ve got some speed, he said.
Naaah, you know, I think I‘m okay.
It‘s all right, you won‘t get high, it‘ll just make you feel better. And keep
you awake for around 72 hours, maybe. But you won‘t have a hangover or
anything!
Yeah – naaah, I don‘t think so, thanks anyway. I said – I‘m paranoid when
it comes to hard drugs. (Woman2-n3)
Illegal drugs did not seem to be an option in place of alcohol, but rather were
used along with alcohol, as in the following example:
109
Still, I was incredibly high, considering I hadn‘t drunk more. Maybe it was
the joint? (Woman2-n3)
Of course there were more people that we knew so the conversation
became even more lively, until more grass was brought to the garden.
That made people slow down a bit again, but it was all really relaxed and
cosy. We just drank our beer and took it easy until around midnight when
we gave up on all the debauchery and had our friend drive us home.
(Woman6-n4)
The participants‘ own drug use took place before going out or at the end of
the evening, which is natural considering the clandestine nature of the sale
and use of drugs.
Positive – negative reflections
The narratives describe both successful and unsuccessful evenings, as well as
evenings where the reflections reveal mixed feelings. Sometimes the evening
is ―really fun at the outset…‖ whereas in other cases the evening is said to
have ended well ―despite having been in a bad mood during the early part of
the evening‖. It is evident from participants‘ descriptions that alcohol
consumption comes at a price, in the form of a hangover. However, this
generally seems to be viewed as an unavoidable consequence of the
consumption that does not spoil the memory of an enjoyable evening.
I‘m just really pleased with the evening, except that I may have drunk an
unnecessary amount of beer. But that only ruins the following day.
(Man3-n2)
Positive reflections
In a few examples, positive reflections are determined by the narrator having
managed to exercise self-control, and this evokes feelings of pleasure. In such
cases, it is actually the absence of negative occurrences that make the evening
positive. For example:
Even though both my taste buds and my mood were dying for a beer (I
managed to bum a sip from the person next to me!) I felt really good
about my decision the whole evening and I don‘t regret it. (Man1-n2)
What can I say? The concert completely lived up to my expectations.
There was moderate drunkenness – enough so that I overslept the next
day, but not so bad that I don‘t remember the concert. (Man4-n1)
I was pleasantly surprised at how relaxed it was, and how much fun. I was
particularly surprised when the conversation had become highly
110
suggestive without me being to blame for it!!! I hadn‘t even alluded to
anything! (Woman2-n4)
... not to mention how sweet it was to wake up next to a pretty boy
without feeling the least bit hung over and to remember everything!
That‘s the way to have fun. (Woman8-n3)
But there were no scandals and everybody in a jolly mood, so I was
contented. Whoopie! (Man3-n5)
However, the sociability aspect appears to matter most. Having managed to
spend an enjoyable evening with friends and acquaintances is generally what
makes the evening enjoyable.
Negative reflections
In some cases drunkenness and commotion by other guests detracted from
the participants‘ enjoyment.
However, we didn‘t last very long there – the regulars had become a bit
too rowdy for our liking, had started singing. (Man4-n5)
Not hanging out in a bar where it seemed most of the guests were in the
process of drinking themselves down after a wild weekend. Some of them
were so drunk that they had literally become a problem ... (Man5-n3)
Too much drinking or the consequences of much drinking are also
mentioned in the negative reflections.
However, the next day I woke up and felt literally still drunk – not such a
great idea when you have to go to work. So I decided to give my liver a
chance to recuperate and am taking a break from drinking beer. (Man2n1)
I would have liked to have drunk less that night… it‘s great to have a glass
of wine, but it‘s a major drag not to remember a large part of the evening.
(Woman8-n2)
Accounts of unsuccessful evenings describe consequences as well as regret
when the evening did not turn out as planned. Possibly this means that the
younger generations continue to consider it shameful to drink too much, and
that this connection with shame and guilt thus still acts as a social tool for
controlling alcohol consumption.
111
Discussion
Although licensed establishments are first and foremost venues for the
purchase and sale of products and services, the narratives in this research
show that patrons also look for other criteria. They seek the company of
others and the establishments become a sort of framework around the
process of socialising. Sociability manifests in being with a group of friends,
meeting up with old friends and meeting new people. Drinking was used as a
tool for strengthening social ties and conversation was found to be important
for the group coherence and the atmosphere. The venues in downtown
Reykjavík are particularly attractive for a large group of young people as they
are located within a small area, and it is easy to move from one to another on
foot. In general, the narratives agree with Foucault‘s (2002) theories on
heterotopia and heterocronia, and show how the venues become a kind of a
resting place, where linear time is set aside.
Although most of the Reykjavík participants go downtown with their
friends or partners, it is striking how little loyalty exists for the group that
goes out together. There appears to be a clear code of ethics, in line with the
theories of Simmel (1950) that the individual adjusts his or her behaviour to
that of the group, but can nonetheless leave the group without breaking its
unwritten code. Going out on the town appeared to be a very self-oriented
act among young adults in Reykjavík. Opportunities to meet new people,
often through friends or friends of friends, were exploited at length in order
to strengthen the social network. The narratives revealed that people moved
from one group to another and from one pub to another to meet the ―right‖
people. However, those who leave their friends‘ group for the company of
more strangers may become vulnerable in problematic drinking situations
when there are no friends to intervene.
Movement from one group to another is very much in line with the
theories of Maffesoli (1995) about the value of the group for the individual as
a means of fulfilling his or her personal needs. The tendency of the individual
to discriminate in terms of taste and lifestyle appears in his or her choice of
company rather than in material things.
Regarding sociability, the diary-writers in Reykjavík were at the same
game as the diary-writers in Helsinki and Oslo; they go out to enjoy the
company of people, friends, acquaintances or strangers in a relaxed
atmosphere (Lund & Scheffels in this book, Törrönen & Maunu, 2007).
Nevertheless, the diary writers in Reykjavík do not bind themselves to the
group unlike the informants in Oslo, where the main objective was to stay
with the internal group. The diary-writers in Helsinki, for their part,
112
described their loyalty to the group depending on the drinking situation.
Adapting one‘s own drinking to the level of the group, as part of belonging
to the group, was more prominent in the diary accounts in Helsinki, and
particularly in Oslo, than in the Reykjavik narratives. This may be explained
by the strong loyalty to the internal group described in the diary study in
Oslo (Lund & Scheffels ibid). On the other hand, autonomous control of
drinking was highly valued among the diary-writers in Reykjavík, but was also
found to be a strong factor in regulating drinking situations in Helsinki
(Törrönen & Maunu, 2007).
The narratives revealed how alcohol was both a tool and an obstacle in
nightlife activities, as Törrönen & Maunu (2005a, 2005b) have pointed out.
Conversely, people did not intervene in the drinking of others, including their
friends. However, this sense of indifference does not exclude the
drunkenness of others from being met with understanding, as has been
shown in research by Abrahamsson (2003) on the drunkenness of young
Swedish adults. The general intoxication of other guests was, on the other
hand, one of the factors that could ruin the mood and detract from the
atmosphere of the establishment in question. Yet rules concerning
indifference may be confirmation of the fact that licensed establishments are
viewed as heterotopias where undisciplined behaviour is permitted (Foucault
2002). It was clearly shown that participants used alcohol as a tool to increase
the likelihood of a successful evening. They were conscious that this goal
might be reached more successfully if the alcohol intake was moderate, as
opposed to if it was too great. Alcohol consumption was systematically used
to strengthen sociability, which concurs with Partanen‘s discussion of the
importance of alcohol to sociability (1991). Even though the effects of
alcohol were considered desirable and participants sometimes described
severe drunkenness, there were no descriptions of deliberate binge drinking
or orgies. The narrators were not going out to participate in a carnival with
no holds barred. Certainly such exceptional cases exist, but it is just as likely
that they take place in the home as in public venues (Lalander 1997).
The narratives revealed that it was very important for participants to
control their own alcohol consumption. This self-restraint focused on
maintaining control over one‘s alcohol intake in accordance with one‘s own
expectations, code of ethics, and self-image. In the Helsinki-diaries, selfcontrol in drinking was found to determine every drinking situation as a
choice between drinking genres, even if the individual activity could threaten
the individual‘s autonomy (Törrönen & Maunu 2007). Thus, young adults in
Helsinki and Reykjavík present themselves very much in line with the
emphasis on self-control and choice promoted by the members of the new
middle class (Sulkunen 1992).
113
As often happens with research on social control, participants were
more inclined to cite examples of when their self-restraint failed than when it
succeeded. Two external factors in particular served to temper drinking: work
and the price of alcohol. The restraint provided by work is most clearly
manifested in descriptions of pub visits on weekdays. The narratives revealed
very strong rules about alcohol and work being mutually exclusive. People
did not drink alcohol at all, or drank very little, when they had to work later
that same day, or the following day. Another example of external control
factors was the high price of alcoholic drinks, which was cited as limiting
further alcohol consumption. Price governed the choice of which
establishment to patronise to some small extent, but it did not appear to
govern the type of drinks bought. Consideration for children or family was
never mentioned as a reason to temper drinking, but it should be noted that
not all participants had children or partners.
The emphasis on the two factors above clearly appeared in the
reflections at the end of the narratives, in which the evening was considered a
success when it was characterised by good company and moderate alcohol
intake. Sociability and self-restraint were therefore the measures of an
enjoyable evening. One conclusion of the study concerns the method used to
control drinking. Rather than counting drinks, participants chose to assess
and evaluate their level of intoxication over the course of the evening, which
may be viewed as a more sophisticated method of control than just counting
beer cans.
Differences between men and women regarding intoxicated drinking
were more pronounced in the diary-writings in Helsinki and Oslo than in the
Reykjavík narratives, where almost no gender differences were found. With
the exception of the preparation stage, men and women approached alcohol
and alcohol consumption in the same way, and the same norms seemed to
govern behaviour and sociability. This shows a change in attitudes from older
Icelandic studies. These conclusions also differ vastly from those of the other
Nordic diary studies, in which there was a very clear difference between the
genders. In the Reykjavík diaries, both men and women frequently
mentioned intoxication in various drinking situations. However, the diaries
may be lacking in descriptions of extremely heavy drinking situations. In the
Helsinki study, which had a larger dataset, the gender differences were most
pronounced in drinking situations that were farthest away from everyday life.
In Reykjavík nightlife, similar rules on drinking and intoxication seemed to
prevail for men and women. Even though this is the case, it cannot be ruled
out that drinking in a carnival way with the following loss of body control
such as vomiting and embarrassing behaviour, might produce more shame in
women than in men.
114
In recent years, targeted measures to prevent alcohol abuse in
Iceland have first and foremost been aimed at teenagers, who are urged to
spend an alcohol-free adolescence. Extensive treatment and rehabilitation of
people with alcohol problems has mainly been focused on older persons,
even senior citizens. The intoxication of young people in the age group
examined in this study has been classified more as a problem of public
disorder than as a health problem. People aged 20 to 39 have thus not been a
target group for preventative measures concerning alcohol abuse, and
measures to prevent the use of illegal drugs have not been especially aimed at
this age group, either. In debates concerning the opening hours of licensed
establishments over the last few years there has been little discussion of binge
drinking and intoxication as problems faced by individuals, as is the case, for
example, in Britain.
If preventative measures are to be aimed at young adults, it is likely
that this age group will be more receptive to information about immediate
problems due to intoxication than data about alcohol consumption leading to
disease and alcoholism. Hangovers were thought of as a price to be paid for a
fun evening and were the only health-related issue that the participants
mentioned. Although participants actively sought intoxication, they were
highly conscious of the fact that severe drunkenness could ruin good social
connections and interfere with their ability to fulfil their commitments. On
the other hand they were very individually-oriented in their views and there
was, for example, no discussion of the fact that their intoxication might hurt
others.
The movement from place to place, which was very evident in the
nightlife pattern, prevents continuous drinking and can therefore be expected
to discourage alcohol intake. When people patronise many places during the
same evening, coordinated rules between establishments about the tolerance
of patrons‘ intoxication level could likely be enforced without much
difficulty.
Translated by Alda Sigmundsdóttir
Acknowledgements:
The authors would like to thank those who contributed to the study by keeping diaries, and
Rannís – the Icelandic Centre for Research and The Prevention Fund for providing grants.
115
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118
Staging our dreams – alcohol and restaurants
as pleasurable identity-constructing symbols
Börje Olsson
T
he background of this study relates to the fact that drinking in bars,
pubs and restaurants has become increasingly common in Swedish
society. It has been assumed that these new drinking arenas will also
contribute to new drinking cultures and to new alcohol-related problems.
The main categories of patrons are urban, relatively young, middle and
upper-class people, who are often expected to set the trends for wider circles
of the population. In Scandinavian countries that are characterised by a
culture of infrequent binge drinking, this transformation of – or maybe
addition to – drinking culture is seen, on the one hand, as cultivating and
civilising and, on the other hand, as a threat which can manifest itself in
rising drinking levels and harms related to alcohol consumption. The new
drinking culture also brings about different social significations and meanings
which further put on-premise drinking in the focus of alcohol policy,
prevention and research. Abrahamsson (1999) locates these transformations
in a wider context: in the transformation of the city and public life, the
passing on from modern to late modern society, the growth of a new middle
class and the redefinition of female drinking as a fully legitimate activity
rather than something immoral.
In order to explore some of these aspects, a small diary study was
carried out in Sweden among well-educated and relatively young adults. The
aim of the study was broadly to study restaurants as a socio-cultural space
where drinking patterns and lifestyles are shaped, regulated and controlled.
The diary writers were recruited among persons aged between 23 and 33,
with university degrees and steady occupations. In this sense they represent a
middle or upper middle class group that can be assumed to carry relatively
modern views on, for instance, alcohol consumption. In all, 23 persons were
included in the study, 14 of whom were women and 9 men. The informants
(diary writers) were recruited through different sources, for instance by the
snowball technique (―light version‖) and by placing notices and ads in
restaurants and on websites with target groups corresponding to the group
we were looking for. The diaries were written during time periods that varies
between two and six months. In all, about 350 restaurant and drinking
119
episodes were described, which corresponds to about 15 diaries per
informant. Some episodes are summarised in just a short paragraph, whereas
others are extended over several pages.
The diary method was chosen because it has several advantages that ―fit‖ the
purpose of the study. (1) It makes it possible to study the simultaneous flow
of daily episodes and events in the context where they occur. (2) The
informants can write their narratives when the course of events is still fresh
in their memories. (3) Furthermore, their active participation in the study, by
recording their evenings out and reflecting upon what actually happened,
surpasses the intensity of participation in most other methods of data
collection, for instance interviews. (4) The diary method provides an
opportunity for continuous analysis of the ways in which the informants
recurrently perceive, interpret and react to different episodes and events that
relate to the research questions.
Writing diaries is a way of producing a narrative, telling a story and,
as Barthes (1975) says, there are countless forms of narratives in the world.
Furthermore, in writing diaries not only do we tell stories, we also are in the
stories. The diary approach used in this study is methodologically influenced
by ―narrative interviewing‖ (Jovchelovitch and Bauer, 2000) and ―episodic
interviewing‖ (Flick, 2000). The informants were invited to write about their
restaurant4 visits as a story which describes the initial situation (how the
decision was made to visit to the restaurant, with whom and why), how the
situation at the restaurant developed (what actually happened) and the final
―outcome‖ (how the visit was evaluated). One advantage of this method is
that it allows us to capture everyday processes in contrast to simply recording
events. Instead, events, actors, places and environments are in a concrete and
detailed way linked to each other in time and space. This gives us the
opportunity to analyse the meaning of the restaurant as a particular place, the
functions it serves and the part it plays in the informants‘ symbolic system of
orientations (Bruner, 1990).
The extensive and detailed body of information produced by the
diaries can be analysed from numerous perspectives and in different ways. All
science involves making selections and drawing abstractions, and since the
aim of this study was fairly broad, the analysis has been carried out in three
stages where the limited ambition is to outline some interesting findings for
future research. The first stage corresponds to the general and simple
For the sake of simplicity, the word ―restaurant(s)‖ is used in this paper even
though, more precisely, we should be talking about bars, pubs or other public places
where food and beverages are served.
4
120
question of what these narratives are about. Even though the informants
were instructed to focus on and write about their alcohol consumption at
restaurants, it is not obvious that this is what their narratives are all about.
Alcohol and restaurants might be the essence of the narratives, but this is not
something we can take for granted at an early stage of our analysis. We have
to make sure that we do not apply selection mechanisms that discard
interesting aspects of the narratives. This is why an impressionistic approach
was applied in the first readings of the diaries (Umiker-Seboek and Gregson,
1998). As far as possible, a conscious attempt was made to set aside theorybased readings, and this first stage of the analysis was guided by the aim of
the study only to a limited extent. Of course, the bias of the analyst can
influence the results which call for more systematic descriptions and analyses
in the following two stages where the data are further summarised,
systemised and put into context.
The second stage uses a qualitative descriptive approach to
systematise different qualitative aspects of the most essential narratives
identified in the first and preliminary reading of the diaries. Third and finally,
the resulting descriptions are contextualised and discussed in relation to some
central themes in contemporary social science, such as lifestyles and selfidentity as a reflexive project (Giddens, 1991) and individualisation and
organized self-realisation (Honneth, 2004). Since the aim guiding this study
has been broad and first and foremost geared to generating hypotheses and
theory, it must, again, be stressed that the findings should be viewed as
exactly that: preliminary findings that can serve as points of departure for
future studies.
The results from the first impressionistic readings show that
alcohol is far from the most important characteristic of the diary narratives.
There is no doubt that alcohol and restaurants have a central position in all
the diaries, but this is not to say that they are the most important aspects in
the authors‘ narratives. Of these two aspects, it is obvious that restaurants
occupy a more central position than alcohol does. This is especially evident in
the pre-stories5 where the informants describe their preparations for and
expectations of the planned visit to a restaurant. The very first paragraph of
the first diary contains a typical reference.
The informants were told to organise their diaries into three parts: (1) a pre-story
describing the planning and thoughts about the ―going-out event‖, (2) a descriptive
story about what actually happened, and (3) an evaluation of the event.
5
121
I have suggested the new place Öst 100 on Östgötagatan. The reason
is that I visited it a couple of weeks ago and I liked it – it‘s new, freshlooking, plays nice dance music and has a lot of space to be
comfortably seated as well as to dance (HS, f, 26, m).6
Considerations in the pre-stories focus much more on the choice of ―the
right place‖ than on specific beverages or how much to drink. Alcohol is of
course also present in these stories, but in the majority of cases it is
mentioned only in passing, as in the following quotation.
We had a day off and wanted to find a nice place. The idea was to eat
some fairly cheap Indian food and have a couple of beers, to talk and
possibly continue later to some bar if we had the energy after the meal. I
suggested the restaurant New Happy India because they used to get good
reviews and it is fresh and clean, not as junky as many other Indian
restaurants, but it is nevertheless cheap (SK, f, 27, s).
The preoccupation with choosing the right restaurant is of course in one way
related to manifest characteristics such as a nice environment, good food,
etc., but there seems to be something even more important in making such
choices. Restaurants occupy an important role for most informants as a
specific place defined within a system of time and space coordinates. How
the restaurant is viewed, what expectations are attached to a visit, what
function and meaning it will have is dependent on the restaurant‘s ―timespace‖ location. Add to this your company and it is obvious that the most
important aspect of a restaurant, if we want to understand what it means to
us, is not its objective physical characteristics or qualities, but our mental
constructions of it as patrons.
The first impressionistic readings of the diaries furthermore point to
the fact that to be able to trace important answers related to the general aim
of the study, to analyse ―restaurants as a socio-cultural space where drinking
patterns and lifestyles are shaped, regulated and controlled‖, we have to focus
on issues that can illuminate aspects like self-identity, reflexivity,
individualisation and self-realisation. As was mentioned above, we will return
to these matters towards the end of this chapter, but they will govern our
descriptions and classifications throughout. Initially, it seems to be possible
to divide the informants into three groups, even though they have one thing
HS=initials, f/m=female/male, 26=age, m/s=married or living with a
partner/single.
6
122
in common: they all define and use restaurants in relation to their own
―lifestyle project‖. However, they differ from one another in terms of what
exactly it is they want to achieve and how they perform these lifestyle
projects. The groups can be labelled the distinguished, the confirmation seekers and
the liminal.
Before turning to the second stage of the analysis, i.e. the qualitative
descriptions, these three groups will shortly be characterised as distinctive
ideal types, that is, analytical constructs that serve as a measuring rod to
ascertain similarities as well as deviations in concrete cases (Weber, 1968). It
is important to remember that ideal types never immediately and entirely
correspond to a concrete reality. They are constructed out of elements of
reality which form a logical category, but they can never be found as such in
that reality. It is important to keep in mind that ideal types do not refer to
perfect things or to statistical averages. The core idea in using ideal types is to
categorise data in a way that stresses certain elements that are common to
most cases of the given phenomena.
Of course, some diary authors fit more easily than others into one
specific ideal type category, but if each one of them is forced by mild
violence into one category, most informants can be grouped together as
confirmation seekers, while the smallest group is represented by the distinguished.
The numbers are small but it is nonetheless possible to trace a couple of
tendencies: for instance, the oldest informants are typically found among the
distinguished, while the younger informants are usually classified among the
liminal. As will be shown, this seems to be both an explicable and logical
pattern. Furthermore, there is predominance of females among the
confirmation seekers and of males among the liminal. At least to some
extent, this can be linked to traditional gender roles and drinking cultures.
The
distinguished
2/32
The confirmation
seekers
7/29
The
liminal
5/26
2/31
3/31
4/26
% of female
14
50
36
% of male
22
33
44
Total number
4
10
9
Female (number/mean
age)
Male (number/mean age)
The three ideal types can succinctly be described as follows. The distinguished
123
are persons who in their narratives present an image of themselves as highly
self-confident, with strong egos and a clear awareness that they are leading an
exclusive lifestyle. Their diaries are brilliant displays of la distinction (Bourdieu,
1979) in action, where descriptions of restaurants and drinking habits are full
of markers that draw up boundary lines between their sophisticated lifestyle
and ―less developed‖ styles, thus clearly distinguishing the high and fancy
from the low and popular. It is important to note that these persons do not
express aspirations of becoming members of the lifestyle circles that are
singled out by making use of distinctions; on the contrary, they make it more
than evident that they are carriers of them.
GH, m, 30, m on beer:
Lager beer must necessarily be plunged into the glass for the taste to
develop and give the beer exactly the right amount of carbonic acid /…/
when we leave for home we all – and this is certainly totally un-Swedish –
leave the last drops of beer in our glasses;
on preparing for a visit to the restaurant:
Straightaway it‘s time for a shave and a wash, and then quickly to change
into the tailcoat because tonight it‘s the annual Innocence Ball at Grand
Hotel;
and on having to pay at the cloakroom:
We were all annoyed by having to pay at the cloakroom, after all we were
going to spend several hundred crowns per person on food and wine.
MS, f, 31, m in a ―master-servant‖ style:
I had shellfish /…/ and as usual too much food, but I hope the homeless
guy who sat outside the restaurant liked the half lobster he got from me. I
never thought I could eat a whole lobster. I love lobster!!!
IR, f, 32, m in affectation:
Oh no, not another cocktail, does it never end? Well, I will go there to be
seen and then get back home as soon as possible, that‘s my goal.
In their narratives, the confirmation seekers describe their restaurant visits as a
context where it is important to be seen or noticed. As far as alcohol is
concerned, drinking is a subordinated, secondary matter, even though it often
helps to ―set up the mirrors‖ for self-reflection. Confirmation can be attained
124
in various ways, and it can range from staging an intimate discussion among
close friends through more superficial chats with the boys to ―performing‖
on the dance floor or the bar. Confirmation is linked to identity-seeking and
therefore also to significant others, that is, persons with a strong influence on
an individual's self-evaluation. The confirmation seekers have a pronounced
tendency to describe restaurant visits and alcohol consumption as a highly
sociable activity. In some cases, acting in a confirmatory way is about doing
things in front of others rather than being with others.
HS,f 26, m on having dinner with her girl-friends:
We had some wine and everybody was in high spirits /…/ After the main
course we sat for a while talking and looking at photos from A‘s marriage.
Several of us got married during the summer (me, S, A and Å) so we had
a lot to discuss. Later we had dessert (chocolate mousse) with coffee and
avec.
JS, f, 29, m on going outside your own close social circles:
Then I definitely became drunk. Oh dear! Nice. I actually started talking
to people we didn‘t know, which doesn‘t happen often enough when I‘m
going out, you stick to your own little group way too much.
LS, f, 25, s on her pub visits:
Indeed, very nice girls‘ talk and a cider /…/ I intended to go there to
show off /…/ We had a nice time with about 5 drinks and lot of dancing
and crap talk with old friends.
The diaries of AO, f, 32, m serve to illustrate the use of restaurants as a place
where it is easy to get on intimate terms with others. This is probably
facilitated by a whole range of factors, such as separate tables for small
groups and intimacy, candles, soft lighting, etc.
I had delicious pasta with mushrooms. S and M ordered a glass of red
house wine each /…/ Oh my! How we got on to talking about the
difficulties and hardships of life. We (or at least I) hardly took any notice
of the environment and we were deeply engaged in our discussions…
The liminal is probably the category which corresponds most closely to the
way that young people‘s drinking at restaurants has been described and
analysed in the social science literature. This is perhaps particularly true in
countries where drinking cultures traditionally are oriented to intoxication.
125
Getting drunk in this sense is a way of changing reality, to transcend or even
transgress it. Ambiguity, openness and indeterminacy bring about a sense of
identity disorientation, and the transcending of limits paves the way to new
experiences and realities. It has furthermore been stated that liminality brings
about a ―movement away from goal-oriented time of the everyday towards
the cyclic time of one‘s own circle of friends‖ (Törrönen & Maunu 2005,
p.404). It is obvious that alcohol and intoxication are important vehicles to
reach the liminal state.
SK, f, 27, s on a typical night out:
They only had strong beer. At first we stood in a corner talking, but after
a while we started to dance. It was super, as it almost always is to dance!
We bought some more beer and danced even more /…/ nothing could
dampen our high spirits.
…this was repeated a few weeks later:
Wow, what a night! It was ever so nice, and long! /…/ we became more
and more drunk. We danced and talked /…/ and as usual, time passed
quickly and all of a sudden it was three in the morning, closing time.
GU, m, 27, s about losing track of time:
…continued to the VIP section where we danced and tried to solve the
big questions of life, and we seemed to have solutions for everything,
probably because of the relatively high level of intoxication, my own sense
of time was gone for long periods.
In the second stage of the analysis, a more detailed description of the three
groups‘ written narratives reveals some interesting and differentiating
qualities. So far, alcohol consumption has had a subordinated role in this
chapter. This is due to the simple fact that the informants assigned more
significance to other factors, as has been shown above. There are, however,
some differences between the meanings of alcohol to the three groups as
they frequent restaurants.
The glasses of the distinguished are first and foremost filled with highly
loaded symbolic markers in alcoholic form. What matters is refined and good
taste, knowing how to choose the right and most appropriate beverage for
each specific occasion. Detailed descriptions and evaluations of particular
beverages, brands or vintages are a dominant feature of their stories. They
are told in a vivid and colourful way, often with clear and strong value
judgments woven into the narrative fabric.
The diaries by GH, m, 30, m are throughout highly elaborate when it
126
comes to describing beverages and drinking practices.
Sherry is definitely undervalued and should be drunk more often, and this
is certainly also the case for Madeira and port /… / We are having cod
and a glass of Riesling from Alsace. K, however, who is working, is
having water. I would not have done that even if I had been working. A
nice glass of wine is half the meal /…/ As soon as you sit down with a
glass and start turning it around, smelling and tasting wine, time loses its
meaning. This is always the case.
Even in the case of such an everyday and ordinary beverage as beer, it is
important for GH to make clear distinctions as to which beer to drink and
how to fill the glass.
We both have beer with our meal. I‘m delighted to see that they serve
beer in bottles. In fact I try to avoid draught beer at restaurants as far as
possible. I don‘t feel like paying for something that is of inferior quality.
Draught beer is always served at a temperature which is too low and
poured in an incorrect way.
Choices of restaurants, food and beverages are important to this group of
persons, but sometimes they might end up in a ―bad‖ place. Distinctions can,
however, be made even there by intentionally avoiding risks of consuming
poor quality products, as MS, f, 31, m describes:
N. had wine, but I just had water since I did not trust their skills and
capacity to offer good quality beverages.
The confirmation seekers are characterised by the fact that they only mention
alcohol in passing. As a rule they do not feel it is necessary to motivate or
legitimate their choice of beverage; having a beer or a glass of wine is
something that just happens. In their narratives images of alcohol are
reproduced as subordinated to more important portrayals of different aspects
of sociability. This does not mean that intoxication is ruled out. Intoxication
among confirmation seekers is not an exception – although light intoxication
is said to be preferred over heavy intoxication – but its function is to serve
and facilitate sociability. This function is underlined by HS, f, 27, m:
127
With some alcohol in their blood people became less reserved and started
in-depth discussions on more private matters /…/ I don‘t think such
issues would have been brought up as naturally as they were in sober
company.
RE, m, 32, s describes a typical night out as follows (in condensed form):
It was quite crowded when we arrived. We squeezed in and ordered one
beer each /…/ We stood and talked, we talked about a lot of things /…/
Later I met a colleague with whom I had worked before /…/ We hadn‘t
seen each other for at least 2 years, so we had a lot to talk about. We
talked about everything that had happened /…/ In all, it was a successful
evening that lived up to our expectations. Relaxed, unpretentious, but of
course a nice surprise to meet up with some old colleagues.
Deliberate control of the amount of alcohol consumed is not uncommon
among the confirmation seekers. Often it seems that the purpose is to
regulate the degree of intoxication to levels which facilitate sociability
without risking various problems. This is demonstrated by the accounts of
PG, m, 30, s about his restaurant and pub visits.
...we were not there to party, but to talk and relax. One beer was enough
for me. The others had two beers each /…/ You don‘t get drunk on one
beer, it is thirst-quenching and a way to be together. In other words, the
situation was under control.
Like the confirmation seekers, the liminal group does not place much
emphasis on what they drink. Instead they focus more on the alcohol content
of their drinks in order to make sure their intoxication level is just right to
serve its purpose that is, to reach the liminal phase so that they can change
the experience of reality, and maybe just forget about their dull everyday life
for a while.
The diaries of GR, m, 23, s are full of descriptions of partying and getting
drunk:
…the old pals are back together once again so we were in for a real party
night. A really groovy night. Great guys, an excellent pre-party, nice
drinks, perfect seating at the dinner table, good food, lots of dancing and
some were flirting. As usual we ended up at Falafelkungen at around three
in the morning and almost run in to a fight as we walked home around
05.30 AM.
Dancing and drinking also creates a perfect night for AR, f, 24, s:
128
Totally unexpectedly, a tray full of shots ordered by E. was handed over
to us and we all drank with great joy. Soon, the music started and we
immediately jumped up on the chairs and started to dance. The spirits put
us in great form. We gave it our all and danced all night long /…/ The
evening was super and it lived up to my expectations and even more.
The ways in which the three groups use restaurants for their own purposes
also reveal some interesting qualitative differences. The different roles and
meanings attached to the restaurants can be illustrated by the following three
concepts: stage, cosy corner and festival hall. These differences make it clear that,
in contrast to what is common practice in alcohol research and prevention,
restaurants cannot be treated as homogeneous and uniform entities.
Quality
Reputation
Interaction with outsiders
Excellent/high
Exclusive/good
No
Cosy corner
Not bad
Partly important
Sometimes
Festival hall
Not important
Being a lively place
Yes
Stage
The table above attempts to single out some characteristics revealed in the
informants‘ narratives about the different functions and meanings of
restaurants. The stage is where the distinguished perform, and importantly the
stage/restaurant is talked about very highly. The informants express strong
sentiments about the importance of the quality of food, drinks, service,
furnishing and environment in general. However, it is also important that the
restaurant has a general and widely known reputation of ―belonging to the
best‖. This is important because the distinguished most often perform ―in
front of‖ an audience which rarely is physically present. In contrast to what
actors in theatres need, i.e. a present audience, the physical presence of the
non-distinguished would immediately ruin the exclusive character of the
restaurant and the prospect of maintaining the identity of belonging to a
select group and leading an exclusive lifestyle. This is also why their
interaction with other groups at restaurants is limited or non-existent.
The confirmation seekers are more likely to be found at restaurants
where something like a cosy corner can be established or experienced. In this
group, restaurants are primarily chosen with a view to finding settings for
intimate sociability. In their diaries, food and beverages are important but
nevertheless subordinated to an expressed desire to establish a close
atmosphere for their own intimate group that is separated from other guests.
Restaurants seem to be particularly fit for this purpose because the interior
129
has been deliberately constructed to promote intimacy, but also because
external observation of other close groups in similar situations might
reinforce or amplify the experienced intimacy within a person‘s own group.
The liminal group puts alcohol and partying with others at the very
centre of their descriptions of frequenting restaurants. They tend to describe
restaurants as a festival hall where quality and reputation are less important, so
long as the ordinary and controlled mood of everyday life can be
transgressed. This is facilitated by the availability of reasonably priced
alcoholic beverages and the presence of other guests who are in the same
mood and who have similar aspirations.
In the final discussion and contextualisation of the results of this
research, I want to briefly explore three themes: first, to discuss the diary
narratives in relation to Giddens‘ analysis of lifestyles and self-identity as a
reflexive project; second, to explore the consequences of an ongoing process
of individualisation and organised self-realisation in late modern societies in
relation to Honneth‘s work; and third and finally, to consider whether the
tentative results have any relevance to alcohol policies and prevention.
According to Giddens, self-identity is something that is formed by
our ability to sustain a narrative of the self. This builds up a consistent feeling
of biographical continuity and answers critical questions such as: ―What to
do? How to act? Who to be? These are focal questions for everyone living in
circumstances of late modernity – and ones which, on some level or another,
all of us answer, either discursively or through day-to-day social
behaviour‖(Giddens, 1991, p. 70). New information and knowledge is
constantly produced and presented, ―forcing‖ reflexivity upon us in a
constant revision of social activities. Reflexive identities involve reflection on
the experience and the active construction of identities in the light of those
reflections. Butler concurs with Giddens‘ opinion of fluctuating and
constantly reconstructed self-identities, but challenges the view of an identity
or conscious subject behind such reflections. ―There is no gender identity
behind the expression of gender; /…/ identity is performatively constituted
by the very ‗expressions‘ that are said to be its results‖ (Butler, 1990, p. 25).
Identity, in Butler‘s view, is transient, volatile or free-floating without
connections to an essence. Identities are instead results of performances
which do not express our authentic inner cores, but are effects of these
performances. Identity is what you do, rather than who you are.
Regardless of whether we focus on the reflecting and narrative
aspects of identity or on the acting, it is obvious that drinking and restaurants
play an important role in the construction and reconstruction of selfidentities among relatively young urban people. Their diaries are narrative
expressions of their own reflexive understanding of their biographies.
130
Identities are defined in reaction to others, but, as Giddens says, ―in the
capacity to keep a particular narrative going. /…/ It must continually integrate
events which occur in the external world, and sort them into the ongoing
'story' about the self‖ (ibid., p. 54). However, the diaries also describe real
activities which, according to Butler, make up the individual‘s identity. Since
the different groups characterised above make use of restaurants in different
ways, restaurants and on-premise drinking have different meanings to them
and contribute to their identities in a variety of different ways.
The group who most explicitly depict relatively stable and fixed
identities is that of the distinguished (since the number of persons in the
group is very small, this assertion must be viewed as a hypothesis rather than
a well-founded result). The deliberate inclusion of distinctions in their
narratives, whether they concern the choice of restaurants, food or
beverages, is a subtle indication of this. Their narratives are conservative in
that they do not talk about surprises, changes or activities that can bring
about change. Instead, they articulate predetermined preferences, and it is
obvious that they are keen to maintain a strict segregation between their own
group and others whose lifestyles they dissociate themselves from. As far as
alcohol is concerned, the distinguished are probably not the group in focus
when restaurants are singled out as important arenas for control. If anything,
this group is probably thought of as civilised and as a carrier of drinking
habits worthy of aspiring for. In other words, belonging to a select few
implies hard work in terms of symbolic activities.
The life projects of the confirmation seekers place them somewhere
in-between the groups of the liminal and the distinguished, that is, they are in
the process of moving away from restaurant and alcohol use for purposes of
partying in time-out like situations, and moving towards a situation where
they are trying to establish or confirm a ―new life‖ where new meanings are
attached to restaurants and alcohol. One of the most prominent features in
their diaries are their descriptions of restaurants and alcohol as means of
establishing intimacy, where their identities are reflected, mirrored and
confirmed by close friends or at least limited circles of significant others. The
diaries give the impression that there is a stroke of sadness in the realisation
that they are not young any more, and that self-identity as a reflexive project
is now about finding new and justifiable meanings as adults. The
confirmation seekers describe themselves as well-mannered ordinary people
who act responsibly on their recently-embarked-upon life journey as adults.
The identities of those persons who are here grouped among the liminal,
largely resemble what is described in the literature on adolescents, that is,
they are in a transitory stage where old identities are fading away in favour of
what could probably best be described as uncertainty. New ways of living are
131
tested, limits are questioned, sexuality is explored, partners are searched for,
and intoxication is induced, either instrumentally in order to do things they
do not dare do when they are sober, or in its own right to reach liminal
states.
Several qualities of late modern Western societies promote
individualisation. This opens up for an almost unlimited number of more or
less predestined answers to Giddens‘ questions of what to do, how to act and
who to be. Building up an identity becomes more of an individual life project
than a result of deep rooted cultures and systems. Narratives of the self
(Giddens) or performative actions (Butler) are inevitable parts of organised
self-realisation. In young, urban, middle and upper-class people, the use of
restaurants and alcohol are significant aspects of such projects. As Honneth
(2004) has shown, organised self-realisation is far from an easy challenge to
accomplish. He identifies three aspects of individualisation. The first refers to
Weber‘s analysis of rationalisation as a ―step-by-step extension of the
standards of purposive rationality to social spheres that were supposed to
have served traditional modes of social integration by means of affectivity
and the ties of shared values‖ (ibid, p. 463). The second aspect is that we are
freed from traditional ties and instead reaching a historical phase of greater
autonomy and freedom of choice. These two aspects are generally
understood as positive changes, whereas the third aspect discussed by
Honneth is the reverse of the medal. Without going into the details of his
underlying analysis, Honneth‘s conclusion depicts a situation where ―the
permanent compulsion to draw material for an authentic self-realization from
their own inner lives requires of individuals an ongoing form of introspection
which must sooner or later leave them feeling empty‖ (ibid, p. 475). In the
incisive words of Honneth, what remains is ―the alternative of simulating
authenticity or of fleeing into a full-blown depression, of staging personal
originality for strategic reasons or of pathologically shutting down‖ (ibid, p.
475).
In view of the latter negative aspect of self-realisation, new and
alternative questions about the meaning of restaurants and alcohol to
different groups can certainly be raised. These questions would then not deal
with how individuals make use of restaurants or alcohol to construct
‖positive‖ identities, but concern compulsions to develop self-identities and
realise lifestyles lacking foundations as well as goals and direction. These
questions, however, fall beyond the scope of this chapter. Yet it should be
clear enough that for anyone who is struggling to initiate or implement
alcohol control or prevention measures at restaurants, it is essential not only
to try to figure out policies in relation to the positive aspects of organised
self-realisation, but also build up an understanding of the negative sides.
132
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Narkotikatidksrift, Vol. 22, 403427.
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(1998) User Needs and Behaviour in
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Weber, M. (1968) Economy and Society.
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Bourdieu, P. (1979) Distinction: A
Social Critique of the Judgment of
Taste. London, Routledge.
Bruner, J. (1990) Acts of Meaning.
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Butler, J. (1990) Gender Trouble:
Feminism and the Subversion of
Identity. New York, Routledge.
Flick, U. (2000) Episodic Interviewing. In
Bauer, M. W. and Gaskell, G.
(eds.) Qualitative Researching with
Text, Image and Sound. A Practical
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Modern Age. Stanford, University
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Honneth, A. (2004) Organized SelfRealization: Some Paradoxes of
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of Social Theory. Vol 7(4); 463-478.
Jovchelovitch, S., Bauer, M.W. (2000)
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sociability. Alcohol in young
Finnish adults‘ narratives of their
133
134
Friday bars in Denmark
Karen Elmeland & Susanne Villumsen
Introduction
T
his article provides a description and discussion of ―Friday bars‖ in
Denmark. From 1950 to the early 1980s, alcohol consumption in
Denmark increased substantially. In 1983, per capita consumption was nearly
three times as high as in 1950. After 1983, consumption decreased slightly,
and since 1990 has remained more or less unchanged (about 11.5 litres per
capita in the population aged 15 or over). In the early 1980s it was estimated
that one third of the total alcohol consumption was consumed at workplaces
(Sabroe & Rasmussen 1995). A massive effort was launched to reduce
alcohol consumption here – and it was successful. Today, between 70% and
80% of all Danish workplaces have an alcohol policy, and alcohol
consumption at the workplace is no longer common (Laursen et al. 2004,
Elmeland & Villumsen 2004). At the same time, however, starting in the early
1980s, a new phenomenon began to spread very rapidly: Friday bars at
universities and high schools.
Friday bars are bars that are located at university campuses and at
high-schools or upper secondary schools. They are typically open once a
week, usually on Friday afternoons. Here, students can get together, meet
friends and other students and drink beer. The bars are in the institution‘s
canteen, where volunteer students act as staff. This means that alcohol is
available at very cheap prices compared to those in public venues 7. Over the
years Friday bars have become very popular, so much so that many owners
of public venues view them as competition, even though they are expressly
non-profit events with a clear socialising rationale, arranged on voluntary
basis by and for students only.
This article presents an analysis of university Friday bars and their
importance to students´ social lives and drinking habits. Friday bars are seen
as places in-between the public and private sphere where students can act
A beer in a public venue in Aarhus typically costs between 35-60 kr, while a beer in
the Friday bars typically costs 10 kr.
7
135
and drink in the middle ground between youth and adulthood. Our analysis
draws on a survey among students at the University of Aarhus and at Aarhus
Business School, comprising both users and non-users of the Friday bars,
observation studies at the bars and qualitative interviews with both
―customers‖ and ―staff‖.
Background, aim, material and methods
Background and aim
The most popular and indeed virtually only prevention tool to reduce and
regulate alcohol-related problems and harms in Denmark is education,
information and persuasion. Looking at how public opinion on Danish
alcohol policy has changed over time (from 1984 to 2002), it is impossible to
see any clear general trend; instead, public opinion is moving in at least two
directions. It seems as alcohol is not regarded an overall (political) issue. On
the one hand it has become one of many daily consumer goods, which the
Danes want to consume where and whenever they want, so attitudes towards
prices and availability now have become even more liberal than earlier.
Alcohol-related harms, on the other hand, are divided into many smaller
issues: drinking among adolescents, intoxication, drinking and driving,
alcohol at the workplace, misuse and addiction, and here attitudes have
become more restrictive over the last few decades (Elmeland & Villumsen
2007).
In 1990 the National Board of Health introduced its low-risk
drinking guidelines: 14 standard drinks per week for women and 21 standard
drinks per week for men8. These guidelines are re-introduced every year in
the Danish so-called ―uge-40-kampagne‖, and evaluations of these campaigns
show that nearly every adult Dane is familiar with the guidelines. Since 2005,
the National Board of Health has added an official supplementary
recommendation to the low-risk drinking guidelines: people should not drink
more than 5 standard drinks per session/day.
Since the mid-1980s sales statistics have shown fairly constant but
high levels of alcohol consumption in Denmark, averaging 11.4 litres of pure
alcohol per year per capita in the population over 14 years. Since 1994
national health interview surveys have shown that growing numbers are
exceeding the low-risk drinking guidelines, that more men than women are
exceeding the guidelines, and that young Danes in particular have very high
8
A standard drink in Denmark = 12 g of alcohol.
136
weekly consumption levels (Kjøller et el. 2007). As the ESPAD surveys
show, Danish adolescents rank highest in Europe both in terms of frequent
intoxication and high alcohol consumption in general (Hibell et al. 2004).
Alcohol consumption in Denmark is unevenly distributed socially, with
consumption increasing along with increasing educational level (Kjøller et al.
2007). This social drinking pattern is also seen in many other European
countries (Bloomfield et al. 2006). However, Danish people with a long
education not only exceed the drinking guidelines more often than Danes
with a lower education, but they also rank highest on the measure of binge
drinking (5+ standard drinks per drinking session). In other European
countries it is found that household income, education and employment
status are positively associated with current drinking status and more
frequent drinking, but mostly (in opposition to the Danish case) negatively
correlated with measures of binge drinking (Ibid.).
This social imbalance in alcohol consumption is contrary to what
one would expect on the basis of experiences in the prevention field with
regard to other health risk factors, such as smoking, physical inactivity,
overweight, unhealthy diet and so on. In the latter case Danish people with a
longer education are more prepared to follow the health guidelines than
those with a lower education, and overall a longer education and a higher
educational level promote better health (Kjøller et al. 2007). In the case of
alcohol consumption, by contrast, there is obviously some kind of prevention
paradox.
A minor Danish survey9 among upper secondary students aged 1619 years in 2001 in the county of Aarhus (Villumsen 2001) showed that these
students (who were looking to continue their studies at university) had lower
rates of heavy drinking than students at other schools (i.e. who were going to
leave school or continue their studies somewhere else). O´Malley & Johnston
(2002) found the same trend in an American study among college students.
They furthermore conclude that while in high school, students who go on to
attend college have lower rates of heavy drinking than those who will not
attend college. In both groups alcohol consumption seems to increase after
high school graduation, but distinctly more so among college students, who
actually surpass their non-studying age peers. A minor Danish survey from
Population: 1,198 students aged 16-19 attending upper secondary schools in the
county of Aarhus. The purpose was to gather information on tobacco, alcohol and
drug use among the students, and to examine if there was a connection between the
use of substances and students‘ choice of school. The data were collected with
questionnaires.
9
137
2008 carried out among college students10 has furthermore pointed out that
Danish college students generally have a healthy lifestyle, – but at the same
time a very high consumption of alcohol (Stock & Larsen 2008).
Studies from different parts of the world have shown that college
students drink more and have a higher prevalence of alcohol-use disorders
than non-college youth (Karam et al. 2007). This could be attributed to the
developmental phase that college students go through as they move away
from home, family and friendships. Throughout their college years, students
pass through a phase of vulnerability (intellectually, emotionally and socially),
living in a new environment characterised by considerable peer influence.
It is possible that heavy alcohol consumption (just as other ‖student
behaviour‖) is just a phase in college students lives. However in Denmark at
least the alcohol habit seems to persist, as consumption levels remain
relatively high for the population with a longer education. With this in mind
we have chosen to look at Friday bars as one of the places where college
students´ alcohol habits are formed, and where the social meaning and
significance of drinking sessions are made visible.
Material and methods
The analysis draws on a survey carried out among students at the University
of Aarhus and at Aarhus Business School, including both users and nonusers of Friday bars, observation studies at the bars and qualitative interviews
with ―customers‖ and ―staff‖.
Survey: In order to examine to what extent the college students used
Friday bars we conducted a minor survey based on a small questionnaire
containing 12 questions.The survey was carried out in Århus in spring 2005
among three groups of college students: law students, physics students and
students at Aarhus Business School. All the students were in their 4th
semester. The questionnaire for the law students and the physics students
was handed out at a lecture, where the students also completed and returned
them, while the students at Aarhus Business School received and answered
an electronic questionnaire. A total of 334 questionnaires were returned: 177
from law students, 53 from physics students and 104 from business school
students. The students constituted a very homogeneous group in respect to
age, gender, lifestyle and use of Friday bars, and we have therefore treated
them together in our analysis.
The survey is a cross-sectional study of college students´ use of
Population: 548 college students at Southern University of Denmark. The data
were collected with questionnaires.
10
138
Friday-bars. The results are presented as percentage distributions. Odds Ratio
(OR) is used to describe statistical dependence, and 95% Confidence
intervals (CI) are calculated according to Miettinen‘s method. The Pearson
chi-square test and p-values < 0,05 are used as statistical tests of
independence of gender. The Mann-Whitney test is used for nonparametric
variables. The number of respondents included in the analysis of the
different questions may vary, depending on how many respondents actually
answered the question. SPSS (version 13.0) and Excel spreadsheet were used
for statistical processing.
Observation studies and qualitative interviews: In 2005 (in early
spring and autumn) observation studies were carried out at different Friday
bars at the University of Aarhus and Aarhus Business School11. In total 10
different Friday bars were observed at 22 different settings. 20 qualitative
semi-structured interviews were carried out, both with ―student-staff‖ and
with ―student-customers‖. The aim of the observation studies as well as of
the interviews was to gain an overview of how the students used the bars,
and what that meant to their social lives as college students. The bar settings
and the interviews were analysed, with the following questions in mind: What
function do the Friday bars fulfil, besides being a place to drink alcohol with
friends? Do the bars have a function in terms of forming and possibly
transforming students´ drinking habits and drinking behaviours.
Students´ use of Friday bars at the University of Aarhus
Organization
In the early1980s, when alcohol consumption in Denmark reached its highest
level during the 20th century at 12.8 litres per capita in the population aged
15 or over, it was estimated that one third of the total consumption was
consumed at workplaces.
College students getting together to drink alcohol is certainly no new
phenomenon (Karam et al. 2007, Harford et al. 2002). The new thing about
Friday bars in Denmark is their high degree of organisation.
In Denmark owning and running a restaurant or a pub or other kind
of on-premise alcohol sales outlet requires a licence from the municipal
authorities. To be eligible the owner must fulfil certain requirements, for
example have no criminal record. Most of the Danish municipalities have a
The observation studies were carried out by social anthropology student Jesper
Christiansen.
11
139
special licensing board that issues licences on the basis of preventive or
temperance considerations and in consideration of the applicant‘s
qualifications (Karlsson & Österberg 2002). A licence can also be issued to
an association or society, whereby permission is granted to serve alcohol to
the members of the association concerned.
At the University of Aarhus there are about 20 Friday bars; nearly
every institute has its own bar. FFFF (Fælles-foreningen for festforeninger og
fredagsbarer) was founded as an umbrella association for the university‘s
Friday bars in 2001, and it is this association that has been granted an onpremise licence. At annual meetings an executive committee is elected to
handle overall administration of the bars.
In general the Friday bars are seen as playing an important role in the
social environments of the different institutes. As one biology student put it,
―What would this study be without our Friday bar?‖ Friday bars also have the
broad support of teaching staff and management at the university – even
though they do not necessarily think that drinking beer belongs to the most
important academic virtues. There are two kinds of Friday bar arrangements:
1) The most common are Friday afternoon arrangements, when the
bar opens at 2 p.m. and closes at about 6 p.m. These arrangements are often
combined with different cultural events: talks about films, books, countries,
etc. Often, the cultural theme is reflected in the type of alcohol served at the
bar. A lecture about Australia, for example, may be combined with a bar
where different Australian beers are for sale, a lecture on the Georges
Simenon is combined with a bar where you can buy Maigret`s favourite
drinks, and so on.
2) Evening arrangements with an invited band, which are all about
dancing and drinking. These arrangements start typically at 9 p.m. and last to
the early hours.
The customers
In order to study the extent of the use of Friday bars among college students,
we carried out a minor questionnaire survey. The students were asked
whether they had visited the Friday bar at their institute and if so, how often
during their last 4 semesters (Table 1).
140
Table 1. Students’ use of Friday bars by gender in 2005 (%).
Almost
1-2 times a
1-2 times
every
Not at all
month
per semester
Friday
Total
1st semester
Women N=170
15%
22%
49%
14%
100%
Men N=162
18%
34%
40%
9%
100%
Total N=332
16%
28%
45%
11%
100%
Women N=167
6%
24%
40%
31%
100%
Men N=159
11%
38%
35%
16%
100%
Total N=326
9%
31%
37%
23%
100%
Women N=165
3%
15%
38%
44%
100%
Men N=153
11%
28%
38%
24%
100%
Total N=318
7%
21%
38%
34%
100%
Women N=164
3%
10%
32%
55%
100%
Men N=151
9%
23%
36%
32%
100%
Total N=315
6%
16%
34%
44%
100%
2nd semester
3rd semester
4th semester
Mann-Whitney test: 1st semester p=0.013, 2nd, 3rd and 4th semester p<0.001.
During the 1st semester the vast majority or 89% of the students visited the
Friday bar at least sometimes. By the 4th semester the share dropped to 56%.
A higher proportion of men than women visit the bars, and men also seem
to visit them more often. This is seen during all four semesters, and the
gender differences are significant. To analyse whether students who have
moved to Århus to study visit the bars more often than those who have lived
there for several years, the dataset was divided into three categories:
141
a) students who had moved to Århus to study (newcomers, accounting for
74% of the respondents), b) students who had lived in Århus for several
years (residents, 21%) and c) students who lived outside Århus (nonresidents, 5%). A comparison of these groups showed that the latter had used
the bar least often, especially during the 2nd semester when less than half of
the respondents had visited the bar. Overall, a significantly lower frequency
of visits is seen during the 2nd semester by non-residents12.
Table 2. Reasons for use of Friday bars by gender in 2005 (%).
Women
N=120-22
Men
N=133-35
Total
N=253-57
A. Reasonable prices
82%
76%
79%
B. Spending time with fellow
students
100%
97%
98%
C. Meeting new/other students
60%
55%
57%
D. Easy and fast
51%
58%
55%
E. Expectations of fellow
students
18%
26%
22%
F. Subject related talks
9%
17%
13%
G. Talking about other things
than studies
H. Warming up for a night in
town
I. Instead of a night in town
95%
91%
93%
21%
27%
24%
33%
43%
38%
J. Special events in the bar
32%
27%
29%
Reasons
A: OR 1.41 (CI 0.77-2.60) =1.242. p=0.265. B: OR 7.57 (CI 0.61-93.43) =2.490 p=0.115.
C: OR 1.19 (CI 0.72-1.96) =0.476. p=0.490. D: OR 0.78 (CI 0.48-1.28) =0.993. p=0.319. E:
OR 0.59 (CI 0.32-10.9) =2.845. p=0.092. F: OR 0.51 (CI 0.23-1.09) =3.111. p=0.078. G:
OR 1.87 (CI 0.68-5.15) =1.504. p=0.220. H: OR 0.71 (CI 0.40-1.27) =1.345. p=0.246. I:
OR 0.66 (CI 0.40-1.10) =2.577 p=0.108. J: OR 1.28 (CI 0.75-2.19) =0.802 p=0.370.
Numbers of respondents may vary.
Mann-Whitney test: 1st semester p=0.065, 2nd semester p=0.028, 3rd semester
p=0.343, 4th semester p=0.281.
12
142
The respondents who had visited Friday bars were asked to indicate their
reasons for doing so from a preset list of 10 reasons (Table 2). For the
analysis the four response categories of ‖very important‖, ‖important‖, ‖not
that important‖ and ‖not important‖ were dichotomised as ―important‖ and
―not important‖.
The most important reason for going to Friday bars seems to be that
of spending time with my fellow students (98%), followed by talking about
other things than your studies (93%), the prices in the bar are reasonable
(79%), I meet new/other students (57%) and it is fast and easy because you
are already at the institute (55%). For female respondents the most important
reasons are the reasonable prices, spending time with fellow students, talking
about other topics, meeting new students and the special events at the bar.
The male respondents said it is fast and easy, a warming up for a night in
town, instead of going out, expectations of fellow students and talking about
study subjects. Significant gender differences are not observed for any of the
reasons. The students were also asked about their reasons for not visiting
Friday bars (Table 3).
Table 3.Reasons for not visiting Friday bars by gender in 2005 (%).
Women
Men
Total
N=75
N=37
N=112
Reasons for not visiting the Friday
bar
Don‘t have the time
It isn‘t possible
Don‘t feel like it
Cannot afford it
59%
1%
40%
0%
41%
5%
54%
0%
53%
3%
45%
0%
Time: OR 2.08 (CI 0,93-4,64) =3.266 p=0.071. Possibility: OR 0.24 (CI 0.02-2.70) =1.576
p=0.209. Feel like: OR 0.57 (0,26-1,25) =1.980 p=0.159.
The main reasons for not going to Friday bars seem to be that the
respondents didn‘t have the time (53%) or didn‘t feel like it (45%). Only 3%
said that it was not possible. None of the respondents replied that they could
not afford it. Women in particular indicated that they did not have the time
(59%), whereas a larger proportion of men than women answered that they
didn‘t feel like it (54%). However, the gender differences are non-significant.
Even though one of the reasons given for using Friday bars was to
―meet new/other students‖, our observation studies showed that students
rarely visited other than their own Friday bars. In the survey we asked the
143
students if they had ever visited a Friday bar at another institute (Table 4).
Less than one third (32%) of all the respondents said they had visited
a Friday bar at another institute. Physics students (62%) visited bars at other
institutes most often. One possible explanation is that physics is a ―small‖
subject with a very small proportion of women. Even though the Friday bar
at the business school (BS) is open on Thursdays, no more than 18% of the
respondents visit other bars.
Table 4.Respondents who had visited a Friday bar at another institute by
gender in 2005 (%).
Women
Men
Total
Law (Women N=111, Men N=65)
27%
37%
31%
Physics (Women N=6, Men N=47)
50%
64%
62%
BS (Women N=55, Men N=49)
15%
22%
18%
Total: OR 0.46 (CI 0.29-0.74) =10.479 p=0.001. Law: OR 0.63 (CI 0.33-1.22) =1.888
p=0.169. Physics/astronomy: OR 0.57 (CI 0.10-3.13) =0.433 p=0.510. Business School: OR
0.59 (CI 0.22-1.61) =1.084 p=0.298.
It is obvious that college students primarily use the Friday bar to establish
and maintain relations with fellow students. The studies often involve a lot of
isolated working processes, and here Friday bars function as a social rendezvous. The drinking habits and amount of alcohol consumed in the bars varies
depending on the arrangement. At more ordinary arrangements students
rarely get drunk on Friday afternoons, but drink one or two beers and then
go home, or possibly continue drinking either downtown or at a private
party. At special arrangements with invited bands, drinking is quite a lot
heavier and students often do get drunk. Friday bars therefore frame two
different kinds of drinking settings, which is clearly seen in the following
interview excerpts:
About ordinary arrangements
I like to visit the Friday bar at our institute once in a while – it‘s nice
meeting other students and to have a beer or two – and talk. For me this
is important, I never continue drinking downtown or other places. After
the Friday bar closes I go home. (Student – female – 29 yrs)
I visit the Friday bar almost every Friday – it‘s nice to talk to the other
fellow students about something else than studies. And the Friday bar
visit also marks that …NOW it is the weekend. (Student – male – 25 yrs)
I visit our Friday bar every Friday – I like talking to the other students and
144
we often have very interesting cultural events and they are often
combined with new and interesting alcoholic beverages in the bar. Last
Friday I had an African beer – for the first time in my life. It is seldom
that I drink very much – but it has happened that we – spontaneously have continued the drinking afterwards at a private setting. (Student –
female – 24yrs)
About the evening arrangements:
I always go to the Friday bar evening parties – there are usually good
bands playing – and there are lots of people you don´t know – and some
of them you get to know before the evening ends. And there‘s lots of
beers – many of them you also get to know, Hi hi. (Student – male – 26
yrs)
I like the Friday bar parties – good music and lots of people dancing and
having fun. And we will party to the early hours – just as when we were
young, hi, hi. (Student – female – 25 yrs)
Oh yes the Friday bar parties – I just like them - I guess. Mostly I get so
drunk that I really don´t remember if it was a good party. But even if I
don´t remember that much, somewhere I must have had fun – because I
always go to the next Friday bar party, and the next one, and the next one
again. (Student – male – 23 yrs)
It is obvious that the drinking settings in the two kinds of arrangements are
quite different. We move on to try and explain this by looking at the settings
as two different kinds of drinking rituals.
Drinking settings as rituals
The Nordic literature on alcohol intake and intoxication that draw on ritual
theory (van Gennep 1908, Turner 1969) revolves around the notions of
―ritual of transition/marking rite‖ and ―ritual of fraternisation‖ (Pedersen
1992, Henriksen & Sande 1995, Elmeland 1996, Tutenges 2003, Balvig et al.
2005).
With respect to alcohol intake, the marking rite in Denmark
represents a kind of ―jump‖ in status, way of life or lifestyle. There are a
number of events in our lives – weddings, birthdays, New Year,
appointments, etc. – which are traditionally followed by a drinking ritual. The
marking drinking rite is a relatively controlled setting involving a ―guide‖
called the host, hostess or organiser who has designed the course in advance
and who leads the participant through the rite. Furthermore, this guide
decides on the timing of ritual entry and exit, and indicates by means of
decoration of the room, food and drinking arrangements how the guests are
145
expected to behave and when. We have lots of marking rites in Danish
alcohol culture in which we can be our own guides: a glass of wine when
coming home from work, a bottle of wine to mark the weekend and so on.
This drinking ritual also often functions as a kind of reward when we have
been doing something special: gardening, shopping, cleaning up, writing a
paper, and so on. Alcohol in this kind of drinking ritual is not just alcohol;
we consciously choose our favourite drinks and through our choices we send
out signals about who we are.
The rite of fraternisation does not to mark any change, but its
function is primarily to seal and preserve an already existing order within a
group of people. The main outcome of this ritual is ―a story‖. This
production of a story is really important because the story will later be a part
of the history of this specific group. The story is created by transgressing
some boundaries, which vary from group to group. The starting time of this
ritual may be planned in advance, but it can also arise spontaneously. On the
other hand it is difficult to plan in advance when this rite will end; that
depends on how and when the rite is accomplished. Within this kind of rite
there is no guide, but the standards of the group constitute the highest
authority.
As mentioned before, Danish youth drink quite regularly with a
heavy focus on intoxication: Danish boys and girls often drink with the
purpose and result of getting drunk (Demant 2008), and they have lots of
problems caused by their drinking habits and drunken behaviour (Sabroe &
Fonager 2004). This may be due to the fact that adolescent drinking sessions
primarily are rites of fraternisation (Skinhøj 1993, Tutenges 2003, 2005). As
Tutenges expresses it: ―The intake of intoxicants (among adolescents) is not
only about obtaining security, identity and friends. It is also about losing,
squandering and destroying. It is about being wild, grotesque and futile. And
it is about enjoying the present moment in its immediacy without any
consideration for the past or the future.‖ (Tutenges 2004, p. 48).
The drinking habits of Danish adults are more closely tied up with
the (more disciplined) marking rite, where alcohol intake is often seen as a
kind of reward. Alcohol is mostly consumed with friends or family members
in private settings and without visible expressions of intoxication (Laursen et
al. 2004). This does not mean that the average amount of alcohol consumed
is smaller in this part of the Danish population, but only that consumption is
more dispersed over time, and that alcohol intake is not necessarily
connected with intoxicated behaviour.
146
What did you learn in school today?
One of the things that Friday bars constitute and frame for students is a
process where they learn to behave in a culturally accepted manner in respect
to alcohol consumption.
Friday bar evening parties frame rites of fraternisation, where it is
allowed to get even very drunk and where students improve their fellow
feelings with other college students.
Ordinary Friday bar visits mark the beginning of the weekend.
Students are introduced to special beers and special drinks, learning that
alcohol is not just alcohol. They also learn to drink in a more ―sophisticated‖
manner, not focusing on intoxication but on conversation and controlled
drinking behaviour. The bars frame networking and cultural events in which,
through their participation, conversation and drinking habits, the students
demonstrate their willingness and their competence to enter the actual and
social acceptable Danish adult alcohol culture, where the focus is not on
―how much‖ but more on what you drink, with whom and how. They learn
that their drinking habits are an important part of their ―cultural capital‖.
A Swedish survey (Norell & Törnqvist 1995) carried out among twenty-yearolds about alcohol intake and intoxication also shows that in their persistent
attempt to be representatives of the bourgeois culture, students strive to
perform the collective self-ideal – that they possess the qualities which
promise a good and successful future adult life. The means for achieving this
include a pronounced mentality focusing on aesthetic achievements and
competitiveness (ibid p. 245).
Seen in this optic the Friday bars are not just a cheaper alternative to
the ordinary public venues as well as they are not seen framing drinking at
workplace, but have a distinctive function with reference to form and
transform the college students drinking habits. Their drinking patterns are
through their period of study changed from episodic drinking settings with
focus on intoxication and transgressing boundaries to more frequent drinking
with focus on relish and controlled and social acceptable behaviour.
147
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149
150
Pubs and problems in the
media and local communities
151
152
Pubs and restaurants in the Norwegian media:
A review of newspaper articles in 1988, 1997
and 2007
Janne Scheffels & Ingeborg Lund
Introduction
V
iews on licensing policy and public drinking in the general population
are likely to both influence and be influenced by the treatment of these
issues in the media. The media have a central role to play in transmitting
information, views and arguments from politicians to the population, and
vice versa (Togeby, 2004). However, they should not be understood merely
as neutral channels of communication. They can attempt to influence politics
by making suggestions, by commenting on politics and politicians, arguing in
favour of particular solutions, and pointing out problem areas (Waldahl,
2007). Additionally, the daily editing of news and debates will influence how
a particular issue takes shape and develops in public discourse, for example
when certain issues are given priority over others because they are considered
to have greater news value (Lund, 2002). What is published about a certain
subject in the media must therefore be seen as comprising contributions and
influences from several actors, all taking part in a complex process of
discourse production. Thus, issues that people think are important might be
more frequently discussed in newspapers and other media, while at the same
time people might be inclined to attach more weight and importance to
issues that they often read about in the papers. In addition to drawing
people‘s attention to certain areas while disregarding others, it may be
assumed that the interaction between the media and public opinion not only
reflects, but also colours people‘s attitudes towards alcohol control questions,
so that if the media largely express restrictive views one would think that the
population will tend to be more restrictive too, while a predominance of
liberal attitudes in the media would seem to imply more liberal attitudes in
the population.
In this paper we aim to take a closer look at the press coverage of
questions related to the on-premise sector and at the development of this
153
coverage over the last two decades. What issues have been given attention?
How has this developed over time? Limiting our further analysis to articles
about alcohol policy, we then ask how some of the main issues have been
represented and what solutions have been suggested. Finally, we discuss what
the focus and form of these articles can tell us about processes of discourse
production on alcohol policy and restaurant culture during the time period
we have studied.
Procedure
To study changes in media representations of the on-premise sector,
licensing control policies and people's use of licensed premises over the last
two decades, we collected and studied printed newspaper articles from 1988,
1997 and 2007. Because of amendments made to the Alcohol Act (Ministry
of Health, 1988/89; Ministry of Health, 1998), it is possible that alcohol
policy figured more prominently than usual on the news agenda in both 1988
and 1997. In 1988, the changes included the repeal of the system that opened
for referendums over local authorities‘ resolutions on licensing matters, the
decision that strong beer could no longer be sold on a self-service basis and a
transfer of the responsibility for license controls from the police to local
authorities. Furthermore, local rights to allow the serving of alcohol only to
particular categories of guests, such as ‗travellers‘ or dining guests, were
limited (Hauge 2000). In 1997 the act was revised with the aim of making
local authorities‘ options in terms of pursuing a more restrictive alcohol
policy more visible. Among the most important of these changes was the
possibility to attach certain conditions to alcohol licenses, extended rights to
withdraw licences, and the introduction of national guidelines on permitted
hours for the sale and serving of alcohol (Hauge et al. 2002). Articles
published in 2007 were chosen to represent the ‗current‘ situation.
Norway has a large number of newspapers, and it would have been
neither possible nor judicious to include all of them in this analysis. Firstly,
smaller newspapers have a tradition of repeating things that have already
been discussed in the larger papers. The inclusion of the local press would
therefore not necessarily have yielded very much new information. Secondly,
it would have been extremely difficult to gather articles from small
newspapers from so far back in time. Starting from these considerations,
seven newspapers were selected for this study based on their size, type and
location. To represent debates on a regional level throughout the country, the
largest regional morning papers in the five main regions of Norway were
selected. These newspapers were either politically neutral or conservative.
Additionally, the two largest national evening papers were included. These
are both tabloids, one of which has a liberal tradition.
154
Newspaper articles were collected from the electronic news archive Retriever
(http://www.retriever.no). For recent years this archive covers all the larger
newspapers in Norway, but for earlier years its coverage is less exhaustive.
Thus, for 1988, only two newspapers were available; by 1997 the number of
relevant newspapers had increased to five; and in 2007 it contained records
all the seven newspapers chosen for this study.
Relevant articles were retrieved using a search string consisting of the
words alcohol serving, pub, night club, on-premise, licensed premises, and
going out. The search was confined to articles appearing in the printed
versions of the newspapers. The results from this search were then manually
sorted, and irrelevant articles were removed from the sample. The net sample
was coded with the codes listed as themes in Table 2. Some articles were still
removed at this stage due to irrelevance, as it was decided not to include
articles about events and situations outside of Norway. The term ‗article‘ is in
this paper applied for different kinds of newspaper pieces. In the material we
have included other text genres than journalistic articles, like e.g. editorials,
chronicals and letters to the editor.
The codes were chosen in a very pragmatic manner in that new
codes were introduced whenever new themes presented themselves in the
material. An example is provided by the code ―economic crime‖, which was
not present in the 1988 material, but turned out to be necessary in the other
two. Also, as many articles deal with more than one theme, it is quite
common for articles to have more than one code. The total number of
themes (Table 2) is therefore larger than the total number of newspaper
articles (Table 1).
Descriptives
As shown in Table 1, there was a sharp increase in the number of articles
dealing with licensed premises from 1988 to 1997, followed by a small
downturn in 2007. This is true even if we only look at the two sources that
we have for all the three years, Aftenposten and Nordlys. From 1988 to 1997,
the number of articles appearing in these two papers increased by 139%
(from 147 to 352), and despite falling back slightly from 1997 to 2007, the
figure for 2007 (228) is still 55% higher than in 1988. It seems therefore that
the general interest in questions related to licensed premises, licence policy
and public drinking had escalated in the course of these 20 years.
One factor that contributed to the larger number of articles in 1997
was the debate surrounding the new Alcohol Act. In addition, the
155
adjustments that happened in alcohol control policies following Norway's
membership of the EEA in 1996 (Sulkunen et al. 2000) may have contributed
to putting licensing control policies on the agenda. However, these factors
alone are probably not sufficient to explain all the increased interest. Firstly, a
new alcohol act was under preparation in 1988 as well, when the number of
articles was a lot smaller. Secondly, the number of articles remained high
even in 2007, when no such alcohol policy changes were underway.
Additional explanations can probably be found in the expansion of the
licensed sector, increased alcohol consumption in the population and,
associated with these developments, more visible problems with alcohol
consumption, public drinking and the licensed sector.
156
Table 1: Number of newspaper articles and their sources
Source
Description (headquarter)
1988
N
Adresseavisen
Regional, Middle Norway (Trondheim)
Aftenposten
Regional, East Norway (Oslo)
Bergens Tidende
%
%
N
%
106
19.7
40.3
140
26.1
Regional, West Norway (Bergen)
86
15.4
42
7.8
Dagbladet
National evening paper (Oslo)
61
10.9
34
6.3
Nordlys
Regional, North Norway (Tromsø)
127
22.7
88
16.4
Stavanger Aftenblad
Regional, South-West Norway (Stavanger)
90
16.8
VG
National evening paper (Oslo)
58
147
60.5
N
2007
225
Total
89
1997
39.5
100
60
10.7
37
6.9
559
100
537
100
An overview of themes: development over time
Table 2 shows the distribution of various themes discussed or referred to in
the collected newspaper articles. As we can see, there has been a slight shift
in the focus of these articles over the years. While articles related to licence
control were most frequent in 1988 and 1997, followed by articles on alcohol
policy, articles on violence were the most common theme by 2007, with
licence control coming second. The third most common themes were
economy in 1988, violence in 1997, and feature articles, articles about public
drinking culture and articles about alcohol policy in 2007.
In addition to changes in the relative weight of the various themes,
there have also been shifts in the focus of articles within themes. For
instance, a typical feature of the licence control articles in 1988 was that
many of them discussed economic aspects of issuing licences. Both the
economic interests of pub and restaurant owners and the economic benefits
for the local community of new pubs and restaurants being established were
given much weight, and not just by business representatives. Most typically,
one would see feature articles about new places being opened, with reference
to the chances of these places succeeding. There were also several reports
from council meetings that issued (or did not issue) new licences, with a
discussion of the potential positive impact of granting alcohol licences on the
local economy.
In 1997, an important focus in articles on licence control was on the
frequent changes made to licensing regulations in Oslo. The rules regarding
the serving of alcohol changed no less than four times between 1991 and
1997, and this led to both ironic comments about keeping up with the latest
rules, and reports on restaurant owners‘ concerns about the adverse impacts
of these frequent changes on their profits. Discussions revolved around the
number of drinking places that should be allowed outside the core of the city
centre, and around whether these places should be allowed to stay open as
long as those within the city centre. Opinions were divided as people in the
business were in favour of longer opening hours, while local residents
objected and had concerns about the problem of noise from drinking
establishments in housing areas.
Another difference between the 1988 and 1997 articles on licence
control was that by 1997, the focus had shifted to crooked operators in the
restaurant business. Common topics included tax evasion and other forms of
economic crime, the use of black labour in the licensing business, illegal sales
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to youth, and violations of licensing rules, such as serving underaged or
drunken patrons.
Table 2: Number of articles with different themes in 1988, 1997 and 2007
1988
1997
2007
Themes
Alcohol policy
48
149
72
Licence control
76
209
127
Economy
38
59
22
15
6
Economic crime
Other crime
1
16
21
Drunkenness
4
21
36
Violence
11
110
164
Youth
6
41
21
Feature
Public drinking
culture
Total
11
77
80
15
88
80
210
785
629
In 1988 there were no articles that discussed economic or any other forms of
criminality among pub and restaurant owners, and there were only few
references to less bona fide parts of the business. In fact our material
included only one article that mentioned actors that were in violation of the
rules and regulations, and that was in the form of a complaint from a lawabiding member of the profession.
Economic crime continued to be an important issue in 2007, when
there was also more discussion about the considerable increase in the
number of public drinking places, particularly in Oslo and Tromsø. These
articles often tended to focus on the effects of pubs and nightclubs clustering
in city centres, and particularly on the resulting gathering of large numbers of
young people in a small area, the tendency for these young people to be
intoxicated, and the actual or potential associated problems of noise,
disturbance and violence.
During the years under review, there was an increase in articles about
young people and their public drinking, articles about noise and disturbance
and, most particularly, articles about violence. The share of articles about
159
violence increased from 5.2% in 1988 to 14% in 1997. In 1997 there was a
series of articles focusing on violent guards. The share of articles dealing with
violence has continued to grow even after 1997, reaching 26.2% in 2007, at
which point violence was the most frequently occurring theme of all.
As Table 2 shows, drinking among young people attracted
particularly keen interest in 1997. One reason for this was the introduction of
alcopops in the Norwegian alcohol market. The growing popularity of this
new beverage among youth raised a lot of discussion. One line of argument
suggested that this product was simply replacing the use of other alcoholic
beverages such as beer, and therefore it had no effect on total consumption
levels. Another position focused on the likelihood that alcopops would not
only lead to increased total consumption, but also to earlier alcohol debuts
among young people. The sweet taste of alcopops, it was argued, was more
appealing to these younger age groups. Most participants in this debate,
whether they were writing commentaries themselves or giving statements to
the press, were professionals of various kinds. In addition, there were quite a
few articles with a more feature-like perspective, focusing on consumer
opinions about alcopops and how this new product was being used.
Licensed premises and alcohol control policy:
representations and solutions
Even though articles focusing directly on alcohol policy questions related to
licensed premises became less frequent in the years under review, this
remained one of the most important themes all along. However, even within
this theme there was a shift in focus over the years. As is shown in Table 3,
approximately 60% of the articles published in 1988 and 1997 were confined
to reporting on alcohol or licence policy or on economic and cultural aspects
related to alcohol policy, while around 40% of the articles would venture a
more analytical, debating approach to alcohol policy issues. In 2007 this
situation was reversed, as 60% of the articles now debated and analysed
alcohol policy, while 40% were more descriptive reports.
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Table 3: Main focus of articles on alcohol policy/licence control
Main focus
1988
1997
2007
N
%
N
%
N
%
Reporting alcohol policy
33
34.7
115
41.4
52
29.4
Economic or cultural issues
27
28.4
49
17.6
17
9.6
Debates of alcohol policy
35
36.9
114
41.0
108
61.0
: main angle restrictive
18
51
56
49
55
51
: main angle liberal
8
22
26
23
23
21
: main angle divided
9
25
32
28
30
28
In all three years there were almost twice as many articles supporting a
restrictive alcohol policy as there were articles in favour of a liberal policy.
Among debating alcohol policy articles there were also some that offered
divided views, without giving preference to one or the other perspective: the
proportion of this type of article was slightly larger than the proportion of
liberal articles. Despite the differences in the alcohol policy issues debated
and in the ways in which they were debated over the years, it is possible to
identify some general ideas and themes that stand out as most prominent. In
the following we have described four of these themes, with a focus on the
representation of the issues under discussion by various actors as well as on
the solutions suggested.
Amendments to the Alcohol Act in 1988 and 1997
The Norwegian Alcohol Act was amended in 1988 and again in 1997, and
both amendments included changes that had relevance for the on-premise
sector. In 1988, however, the press expressed very little interest in these
revisions. In our material, only two articles discussed the forthcoming
changes, one of which was largely a neutral description of the amendments,
although it also included a statement by a conservative politician who took a
restrictive view on alcohol. The other was an editorial which stated that the
changes were too restrictive and that ‗…more equal treatment should not
imply that everybody is treated like those who were worst off before‘
(Aftenposten Morgen, 18 Aug 1988).
In 1997, the amendments of the law received markedly more
interest, with the proposed limitations on opening hours and the proposed
right for local authorities to set extra requirements for licence applicants
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emerging as the two most debated issues. The liberal articles in this year were
mainly written by representatives of the tourist industry, people from the
serving trade, and representatives from a group calling themselves ‗The
people's movement against the Alcohol Act‘, but journalists and other
interested parties also contributed.
A central line of argument in the liberal articles was that stricter
restrictions in the form of shorter opening hours would not reduce the
problems in city centres at night, but in fact generate more problems,
particularly more noise and violence in city centres at closing time. According
to this view, shorter opening hours would mean that large numbers of people
would be out in the streets at the same time, as nobody would go home
before closing time. Furthermore, a sizeable proportion of these people
would probably have been drinking very heavily during the last part of the
evening, as they knew it would soon be too late to get anything to drink.
Those in the liberal camp also often pointed out that if local
authorities could impose extra requirements before granting licences, that
would merely lead to the situation where food was transported in and out of
the kitchen with every beer. As some representatives for the serving sector in
Tromsø said:
The reinstatement of the obligation to buy food for drinking guests places
enormous pressure on staff. It means an additional stress factor for
people working in a business that researchers have termed one of the
most dangerous professions in this country. (Nordlys, 11 Apr 1997)
To illustrate the ridiculous potential implications of the proposed extra
requirements, one newspaper quoted a mythological story from the 1980s
about the local bride who was not served alcohol while the bridegroom was –
because he was from out of town (Aftenposten Morgen, 21 Feb 1997). This
situation should allegedly have occurred as a result of the then existing
practice that tourist hotels were only licensed to serve alcohol to tourists and
not to local people.
Finally, it was argued that a more restrictive alcohol control policy
was contrary to popular demand, and that, as one club owner put it: ―The
urban youth of our time won‘t let Parliament decide on their bedtime…‖
(Aftenposten Aften, 25 Mar 1997)
Articles that took a more restrictive view were more often written by
journalists, politicians, representatives of the police or people from
temperance organisations. Sometimes even people from the on-premise
sector came out in support of more restrictions, although they tended to limit
162
their support to the proposed stricter requirements concerning former
economic conduct, which was thought would help to weed out less serious
entrepreneurs.
While the liberal camp argued that the new law was too restrictive in
terms of opening hours, the people who supported a restrictive line did not
think it was restrictive enough. It was claimed that ―In terms of alcohol
serving, Norway is one of the most liberal countries in Europe‘‘ (Dagbladet,
5 Mar 1997). Not surprisingly, the restrictive camp also had a different view
on the effects of shorter opening hours: instead of more problems at closing
time, they expected to see fewer problems. As expressed by a representative
of the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs:
A demand has been created that people should have access to alcohol
more or less round the clock. This is not desirable, and we think that less
alcohol will be consumed if restaurants close earlier, says Gran. She also
adds that it is fully possible for restaurants to close earlier than 03.30, so
that the crowds of people who are going home will be spread out over a
longer period of time. (Nordlys, 29 Dec 97)
Even though there was no marked difference between the number of liberal
articles on the amendments to the Alcohol Act as compared to the number
of restrictive articles, it seems that the liberal camp was more active in its
campaign. This impression stems mainly from the fact that the restrictive
camp rarely entered the debate unprovoked to ask for more stringent
restrictions than suggested by the government. Most of the restrictive articles
were written in response to critique raised by the liberals.
A safe city (as it used to be before)
Discussions about the need to prevent violence and public disturbance
caused by excessive public drinking were present within the debating alcohol
policy articles all along. Still, there was one particular perspective on this that
grew a lot stronger over the years. The main focus of this perspective was on
concerns about a general trend towards a more violent environment.
Especially in articles from Oslo, the ‗safe city‘ was described as an ideal past
that was now disappearing. A journalist in Aftenposten wrote this
commentary in 1988:
‗Oslo is a safe city‘, we hear all the time. Unfortunately this is an old truth
that is quickly fading. (Aftenposten Aften, 25 Oct 88)
163
The idea that Norway no longer is a protected corner of the world gained
increasing prominence in 1997 and even more so in 2007. However, in all
three years the newspaper articles seem to describe this as a rather recent
development. Therefore, when journalists in 2007 referred to the safe city of
earlier days, they could well have had 1988 in mind, for example. Indeed, this
way of writing about violence seems to reflect a general idea about the good
old days of innocence.
Typically, articles that took a restrictive stand on alcohol policy in
relation to violence presented the opinions of professionals. An example is
an article from 2007 under the title, ‗Liquor is flowing in the cities‘ (VG, 6
Mar 07). Referring to documentation from the Ministry of Health and Social
Affairs, this article showed that in larger cities in particular, applications for
licences to serve alcohol were very seldom refused. A Ministry representative
and a researcher from the Norwegian Institute for Alcohol and Drug
Research (SIRUS) were interviewed, both giving the advice that limiting the
availability of alcohol would be an important measure in reducing
consumption.
There were also articles in which both local and national level
politicians discussed a more restrictive stand on alcohol policies. In the 2007
sample, most of these were by representatives of Christian conservatives.
Only a few articles presented the lay perspective on problems related to the
serving of alcohol, and those that did generally focused on noise and
disturbance in housing areas.
Although there were some articles on drinking and violence in 2007
that focused on the explosive growth in the number of licensed premises (a
300% increase in 25 years), the more common approach was to discuss the
general increase in violence with the overall rise in alcohol consumption
levels.
The most common way suggested in the restrictive articles to
counter this problematic development was to limit serving hours and to
increase controls to make sure that restaurants follow the rules for serving
alcohol. Areas of particular concern were serving to minors and overly
intoxicated patrons. The latter is often mentioned in relation to a discussion
about two test purchase studies where actors pretending to be drunk were
sent out to buy alcohol (SIRUS, 2007). Examples of headlines include ‗Taps
should be closed at 0100‘ (Bergens Tidende, 8 Mar 2007), ‗Closing early
creates a good restaurant culture‘ (Stavanger Aftenblad, 13 July 2007), and
‗Closer control of youth places: four out of five minors get to buy alcohol on
the premises‘ (Bergens Tidende, 13 July 2007). This last article was part of a
debate in Bergen that followed a test purchase study there. It interviewed the
council representative in charge of licensing, who said that her controllers
164
would step up their efforts, particularly in places frequented by the youngest
clientele.
Compared to the articles published in the two earlier years, those
appearing in 2007 suggest more often that the remedy for violence has to lie
in stepping up control and surveillance in particularly problematic areas of
the city. One of the major problems, according to this view, is that most
users at night are young people. In one article it is suggested that the solution
lies in having ‗more adults in the city at night‘ (Bergens Tidende, 8 Mar 07)
Another article presenting this type of view is found in Aftenposten
(29 Aug 2007). In this article, the director of an employer organisation in the
tourist sector suggests that the violence problem must be resolved not by
limiting serving hours, but by more rigorous policing. Furthermore, she
insisted that the alcohol serving trade was not alone to blame for the growing
problem of drunken disorderliness in Oslo city centre, supporting her
argument by police figures which showed that most of the trouble was
caused by only a few individuals. She continued:
Society should afford to have a visible police presence in the streets on
Friday and Saturday nights. This out of consideration for the security of
citizens, and for those who work in the restaurant sector. (Aftenposten,
29 Aug 2007)
In this representation, the growth of alcohol-related violence and disturbance
is attributed to some individuals in particular, while it is rejected that the
general public bears any responsibility. Furthermore, according to this
approach it is unlikely that a restrictive alcohol policy will contribute to
reducing the violence: these individuals are liable to cause trouble anyway.
The proposed solution is thus to increase the resources made available to the
police.
Access to alcohol: an equal right for everyone – or only for the chosen ones?
Another theme that received some interest in the Norwegian press in all
three years was the question of the right to access to alcohol. A number of
articles in all the three years for example made the case that retirement
homes should be allowed to serve alcohol to their clients. The argumentation
revolved around the premise that old people should have the same rights as
other people: they are of full age and legal capacity, and should be treated
accordingly.
A similar discussion that occurred in both 1997 and 2007 was
whether sports clubs should be allowed to serve alcohol during sports events.
165
One of the perspectives adopted on this was moral or idealistic; were the
ideals of sport contaminated by allowing the serving of alcohol at sports
events, did this mean that the profit motive had been allowed to override the
noble principles that should guide the principles of sports clubs? For
example, an article in Bergens Tidende refers to an IOGT member who was
very much disturbed by this ‗selling out of the ideals of sports‘ (Bergens
Tidende, 19 Apr 2007).
In 1997 much of the debate about serving alcohol at sports events
revolved around allowing alcohol being served in restricted areas, i.e. in VIP
sections. By 2007, however, most arenas were serving alcohol in these
sections, and the debate had partly turned to the question of equal rights.
When the equal rights perspective was applied from a liberal stand, the
serving of alcohol only to VIP‘s was portrayed as elitist and unfair, and as a
way of declaring the masses to be without legal capacity. In some ways,
therefore, this argument was also related to the ideals of sport as a
democratic and non-elitist movement that could not and should not be
associated with such elitism. The suggested strategy was to allow the serving
of alcohol throughout the sports venue so as to make it available to everyone.
Advocates of a restrictive policy pointed out that serving alcohol
only to VIP‘s gave out unwanted signals about alcohol being part of the
culture of the better classes. This, it was thought, might act to promote
alcohol use by making it appear more attractive and sophisticated. In these
articles it was suggested, therefore, that the serving of alcohol should be
banned at all sports events.
Drinking out the urban way
A discussion that became markedly more visible during the years under study
was related to a development towards a more urban culture. Particularly in
2007 it was often stressed how an active and thriving restaurant business
should be understood as an integral part of cultural life in the modern, urban
city. In one article published in Stavanger Aftenblad (12 July 07),
representatives of the restaurant business argued that the proposed tightening
of restrictions on alcohol serving could damage the city‘s reputation. Such
restrictions would give the impression that Stavanger was a village and not a
real city.
Some articles took an ironic perspective to this discussion, referring
to Norwegian alcohol policy as ‗backwards‘ or even absurd. An example is
provided by an article in VG (26 June 2007) about a debate that had been
going on for three years as to whether fish sale stands on the piers in
Tønsberg should be granted licences to serve alcohol with the fish and
shrimps they sell. The article describes the political discussions leading up to
166
the granting of these licences as both bureaucratic and chaotic, and the point
is made that the stands are only ten metres away from more regular serving
premises. One of the fishmongers applying for a licence is quoted as saying:
People have been laughing their heads off. Foreigners in particular have
had problems when we have to explain why they can‘t have a glass of
wine with their food here (VG, 26 July 07)
In another article earlier the same year (23 Mar 07), VG lets the SecretaryGeneral of the Norwegian association for wine and liquor importers state her
opinion about the role of public drinking premises in Norway. She
emphasises that restaurants account for no more than 10% of total alcohol
consumption in Norway, and therefore reduced drinking in licensed premises
will have only a minimal impact on total consumption levels. She starts the
chronicle like this:
The reality is considerably more nuanced than just drunkenness and
violence, and for most people pub and café culture has a positive function
because we become more urban, quality-conscious and interested in new
trends. This is also reflected in the need to go out and experience
something new, nice and exciting (VG, 20 Mar 2007)
Further, the Secretary-General states that restaurants around Norway have
been an important prime mover in the development towards more
responsible and refined drinking habits in Norway. The expansion of the
restaurant sector is thus ascribed an important role in a process where
Norwegians have been educated to a more sophisticated way of drinking, e.g.
by choosing good wine to go with good food. A similar argument is given in
a letter to the editor in Aftenposten on 19 Sept 07. The letter starts by
criticising the changing rules for serving alcohol in Oslo, vacillating back and
forth between a more and less restrictive line. The writer argues for a more
liberal line, giving clubs the right to stay open all night: if this works well in
many other European cities larger than Oslo, he says, then why shouldn‘t it
work here? He concludes by summing up his dissatisfaction:
I know of no other European capital where all restaurants and pubs close
at 0200 a.m. They always have so many special rules for us Norwegians
that I think they will eventually just be counterproductive (Aftenposten
Aften, 19 Sept 07)
167
This final complaint is picked out by the editor and placed in the standfirst.
In this debate, the adoption of a more liberal alcohol policy is represented as
a matter of developing towards a more urban, metropolitan way of life. Most
of the articles that have this focus are published in urban newspapers,
reflecting perhaps a more general debate about the development of the city
from a large village towards a more urban identity and way of life.
Discussion
During the 20-year period we have studied here, alcohol policy and alcohol
culture seem to have emerged as increasingly important issues in the public
debate in Norway, as reflected in major national and local newspapers. In the
two newspapers we studied in all three years, the number of articles on this
topic more than doubled during this period. Among the articles focusing on
licensed premises and alcohol policy in particular, we see a tendency towards
more debating articles in 2007 than in the previous two years reviewed.
The increase in how often alcohol policy and alcohol culture issues
are written about over these years may be a reflection of a general increase in
the flow of information and public discussion in society. Since 1988, a large
number of electronic publications have entered the media landscape. In
addition to the printed media we have studied, all the articles published
through these channels would have been part of, and helped shape, the
public discussion. It is also possible that the increasing number of
commercial operators in the business, particularly after the removal of the
state monopoly on the import, export and production of alcoholic beverages
in 1996 (Hauge 2000), has played a part in stoking public interest in these
questions.
In part, our findings on the growing media attention given to alcohol
policy and alcohol culture may also be interpreted as result of a development
towards an increasingly strong focus on private consumption as a source of
pleasure, individuality and self-expression in modern society (Featherstone
1991, Miles et al. 1998). The population‘s spending power has increased, and
the use of alcohol as well as the use of restaurants and other serving
establishments may be seen as an important part of consumer culture.
Another observation in this study is how the press coverage of
questions and stories related to licensed premises and public drinking has
changed over the years. In terms of content, there has been a shift in focus
from economic questions to the negative consequences of alcohol use,
particularly violence and disturbance problems. At the same time, the image
168
presented of the on-premise sector has changed from a primarily positive one
and become more mixed. We also observe an increase in debate and analysis
at the expense of mere reporting or descriptive articles over the years under
study.
The considerable interest shown in economic questions in 1988 is no
doubt attributable in part to the general economic situation in the country at
that time. The golden age of the yuppies was over, and people were faced
with rising unemployment levels and growing interest rates. Business was
slow in most branches, and newcomers in any area would have been
welcomed with the hope of creating new job opportunities. This might have
inspired the widely expressed views on new on-premise licences as a means
for developing local initiatives. The view of restaurant people as potential
employers might also lie at the bottom of the complete lack of articles that
portrayed them in a negative light in 1988. By 1997, when there was a much
higher share of critical articles and the largest number of articles about
economic crime among licensees, the circumstances had changed in several
ways. Importantly, the economic situation in the country had improved, and
the number of fully licensed establishments had increased substantially
(SIRUS, 2007).
The strong focus on problems in 2007 can be seen in relation to the
marked increase in alcohol consumption levels in Norway from the late
1990s (SIRUS, 2007). There has also been an almost 50% increase in
drunken and disorderly offences registered by the police from 1997 to 2005
(SIRUS, 2007).
However, in contrast to earlier years, it seems that more weight is
now placed on particular problematic areas rather than problems on a general
policy level. Accordingly, the measures suggested tended to be more about
reaching out directly to those who were more likely to have or cause
problems. In this sense one might say that the problem now appeared to be
focused on the individual rather than the system level.
In line with this, the main strategies of resolving or reducing the
problems in 2007 tended to focus more on police control and prevention
aimed at reaching individuals than on structural means, such as restricting the
number of alcohol licences or opening hours. In other words, the emphasis is
on individual rights and responsibilities over and above the collective. This
clearly ties in with a more general development towards a social and political
climate characterised by an increased focus on free markets, consumer
choices and individual responsibility. The discourse on alcohol policy and
restaurant culture must thus be seen as interwoven in larger discourses that
both influence and are influenced by society during this period.
At the same time as the problem focus seems to have grown
169
stronger, we observe what appears to be an increased interest in the use of
restaurants and pubs as an important element of modern, urban culture. The
number of feature-like articles about licensed premises or alcohol use
increased considerably over the period under review, and by 2007 was the
third most common theme. In 2007 we also saw a large number of articles
arguing that Norway (in general, and some cities in particular) was
‗backwards‘ compared to the rest of Europe. Claims were made about our
old-fashioned and, more importantly, provincial alcohol regulation practices.
The message that came across very clearly in these articles was that it was
time to open up to the rest of the world, and become urban as well as
modern for real.
Summing up our analysis, the articles reviewed on the restaurant
business and licensing questions can be considered to reflect what is going on
in society at large. When the economy was down in 1988, many articles
focused on the economic benefits of pubs and restaurants. In 2007, when the
economy was up, more and more feature articles were published on alcohol
and restaurant use as part of a consumption-oriented lifestyle. And finally,
when the solutions that are suggested to problems related to serving alcohol
are increasingly directed towards individuals instead of structural and
collective solutions, this must be understood in close relation to a general
development in society whereby increasing weight is given to individual
freedom and responsibility.
170
References
Bryhni, A (ed) (2007). Rusmidler i Norge
2007. Alcohol and drugs in Norway
2007. SIRUS 2007.
Waldahl, R. (2007). Opinion og
demokrati. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget
Featherstone, M. (1991). Consumer
culture and postmodernism. London:
Sage.
Hauge, R. (2000). Alkoholloven, En lov
under
endring.
Rusmiddeldirektoratet.
Hauge, R., R.J. Lohiniva (2002).
Bevillingssystemet
som
alkoholpolitisk virkemiddel. En
evaluering
av
endringene
i
alkoholloven i 1997. SIRUS-rapport
nr 3/2002.
Lund, A.B. (2002). Den redigerende
magt – nyhedsinstitutionens politiske
indflydelse.
Aarhus:
Aarhus
Universitetsforlag.
Miles, S., Cliff, D & Burr, V. (1998).
‗Fitting in and sticking out‘:
Consumption, consumer meanings
and the construction of young
people‘s identities. Journal of Youth
Studies, 1 (1): 81-96.
Ministry of Health (1988/89). Ot. prp.
31 (1988/89)
Ministry of Health (1998). Rundskriv I6/98. Lov om omsetning av
alkoholholdig drikk m.v
Sulkunen, P., Sutton, C. Tigerstedt, C. &
Warpenius, K. (eds.) (2000). Broken
Spirits. Power and ideas. In Nordic
Alcohol Control. NAD-publication
No. 39
Togeby, L. (2004). Man har et
standpunkt. Om stabilitet og
endringer
i
befolkningens
holdninger.
Aarhus:
Aarhus
Universitetsforlag.
171
172
Newspapers‘ portrayal of alcohol licensing
policy in Swedish restaurants
Antonina Eriksson
Background
O
n-premise alcohol consumption has increased over the last 30 years
and accounts for about 9% of total consumption in Sweden (Boman
et al. 2006, p. 8). During the same time period, the number of restaurants
with licenses to sell alcohol has quadrupled, from about 3 000 in 1977 to
12 300 in 2007 (CAN 2008, p.62). This development has attracted media
attention and as media play a decisive role for the political agenda, the debate
in the press contributed significantly to changes of the alcohol policy in
relation to restaurants. The media have the power to decide what issues are
to be published and debated as well as the way the debate on the area is
structured. They are also important in the way that they can introduce new
problems and create political opinions (Blomberg et al. 2004, p. 12-13). A
study of how the press deals with an issue can be valuable for understanding
that issue in a wider political perspective.
The aim of this study is to illustrate and discuss how daily
newspapers in Sweden portrayed issues concerning alcohol at restaurants in
1977, 1990 and 2002, focusing particularly on the policy field and control
issues. The first two years of investigation represented turning points in
Swedish alcohol policy, while 2002 was included to gain an impression of the
current situation. The central questions are: What areas are reported on and
in what way? Who are the actors and how are they portrayed? What
problems are discussed? How has this changed over time?
Data
The articles reviewed in this study are drawn from printed newspapers in the
regions of Stockholm and Södermanland, which were chosen to represent an
urban and a rural area, respectively. The press cuttings were collected from
the archives of the Federation of alcohol and drug awareness in Stockholm
(CAN). Since the articles were collected some what differently in different
173
years at CAN, it is not possible to make entirely reliable comparisons over
time. The search terms used were alcohol plus any of the following words:
restaurants, pubs, bars, restaurateur, and policy measures regarding
restaurants and licensed on-premise establishments, or synonyms. Articles
about narcotics were included if they had any connection with licensed onpremise alcohol issues. Altogether 218 articles from 13 newspapers met the
criteria. All types of articles were included, such as news, debates, feature
items, columns, editorials, reports, letters and fact sidebars. The newspapers
included in the study are listed below (Table 1).
174
Table 1. Description of newspapers included in review
Type
Place of
publication
1977
Aftonbladet
evening
Stockholm
Social demo.
Arbetaren Sthlm**
daily?
morning
Stockholm
Stockholm
Newspaper
Political colour*
1990
2002
Established
Stockholm
Social demo.
i. Social Demo.
1830
socialist
socialist
socialist
1922
liberal
unpolitical
i. liberal
1864
Stockholm
unpolitical
unpolitical
i
1945
evening
Stockholm
i
1944
Metro Stockholm
Stockholm
liberal
Christian
-
liberal
free
-
i
1995
Svenska Dagbladet
morning
Stockholm
conservative
i. conservative
i. conservative
1884
free
Stockholm
-
-
i
2002
Eskilstuna-Kuriren m.
Strengnäs tidning
Folket
morning
Eskilstuna
liberal
liberal
liberal
1890
morning
Eskilstuna
Social demo.
Social demo.
Social demo.
1905
Katrineholms-Kuriren
morning
Katrineholm
liberal
liberal
liberal
1917
Länstidningen Södertälje
morning
Södertälje
Centre Party
Centre Party
Centre Party
1861
Södermanlands Nyheter
morning
Nyköping
Centre Party
Centre Party
Centre Party
1893
Dagens Nyheter
Dagen Stockholm
Expressen
Stockholm City
Södermanland
sources: www.dagspress.se (type of newspaper and place of publication), Observer (political colour), press-clippings (political colour) and the
newspapers‘ websites (year established). Phone call to the editorial staff.
* i = independent , ** The newspaper is published once a week, however it regard itself as daily newspaper . Source: Senior editor of Arbetaren Sthlm.
To gain an overview of the topics covered, a quantitative analysis was carried
out. This method can be used both to obtain an overview of diverse
categories and to explain differences and similarities over time (Østbye et al.
2004). Each article has been coded as one unit of measurement. Some of the
central variables are year, county, newspaper, type of article, content, actors,
types of problems and measures. The largest number of articles examined
were published in 1977 (86 articles) and 1990 (78), while 54 articles were
from 2002. By county, 85% of the articles were from Stockholm and 15%
from Södermanland County. Furthermore, most of the clippings came from
the biggest newspapers in Stockholm, mainly Svenska Dagbladet, followed by
Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. At the lower end of the scale, the newspapers
Södermanlands Nyheter, Folket and Eskilstuna-Kuriren each accounted for only 34% of the articles (all from Södermanland). Nearly 70% of the press clipping
were published in a morning paper and about 30% in an evening paper.
Actors in newspapers are most likely male politicians
As shown in Table 2, most of the articles reviewed were news items (67%),
while around 18% were debate articles. The remaining clippings were feature
items, columns, editorials, reports, letters and summaries of facts. The
number of news articles was highest in 1977 and decreased gradually over the
years, whereas for debate articles the results were the opposite.
Table 2. Type of article, article’s characteristic and geographical orientation
Year
Most common categories
1977
1990
2002
Total
Type of article
Counted in %
News
Debate
Characteristic
71
14
67
18
63
22
67
18
Concerned with problems
Descriptive
Geographical orientation
56
42
83
15
85
13
73
25
National (including international)
Local
77
23
74
26
63
37
73
27
176
In addition to the scarceness of debate articles in 1977, the few that were
tended to be connected to the church and the temperance movement just as
they were published in the Conservative newspaper Svenska Dagbladet in
Stockholm. The the articles were mainly concerned with issues of restaurant
control and licensing as well as alcohol policy in general.13
The restaurant business in general was another central theme in
1977. In 1977, the reporting was largely focused on the increased sales of
strong beer as a result of the withdrawal of medium-strength beer from
grocery stores (Ramstedt 2002, p. 117). Reports on licensed on-premise
establishments and control were less common in 1977, but rather frequent in
2002. In 1990 the central topics included measures for dealing with problems
in the restaurant and bar sector and alcohol policy in general.
Table 3. Main contents, leading actors and sex, per cent
Year
Most common categories
1977
1990
2002
Total
Licensed on-premise establishments and
control
Alcohol policy in general
12
35
65
33
31
22
15
24
Increased sales or consumption
16
4
7
10
Politicians
12
20
19
16
Journalists
9
8
13
10
Persons in authority/civil servants
5
17
6
9
Restaurateurs
9
3
2
5
Experts*
-
5
9
4
100
81
63
81
-
19
37
19
Main contents
Leading actor
Men
Women
* Researchers, doctors etc.
Main contents were categorised by a combination of catching the message in an
article and the amount of space regarding the particular issue.
13
177
The articles reviewed were in general more problem-oriented than simply
descriptive, but the latter characteristic was much more common in 1977
than in 1990 or 2002. A higher proportion of reports dealt with national
concerns (72%, including stories on the EC/EU) than with local matters.
However, reporting on local issues seems to have increased in 2002.
A clear actor was identifiable in nearly two-thirds of the articles
reviewed. The most common group was politicians (Table 3), who were
more often Social Democrats (42%) than Moderates (conservatives) (24%) or
Liberals (right-of-centre) (21%). Journalists were another active group in all
three years. The temperance movement, on the other hand, was represented
very rarely and in fact not at all in 1990. Civil servants appeared in the press
to a greater extent in 1990 than in other years, while restaurateurs were more
common in 1977 than later. Experts began to appear more frequently over
time. While none of the articles in 1977 included expert statements, in 1990
experts figured in 5% of the articles and in 2002 in 9%. Lastly, there was a
small proportion of articles in all the years where celebrities appeared.
Approximately one-third of the press clippings had photos, mainly of actors,
persons at bars or other motifs from restaurants.
As regards the appearance of men and women as alcohol policy
actors, the results show a substantial change over time. Most of the leading
actors in the articles were men (81%), and sub actors were also mostly men
(84%).14 Although the majority of the leading actors remained men, the
proportion of women as main actors increased sharply over time (from zero
to 37% in 25 years).
Bureaucracy
To give a more detailed picture, the study also includes a qualitative
component, with analyses of both argumentation and other text. The
qualitative section covers specific topics from each year examined. Frequent
reporting of a question as well as comprehensive articles concerning the
restaurant issue was considered in the qualitative part of the study. Press
clippings that were both comprehensive and essentially about restaurant
issues were analysed, and they were in some respects also characteristic of
each time period. Bureaucracy is one example of such a topic. However, only
a few articles focused simply on restaurant issues.
Sub actors figured in 21% of the press clippings. In 1977, all leading actors were
men, in 1990 the figure was 81%, and in 2002 63%.
14
178
In 1977, Svenska Dagbladet (Conservatives) reported on inspections at restaurants
in Stockholm for several days. For example, they published a full report from
an inspection carried out at a pub in Stockholm. Detailed facts, observations
and serious remarks concerning drunkenness were reported. In the same
article the owner of the business defended his pub. He pointed at some of
the measures undertaken: limited serving and stricter control at entrance as
well as regular contacts with the authorities. Further, the pub owner claimed
that the report from the inspection had shown only particular impressions
from specific moments, and that the pub serves an important purpose
(Svenska Dagbladet, 26 Apr 1977).
There have to be places for people who have nowhere else to go in their
leisure time, pubs have an immediate social function. They are often
called messy. (Svenska Dagbladet, 24 Apr 1977. My translation)
At the end of the article the manager expresses the view that it is a shame
that Swedish pubs cannot be like Danish ones, since such places are not
permitted in Sweden. It is not entirely clear what he means, but my
interpretation is that he regards Danish restaurant policies as less restrictive.
On the same page an article is also published on an inspector under the
heading: The spirits spy: I am not ―moral old-womanish‖ (Svenska
Dagbladet, 25 Apr 1977, My translation).
In earlier newspaper articles the profession of inspectors had been
portrayed as ―spirits spies‖ and ―moral old-womanish‖, and the inspector
interviewed in the article gets very little space to comment on the criticism.
Furthermore, one of them was portrayed as follows:
He is 28 years old and neatly Swedish. A grey suit with a patterned shirt
and tie. A short well-trimmed beard and pilot‘s glasses (Svenska
Dagbladet, 24 Apr 1977. My translation).
Svenska Dagbladet describes the job of inspectors as quite troublesome and
stressful, involving late hours working at bars. The clipping also explains a bit
about inspectors‘ work situation and their routines for restaurant inspections
(Svenska Dagbladet, 25 Apr 1977). Another story in the newspaper described
the system for issuing on-premise licences. By illustrating the nine steps in
the process with small drawings (houses with arrows in between), the article‘s
main purpose was to demonstrate how cumbersome the system and its
administration was. The author finds the procedure inconvenient.
179
When and if the restaurateur passes all the obstacles, and the authorities
approve his application, he can have his licence. (Svenska Dagbladet, 26
Apr 1977. My translation)
Svenska Dagbladet pictured the Social City Commissioner (a Social Democrat)
in Stockholm as the cause for the more restrictive restaurant policy. They
also published an interview with critical questions put to him.
Are you aware of the social effects of your policy, it will hit the most
marginalised groups: senior citizens and low-wage earners – people who
can never be guests at luxury restaurants or at nightclubs. Now you are
limiting their chances to get together over a glass of beer or wine?
(Svenska Dagbladet, 26 Apr 1977. My translation)
The Social City Commissioner defended the current policy by reference to
the classical arguments: the protection of youths and addicts. The
Commissioner argued that increased restrictions would help to reduce crime
within the restaurant business. He also defended the ―oktroj periods‖15 in
local municipalities, arguing that they knew best what was going on in their
city. To sum up, the Social City Commissioner received lots of space in the
article, even though the policy he represented is criticised (Svenska
Dagbladet, 26 Apr 1977).
Altogether the newspaper Svenska Dagbladet adopts a critical and
somewhat patronising tone in the articles reviewed. Its reporting is mainly
aimed at highlighting the cumbersome bureaucracy concerning licences. One
article illustrates the difficulties by describing an inspection report in quite a
negative tone, which in itself can be understood as boring. Furthermore, the
reporting in Svenska Dagbladet uses sexist expressions and describes the
clothing of the inspector in a rather negative tone. Even the headline speaks
of a person who has to defend himself. In the quotation above, the journalist
gives the impression that he is siding with the marginalised groups in society
and taking more or less a class perspective on the question of who has access
to restaurant life in the inner city. This appears to me like a reversed rhetoric,
a conservative newspaper using classical socialist values (care for weaker
groups) in its ambition to advocate a liberal restaurant policy.
An important part of the previous restrictive policy was the municipalities‘ right of
veto. The local authorities had the right to decide the number of bars with onpremise licences in their municipality. Every licence had to be submitted for renewal
after a period of four years. In Swedish the period was called an oktroj period.
15
180
Messy environment, high alcohol consumption and age
limits
The different types of problems covered in the press were also reviewed. The
results show that a large number of articles were published on restrictions in
general, both from a liberal perspective and from a restrictive one. Common
subjects included alcohol prices, age limits, opening hours, illegal alcohol,
violence/destruction, untidy guests, and the failure of staff to make sure the
rules were followed. Another area that received interest was high alcohol
consumption, often related to youth as a group. As is shown in Table 4,
reporting on restrictions became more common over time. The few articles
that were published in this area in 1977 were mainly concerned with prices
(either too high or too low). In 1990 the discussion was primarily about the
age limit for buying alcohol at restaurants, either that it was too high or at
least that it should not be higher. However, many articles also expressed
criticism against a policy that in general was felt had become too liberal.
Table 4. Types of problems reported, per cent.
Year
Problems
1977
1990
2002
Total
High alcohol consumption
16
39
32
28
Youths
5
16
13
11
Too restrictive
12
17
30
18
Too liberal
15
34
44
29
Crime
11
17
11
13
Environment & economy *
18
17
13
16
* Economic problems or difficulties of the staff ensuring adherence to the rules.
Reported problems regarding increases in consumption were mentioned in
nearly one-third of the press clippings, most of them in 1990. Later the press
expressed both liberal and restrictive views concerning 24-hour opening.
As regards problems with different population groups, only youths
were mentioned (in 11% of the articles). The main concern in the articles was
with the growth of consumption in this group, and the predominant view
was that alcohol in pubs should be less readily available for young people.
This was particularly mentioned in 1990. Another issue reported was various
181
crime in relation to restaurants. This topic was addressed in 13% of the
clippings, mostly concerning illegal alcohol or violence, with a few articles
dealing with narcotics. Reporting on violence or destruction as well as
narcotics was most common in 1990, whereas articles dealing with illegal
activities16 were more common in 1977.
In 1977 a few articles dealt with state subventions for restaurants.
The temperance movements were critical of plans to discontinue subventions
for non-alcoholic restaurants.17 Other reporting concerned economic
problems in the restaurant business in general. About five per cent of the
articles dealt with criticisms of restaurants and bar staff who did not seem to
follow the rules or the law. Nearly the same amount of reports brought up
problems with drunken disorderliness in bars and restaurants. A few articles
from 1990 expressed the view that high prices at bars had caused the
problem of people drinking alone instead of together with others.
Liberal rhetoric regarding restaurants
Newspaper reporting on measures regarding restaurants in 1990 was quite
frequent. In the spirit of the temperance movement and parts of the political
sphere, the National Board of Welfare figured in all kinds of newspapers with
proposed restrictions. The evening papers were critical of the suggestions
made and published one story after another to convince the public that
increased restrictions at restaurants was the wrong way to go. The upcoming
new political party New Democrats wrote long debate articles in a populist
liberal spirit. Another example was an article in the evening paper
Aftonbladet, they pointed to a Muslim and the Koran as the root of
restrictive alcohol policy (the source was a document from the World Health
Organization and not further explained in the article). Other articles in the
evening papers often had pictures of young people who were very critical of
the proposed increase in the age limit from 18 to 20 years. The morning
papers also had debates on alcohol policy issues. One conservative politician
expressed his opposition against a more restrictive restaurant policy.
Illegal alcohol or illegal labour.
Different measures to support non-alcoholic environments were proposed in the
Alcohol Policy Report of 1974. One measure proposed for supporting non-alcoholic
sociability was to give subventions to loans to non-alcoholic restaurants (SOU
1974:91).
16
17
182
With constantly new restrictions we will box ourselves into a corner,
where there are no other alternatives than a total ban on alcohol and a
curfew for youths. (Dagens Nyheter, 9 Feb 1990)
Politicians did not participate in the debate in 1977, but they did in 1990.
During the summer the local paper Länstidningen Södertälje published a
contribution from a woman representing the Centre Party. She advocated a
restrictive alcohol policy with a view to reducing alcohol-related harm. One
of her suggestions was to increase the age limit at restaurants (Länstidningen
Södertälje, 17 Jul 1990).
As shown, the press around this time gave a lot of space to questions
concerning a restrictive alcohol policy. There were even conflicts within the
newspapers themselves. Different views on alcohol issues were reflected
when Dagens Nyheter in Stockholm blocked a contribution from the New
Democrats. The newspaper‘s chief editor argued that the quality of the article
was too poor. Meanwhile, the debate editor at Dagens Nyheter was very
disappointed in his boss‘s decision.
Alcohol policy is seldom questioned. It is a holy cow, and it is not my task to
protect holy cows, says Göran Beckérus. (Expressen, 22/12 1990, My
translation)
The quotation demonstrates the dissatisfaction felt by the debate editor, who
felt that the article was interesting and therefore should have been published.
At the time the chief editor at the liberal newspaper Dagens Nyheter was a
spokesman for a restrictive alcohol policy, and liberal views regarding alcohol
might not have been very welcome in the newspaper. In this way the
discussion reflects a changing climate of debate in Sweden concerning
alcohol policies in general, a kind of turning point regarding these issues.
Another example in this direction was published in Dagens Nyheter, and maybe
a breakthrough for right-wing politicians and their kind of rhetoric
concerning restaurant issues. Right-wing debaters used sweeping
generalisations to give the impression that every person in the country was
opposed to restrictions. The articles in Dagens Nyheter contained comments
like ―large population groups‖, ―most people realize‖, ―obvious to all‖, ―a
majority of the population‖ and so on, arguing that restrictions are just a
form of oppression and as such unacceptable (Dagens Nyheter, 9 Feb 1990).
183
Suggestions concerning measures
Suggested measures regarding restaurants were discussed in more than half of
the articles reviewed, more so in 1990 than in the other years examined (see
Table 5). A more liberal system with fewer restrictions was advocated in
around ten per cent of the articles, mostly in 1990. Some actors wanted to
simplify the licensing procedure. As shown in Table 5, most of the
suggestions were in a restrictive spirit (39%); a smaller proportion of the
stories took a liberal approach (14%).
Table 5. Suggested measures regarding restaurants, per cent.
Year
Measures
Restrictive
39%
Liberal
14%
1977
1990
2002
Total
Less on-premise licences/ warnings/
withdrawal of licences
Increased/ more severe/ keep
restrictions
Increased control
5
13
9
9
15
27
22
21
12
4
11
9
Easier to issue licences
4
4
6
4
More liberal/ less restrictions
6
17
7
10
59
100
35
100
44
100
47
100
No measures suggested
Total
The European Union
In the late 1980s the economic situation in Sweden became more
constrained. The Social Democratic Party suddenly changed its mind about
the EC and Parliament decided to apply for full membership (Olsson 2000,
p. 63). The newspaper Dagen (unpolitical) claimed that the government was
acting out of desperation and was concerned about the consequences of
membership (particularly regarding alcohol policy). In the same article the
Minister of Social Affairs was described as being dejected regarding alcohol
policy. It was suggested that EC membership would make it harder to
maintain and carry out restrictions (Dagen, 15 Dec 1990).
Alcohol policy was indeed an issue regarding Sweden‘s eventual
184
membership in the EC. Concerning restaurants, newspaper articles often
advocated a more liberal bar culture in Sweden (see introduction), or
expressed fears of that culture from a health perspective. The EC/EU or
Europe/the continent were mentioned in around 9% of the articles from
1990 and 2002.
Table 6. Articles concerning EC/EU or the continent, per cent
Year
Positive or negative to the EC/EU
1977
1990
2002
Total
Positive or implicitly positive
0
12
2
5
Negative or implicitly negative
0
5
11
5
Nothing concerning EU
100
83
87
91
Total
100
100
100
100
Half of the articles were positive or implicitly positive and the other half were
negative or implicitly negative. The tabloid Expressen was exclusively positive
in the matter, while the competing tabloid Aftonbladet was more moderately
positive. A minor shift in these positions can be observed over time.
Attitudes towards EC/EU were more positive before Sweden joined the
European Union than after. Opinions varied between different actors, but all
politicians (only Social Democrats and New Democrats appeared) tended to
take a positive view, while civil servants were more critical.
The World Cup and 24-hour opening
At the beginning of the new millennium, alcohol policy in Sweden was clearly
more liberal than before Sweden joined the EU in the mid-1990s. The
newspapers‘ stories in 2002 were to some extent about serving a whole bottle
of liquor at tables. The press also focused on the issue of serving ―breakfast
beers‖ during the football World Cup in Asia. During the spring and summer
a lively debate arose in the papers when Stockholm‘s conservative Social City
Commissioner proposed an exemption regarding alcohol sales in the
mornings during the World Cup. The debate took place mostly in
Stockholm‘s newspapers, and most of the comments came from politicians.
The proposal was criticised by the Christian Democrats, the Liberal Party,
and the Left Party and also by some alcohol experts. In the end 26
185
exceptions were granted in Stockholm (Metro, 1 June 2002).
Later in the summer of 2002, newspapers gave coverage to another
proposal by Stockholm‘s Social City Commissioner. In Svenska Dagbladet, she
explained how the ―breakfast beer‖ experiment had been very successful. She
also expressed her views regarding the issue of 24-hour daily opening at
restaurants.
It is time to discuss an amendment to the Alcohol Act. I think restaurants
should be allowed to serve alcohol 24 hours a day. (Expressen, 9 Aug
2002, My translation)
However, on this occasion it seems that the Commissioner had overstepped
the limit as far as her political opponents were concerned. Most of them
rejected her proposal in favour of other issues they thought were more
important regarding alcohol policies at restaurants (Dagens Nyheter, 10 Aug
2002).
Discussion
This overview of daily newspaper reporting on alcohol issues in Sweden over
the 25-year period from 1977 to 2002 showed that most of the coverage
consisted of news items. Nearly one-fifth of the articles were some kind of
debate contributions, and they increased during the period under review.
Moreover, the reporting was more problemising than descriptive in character,
although descriptive stories were more common in 1977 than later. National
issues (72%, including EC/EU) were covered more frequently than local
issues. Most of the articles had a clear actor, principally politicians (Social
Democrats 42 % and Conservatives 24 %). Other actors included journalists
and civil servants, while experts and restaurateurs appeared less frequently.
Men figured as actors more prominently than women, especially in 1977,
when no women appeared at all. The newspapers also discussed problems
concerning the serving of alcohol at restaurants, usually focusing on
excessive alcohol consumption or on the overly liberal restaurant policy.
Newspaper reporting also covered proposed measures, especially in 1990.
This kind of reporting probably increased after a proposal from the National
Board of Health and Welfare concerning a more restrictive alcohol policy.
It is quite unexpected that restaurant issues received rather limited
attention in the Swedish print press, especially in view of the radical changes
taking place in the field (the number of licensed on-premise establishments
186
increased by nearly 300% during the 25-year period from 1977 to 2002). Still,
there are some conclusions from this study that are worth discussing. A few
differences over time are notable. In the 1970s the main focus of the news
coverage seemed to be more on alcohol policy in general, whereas in 1990
and 2002 the attention shifted to more specific subjects, such as 24-hour
opening or sales of whole bottles. However, these changes might not be
specific for the restaurant issue. According to previous research newspapers
have turned into regional and local markets as well as becoming more
specialised so as to meet the competition from other mass media (Ekekrantz
& Olsson, 1994). The more general approach to reporting on alcohol issues
in the 1970s seems to be consistent with the national alcohol policy at that
time. More recently there has been less room for such politics (Reuter &
Tigerstedt 2001, p. 70).
It is also worth noting that neither experts nor women figured as
actors in newspapers in 1977. However, both these groups became more
prominent during the period examined. One possible explanation for the
gender finding could be that one woman from the Conservative Party
received very much space in 2002. She figured prominently regarding the
question of early-morning alcohol sales during the World Cup in 2002.
Restaurant owners as actors appear to have decreased somewhat over time.
However, bars in general seem to be a never-ending story in daily
newspapers. For instance, at the end of May 2005, Sweden‘s leading
newspaper Dagens Nyheter covered its front page with the topic two days in a
row. The specific issue discussed was crime in the restaurant business
connected to on-premise licences. The discourse in the press seems to cover
more or less the same questions over time; there have been no major changes
in their focus.
When the issue of EU membership gained prominence around 1990,
the connection to restaurants became common in the evening newspapers.
Politicians in particular took a positive view on membership, and some actors
loved the idea of having a different kind of restaurant culture in Sweden. The
ideas were not particularly new, in fact they were very similar to the views
expressed in the 1960s on liberal alcohol policies. At that time the French or
Italian drinking style (drinking more often and having less restricted alcohol
policies) was looked upon as less harmful (SOU 1994:24, 22). Probably the
same thoughts figured around 1990. However, recent research has found that
Sweden is moving closer towards Mediterranean drinking cultures (higher
total consumption, more frequent drinking and more wine) (Leifman &
Gustavsson 2003, 117). At the same time people in Sweden seem to have
retained their old habits of occasionally drinking very large quantities.
Southern European habits can not be imported into Sweden, since the
187
cultures are different; drinking often and having an endless numbers of bars
might not be so harmless in Sweden.
Daily newspapers appear to be a contributable factor in promoting
liberal views concerning restaurant policy. During the period under review
they have given much space to liberal views in this field. Politicians and
commentators, who around 1990 advocated a liberal restaurant policy, can
now see that many of their ideas have become realized. However, the
conclusion needs to be understood in a wider historical context.
Abrahamsson says that the changes taking place in society with
internationalisation, new influences regarding food and drinking cultures, the
effects of youth cultures from the 1960s, the periods of prosperity during the
1980s and so on, entailed different lifestyles and an increased demand for
pubs. It was hard to keep up a traditional restrictive restaurant policy in the
liberal spirit of the 1980s. Civil servants in responsible positions claimed that
it became harder to reject applications in the late 1980s, since the outlook
among politicians had become more generous (Abrahamsson 1999, p.18-21).
188
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190
New ways of socialising adolescents to public
party life in Denmark
Torsten Kolind and Karen Elmeland
Introduction
T
his article looks at how Danish parents socialise youngsters to adult
party life. Our point of departure is a phenomenon that has been
growing in Denmark over the last 15 years. We term it parent-organised
youth parties. Such parties are arranged in sports halls or village halls where
up to 200-800 young people between 14 and 18 years of age gather to disco
and party. The parties are arranged by adults (often parents) on a non-profit
basis, and take place approximately every other month. The parents who
arrange these parties are often organised in a society with an object clause,
with formal rules and with partners from the local community (police, social
workers, preventive workers, business, etc.). Since according to The Danish
Act on Catering and Hotel Trade it is prohibited to serve alcohol to persons
below 18 years of age, the adolescents bring their own alcohol, which on
arrival is parked in a ―P-bar‖ (Bag-bar or in Danish: Pose-bar). During the
evening the youngsters are then served their own packed alcohol at the P-bar,
which is staffed by parents. These parent-organised parties are a
phenomenon mostly found in the rural areas of Denmark. Nevertheless, we
find them to offer an excellent opportunity to study Danish parents‘ attitudes
and practices in relation to youngsters‘ alcohol consumption and party life.
This is for two reasons. First, even though the parties at first glance seem
rather laissez-faire, at closer inspection it is clear that the attitudes and
practices of the parents involved are challenged and debated in the organising
group. In all of the different parent-organised parties, these reflections and
practices clearly centre upon the same three rationales: safety, entertainment
and education. Secondly, there are clear resemblances between parentorganised parties and other kinds of youth parties in which adults/parents are
involved: end of term celebrations and privately arranged teenage parties.
We will argue in this article that parent-organised parties reflect new
ways of socialising youngsters to adult and public party life. Broadly speaking,
we distinguish between three different socialising approaches. First, in the
191
traditional craft apprenticeship, young people learn how and what to drink by
imitation. This practice is found for instance when children and adolescents
participate in family reunions and other adult celebrations and festive
occasions. Secondly, there is the approach we term autodidactic, where
young people drink and party separately from their parents for a period of
time until they are old enough to be served at discothèques and other public
venues (Gundelach & Järvinen 2006). Finally, we have the socialising
approach that we term the ‗dress rehearsal‘, which we find in the parentorganised youth parties and in parental involvement in end of term
celebrations. The adolescents are not left alone, and they are not taught to
drink and party, but rather the parents set up a framework within which the
young are supposed to learn by doing, with the non-participating surveying
adults making sure no-one gets hurt. Even though the different approaches
do not follow a strict historical development, and even though all three
approaches are present today in different settings, it seems that the
prearranged dress-rehearsal socialising approach is becoming increasingly
dominant. This might have created a new generation of public venue guests,
with new demands for safety and entertainment in public party life and with a
new and different approach to staff at discothèques and other public venues.
In order to justify this claim we have interviewed young discothèque-goers,
made observations at discothèques and analysed a range of Danish
discothèques‘ websites. Looking at these it is clear that the customer targeted
by discothèques fits well with the youngsters who have been socialised by the
dress-rehearsal approach. In short, they have learned to recognize and expect
secure party settings characterised by the surveillance of well-intentioned,
caring, servicing and family-like authorities, who also take care of the
entertainment and safety. On the discothèques‘ websites these demands are
reflected in a tension between the emphasis on elements that create identity
and safety, on the one hand, and promises of transcendental and wild party
experiences, on the other. The phenomenon of parent-organised youth
parties, therefore, may not only be seen as a strictly local and exotic
phenomenon, but as part of a new way to socialise adolescents to public
party life. This has a knock-on effect on young people‘s expectations and
demands in relation to this party life, and hereby also on elements that public
venues have to highlight when recruiting and servicing young patrons.
Methods and material
The article builds on two empirical studies (2005-2006) using primarily
192
qualitative methods: interviews, observation studies and analysis of websites.
For the description of parent-organised parties we used the following
material: six observation studies at parent-organised parties, subsequent
interviews with parents who were members of the party committees, a study
of the websites of parent-organised parties, and finally six focus group
interviews with teenagers (14-16 years) participating in the parties.
To get a picture of young people‘s (aged 18–25) expectations and
demands regarding their actual public party life, a study of discothèques and
discothèque goers was conducted. Observation studies were carried out at six
discothèques. Two interviews were conducted with discothèque staff, three
focus group interviews with discothèque goers, and one interview with
―Party-Freaks‖ (a photography company that takes pictures of party-goers at
discothèques for the discothèques´ websites). Furthermore, we analysed 70
discothèque websites. The analysis was conducted partly as a descriptive,
partly as a reception analysis (Jensen & Rosengren 1990, Højbjerg 1994),
aiming to get a picture of what elements the discothèques highlight when
recruiting and servicing young patrons, and how the young discothèque goers
use and perceive the websites. We studied the websites of 70 Danish
discothèques, dispersed over the whole of Denmark and including
discothèques from both larger and smaller cities (see Fig. 1).
Figure 1.
Number of discothèques
Population in town
41
Under 25,000
13
25,000 – 100,000
10
Over 100,000
6
1,000,000 (Copenhagen)
Youthdrinking culture in Denmark
From 1950 to the early 1980s, alcohol consumption in Denmark increased
substantially. In 1983 per capita consumption was nearly three times as high
as in 1950. After 1983 the consumption level decreased slightly, and since
1990 it has remained more or less unchanged (about 11.5 litres per capita in
the population aged 15 or over). There are few restrictions regarding the
availability of alcohol in Denmark. Alcohol can be bought in every grocery
store, and also at most kiosks and petrol stations. In 1995 an amendment to
193
the Shops Act prohibited the sale of alcohol after 8 p.m., but in July 2005 the
legislation was changed again to allow alcohol sales round the clock. Up until
1998 everybody, irrespective of age, could buy alcohol. In 1998 a minimum
age limit of 15 years was set, in 2004 that limit was raised to 16 years.
The European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs
(ESPAD – Hibell et al. 2004) shows that alcohol consumption among boys
and girls aged 15-16 in Denmark is very high. 96% report having consumed
alcohol during the past 12 months, while the European average is 83%. The
difference is even more pronounced when comparing the proportions of
youngsters who had been drunk during the same period: 86% as compared to
52% on average. Furthermore, Danish students have a very high frequency
of experienced problems caused by own alcohol use: personal, relationships,
sexual and delinquency problems. The results, paradoxically, show that
Danish youngsters also have high positive expectations regarding drinking
alcohol: relaxation, having fun, flirting, etc. (ibid).
In 1991 and 1992 the Danish government lowered the excise duty
rate for both beer and wine, and in 2003 taxes on spirits were lowered by
45%. A minor study carried out in the middle of 2004 showed that spirits
sales had increased by 33%. Most of this was attributed to spirits that
adolescents typically drink, e.g. vodka (51%), candy shots (88%), and RTDs
(Straarup & Munk-Petersen, 2004). From a medical perspective, the choice of
beverage makes little difference in terms of most long-term health
consequences, but spirits drinking does entail some special risks. Overdoses
from strong spirits are much more common than overdoses from fermented
beverages (Babor et al., 2003). It also seems that spirits have become the
most preferred alcohol beverage for adolescents in Denmark. A Danish
survey carried out in 2002 (Laursen et al., 2004) shows that 11% in the age
group 18-20 say they drink between 7-13 alcohol units of spirits a week,
whereas the figure is only 2.3% in the age group 21-30 and 1% in other age
groups. Schmid et al. (2003) found that spirits consumption among Danish
boys aged 15-16 accounts for 34% of their total alcohol consumption, for
girls the figure is 37%. For both sexes these are the highest shares in Europe.
Drinking alcohol is a central element in many young people‘s leisure
time, and a large part of all alcohol is consumed in public: at discothèques,
bars, pubs, etc. The national survey mentioned above showed that more than
half of the age group 18-20 (55.7%) report that they often or sometimes
drink alcohol at public venues (Laursen et al., 2004). Another survey carried
out in 2002 in three Danish municipalities showed that the age group 18-30
primarily drink spirits outside their homes at parties or in
restaurants/discothèques. Only 2.3% of this age group never drank spirits in
such locations, and around 20% reported consuming 7 or more units of
194
spirits the last time they went to a party or a restaurant/discothèque
(Elmeland & Villumsen, 2004). The ESPAD survey shows that 18% of boys
and 20% of girls aged 15-16 reported drinking at a public venue when they
last drank alcohol, even though serving alcohol to people under 18 years of
age in a public house is not permitted (Sabroe & Fonager 2004). Public
venues are places where people go primarily to socialise, and public drinking
is among many people perceived as a positive activity. At the same time,
certain harms are associated with public drinking, the most well known being
bar-room aggression. Several studies have also shown that heavier drinking
generally and an increased likelihood of drunk-driving are other risks
associated with drinking at public venues (Single 1993, Graham & Homel
1997, Balvig 2000). Danish research on emergency room incidents reveals
that 25% of the injuries involving alcohol occurred in a public venue, while
another 20% of the injuries happened in a street close to a public venue
(Elmeland & Villumsen, 2003). Furthermore, in Denmark, there has been a
growing focus on public venues as places where illegal drugs are sold and
consumed, and especially the media have contributed to create a picture of
discothèques and bars as places where young people are offered or
introduced to illegal drugs (e.g. ecstasy). It is also still a living myth that in
public venues, the youngest customers in particular are in danger of being
drugged against their will and/or without knowing it, with somebody spiking
their drinks.
Public opinion on alcohol consumption among young
people
Since the Primary Education Act of 1937, education focusing on alcohol and
its adverse health effects has been obligatory in Danish public schools.
However, it was not until the early 1970s that Danish adolescents´ drinking
habits and drinking practices received wider public attention. Danish youth,
at that time, were becoming a more and more self-contained, wealthy group
of citizens with relatively high purchasing power, they could spend on private
parties, discothèques and other drinking and drug-taking events. Earlier
generations typically did not earn much before their twenties, and their
experiences with alcohol and partying were limited to family celebrations and
a few public festive occasions. In contrast, this new generation started to
party and drink heavily in the absence of adults. In the mid-1970s a
nationwide debate erupted in Denmark over whether adolescents (14-18
years of age) should be allowed to drink alcohol at parties in local youth
195
clubs. The discussion was based on the fact that youngsters, who were not
allowed to be served alcohol either at public venues or in local youth clubs,
drank alcohol outside these places and often got drunk and also destroyed
property wantonly. From the outset both parents and youth club workers
were divided into two opposing camps: those in favour and those against the
idea. The supporters claimed that adolescents were drinking alcohol at parties
anyway, and that by drinking in the presence of responsible adults they would
learn to drink in a more controlled manner. The opponents, on their side,
claimed that allowing alcohol consumption at clubs would send out the
wrong signal and encourage those who were not yet drinking to start. In 1978
a minor trial was conducted at four Danish youth clubs. In two of the clubs
adolescents were allowed to buy alcohol (only beer), in the other two clubs
alcohol consumption was (still) totally forbidden. After one year it was found
that adolescents at the liberal clubs drank less and reported less bingedrinking episodes than adolescents at the clubs with restrictive alcohol rules
(Lund & Thorsen 1980). On this basis an application was submitted by
Landsforeningen Ungdomsringen and the Alkohol- og Narkotikarådet to the Ministry
of Industry regarding permission to serve beer/wine at youth clubs. The
Ministry of Industry replied that the government had no intention of
changing The Danish Act on Catering and Hotel Trade, which prohibited the
serving of alcohol to people under the age of 18 years at public venues.
However, the Ministry suggested in its reply that youngsters could bring their
own alcohol to youth clubs, if parents and social workers were willing to take
responsibility for serving alcohol to the adolescents. This solution would not
be considered illegal (A&N Debat 22 Dec1985: 29).
However it was not until the mid-1990s that adolescents‘ drinking
practices were brought forcefully into public focus. Judging by the results of
the 1995 ESPAD survey (Hibell et. al 1997), it was obvious that the Danish
general preventive information strategy had failed. This resulted in a shift in
preventive strategies towards adolescents. The responsibility was moved
from the national level to the local/individual level (local social
workers/teachers/local police/parents). This led to local prevention workers
collaborating with parents to work out ―Parents agreements‖ about when and
where the adolescents should be allowed to drink alcohol and how much.
Another example is provided by different groups of parents who on a
voluntary basis initiated a number of activities with the pragmatic purpose of
minimising the harms and risks associated with adolescent drinking (violence,
alcohol poisoning, etc.) rather than preventing the adolescents from drinking.
One of the factors contributing to this initiative might have been the intense
196
public debate on harms related to intoxication and on drinking settings rather
than on alcohol as a general harmful drug in itself. ―Natteravnene‖18 were
launched in Denmark in the early 1990s, and at the same time it became
more and more common for parents to get involved in youth parties as
observers, and it was also at that time that the phenomenon of parentorganised youth parties got underway. There are three different types of
parent-organised youth parties in Denmark where alcohol is involved.

Recurring and systematic parent-organised youth parties for
adolescents aged 14-18, which usually take place once every other
month. The parents arranging these parties are often organised in a
society with an objects clause and with formal rules. There are also
partners from the local business community, and a band of unpaid
parents take turns to help arrange the parties. These parties are
sometimes termed halballer [literally translated as sports hall parties,
because they sometimes are held in sports halls].

Parties arranged for the youth in connection with different end of
term celebrations (e.g. last day in school). These parties bear a
resemblance to the those mentioned above, but they naturally only
occur once a year, and the parents involved are not organised in a
‗party society‘.

Parental involvement in private teenage parties. There is obviously
much variation in this category. However, it appears that several of
these privately held teenage parties entail the same characteristics as
outlined above and employ some of the same rationales and
technologies described later.
The national survey from 2002 (Laursen et al. 2004) shows that there is
broad consensus in the Danish adult population that alcohol consumption
among adolescents should be limited as long as possible and also reduced to
a minimum, and the majority also expressed support for specific limitations
on adolescents´ access to alcohol (Elmeland & Kolind 2006, Elmeland &
Villumsen 2007). At the same time, a Danish study carried out in 2005 shows
that many parents believe that control and strict rules regarding drinking
habits do not work, but adolescents only learn to drink in a controlled
manner when they are allowed to experiment with drinking alcohol and
18
Groups of parents who patrol the streets in the cities by night
197
getting drunk without any intervention from adults. About 50% of the
parents in the survey agreed with the statement: ―Adolescents only learn how
large a dose of alcohol they can tolerate, by trying it out‖ (Gundelach &
Järvinen 2006: 176). The phenomenon of parent-organised youth parties
could be seen simply as reflecting Danish parents´ liberal attitude towards
adolescents´ drinking, an attitude that corresponds to a general Danish
restraint in imposing a restrictive national alcohol policy and a general liberal
attitude which perceives alcohol as an ―ordinary commodity‖ to which
everyone ought to have unrestricted access. But the parties might also be
seen as a new everyday approach to dealing in a harm-reducing manner with
the massive drinking of Danish youth and the related problems. The
preventive ideology of these parties is not, however, cast in official ideologies
of alcohol education, or in the belief that harmful behaviour is only the result
of lack of knowledge (Balvig & Holmberg 2006, Jørgensen et al. 2007, Risør
2003). Rather, the parties are inspired by a more mundane and everyday
philosophy of learning by doing in a safe setting.
Parent-organised youth parties
As we will see, several of the issues debated in the 1970s and 1980s resurface
in today‘s parent-organised youth parties. These parties represent an attempt
to deal with the massive drinking of the youth in Denmark and the related
problems, and they should be seen as examples of preventive work from
below. The socialising endeavours of parent-organised parties, in short, focus
on educating and socialising the young to become competent alcohol users
and party-goers.
Parent-organised youth parties in which alcohol is involved19 is a
phenomenon that has continued to grow in the last 15 years. Our discussion
of the practice of parents organising parties for their children lumps together
different kinds of parties, which nevertheless share some basic elements in
common. Firstly, the work done by adults is voluntary. If the youngsters have
to pay for their parties, the entrance fee covers expenses from organising the
party (rent for premises, disco, etc.), and any profits will go towards future
Parties are also arranged by parents or adults in which alcohol is not available, but
these are not covered in this article. Furthermore, these parties are fewer in number
and are attended only by a minority of the young. It is also noteworthy that 80% of
Danish boys and 78% of Danish girls report having drunk alcohol during the past
month (Espad 2003).
19
198
parties or to local clubs and social youth organisations, for instance.
Secondly, the aim of parents/adults is to try at one and the same time to
regulate alcohol consumption and pragmatically ensure/tolerate that alcohol
is available. Finally, the parties are typically organised for youngsters between
14 and 18 years of age, although people older than 18 may sometimes
participate. As we shall see, the pedagogical philosophy related to the
socialising aspects of the youth parties is characterised by ‗learning by doing‘,
therefore being over 18 and thus competent and eligible to drink at pubs,
discos and restaurants, often disqualify one from participating in youth
parties.
In the following we will analyse the different kinds of parentorganised youth parties, focusing particularly on recurring parties. Our
analysis will centre on the rationales guiding these parties and the
technologies employed when arranging the parties, technologies that often
reflect these rationales. Finally, we will argue that these rationales and
technologies are guided by parents‘ aspirations of socialisation. The rationales
are related to safety, entertainment and socialisation.
Safety
For the parents involved in our study, an important reason for organising the
parties has to do with safety. This safety concern is twofold. Firstly, they
want to offer children a safe setting in which they can party. At the same
time, parents argue that the psychical setting of the party literally encloses the
youth and thereby protects the surroundings from eventual vandalism, noise
and disruption.
As regards the safety of the young, an important aspect relates to the
question of alcohol. The majority of Danish parents take a rather pragmatic
view on their children‘s alcohol consumption, emphasising flexible rules and
trustful relations (Järvinen and Østergaard 2006). This pragmatism is
reflected in the ways the parties are organised. Parents argue that they know
that the young drink despite existing prohibitions: by allowing or turning a
blind eye to youngsters‘ drinking at parties, they are only bringing into the
open what already exists. At the same time, parents feel they are better able
to control the youngsters‘ drinking. They want children to have their first
experiences of partying and intoxication in the proximity of observant adults
who can make sure nothing goes wrong. As one of the societies says on its
website addressed to parents who send their children to party:
199
Many parents have asked about [the aspect of consuming alcohol at
parties] and we can only say that this is something you have to arrange
with your own children. We do not want to interfere with whether or not
children are allowed to drink. This is entirely up to you as parents to agree
upon with the young. We will take care of them and make sure they arrive
home safely, and make sure they do not present any danger to themselves
or others. We will try to create a safe environment, allowing you as a
parent to send your children out to party with a good conscience.
One important aspect related to the creation of a safe environment for
partying is the growing presence of drugs in youth life, which worries most
Danish parents. The parents in our study are not always able to concretise
what they mean by drugs, instead it seems that drugs symbolise every illegal
intoxicant that is not alcohol. With ‗illegal drugs‘ constructed as the main
enemy and serving as a metaphor for the dangerous aspects of teenage life,
alcohol by the same token takes on the status of a legal and (in comparison)
harmless intoxicant. This is expressed in the following comment by one
parent:
If they [the young] would just stick to alcohol. They may get sick when
they drink but the next day it‘s all over. I don‘t mind it if he [son, 15
years] gets drunk, as long as he avoids drugs.
Parents‘ pragmatic relation to children‘s alcohol intake is hereby nurtured by
a simultaneous demonization of illegal drugs.
The issue of violence is another major safety concern for parents.
They believe that by arranging parties in specific ways they can provide
protection against violence, which is seen as endemically attached to partying
and drinking. More generally, parents felt that organised parties are safe
havens as opposed to the dangerous, real urban nightlife.
The safety rationale concerns not only the well-being of the young.
Safety also relates to the surrounding society. Parents know that when they
are drunk and partying, young people constitute a real nuisance and threat to
public peace and order. Vandalism and public nuisance are some of the
problems that the organised parties are trying to avoid. This is obviously an
ambiguous issue. An important aim in organising these parties is precisely to
reduce the potential adverse effects of large numbers of youngsters getting
together. However, parents feel that as long as they focus on order and
control, they will be able to reduce the effect of youngsters‘ harmful social
actions in general.
We will now turn to some examples of the technologies supporting the
rationale of safety.
200
When organising youth parties, parents mostly have an ‗alcohol policy‘
inspired by the idea of learning by doing: the focus is on guidance rather than
imposing demands, requirements and restrictions. This is reflected in a
special arrangement that has been tried out at some parent-organised parties
called Bag-Parking or Beer-wardrobe. As it is not legal to sell alcoholic beverages
to young people under 18 years of age, these parties are arranged as private
parties by the aforementioned party societies. The youngsters bring their own
drinks to the party, often in bags (hence the name Bag-Parking). After paying
the entrance fee, they hand over their drinks to the parents behind the ‗bar‘.
The party-goers are given a number corresponding to that on their bag, for
instance painted on the back of their hand, and when they want they can go
to the ‗bar‘ and withdraw some of their drinks. The Beer-wardrobes are
intended as pragmatic solutions to the problems that occur at parties that are
intended to be alcohol-free. Here, youngsters tend to hide their beverages
outside in hedges or the like and go outside to drink often considerable
amounts, or then they drink heavily before arriving at the party. Several
youngsters have said in interviews that the trick is to drink so much that one
is drunk, but still sober enough to get into the party (see also Jørgensen
2006). By bringing alcohol consumption indoors, parents feel that they are
better able to control it and in particular act upon any harmful effects of
drinking. At smaller and private teenage parties, other types of regulation may
be applied. For instance, parents may agree in advance that any one child is
only allowed to bring, say, five beers or breezers, and/or that they are not
allowed to bring spirits. Such ‗alcohol policies‘, though, are seldom clearly
stated rules. At private parties kids do bring spirits, and at Beer-wardrobes, even
though the guideline is not to serve visibly intoxicated youngsters, we have
never seen any such sanctions. Instead, the focus is on the practicalities of
delivering the right alcohol to the right person. Such ‗omissions‘, however,
should not be seen as negligence, but rather as a reflection of the liberal
pedagogical intention of letting kids learn by trial and error.
Instead of enforcing regulations, the parents‘ focus is more on
reducing the harm of the children‘s drinking and partying. An example of
such a harm reducing technology is provided by an arrangement which at
some parent-organised parties is termed the patient ward. This is a place for
youngsters who are sick because they have had too much to drink. Such
rooms or places are typically equipped with chairs, blankets, first aid
equipment, plastic buckets, rubber gloves, rolls of kitchen paper, etc. In these
rooms two or more parents are present to nurse youngsters who are sick.
Here the young can have a lie down and try to sleep off some of the alcohol,
and when they feel up to it get back to the party. If they are very sick or if
they ask for it, the parents will contact the child‘s own parents. It is, however,
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the impression of parents who have been on the patient ward that drunken
youngsters generally prefer the adults to contact friends, who will then take
care of the sick youngster (this corresponds to other Danish studies of harm
minimisation strategies among teenagers in drinking situations, see Jørgensen
et al. 2007, see also Sørensen 2003). Another harm reducing initiative relates
to the physical safety of youngsters when partying, which is also a major
concern. All parent-organised parties are attended by parents or professional
guards whose only purpose are to secure peace. At private teenage parties,
too, parents are often present in the house, serving as a kind of rear guard. At
parent-organised parties parents wear identical clothing, e.g. yellow waistcoats
or t-shirts sponsored by a local sports shop so that they are easy to identify.
At some parties guards will take pictures of troublemakers so that an eventual
quarantine can be effectively implemented. Some have arranged with the disc
jockey that he will switch the lights on and turn off the music if there is any
commotion. At two of the parties we have studied, the party rules and
regulations were hung on the wall in highly visible places20. At yet another
party, the parents saw to that no glass items were present to make sure they
could not be used as striking weapons. The point with all these arrangements
is to secure a safe party-zone in which the youngsters can drink and party
without getting hurt.
There is a second set of technologies based on the rationale of
safety, and that is to protect the environment from vandalism. One of the
parent-organised parties had had complaints from neighbours, who reported
that drunken youngsters had ravaged the neighbourhood and people‘s private
gardens. As a consequence, the party society purchased (with the local
council‘s support) a high metal fence that is erected whenever parties are
held. As well as preventing anyone from leaving the party area, the fence also
creates a space where the party-goers can go out for fresh air. Similarly, at
some private teenage parties parents align themselves with neighbours to
observe the course of the party, and they themselves patrol the
neighbourhood to prevent vandalism. At larger parent-organised parties this
is more systematic, with private guards, the locale police, or natteravne21
patrolling the area. At two parent-organised parties we have observed the
One of them says:
Hitting, kicking, spitting, biting and the like will result in expulsion
Throwing bottles and the like will result in expulsion
Repeated fighting and the like will result in expulsion
Anyone suspected of taking illegal drugs can be asked to take a drug test using Drug
Wipe, refusal to take the test will result in expulsion
21 Voluntary parents who patrol, see above.
20
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SSP22 or voluntary parents escorting young people on busses/trains to and
from the party in order to prevent vandalism on public means of transport.
Parents also go to great lengths to protect the party premises. One party
society has for instance invested in a roll-out flooring material to protect the
village hall floor; otherwise, as the organisers explain, the whole area would
be an awful mess and the wooden floor soaked in beer and other liquids.
Another society places buckets with sawdust around the premises, which is
then sprinkled by parents on the floor if someone is sick of or if beer is
spilled. Toilets are another common sore spot when arranging parties for
young people. At one place all toilet roll holders are taken down so that the
youngsters cannot destroy them and throw the toilet rolls in the toilets. Some
of the parents who have volunteered for the evening will stand guard during
the party, overlooking the toilets. Their two central tasks are to make sure
that the youngsters enter the toilets one by one (to avoid drug taking), and
secondly to hand out rations of toilet paper.
In sum, at parent-organised parties the attention is largely turned to
ensuring the safety of the partying children and protecting the premises.
Often this turns out to be a rather challenging practical task, but at the same
time it is our impression that it is also felt to be a rather natural task for many
parents. At the parties they had no problems fulfilling the different roles
(servicing, keeping peace, cleaning up, etc.), and the youngsters had no
problems accepting the roles taken on by parents. The parties are often
highly organised, and everybody knows their part in the play.
Entertainment
The second rationale employed by parents when organising the parties
centres on the aspect of entertainment.
The parties arranged by parents are not like festivals structured
around the participants‘ celebration of an occasion, a special day, the seasons
coming and going, etc. At first glance the parties‘ main justification is
entertainment. This also goes for many teenage parties arranged to celebrate
a birthday, as well as for end of term celebrations where ceremonial or ritual
aspects are clearly detached from the succeeding party. Entertainment is as a
value in itself and parents feel sorry for the children who do not have access
to appropriate entertainment (see also Brain and Parker 1997 for an analysis
of the central role of alcohol in consuming leisure time). Many parents
consider it their responsibility to organise such entertainment. For instance,
SSP is a formalised corporation in Denmark between the school, the social
services department and the police engaged in preventive youth work.
22
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parents on the steering committees of party societies have explained that they
began arranging parties because their youngsters had no opportunities to
party in the local area. As one of party society puts it in its statutes:
The object of the society is to offer young people from 8th grade up to18
years of age a rallying ground where under orderly conditions they can
come together to disco.
Another states that the keywords for the parties arranged are: ―Safety,
controlled alcohol consumption, fellow-feeling and great parties.‖ Parents
also organise parties as alternatives to existing nightlife. Even though it is
illegal, many local pub owners serve alcohol to youngsters aged 16-18
(Sabroe & Fonager 2004, Elmeland & Villumsen 2002). The parents with
whom we have talked in provincial towns say that they would rather have
their children go to a disco arranged by parents where they can be overseen
than allow them to go to adult pub surroundings. This is not to say that the
parents who arrange these parties are inventing a ‗need to party‘ on behalf of
their youngsters. On the other hand, it is clear from our interviews that the
parents involved in organising parties are their prime mover. Not only are the
parties their creation, but they also invest a lot of time and energy in making
the parties attractive for the young.
Looking at the technologies supporting the rationale of
entertainment, we find most importantly the aspect of allowing alcohol
consumption, although as we have seen this technology serves several
rationalities. When parents facilitate or allow youngsters to get drunk, that
often reflects, as previously mentioned, a pragmatic approach. Parents know
and also find it appropriate that youngsters in Denmark start drinking at
around the 8th or 9th grade (Laursen et al. 2004, Elmeland & Villumsen
2004), and even though some parents would like to delay the debut, they also
know that drinking alcohol is of paramount importance for the young to be
accepted in peer groups (this corresponds to the findings among the young
themselves by Demant and Järvinen 2006). As our interviews with parents
show, some of them feel sorry for their children if they cannot participate in
their peer group on an equal footing. The rather widespread practice of
parents buying alcohol for their underage children reflects this same feeling
(this same practice is also seen in other Nordic countries: see Frislie 2007;
Stafström 2007: Appendix II p. 15). Some of the parent-organised parties
also echo this ambivalence: drinking is allowed because the kids would drink
anyway, and because parents feel it is an important element in relation to
group membership. However, in addition to these two motives, alcohol is
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also allowed at parent-organised parties in order to make the parties popular
and entertaining. At private teenage parties parents say that they allow
alcohol to be consumed because otherwise only a few guests would turn up.
And at several parent-organised parties members of the party society have
indicated that as a consequence of allowing the youngsters to drink, the
parties are very popular. At some teenage parties we have also observed the
practice of parents serving alcoholic welcome drinks, and at one end of term
celebration parents bought beer and set up a free bar. In sum, although
alcohol is served or allowed at the parties for pragmatic reasons, alcohol also
has rather important entertainment value.
In order to make the parties attractive, most parent-organised parties
have their own websites, featuring pictures of partying youngsters. At some
parties free bus transport is available. At other parties, parents drive their kids
and fetch them late at night. Then of course there is the whole business of
hiring a discothèque and light show and ―making the party a real party‖, as
one parent said. Finally, there is the aspect of servicing the young. At private
teenage parties the young often help with the practicalities of the party. But
both at end of term celebrations and parent-organised parties it is normally
the parents who arrange the party, who spend their spare time in the
evenings cleaning up during the party and cleaning up after the party,
sweeping up broken glass, emptying ashtrays, washing the floor, etc. In short,
it is the parents‘ task to arrange the party and clean up and it is the
youngsters‘ task to party.
Socialisation
Parent-organised youth parties in Denmark are structured around the
fundamental aim of socialising young people to adult party life and making
them competent participants in both private parties and commercial nightlife.
This mostly appears implicitly as an underlying current in the parents´
endeavours. Sometimes, however, parents talk explicitly about how the
parties they arrange have a basic pedagogical intent. The parties shall not only
be entertaining and safe, but also function as kinds of ‗dress rehearsals‘ for
the children. That is, at these parties the young can learn to drink, learn to
know their own limits, learn to act on the effect of alcohol in an appropriate
manner, learn to interact safely with other tipsy or drunk people, and learn to
recognize what constitutes an appropriate party environment. As one parent
explained in an interview:
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This is like a dress rehearsal, in which they can learn to party before they
go to Skive [the nearest large city]. Because if we didn‘t arrange these
parties, the young would go to Skive, and if they would do any of the
things they do here in Skive, they would get a beating.
The parents therefore try to make the parties a safe environment in which
the young can experiment with alcohol and partying. They know and also
fear that the youngsters will soon start going out in the larger cities, enjoying
a nightlife that is often stereotypically portrayed as being replete with drugs,
violence and alcohol (Balvig et al. 2005). The adults hope that the controlled
settings of the parties they arrange can function as a kind of dress rehearsal
that teach the youngsters how to party in a safe and competent way: here
they are free to make their mistakes and experiences in a controlled and
supervised area. Often parents refer to their own youth when explaining the
socialising potential of such parties:
The young want to drink and party, and that is normal. We were like that
when we were young. That some of them get sick, that‘s what happens.
They have to make their own experiences.
The important thing for the parents is that the youth make their own
experiences in a safe environment. The parties arranged by parents have
qualities that make them rather special compared to other parties. That is,
they are not arranged with the purpose of celebration, not with the intent of
confirming social arrangements, they are not religious, they have no solemnly
aspects, and even though they have an entertainment rationale they are about
much more. In short, the distinctive feature of the parties is their underlying
educational and socialising aspirations and intentions. By arranging the
parties, parents want to educate their children and make them competent
party-goers and drinkers. We will look at some of the technologies applied by
the parents as a consequence of this educational focus and in order to
accomplish the rationale of socialisation. First, however, it is necessary to
note that there are no technologies that are focused directly on the socialising
aspect of parent-organised parties. This has to do with two things. First, as
we have argued, socialising young people to partying and mature adult
nightlife is an underlying current that informs the other two
rationales/technologies, that is, the organisation of a safe and entertaining
environment is guided by the objective of educating the young to be
competent drinkers and party-goers. Secondly, the very pedagogical
philosophy that informs the socialising intentions of the parties, the
philosophy of trial and error, is characterised by not being explicit and by
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only having few guiding principles. Tangible technologies supporting the
rationale of socialisation would thus be a contradiction in terms. In the rest
of this passage we will therefore look at parent-organised parties from a more
general perspective and show how the very set-up of these parties reflects
socialising intentions informed by a pedagogical philosophy of trial and error.
The above description of the phenomenon of parent-organised
parties might be interpreted to reflect an attitude of carelessness on the part
of parents, or a reluctance to deal with the problematic sides of youth life.
This is not the case. The parents who arrange the parties are not marginalised
in society, nor can they be seen as unreflective or unconcerned. They are
active, engaged and care about their social environment. Party societies
reflect the traditional Danish way of organised social commitment; in
Denmark there are large numbers of local-based associations and clubs
(Salamon 1992). The parents of party societies meet, have agendas, take the
minutes of the meeting, channel any profits to other local societies working
with youth, and so on. A feature in 2006 on a local TV station (TV2Østjylland) showed how the organisation of parties for young people,
especially beer-wardrobes, was seen as important youth work on a par for
instance with being a trainer in the local sports club. The feature focused on
the lack of volunteer parents to organise these parties. For instance, the
reporter in the feature asked in a more or less reproachful tone a parent who
had just let his son go to a youth party, why she did not volunteer for this
kind of work; the woman answered that she was already engaged in the Boy
Scout movement and couldn‘t spare the time. Or consider this advertisement
by one of the party societies: ―We are short of volunteers before, during and
after the parties. So pull your self together and play a part in helping the
young in Odder [name of city] and the surrounding area in organising parties
with safety‖.
Furthermore, the parent-organised parties are not casual or
unstructured, and though they can be seen as rather non-restrictive, this is
their very intent. They are structured non-restrictive areas. They are intended
as safe environments in which the young can experiment with drinking and
partying, trying out their limits, without getting hurt. Studies of Danish
teenagers‘ use of party arrangement show that they experience the party as a
free space, free from adult interference, a place in which they can experiment
with their own identity, e.g. their gendered identity (Demant and Østergaard
2006). The term free space is appropriate, however it should not be seen as
just an unstructured backstage (Goffman 1971). The free space offered by
the parent-organised parties is in fact rather structured. That is, they are
places where the young can experiment with drinking, partying, being young,
their sexual identity etc., but it is also expected that the youngsters
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experiment. In the party setting it is expected that the young try out and do
things that they could not do at other places, because, as the philosophy goes,
it is only by this testing that they can turn into competent alcohol users and
safely make use of the urban nightlife.
If one sees parent-organised parties in this light, the different
technologies take on additional meaning. One example is the practice of
parents dressing in identical clothing in order to make their role more distinct
and thereby symbolically separate this role from the youngsters´. Another
important thing separating the parents from the young is that they are not
allowed to drink or participate in the actual parties. As one of the parentorganised parties states in its statutes: ‗naturally parents are not allowed to
drink at the parties‘ [our italics]. Furthermore, at many parent-organised
parties people aged over 18 are not granted entrance. At the same time
minors are allowed to drink, in fact the whole point is that young people
drink at these parent-organised parties. We hereby see a clear division
between competent alcohol consumers and novices. But what we do not see
is a craft apprenticeship where the skilled and experienced ―craftsman‖
instructs the apprentice. Instead the whole setup communicates the
philosophy of learning by doing, trial and error. It is expected that the
youngsters learn by their own mistakes, and learn by testing their own limits.
If alcohol consumption represents a ritual passage to youth (Kolind 2006;
Lalander 1998; Sande 2000) then parent-organised parties are rituals without
masters of ceremonies.
The harm reducing initiatives related to the technologies of safety also make
sense when seen through the lens of socialising by way of learning by doing.
Examples here include the establishing of a patient ward for intoxicated
youngsters, the unrolling of a protective flooring, taking down the toilet roll
holders, the setting up of a metal fence, etc. These initiatives clearly relate to
the socialising philosophy of experimentation. It is accepted and even
expected that youngsters try out party life. They are not instructed in this life,
but safety regulations (the harm reducing initiatives mentioned above) make
sure that the youngsters do not get hurt when experimenting. Furthermore,
the young learn to recognize safe party settings when later on they participate
in adult nightlife: the presence of non-intoxicated responsible, surveying but
caring others (bartenders, doormen), demarcated party spaces, not having to
assume responsibility for the party settings, etc.
Finally, the technologies of entertainment can also be seen as
supporting the educational philosophy of parent-organised parties. Parents
try to make the parties as entertaining and attractive as possible, and the
responsibility attached to the different roles is clearly distributed. The
parents‘ task is to arrange the parties, service the young and make sure the
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party goes off well. They should also clean up afterwards and take care of any
damage caused by the young. By contrast, the role of the young is to party,
experiment, try out the ‗practice ground‘ that has been constructed by the
parents. Again we see a role division nicely moulded by the philosophy of
trial and error. It appears that parents have no problems playing their part. In
interviews and informally parents say that before the first time they volunteer
at a parent-organised party they may feel a little insecure and do not know
how they are going to react, but all of them report that after a little while at
the first night everything seems natural and obvious, and many did not even
speculate about how their own children behaved. The roles are simply
unambiguous and clear-cut. Observations of beer-wardrobes also show that
neither parents nor the young have any problems fulfilling their roles;
everything goes smoothly.
This philosophy of learning by doing in relation to socialising
youngsters to party life is not restricted to the parent-organised parties we
have studied here. In a study from Norway, Dobson et al. (2006) report some
of the same risk-taking experimentations on the part of the youngsters
participating in high school parties, and much of the contemporary literature
on risks and youth highlight the experimental practice of youth‘s selfsocialisation, or group socialisation (Lalander and Salasuo 2005; Plant and
Plant 1992; Sørensen 2003). The special thing about the Danish parentorganised youth parties, however, is that it is the parents who deliberately and
successfully set up and arrange parties aimed at socialising the youth,
arrangements that are saturated by this learning-by-doing experimental
design.
We proceed now to look at some of the Danish discothèques‘
websites and their young customers‘ use of these websites in order to see
how the discothèques meet the ―dress rehearsal‖ generation‘s demand for
safety, entertainment and socialisation.
Discothèques and their websites
In parent-organised youth parties certain elements from commercial
discothèques such as doormen, DJ´s, the dance-floor, bar and staff are used
to make them resemble the public restaurant scene. Many of the parties even
have a website which advertise upcoming events and picture galleries of the
latest parties. The new generation of discothèque-goers therefore are not only
familiar with the disco scene, but they also have certain expectations
regarding safety, entertainment and service, which are reflected in the
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advertisements on the discothèques‘ websites.
The number of discothèques using websites to advertise has
increased significantly. The visual and interactive nature of the Internet
makes it a powerful space in which to advertise and recruit new guests for
discothèques, especially young people. It has been stated that websites, which
make use of such elements as party shots, buzz words and competitions and
which have music for downloading, appeal especially to the very young. Most
of the discothèque websites we studied contained these elements.
Furthermore, our interviews showed that checking out the discothèque
websites seemed to be a rather regular thing to do for the young guests,
mostly in order to find out what was going on ―down town‖, but also to stay
in contact with their favourite discothèque.
Discothèque websites are all very similar; in fact apart from the name
of the discothèque they are hardly distinguishable. All contain links to
different services and information, and these are almost the same on all
websites. Two themes are especially highlighted, i.e. safety and entertainment.
But the discothèques are also presented as areas where one can learn to be a
sophisticated drinker.
Safety
Despite the fact that there are certain risks associated with drinking and
especially with drinking in public venues, the discothèque websites promote
and reinforce perceptions of drinking in discothèques as positive, glamorous
and risk free. The safety concept, however, is not built on rules or alcohol
policies, but on the aspect of trust and confidence.
None of the discothèques post rules for serving or any other kind of
alcohol policy on their websites, and only one says it has a drug policy23.
Similarly, only 15% of the discothèques have a dress code which prohibits,
for instance, leather vests, big silver or gold chains, trainers, jogging clothes,
and visible tattoos. Such dress codes apply primarily to men and are in fact
not intended to maintain a certain ―standard of dressing‖, but rather to keep
certain types of guests away from the discothèque and hereby secure a
trustful atmosphere. A study on young people‘s risk assessment points out
that when young people weigh up the risks about taking drugs, for instance,
trust is an important element (Sørensen 2003). Trusting the dealer and the
persons with whom you consume the drug is a way of constructing a
The discothèque ―Downstairs‖ states that it is a drug free area, where any
possession and use of drugs is immediately reported to the police. It also says it uses
drug whipers (a kind of drug test) if they suspect that a guest has taken drugs.
23
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subjective feeling of safety. The websites centre on such an element of trust.
They present discothèques as a kind of home away from home and the staff
as a kind of family. Websites typically post episodes from the history of the
discothèques, plus a description of their ―atmosphere‖. Furthermore, there
are pictures of the staff, a picture gallery of guests taken from events
arranged at the discothèque, newsletters and a guestbook. To use the
guestbook one has to sign up as a user/member or VIP member, which
requires registering with name and address. You will then receive e-mails
with news, offers, arrangements, etc. As a VIP member you become a
member of the VIP club. This kind of membership typically requires that you
give more information about yourself, such as age, occupation, hobbies, etc.
VIP members receive a VIP card, which on some nights entitles to free
entrance or a free beer in the bar. The introduction of the staff includes
pictures as well as information about their job tasks and age, often spiced
with personal information about hobbies, educational situation, personal
motto, favourite drink and possibly a funny comment to the photo.
Looking at the exchange of information in the guestbooks, the same
ambition of creating an atmosphere of safety by building up trustful and
personal relations is evident. Typically, the communication among members
concerns sending greetings; asking other members who will be in town on a
certain evening; commenting on pictures in the picture gallery; and searching
for persons in the picture gallery. The dialogue between members and the
discothèque is typically about praising the discothèque or thanking for a nice
party or arrangement; suggesting ideas for upcoming arrangements; asking if
one can book a table or what to do if one has left something at the
discothèque the evening before. The discothèque for its part answers
questions/greetings from guests; informs about special opening hours; and
reminds members about current competitions or upcoming special
arrangements. The guestbooks are in active use, and besides being a forum
for the exchange of practical information and friendly and intimate greetings,
they also clearly demonstrate that the relation between guests and staff is not
limited to official opening hours of the discothèques. This way of
personalising the relationship with the discothèque and hereby building up
trust is appreciated by many of the young customers, as seen in these
interview quotes:
I think the idea of putting pictures and descriptions of staff on the
websites is excellent. It makes you feel that you somehow know these
people – even before you meet them. And it creates a feeling of … how
should I put this … that you can trust them, that if you were at the
discothèque and you were in trouble …then you could turn to them at
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any time. (Woman, 18 years)
Well, I use the website of my discothèque sometimes. I think they are
rather smart. You see, we all know that discothèques are commercial
businesses and not just kindergartens – but on the website you get the
feeling that they are more like friends or … that they care for you as a
person and not just as a customer. Well, I know that this is not true, but I
cannot help feeling this way. (Man, 19 years)
It‘s nice during the week to visit the website to look at the pictures and
even write in the guestbook, sending greetings and so on. That makes me
feel that the discothèque is not just a place where I go on weekends, but
more like a place where I can get in touch with both my friends and the
staff whenever I want to. And I somehow feel that they feel for me and
think of me – even when I am not there. It creates a kind of connection –
also on weekdays. (Woman, 19 years)
When we talked with the staff at some of the discothèques, they told us that
they sometimes used the photo gallery to identify troublemakers and
exchanged photos of such troublemakers with other discothèques (though
this is not legal in Denmark). However, none of the guests we talked to felt
that they were checked up on, rather they felt safe. The Danish philosopher
Holm Sørensen has pointed out that it is the older generation who takes a
negative view on surveillance, comparing it to Orwell´s ―Big brother‖. The
young generation does not see surveillance it this way, instead they compare
it to what is considered the ―Big mother‖ (Frank, 2004). This ―Big mother‖
metaphor symbolises something safe and solicitous. Similarly, the young
generation feels that the discothèques‘ surveillance creates a safe place where
the staff cares for you and looks after you, just like a family.
Entertainment
Entertainment is another important element on the discothèques‘ websites,
both in the form of advertisements on entertainment arrangements at the
discothèques and entertainment-like features on the website. Many (30%) of
the discothèques promote exotic atmospheres either by arranging, say,
Australian style, Hawaiian style or African style nights or by choosing music
from selected periods or genres: the sixties, the eighties, soul, disco, acid jazz,
latino, etc. Furthermore, the websites feature calendars with upcoming
events. 31 discothèques had upcoming events whose main theme was music,
e.g. a certain concert or a certain DJ. 43 had events whose main theme was
alcohol, e.g. they promoted free drinks, double-up, launched new drinks or
beer. 20 discothèques advertised events whose main theme was gender, e.g.
free entrance for girls, striptease, topless serving, and ladies‘ night. Only 4
had alcohol-free events and 3 discothèques advertised ―Don‘t Drink and
Drive‖ arrangements.
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Entertainment-like features on the discothèques‘ websites consisted primarily
of the above mentioned photo galleries and different competitions. The
photos are always divided according to the different arrangements at the
discothèques. There are photos of the DJ, the bartender or some other staff
member doing their job, but most of the pictures are of guests. These can be
divided into three categories. First, photos taken from a distance, for instance
depicting the dance floor showing the guests dancing or pictures of guests at
the bar. Mostly, these photos express a convivial and at times an
―overheated‖ mood. Secondly, close-up photos of guests, typically one to
three persons posing in front of the camera. There are photos of boys or girls
or both sexes together (often couples in an intimate situation). The photos
express togetherness, unity and also happy intoxication. Thirdly, there are
photos of different parts of the body for instance girls‘ breasts, behinds,
stomach or other parts, sometimes uncovered, and boys exposing their
behinds. Genitals are never shown. These photos, apart from their sexual
undertones, express intoxication and people in barrier-breaking situations,
clearly associated with drunkenness. The photographers, however, are aware
of the fact, that their objects are often drunk, and often the photographers
have their own work ethics as for instance expressed by this photographer:
Well mostly we take pictures of people who ask us to do so. And we only
take pictures of pleasant situations. And situations that the persons think
are funny – even the next day. We never take pictures of people who are
quarrelling or of people who are too drunk … almost in a coma. One of
my colleagues from another company took a picture once of a 15-year-old
girl who was really drunk and then began to strip – and the pictures were
placed in the photo gallery. The mass media afterwards paid a lot of
attention to that, and I too think it was unethical. So in our company we
have our own rules and guidelines.
In focus group interviews with discothèque guests centering on how they
perceived and used the photo gallery, guests said that they visited the website
at least once a week, especially to look at the photos. They would first of all
look for photos of themselves and their friends.
Well, when you have been out on the town for a whole night – several
hours and you have been drinking a lot, there are lots of things you don‘t
remember the next day – then it‘s fun to go to the website and have a
look at the photos. And you can say – well, look, that‘s me – and I‘m
laughing, so I must have had a good time. (Man, 18 years)
I look for photos of my friends, and if it is a good or really funny photo I
print it out. Sometimes I see a photo of one of my girlfriends together
213
with a guy I maybe don‘t know. Well, then I call her and ask: ―Who is this
guy?‖ I really like the photo gallery. (Woman, 19 years)
It was furthermore clear that the young people did not feel any
embarrassment about being placed on view in public, even if they were
drunk. As one woman explained:
Well we are all drunk – and we all make funny faces, when the
photographer comes by, that is just funny. (Woman, 17 years)
As for competitions arranged by discothèques, 38% of the websites have
features in which members can participate. Typically these competitions are
quizzes related to the discothèque, e.g.: ―who will be playing at ‗Crazy Daisy‘
on Saturday?‖ Or: ―what is in the drink The Polar Bear?‖ Prizes might be
either free entrance to a special arrangement or alcohol, often a bottle of
spirits. In addition, 65% of the websites have links to other types of
organisations, e.g. music festivals, different suppliers and Internet
communities. 27 out of 70 websites have links to commercial alcohol
companies, e.g. Carlsberg and Tuborg Breweries, Bacardi and Smirnoff.
As in the case of parent-organised youth parties, entertainment offers are an
important element of discothèque arrangements. This we see as a new move.
True, entertainment has obviously been an important element of
discothèques for a long time, but it is our contention that entertainment has
now become increasingly explicit. Customers increasingly insist on
entertainment offers, they are no longer content with just socialising with
peers. The element of entertainment has increasingly come to dominate the
business.
Education
As argued, socialisation to public party life played an important role in
parent-organised parties, with their focus on such elements as providing safe
transport to and from home, being able to take care of friends, knowing how
much alcohol one could consume, never leaving a drink unattended,
avoidance of violent situations, and the appreciation of the ‗staff‘ as wellintentioned servicing personnel. The element of socialisation is more or less
absent from discothèques, which makes sense in that customers are expected
to be competent and ready to make use of commercial party and
entertainment offers. However, an aspect of education is still present. The
goal here is not to socialise to adult party life, but to refine the patrons‘ taste
and strengthen their cultural capital with regard to alcohol. Some
214
discothèques for instance feature their drink menus on their websites, with a
wide range of alcoholic beverages. These include alcopops like Bacardi
Breezer or Smirnoff Ice; shots, that is, ordinary spirits like Vodka with
different kinds of flavour additives; and drinks or cocktails with
unconventional mixtures of several types of spirits plus ice and soda. It
should be noted that consumption patterns are different with strong or less
strong beverages. Typically, the less strong beverages are drunk more slowly
than stronger ones, and they are often consumed parallel with other activities
like chatting, dancing, etc. Stronger drinks are drunk more quickly and they
attract more attention both in the buying situation, where the drink is mixed
and decorated, and in the drinking situation (Balvig, Holmberg & Sørensen,
2005). New drinks are also often introduced in connection with special
events. During Hawaiian nights, for example, special drinks are created for
that particular event, during Scottish nights Scottish beers will be available
and so on. In sum, the educational element means that the discothèques
become places were guests are introduced to a wide range of different and
fashionable alcoholic beverages.
Conclusion
The strictly Danish phenomenon of parent-organised youth parties might be
seen as an initiative taken by irresponsible adults and parents in a wet alcohol
culture. However, as we have seen above, the parents who arrange these
parties are neither negligent nor ignorant. Rather, their initiatives must be
seen as reactions to the problems they experience in their everyday life with
their children and their alcohol intake. Every day, both via the media and
personally, parents are confronted with problems related to young people‘s
alcohol intoxication and with the growing presence of illegal drugs in youth
life. Compared to drugs, alcohol is seen as a less dangerous substance.
Seen from an epidemiological perspective, given the harms related to
alcohol, such as intoxication and dependence (Babor et al. 2003), parentorganised parties are certainly not an adequate answer to the heavy drinking
practices of Danish adolescents. However, for many parents this is a hereand-now harm reducing initiative to the problems related to unsupervised
intoxication among adolescents.
Furthermore, in a wider historical context, parent-organised youth
parties reflect new ways of socialising youngsters to adult and public party
life, with implications in relation to future public party life. The way that
youngsters are socialised to public party life has changed over time, from
215
learning by imitation (participating in adult celebrations and festive occasions) to
the autodidactic approach, where young people drink and party separately from
other adults for a period of time, and much of the literature on risk and
youth highlights this experimental practices of youth‘s self-socialisation (see
Dobson et al. 2006, Lalander & Salasuo 2005, Plant & Plant 1992, Sørensen
2003). The third and still emerging approach we have termed dress rehearsal,
and can be seen as a new development. Adolescents are neither taught to
drink and party nor left alone to practise on their own. Rather, parents/adults
set up a harm reducing framework in which the youngsters are supposed to
learn by doing, and where the role of adults is to make sure no-one gets hurt.
This has opened up the adolescent party scene to the presence of adults,
where adults are not just present when the adolescents drink and party, but
they also play an active role in preparing the setting of the party and in
evaluating the party. Their participation might set standards which create new
demands for safety and entertainment among the adolescents, which have a
knock-on effect in relation young people‘s expectations and demands on
public party life, as we tentatively suggested by analysing young guests‘
relations to their discothèques.
216
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219
220
Licensed premises as settings for violence
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir
Living and partying in downtown Reykjavik, one could be blissfully
unaware of the ―reality‖ of constant stabbings and grotesque violence
were it not presented to us in the form of hysterical reporting from the
media and ominous pronouncements from the police. Certainly, these
things happen.
(The Reykjavik Grapevine, Issue 03, Fri 10 Mar – Thu 06 Apr 2006, p.16).
Introduction
W
hen people go to a bar or a club to enjoy themselves, the general
expectation is that it will be fun and pleasant. Overcrowding and
intoxicated customers can sometimes lead to scuffles and discomfort that
may spoil a person‘s hopes of a pleasant evening. International research has
shown that going to and drinking in licensed premises can have undesired
consequences, such as violence, accidents and drunken driving (Graham
2000). Icelandic crime statistics for 2003 indicate that some 28% of the
physical injuries that were reported to the police occurred in licensed
premises (Afbrotatölfræði 2003). Although licensed premises are known for
outbreaks of violence, serious violence in these places is rare.
Because licensed premises are under public surveillance, a general
assumption is that it is easier to prevent violence there than, for example, in
the home. There are very strict rules governing how licensed premises sell
their goods and services, and these are rigorously monitored by the
authorities. In accordance with alcohol laws, licensed premises must observe
certain rules governing alcohol consumption, such as minimum age, which is
20, and licensing hours are restricted. Although alcohol laws give the staff of
licensed premises the right to refuse to serve patrons who are obviously
drunk, the tolerance to intoxication may vary from one establishment to the
next. In addition to the formal management regulations, many establishments
have informal rules about behaviour, to ensure patrons are in keeping with
the premise‘s image. The owner or manager of the establishment creates a
specific environment in which the furnishings, decorations, services and
atmosphere form a sociable setting for its customers. Most licensed premises
221
are geared to a specific target group on the market and set their rules
accordingly.
In addition to being almost exclusively linked to weekends and
nights, clubbing in Iceland has been characterised by the fact that it starts late
at night, considerably later than in other countries. Patrons do not go to
bars/clubs until late into the evening and queues often form outside the most
popular establishments around midnight. This late start can partly be
explained by factors such as long working hours, the high price of alcohol in
bars/clubs, and the tradition of gathering in homes first. Many patrons have
already consumed alcohol before entering the premises, but then continue to
consume a great deal more. Licensing hours have been a controversial issue
in Iceland, and were unrestricted on an experimental basis in Reykjavík
between 1999 and 2001 (Ragnarsdóttir, Kjartansdóttir & Davídsdóttir 2002).
Some 24% of the alcohol consumed in Iceland is sold in licensed premises,
which is a somewhat higher share than in the other Nordic countries and
definitely higher than in central and southern European countries
(Ólafsdóttir 2003, Nordic alcohol statistics 2007, Babor et al. 2003).
International research has shown that alcohol-related violence varies
between cultural groups (Graham & West 2001, Pernanen 1991); but in an
earlier Icelandic study, Magnússon & Ólafsdóttir (2003) have demonstrated
that violent acts that led to conviction very often were committed under the
influence of alcohol.
Many theories have been put forward to explain why alcohol
consumption increases the risk of violence (Graham, Wells & West 1997,
Graham, West and Wells 2000). It is well known that alcoholic intoxication
has a tendency to make people take more risks, and be more reckless and
more daring. It also makes people more excitable, sensitive and aggressive.
In the overview of their study, Graham and Wells (2003) place specific
emphasis on the importance of a threefold approach when analysing the role
of alcohol in acts of violence perpetrated between males. The first factor is
the subjective effects of alcohol. Alcohol diminishes one‘s capacity to
properly assess unexpected situations, increases the likelihood of
overestimating one‘s own strength and mastery, and diminishes one‘s
aptitude for getting out of a threatening situation in a peaceful manner. The
second factor is that alcohol reduces the consumer‘s powers of
concentration, and therefore induces a short-sightedness that only enables
the individual to focus on the present moment. The third factor that
Graham and Wells mention is that, under the influence of alcohol, some men
became very preoccupied with personal power. When confrontations flare
up between drunken people, all of these factors frequently come in to play
simultaneously. Previous research has shown that four principal factors seem
222
to explain the root cause of violence in bars (Graham and Wells 2003). These
are as follows:
1) Honour, face saving, impression management.
2) Addressing a grievance.
3) Emotional or impulsive reactions.
4) Fighting for fun or excitement.
These explanatory factors will be used to analyse the causes of the violence
that is studied here. Various contexts and circumstances have shown
themselves to be important factors in the study of violence in licensed
premises. Provoking behaviour, the reactions of bystanders, as well as
inappropriate, uncomfortable and smoky crammed premises are all factors
that can contribute to violence. A high concentration of drunken people in
any one place has also proven to increase the risk of violence (Homel &
Clark 1994).
There have been a number of studies on door staff in licensed
establishments, but very few on the role that other staff members can play in
the prevention of violence. Little is therefore known about how these
groups define their roles. Although their objective is to sell alcohol, the
excessive intoxication of their patrons can damage the premise‘s image, and
alcohol-related fights might lose the establishment customers, causing
financial and property losses. As the door staff is responsible for dealing with
troublemakers, most studies have highlighted the dangers of the job
(Monaghan 2002, Graham, Jelley & Purcell 2005), and in many countries the
door staff‘s post is considered a male‘s job, as it might require some physical
power. However, the job of a true doorman, like that of the police, involves
both service and surveillance.
Most licensed premises have door staff, although in some cases
customers walk in unhindered, and find their own place at a table or the bar
or standing room. It is also quite common, though, for bar staff to escort
their customers to a seat. The door staff member is the first person the guest
meets, and therefore projects the image of the establishment. He or she has
at least three roles to play: he acts as a sales representative, manages the
traffic in and out of the premises, and is a gatekeeper. To the customer, the
door staff is a reflection of the target group the premises aspires to, and
sends out signals about sexual orientation, the age group, and dress code.
Since it is the door staff‘s job to ensure that the number of people admitted
in does not exceed the authorised limit, he controls the flow of customers. If
the premises are empty, on the other hand, he will try to lure in passers-by,
and then chooses those he wants to come in, as well as supervising any queue
that might have formed outside. He or she knows the regular customers and
welcomes them, but sends known troublemakers away. The door staff has
223
the power to decide who gets turned away and who gets thrown off the
premises. The role of the door staff is therefore to keep an eye on
intoxicated customers, and to ensure they stay calm or leave. If there is the
threat of a fight in the air, the door staff is called upon. Naturally door staff
has to prevent fights from breaking out or to intervene when violence erupts.
One of the duties of the police force is to ensure that the staffs
observe laws and regulations. Special inspectors, who are not police officers
however, regularly visit licensed premises to ensure alcohol laws are being
observed. In some places, the police force carries out routine checks around
the vicinity of licensed premises at night and on weekends, as part of their
general surveillance work. In addition to this, the police have to intervene in
the event of offences committed in licensed premises, like anywhere else.
There has been little research into how the police deal with offences
committed in these areas.
The principal objective of this research is to investigate violence in
licensed premises and their immediate surroundings. For the purposes of
this study, the term licensed premises will be used to denote any kind of
restaurant, bar, dance hall, pub or café. Since men are more frequently
convicted of violent offences than women, spend more time in licensed
premises and consume more alcohol, the research focuses mainly on men.
The aim of the study is to identify the role played by alcohol in violence in
licensed premises, as well as its circumstances and causes, and the reactions
and intervention of the door staff and police.
Methods: data and analyses
The data used for the purposes of this study are based on Supreme Court
judgments for violent acts committed on, or in the vicinity of, licensed
premises all over Iceland between 1990 and 2005. The advantage of this data
is that they illustrate real cases, as described in police and court reports. The
study is limited, though, in the sense that the researcher was unable to collect
any additional or alternative data on the violent offences. The fact that the
data were initially collected by others and for other purpose also, to some
extent, limits the research. The Supreme Court judgments include both
unusual cases and the most serious violent offences processed by the penal
system. Even though the data tend to concentrate on some of the most
serious violence offences, they reflect a considerably broad range of
incidents. The court reports contain information on the lead up to and
escalation of the violence, as well as the circumstances and first reactions of
224
those who witnessed the incident.
The role of the Supreme Court is to rule on the fairness of
judgments passed by the District Courts, but Supreme Court judges must
base their decisions on the police investigation and trial in the initial stages of
the process. The advantage of Supreme Court reports is that their
descriptions of the details of the cases are very precise. The statements of
the accused, victims, and witnesses are recorded in their own words, as they
were transcribed during police interrogations.
Since all the data stem from court files, police intervention features
in all cases, but to varying degrees. Descriptions of the police‘s work varied a
great deal in the case reports, and in some cases the police‘s intervention is
not described at all. In two cases the police did not know of the attack until
some time had passed and the victim came to the police to report the
physical assault. More often than not the police were called after the physical
assault had occurred or the fighting had started, and usually the violence had
blown over by the time they arrived on the scene. Specialised research has
revealed that police work covers a very broad range of functions (Finstad
2000).
A recently published list of all Supreme Court judgments for violent
offences processed between 1951 and 2000 served as a source for the
compilation (Magnússon & Ólafsdóttir 2003). In order to bring the research
up to date, Supreme Court judgments from 2000 to 2005 were also added to
the data. The same methodology and approach was used for convictions
relating to violent offences committed on or in the vicinity of licensed
premised (Appendix 1). Although every effort has been taken to make this
collection of data as exhaustive as possible, the author may have overlooked
some rulings. A decision was taken to limit the research to the period
between 1990 and 2005, in order to sharpen the focus on more recent cases.
During this period, 33 judgments were passed on 39 violent offences
committed on licensed premises. The study is therefore based on 39 cases,
37 of which were perpetrated by men, and two of them by women (see Table
1 in Appendix 2). Some 31 individuals were behind the 37 violent offences
committed by men, since 6 of the men were convicted for additional and
unrelated violent offences at different times. The victims comprised 39 men
and 5 women.
In the light of previous research, a decision was taken to codify
factors that have proven to be important in the investigation into violence in
licensed premises (Graham 2000, Graham 2003, Graham and Wells 2003,
Hobbs 2003, Monaghan 2002). The following details were codified: gender
and age, the relationship between the offender and victim, the offender‘s
criminal record, the place and time, influence of alcohol, circumstances of
225
the violent incident, causes and motivations of the violence, and intervention
by the door staff and police. The purpose of the codification was to analyse
patterns and themes, in order to be able to classify them under different
headings.
Gender
The data combined examples of three gender-bound categories of violence:
male assaults on males, male assaults on females, and female assaults on
females. There was no case of the last possible situation, i.e. a female
assaulting a male. Therefore, the vast majority of cases in this study
concerned male assaults on males. This gender-bound violence confirms the
findings of previous research, which indicates that violence in licensed
premises is almost always perpetrated by men (Graham 2000). This can be
explained by two factors. Men frequent licensed premises more regularly and
are more frequently involved in violence than women (ÁVVR 2001,
Magnússon & Ólafsdóttir 2003).
Age
Previous research has revealed that the men who partake in acts of violence
in licensed premises are relatively young. In this research the offenders were
between the ages of 16 and 44 (see Table 2 in Appendix 2). The mean age
was 26 and the median age was considerably lower, 21 years. The age range
was broader in the case of the victims, spanning from ages 15 to 60. The
mean age of the victims was 27, while the median age was 26 (see Table 3 in
Appendix 2).
In 7 cases, the offenders and victims were of the same age. In most
cases there was a substantial age gap. In 16 cases, the offender was older and
in 20 cases he was younger (see Table 3 in Appendix 2). The age difference
between the offenders and victims may reflect a social gap between them and
might also indicate that they were not a part of the same group of peers or
acquaintances.
Relationship
There were only 9 cases in which the offender and victim were either well or
partly acquainted with each other, while in all of the other 29 cases, they were
not. In a number of cases the relationship was unclear. There was only one
case of a doorman being violent to a customer. The violence that will be
analysed in this research therefore mostly describes violent incidents between
226
strangers.
Criminal record
In two judgments it was stated that the criminal records of the accused had
no bearing on the sentence, and they consequently did not give any
information on these records. About one third of the offenders possessed
no criminal record, while another third of the offenders had between one and
three previous convictions, such as breaches of traffic, alcohol, narcotic and
penal laws. The last third possessed long criminal records and most of them
had previous convictions for physical assault.
Setting
Of altogether 39 incidents, 15 occurred in Reykjavík and one in a
neighbouring municipality. The other 23 incidents occurred in 11 different
places around the country. The licensed premises where the incidents
occurred varied in size and nature, but over the course of these years
licensing hours have been extended. From 1990 to 1999, licensing hours in
Reykjavík were restricted to midnight on weekdays and to 3 a.m. on Fridays
and Saturdays, then subsequently became unlimited for the two following
years, but were then set at 1 a.m. on weekdays and 5.30 at weekends.
Time of year, day of the week, and time of day
The violent incidents occurred throughout the year and were not linked to
any particular season. Two thirds of the 39 assaults occurred on Fridays and
Saturdays. Several judgments neglect to state the exact time at which the
assault took place. Only two of the assaults occurred before midnight. Most
of the assaults, 15 of them, occurred between 1 and 3 a.m. In three cases no
precise time is given, other than the indication that the assault took place
when the premises were closing. This timing tallies with other studies
conducted on violence in licensed premises, which indicate that violence
most frequently breaks out just before closing time (Monaghan 2002).
Data analysis
Legal documents yield data that fulfil the conditions of qualitative research
methods which make it possible to investigate specific problems, to analyse
particular circumstances in great depth, and to research cases that are rich in
information. A great deal can often be learned from just a few examples of
an issue, and in-depth analysis can be used as a tool to explain what is
happening in those strands of society that do not normally fall within the
majority‘s daily sphere of experience. Each legal case is unique and incidents
227
are described in great detail, in order to be able to classify them under the
specific branches of the law. Detailed descriptions and direct answers, from
the point of view and experience of all parties concerned, are used to throw
as much light on the incidents as possible. Accounts may be contradictory,
since the different parties may have a vested interest in either opposing,
agreeing with, or correcting the testimonial of others.
Under these
circumstances, the judges must therefore pronounce a sentence and justify
their verdict. Supreme Court judgments contain the official version of the
facts for each case, as perceived from a judicial point of view. A sociological
analysis in a study such as this obviously presents another point of view, and
the author naturally focuses on other elements and aspects than those of the
courts.
In this study, the author examines and interprets the judgments as
data which provide descriptions of the incidents. The study will endeavour
to identify common themes in the role played by intoxication, the
circumstances surrounding violent incidents, intentions and motivations, and
the role played by the door staff and police, when it comes to intervening in
the course of events.
Findings
Drunkenness or alcohol-induced memory losses do not exonerate an accused
from criminal charges. Nevertheless, information about alcohol intoxication
may have some bearing on crime investigations, when trying to complete the
picture of a particular violent incident. Although the different parties in a
case may disagree on the question of drunkenness, and although Supreme
Court judgments do not always include information about levels of alcohol
consumption, it is known that in at least 17 cases both the victims and the
offenders were intoxicated. In another 7 cases the offender was drunk, and in
a further 8 the victim was drunk. There is no mention of any other
intoxicated parties in these 15 cases. The data also reveal that at least 3
offenders and 3 victims were not under the influence of alcohol. There is a
lack of information on the alcohol consumption of 12 offenders and 16
victims. The overall picture is that violent offences are strongly alcoholrelated, and this applies to both perpetrators and victims. Alcohol
intoxication is a theme that emerges throughout the data in different
manifestations.
Hindrances to the police is the first theme in this category. Due to the
intoxicated state of the parties, it is difficult for police officers to gather
228
information on the course of events, because the parties are drunk and too
excited to reason with.
Memory lapses is another theme. According to police reports, the
parties are so drunk that they cannot remember what happened, neither can
they describe the facts of the case or give an explanation of their behaviour.
Of course, in addition to alcohol intoxication, self-control is another
theme that seems to clash with the theme of memory loss. At least two of
the convicted said that they remembered well what had happened, despite
their drunken state, and as one of them reported:
He said he was drunk that night but remembers the evening quite well.
When questioned, he answered that he sometimes forgot things when he
was drunk, but not very often. (H 2000:1103)
In a number of reports, witnesses sometimes try to place a special emphasis
on their reliability as witnesses:
When questioned, the witness claimed he was under the influence that
night, but remembered the incident well. (H 2001:2211)
Witnesses of violence probably try to avoid taking sides or getting
mixed up in the case, by drawing attention to their own states of
intoxication, as the witness who claimed ―…he was pretty drunk there‖.
(H 2001: 2172)
The “other one” was drunk. Drunkenness is an excuse that people resort to
when they cannot explain or justify their own behaviour or that of others.
Parties sometimes point to the intoxication of the other party, in order to
create a distance between them, and to contrast their own behaviour with the
irresponsible attitude of the other. In one case, the victim says that the
offender was drunk. In another instance, both the offender and victim
blame the violence on alcoholic intoxication. The accused probably wants to
draw attention to the victim‘s intoxicated state in an attempt to undermine
the latter‘s credibility, or to explain his provocative behaviour.
The victim declared that he had been sober but that the accused was
drunk. (H 2002:3675)
There were examples of both parties mentioning the extreme intoxication of
the opposite party
229
According to the victim, they were both drunk but the accused
considerably more so. The accused said they were both drunk. (H
2005:855)
Differences in the levels of intoxication between the accused and the victim
also transpire in the statement of a witness who claims that the victim was
―...very drunk‖ and therefore unable to protect himself from the attack,
whereas the offender‘s level of intoxication is described as ―...quite mild‖ (H
1994:560).
Alcoholism. Two cases concern offenders with known drinking
problems. One man was convicted for two attacks within a six-month
period. By the time the sentence was delivered, he had already completed six
months of alcoholism treatment and rehabilitation and post-rehab
programmes. The judges took this into account and granted him a more
lenient sentence (H 1998:768). Another man in a different case claimed that
he had been admitted to treatment ―…because he had started to drink a
lot...‖ He claimed that he still drank, however.‖ (H 2001:2172). This
information had no influence on the sentence.
Motivation of the violence
Four motivating factors behind violence were listed previously, and these are
particularly useful when it comes to explaining the outbreak of violence on
licensed premises: 1) Face saving, impression management, 2) addressing a
grievance, 3) emotional or impulsive reactions, 4) fighting for fun or
excitement.
Once the offenders were classified under these categories, it emerged
that an almost equal amount of the attacks could be attributed to the
offenders‘ attempts to protect their male honour and save their faces (18) as
an emotional and impulsive reaction (17). Other attacks fell under the
second category where the motivating factor was to address a grievance.
None of the attacks could be classified directly under the ―fighting for fun‖
category, but excitement and group brawls in the wake of the attacks could
fall into this category.
It was sometimes difficult to classify cases, as more than one
motivational factor might have come into play, and a moot point to decide
on the principal motivation.
Protection of honour
The vast majority of cases can be attributed to men defending their honour,
displaying their macho nature, trying to save their faces, and demonstrating
that they ―won‘t be walked over‖ or tolerate insinuations. The following are
230
examples of wounded pride:
The victim called the accused a rapist. The accused then started to insult
the victim again and declared that he had raped certain women. The
victim asked him what evidence he had to back up these accusations, and
said that the accused and his family had none. They were just drunkards.
He was then hit… (H 2002:3675)
The accused felt that the victim (female) had verbally abused him for
absolutely no reason. Said that the girl in question has accused him of
stealing her drink. The accused was very offended by this and struck the
girl with the back of his hand and pushed her aside. (H 1992: 2224)
Signals can be very provocative and perhaps trigger reactions that are totally
disproportionate, as can be seen in the following description:
The accused then explained that he had been at a dance… and was
dancing, when he noticed two men, who later turned out to be the
plaintiff and X, on the dance floor, who were pointing at him. The
accused then claimed that he walked up to them and invited them to step
out of the building, where he wanted to ask them what they had been
talking about. The men followed him out of the building... The accused
then stated to the police that he had asked the men if they wanted a fight,
and pushed them, but that they were not prepared to fight. (H 1995:1043)
Old feuds, frictions and revenge issues can flare up when people accidentally
meet and, and thoughts of vengeance can spark off violence.
Addressing a grievance
Violence can also be motivated when people feel they have witnessed an
incident, which they feel is morally wrong or injurious, and which they feel
compelled to act upon. This incident may prompt them to help a friend out
or to protect a woman against an aggressive male, as in the following case:
The accused questioned the man (the victim) and asked him what he was
hitting a woman for. (H 1992: 67)
Emotional or impulsive reactions
A sudden provocation can trigger an impulsive response, which may be
disproportionate to the provocation. There were many examples in fact of
drinks being spilt on customers and this being interpreted as personal
harassment.
231
Provocative behaviour can both connote physical and verbal expressions.
One person shoves another causing the latter to feel the other party‘s
behaviour unmannered or insulting comments are spoken.
Fighting for fun
The data contained no descriptions of people going to bars or clubs with the
aim of being rowdy or kicking up a fight. There were examples, on the other
hand, of aggressors who regretted being violent and wanted to make amends
for the injuries they had inflicted on their victims. The so-called ―fighting for
fun‖ element can be detected in a number of statements, however, where
people urged the parties to continue to fight or offered to fight. These people
tended to be bystanders, however, rather than the aggressors analysed in this
study.
After the accused broke out of the aforementioned fight, he said he left
the group and went home. According to the accused, the police had not
arrived on the scene yet. He claimed that a group brawl had already
broken out when he left the scene. (H 2002:1496)
Environmental factors that may encourage violence
Accounts of incidents to be found in judgments sometimes contain
descriptions of conditions that may have had some influence on the course
of events and motivated the violence. Violence-inducing environmental
factors in licensed premises have been perceived as a third party: a smoky
atmosphere and poor lighting, overcrowding and a high proportion of
intoxicated customers (Graham & Wells 2003). Such a description captures
the atmosphere of peak hours in many licensed premises without causing acts
of violence. The intensity of such risk factors may vary from one occasion to
another, and in addition to these factors, one may include the lack of
adequate training for bar staff on how to manage conflicts, brawls and
attacks between their patrons.
Poor lighting and conditions of the premises
Unsuitable premises, in which parts of the building are dimly lit, may mean
that the bar staff will be unable to see spots where violence may be flaring
up.
The premises were badly lit, with blinking lights, and narrow passages
between the tables and chairs. Some of the witnesses were under the
influence of alcohol and some of them very much so. (H 1998:2060)
232
There was no example of a smoky environment, but a puddle on the floor is
estimated to have been the reason why the victim fell badly after he was
assaulted:
Then the accused stated that the victim was very intoxicated and had
fallen because the floor in the toilets was wet. (H 1998: 783)
Crowding
When people are queuing to get into licensed premises, there are often
exchanges of verbal abuse and shoving. There was only one case of a violent
attack in a queue. In this case it was a girl who hit another girl in the face.
There are frequent references to throngs inside licensed premises and
crammed spaces by the entrance and on the dance floor, which hinder the
patrons‘ movements. In one case, the description of the incident states that
the ―hallway of the premises in question was very small and narrow‖, which
meant that it was always crammed. Overcrowding and bottlenecks increase
discomfort and make patrons less tolerant to harassment than they would be
when the premises are not full.
...dancing on the jam-packed dance floor. The girlfriend of the accused
collided with some man, and this happened several times. As a result of
this, the man and the girlfriend of the accused exchanged some words,
which culminated with the man hitting the accused‘s girlfriend in the face.
(H 1992: 67)
When the doormen had overpowered the man and held him on the floor
in the hall, the door was closed and it was impossible to either get in or
out. He said (a customer who was a witness) he waited to be let out and
had to crawl over those who lay on the floor. In addition to this, the
premises were crowded... (H 2001:2211)
Crowds often gather outside licensed premises and the formation of these
groups can generate tension and excitement. One witness describes it as
follows:
After the dance I went outside. There were a lot of people by the
community centre on the northern side. There was a lot of tension in the
air and many of the people were arguing, while others were trying to
prevent a punch-up... It was almost impossible to see who was doing
what and where, because they all merged into one throng, with a lot of
racket and noise, quarrelling and fighting. (H 1998:768)
Widespread intoxication on the premises
It is known that the general intoxication of a large group of costumers can
233
increase the risk of violence and these are frequently described in the reports.
Large groups of intoxicated people therefore create risk situations, but many
concurrent factors can often lead to the most serious violent incidents, as
described in the following case:
Accounts of incidents in the reports vary considerably from person to
person... They are described, however, as having occurred in a very short
time and were not only between the accused and... but others were
dragged in, so that a throng was formed. The premises are fairly badly lit
with blinking lights. It should also be pointed out that many of the
people involved in the case were under the influence of alcohol and some
of them very much so. It is also said that (the victim) was extremely
intoxicated. (H 1998: 2060)
The escalation of violence
The build-up to a violent incident may vary in degrees. In some cases it is
the result of constant provocation, while both parties are on the premises, as
illustrated in the following example:
The victim then explained to the police that on the night in question, the
accused had been very quarrelsome with him and troublesome. (H
2005:1500)
Violence sometimes erupts without warning. But the build-up to violence
may be a gradual one and, in at least one out of four cases, it was possible to
discern how the violence escalated. These cases started with a minor
disagreement or conflict between the parties. Confrontations of this kind
frequently occur without leading to violence. Sometimes all parties regarded
the conflict as settled, although not everyone was equally satisfied. In some
cases the disagreement may be amplified when the victim and assailant meet
again, often outside the licensed premises where the initial conflict took
place. One report shows how violence can escalate in three steps: first in the
toilets, subsequently in the bar, and then outside the premises:
...and there was a quarrel between the accused and the victim, and even a
scuffle, but they left the toilets without having a serious fight. A short
while later, the victim sat on a sofa by the bar and said that ...the accused
then approached... and asked him if he still wanted to quarrel about what
had happened... after which he hit him right in the face and they started to
wrestle, fell on the floor, and the victim grabbed a beer bottle, and hit the
accused with it on the forehead, but without breaking it. They then hit
and tugged at each other until they were separated and thrown out of the
premises. (H 2002: 413)
234
There was also an example of both parties going to other licensed premises
on the same evening, and a conflict flared up between them, which led to a
fight. Such encounters seem to take place by chance, rather than design.
The multifold responsibilities of door staff
On duty, the door staff may spot a potential source of violence and will want
to be prepared for it in every way, if a problem arises or if they are called at
the end of a fight to decide if the police should be sent for, or whether
alternative measures may be sufficient. They can decide to do nothing, throw
the troublemakers out, call the police, tend to those who were attacked or
even call an ambulance. In some cases the door staff may be too harsh in
their reactions and end up being the aggressors. There was only one such
case in the data examined, however. In other cases the door staff may be the
victims of an attack themselves and there were examples of that. In one case
there was a direct attack on a member of the door staff, and in another case
there was an attempted attack on a doorman who was trying to break up a
fight. These cases were not severe enough for any charges to be pressed,
however.
Only five cases contained no mention of door staff involvement. In
two cases the attacks took place outside the licensed premises and were
therefore outside the door staff‘s work area. One of them concerned an
attack that occurred in the queue, and another incident occurred in front of a
community centre in a small town. In a third case a man hit first the victim
inside the premises, and then again when they both got outside. In the
fourth incident, the course of events is unclear, and in the fifth a man was
attacked in the toilets, and the door staff does not seem to have been
informed.
An analysis of the data shows that the door staff fulfils four main
functions: they often play the role of witness, they are a source of help, they
have a supervisory role and a ministrative role.
Witnesses of violence
Door staff members are often important and in fact sometimes the only
witnesses in a litigation.
No witnesses could be found apart from the doorman. He said that he
had witnessed when X (male) had knocked Y (female) with his head. He
(the offender) grabbed her head and shouted: ―Did you do that?‖ – and
then ―gave her a header‖ when she didn‘t answer. (H 1993:295)
235
Assisting patrons
When customers see violence flaring up they naturally approach the doorman
and expect him to be able to break up a conflict and to prevent any further
fighting. An example of this can be seen in the following case:
Following this there was a scuffle between the three of them and verbal
abuse was exchanged. It was then that the two girls, who were with the
accused and X, went off to look for the doorman. (H 1992:67)
Victims may also look to the door staff for assistance, as can be seen in the
following account, and in some cases other customers are asked to help
before the doorman can be found.
The victim asked a bystander to hold the man while they called for the
door staff. They came and took the man away. The man had regained his
calm and was level-headed. The door staff had let go of him by the time
the police arrived on the premises. (H 2001:2172)
Very often the door staff can prevent further violence from erupting, as can
be seen in the following example:
The door staff had broken them apart and escorted the man off the
premises and the accused back to his seat. (H 2000: 3412)
Supervisors
The data indicate that the most important role of the door staff is to
intervene and stop violence and bring the situation under control:
Innkeeper X says that on the night in question they had reached the
establishment‘s closing time. The doorman had gone into the premises to
ask people to leave and the innkeeper positioned himself at the door. The
girl, who was then standing in the hallway, was then reportedly putting on
her jacket and deliberately bumped into the accused. The accused‘s
reaction was to deal the girl a powerful blow in the face, which knocked
her back against the wall. The doorman arrived right after the incident
and together they decided to immobilise the accused and calm him down.
(H 1992:2224)
When a doorman is called over, the rule of thumb seems to be that the
doorman calls over another doorman, and together they try to calm down the
offender and victim. In the example above the doorman was quick to bring
the situation under control, but this is not always the case.
236
Excitement, crammed quarters and provocation can sometimes cause door
staff to lose control over a situation and to react with violence. In one case, a
doorman was convicted for physical assault. The lead-up to this was that a
group of people had entered the premises and the entrance was very
crammed. One of the girls in the group was under age and was not allowed
into the establishment. One member of the group had a verbal exchange
with the doorman because of this and called him names. The man then said
that
...he was then floored by the doormen. They hit him and kicked him after
they had floored him. Witnesses stated that both the accused and others
had hit and kicked the victim after he fell on the floor. The girl said she
went to the police station to seek help. When she came back she said she
saw the doormen leading the man towards the police car, which had
arrived on the scene. She walked over to the victim, and then the
doorman kicked her in the face and the kick left her with a cut. (H:
2001:2211)
First Aid
Since many victims sustain injuries when they are assaulted, they may require
assistance and medical help. In such cases, it seems to be the door staff,
more than friends or other customers on the premises, who come to their
rescue and tend to their injuries. The following account is typical of door
staff‘s first aid role:
When the police arrived on the scene, the victim was sitting on a chair in
the hallway in the company of a doorman who was holding a towel to his
neck. (H 1998:783)
When the police arrived... the injured party lay in the parking space close
to the entrance... and the doorman and some of the other guests had
given him first aid. ...The doorman stated he had not dared to move the
victim but tried to tend to him as best he could.‖ He then explained that
―earlier that night he had had to intervene with the victim because he was
very intoxicated and he had twice had to throw him out. (H 2005:1776)
This intervention, however, did not prevent the doorman from tending to
him when he lay on the street and needed help. Because of the layout of
many licensed premises, there is no place the doorman can take injured
people to and tend to them. On most premises, the kitchen becomes the
refuge, probably because of its access to water, which enables people to wash
away blood and wounds. The kitchen can also become a shelter from further
attacks, and sometimes becomes a waiting room where the offenders and
injured parties wait for the police to arrive on the premises.
237
Police intervention
Analysis of the data also indicates that, in addition to debriefing, the police
find out about violence in licensed premises during their patrol duties, when
they are called in to stop a violent incident or called after an attack has taken
place, or when they are transferring the injured or victims.
Periodic patrolling
A lot of the time, the police just try to be prepared and wait for something to
happen (Finstad 2000). Sometimes things happen fast, however, and the
police decide to intervene in a course of events, as illustrated in the following
example:
…the police officer said he was on a surveillance patrol with two other
officers… …As they approached the club…they saw some people
fighting outside. The witness (the police officer) said he stepped out of
the police car with officer X. When the witness (the police officer) came
to the corner, he said he ran over to apprehend the accused, Y, and took
him to the police station. (H 1997:3362)
In other cases, commotion and the gathering of a crowd in the vicinity of a
licensed premises prompts the police to investigate the situation.
...the policeman, who was on patrol in a police car, noticed a group of
young people, about ten of them, close to the licensed premises… and it
seemed to the police officer that people were fighting. The police officer
…who wrote the report said he recognised two members of the group,
the accused… and X. He said he immediately requested some backup
from police officers who quickly arrived on the scene. He states in his
report that when he drove to the licensed premises, a man, Y, had
approached him… and told him that a man… had attacked his friend Z,
and struck him in the face with a bottle. Y said that the same man had
struck him in the face with his fist, as well as other friends of his in the
group, which comprised both boys and girls. ... In response to their
accusations that the accused had struck Z‘s face with a bottle, the accused
was arrested and taken to the police station. (H 2005:2630)
The police have to adapt to circumstances, as can be seen in the description
of the following case:
The witness said that the plaintiff and the accused followed the doormen
to the police car, but that the police waited in the car outside, and does
not go into dances, unless specifically requested to do so. (H 1996:745)
238
Preventing violence
The role of the police in preventing violence is seldom described, but when
the police arrive on the scene in the middle of an assault, the police officers
themselves become the witnesses to the violence.
When the police officer reached the corner in the police car, he saw the
accused violently kicking the victim‘s head, as he lay on the street. The
police officer said he ran over to apprehend the accused... …and they
then took him to the police station. (H 1997:3362)
There was one case in which the police prevented an offender from repeating
an attack on the same victim when they met again:
The police officers wanted to talk to the man, but he had left the scene.
The accused was taken to the medical centre… to tend to his injuries.
The aforementioned victim turned out to be there as well, with a cut on
his right eye. The accused was about to attack him again but was
prevented from doing so. (H 2004: 1672)
In this case the police‘s escort was very important since it prevented further
violence.
Intervention after an assault
The data indicate that, generally speaking, friends, other customers, or door
staff have managed to stop the physical assault by the time the police arrive
on the scene. In such cases the police can carry out routine tasks, call a
doctor before they reach the premises or make the appropriate arrangements
once they get there, and interrogate those who were involved in the incident.
In the simplest cases, the staff of the premises have taken the matter into
their own hands, and the offender or victim, or both, are waiting for the
police. This is the case in the following example, in which the offender
seems to be calm and self-possessed:
…requested the police to come to the licensed premises. On the
premises they met the doorman who informed them that other doormen
were holding a man, who had hit a woman in the face… They went
inside and met a man on an elevated platform that the door staff said they
were holding for assault. The man was perfectly calm and in the end they
drove him home. (H 2001:2172)
In some cases the parties are in a taut emotional state, as illustrated in the
239
following example:
…it was reported…that a man at a licensed premises had been struck in
the face with an axe…When they arrived on the scene, there were about
twenty people outside the premises, two of whom were injured
men…They were both fully conscious but in a highly taut emotional state,
and it was therefore difficult to talk to them… (H 2005: 2630)
Often it is the door staff who call the police when they spot a conflict or are
informed that a customer has assaulted someone. In some cases the door
staff seem to intervene very little and the victim goes straight to the police.
In one case, the door staff were reluctant to call the police, and in the same
case the victim complains that the police were not quick enough to respond,
as illustrated in the following example:
The victim said that he wanted them to call the police to the premises, but
that the door staff were not willing to do so and had ushered him outside.
He then phoned the police who reluctantly came. The police interrogated
the accused and the victim and then took them to the casualty ward. (H
2003: 413)
In this case, this was the second time that the police had been called for the
same man. The report seems to indicate that the police felt they had settled
the matter on their first intervention, but the victim‘s feeling that the
response to the attack from the door staff and police had been poor may be
attributed to his excited state of mind.
Transporting injured parties
When the police are called and have arrived on the scene, they have to carry
out some priority tasks. The police must start by stopping the offenders and
breaking up any violence, if it has not already ended. Then they have to
obtain an official statement from the offender, if he is still on the scene, and
interrogate the victim and any possible witnesses. If the victims are
wounded, the police‘s priority task is to get them to a doctor, rather than
question the suspected offender or make any arrests. The reason why the
police are called is often because someone has sustained an injury, and the
injured party needs to be taken to a doctor. In all cases, a specific individual
was suspected of the violence, which made it easier for the police to organise
their work.
240
The police officer said that since there was a big crowd outside… and
they were undermanned, they had not had an opportunity to chase the
accused in the crowd and felt their first priority was to get the victim to a
doctor. (H 1995:1122)
Police officers as victims
The arrival of the police on a scene can create a threatening situation if there
is commotion and a crowd has formed. Some of them are participants in the
violent incident; others get into the middle of them to try to break them up,
while others again are passive observers. Police officers are seldom attacked;
they are, on the other hand, frequently threatened with physical harm and are
sometimes subject to verbal abuse.
Discussion
This study has focused on the link between the consumption of alcohol and
violence in licensed premises. The preconditions to the violence were
investigated by analysing the main causes and incentives to violence,
environmental and circumstantial factors, and the manner in which door staff
and the police deal with violent incidents. The Supreme Court judgments
that were used in the research contained a wealth of data on violence in
licensed premises.
The cases described in the judgments demonstrate that violence in
licensed premises is gender-bound, and relates to a specific age group, in that
both the offenders and victims are males in their twenties, with very few
exceptions. The descriptions of the incidents clearly indicate that the
offenders rarely knew their victims, from which it can be deduced that
violence in licensed premises occurs primarily between strangers. Although
many of the offenders had long criminal records, in most cases these were
convictions for minor offences, such as breaches of traffic and alcohol laws.
The violent offences that had been discussed here were committed in many
different parts of the country and the licensed premises in which they
occurred varied considerably. A common factor to emerge in the
descriptions is that the violent incidents occurred on weekends and at night,
and always seemed to occur between midnight and 3 a.m. or near the
establishment‘s closing time. These findings tally with other research, which
indicates that the risk of violence is at its highest at closing time.
The results of the research indicate that alcohol consumption is an
important factor behind violent offences and is linked to them in many ways.
Alcoholic intoxication had an effect on police work in that the officers who
241
were investigating the cases could not do their jobs properly, because the
litigants were drunk and hindered their work on the scene. Memory gaps
were another factor which influenced investigations into the offences. Some
of the offenders, victims and witnesses pointed out that they could not
remember incidents because of their intoxication.
Intoxication was
therefore mentioned, when it was impossible to find a logical explanation for
a confrontation or the violent act it led to. Other research has shown that
intoxication is invoked as an excuse to explain an act of violence (Tryggveson
2005). The influence of alcohol was a significant factor since many of the
offenders were drunk, which distorted their perceptions and evaluations of
situations, and led to impetuous reactions and aggression. It is clear that
some of the offenders were very preoccupied with personal power, which
very much concurs with the findings of Graham and Wells (2003) on
violence in bars. Victims sometimes initiated a conflict by being provocative
in their speech or behaviour. The alcoholic consumption of victims also had
serious consequences for them in that their intoxication made them more
susceptible to physical injury.
It is interesting to note that self-control was also mentioned in cases
where the offenders and victims claimed they could remember what
happened, despite their consumption of alcohol.
The initial cause of the violence often seems to be an insignificant
incident in the eyes of everyone but the offender, and one which does not
warrant a strong reaction. An offensive remark, insinuation, splash from a
glass, nudges, or old grudges were among the main factors to trigger
violence.
One should bear in mind that responses are often
disproportionate, because people are being challenged in a public licensed
premises and in the presence of an audience. It is known that in these
circumstances, some men feel pressured to react to the provocation in a
macho style to protect their reputation and display their power.
In their study on victim-offender relationships, Grothe Nielsen and
Snare (1998) discuss provocation as a challenge to the recipient‘s sense of
manhood, honour and justice. They refer to Katz‘s rationale of violence
(1998) and the Polk theory (1994) about male-to-male homicide, which Polk
explains by suggesting that when males feel their manhood, honour and
sense of justice is being challenged, they often react with violence. Since
these acts of violence are often committed in a public space, where other
males are present, Polk considers it an important explanatory factor that the
observers of the violence follow it with interest and even incite it. A man
cannot ignore the provocation because other males are present and will be
the hypothetical witnesses to his humiliation if the challenge is not met. This
theory tallies with the theory that overcrowding in licensed premises can
242
increase the risk of violence (Graham et al. 1980, Homel & Clark 1994).
According to Katz‘s theory (1988), the victim‘s behaviour constitutes an
affront to the offender‘s basic values and is humiliating to him. This
offender‘s viewpoint is often incomprehensible to anyone other than
themselves, and he himself may even have problems understanding it later.
The study by Graham and Wells (2003), which was based on young
men‘s accounts of violent incidents in licensed premises in Canada, reveals
that alcohol consumption contributed to making people more willing to take
the risks that violence entails and that they were not conscious of the
inherent dangers. Alcohol made them more excitable, oversensitive and
aggressive. Face saving, group solidarity, and fighting for fun were the main
incentives to violence. The most remarkable explanatory factor, though, was
the level of tolerance to violence that was found, and how people were even
encouraged to be violent. The offenders justified their attacks and enlisted
their friends‘ help, by involving them in the conflicts, and showing the group
they would not allow themselves to be pushed around. This rewarded their
violence and gained them the group‘s admiration and support.
In the descriptions to be found in the judgments there are few
examples of such rewards, since all the offenders are sentenced for their
offences. Some of the offenders in this research may have initially felt
rewarded for their violence but they were all punished. The findings of this
research indicate that violence in licensed premises can be attributed to three
causes: either people feel they have been provoked and feel compelled to
protect their honour, or they feel compelled to respond to an injustice they
have been witness to, or they react to a provocation in an impulsive and
emotional manner.
Many concurrent factors such as crammed and dark premises,
inadequate lighting, overcrowding, and poor supervision from the
establishment‘s staff, can increase the risk of violence. Violence seems to
escalate in specific circumstances and often in various steps. The most
serious attacks occurred when many risk factors were simultaneously
involved. Descriptions of the multiple tasks performed by door staff
demonstrate that the latter have a key role to play in the prevention of
violence in licensed premises, a finding that tallies with other international
research in this field. This research clearly shows that when door staff
witness violence, it is part of their responsibility to prevent and stop the
violence, but that they also often have to help and tend to injured parties.
The scope of their role was broader than has been defined in other studies,
which have focused more on the supervisory role of door staff (Monaghan
2002).
The role played by the police in preventing violence in licensed
243
premises, on the other hand, seemed to be relatively minor. This is explained
by the fact that the police, more often than not, are called in after the
violence has occurred. There were some examples of police officers
witnessing attacks during routine patrols and then intervening, but the service
they often performed was to transfer the injured to a doctor.
Conclusion
The study presented here raises a number of questions about how alcoholrelated violence might be prevented in licensed premises. What
environmental factors can be influenced to ensure that a night in the pub can
be a fun and not a terrifying experience? Preventive measures can be focused
on the patrons, staff and environment of the premises.
In the study by Törrönen & Maunu (2005) on the alcohol
consumption and pub habits of young Finnish adults, alcohol is perceived
both as an aid and a barrier, in that alcohol can play a role in making an
evening more enjoyable, but that it could also prevent enjoyment and spoil a
gathering and turn the evening into a very negative experience. Generally
speaking, the participants in the research believed alcohol consumption
should be moderate, or in any case not excessive, since high levels of
intoxication could spoil the fun and increase the risk of conflicts. Selfcontrol is considered to be an important value in contemporary society, and
since violence has repercussions on other people, interventions are justified
to develop preventive measures against violence.
Special training for staff in licensed premises has been developed
widely with known examples from Canada and Stockholm (Babor et al. 2003,
Wallin et al 2003). Experience from preventive schemes of this kind has
shown that the training of staff can help to hinder and prevent violence. The
training of staff, moreover, makes them more aware of alcohol laws, the
practice of asking young customers for their age, and teaches the method of
refusing to serve alcohol to very drunk patrons. Recent Finnish research
conducted in two Finnish towns reveals that there are no clear rules on how
to serve a drunk customer who wants to buy alcohol (Warpenius 2005). The
staffs of Icelandic licensed premises probably do not have any clear
guidelines as to how they can reject such requests either.
With regard to the premises themselves, foreign studies have
revealed that the environment of the licensed premises influences the
behaviour of its patrons. By ensuring that the premises are tidy, not overcrowded, too noisy or excessively hot or smoky, one can reduce the risk of
244
discomforts that may contribute to conflicts and violence (Homel, McIllwain
& Carwolth 2001).
The self-control of patrons, well-trained staff,
appropriate buildings, a good atmosphere and effective surveillance of the
licensed premises are all elements that can be influenced with many types of
preventive measures.
This research was supported by the Research Fund and the Nordic Research
Council for Criminology.
Translated by Brian Fritzpatrick
Appendix 1- Supreme Court Judgments 1990-2005
H 1992:67, H 1992:2224, H 1993:97, H 1993:295, H 1994:560, H 1994:1803,
H 1995:745, H 1995:1043, H 1995:1122, H 1997:1000, H 1997:1441,
H 1997:2913, H 1997:3362, H 1998:768, H 1998:783, H 1998:1021, H 1998:2060,
H 2000:1103, H 2000:3412, H 2001:2172, H 2002: 1496, H 2002:3675, H 2003:413,
H 2004:1672, H 2004:3725, H 2004:5112, H 2004: 855, H 2005:855, H 2005:1500,
H 2005:1507, H 2005:1776, H 2005:2119, H 2005:2630.
245
Appendix 2 - Tables
Table 1. Gender, convicted and victim
Female
Convicted
37
Victim
36
Total
73
Male
2
8
10
Table 2. Age group, convicted and victim
Years
20
21-30
31-40
41+
Convicted
13
17
6
3
Victim
14
14
9
6
Total
27
31
15
9
Total
39
44
83
Data
missing
1
1
Table 3. Mean age and median age, convicted and victim
Mean age
Median age
Convicted
26
23
Victim
27
25
Total
39
44
83
Age gap
16-44
15-60
Table 4. Age difference
Number
16
20
7
1
44
The convict is older
The victim is older
Equal age+/- 1 year
Data missing
Total
Table 5. Alcohol influence
Convicted
Victim
Intoxication
No
intoxication
24
25
3
3
Data on
intoxication
missing
12
16
49
6
29
246
Total
39
44
83
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248
Local prevention in licensed premises:
Experiences from the Finnish PAKKA project
Katariina Warpenius & Marja Holmila
Introduction
I
t is often argued that the less political will there is that supports national
level alcohol control policies, the more important local harm reduction
measures become (Babor et al 2003, 151-153). However, the research
literature on local alcohol prevention emphasises that among the most
effective local measures are those that implement national legislation at local
level, such as age-limit controls or preventing sales to drunken customers
(Holder & Reynolds 1997, Holder 2002).
This article describes experiences from a Finnish local prevention
project in licensed premises aimed at promoting responsible beverage service
(RBS) and preventing alcohol-related aggression and injuries. Our starting
point is that the national Alcohol Act and local implementation are
interconnected and therefore the effects of community action projects
should be viewed and discussed in a national policy context.
The main goal of this article is to examine if situational alcohol
prevention in licensed premises can be an effective part of the overall
prevention of alcohol-related harms. As a concrete example of such a
preventive approach, we describe the licensed premise component of the
multi-component local alcohol prevention programme ―Local Alcohol
Policy‖ (PAKKA) in two Finnish regions in 2004–2007, and the results of its
evaluation research.
The PAKKA project relied on a community-based prevention
strategy focusing on the supply of alcoholic beverages. The licensed premise
component reported in this article was but one aspect of the larger
prevention effort. By Finnish standards PAKKA was a well-funded pilot
project attempting to change the local social, economic and physical
environment related to risky and underage drinking. The evaluation study
was based on a controlled quasi-experimental research design.
249
Evidence-based measures in licensed premises
Strong evidence has been presented for the interconnection between alcohol
consumption and violent aggression (Bushman & Cooper 1990, Stockwell et
al. 1993, Rossow 1996 and 2001).
Studies have shown that heavy drinking in licensed premises predicts
harms connected to alcohol use, such as violence and accidents (Graham et
al. 1980, Stockwell et al. 1993).
Scandinavian studies have indicated that there is a significant
association between alcohol consumption and the rate of violent assaults in
licensed premises (Norström 1998, Rossow 1996). In general the risk of
violence seems to increase with the level of intoxication (Taylor & Chermack
1993). Some studies have shown a connection between the number of
licensed premises and public violence (Noström 2000, Roncek & Maier
1991).
Several longitudinal studies have illustrated that bars and nightclubs
are particularly favourable environments for learning to drink heavily:
according to these studies those young people who had been allowed to
drink in restaurants at a very young age were more likely than others to drink
heavily later in life (Casswell & Zhang 1997; Casswell et al. 2002). It is
probable that many young people who frequently visit restaurants belong to a
risk group in terms of their drinking habits.
Because of the feasibility of controlling high-risk drinking
environments through licensing and law enforcement, licensed premises are a
major target for alcohol policies aimed at the local prevention of alcoholrelated problems (Babor et al. 2003, Holmila & Haavisto 1997). Since the
1970s, efforts to develop the skills and working methods of bar staff have
often been seen as part of the drive to develop a "responsible beverage
service" (Saltz 1987; Russ & Geller 1987; McKnight 1988; Gliksman et
al.1993; Holmila & Haavisto 1997; Wallin 2004; Andréasson 2000). This
concept underlines the active involvement of restaurant owners and their
personnel as well as the importance of staff training. Drunken customers can
constitute a risk to restaurant workers' own safety, too, and this increases
their motivation to regulate the problems.
Several studies have looked at the working methods and awareness
of the responsibilities of staff at licensed premises (Donnelly & Briscoe 2003;
Lang et al. 1993; Wiggers et al. 2000 & 2001; Haavisto et al. 2002). Some
waiters and waitresses seem to be aware of the need to regulate customer
drinking, and understand well the contradictions built into their professional
role, i.e. maximising sales while controlling sobriety. They also try and put
250
their skills into practice, at least occasionally. However, there is still much
room for improvement.
Reviews on prevention programmes targeting licensed premises
suggest that heavy alcohol consumption and associated problems can be
reduced by using strategies that change the high risk drinking context (Babor
et al. 2003, Stockwell 2000, Wallin 2004). The immediate surrounding
environment of the licensed premise, staff behaviour and other specific
environmental factors can also influence the level of risk for violence
(Graham et al. 2006, Quigley et al. 2003). Developing the restaurant
environment can thus influence the amount of acute alcohol harms (Homel
& Clark 1994).
Evaluations of early intensive community projects targeted at
licensed premises showed that responsible beverage training succeeded in
reducing the serving of drunken customers (Saltz 1987; Russ & Geller 1987;
Gliksman et al. 1993). However, later large-scale intervention studies did not
give the same results (McKnight 1988 & 1991). Some recent evaluation
studies on local prevention in licensed premises have concluded that the aims
and objectives of RBS programmes were not achieved (e.g. Baklien & Buvik
2006).
There is some evidence that prevention programmes that combine
server training with responsible beverage service, house policies and
enforcement of existing regulations have an effect on alcohol-related traffic
accidents and injuries (Holder et al. 2000; Holder & Wagenaar 1994,
Wagenaar et al. 2000). On this basis it has been suggested that responsible
beverage training can produce good results if it is supported by management
of the licensed premises, and if training is combined with sufficient licence
surveillance (Stockwell 2000, 116)
Swedish studies on a local alcohol prevention project (STAD)
support the notion that multi-component interventions targeting licensed
premises can also be effective in decreasing alcohol-related violence (Wallin
et al. 2003, Wallin 2004, Wallin et al. 2005). Previous experiences of
prevention efforts in bars indicate that a comprehensive multi-component
intervention combining bar staff training, written house policies and stricter
enforcement of law improve the prospects of reducing alcohol problems at
licensed premises (Graham 2000; Homel et al. 2001, Wallin 2004, also Saltz
& Spanghetta 1997). These interventions seek to modify the drinking
environment in such a way that potential harms are minimised. However the
evidence on the effectiveness of these integrated approaches is limited, and
they have been criticised for their high costs (Babor et al. 2003).
Approaches targeting licensed premises are often perceived as
universally adopted and acceptable across cultures. However, the local
251
community context in which alcohol is purchased and consumed is of crucial
importance when implementing preventive interventions. Many studies stress
the importance of community mobilisation in harm prevention (Holder
1998). The goal of community mobilisation is to increase awareness about
problems on licensed premises and to build up the motivation of
entrepreneurs to apply interventions that minimise alcohol-related problems.
Alcohol and violence in Finnish licensed premises
In Finland, the number of violent assaults has continued to grow in parallel
with the increase in alcohol consumption. For the last twenty years, alcohol
consumption in Finland has increased every year with the exception of the
recession years in the early 1990s. The sharpest increase happened in 2004
when alcohol prices were reduced in the wake of tax cuts, and consumption
soared by 10% (Mäkelä & Österberg 2006, 322-323.) This was reflected in
the growth of alcohol-related harms, including assaults and homicides (Crime
trends in Finland 2007, 444- 445). In general, Finnish drinking habits are
heavily oriented to intoxication (Hemström et al. 2002, Mustonen et al.
1999).
According to international studies of crime victimisation, the rate of
violence in Finland is close to the average of western industrialised countries.
However, violence resulting in death is more common in Finland than in the
other Scandinavian countries (Kivivuori & Lehti 2006, Lehti & Kivivuori
2007, Sirén 2002.) Alcohol is often involved: according to police records for
2002-2006, 79%of homicide offenders in Finland had committed the offence
under the influence of alcohol. In assault offences, the corresponding figure
was 67%. (Lehti et al. 2007, 49-73.)
The volume of restaurant business in Finland has increased
remarkably in recent years. The number of licensed premises has more than
doubled during the last two decades (Yearbook of Alcohol and Drug
Statistics 2007, 117), and the number of customer seats in such premises has
tripled between 1997 and 2006.
Although one's own home or someone else's home is still the most
common location where Finns consume alcohol, licensed premises have an
increasingly prominent role, and it is particularly central in the lives of those
under the age of 30. More than a third of their drinking occasions take place
in licensed premises (Metso et al. 2002, 30). Partying in nightclubs is also a
crucial part of young adults' self-expression, sociability and their identity
formation (Törrönen & Maunu 2007).
252
According to the Drinking Habits Surveys, drinking in restaurants started to
shift towards later hours during the 1990s: while in 1992 18% of drinking
sessions continued until after 2 a.m., the corresponding figure in 2000 was
27%. A recent study on Finnish drinking habits shows that the absolute
number of drinking sessions that continued after 2 a.m. was higher in
licensed premises than in people's homes (Holmila et al. 2003).
A major turning point in Finnish licensing policy towards
liberalisation came with the revision of alcohol legislation in 1995
(Alkoholilaki – Alcohol Act1143/1994) and the High Court's interpretation
of the new act (Alavaikko 2001). Earlier, licensing authorities were under
obligation to assess whether there were ―too many‖ existing restaurants in a
certain area or whether there was a "need" for more services. The density of
outlets was thus – at least in theory – also assessed from the point of view of
public health and order. Since 1995, the authorities have only been expected
to evaluate the respectability and professional skills of the applicant, placing
only minimum constraints on freedom of business. Opening hours have also
been extended since 1995, and many premises are allowed to serve until 4
a.m.
In spite of these general developments, the relative number of
violent assaults taking place in licensed premises has not increased
dramatically up to 2006 (Holmila & Warpenius, forthcoming). One
explanation could be that harm reduction strategies in licensed premises have
been successful. Licensed premises are obligated by law to comply with the
regulations in place and to develop responsible beverage service in order to
prevent harms. Also, the restaurants' own pricing policies have influenced
their sales of alcohol: despite the increased availability of alcohol through
licensed premises, they still account for no more than about 15% of total
sales of alcoholic drinks in Finland (Yearbook of Alcohol and Drug Statistics
2007, 136).
In 2003 some important changes took place in alcohol licensing
policy towards increased server responsibility. According to the new
legislation (Laki alkoholilain muuttamisesta – Act concerning the amendment
of the Alcohol Act 764/30 Aug 2002), each restaurant must at all times have
on its staff at least one member who has taken a special training course and a
test in responsible beverage service. In Finland service personnel in
restaurants do not earn very much in tips, and consequently adherence to the
principles of responsible beverage service does not endanger their income.
Alcohol licensing and the surveillance of licensed premises was
decentralised in 2004. These tasks are now the responsibility of district level
authorities. This re-arrangement has so far led to more detailed surveillance
and law enforcement. In 1996 only five restaurants were sanctioned with
253
permanent closure, whilst in 2004 more than 60 restaurants lost their licenses
due to irresponsible service or other unlawful action. At the national level the
number of surveillance visits has also grown considerably since 2004
(Holmila & Warpenius, forthcoming).
In the last 10-15 years efforts to reduce violence related to alcohol in licensed
premises have been implemented according to the ―model of situational
crime prevention‖ (Kivivuori 2008, 378). Recent alcohol policy discourses
have also heavily emphasised the frames of public order and safety
(Törrönen 2004). In national alcohol programmes and government
initiatives, a major position has been given to the promotion of safety in
public places and to the prevention of alcohol-related aggression. The control
of public order is also an important topic in internal safety programmes.
A local demonstration: the PAKKA project
Licensed premises can be viewed as having a special role in alcohol
prevention because they are public venues for partying and have an influence
over what happens in the streets, too. In the community prevention
literature, licensed premises are considered from the point of view of safety
and public order, as any nuisance and disturbance is likely to have an impact
on the lives of people living in the vicinity of bars and nightclubs as well, at
the community level. Thus in the context of community prevention
discourse, deviant behaviour associated with alcohol use is often defined as
aggressive risk behaviour causing disorder in the public sphere.
An illustrative example of such a local prevention programme is the
Finnish community-based demonstration project ―Local Alcohol Policy‖
(Paikallinen Alkoholipolitiikka: PAKKA). The project was carried out during
2004–2007 in two Finnish regions that comprised several municipalities:
Jyväskylä (JKL, about 170,000 inhabitants) and Hämeenlinna (HML, 90,000
inhabitants). Interventions focused on responsible beverage service and sales
of alcohol among the young, and they targeted communities rather than
individuals.
In Finland it is illegal to serve alcoholic beverages to clients who are
intoxicated. Therefore, the project sought to strengthen the enforcement of
existing alcohol regulations. The goal of the project was to reduce sales of
alcoholic beverages to intoxicated and underage customers and furthermore
decrease alcohol-related harms that occur in licensed premises, such as
violent crimes and injuries (Holmila & Warpenius 2007).
The effects of the project on serving practices and alcohol-related
254
violence were evaluated in a controlled pre-post setting with intervention and
matched comparison areas. The idea was to repeat and re-evaluate in a
Finnish context the effective methods presented in the international
prevention research literature.
Conducted as part of a government-initiated alcohol programme for
combating alcohol and drug-related problems (―National Programme 2004–
2007"), PAKKA was a top-down project: the initiative for local action came
from the national government. Thus, the context for the local actions was
created by policy interests at the national level.
Although centralised monopoly systems have been the backbone of
alcohol control in the Nordic countries, there is also a rich and long tradition
of seeking to reduce alcohol problems through local efforts (e.g. Stenius
2000, Warpenius & Sutton 2000). As in the other Nordic countries, the
expectation in Finland today is that alcohol policy and the prevention of
alcohol-related harms should be carried out at the local level, as free-trade
agreements and international harmonisation of alcohol taxes and regulations
have limited the scope of traditional national alcohol policies. Against this
background, one of the main goals of the PAKKA project was to give
decision-makers a show case of the effectiveness of local actions and create
scientific arguments in favour of local prevention.
The starting point in drafting and implementing the action plan was
that separate policies are not as effective as systematic multi-method
approaches. This strategy has been recommended in reviews on the
effectiveness of alcohol policy interventions at a local level (see e.g. Casswell
et al. 1999, Holder 1998 & 2002, Stockwell 2000; Treno & Holder 2004,
Wagenaar et al. 2000, Wallin 2004). The action plan integrated increased law
enforcement, RBS training, media advocacy, campaigns for the young and
parents and broad co-operation between local authorities and alcohol
entrepreneurs (Holmila & Warpenius 2007).
The initiative for the intervention came from the national
government, but its implementation involved broad co-operation with local
actors. A full-time project co-ordinator was appointed for both of the
experimental regions. A variety of approaches were applied simultaneously in
the PAKKA project to enhance effects on drinking patterns, situational
factors and alcohol-related problems at licensed premises. As described
below, all of these interventions addressed problems related to heavy
drinking.
Structures for co-operation
During the course of the project, community co-ordinators worked closely
with the alcohol licensing authorities, the police, the alcohol service/selling
255
business, municipality leaders, schools, prevention workers and various other
community actors. Broad-based local steering groups were set up to provide
general support for policy approaches, and task-oriented work groups that
relied on existing community coalitions were established in the two
intervention regions.
Throughout the project, the project co-ordinators organised regular meetings
and seminars that served as forums for discussion and interaction between
local markets and authorities. The local ―supply action groups‖ were
established as an operational body for local questions of alcohol service and
sales. The aim was through collaborative goal-setting to create a sense of
mutual trust and agreement between conflicting interest groups and to
increase the feasibility of Responsible Beverage Service initiatives. Especially
in the HML intervention area, the local key actors were highly empowered
(Holmila et al. 2008).
The Responsible Beverage Service training programme
The RBS training programme consisted of a half-day drama education
course. The training provided information on alcohol legislation and advised
servers on working methods, but it did not include a written exam, nor was
the training mandatory for service personnel. Table 1 shows the number of
licensed premises that participated in the RBS training. Since many of the
premises trained only one or two of their personnel, the training programme
in itself was not highly extensive.
Table 1. Participation in RBS training among A-licensed premises during the
evaluation period (%, n)
Intervention area
Category of licensed premises
Jyväskylä (JKL)
Hämeenlinna (HML)
%
n
%
n
Downtown bars and pubs
32
22
73
11
Nightclubs
50
12
71
7
Suburban bars and pubs
72
18
60
10
Food restaurants
67
9
43
7
Total
53
61
60
35
256
Law enforcement: monitoring and sanctions
Previous studies have shown that separate training programmes have only
limited influence on alcohol serving practices or alcohol-related harms, unless
these are combined with increased licence surveillance and sanctions
(Stockwell 2000; on police initiatives, see also Warburton & Shepherd 2006).
In addition to knowledge and skills, personnel have to be highly motivated to
take on the demanding task of regulating patrons' drunkenness and their
behaviour. Surveillance carried out by the authorities and the risks of
sanctions are important factors that shape the attitudes of business owners
and management, and consequently the working cultures in their enterprises.
At the beginning of the PAKKA project, licensing authorities in the
intervention areas agreed to increase their monitoring visits to licensed
premises so as to enforce the Alcohol Act. Figure 1 shows the number of
monitoring visits per A-licensed premises (licensed to serve all kinds of
alcoholic beverages) in the intervention and control areas. In the JKL
intervention area the licensing authorities monitored the A-licensed premises
more often than in the HML intervention and control areas during 2005 and
2006 (see Figure 1). Mild sanctions such as written reprimands and
counselling were also more common in the JKL intervention area than in the
HML intervention or control areas in 2005 and 2006 (Figure 2).
In 2007, the final project year, the level of monitoring visits and
sanctions was almost the same in both of the intervention areas and in the
JKL control area. Overall then, during the course of the project, there were
no major differences between the intervention areas and the JKL control
area, except for the peak in JKL in 2005.
257
Monitoring visits per licensed
premises
Figure 1. Monitoring visits per A-licensed premises in intervention and control areas,
2000–2007
2
1,8
1,6
1,4
1,2
1
0,8
0,6
0,4
0,2
0
Intervention JKL
Intervention HML
Control JKL
Control HML
2000
2002
2004
2006
Year
Figure 2. Sanctions per A-licensed premises in intervention and control areas, 2000–2007
Sanctions per licensed
premises
0,35
0,3
0,25
Intervention JKL
0,2
Intervention HML
0,15
Control JKL
0,1
Control HML
0,05
0
2000
2002
2004
2006
Year
An obvious source of distortion in field studies is the spillover effect: good
practices implemented in the intervention areas are often imitated in the
control area. In the PAKKA research setting, the liquor licensing authorities
258
in the HML control area found that they were a comparison group. This
might have caused a sense of rivalry between the intervention and control
areas, and could explain why the local authorities in the HML control area
increased monitoring and sanctions dramatically during the final project year
(Figures 1 and 2).
As the level of law enforcement did not differ between the research
areas, we assume that national level steering of district authorities since 2004
has gradually brought about a convergence of norms. This may indicate that
district licensing authorities have standardised their practices for law
enforcement and that nowadays there are no major regional differences in
law enforcement.
These types of national policy changes affect both the intervention
and control areas and provide a context and guidelines for local actions.
National developments in licensing policies and routines is a research topic
of its own that requires further attention.
Campaigns
One major aim of the PAKKA project was to include local customers and
young adults in the scope of the programme. When steering the risky
behaviour of customers, it was essential to create campaigns that guaranteed
customer participation in the intervention process. The purpose of the
campaigns was to reduce drunkenness and heavy drinking (binge drinking)
and furthermore alcohol-related harms.
One of the ways in which the project sought to influence the
attitudes of young adults was through a customer evaluation among frequent
nightclub visitors. Young regular customers evaluated the safety of local
nightclubs. The assessments focused on the work of doormen, bar staff and
the overall safety and comfort in nightclubs. The feedback from the
evaluation was given to the nightclubs owners in order to steer and influence
their self surveillance practices. (Kesänen 2006.) In addition, the most
responsible and pleasant pub was rewarded in a competition.
Another campaign involved voluntary breathalysing among adults in
nightclubs. In total 231 young adults took a voluntary breathalyser test when
entering the nightclubs. On request they were given the results on the spot,
together with more information on risky drinking. The test was taken again
when the customers left the nightclub. According to the results, the young
adults had drunk on average 6.9 alcohol units24 before entering the club and
on average consumed a further 3.4 units while in the nightclub. Therefore,
24
In Finland one unit equals 4 cl of spirits or one bottle of beer (0.33 l).
259
customers were clearly intoxicated when leaving the club: one third of the
participants recorded a blood alcohol content of over 1.5 ‰. (Kopiloff
2006.). In Hämeenlinna eight nightclubs took part in the campaign ―Have a
fun night in a nightclub‖ supported by the PAKKA project, local police and
alcohol inspectors. During the campaign customers entering the nightclub
were given the task by doormen and bar staff to recite a well-known Finnish
nursery rhyme. This served as a measure of drunkenness: customers who
couldn‘t recite the words correctly were declined entry to the nightclub that
particular night. Local residents were informed about the campaign with
posters all over the city.
Community mobilisaton and media advocacy
At the beginning of the PAKKA project, local alcohol policy lobbying was
used to raise awareness of problems associated with drinking in licensed
premises and to make bar/nightclub owners realize that they have a
responsibility to obey alcohol legislation. Opinion-building campaigns and
community-wide media advocacy created public discussion on safety and
drinking norms in licensed premises. For example, a newspaper article was
written on the results of the customer evaluation. All the campaigns and
events received considerable attention in the local media. An additional tool
for community mobilisation in the intervention areas was the feedback from
the research team about the pre-intervention purchase tests in licensed
premises, which were designed to measure the frequency of serving
intoxicated clients. The importance of scientific input and feedback has been
highlighted in successful community action programmes aimed at preventing
alcohol-related harms (Holder & Reynolds 1997; Wallin et al. 2002). The
pre-intervention test results and findings from previous research were used in
planning the interventions and in the community mobilisation process, with
the results presented to local restaurant owners and staff members at
seminars and meetings. The control areas did not have this opportunity to
identify problems through the help of evaluation research.
Multi-component strategy
To sum up, the interventions in the PAKKA project consisted of several
parallel components: co-operational structures (e.g. regular meetings and
forums throughout the project), increased law enforcement, responsible
beverage service training (RBS), campaigns and community mobilisation with
media advocacy. In the control areas, law enforcement was increased, but
other components were not available. Table 2 provides a summary overview
of the components of the PAKKA project.
260
Table 2. Components of interventions in licensed premises in the PAKKA
intervention and control areas in 2004–2007.
Town
Structures
RBSLaw
Campaigns Community
for cotraining
enforcement
mobilisation
operation
&
& media
sanctions
JKL
Co53% of AAn
Consumer
Seminars
Intervention
operative
licensed
increased
evaluation,
for young
boards,
premises
level of
reward for
adults,
seminars
participated
control
the most
media
and
in training
visits and
responsible
coverage
forums
sanctions in
pub
for events
with
2004-2005
licensees
HML
Co60% of APeak in
Consumer
Seminars
Intervention
operative
licensed
2006
evaluation,
for young
boards,
premises
reward for
adults,
seminars
participated
the most
media
and
in training
responsible
coverage
forums
pub,
for events
with
special
licensees
events
JKL
No
No special
A steady
No
No media
Control
community
RBS
increase,
campaigns
advocacy
coalitions
training
reaches the
sessions
same level
as in JKL in
2006
HML
Control
No
community
coalitions
No special
RBS
training
sessions
A huge
increase in
control
visits and
sanctions in
2007
No
campaigns
No media
advocacy
The key principle in the project was to systematically integrate different
approaches with a view to creating synergy benefits. An illustrative example
is the case of ―Anneli´s karaoke bar‖ in Jyväskylä at the beginning of the
project. The bar had a bad reputation and had serious social problems and
was closed down by the inspectors. All staff members were subsequently
enrolled for training in the RBS campaign. The whole episode gained much
publicity in the local media and among local entrepreneurs. These
261
information-giving and awareness-raising interventions were an additional
component serving to support the control policies. Since the demonstration
phase in 2004–2007, the PAKKA interventions have been institutionalised in
the project districts and spread to other towns in Finland. From the public
policy point of view the idea was to create sustainable structures for local
prevention work. The institutionalisation of the interventions is, however,
still in process in Finland.
Can we demonstrate any effects?
The research interest in the PAKKA project was focused on re-testing the
effects of multi-component RBS programmes in the Finnish context, and on
accumulating knowledge about the interventions that in the light of earlier
studies are the most effective (Holmila & Warpenius 2007).
The effects of the PAKKA project were evaluated in a controlled pre-post
intervention setting. First of all, the project was evaluated with an actorassisted purchase trial measuring the frequency of serving alcohol to
intoxicated clients at licensed premises both in the intervention and the
comparison areas (Warpenius 2005). The purchase trial showed that there
was a statistically significant decrease in sales to intoxicated patrons in the
JKL intervention town compared to the control area (Warpenius et al. 2008).
The biggest increase in refusals was recorded in suburban bars in the
intervention area.
The findings from the pseudo-patron trial suggest that the PAKKA
interventions might have been successful in changing attitudes and
behaviours particularly among the youngest service personnel, who in the
pre-intervention test followed the rules of responsible beverage service less
often than older staff. However, the findings also confirm that it is a
common habit to break the Alcohol Act in licensed premises late at night,
since no improvement was seen in the serving practices of the nightclubs.
(Warpenius et al. 2008, Warpenius 2005.)
One of the outcome measures used in the PAKKA project was the
frequency of police-reported violent assaults in licensed premises (cf. Homel
& Clark 1994, Wallin et al. 2003).
262
Violent crimes per licensed
premises
Figure 3. Police-reported violent crimes per A-licensed premises in licensed premises in
intervention and control areas, 2000–2007
1,8
1,6
1,4
Intervention JKL
1,2
1
Intervention HML
0,8
Control JKL
0,6
Control HML
0,4
0,2
0
2000
2002
2004
2006
Yaer
Figure 3 displays the number of police-reported violent crimes per A-licensed
premises in the intervention and control areas. The total number of policereported violent crimes decreased by 33% since the start of the project in the
licensed premises in the HML intervention area. Preliminary analyses of our
time series data indicated that the reduction in offences could be statistically
significant when controlling for developments in the control area
(Warpenius, Holmila & Mustonen 2008). Unfortunately, the number of cases
in the local context is too small for more sophisticated time-series analysis. In
the JKL intervention area the number of violent crimes dropped during the
first intervention year, but thereafter the number of violent crimes returned
to the pre-intervention level.
Figure 4 shows the number of violent crimes per capita in the
intervention and control areas as a whole. The overall number of violent
assaults has risen in all four project areas since the pre-intervention year 2003
(Figure 4). The developments in the intervention and control areas are in line
with national trends (Lehti et al. 2007, Poliisin tietoon tullut rikollisuus 2007).
Alcohol prices were cut sharply in Finland in 2004 following a radical
reduction in taxes, and this has led to a marked increase in alcohol-related
harms at the national level.
263
Figure 4. Police-reported violent crimes per capita in intervention and control areas, 2000–
2007
Violent crimes per capita
0,01
0,009
0,008
Intervention JKL
Intervention HML
0,007
Control JKL
0,006
Control HML
0,005
0,004
2000
2002
2004
2006
Year
In the HML intervention area the overall rise in violent assaults is in contrast
to the trends seen for violent assaults in licensed premises. Even though all
violent crimes increased in other public and private spaces even in the HML
intervention area, the figures for licensed premises showed a decrease during
the PAKKA project.
It seems then that situational harm reduction measures have been
successful in preventing the expansion of aggression in bars and nightclubs in
the HML intervention area, even though the liberalisation of national alcohol
policy increased the risk of alcohol-related violence in other public spaces.
This was not the case in the other PAKKA intervention area Jyväskylä or in
either of the control areas, which saw an increase in violent crimes in licensed
premises.
Discussion: The options and challenges for local
prevention
The results in the PAKKA intervention areas indicate that the multicomponent approach that targets licensed premises is a promising addition to
national level alcohol control strategies and welfare policies. Our findings
show that a local community prevention project that is carefully planned and
264
that systematically applies evidence-based methods can be an effective way to
increase the control of service to intoxicated in bars and pubs, and
furthermore to decrease alcohol-related problems.
Several components and strategies supported one another in the
approach adopted in the PAKKA project. This approach emphasises the role
of co-operation between law enforcement officials, local restaurant owners
and their employees and concurrent community mobilisation in the form of
campaigning, awareness raising and media advocacy in the locality.
Our results are consistent with experiences from previous multicomponent programmes, indicating a reduction of police-reported violent
assaults in licensed premises (Homel et al. 1994; Wallin et al. 2003). During
the PAKKA project the district-level licensing authorities were especially
active in enforcing a policy change. There was increased supervision by local
alcohol inspectors and also changes in law enforcement in the form of
written reprimands for over-serving and other offences.
Policy measures were combined with co-operative actions such as
training in order to create and reproduce the social norms and values for
alcohol service and marketing. Some parts of the intervention received a lot
of publicity, and media advocacy was used. Indeed policy changes are crucial
for achieving effects at a local level (Holder & Reynolds 1997), but
information campaigns are important in order to achieve social acceptance
for these control actions (e.g. Carplet 2007). The fact that no preventive or
community-level actions were implemented in the control areas may explain
why the number of violent assaults in the licensed premises there remained at
a high level despite the increased surveillance by alcohol inspectors in the
control areas.
Situational measures are rather expensive since local projects require
many simultaneous actions. Some studies raise the question of sustainability,
pointing out that it is a huge challenge to sustain comprehensive
environmental and community actions beyond the research project period
(Graham & Chandler Coutt 2000; Holder & Moore 2000). Because multicomponent approaches are difficult and expensive to implement in a
systematic way at a national level, it is possible that community action
projects have only a temporary effect on serving practices in licensed
premises.
Another challenge for prevention in licensed premises is to find ways
to influence deep-rooted social norms that accept intoxication as a selfevident aspect of party culture. The PAKKA project might have succeeded
in raising awareness of the problems among the bar staff, but this was not
enough to motivate them to refuse to sell to intoxicated, especially during the
early hours. If intoxication is seen as an acceptable condition for customers
265
in nightclubs, then the self-supervision of restaurants is clearly an inadequate
tool in fighting drunkenness and alcohol-related social problems. In general,
it is extremely difficult to implement laws that run counter to cultural norms.
A controlled quasi-experimental research design in local prevention
projects involves some inherent limitations and challenges. The problem for
research is this: how to demonstrate an effect when the local number of cases
in outcome evaluations is too small for statistical testing? In the PAKKA
project, for example, the statistical power was not sufficient to prove the
effects on violence.
Another reason for the difficulty of demonstrating the effects of the
PAKKA project may lie simply in the short duration of the project. The
programme had been ongoing for only two and three years when the postmeasurements were conducted. Perhaps the new prevention methods were
not sufficiently tested and developed during the relatively short period of
time. The formation of sustainable structures and routines requires long-term
actions.
A further challenge for the research was that other interventions and
prevention activities were carried out during the project years. For example in
Hämeenlinna, the police were especially active in an ―internal security‖
project, which included conflict management in public spaces. Therefore the
interventions in the PAKKA project were strengthened by other local
processes and by synergy effects that were not monitored by our research
group from the beginning of the project. Causal connections between
interventions and violence at a local level are thus complicated and almost
impossible scientifically to prove: we cannot demonstrate a clear input–
response relationship between the specific interventions and the reduction in
the number of violent crimes.
All in all, on the basis of the experiences gained in the evaluation of
the PAKKA project, we are hopeful that the localities can be encouraged to
prevent alcohol-related harms in licensed premises by increasing enforcement
of alcohol legislation and by combining this enforcement with training,
community mobilisation, the influencing of public opinion and by media
advocacy.
266
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272
Concluding remarks
Börje Olsson & Jukka Törrönen
T
he chapters of the first section in this book that analyse diaries written
by young adults in four Nordic cities offer fascinating material for
comparison. Although these chapters apply somewhat different theoretical
perspectives to what are essentially similar datasets, it is possible to draw
some interesting comparative conclusions. In addition, the chapters by Antti
Maunu and Ingeborg Lund and Janne Scheffels use interview data on the
same topic, adding important and interesting insights.
In their chapters "Consumption of Sociability" and "Oslo by Night",
both Maunu and Lund and Scheffel point out that in Finland and Norway,
respectively, the pub and the restaurant institutions appear as arenas of
ordinariness. In Finland, according to Maunu, the ordinariness is expressed
as two-way distinctions from both upper-class people and outcasts who
spend their days at pubs by drinking from morning till evening. Young
adults‘ drinking place classifications are not intended as tools for marking out
their superiority, but rather for marking their normality, or what Maunu calls
the ―average ethics‖ (see also Törrönen & Maunu 2005). Rather than
emphasising hierarchies of taste, young adults in Finland seem to value
genuine, down-to-earth sociability.
Young people in Norway seem to apply a similar distinction that
emphasises down-to-earth sociability. Lund and Scheffels describe how many
of their informants prefer "relaxed places" that are cosy, homely and not too
elegant. The popularity of ordinary drinking places among young adults, they
suggest, can be explained by the fact that Norway continues to resemble a
rural community: it is not yet a full-blown modern society with a rich urban
café and pub culture. The same interpretation may hold true in Finland. Until
very recently Finland was still a poor agricultural society, and its peasant
traditions remain strong: modernisation only really got underway in the
1960s. These peasant traditions that emphasise modesty may explain why
"average ethics" has such a strong foothold in Finland (see Törrönen &
Maunu 2005).
Sweden differs from Finland and Norway in that it is possible to
identify among the diary-writers a group of restaurant-goers whom Börje
Olsson calls "the distinguished": "Their diaries are brilliant displays of la
distinction (Bourdieu 1979) in action where the descriptions of restaurants
273
and drinking habits are full of markers that draw up the lines between their
sophisticated lifestyles and 'less developed' styles" (Olsson in this book).
Accordingly, Sweden differs from Finland and Norway in that it has been a
powerful estate society with distinctive cultural traditions.
Iceland can be characterised as coming closer to Finland and
Norway, although the diary-writers do not explicitly speak about the desire to
visit ordinary places. As Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir and Unnur Maria
Bergsveinsdóttir describe in this book, the lifestyle distinctions in Iceland do
not form hierarchic taste cultures, but they resemble Maffesolian choices of
company. This means that lifestyle distinctions in Iceland are based not so
much on class grounds as in Sweden, but more on individual preferences.
In Finland and Norway ―relaxed places‖ offer suitable environments
for cosy and homely sociable partying that, according to the diaries, seems to
be the dominant way of drinking among young adults in these countries. As
Jukka Törrönen says, sociable partying meets the focal traits of Durkheim's
social ritual (1965) and Simmel's ideal of sociability (1949), where "a lot of
time is used to proceed from individual moods and goal-oriented
competition to a common cyclic and well-matched time"; where "during the
evening the group will try to do things together, following the same rhythm,
by respecting the dynamics of the company"; and where "the activities are
not aimed at utilitarian goals, but they serve the revitalisation and
reinforcement of the social bonds among one's own mates (Järvinen 2003,
220)". Therefore, in sociable partying ―the recipe for a successful evening is [] a balanced drinking level‖ (Lund & Scheffels in this book). The group
prefers to stay together the whole evening and tries to drink in sync, i.e. not
to drink too much or too little. The idea is to regulate the level and pace of
drinking so that the conversation, dancing and action remains energetic and
so that one does not lose consciousness (cf. heroic drinking in Finland).
Sociable partying is also prominent in Iceland, but it differs from its
Finnish and Norwegian variant in that it is more individualistic. Ólafsdóttir
and Bergsveinsdóttir describe how the Icelandic diary-writers do not stay
together the whole evening, but move from one group to another and from
one pub to another to meet old friends and new people. They interpret this
by reference to the theories of Maffesoli. In addition, the individuality of
partying in Reykjavík may have a special collective character because of the
small size of the city centre, which is almost village-like. The sense of
belonging to the ―same family‖ and the fact that all the pubs are within
walking distance allows for a special combination of individuality and
sociability in Reykjavík‘s party life.
In Sweden, traces of sociable partying are most clearly evident in the
accounts of "the confirmation seekers" and ―the liminal‖ drinkers. The
274
confirmation seekers, however, place more emphasis on the value of
consuming alcohol for their own identities‘ sake rather than for the sake of
the group‘s shared identity, as is the case with sociable partying. The ―liminal
drinkers‖ seem partly to follow the logic of sociable partying. However,
above all, the group resembles the general view of adolescent drinking, that
is, ―they are in a transitory stage where old identities are fading away in
favour of what probably best could be described as uncertainty. New ways of
living are tested, limits are questioned, sexuality is explored, partners are
searched for, and intoxication is induced, either instrumentally in order to do
things they do not dare in sober conditions, or in its own right to reach
liminal states‖ (Olsson in this book).
Although we do not have access to the same kind of diary data from
Denmark as we do from the other Nordic countries, the evidence on the
Friday-bar phenomenon clearly points to the importance of sociable drinking
in this country, too. According to Karen Elmeland and Susanne Villumsen,
―The Friday bar evening parties frame rites of togetherness, where it is
allowed to get even very drunk and where the students can improve their
fellow-feelings with other college students‖.
In Finland and Norway it is possible to detect some differences in
the way that men and women experience intoxication-oriented drinking
situations. In Finland, the diary analysis shows that the heavier the drinking
situations, the more intense the gender tensions they seem to embody.
Women‘s different attitude to intoxication may be due to the fact that their
corporality has traditionally been more tightly regulated by cultural and social
norms than that of men. For example, women‘s appearance has always been
paid more attention than that of men. This may explain why women are
more liable to feel guilty of their lapses of body control in heavy drinking
sessions. When a female drinks too much and ―loses bodily control by
messing around and vomiting, this usually produces shame in her and she
must save face by making her ‗me‘ suffer guilt for the behaviour‖ (Törrönen
in this book). A male can take a more relaxed attitude and even laugh
afterwards at his lapses of body control.
In Norway, Iceland and Sweden, the analyses do not reveal notable
gender differences in drinking styles among young adults. The only
difference observed in the Norwegian data is that men tend to drink larger
amounts than women when they go out. Otherwise, drinking occasions seem
to be shared socio-cultural realities for both men and women. In Sweden
there is some tendency for women to belong more often to the group of
confirmation seekers. This is the group who are described in the diaries as
―well-mannered ordinary people who act responsibly on their recentlyembarked-upon life journey as adults.‖
275
The second section of this volume "Pubs and Problems in Media and Local
Communities" offer also interesting material for conclusions. The growth of
public drinking has attracted increased media attention to different aspects of
this phenomenon. As well as mirroring the ongoing process, the media are
actively constructing images of this ―reality‖, shaping for instance the ways in
which the problems are understood and suggesting which solutions should
be brought to the fore.
Indeed, the way in which the media present public drinking and its
pros and cons is an important source for establishing and changing public
opinion. In general, the amount of commentary on restaurants and alcohol
has tended to increase over the last decades. Rather than discussing the
restaurant issue in connection with more general alcohol policy issues, the
focus of the articles has increasingly shifted to more specific questions.
Today, the focus tends to be mainly on private consumption, taste and
pleasure, which probably reflects the general trend in society towards
individualism and consumerism. The descriptions of problems related to onpremise drinking and their solutions are turning away from universal policy
measures derived from the so-called total consumption model and focusing
instead on individuals (e.g. underage, intoxicated and alcoholics) and certain
negative consequences and harms (e.g. intoxication, violence and public
nuisance). Although these kinds of descriptions of ―reality‖ are of course a
reflection of wider trends in society, the media accounts are also serving to
amplify those trends.
The growth of public drinking has thrown up new challenges for
alcohol policies aimed at reducing potentially harmful drinking situations.
The chapters of Ólafsdóttir, Warpenius and Holmila shed light on some of
the possibilities and problems in an area of alcohol policy where there are
high hopes of being able to reduce alcohol problems. Not only has the
availability of alcohol at bars, pubs and restaurants grown enormously, but
this is one of the few remaining areas where nation states can still exercise
legislative power to counteract problematic drinking and alcohol-related
harms. There is probably no doubt that drinking on licensed premises can
cause problems. The focus of most prevention efforts is on the serving of
underage or intoxicated persons, as well as on violence in and around
different establishments serving alcohol. Ólafsdóttir shows that there are
good reasons indeed to pay attention to the latter aspect. Violence is not only
caused by the peculiarities associated with the consumption of alcohol at
bars, pubs or restaurants, but the violent act itself is distinctly shaped by the
qualities specifically attached to such places. Furthermore, violent behaviour
is frequently linked to intoxicated and sometimes underage persons.
In Finland, the government has undertaken an ambitious attempt to
276
implement a local alcohol prevention programme and to evaluate its
outcomes. The PAKKA project was a top-down endeavour aimed at
strengthening the enforcement of existing regulations. A key objective was to
―reduce sales of alcoholic beverages to intoxicated and underage customers
and furthermore decrease alcohol-related harms that occur in licensed
premises, such as violent crimes and injuries‖ (Warpenius and Holmila in this
book). However, Warpenius and Holmila express their concerns over
whether or not it is possible to sustain the positive result in the long run after
the completion of the project. Whether entertained by researchers, special
project staff or by regular employees and officials, this project shows that
serving alcohol to intoxicated or underage persons can be reduced and that
alcohol-related harms in licensed premises can be positively affected by a
combination of well orchestrated measures. Such efforts must be supported
by public opinion campaigns and media advocacy. Isolated prevention
activities, whether evidence-based or not, is not the appropriate way forward.
The attempts to limit alcohol-related harms at licensed premises
discussed above mainly concern activities that are aimed at maintaining
formal regulations. An alternative or rather a complementary way of
achieving the same goals is the use of more informal approaches, such as the
Danish attempt to socialise adolescents to public party life. No matter how
provocative such ―here-and-now harm reducing‖ initiatives (Kolind and
Elmeland in this book) might be to countries with stronger temperance
traditions than Denmark, they must be seriously discussed as policies become
more liberal and as commercial interests invade adolescents‘ lives. In
situations where parents are left with intoxicated kids beyond the control of a
crippled public sector, it should come as no surprise if they develop their
own private and informal ways of solving serious and acute problems. Even
if such approaches are not immediately replicable in other Scandinavian
countries, they highlight a dilemma that cannot be escaped as long as there
exists a widespread culture of intoxication among adolescents outside
formally controlled premises and beside normal (adult) drinking cultures.
The importance of restaurants in the lives of late-modern people is
amply demonstrated in this volume. Restaurants are significant public scenes
for engagement in social and cultural interaction, and have become
increasingly so with the rapid and continuing proliferation of new
establishments. As such, restaurants contribute both to more general
lifestyles and to their patrons‘ identities. The role of restaurants in
contemporary societies, characterised by fragmentation and individualism, is
probably in large part different from the role of 17th century coffee houses in
London or the role of 19th century ―bierstuben‖ in Germany. In the former,
intellectuals gathered and critically analysed British society, in the latter,
277
German workers got together to form the working class movement in the
wake of industrialism. They thus served as centres for social and cultural
change and as places which encouraged resistance and critique of power.
Throughout history, restaurants have served as show windows for painters,
writers, artists and other groups, adding a romantic, thrilling and attractive
flavour to them. Of course, this mix of challenge to society and temptation
to its citizens was inevitably to become a major focus for social control – not
least now that beverages perceived as dangerous are one of the most
important ingredients in these social arenas.
The narratives collected for this research by young adults on their
visits to and drinking at restaurants, pubs and bars clearly demonstrate that
the role of these establishments is both different from the traditional and
probably somewhat prejudiced views and present a more varied range of
perspectives on how to use and perceive them. Restaurants and alcohol
consumption, as significant components in distinguishing one lifestyle from
another, have also become increasingly important in building and reflecting
identities. Problem drinking is rarely present in these narratives. On the
contrary, alcohol at restaurants is depicted as a symbol or ideal type of a
responsible and culturally outstanding drinking occasion. One is tempted to
draw the conclusion that contemporary alcohol policies should promote
drinking occasions such as those described in the narratives rather than trying
to limit them by imposing formal restrictions and regulations. This however,
would be too simplistic. As demonstrated elsewhere in this book, on-premise
drinking gives rise to certain problems that call for formal regulations. This is
the field of tension that surrounds modern restaurants today and that
politicians in late modern society have to understand in order to find an
acceptable balance between freedom and control.
278
Appendix:
The Social History of Public Drinking in the
Nordic Countries
Karen Elmland, Esa Österberg, Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir,
Ingeborg Lund & Lennart Johansson
T
his appendix is intended to provide a historical background to public
drinking in the Nordic countries. Its focus is on legislation, opening
hours, number of licensed premises and consumption patterns in pubs and
restaurants from World War II through to the beginning of the 21st century.
Denmark
Legislation
Since 1912, running a public house in Denmark has required a business
licence and a publican‘s licence (The Licensing Act). Licences are awarded on
a number of considerations, including the applicant‘s personal record and
history. In cities, licences were initially issued by a licensing board, in rural
municipalities by the county council – on the recommendation of the city
council. In cases where 35% of the municipal electorate was in favour,
licences could be revoked. Indeed in the 1930s and 1940s, several rural
municipalities in Denmark were dry, i.e. had no establishment with a licence
to sell alcohol.
Throughout the 20th century the conflicts between publicans and
more restrictive interests have been expressed in Danish legislation, which at
once aims to
consider the needs of tourists and businesses and the moral and physical
health of the population. The most important questions have been the per
capita concentration of public houses, age limits, taxation, business hours and
concerns for public order.
The law has been revised on several occasions, including 1924 when
the legal age limit for serving alcoholic beverages was set at 18 years (Roelsen
and Skat-Rørdam, 1937), and 1939 when the regulation of licensing became
279
more restrictive. In towns with a population of more than 10,000, there may
be one public house per 550 inhabitants; in smaller towns the corresponding
ratio is one public house per 450 inhabitants. These per capita restrictions
were last revised in 1958, slightly increasing the maximum permissible
number of licences in smaller towns, but reducing the number in larger
towns (Thorsen, 1993). Furthermore, in 1958 the question of opening hours
was placed under the jurisdiction of city councils in order to counteract
speakeasies and nightclubs. The law was revised again in 1963, 1965 and
1966. In 1966 a new provision was introduced whereby the right of the
Ministry of Commerce to issue publican‘s licences to shopping centres was
expanded to include other retailers of a similar size and with similar goods
(Ibid., p. 144). In 1966 the Ministry of Commerce appointed a commission to
investigate the possibility of liberalising the Licensing Act to reflect the
recent liberalisation of the Danish Trade Act. The revision was completed
with the entry into force on 25 March 1970 of Act no. 121, which contains a
number of liberalisations and a few measures to tighten restrictions. The
most important aspect of the law is the removal of the distinction between
rural and urban areas where licensing is concerned. Firstly, the legal
restriction on the maximum number of licences in a given area is annulled,
and secondly, the use of municipal referendums on licensing was
discontinued.
Through these amendments, the question of the concentration of
public houses and licensing is placed under the jurisdiction of city councils
(the corporation in Copenhagen) that, in cooperation with the police, have
responsibility for assessing the issue vis-à-vis the local community‘s
considerations, such as: ―Drunkenness, serving to minors, vandalism,
disorderly behaviour at night, etc.‖ (Report 539, 14, circular of the Ministry
of Industry no. 65 of 5April 1969). The revision of the law in 1970 also made
it easier to revoke licences with the establishment of the National Licensing
Board, which replaced the existing Overbevillingsnævn. The National
Licensing Board was given jurisdiction over the administrative revocation of
licences. This, however, did not compensate for the effects of the
aforementioned liberalisations, as the number of licences during the period
between 1970 and 1978 increased by 50% (see Table 1), especially with many
small and profit oriented pubs, as is pointed out by representatives of the
trade (Nielsen, 1979).
In 1978 the law was revised again among other things in order to
facilitate the revoking of licences. However, the only authority with powers
to revoke a licence remains the National Licensing Board. Furthermore,
according to the 1978 amendment, the licensee became criminally liable for
negligence to provide mandatory supervision. This involves quite a
280
comprehensive responsibility, since the licensee is now obliged to make sure
that intoxicated consumers are safely escorted home or to a police station,
and that alcoholic beverages are not served to minors or to persons who
have been ordered by court to undergo alcohol abuse treatment. These
provisions regarding mandatory supervision by the licensee were repealed in
1993, since they proved impossible to observe in practice. The duty of
supervision now rests with the police. Act. 210 of 22 May 1985 specified that
public houses that sell alcoholic beverages are also obliged to sell nonalcoholic beverages, and that it must appear in their pricelists or menus that
such beverages are served.
A legislative amendment in 1986 transferred the authority to revoke
licences from the National Licensing Board to the local level, i.e. the city
council or the local licensing board. The provision was also added that
licences should always be revoked in repeated cases of serving minors or
intoxicated customers (Thorsen, 1993).
Table 1. Number of licences for on-premise sale of alcoholic beverages in
Denmark (expanded business hours)
Publican‘s
Liters of pure
Year
Night licenses
licenses
alcohol*
1952
4304
4,5
alcohol alcohol per
1960
4698
981
5,4
citizen
over 15
1965
5430
1295
6,6
alcohol per citizen
1970
4778
1596
8,7
over 15 alcohol pr.
1975
6936
2430
11,5
citizen 0. 15 years of
1980
8074
2920
11,7
age
1985
8948
3368
12,3
1990
10096
3934
11,6
1995
11034
3580
12,1
2000
11027
4036
11,5
2004
11184
3997
11,5
* per citizen over 15 year
In 1986 a new reform committee was appointed, emphasised the need for a
thorough deregulation and simplification of the law. The report was ready in
1990 and was debated in Parliament in 1992-1993 (Folketingstidende, 19921993). The law, which also contains a number of new authorisations aimed at
combating financial crime in the business (Axelsen, 2001), was passed under
the name of Lov om Restaurations- og Hotelvirksomhed mv. (Act no. 256 of
281
6 May 1993), taking effect on 1 August 1993. The Licensing Act which was
passed in 1993 is the main legislative instrument in this field today. However,
it has been revised several times, among others in 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005.
The following section provides a brief exposition of opening hours and
questions of public order.
Opening hours
The question of opening hours has always been a disputed aspect of the
licensing system in Denmark. In 1918 the second sobriety commission stated
that according to experience, shorter business hours ―have led to increased
sobriety and public order‖ (Rigdagstidende 1918-19). This view was no
longer given much weight in 1993, when city councils/licensing boards
gained the right to exempt licensees from normal closing times, which until
then had been 12.00 p.m., and allow licensees in the whole or parts of the
municipality to stay open until 2.00 a.m. However, authorisation from the
police is still required to stay open until 5.00 a.m. The licensing committee,
which was appointed in connection with the legislative amendment, argued in
favour of the changes, stating that people‘s habits are changing in that they
are arriving at public houses later than they used to. Furthermore it was
argued that if opening hours differ too widely, that will be liable to cause
problems with traffic and public order as guests move from one public house
to another with longer opening hours (Thorsen, 1993). The number of
establishments with night licences as a proportion of all public houses
increased steadily from 1960 through to 1990, then stagnated, but continues
to remain at a high level (Table 1).
Concerns of public order
As public houses have gained the right to stay open longer, so problems of
public order within pubs and in their immediate vicinity have escalated.
Section 32, subsection 1 of the Act introduced in 1993 states that the police
have the right and duty to contribute to maintaining public order in and
around public houses. If the licensee neglects to turn away disruptive
elements or call the police, his or her licence may be suspended or revoked.
Furthermore, the police can, with immediate effect, limit a public house‘s
business hours for up to 30 days in case public order is not satisfactorily
maintained.
A new act in 1997 (Act no. 350, 23 May 1997) gave police the right
to require that specific security measures are implemented in public houses,
for example video surveillance of people entering the establishment, if there
is a specific risk of violent behaviour. Public houses with special risks of
disorderly and/or violent conduct are typically those that attract young
282
guests, many guests at late hours, frequent queuing, etc. The question of
doormen or bouncers has emerged as an important aspect of the
maintenance of public order. According to an amendment to the Licensing
Act in 2004, the licensing board may require that a company uses trained and
authorised bouncers. Bouncers are authorised by the police.
Finland
Introduction
The Finnish Prohibition Act was repealed in 1932, and a new system of
alcohol control was introduced in Finland based on a state alcohol
monopoly, Alko. Besides monopolies on the production, import, export,
wholesale and off-premise retail sale of alcoholic beverages, i.e. beverages
containing more than 2.8% ethyl alcohol by volume, Alko also had a
monopoly on the on-premise retail sale of alcoholic beverages (Karlsson &
Österberg, 2002). According to the 1932 Alcohol Act, Alko was, however,
empowered to grant licences to private restaurants for the sale of alcoholic
beverages on premises. In fact, during Alko‘s monopoly of on-premise retail
sales of alcoholic beverages in 1932-1994, the great majority of restaurants
selling alcoholic beverages were owned by private persons or companies (see
e.g. Österberg 1989, 110, 121; Holder et al. 1998).
Alko‘s on-premise retail sale monopoly nevertheless meant that
during the period from 1932 to 1994, restaurants were more or less Alko‘s
agents: the law stipulated that besides issuing licences to restaurants, Alko
also owned all the alcoholic beverages sold in restaurants and consequently
Alko‘s inspectors regularly visited restaurants to check that the actual
amounts of alcoholic beverages tallied with the books. Alko also had the
power to set on-premise prices of alcoholic beverages, thereby heavily
controlling restaurants‘ earnings, and to regulate serving practices, such as
whether alcoholic beverages could be served over the bar counter or only to
tables, or whether dancing was allowed in restaurants serving alcoholic
beverages (Karlsson & Österberg 2002).
Licenced restaurants during the 1932 Alcohol Act
Under the 1932 Alcohol Act, which remained in force until 1969, the onpremise retail sale of alcoholic beverages was generally permissible only in
cities and towns. It was only in exceptional cases that licences were granted
to first-class restaurants or tourist hotels situated in rural municipalities
meant for serving travelers.
283
From the end of the Second World War until 1968, Finnish restaurants were
divided into four categories according to the strength of the alcoholic
beverages they were permitted to serve, and also into several price categories.
A restaurant with an A-licence was allowed to serve any alcoholic beverage.
Restaurants with B1-licences were allowed to serve beer and wines and
liqueurs with no more than 25% ethyl alcohol by weight. Restaurants with
B2-licences were allowed to serve wine and beer, while a restaurant with a Clicence could only serve beer. On-premise prices were fixed according to
which price category the restaurant was assigned (Ahlström-Laakso &
Österberg 1976).
At the beginning of the 1950s, about 70% of all restaurants in
Finland had A-licences, and only very few licensed restaurants were situated
in the countryside (see Table 2). Moreover, beer-only restaurants were very
rare, although they had been the most common type of restaurant in the mid1930s. In the 1930s beer restaurants had earned a bad reputation and they
were strongly attacked by the temperance movement. With the shortage of
foodstuffs during the Second World War forcing a suspension of beer
production, these restaurants withered away, and after the Second World
War Alko opted not to revive them (Mäkelä & Österberg & Sulkunen 1981,
43).
Table 2. Number of licensed restaurants in Finland in 1948-1968
Year
A-licences
B-licences
C-licences
Total
Licences in
licences
rural
municipalities
1948
235
93
0
328
5
1953
268
100
10
378
16
1958
323
96
13
432
22
1963
428
127
37
592
45
1968
572
196
143
911
176
Source: Alko‘s Yearbooks 1948, 1953, 1958, 1963 and 1968
Restaurants with A-licenses accounted for most of the increase in the
number of licensed premises in the 1950s, and they continued to increase
rapidly well in the 1960s. A common argument in discussions concerning the
Finnish restaurants policy in the 1960s has been that Alko largely favoured
the establishment of luxury and expensive restaurants that were inaccessible
to ordinary working people (Häikiö 2007). As Table 2 indicates, Alko‘s
284
restaurant licensing policy began to change in the 1960s: beer restaurants
were now being revived and B-licences were granted to an ever-increasing
extent. The number of beer restaurants increased particularly rapidly during
the latter half of the 1960s, and they were also established in rural
municipalities (Ahlström-Laakso & Österberg 1976, 4-5).
Since 1932 the age limit for purchasing alcoholic beverages in
restaurants has been 18 years, although in the decades immediately following
the Second World War it was quite common for restaurants to apply higher
age limits than those prescribed by the law as well as to enforce dress codes.
As late as the 1960s it was still impossible or at least very difficult for single
women or female parties to get into restaurants, and in some restaurants it
was not possible to obtain alcoholic drinks unless one ordered a meal. There
were no strict rules on the latter point, but the commission paid by Alko to
restaurants was partly dependent on the share of food sales in the restaurant‘s
turnover (Häikiö 2007).
The 1968 Alcohol Act and the Medium Beer Act
The 1968 Alcohol Act placed all municipalities, both urban and rural, on an
equal footing with regard to the off-premise and on-premise retailing of
alcoholic beverages. In Finland this revision is colloquially known as the
repeal of the rural prohibition act. Another important reform concerning
restaurants in the new Alcohol Act was the discontinuation of C-licences for
serving beer only (Ahlström-Laakso & Österberg 1976, 5).
Until 1969, all alcoholic beverages in Finland were sold off premises
in the stores of the state alcohol monopoly, and on premises in restaurants
licensed by Alko. One part of the 1968 reform of alcohol legislation was the
Medium Beer Act, which authorised Alko to grant ordinary grocery stores
the right to sell medium beer, i.e. beer containing no more than 4.7% ethyl
alcohol by volume, and ordinary cafés the right to serve it (Ahlström-Laakso
& Österberg 1976, 6).
From the outset Alko took a fairly liberal stance to granting permits
for the retail sale of medium beer; in fact it can be claimed that every grocery
store and almost every café that applied and that met the basic requirements
of the law, was granted permission to retail medium-strength beer. In 1969
there were a total of 2,716 licensed medium beer cafés in Finland, of which
1,195 were situated in rural municipalities. The corresponding figures for
1971 were 3,406 and 1,647. The decline in the number of medium beer cafés
since that year is explained by the overall decrease in the number of cafés,
not by a more rigorous licensing policy on the part of Alko (AhlströmLaakso & Österberg 1976, 6).
There were also other major quantitative changes in the Finnish
285
restaurant system in 1969. The number of licensed restaurants increased by
one-fifth, and the structural change was even greater. The number of
restaurants with an A-licence increased by 60 per cent, the number of fairly
inexpensive A-restaurants doubled from 261 to 550, and the number of rural
restaurants grew by 45% from 176 to 238. In the 1970s the number of
restaurants continued to rise, and the number of restaurants in the
countryside grew particularly rapidly (Ahlström-Laakso & Österberg 1976, 5).
The 1968 Alcohol Act also brought some important qualitative
improvements. The 1970s saw the establishment of new types of restaurants,
and specialisation started to play an important role in the catering industry,
substantially increasing consumers‘ options in the choice of their favorite
drinking place. The availability of alcoholic beverages also improved
markedly after the old restrictive requirements and attitudes towards
customers, such as dress codes or allowing women to enter restaurants
without male partners, were first substantially relaxed and then dropped
altogether. The relaxation of regulations concerning the serving of alcoholic
beverages, such as those which prohibited dancing in restaurants that serve
alcoholic beverages, have also increased the range of services offered by
restaurants. Usually this has meant internationally familiar services such as
gambling or striptease dancing, but in some instances it also gave birth to
totally new phenomena; one example is provided by the innovation of
afternoon dances at restaurants (Karlsson & Österberg 2002).
Sales of alcoholic beverages have played an important role in the
finances of the Finnish restaurant business. In the early 1970s alcohol sales
accounted for about 60% of the restaurant sector turnover, while the
corresponding figure in Sweden was about 26%. By the mid-2000s the share
of alcohol sales in restaurant turnover in Finland had decreased to 40%.
Finland as an EU member
The number of licensed restaurants increased in Finland following the
introduction of the 1968 Alcohol Act, but this increase accelerated even
further with the entry into force of the 1994 Alcohol Act (Table 3). In 1995
there were a total of 642,176 seats for customers in A- and B-licensed
restaurants. In 2005 this figure was 1,945,277, compared to 342,563 in 1985
(Alcohol Statistical Yearbook 1985, 1995 and 2005). The number of medium
beer cafés or C-licensed restaurants as they are nowadays called in the
statistics, has also increased since the late 1980s. In 1995 these C-restaurants
had 262,751 seats for customers (Alcohol Statistical Yearbook 2005). The
1994 Alcohol Act was basically motivated by Finland‘s EU membership,
which meant that Alko was deprived of its monopoly on on-premise sales of
alcoholic beverages. In practice this meant among other things that Alko was
286
no longer the body licensing or controlling restaurants, nor was it in the
position any more to determine on-premise prices for alcoholic beverages.
On the contrary, pricing in restaurants as well as rules affecting the behaviour
of consumers in restaurants became totally dependent on the restaurant
owner – of course within the bounds of current legislation and other very
general rules (Karlsson & Österberg 2002).
Opening hours
Restaurants‘ opening hours have been regulated in Finland since the 1930s.
In the mid-1970s restaurants were allowed to start serving alcoholic
beverages at noon, although beer could be served from 9 a.m. A few years
earlier the on-premise sale of medium beer could be started as early as 5 a.m.
(Österberg 1989, 128). In the mid-1970s restaurants generally had to close at
midnight or by 1.00 a.m., but provincial governments could grant extensions
until 2.00 or 3.00 a.m. In 1976 it was stipulated that medium beer cafés
should stop serving medium beer at 10 p.m. This rule was abandoned in
November 1990.
In 1987 the rules were relaxed to allow the serving of wine and
distilled spirits from 11 a.m., and since 1995 the serving of all alcoholic
beverages has been allowed from 9.00 a.m. From 1992, restaurants could
regularly be open until 2.00 a.m. In the mid-1990s extensions could be
granted until 4.00 a.m., and indeed about 700-800 restaurants were open until
3.00 a.m. and some 350 restaurants until 4.00 a.m. In the mid-1980s some
200-300 restaurants were open until 2.00 a.m. and some 40 until 3.00 a.m.
(Holmila & Metso & Österberg 1997).
Table 3. Number of licensed restaurants and medium beer cafés in Finland in
1965-2005
Year
A-licences
B-licences
Total A and BMedium beer
licences
cafés
1965
465
124
589
0
1975
1252
230
1482
3078
1985
1402
252
1654
2618
1995
3222
270
3492
5989
2005
5321
225
5546
2912
Source: Alko‘s Yearbooks 1965, 1975, 1985, 1995; Alcohol Statistical Yearbook 2005
287
Prices
In 1970 a more flexible system was introduced in Finnish restaurants for the
pricing of beer. Five years on in 1975, restaurants gained even greater
discretion, and they were allowed to apply different prices at different times
and in different areas of the restaurant. After 1975 there have been many
further changes in on-premise pricing systems giving restaurants more
freedom to price their beverages, including general minimum – maximum
pricing as well as minimum - maximum pricing within each beverage category
(see Holder et al. 1998). The crucial point to note, however, is that until 1995
the pricing system was determined by Alko, which set either a fixed price or
price range within which restaurants could decide on their own price level or
prices. Since 1995 the pricing of alcoholic beverages in Finnish restaurants
has been the exclusive decision of the restaurant owner.
Figure 1. Real price indices of alcoholic beverages 1951-2005, total sales, off-premise sales
and on-premise sales, 1969=100
As Figure 1 shows, on-premise prices of alcoholic beverages in Finland have
288
increased in relation to off-premise prices, first quite sharply in the early
1970s and then more slowly but nevertheless steadily until 2004. In 2004 onpremise prices increased dramatically again in relation to off-premise prices
when alcohol excise duties were lowered by an average of 33%. The
relationship between on- and off-premise prices was the same in 1951 and
1969. Since 1969 on-premise prices of alcoholic beverages have increased in
real terms by nearly 60%, while off-premise prices have decreased in real
terms by some 15%.
Consumption in restaurants
On-premise consumption of alcoholic beverages has more or less followed
the general trend of total alcohol consumption until the late 1980s (Figure 2).
Since the late 1980s on-premise alcohol consumption has grown more slowly
than off-premise consumption, and in the last decade and a half on-premise
consumption of alcoholic beverages has in fact decreased. This means that
on-premise alcohol consumption as a proportion of total recorded alcohol
consumption, which for decades used to fluctuate between 20 and 25%, has
now come down to 15%. One explanation for this lies no doubt in the rise in
real alcohol prices in restaurants shown in Figure 1, as there have been no
new restrictions on the physical availability on on-premise sales of alcoholic
beverages.
Since the 1950s the share of distilled spirits has decreased and the
share of beer has increased both in off- and on-premise retail sales of
alcoholic beverages (Figure 2). In 2007 about one fifth of alcohol sales in
restaurants consisted of distilled spirits, and the corresponding share of beer
was more then half. The share of beer is bigger in on- than off-premise sales
but the difference in not anymore as big as it used to be in earlier decades. In
2007 the share of wine in restaurant sales was 17% and the share of cider and
long drinks 7%.
The development of prices for alcohol in restaurants also means that
the value of alcohol sales in restaurants has not decreased in the same
manner as alcohol consumption calculated in litres of 100% ethyl alcohol. In
2007 the value of on-premise alcohol sales accounted for 37% of total value
alcohol sales in Finland. This means that alcoholic beverages continue to
remain economically important for restaurants, even though food sales have
recently been increasing both in absolute terms and in relation to alcohol
sales.
289
Figure 2. The share of different alcoholic beverage categories in off- and on-premise retail
sales of alcoholic beverages in Finland in 1947, 1967, 1987 and 2007, per cent
Summary
The number of restaurants has increased tremendously in Finland during the
last five decades, and the rules and regulations governing alcohol availability
in restaurants have also all but disappeared. However, prices of alcoholic
beverages in restaurants have gone up considerably in relation to off-premise
prices.
Total alcohol consumption has increased in Finland over the last five
decades, and on-premise alcohol consumption has followed this general
trend except for the past decade and a half, when total alcohol consumption
has increased but on-premise alcohol consumption has decreased, leaving the
level of on-premise alcohol consumption as a proportion of total alcohol
consumption at 15%. In 2007 the value of on premise alcohol sales of total
alcohol sales was however 37%.
290
Iceland
Introduction
For the most part of the 20th century the general climate around alcohol in
Iceland was shaped by temperance values and prohibition. In 1915, Iceland
introduced a prohibition of all alcoholic beverages. The prohibition was
partially lifted for wine in 1922, and for distilled spirits in 1935, when it was
repealed with the exception of beer containing more than 2.25% alcohol by
volume strength. Finally, prohibition ended with the legalisation of beer in
1989. In 1922, the State Alcohol Monopoly was established to sell wine, and
the Ministry of Justice granted licences for the sale of wines to restaurants in
Reykjavík and in the other largest towns in the country. However, the issuing
of licences in other towns than Reykjavík was delayed, and there were very
few licences for the sale of spirits until the last part of the 20th century.
Given the long period of prohibition and the following strict
legislation on alcoholic beverages, total consumption of alcoholic beverages
in Iceland was very low for the most part of the 20th century. Alcohol was
mostly absent from daily life. In the 1970s, however, the number of drinkers
began to increase and growing numbers of women started to drink alcohol.
In general, attitudes towards drinking alcohol and particularly drinking in
pubs and bars were rather negative. Home partying was popular, but social
gatherings and celebrations often took place in assembly halls and
restaurants. Even though drinking was rare, intoxication was allowed at
special occasions. Urbanisation brought new lifestyles with regard to
entertainment and socialising, which were later adopted in the countryside.
The advent of beer marked a decisive watershed with respect to the
position of alcohol in society. It led to a shift in beverage choices from
strong spirits to beer, and was followed by an increase in the number of
monopoly stores and licensed premises. Consequently, total consumption of
alcohol began to rise. Background data on public drinking in Iceland are less
than perfect. Statistics for off-premise sales are available for the whole 20th
century, but other alcohol statistics are only available for selected years.
Another limitation is the lack of research on the position of alcohol in
society.
Legislation
As in other temperance cultures, Iceland‘s restrictive alcohol policy has been
aimed at controlling the availability of alcohol both off and on premises.
Spirits licences have been regulated both by the Alcohol Act and the Act on
restaurants, hotels and entertainment. Decisions on issuing licences rested
291
initially with the Ministry of Justice, and subsequently with the police
authorities. In 1998, licensing decisions were transferred from the police to
local councils so that they could adapt licensing regulations according to local
interests. This was in line with the general trend in society to decentralise
decision-making from central to local government.
Gradually, attitudes towards licensing changed from being
considered a benefit to becoming a right when the applicant met the
requirements prescribed by laws and directives. The regulations on the
licensing process in force were very complicated, and in order to simplify
them a new Act on restaurants, hotels and entertainment 85/2007 was
adopted in 2007. Even though the tendency is towards a general liberalisation
of the regulations for granting spirits licences, there still remain many strict
requirements in place that applicants have to meet.
The most important amendments to the Alcohol Act were the
changes that lifted the ban on beer in 1989, a formative moment that gave an
important impetus to the restaurant industry. In the Reykjavik area many new
pubs were opened and large numbers of fast-food restaurants were licensed
to sell beer and wine.
Drinking at home or at a pub?
Monopoly outlets have accounted for the bulk of total sales of alcoholic
beverages in Iceland. In 1970, licensed premises accounted for only about
10% of total alcohol sales. Alcohol sales started to increase in the mid-1990s,
but on-premise sales have not increased in pace with the sales from
monopoly outlets.
As long as most drinking occasions were oriented to intoxication,
spirits were favoured over wine. Until the 1990s, long drinks (e.g. vodka
mixed with soft drinks) were the most popular drinks at taverns, whereas
wine consumption was rare. Indeed, demand for wine was so limited in bars
and restaurants that wine was only sold in bottles, but not by the glass. For a
short time, from 1983 to 1985, a forerunner to beer, so-called beer-substitute
was a popular tavern drink. A wave of new taverns, referring to themselves as
pubs, announced that they had secret formulas for mixing light beer with
spirits. This practice was contrary to the law and was stopped by a special
regulation in 1985. As soon as beer was legalised, it became very popular,
whereas the consumption of both wine and spirits diminished. The share of
beer of all alcohol sales climbed from 33% in 1990 to 53% in 2006. Even
though beer partly came to substitute wine and spirits, in the long run it
significantly pushed up total consumption of alcohol. Furthermore, it
changed people‘s favourite beverage choices, and had a great effect on
restaurant and pub culture.
292
Table 4. On-premise alcohol sales and total volume of alcohol sales in the
population aged 15 or over
On-premise alcohol
Total alcohol sales in
Year
sales
litres per capita, 15 yrs+
1950
2,0
1960
2,6
1970
10%
3,7
1980
11%
4,3
1990
20%
5,2
2000
25%
6,1
2006
21%
7,2
Sources: Ólafsdóttir, Hildigunnur (2003). Statistical Bureau of Iceland.
Number of spirits licences
The strict regulations for spirits licensing served to keep the number of
licensed premises down. In order to apply for a spirits licence, the bar or
restaurant in question had to have a complete kitchen and serve food and
offer a selection of reasonably priced soft drinks. There were also strict
requirements for the quality of furniture and accommodation.
In the early 1950s there was just one licensed restaurant in Reykjavík,
but around 1,000 temporary licences were issued every year. Local societies
and associations could apply for a temporary spirits license when they
arranged entertainment for their members. For many years, there were
almost no licensed restaurants or bars in the countryside at all, but it was
possible to apply for a temporary licence for example in connection with
entertainment events in assembly halls. In the countryside, the first spirits
licences were granted to summer hotels in order to accommodate for foreign
tourists. Around 1990, regulations regarding the person in charge were made
stricter, but the requirements concerning accommodation were loosened,
probably to increase licensing in the countryside. Even though the number of
spirits licences increased first in the Reykjavík area, the rate of proliferation
was higher in the countryside. The increase in the number of licences
indicates that the frequency of restaurant and pub going has increased.
Survey data from 2004 confirm the results of a survey carried out in 1992
that young men are the most frequent pub goers.
293
Table 5. Number of spirits licenses
Year
Number of spirits
licenses in Reykjavík
Number of spirits licenses in
Iceland
1970
1974
1985
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2006
16
16
42
79
92
103
115
132
144
156
163
164
155
170
182
177
196
206
21
29
91
171
134
152
179
235
252
297
341
444
461
478
495
512
551
Sources: Alcohol and other drugs (2003).
Who decides on licensing?
According to the Alcohol Act of 1954, the Minister of Justice could grant
spirits licences after receiving an assessment from the city council and the
local temperance board. Spirits licences were only granted in towns. An
amendment to the Alcohol Act in 1969 made it possible to grant spirits
licences to hotels in the countryside from June to September. At the same
time, the new legislation allowed for limited licences to serve wine and later
beer. Before a spirits licence could be obtained, the local council had to take
a vote on a submitted application. The general procedure was to send the
application to the local temperance board. Local politicians usually appointed
total abstainers to these boards, and they were opposed to spirits licensing.
Consequently, with attitudes to alcohol consumption changing in society,
there was a tendency to brush their opinion aside.
The Alcohol Act was further amended in 1989 when decisionmaking on spirits licences was decentralised and moved from the
294
Department of Justice to the local chiefs of police. In 1998, decisions on
licensing were transferred from the police to local councils. It was now up to
these councils to grant spirits licences after receiving an assessment from the
chief of police and various local authorities responsible for building and
planning, fire prevention, security and health regulations. In the case of
spirits licensing the councils have increasingly given precedence to economic
interests over and above alcohol and social policy interests.
In 2007 a new Act on restaurants, hotels and entertainment (no.
585/2007) was adopted that again changed the licensing process. According
to this law, applications for spirits licences shall be submitted to the local
chiefs of police. However, the chief of police can only grant a licence after
approval from the local authorities and local councils, whose dictum is
binding.
Pub or restaurant?
In the 1950s the only restaurant that had a spirits licence in Reykjavík was
Hotel Borg (City Hotel). The argumentation for its licence was that it wanted
to please foreign guests. Local people did visit, however, and it was
sometimes complained that the local drunkards were spending their time
there. In the 1960s, there were two types of entertainment establishments, i.e.
licensed and unlicensed venues. The licensed restaurants opened early and
served dinner. Around nine o‘clock after dinner, there was live music and a
floor show, but they had to close at 11.30 p.m. The unlicensed dancing halls
did not open until 9.00 p.m., but stayed open until 1.00 a.m. No one was
admitted after 11.30 p.m.
From the 1960s to the 1980s, discotheques were the main
amusement centers for dancing and drinking. Changes began to sweep
through the restaurant industry in the early 1980s. Many small restaurants
were granted licences to serve wine to their dinner guests. The legalisation of
beer provided a major impetus to the restaurant industry, which expected
beer to become a tavern drink. The discotheques had an admission fee, while
the pubs did not. Over time, a growing variety of different types of public
drinking places have been opened.
According to Directive no. 585/2007, restaurants, hotels and
entertainment restaurants are classified into seven categories: restaurants with
full services, clubs, restaurants with limited services, catering services, cafés,
pubs, and assembly halls. It is sometimes difficult to apply this classification,
however, since many establishments combine several of these functions.
There are snack bars, cafés and restaurants that become pubs at night, for
example, and some of them offer live music and dancing. This often makes
more business sense for small licensed premises and is quite common in
295
small towns around the country.
In the same Directive, restaurants, hotels, and entertainment are
classified into three groups; 1) venues without a spirits licence, 2) smaller
venues where the operation is not likely to cause disturbance in the
neighbourhood for example by playing loud music, which close by 11.00 p.m.
and which have little need for policing, and 3) larger and fully licensed
restaurants and bars that play loud music, that remain open after 11 p.m. and
where there is more need for control and policing. Restaurants in the third
category are obliged to have two doormen. The chief of police can require
that the number of staff at the door is increased when especially large
numbers of guests are expected. Doormen are authorised by the police, and
in order to obtain a certificate they have to take a special course. In practice,
only those planning to work permanently as doormen are interested in doing
that.
Opening hours
The decision on opening hours rests with local councils. Opening hours may
therefore vary from one town to another. In Reykjavík it was not until 1960
that opening hours were extended to 1.00 a.m. on Friday and Saturday nights
for licenced restaurants, and until 2.00 a.m. for unlicensed restaurants on
Saturday nights. Only those classified as first-class restaurants could be
granted a spirits licence, but they had to agree to shorter opening hours. In
1979, opening hours on Saturday nights were extended from 2.00 a.m. to
3.00 a.m. From mid-1999 to mid-2001 Reykjavík experimented with
unlimited opening hours, and most pubs in the city centre were open all
night. After this experiment, opening hours were restricted again to 5.30 a.m.
on Fridays and Saturdays.
Discussion
The laws and directives that regulate the serving of alcoholic beverages have
been liberalised several times in Iceland, but they are still comprehensive.
Differences in the regulation of spirits licensing between urban and rural
areas that were very clear from the 1950s through to the 1970s have now
vanished. Sometimes, tourism has been used as an argument for liberalising
licensing regulations. The issuing of licences has been transferred from the
police to local communities, but today it is administered by the police.
Opening hours have been extended, but they have remained a controversial
issue since the mid-1990s. Around the turn of the millennium, and again in
the winter of 2007-2008, a heated debate erupted on violence, disorder and
policing in the city centre of Reykjavík, where most of the pubs are located.
These matters are usually discussed within the frame of situational control
296
rather than from the vantage-point of general alcohol and social policy
interests. All in all, pubs, bars, cafés and restaurants are mainly frequented by
young adults, and they play a significant role in their lives.
Norway
Introduction
At the beginning of the 20th century, the general climate with regard to
alcohol was quite restrictive in Norway. The temperance movement was at
the height of its strength, and represented an important political power
(Waahlberg, 1988). The first comprehensive Alcohol Act, passed in 1904,
made the selling and serving of alcoholic beverages contingent on a
municipal licence. Spirits could, with a few exceptions, only be sold or served
in towns (Hauge, 1986). Furthermore, local referendums more often than not
resulted in a reduction, or even a complete abolishment of local alcohol sales,
so that by 1919 only 35 of the country‘s 65 urban municipalities, and 37 of
the 600 rural municipalities allowed the sale of beer and wine (Hauge, 1986).
At this point of course, prohibition (1916-1927) had already made all sales of
spirits illegal.
Statistical sources going back to 1930 show that the proportion of
spirits, wine and beer sold through licensed premises was quite low, but
increased slightly from 1930 to the 1960s (Nordlund, 1985). Then, in an
interview survey in 1964, more than 80% of men aged 30-45 in Oslo
reported that their last drinking session had taken place in a private home,
while 14% said they had last drunk on licensed premises (Nordlund, 1985).
At the time of the survey, this meant that men from Oslo drank on licensed
premises less often than men in the other Nordic capitals. Overall, therefore,
there are strong reasons to assume that the use of pubs and restaurants by
Norwegians in the first 60 years of the 20th century was relatively limited.
1965 – 2005: The normative law
In the period from 1960 to 1974, the laws regulating the serving of alcoholic
beverages in Norway were liberalised on several occasions (Horverak, 1979).
In 1960, licences to serve spirits were only granted in towns with more than
4,000 inhabitants, and only after a local referendum on the sale of spirits had
been held and a monopoly outlet had been established. At least 5% of the
local population was to demand a referendum, which could only be held in
local election years, and not more often than every eighth year. Licences to
serve wine and beer could be obtained even without local referendums,
unless at least 5% of the inhabitants demanded one, in which case the result
297
was binding. Wine and beer referendums could be held in any year, but not
more frequently than at eight-year intervals.
Licences were ordinarily issued by local councils, but there were
exceptions. The state, represented by the Ministry for Social Affairs and
Health, issued licences for tourist hotels, mountain hotels, passenger ships,
trains and international airports. Interestingly, hotels with a state licence were
not permitted to serve local residents, but only hotel guests.
In 1967 amendments to the Alcohol Act removed the earlier
distinctions made between urban and rural areas, and made referendums
mandatory only for serving but not for sales of spirits. In a new amendment
to the Alcohol Act in 1973, referendums became voluntary. In addition, the
requirement was abolished that there had to be a monopoly outlet in the
municipality before serving licences could be issued, and temporary licences
became available. Tourist and mountain hotels gained the right to serve even
the local population, and they could now obtain their licence either from the
council or the state. In 1974, it was decided that no statement was needed
from the State Licensing Board to gain an extension to spirits serving
licences, or to change serving hours. All in all, with these latest amendments,
obtaining a licence to serve alcohol became a less cumbersome process.
In the new Alcohol Act of 1989, local referendums were abolished
altogether. In 1997, the state's right to issue licences was curtailed, as
decisions on the licensing of tourist hotels were transferred to local
municipalities. Today, licences for trains, airplanes, ships and military bases
are granted by the state. In all other instances licences are issued by local
governments. Between 1960 and 1975, a special tax was levied on beer served
in licensed premises. When this tax was retracted, beer prices in restaurants
came down, while beer bought in shops became more expensive (as taxes
were increased to reduce the loss of income).
Opening hours
Serving hours for municipal licences were determined by local councils
within the frames shown in Table 6. Before 1997 local councils could freely
decide on opening hours for the serving of beer and wine. It had been
common for different municipalities to have different opening hours. After
the liberalisation in 1973, the general tendency was to increase serving hours
for spirits and to bring them in line with serving hours for wine and beer. By
the end of the 1980s this meant that spirits would often be available until
03.00–04.00 a.m. (NOU, 1995). The introduction of maximum serving hours
for wine and beer in 1997 from max 6 in the morning until 3 am thus meant
shorter hours for all beverages. On the other hand, most of the "spirits-free"
days shown in the Table 6 were removed.
298
Table 6. The development in opening hours
Beverage
Period
1965-1973
1973-1997
Wine/Beer
Standard
no limits
no limits
Maximum
no limits
no limits
Conditions
none
none
for max.
Spirits
Standard
15 – 23 (13 – 23)
15 – 24 (13-24)
Maximum
15 – 24 (13 – 23)
13 –
Conditions
for max.
Wine also served
Counsel approval
Other
limitations
No spirits served on
Saturday, Sunday, Religious
holiday, day before rel.
holiday, 30th April, 1st May,
16th and 17th May, election
days, day before election
days (Christmas Eve, Easter
Eve, Lent Eve). Permission
could be given to serve
closed parties on Saturday
and day before religious
holiday.
Closed parties,
dinner guests,
tourists.
Wine also served
Counsel approval
No spirits served on
Sundays, some
religious holidays,
30th April, 1st May,
16th and 17th May,
election days, day
before election days.
Only tourists, dinner
guests and closed
parties served on
Christmas Eve,
Easter Eve, Lent Eve
1997-2006*
08 – 01
06 – 03
counsel
approval
13 – 01
13 – 03
wine/beer also
served
Counsel
approval
97-05: No
spirits served
on election
days.
(in paranthesis): State licensees. * Today opening hours are regulated on the basis of alcohol
content. The former opening hours for spirits now apply to beverages containing 22%or more
alcohol, while the former regulations concerning serving hours for beer and wine apply to
beverages containing between 2.5 and 22% alcohol.
1965-2005: number of on-premise establishments and frequency of visits
Even though our knowledge of people's use of pubs and restaurants after the
mid-1960s is limited, we can assume that the frequency and prevalence of
restaurant going has increased from 1965 up to the present day. While a
survey in 1964 showed that 14% of men had been to a licensed establishment
on their last drinking occasion, in 1999 the proportion of all drinkers (men
299
and women) who reported that their last drinking occasion took place in
licensed premises was 30%. In 2004 the figure was 26% (Lund, submitted).
Furthermore, in 1989, men in Trondheim reported an average of 15 visits to
restaurants over the last year, while women reported 10 visits (Nordlund,
1990). In 1994, results from a national survey showed that men had visited
restaurants 40.1 times over the last 12 months, and women 27.7 times
(Rossow & Træen, 1995). However, over the last ten years, it seems that this
growth in restaurant going has come to a halt. In 1999 and 2004, drinkers
had on average been to restaurants approximately 21 times over the last 12
months (Lund, submitted).
The clearest indication of the increased use of pubs and restaurants
is probably provided by the increase in the number of licensees. In the 1960s
and 1970s, this increase was relatively modest (NOU, 1995), but, it gained
momentum during the 1980s and 1990s. As we can see in Figure 3, fully
licensed premises have accounted for the bulk of this increase. It has been
suggested that this increase was largely a result of more liberal licensing
practices (Hauge & Lohiniva, 2002), but it is also likely that these liberal
practices were boosted by more liberal attitudes in the population to alcohol
generally, and to drinking in public particularly. One aspect of this was that
the temperance movement gradually lost its power (Warpenius & Sutton,
2000), a trend that is also illustrated by the fact that after 1951, local
referendums on alcohol sales unanimously favoured the sale of spirits
(Nordlund, 1998).
300
Figure 3: Number of licensed premises in Norway in 1980-2005
Finally, Norway enjoyed a period of vigorous economic growth after World
War II (Bull, 1982). People generally had more money to spend, and at the
same time the population increasingly moved from rural areas into towns and
cities (Statistics Norway, 2006). This development has continued up to the
present day. This has no doubt had some implications for restaurant going.
Unlike people in Denmark, for instance, the rural population in Norway
never lived in villages, but were scattered around on single farms. This meant
that traditionally, many people lived too far away from licensed premises to
visit them on a regular basis. In many ways the stronger concentration of
people was a necessary (although perhaps not sufficient) condition for the
development of a pub culture as seen in other countries. The rate of growth
in licensed premises in the largest Norwegian cities has been the highest.
Discussion
It seems straightforward to conclude that Norwegians‘ attitudes to licensed
premises have changed in a more liberal direction since 1965, and that we
probably use them more often now than before. However, it is not
necessarily true that this tendency has been equally strong throughout the
period under review. Survey data suggest that the frequency of pub and
restaurant going peaked in the mid-1990s, although the volume of wine sold
to licensed premises continued to increase in the following years. This might
301
of course reflect a shift in the balance between various types of beverages,
particularly a change in customer demand from beer to wine, and perhaps
also an increase in women's use of licensed premises. However, the number
of (fully) licensed premises has continued to increase even after the mid1990s, particularly in large cities. According to recent warnings from the
police (Aftenposten, 19 September 2006) this has led to increased public
drinking, especially among younger people, and also to bigger problems with
disturbance and violence in city centres.
Sweden
The decision in Sweden to abolish the ration book in October 1955 was
followed by a gradual liberalisation of restrictions on the serving of alcohol.
However, this hardly marked a revolutionary change in public drinking.
Public drinking was still perceived as dissentient behaviour, especially so
outside the large metropolitan areas. On-premise drinking was viewed as
occurring under more socially controlled forms, which motivated the lower
age limit of 18 years. During the first 12 months after the abolition of the
ration book, the food establishment‘s share of total alcohol sales dropped
from 12 to 6%. Of course, this percentage decline was affected by the
increased sales at Systembolaget, the Swedish Alcohol Retail Monopoly (see
Johansson 2008).
Alcohol consumption at restaurants and taverns as a proportion of
total consumption remained at a low level for decades after the ration book
was abolished. During the first decade, the low share of sales at food
establishments cannot be explained by reference to the development of
alcohol prices. Instead, Ilpo Koskikallio emphasises that the explanation lies
in ―the cultural place of the restaurant institution, partly because of political
control actions becoming peripheral‖ (Koskikallio 1985 143). However, there
are marked differences between different types of alcoholic beverage. In
1960, food establishment sales accounted for 7% of total spirits sales, 9% of
wine sales, but for as much as 52% of strong beer sales. One of the reasons
why the figure for strong beer is so high lies in the low overall sales of strong
beer. In 1960, sales of strong beer amounted to only 9.6 million litres as
compared to 43 million litres of spirits. Furthermore, in 1957 the rule was
abandoned that restaurant customers could only have a strong beer if they
had ordered a meal, which contributed to a relatively sharp percentage
increase in the serving of alcohol. In 1956, restaurant serving of alcohol
represented only 33% of total sales of strong beer.
302
With the increasing number of alcohol permits and restaurants in the 1990s,
sales through food establishments as a proportion of total registered alcohol
consumption of spirits, wine and beer also increased. In 1985, food
establishment sales accounted for 8.8% of total consumption, but this share
increased dramatically in the late 1990s. By 2005, sales in restaurants and
taverns accounted for almost 22% of total registered alcohol consumption.
This increase is, however, inflated by the fact that non-registered
consumption has increased considerably since the late 1990s. By definition,
this alcohol is not consumed in taverns and restaurants, even though it has
been shown that some smuggled alcohol is sold even in the restaurant
branch.
The increase in public drinking reinforced the position of strong
beer as the most common alcoholic drink at taverns and restaurants. A ―stor
stark‖ (large strong beer) aptly symbolises public drinking in Sweden.
Relatively speaking, the biggest increase in the last 20 years has been recorded
for spirits consumption. This can hardly be explained by the increase in use
of traditional Swedish schnapps, but rather by a change in youth drinking
culture, where stronger drinks and ‗shots‘ have become increasingly popular.
In 1984, food establishments accounted for 3.3% of total spirits sales, for
8.0% of total wine sales and 25.1% of total strong beer sales. Twenty years
later, in 2004, the corresponding figures were 14.7%, 11.9% and 32%
(Alcohol statistics 1998 and 2004). Public drinking at restaurants and taverns
has generally been an urban phenomenon in Sweden. This situation was
reinforced by the abolition of the ration book and restrictions (SOU
1961:52).
Alcohol licences
The number of alcohol licences in Sweden increased after the ration book
was abolished in 1955, albeit quite slowly during the first decade (Figure 4).
Compared to the last quarter of 1955, the number of alcohol licences for the
sale of spirits and wine and strong beer and for wine and strong beer was
almost twice as high as in the last quarter of 1970. These licences also
included the right to serve the weaker class IIA and IIB beers.
From the beginning of the 1990s to 2005, the number of alcohol
licences more than doubled for all types of alcoholic drinks. Indeed the
policy of granting licences was now increasingly liberal, and it is not without
reason that we speak of a ‗restaurant explosion‘, or at least an explosion in
the number of alcohol licences, during the last decade of the 20th century.
After the turn of the decade, the rate of increase slowed considerably. It is
also interesting to note that the number of alcohol licences for wine and
strong beer peaked in 1996 (2,181 licences), since when the figures have
303
more than halved 2005. The explanation for this, however, is quite simply
that local municipalities chose to issue licences for serving all kinds of
alcoholic drinks instead of just wine and strong beer.
Figure 4. Number of licensed premises in Sweden in 1955–2005, five-year intervals
10000
9000
8000
7000
6000
Spirits-wine-strongbeer
Wine-strongbeer
5000
Strongbeer
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
1955
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
Source: Statistical Yearbook of Sweden
In an international perspective, the very high prices of alcohol in Swedish
taverns and restaurants have certainly contributed to the low level of
consumption on public premises as a proportion of total alcohol
consumption. Out of the government‘s view, this has effectively prevented,
or perhaps delayed, the establishment of a popular and public drinking
culture.
Food and drink
Even though the restrictions on how much one can drink at a restaurant had
been totally abolished in accordance with the sales ordinance of 1954, the
obligation to have a meal when ordering alcohol applied fully for both spirits
and strong beer. This requirement did not apply to wine, but cooked food
should ―be obtainable‖ unless the selling of wine occurred together with the
serving of cakes and pastries. According to decision-makers, this requirement
was not directly linked to the restriction system in itself, but was rather
intended to guarantee the development of a sound restaurant culture, as well
304
as to the fact that food together with alcohol consumption lessened the level
of intoxication and physical injuries.
From July 1, 1956 through to 1961, Sweden experimented with
dropping the requirement of ordering a meal with alcohol. As a final thought,
the Alcohol Policy Commission (APC) noted that these experiments ―had
been ongoing for such a long time that they had surely received an enduring
character in the overall consciousness‖. The APC went on to suggest that the
requirement should be abolished, since the experiment had not had any
obvious ―alcohol policy drawbacks‖. The decision was supported by all
organisations to which it was submitted for consideration25. The Act on Trade
with Drinks,, which came into effect on January 1, 1978, stipulated that a
licence to serve alcoholic drinks could only be granted ―if it can be assumed
that the supply of cooked food will constitute a considerable part of the
operations‖. The Act applied to spirits, wine and strong beer. For the serving
of beer (2.8%), it was considered sufficient that ―cooked food is supplied or
in another event if there are particular reasons‖26.
The decisive change in legislation was that inspections were to focus
on the restaurant rather than their customers. The Alcohol Policy
Commission suggested that while ―the Swedish model‖ which connected
food and alcohol should remain in place, it should be made simpler. To
receive an alcohol licence, it should suffice that the restaurant had an
approved kitchen and that cooked food was served, i.e. that it was not
necessarily a major part of the operation. In the new Alcohol Act which
came into effect on 1 January 1995, it was stipulated that an alcohol licence
would only be granted if ―the food establishment has a kitchen for all-round
cooking and the supplying of cooked food‖27.
Municipalities and alcohol licences
The Alcohol Policy Commission took a critical stance on the strange
arrangement whereby decision-making on alcohol licences rested with the
state alcohol monopoly Systembolaget. Indeed, as of 1 July 1971, at the
APC‘s initiative, decision-making was transferred to the county
administrative board.
The new Alcohol Act that took effect on 1 January 1978 stipulated
that any individual wanting to run an establishment serving alcoholic drinks
was to apply to the county administrative board, which in turn would obtain
SOU 1974:91, SOU 1974:93, DsS 1977:1
SFS 1977:293, Hillbo 1979
27 SOU 1993:30, Proposition 1994/95:89, SFS 1994:1738
25
26
305
comments from the county temperance committee as well as local police
authorities and representatives of the municipality concerned.
The municipality retained its veto against alcohol service for new
establishments, as the county administrative board could not issue licences to
establishments if representatives of the local municipality were opposed. The
licence could not extend to stronger alcoholic drinks than had been approved
by the municipality. However, the licence could be revoked if alcohol sales
caused ―nuisance concerning order, sobriety and well-being‖. The serving of
alcohol was to be conducted between 12.00 p.m.-01.00 a.m, although the
county administrative board had powers to authorise other serving times.
The serving of beer only could start at 07.00 a.m., but if the licence was for
the serving of beer only, serving was to end by 10.00 p.m. Although the
possibility to authorise other serving times often meant restrictions, there
were as before so-called nightclub rights which allowed serving to continue
until 03.00 a.m.
The following decades saw a remarkable liberalisation and attitude
change surrounding public drinking. The Alcohol Policy Commission noted
in its 1993 report that if confidence in alcohol policy was to be retained, ―it
must be understood as meaningful by the broad public‖. This applied not
least to the serving of alcohol in restaurants. The Commission, therefore,
realised that ―unnecessary serving regulations should be phased out‖. Within
limits, the wishes of customers were respected, but ―the moderate serving of
alcoholic drinks that does not lead to disorder and intoxication should be
allowed. If the basic criteria were met, the licence should be issued if it was
deemed not to lead to ―alcohol policy nuisances‖. The simplified licence
regulations would be combined with ―efficient supervision and an effective
sanction system‖. Hence, society‘s resources would be transferred from
―eligibility testing to inspection and control‖.
As well as introducing less rigorous requirements regarding the
serving of meals with alcoholic drinks, the Alcohol Policy Commission
suggested that licence investigations be transferred from the county
administrative board to local municipalities. The Commission also suggested
that the municipal veto should be abolished28
The Swedish Parliament agreed with the Commission and thus the
140 year-old municipal veto against the serving of alcohol drinks was phased
out from national alcohol legislation. As regards serving hours, the
Commission suggested that greater flexibility be applied and that the decision
be transferred to the licencing authority, i.e. the local municipality. The
28
SOU 1994:24; SOU 1994:25
306
reason for this was that growing numbers of restaurants had received permits
to serve alcohol after 01.00 a.m. In 1992, Stockholm had over 100 restaurants
with permits to serve alcohol after 01.00 a.m., the majority until 03.00 a.m.
The paragraph in alcohol legislation that regulated opening hours
received the following wording: ―Unless otherwise decided by the permit
authority, the serving of beer shall begin no earlier than 07.00 a.m. and the
serving of other alcoholic drinks no earlier than 11.00 a.m. Unless otherwise
decided by the permit authority, the serving of alcohol drinks shall end by
01.00 a.m. latest‖29
Along with a more liberal alcohol culture and a ―normalisation‖ of
views regarding public drinking, several municipalities permitted the serving
of alcohol after 01.00 a.m. An important decision criterion was to remain that
extended opening hours do not give rise to public nuisance. The opening
hour regulations for the serving of beer were phased out from 1 July 2001. In
the event of public nuisance, bans would be imposed on a case by case basis.
A large strong beer
As shown in Figure 1, the number of licenced alcohol premises began to rise
sharply from the mid-1990s. Although this increase must be seen as part of
an overall trend towards more liberal alcohol legislation and increased alcohol
consumption, views of public drinking were changing as well (Abrahamson
1999, Kühlhorn & Björ 1998). The increase in the number of licences
coincides with the transfer of decisions on licences to local authorities, which
can hardly be mere chance. Clearly, it was paramount for growing
municipalities to have a rich and multifaceted restaurant and tavern culture:
this would be essential to attracting business companies and young people
into the area, not least students.
Local municipalities also showed increasing willingness to permit the
serving of alcohol into the small hours. In 1993, an experiment was launched
in Stockholm whereby a number of restaurants were granted permits to serve
alcohol until 05.00 a.m. In 1998 there were 1,388 restaurants that had the
right to serve alcohol until 03.00 a.m. and 43 restaurants that could serve
alcohol after 03.00 a.m. In 2005, the number of restaurants allowed to serve
alcohol until 03.00 a.m. had increased to 2,023, while those restaurants that
had the right to serve after 03.00 a.m. had decreased to 13. One of the
motives behind the extension of opening hours was to try to play against
illegal, unregistered clubs, which often fronted illegal gambling operations
and brothels. But there are two sides to the coin. Behind this reduction from
SOU 1993:50; Proposition 1990/1991:175; SOU 1993:31; Propostion 1994/95:89;
SFS 1994:1738
29
307
43 to 13 was of course widespread criticism above all from the police, which
had reported an increase in intoxication and violence, principally around
closing time, as a result of extended opening hours after 03.00 a.m.30
As shown above, the dominant alcoholic drink at taverns and restaurants was
strong beer, even though the consumption of spirits increased dramatically
during the last decade, albeit from low levels. A contributing factor behind
this ‗new‘ urban and more continental drinking culture is the growth of a new
generation of pubs – often modeled on English and Irish examples – where a
beer-drinking culture and a more relaxed attitude to public drinking has come
in vogue, thus increasing the social meaning of tavern life.
The dramatic changes in drinking culture and public drinking during
the 1990s are demonstrated by several new forms of social intercourse
revolving around taverns. A good example is the after-work beer, a culture
that initially was established in IT and advertising companies in larger
metropolitan areas. Today, most taverns offer some form of after-work
drinks during a ‗happy hour‘, together with some simple meals to attract
more customers (Porsfelt 2004).
Although tavern life and public drinking have undergone radical
changes over the last two decades in Sweden, certain older moral messages or
cultural ideas continue to persist. One of the issues that have received much
discussion is the link between women‘s drinking and sexual morality. Even
though public drinking by women at taverns and restaurants has become
socially more acceptable, it has been shown that these old norms and values
are still very much alive. Women who use alcohol are perceived as sexual
beings or objects, and their drinking is interpreted to convey the message that
they are sexually accessible. Awareness of these cultural notions acts to
discourage women‘s intoxication and serves as a structuring factor behind
their use of alcohol. This can partly explain why women‘s drinking habits,
especially in public, differ from those of men (Honkasaalo 1986; Bogren
2006). Even though the legislation that regulated the serving of alcoholic
drinks has been gender-neutral for a half century, women‘s public drinking at
taverns is still perceived as more morally offensive and is intimately
associated with sexuality. The legislation may have changed, but drinking
cultures and cultural notions surrounding public drinking are obviously more
slow to change and more difficult to change.
30
Alcohol statistics 1995–1998 and 2005; SOU 2000:59.
308
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Authors
Unnur María Bergsveinsdóttir,
Reykjavíkur Akademían,
Hringbraut 121, 107 Reikjavík
Telephone: 00 354 691-0374
E-mail: [email protected]
Torsten Kolind
Centre for Alcohol and Drug
Research, University of Aarhus,
Denmark
Nobelparken, Jens Chr. Skous Vej 3,
Building 1453, 8000 Aarhus C
Telephone: + 45 89 42 69 36
E-mail: [email protected]
Karen Elmeland
Centre for Alcohol and Drug
Research, University of Aarhus,
Denmark
Nobelparken, Jens Chr. Skous Vej 3,
Building 1453, 8000 Aarhus C
Telephone: + 45 89 42 69 38
E-mail: [email protected]
Ingeborg Lund
Norwegian Institute for Alcohol and
Drug Research (SIRUS)
PO box 565, Sentrum
N-0105 Oslo, Norway
Telephone: +47 22 34 04 00
E-mail: [email protected]
Antonina Eriksson
SoRAD, Stockholm university
Sveaplan, SE-106 91 Stockholm,
Sweden
Telephone: +46 8 164118
E-mail:[email protected]
www.sorad.su.se
Antti Maunu
Finnish Foundation for Alcohol
Studies
P.O. Box 220
FIN-00531 Helsinki
Telephone:+358 9 3967 2085
E-mail: [email protected]
Marja Holmila
National Institute for Health and
Welfare
P.O.Box 220, FIN-00531, Helsinki,
Finland
Telephone: +358 020 610 6000
E-mail: [email protected])
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir
ReykjavikAcademy
Hringbraut 121
107 Reykjavik, Iceland
Telephone: 354 6987288
E-mail: [email protected]
Lennart Johansson
Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen,
Växjö Universitet
35195 Växjö, Sweden
Telephone: 070-6558806
E-mail [email protected]
Börje Olsson
Centrum för socialvetenskaplig
alkohol- och drogforskning (SoRAD)
Stockholm university, Sveaplan, SE106 91 Stockholm, Sweden
Telephone: +46(0)8-6747050
E-mail: [email protected]
313
Janne Scheffels
Norwegian Institute for Alcohol and
Drug Research (SIRUS)
PO box 565, Sentrum
N-0105 Oslo, Norway
Telephone: +47 22 34 04 00
E-mail: [email protected]
Jukka Törrönen
Centrum för socialvetenskaplig
alkohol- och drogforskning (SoRAD)
Stockholm university, Sveaplan, SE106 91 Stockholm, Sweden
Telephone: +46(0) 8-162399
E-mail: [email protected]
Susanne Villumsen
Centre for Alcohol and Drug
Research, University of Aarhus,
Denmark
Nobelparken, Jens Chr. Skous Vej 3,
Building 1453, 8000 Aarhus C
Tel: + 45 89 42 69 41
E-mail: [email protected]
Katariina Warpenius
National Institute for Health and
Welfare
P.O. Box 220, FI-00531 Helsinki,
Lintulahdenkuja 4, Finland
Telephone: +358 9 3967 2019
E-mail: [email protected]
Esa Österberg
Alcohol and Drug Research, National
Research and Development Centre
for Welfare and Health (STAKES)
P.O.BOX 220, 00531 Helsinki,
Finland
Telephone + 358 400 417 514
Email: [email protected]
314
NAD publications
No. 1: Arbetslöshet och bruk av rusmedel [Unemployment and the Use of Alcohol
and Drugs]. Jyrki Jyrkämä. 1980. (NU A 1980:16).
No. 2: Barns socialisation och alkohol [Children‘s Socialization and Alcohol]. (NU B
1980:20).
No. 3: Alkohol och ekonomi i Norden [Alcohol and Economy in the Nordic
Countries]. (NU B 1980:21).
No. 4: Kriterier for førtidspension, især om ‖rusmedelbrugeres‖ stilling. Om
betingelser og muligheder i Danmark [Criteria for Early Retirement Pension].
Asmund W. Born. NORD. 1981. (Out of print)
No. 5: Förtidspensionering av missbrukare – från kriterier till beslut [Early Retirement Pension to Drug Abusers – from Criteria to Decisions]. NORD. 1981.
(Out of print)
No. 6: Alkohol och drogforskning i Norden – viktiga forskningsområden [Alcohol
and Drug Research in the Nordic Countries – Research Priorities]. NORD. 1982.
No. 7: Behandlingsforskning [Treatment Research]. NORD. 1983. (Out of print)
No. 8: Kvinnoforskning kring alkohol och droger [Research on Women, Alcohol
and Drugs]. NORD. 1983. (Out of print)
No. 9: Cannabis och medicinska skador – en nordisk värdering [Cannabis and
Medical Consequences – a Nordic Evaluation]. (Summary report). NORD. 1984.
No. 10: Cannabis och medicinska skador – en nordisk värdering [Cannabis and
Medical Consequences – a Nordic Evaluation]. A report written by a Nordic
medical group of experts. NORD. 1984.
No. 11: Kvinnors bruk av beroendeframkallande läkemedel [The Use of Psychotropic Drugs Among Women]. NORD. 1984.
No. 12: Ungdomskulturer och uppsökande verksamhet [Youth Cultures and Social
Work]. 1986. (Out of print)
No. 13: Kvinnor, alkohol och behandling [Women, Alcohol and Treatment]. Edited
by Margaretha Järvinen & Annika Snare. 1986. (Out of print)
No. 14: Kvinnoforskning kring rusmedel 2 [Research on Women, Alcohol and
Drugs 2]. 1986.
No. 15: Alkoholbruk och dess konsekvenser [Alcohol, its Use and Conse-quences].
1986.
No. 16: Women, Alcohol, and Drugs in the Nordic Countries. Edited by Elina
Haavio-Mannila. 1989. (Out of print)
No. 17: Perspectives on Controlled Drinking. Edited by Fanny Duckert, Anja KoskiJännes, and Sten Rönnberg. 1989.
No. 18: Alcohol in Developing Countries. Proceedings from a Meeting. Edited by
Johanna Maula, Maaria Lindblad, and Christoffer Tigerstedt. 1990.
No. 19: EG, alkohol och Norden [The European Community, Alcohol and the
Nordic Countries]. Edited by Christoffer Tigerstedt. 1990.
No. 20: Kön, rus och disciplin: en nordisk antologi [Gender, Intoxication and
Control]. Edited by Margaretha Järvinen and Pia Rosenqvist. 1991. (Out of print)
No. 21: Social Problems Around the Baltic Sea. Report from the Baltica Study.
Edited by Jussi Simpura and Christoffer Tigerstedt. 1992. (Out of print)
No. 22: Hemlöshet i Norden [Homelessness in the Nordic Countries]. Edited by
Margaretha Järvinen & Christoffer Tigerstedt. 1992.
No. 23: Minor Tranquillizers in the Nordic Countries. Edited by Elianne Riska,
Eckart Kühlhorn, Sturla Nordlund and Kirsten Thue Skinhøj. 1993. (Out of
print)
No. 24: Narkotikapolitik i internationellt perspektiv [Drug Policy in an International
Perspective]. Edited by Astrid Skretting, Pia Rosenqvist & Jørgen Jepsen. 1993.
315
No. 25: Familiebehandling innen rusomsorgen i Norden [Family Treatment in
Alcohol Treatment in the Nordic Countries]. Edited by Bente Storm Haugland &
Pia Rosenqvist. 1993.
No. 26: Barnet i alkoholforskningen. En översikt över nordisk samhälls- och
beteendevetenskaplig forskning kring barn och alkohol [Children in Alcohol Research]. By Nina Edgren-Henrichson. 1993.
No. 27: Missbruk och tvångsvård [Alcohol and Drug Abuse and Involuntary
Treatment]. Edited by Margaretha Järvinen & Astrid Skretting in co-operation
with Lena Hübner, Birgit Jessen-Petersen, Aarne Kinnunen and Juhani Lehto.
1994. (Summary in English)
No. 28: Social Problems in Newspapers: Studies around the Baltic Sea. Edited by
Mikko Lagerspetz. 1994.
No. 29: Läkemedelskontroll: EU och Norden [The Control of Pharmaceuticals: EU
and the Nordic Countries]. Edited by Pia Rosenqvist & Ann-Mari Skorpen. 1996.
(Summary in English)
No. 30: Livet, kärleken och alkoholen. Evaluering av upplysningsprogrammet ‖Mias
dagbok‖ [Life, Love and Alcohol. An Evaluation of the Education Package
―Mia‘s Diary‖]. By Line Nersnæs. 1995. (Summary in English)
No. 31: Discussing Drugs and Control Policy. Comparative studies on four Nordic
countries. Edited by Pekka Hakkarainen, Lau Laursen & Christoffer Tigerstedt.
1996.
No. 32: Narkotikasituationen i Norden – utvecklingen 1990–1996. (The Nordic
Drug Scene 1990–1996). Edited by Börje Olsson, Pia Rosenqvist & Anders
Stymne. 1997. Includes an English summary, 27 pages: ―The Nordic Drug Scene
in the 1990s: Recent Trends‖.
No. 33: Diversity in Unity: Studies of Alcoholics Anonymous in Eight Societies.
Edited by Irmgard Eisenbach-Stangl & Pia Rosenqvist. 1998.
No. 34: Att komma för sent så tidigt som möjligt. Om prevention, ungdomskultur
och droger [Coming Too Late as Early as Possible. On Prevention, Youth
Culture and Drugs]. Bengt Svensson, Johanna Svensson & Dolf Tops. 1998.
(Summary in English). (Out of print)
No. 35: Journalists, Administrators and Business People on Social Problems. A Study
Around the Baltic Sea. Edited by Sari Hanhinen & Jukka Törrönen. 1998.
No. 36: Public Opinion on Social Problems. A Survey Around the Baltic Sea. Edited
by Jacek Moskalewicz & Christoffer Tigerstedt. 1998.
No. 37: Statistics on Alcohol, Drugs and Crime in the Baltic Sea Region. Edited by
Håkan Leifman & Nina Edgren Henrichson. 2000.
No. 38: Lokalt alkohol- och drogförebyggande arbete i Norden [Community
Prevention of Alcohol and Drug Problems in the Nordic Countries]. Edited by
Karen Elmeland. 2000. (Includes articles in English)
No. 39: Broken Spirits. Power and Ideas in Nordic Alcohol Control. Edited by
Pekka Sulkunen, Caroline Sutton, Christoffer Tigerstedt & Katariina Warpenius.
2000. (Out of print)
No. 40: Skyldig eller sjuk? Om valet av påföljd för narkotikabruk [Guilt or Illness?
Avenues to Dealing with Drug Abuse]. Red. Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir. 2001.
Summary in English, 10 pages.
No. 41: Bruk, missbruk, marknad och reaktioner. Narkotika i Norden 1995–2000
[The Nordic Drug Scene 1995–2000]. Edited by Petra Kouvonen, Pia Rosenqvist
& Astrid Skretting. 2001. Summary in English, 14 pages.
No. 42: The Effects of Nordic Alcohol Policies. What Happens to Drinking and
Harm When Alcohol Controls Change? Edited by Robin Room. 2002.
No. 43: Regulating Drugs – Between Users, the Police and Social Workers. Edited by
Esben Houborg Pedersen & Christoffer Tigerstedt. 2003.
No. 44: Addiction and Life Course. Edited by Pia Rosenqvist, Jan Blomqvist, Anja
Koski-Jännes & Leif Öjesjö. 2004.
No. 45: Sport and Substance Use in the Nordic Countries. Edited by Alberto
Bouroncle & Sari Rauhamäki. 2005.
316
No. 46: Drugs and Youth Cultures – Global and Local Expressions. Edited by Philip
Lalander & Mikko Salasuo. 2005.
No. 47: Evidence Based Practice? Challenges in Substance Abuse Treatment. Edited
by Mads Uffe Pedersen, Vera Segraeus & Matilda Hellman. 2005.
No. 48: Drugs in the Nordic and Baltic Countries. Common Concerns, Diffe-rent
Realities. Edited by Petra Kouvonen, Astrid Skretting & Pia Rosenqvist. 2006.
No. 49: Drug Users and Spaces for Legitimate Action. Edited by Jørgen Anker,
Vibeke Asmussen, Petra Kouvonen & Dolf Tops. 2006.
No. 50: On the Margins. Nordic Alcohol and Drug Treatment 1885–2007. Edited by
Johan Edman & Kerstin Stenius. 2007.
No. 51: Painting the town red. Pubs, restaurants and young adults' drinking cultures
in the Nordic countries. Edited by Börje Olsson & Jukka Törrönen. 2008.
The publications can be ordered from
The Nordic Centre for Alcohol and Drug Research (NAD), Annankatu 29 A 23, FI00100 Helsinki, Finland. Telephone: +358-9-694 80 82 or +358-9-694 95 72; Email: [email protected], www.nad.fi
Payment for handling and mailing expenses: NAD Publications No. 1–49 = 12 EUR
(two books = 20 EUR), NAD Publication No. 50 and on = 20 EUR.
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