Anatolian Metal V - Deutsches Bergbau

Anatolian Metal V
Herausgeber:
Ünsal Yalçın
Bochum 2011
Montanhistorische Zeitschrift
Der ANSCHNITT. Beiheft 24
= Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen
Bergbau-Museum Bochum, Nr. 180
Diese Publikation entstand mit
freundlicher Unterstützung der
Titelbild
Alacahöyük gehört zu den wichtigsten prähistorischen Städten in
Anatolien. Besonders berühmt sind die frühbronzezeitlichen Fürstengräber mit ihren zahlreichen Grabbeigaben aus Gold, Silber
und Bronze, darunter die frühesten Eisenfunde Anatoliens. Zum
Grabinventar zählten auch zahlreiche bronzene Sonnenstandarten und Tierfiguren. Im Vordergrund ist eine dieser Sonnenstandarten zu sehen. Sie dient heute als Symbol des Kultur- und Tourismusministeriums der Türkei.
Im Hintergrund ist eine schroffe Landschaft bei Derekutuğun,
Kreis Bayat, Provinz Çorum zu sehen. In Derekutuğun wurde seit
dem 5. Jt. v. Chr. gediegenes Kupfer bergmännisch gewonnen.
Im Vordergrund ist eine der prähistorischen Strecken abgebildet.
Fotos stammen von Herausgeber.
Der Anschnitt
Herausgeber:
Vereinigung der Freunde von Kunst und Kultur im Bergbau e.V.
Vorsitzender des Vorstandes:
Dipl.-Ing. Bernd Tönjes
Vorsitzender des Beirats:
Bergassessor Dipl.-Kfm. Dr.-Ing. E.h. Achim Middelschulte
Bibliografische Informationen der Deutschen Bibliothek
Die Deutschen Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der
Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten
sind im Internet über http/dnd.ddb.de abrufbar.
Geschäftsführer:
Museumsdirektor Prof. Dr. phil. Rainer Slotta
Schriftleitung (verantwortlich):
Dr. phil. Andreas Bingener M.A.
Editorial Board:
Dr.-Ing. Siegfried Müller, Prof. Dr. phil. Rainer Slotta; Dr. phil.
Michael Farrenkopf
Redaktion
Ünsal Yalçın
Christian Wirth
Wissenschaftlicher Beirat:
Prof. Dr. Jana Geršlová, Ostrava; Prof. Dr. Karl-Heinz Ludwig,
Bremen; Prof. Dr. Thilo Rehren, London; Prof. Dr. Klaus Tenfelde (†), Bochum; Prof. Dr. Wolfhard Weber, Bochum
Layout, Titelgestaltung
Angelika Wiebe-Friedrich
Layout: Karina Schwunk
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Anschrift der Geschäftsführung und der Schriftleitung:
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Dieser Band ist Robert Maddin gewidmet
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort
Grußwort
9
11
Rainer Slotta & Andreas Hauptmann
Robert Maddin and the Deutsches Bergbau-Museum Bochum
13
James D. Muhly
Robert Maddin: An Appreciation
17
Mehmet Özdoğan
The Dynamics of Cultural Change in Anatolia 21
H. Gönül Yalçın
Die Karaz-Kultur in Ostanatolien
31
Ulf-Dietrich Schoop
Çamlıbel Tarlası, ein metallverarbeitender Fundplatz des vierten Jahrtausends v. Chr. im nördlichen Zentralanatolien
53
Horst Klengel
Handel mit Lapislazuli, Türkis und Karneol im alten Vorderen Orient
69
Metin Alparslan & Meltem Doğan-Alparslan
Symbol der ewigen Herrschaft: Metall als Grundlage des hethitischen Reiches
79
Ünsal Yalçın & Hüseyin Cevizoğlu
Eine Archaische Schmiedewerkstatt in Klazomenai
85
Martin Bartelheim, Sonja Behrendt, Bülent Kızılduman, Uwe Müller & Ernst Pernicka
Der Schatz auf dem Königshügel, Kaleburnu/Galinoporni, Zypern 91
Hristo Popov, Albrecht Jockenhövel & Christian Groer
Ada Tepe (Ost-Rhodopen, Bulgarien): Spätbronzezeitlicher – ältereisenzeitlicher Goldbergbau
111
Tobias L. Kienlin
Aspects of the Development of Casting and Forging Techniques from the Copper Age to the Early Bronze Age of Eastern Central Europe and the Carpathian Basin
127
Svend Hansen
Metal in South-Eastern and Central Europe
between 4500 and 2900 BCE
137
Evgeny N. Chernykh
Eurasian Steppe Belt: Radiocarbon Chronology and Metallurgical Provinces
151
Andreas Hauptmann
Gold in Georgia I: Scientific Investigations into the Composition of Gold 173
Thomas Stöllner & Irina Gambashidze
Gold in Georgia II: The Oldest Gold Mine in the World
187
Khachatur Meliksetian, Steffen Kraus, Ernst Pernicka Pavel Avetissyan,
Seda Devejian & Levron Petrosyan
Metallurgy of Prehistoric Armenia
201
Nima Nezafati, Ernst Pernicka & Morteza Momenzadeh
Early Tin-Copper Ore from Iran, a Posssible Clue for the Enigma of Bronze Age Tin
211
Thomas Stöllner, Zeinolla Samaschev, Sergej Berdenov †, Jan Cierny †, Monika Doll,
Jennifer Garner, Anton Gontscharov, Alexander Gorelik, Andreas Hauptmann, Rainer Herd,
Galina A. Kusch, Viktor Merz, Torsten Riese, Beate Sikorski & Benno Zickgraf
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West? 231
Autorenliste
253
Thomas Stöllner, Zeinolla Samaschev, Sergej Berdenov †, Jan Cierny †, Monika Doll,
Jennifer Garner, Anton Gontscharov, Alexander Gorelik, Andreas Hauptmann, Rainer
Herd, Galina A. Kusch, Viktor Merz, Torsten Riese, Beate Sikorski & Benno Zickgraf
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
In memory of our friend Sergej Berdenov
(† October 2010)
1. Tin in the Ancient Near East –
State of Research
Tin has been regarded as one of the enigmas of ancient
metal research; for a long time, scientists have especially put question marks on where this essential alloying
metal came from, which was transported to the Oriental
and Mediterranean Cultures. Considering the scarcity of
tin deposits in these regions, (Fig. 1) it was astonishing
to learn that tin-bronzes had occurred here earlier than
elsewhere - by the second half of the 3rd millennium BC.
This generally pointed to a long distance trade of metals
in the third millennium. Moreover, various written sources, also support this idea of tin cargos being traded from
abroad to consumers in Mesopotamia and Anatolia (texts
from Kültepe-Karum Kaniš, Aššur or Sush/Susa and the
Mari and Ebla archives) (e.g. Muhly 1973; 1985; Moorey
1994; Van Lerberghe 1988; Reiter 1997; Parzinger &
Boroffka 2003: 1 f.; Dercksen 2005). In the third millennium, there is evidence for tin trading from Meluhha (via
the island of Dilmun) and the kingdom of Anshan to
southern Mesopotamian Sumerian city-states like Elam
or Ur (Heimpel 1987). This trade took place on the level of a peer policy trade that was administered by the
king and his officials, especially in the Ur-III- and also
older Akkad period (currently Lamberg-Karlowsky 1978;
Weeks & Collerson 2004; Helwing 2009). During the
second millennium, this trading pattern seems to have
changed: for the time period between the 19th and 17th
centuries B.C. the archives of Mari tell about Zimri-Lim
and his officials, who were main actors within this trade;
in Susa King Kudušuluš is also known as being involved
in these activities; besides this we know of the old Assyrian traders in Aššur (Reiter 1997). But we also hear
from Sin-uselli from Larsa, Inneri from Elam and Nannaereš from Ur who were active as entrepreneurs in the
tin trade. So tin („annakum“) was transported from Susa
and Aššur and from there to Karum Kaniş in donkey
loads of about 75 kg each (Dercksen 2005). Tin was
traded through several routes: via Susa and via Ešnunna
and Sippar to northern Mesopotamia (Mari) and to the
Levantine harbours from where it was shipped by sea
(Uluburun) to the Eastern Mediterranean (Reiter 1997;
Parzinger & Boroffka 2003; Garner 2010).
The establishment of geochemical markers like Pb-isotopic patterns also allowed the identification of the origin
of metals from the late 1980s onwards. Although till now
the composition of alloys cannot be ruled out as a real
shortcoming in determining the provenance of a single
component, first results support the textual evidence. The
early tin bronzes of Troy and the northern Aegean (treasures of Troy IIg; Poliochni, Thermi), for instance, display
a remarkable isotope pattern that differs in parts from the
regional isotopic fields (Pernicka 1995; Pernicka et al.
2003)1. This points to very old Devonian and even older
Cambrian and Precambrian ore deposits being used for
their metal components. Such deposits are not known
from the Anatolian and Aegean geology, which gave a
first argument that especially tin from geologically old
deposits have been mixed with local copper metals (Pernicka 1998; Pernicka et al. 2003). Such tin deposits are
known elsewhere in geologically older ore mountains:
one major tin belt of that kind spans from Europe (Ore
Mountains) over the Caucasus and Central Asia to northern China and the Far East. Others cross over Europe
from Cornwall via northern and central France to Tuscany, or are stretched across parts of the Iberian Peninsula. Although the western tin deposits seem reasonable,
there are arguments that they did not play a role in the
earliest bronze metallurgy: tin-bronzes are known comparatively late in Western Europe (Penhallurick 1986;
Pernicka 1998).
As the written sources are not very clear in locating the
exact place of origin of the tin sources (they only mention
sites from where the tin had been traded to next trading
nodule), no clear provenance can be concluded. But one
has to regard even a more complex pattern, if one looks
at the broader spectrum of isotopic data that is available
after more than a three decades of intensive research.
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Thomas Stöllner et al.
Fig. 1: Prehistoric tin mining in SW- and Central Asia, Mapping: DBM, J. Cierny with additions.
According to the data of the tin bars from the Uluburun
shipwreck (Pullak 2005: 137 ff.; 2005: 65) it is also
likely that tin from the Bolkardağ (Taurus) mountains was
used at the end of second millennium; that however does
not decide the debate if the late 4th mill. Kestel mines
had been used as a tin deposit (Muhly 1993; Yener &
Vandiver 1993b). But the tin enriched crusts on crucibles
of the nearby early 3rd millennium site of Göltepe made
clear that tin was perhaps used in not large quantities
to be deliberately alloyed for a rather small quantity of
prestigious metals during that time (Yener & Vandiver
1993a). Regional patterns have arisen in the 2nd millen-
232
nium and this was favorable for also smaller deposits to
take part in the tin business. Recently a new tin deposit was discovered near Arak in western Iran (Deh
Hossein, Sanandaj-Sirjan-zone) (Fig. 1) and perhaps,
could also be a candidate for delivering this metal to
southern Mesopotamian centers; so far especially the
Luristan bronzes of the 2nd millennium fit nicely into the
geochemical signature of this deposit (Nezafati et al.
2006; Begemann et al. 2008).
In the 2nd millennium, tin-bronzes became ubiquitous in
this part of the ancient world and this caused a high
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
demand in tin, wherever it came from. According to the
older geological ages of a part of the tin ores that were
obviously used since the 3rd millennium, research has
also been focusing since the mid1990s on tin deposits
in Central Asia.
2. Central Asia as Deliverer of Tin
The southern part of Central Asia was involved in a long
distance trading network during the 3rd and 2nd millennium
(summarized by e.g. Kohl 2007: esp. 214 pp.); so it is
also reasonable to include possible tin sources in southern Afghanistan for the question of tin provenance: One
hint for the origin of tin was the 3rd millennium Lapis lazuli trade that brought Afghanistan into discussion as a
supplier of tin (see the comments of Helwing 2009: 213
p.). In the Hilmand region north of Kandahar, rich primary and placer deposits of tin are known but yet unexplored, concerning of their ancient usage (Pigott 1999;
Lyonnet 2005). If the Aravalli mountains in north-west
India, well known for their geologically old ore deposits,
must also be taken into account, may be debatable after
a series of metals from southern Mesopotamia proved to
have similar Pb-Isotopic ratios (Begemann et al. 2008;
Begemann & Schmidt-Strecker 2009: esp. 29). It is however an unsolved question if tin crossed the northern
Iranian plateau at all on its way to the west; contrary to
arsenic bronzes, tin bronzes were very rare in the 3rd
millennium and we do not know many of the eastern
Iranian 2nd millennium metal compositions2. The same is
principally true for the BMAC complex in Central Asia.
Although the oases cultures were included in wide ranging trade connections, and although the tin sources of the
Fergana valley in the North were relatively near, there
was no major tradition in tin bronzes before the mid of
the second millennium. Recently, K. Kaniuth (2007) analyzed the metal sequence of the Middle and Late Bronze
Age Sapalli culture in Bactria. He made clear that even
there the Bronze technology was not of great importance
before the LBI, meaning the first half of the 2nd millennium.
The innovation of tin bronzes therefore may not be connected with the BMAC complex and the younger Namazga-VI related communities in Bactria or in the Margiana.
It seems that the Bronze technology was directly related
with the Andronovo-communities and the steppe civilizations in the north. Recent research carried out in the Fergana valley and its tin deposits clearly uncovered evidence that the tin mining sites of Karnab, Mushiston and
Changali were exploited by groups of the AndronovoTazabag’jab culture (Alimov et al. 1998; Boroffka et al.
2002; recently Garner 2010). Their cultural habit shows
typical elements of a steppe economy based on herding
and semi-nomadic lifestyle. On the other hand they seemingly stood in close relation to the oasis cultures in the
south, which easily can be observed by the higher portion
of wheel turned ceramic in their material culture (Parzinger & Boroffka 2003; Kuz’mina 2007: 365).
In Karnab, the organizational pattern is best visible. The
tin mines were obviously exploited during a longer period of time but not necessarily in a continuous way.
Several mines were active and J. Garner (2010) recently presented arguments for some kind of succession in
their use during the exploitation process. The same pattern can also be observed in the nearby Andronovo
settlement of Sičkonči, where several phases of reuse
have been discovered within the dwelling grounds. Even
in high mountainous areas, such as at Mushiston (at an
altitude of more than 3300 m), the Andronovo mining
pattern was visible (Garner 2010). Although fire setting
did not have the same importance as in the Ferganavalley and although the mined ore, a polymetalic coppertin ore [stannite], is different from the cassiterite in
Karnab, the underground mining again showed some
range in the operation periods that indicates continuous
usage in intervals from the early 2nd millennium onwards.
A nearby high altitude sanctuary is a clear manifestation
of the ritual importance that this locality held for the
Andronovo miners (Parzinger & Boroffka 2003: 238 pp.).
The tin mines of Zeravshan manifested for the first time
the eminent role that the tin-exploitation had for the
Andronovo-communities: it became obvious that the
technological knowledge of tin was nearly exclusively
linked to Andronovo-groups.
3. Tin Mines in East Kazakhstan
Andronovo groups, namely those of the Fedorovka and
Alakul’ ceramic traditions (recently Kuzmina 2007: 96
pp.) also played an eminent role in another tin mining
district of central Asia. The region of eastern Kazakhstan
was first investigated in this respect by S.S. Chernikov
during the 1930s to 1950s (Chernikov 1949; 1960).
Chernikov accompanied the geological surveys during
the 1930s and therefore became acquainted with many
tin mining districts in the Kalba-Narym geotectonic unit
(Fig. 2). Therefore he obtained first hand information
and realized the importance of the prehistoric and especially Bronze Age mining activities. In his reports, he
described in detail many of the mining sites for the first
time. Chernikov can also be rightfully called the father
of many more recent investigations concerning the
Bronze Age in East Kazakhstan. In his studies of metals,
Chernikov (1949) raised the question for the first time if
the early tin bronze in neighboring NW-China can be
related to the East Kazakhstan deposits (recently Mei
et al. 1998; Mei 2004). Although Chernikov could not
exclusively link the mines with one of the cultural groups
in East Kazakhstan, he did realize the importance of the
metallurgical production while excavating the Andronovo
settlements of Trušnikovo or Kanaj (Chernikov 1960). In
the following decades Chernikov’s results were widely
accepted. For instance, E.N. Chernykh repeatedly acknowledged the importance of East Kazakhstan, especially when discussing the introduction of tin bronze
233
Thomas Stöllner et al.
Fig. 2: Mining sites in East Kazakhstan after Chernikov (1949) with additions: 1. Čerdojak (Sn), 2. Čudskoje (Sn), 3. Delbegetej (Sn),
4. Karčiga (Cu), 5. Kazančunkur (Au, ), 6. Mynčunkur (Sn), 7. Nikolaevskoe (Cu), 8. Orlovskoe (Cu), 9. Ubinskoe (Sn), 10. Urunčaj
(Sn), 11. Zyrjanovskoe (Cu). Important mining in Central Asia: 12. Bozshakol (Pavlodar) (Cu), 13. Dshezkazgan (Cu), 14. Kenkazgan
(Cu), 15. Kargaly (Cu), 16. Karnab/Čangali (Sn), 17. Kyzylkum (Cu), 18. Michailovo (Cu), 19. Minussinsk basin (Cu), 20. Mushiston
(Sn), 21. Veshnāveh (Cu, Iran); quadrangles: Bronze Age settlements with metallurgy: a. Ayrtau; b. Novaja Schulba; mapping: DBM,
G. Steffens/Th. Stöllner.
technology in the eastern part of EAMP (Eurasian Metallurgical Province) during the 2nd mill. BC. (Chernykh
1992: Fig. 37) or the Sejma-Turbino phenomen which
he connected with a younger chronological horizon than
what has recently been argued by H. Parzinger (e.g.
Chernykh & Kuz’minych 1989; Parzinger 2002; Parzinger & Boroffka 2003: 289 pp.; Parzinger 2006). The
Sejma-Turbino Phenomen and the occurrence of tin
bronzes, especially in the context of the Siberian Okunev
cultures, is of special interest for East Kazakhstan. Tin
bronzes obviously occurred at the end of the 3rd millennium in the forest-steppe zone of Siberia, as well as in
East Kazakhstan and the Altai region. Although neither
the Sejma-Turbino cultural complex3 nor the Okunev
culture can be linked with tin-mines so far, it is clear that
they had some access to tin resources. Therefore, one
may ask if the East Kazakhstan tin mines had been
234
worked during the early phase of the Bronze Age? If the
Kalba-Narym supplied Okunev with tin, one has to assume a tin trade crossing the Irtysh river system or even
using the Irtysh as a northern and eastern route.
Archaeological research and field work in East Kazakhstan has brought to light further evidence in the last decades. On both sides of the Irtysh, further metallurgical
sites have been documented, such as those on the Shulbinka river (Alekhin & Iljushin 1989; Ermolaeva et al. 1998;
Alekhin 2000) or in the surrounding areas of the Delgebetej (Askaraly) ore mountains in the northwestern part
of the Kalba-Narym geological unit (Maksimova & Ermolaeva 1987; Orazbaev & Omarov 1998; Ermolaeva 2001).
East Kazakhstan can be regarded as a region rich in
metal ore resources, which can be contributed to a com-
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
plex geological history that has led to various paragenetic conditions with different types of ore deposits (Fig.
2). Within the so-called Altai geotectonic unit, (Altaiskij
Geo-Tektonogen) the Kalba-Narym zone and the OreAltai zone can be differentiated from one another (Geologija SSSR): tin deposits are intrusively embedded
with pegmatites, granites and granodiorites into sandstones and calcareous rocks of the Middle Devonian
and Lower Carbonian Ages. Westwards of this zone, tin
is found closely related with gold deposits in the western
Kalba formation (Fig. 2) (Scherba et al. 1984; Malchenko & Ermolov 2006). The ore deposits are formed as
massive deposits or as veins4. The metallogenesis of
these ore deposits can be assigned nowadays to the
Devonian and Lower Carbon and therefore can be counted as one of the „old“ tin deposits.
The zone of the Ore-Altai (Rudnyj-Altaj), north of the
river Irtysh, is different in many respects. Polymetallic
ore mineralizations are dominant. The metallogenesis
began later during the Upper Cambrian and culminated
during the Hercynic tectonic phase. The ore deposits
are manifold. Besides lead- and zinc-deposits, there are
mainly copper and copper-zinc deposits that have developed extensive oxidation zones on the surface;
polymetallic sulfidic ores are also abundant. Such ore
deposits have been in use since the Soviet period5
(Parchmann et al. 1996); prehistoric copper metallurgy
found in their surroundings also points to their importance in earlier days.
3.1. Results of Field Work between
2003 and 2008
In the following section, the results of field work of the
German Mining Museums’ Kazakhstan project that has
been carried out between 2003 and 20086 will be briefly introduced. This will not replace the detailed publication of the project’s results that is to be published in
2011/2012 (Stöllner et al. in prep.).
The project originated from a first and brief survey in
2003, where many to be investigated sites were visited
for the first time (e.g. deposits of Askaraly, the Shulbinka
zone, the Bozshakol ore field [this one will not reported
here]). Additionally, a primary goal from the beginning
was to reevaluate and to date the different ancient tin
workings described by Chernikov (1949) (Berdenov et
al. 2004). One focus was put on the north-western part
of the Kalba-Narym zone, especially on the ore mountains
around Askaraly (Delgebetej mountains) where four campaigns were carried out from 2004 to 2008 (Berdenov et
al. 2005; Cierny et al. 2005; Garner et al. 2007; Stöllner
et al. 2009; 2010). Besides that, surveys and smaller
excavations were carried out near the Shulbinka river
(Berdenov et al. 2004; Garner et al. 2007) where older
surveys had produced settlement sites with evidence of
copper metallurgy (Alekhin & Ilushin 1989; Ermolaeva
1998). At Bozshakol, west of Pavlodar, the ore field was
investigated twice by surveys with a small sondage at
the Late Bronze Age settlement (Berdenov et al. 2004;
Garner et al. 2007). Finally surveys and excavations were
carried out in the Kalba-Narym-zone following the footsteps of S.S. Chernikov in 2005 (Garner et al. 2007; in
detail Stöllner et al. in prep.).
In the Kalba-Narym-Zone, some tin mining fields, such
as Mynchunkur, Karagoin, Achmetkino, Urumchaj and
Kalai Topkan were also investigated. At some sites hammer stones clearly indicated tin mining activities from
the Bronze Age, but only in Kalai Topkan (Belaja Gora)
was it possible to gain detailed results through an underground investigation (Fig. 3). Two underground workings were discovered inside a tin mineralized dyke
stretching along the side a slope from SE to NW. A
sounding in mine 2 not only revealed hammer-stones
but also some charcoal whose dating placed the mining
activities in the late Bronze Age7.
3.2. The Shulbinka Metallurgical Sites
Another area that was already known as a metallurgical
activity zone is along the banks of the Shulbinka River,
a northern tributary to the Irtysh. Archaeologists surveyed the river stream system in the late 1980ies, taking
advantage of soil erosion to detect archaeological remains. At the site Novaja Shulba IX and X, as well as
at Novoshulbinskoe, slags and ores were reported (Alekhin & Ilushin 1989; Ermolaeva 1998). Therefore it was
targeted to explore this copper production and to study
its technological level in more detail. A further principal
aim was to find possible relations with the tin producing
societies south of the Irtysh in order to reconstruct possible exchanges between different metal producing communities.
Excellent results were gained from the site Novaja Shulba IX (Fig. 4). After an initial geophysical research and
some soundings proved the validity and the potential of
the site, we launched a small-scaled excavation in July
2006. Following the results of the magnetic survey, some metallurgical features dating to the Andronovo period were uncovered: pits filled with slag, and crucible
remains that were dumped in a pit nearby indicate considerable metallurgical smelting activity at a household
level (Fig. 5). Mineralogical and petrological studies of
the slag provided some insight into a very simple copper
smelting process in which much of the ore was converted into cuprite and magnetite instead of being reduced
to metallic copper. These points to an inefficient smelting
process carried out under weakly reducing atmospheric
conditions. Besides a large smelting crucible, the expedition also uncovered a smaller crucible fragments that
may have served as melting crucibles.
235
Thomas Stöllner et al.
Fig. 3: Kalai Topkan, NW-SE oriented dyke with both the accessible mines 1 and 2, view from
east (map and picture); mapping/
foto: DBM, J. Garner.
Only very scarce architectural remains (feature 2: post
hole) of a dwelling site were discovered; some fire pits
have been found nearby the terrace edge, thus indicating
that the actual dwellings were situated there. Perhaps
one may reconstruct them as simple tents with fireplaces
in the centre. As the degraded soils, did not offer an
easily visible stratigraphic sequence, it was necessary
to differentiate the finds and features according to their
level. This method revealed at least the differentiation
of three periods during which the terrace had been
settled: two of the fire places belonged to the 29th to 24th
centuries, but left no archaeological material that allowed
a cultural allocation. A second chronological level was
clearer: a feature filled with small pieces of slag, as well
as some ceramic assemblages from trench V, can be
correlated with a 14C-date to the end of the 3rd millennium. According to the ceramic, this cultural tradition can
be assigned to the Early Bronze Age Elunino-tradition
in East and North Kazakhstan, which is also related to
the Krotovo/Samus’ group in Siberia (Alekhin 2000: 140144, Fig. 4; Parzinger 2006: 336 p.) (Fig. 6). If the metallurgical activity can be proved, it would be one of the
236
few seldom examples in the greater region. Besides
these older groups, the Andronovo left most of the material remains at the site. According to the ceramic finds,
the site has produced a lot of different and very nicely
executed materials belonging either to the Alakul’ or the
Fedorovka traditions. According to archaeozoological
investigations, most of the animals remains belong to
sheep/goat and cattle with a minor percentage of horse.
This is a common result in Andronovo settlements which
is usually explained by the semi-pastoral economic pattern and would also be the most likely explanation when
taking into account the elusive settlement features found
in Novaja Shulba IV. Therefore it may have been the
concurrence of fuel, water and grazing grounds that attracted Andronovo groups to stay on the terraces of the
Shulbinka river system. Ores may have been collected
at the deposits nearby or brought from greater distances.
The nearest polymetallic copper deposits in TalovskoRulichinskoe rudnoe pole or Orlovskoe pole (Vavilonovo)
are only as few as ten kilometers away. Therefore a
small object with saw-tooths on each side seems especially remarkable, as it contains silver, lead and some
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
Fig. 4: Novaja Schulba IX, view from
NW to the site (foto); geomagnetic
survey, grey-scale picture showing
the magnetic resistivity with +/- 20
n Tesla, and the excavation trenches of 2006, mapping: DBM, J.Garner, B. Zickgraf.
minor amount of copper. If it is not a deliberate alloy,
such a metal composition would generally fit the polymetallic deposits north of the Irtysh. It is not known if
these small mobile Andronovo groups were dependent
to some extent on the larger Andronovo settlements that
are known in East Kazakhstan (Kanaj, Trushnikovo:
Chernikov 1960), but it would be a fascinating hypothesis to explain the organizational pattern of Bronze Age
metal exploitation.
3.3. The Askaraly Tin Ore Field
Another testing ground for the understanding of Bronze
Age organizational patterns are the tin mines that have
been investigated around the mountainous region of
Askaraly (Delgebetej); the area is situated south of the
broad banks of the Irtysh river and has fertile and arable land for herding with even some agriculture on its
northern flanks around the small village of Maloe Karasu. Older research around this area brought to light
Bronze Age settlements and graveyards (Orazbaev &
Omarov 1998; Ermolaeva 2001). The western, eastern
and southern flanks of the Askaraly Mountains (the highest peak being 731 m) are enclosed by the Tshara (Shar)
and Kyzylsu rivers. Even today communities from the
river valleys use the mountains as pastures for their
herds. This situation displays a subsistence pattern that
also allowed the existence of a larger mining enterprise:
herding and perhaps agriculture was possible to a larger
extent in and around the tin bearing mountains.
The tin deposits of the Kalba-Narym-zone are divided
into pegmatic and pneumatolytic-hydrothermal ore deposits. Tin mineralizations in paragenesis with tourmaline and quartz in a context with granite-plutonites are
most abundant; pegmatitic vein-mineralizations are the
dominating type, also in the Askaraly ore field; the ores
that have recently been investigated by XRD exhibit typical paragenetic components such as albite, fluorite, a
dark greyish to black tourmaline (dravite, schorl), muscovite, biotite, quartz and sericite8. The samples of tinores proved a paragenesis of cassiterite and tourmaline
that can be classified between the tin pegmatites and
237
Thomas Stöllner et al.
Fig. 5: Novaja Schulba IX, features 7 and 8 with crucible and slag
pit, mapping: DBM, J. Garner.
tin veins. Tin ore veins and veinlets were also observed
during the excavation in mine Z1 (Askaraly I) and in the
mine of Askaraly II.
3.3.1. The Mines
Mining traces can be found over a large area in the
Askaraly Mountains; from 2003 onwards they were separated into several districts (Fig. 7). Three accumulations of open pit mines are known so far. At first, when
the surveys began in 2003/2004, the geological reports
238
that only listed the large mining field of Askaraly I (near
the village of Gromovka) were followed9 (Fig. 7.1). But
further field work, especially in 2005, further mining
fields were detected and then designated as Askaraly
II and V (Fig.7.2, 11-18). It is therefore to be expected
that even more mining districts once existed although
later field walking and surveys did not produce further
proof.
The largest ore mining field is that of Askaraly I, whose
open pit mines stretch in a roughly west to east direction
over 1.75 km; the mines cluster in groups and are there-
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
fore separated into western, central and eastern parts.
Investigations were undertaken in the form of surveys,
including geomagnetic and geo-electric measurements,
and with the help of small sondages that were dug in
2004 and 2005 (Fig. 8). Especially the geo-electric tomography brought sound results that provided insight
as to the depth and extension of at least five open cast
mines that were later refilled. At nearly all mines, the
prehistoric exploitation stopped at depths of 10 to 12 m,
some even at lesser depths most likely because the tin
enrichment became too poor. Cessation at depths of 10
to 12 m was not necessarily caused by an impoverishment of the deposit, but more likely due to technical
problems such as a poor air circulation.
Fig. 6: Novaja Schulba IX, findings form early Bronze Age Elunino
culture, drawings/fotos: DBM/RUB, A. Kuzcminski.
There were remarkable differences between the mines:
not all mine tailings produced hammer-stones and there
were differences in the size and structure of the mining
debris itself (larger angular as well as smaller debris).
This indicates different operation periods dating not only to the Bronze Age but perhaps even to younger periods. However, there is no proof for such an assumption,
because the excavations almost never reached the solid mining surfaces or bottom levels. Therefore nearly
no charcoal was found in situ which was surprising when
compared to the fully excavated mine of Askaraly II.
Fig. 7: Askaraly Mountains, Bronze Age sites
in the surrounding of
the tin mines (pick an
hammer symbols), lozenges: graves; circles:
settlements; mapping
DBM. A: Hornschuch;
Th. Stöllner.
239
240
Fig. 8: Askaraly I, aerial foto of the mining field from north (1), mapping of the mining district with tailings and open pit depressions, mapping/foto: DBM, J. Garner/M. Rabe; Foto: R. Sala/M.
Deom.
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
Fig. 9: Askaraly II, the mines, base map and 3D-visualisation, mapping: DBM/RUB, J. Garner, G. Steffens, Th. Stöllner.
However, the typical set of hammer stones that was
classified on basis of the large quantities of tools from
Askaraly I fits well with the stratified and well-dated pieces of Askaraly II. Therefore there are good arguments
to date at least those mines to the Bronze Age where
hammer stones have been discovered in larger quantities.
While the mining district of Askaraly I had been surveyed
in detail, this was not possible for Askaraly III, where we
discovered at least nine large open pit mining depressions, many of which had a scatter of hammer stones in
their tailings. Most impressive is mine 1 that stretches
over a length of nearly 200 m from east to west, thus
indicating a similar direction of the ore bodies as in Askaraly I.
In 2005, a third mining area was discovered nearby a
geological camp at the site Chernogorka (the small black
hill), or in Kazakh language, the Mastau Baj (the site of
the chief) (Fig. 7.2). It is a favorable area, a climatically
well-protected basin with a water source: Askaraly II.
During three campaigns Askaraly II turned out to be one
of the most important discoveries during our project. In
2005 a mine was found on a hill to the north and at its
foot a small graveyard (Mastau Baj I) came to light.
Preliminary investigations in 2005 proved that they dated
to the Andronovo-Fedorovka culture. When the expedition returned a year later, a settlement was also discovered near a small stream at the centre of the Mastau
Baj valley. So for the first time in East Kazakhstan, a
possibly complete ensemble was at hand. It was expected that further detailed excavations would provide a
241
Thomas Stöllner et al.
3.3.2. The Graveyard
Fig. 10: Askaraly II, hammer stone handle found in feature 15228
underground, Foto/drawing:DBM/RUB, Th. Stöllner.
complete insight into various aspects of tin mining and
tin metallurgy, as well as its economic and social circumstances. This most promising situation stimulated
us to carry out a complete, full-scale excavation: this
goal was but nearly reached during 2006 and 2008.
The mine of Askaraly II lies isolated from a larger mining
field on the slope of a granite hillock north of the Mastau
Baj area (Fig. 9). In fact, there are three different open
casts extending over 15 m, again nearly in a west to
east (WSW to ENE) direction. The mine can be regarded
as one of the smaller ones in comparison to those in
Askaraly I and V; but it was fully excavated and therefore delivered exact information about depth (again up
to 9 m in depth) and about the volume of material extracted (190 m3)10. The mine could be dated by Andronovo ceramic found in upper layers of the younger refill
and by charcoal dating from fire-setting layers to the 1st
half of the 2nd millennium.
The mine of Askaraly II also allowed insight into the
mining process and the refilling with mining debris and
surface material. According to the traces and the large
quantity of charcoal found, fire setting had been the most
important mining technique that was used there in combination with hammer stone work. The dumping process
proceeded continuously from one chamber to the next.
According to 14C-dates and the refilled strata, it seems
that the mining and refilling process proceeded from
west to east. The most interesting feature was discovered in 2008 in the oldest mining part in the western
mine: the bottom a layers were enriched with charcoal
but also especially with waterlogged wooden artifacts.
They may be interpreted as an in situ ensemble of a
fire setting construction: A wooden handle for a hammer
stone can be regarded as the first find of its kind in
Central Asia (Fig. 10).
242
According to the dating of the settlement and graveyard
in Mastau Bay, the features should be regarded as contemporaneous. Both features can be related to the tin
mining process and allow some idea about the size of
the communities that was involved. The graveyard of
Mastau Baj II (Chernogorka) consisted of at least nine
grave monuments stretching in two groups from south
to north alongside a low hill. The southern group was
excavated in three campaigns between 2005 and 2008.
The grave architecture was comparatively similar to one
other (Fig. 11): There are slab circles that contained between one and four slab cists, some which were still covered by stone slabs. These stone chests were built with
a lot of effort and with some craft skills in preparing the
stone slabs to fit them into the stone construction. Many
of the graves had been robbed or ritually reopened. There were both cremation (Fig. 12) and inhumation graves
and one partly cremated body in Grave 4/2. All slab cists
had a west-east orientation. In addition to male graves,
also children and female persons had been buried in the
graveyard. The grave goods are comparatively oriented
to one standard: most of the time one pot-shaped vessel
or even some sherds were put into the graves, only a
child burial (grave 2/2) had two vessels. Metal objects
are rare and not well preserved; one bracelet of typical
Andronovo shape (Fig. 12) with conic spiral ends or a
metal bead of tumbaga (gold-copper alloy) are noteworthy11. The grave goods and burial rituals are typical and
do stand out for the Andronovo-Fedorovka in East Kazakhstan (Chernikov 1960:Taf. 2-6; Arslanova 1973; 1974;
Ermolaeva 2001; Parzinger 2006: 410 p.)12. The only
outstanding aspect are various hammer stones that have
been found in and in the surroundings of the graves:
these stone hammers have certainly been deposited deliberately, either in the stone circuits or near the slab
cists. Especially the in-depth and full excavation of the
stone circuits in 2008 made clear that some of them must
have already been deposited beneath the stone slabs
during the erection process13 (Fig. 11). There is only one
case where such hammer stones could be discussed as
grave gifts sensu strictu: in grave cist 2/1 the male grave
contained three hammer-stones and a small metal ring.
The hammer stones do occur regularly with each grave
or at least in each stone slab circle: it may therefore
display a more communal rite of depositing working tools
of the community during the succession of the burial.
Even the three hammer stones in grave 2/1 may not have
necessarily belonged to the buried person, but instead
stresses his importance within the mining community. As
argued elsewhere, it is an individual and single case so
far although some similar cases do exist in Central Kazakhstan (Begazy, Dzhezkazgan: Margulan 1976; 1979:
79; see discussion: Stöllner et al. 2010).
At the southern part of the graveyard we also discovered
a rectangular slab construction that certainly cannot be
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
Fig. 11: Askaraly II, graveyard Mastau Baj II (Chernogorka), general map of the grave and ritual features, with stone hammers mapped,
draft: DBM, J. Garner.
243
Thomas Stöllner et al.
Boroffka 2003, 238 pp.) and may also be interpreted as
some kind of sanctuary for burnt offerings.
3.3.3. The Settlement
Fig. 12: Askaraly II, graveyard Mastau Baj II (Chernogorka), grave
3/2, feature of the cremation with Andronovo vessel and bracelet,
Foto: DBM, B. Sikorski.
identified as graves. In its centre, a hole filled with charcoal enriched ash was excavated; the feature was accompanied by an amorphous stone slab that perhaps
served as some kind of stele in the centre. Other elongated stones were found in the enclosure, perhaps fallen from a once upright position. This structure is reminiscent of the high altitude sanctuary that has been
excavated near the Mushiston tin mines (Parzinger &
Finally we want to turn to the settlement in Mastau Baj I.
In 2006 and 2008, only a part of a very large house
could be investigated. Its construction turned out to be
a so-called half-pit house, a poluzemljanka (Fig. 13).
Large stone slabs were put into the halfway excavated
founding pit. According to the three edges found so far
one would estimate a size of about 110 m2 with an internal extension of about 12 to 8 m. It is, in fact, one of
the largest houses ever excavated in East Kazakhstan
and the first that was built with a stone foundation. The
original construction of the roof is not yet clear as we
have not detected a single post hole or a fireplace. So
one may think of a monopitch roof that had its counterfort only on one (the northwestern) side? In the western
area, a waste dump was found outside the house. According to the original surface, the house was built into
an inclining surface towards the west. The strata sequence consisted of a highly intermixed upper soil part
(steppe black earth [tschernosem] and loess) which was
intermingled with the upper parts of the cultural layer by
small mammals’ activities (refilled burrows). Below that,
Fig. 13: Askaraly II, settlement Mastau Baj I, state of excavation 2008 with stone architecture, draft: DBM/RUB, J. Garner, A. Gontscharov.
244
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
covered by a grayish slip on the surface. Such pottery
is strikingly rare in the northern steppe zone, especially
in the first half of the 2nd mill. It must to be related to
contact with the Andronovo-communities with the oasiscultures of the BMAC-complex to the south (Kuz’mina
2007: 365, 418 with further literature). Other findings
display perfectly the economic activity of the Mastau Baj
community: there are tools such as bone hafts for sickles and stone hoes which were perhaps used for agricultural activities14 (Fig. 14). On the other hand, hammer
stones, a casting spoon, as well as several crucible fragments can be connected to the tin mining and metallurgy (Fig. 14-15).
Thomas Stöllner
Fig. 14: Askaraly II, settlement Mastau Baj I, stone tools: hoes,
grinding-stone and stone hammers, fotos: DBM/RUB.
the cultural stratum was nearly untouched but of a single phase. Therefore the spoiling of later strata was not
a serious shortcoming with regards to the chronological
classification, but the situation may have disturbed the
functional areas within the house. However, an actual
occupational level was difficult to sort out.
The cultural material found is interesting by its chronological concurrence with the mine and the graveyard.
Nearly all material belongs to the Andronovo-Fedorovka
culture. There are some exceptions, such as a sherd
that belongs to the Amangeldy type of Central Kazakhstan (Chernikov 1960: 249, Taf. 56; Kuz’mina 2007: 28,
75); another one (5569) was remarkable because a thin
section made it apparent that it was wheel turned and
Most interesting are the crucibles that proved tin smelting
occurred at the site: three samples have been investigated so far (KZ-414, KZ-424, KZ-425). The crucibles
were made of a slightly tempered iron containing ceramic
(Fig. 15). Inside they had a characteristic whitish, glassy and scarred slag crust with a thickness of around 1
mm. First samples were taken to prepare thin-sections
that were first investigated with the help of an optical
microscope. According to a first semi-quantitative analysis using a scanning electron microscope (SEM) tin
was enriched in the lag crust (Fig. 15). The tin content
was in the form of finely dispersed crystals of cassiterite (SnO2) and as well as droplets of tin within a glassy
matrix that also contained sub-microscopic particles of
SnO2. The cassiterite therefore cannot be interpreted as
a relict of the primary ore but had crystallized from a
silica rich smelt. The Ca-Feldspar mineral anortite
(­CaAl2Si2O8) is also abundantly represented in the slag
crust. SnO2 is generally enriched in the glassy phase,
which in tin slags frequently leads to the formation of
tin-silica glasses (with nearly 50 weight % of SnO2) with
amounts of CaO and FeO. Large contents of SnO2 cause
a similar coloring as tin glaze, such as on Majolica ware from the Renaissance. Interestingly the crucibles of
the Göltepe settlement near the presumed tin mines of
Kestel had quite a similar stock of chemical compositions. But in the Göltepe crucibles, the tin content is
much lower and no tin droplets have been described
(Yener & Vandiver 1993a).
Andreas Hauptmann
Summary
In summary, it became apparent that the Askaraly IIensemble is a core feature in understanding the circumstances of steppe tin production. Obviously small kinship
groups constantly won and smelted tin ores, perhaps on
a permanent basis. The evidence of a specialized community further indicates small-scale production units in
the Askaraly Mountains. It is therefore not surprising that
these exploitations have grown from the early 2nd mill-
245
Thomas Stöllner et al.
A
B
D
C
E
ennium onwards; all AMS-C14-dates collected during
the project stand in accordance to recent new dating of
Andronovo-Fedorovka sites in Central Asia (Fig. 16). In
this respect this period seems to be a heyday of tin
exploitation that even served markets abroad: even in
Mastau Baj I foreign contacts are visible. Did the tin
exploitation start even earlier in the Early Bronze Age,
during the time of the Siberian Okunev bronzes and
Sejma-Turbino phenomenon? This cannot yet be securely answered, but there is an indication: at a larger
sanctuary and rock art site (Askaraly VI) in the Northwest
246
Fig. 15: Askaraly II, settlement Mastau Baj
A: Fragment of a tin (s)melting crucible. Note the whitish slag
encrustation. Scale: 3 cm between lines.
B: Thin section through the crucible lining. Note very thin slag
encrustation (black) on top of the section.
C: Glassy liquefied slag encrustation (light, below) on ceramic material (black, above). The whitish layer is remarkably
enriched in tin and tin oxide. Scale inside the picture.
D: Finely distributed crystals of cassiterite (Ca)SnO2, ),
whitish-grey) in tin rich glassy matrix, and a larger globule of
tin in the middle of the picture.
E: Detail of D. Rhomboedric crystals of cassiterite in glassy
matrix.
C-E: Scanning electron pictures, secondary electron mode.
Pictures: D. Kirchner/A. Hauptmann
of the Askaraly Mountains, many typical Middle and Late Bronze Age petroglyphs were documented, though at
least one depiction of a horse displays typical stylistic
elements of the Sejma-Turbino style (Fig.17)15. This
could indicate the advent of mining as early as the beginning of the 2nd mill. However we comment on this
evidence and its chronological value: it makes clear that
the Askaraly people at least had contact to specialists,
inheriting the Sejma-Turbino style.
Thomas Stöllner
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
Fig. 16: Askaraly V, petro-glyph showing a Sejma-Turbino horse; left: stylistically comparable horses at knives from Sejma, after Chernykh 1992, Fig. 7, Foto: Z. Samaschev.
Fig. 17: AMS-14C-datings from various sites of East Kazakhstan, draft: DBM, Th. Stöllner.
Tin-Mining in East Kasachstan: Relevant for the Oriental Markets?
Let us finally turn back to the general question raised
at the beginning of the article: to what extent did the
East Kazakhstan deposits contribute to the long-distance trade that even reached western markets? According to general cultural contacts we cannot doubt that
Andronovo groups were in close contact with bordering
communities in northwest China, as well as with the
Namazga V and early VI-cultures in the south. Recent
studies (Kaniuth 2007; Helwing 2009) ruled out that predecessors of the silk routes passing through north Iran
were used to transport tin to the West; if they did so,
they had no impact on the metallurgy of cultures that
were lying in their path.
The question has currently been raised again by the first
results we gained from Pb-Isotope analses of bronzes
from East Kazakhstan16. Fig. 18 shows these metal objects in a Pb-Isotope diagram standardized at 206Pb. It
is apparent that 208/206Pb-ratios of 16 metal objects scatter between 2.10 and 2.13. They are different from all
other ratios that have been found so far in Bulgaria,
Anatolia and the Aegean (Pernicka 1995); this allows
the conclusion that either the copper or the tin of these
247
Thomas Stöllner et al.
Fig. 18: Lead isotope ratios of tin-bronzes and of a tin bead from East Kazakhstan, normalized 206Pb. As a comparison the isotopic
fields are shown from ores, metals and slags of Anatolia and the Aegean as well as from Bronze artifacts from the Troas (after Pernicka 1995; Pernicka et al. 2003). Isotope measurements Dr. M. Bode at Laboratory for Geochronology, University of Münster. Drawing: A. Hauptmann (Hauptmann et al. in prep.).
objects was derived from ore deposits that have a much
older geological age. According to Stacey & Kramers
(1975) diagrams, this speaks for a higher geological age
dating roughly to the late Cambrian and the early Paleozoic. This is exactly what one would expect from the
Kalba-Narym ore deposits. Only two of the East Kazakhstan samples show isotopic ratios that are comparable with the Eastern Mediterranean ore deposits; this
is also certainly an indication that in East Kazakhstan
younger ore deposits were used or even that the metals
were derived from other regions with geologically much
younger deposits. The lead isotope ratio of the tin bead
226 shows a strong radiogenic lead and ranges out from
the other bronze artifacts. This ratio is more comparable with isotope clusters that have been measured from
the tin bars of the Uluburun shipwreck and Hishuley
Carmel (Haifa) in Israel (Pulak 2000). The sample contains only a very low portion of lead and therefore differs
remarkably from the eastern Kazakhstan bronzes. The
lead isotope proportions of the eastern Kazakh metals
are of importance because they plot at a range which
groups with bronze artifacts from Troy (IIg) and the Troas in Northwest Anatolia (Pernicka 1995; Pernicka et al.
2003). If there is an archaeological link between the
Black Sea regions the northern Aegean and the Central
Asian ore deposits cannot yet be answered. But what
should not be forgotten is that the famous Troy IIg had
trading contacts to the steppe zone: it is not by mere
chance that the famous Lapislazuli axe (whose origin is
likely the Afghan Badakhshan Mountains) found its best
parallels in the southern Russian hoard of Borodino (for
the relations see for instance Treijster 1996, 221). May
248
we doubt that the steppe zone could not have had the
potential not only to disseminate innovations such as
horse, horse-gear and wagon but as well as raw-materials17. The size of raw material exploitation and its possible spread can best be discussed with copper of the
Kargaly type that has been found in a large geographical sphere, from the Northern Pontus to the Southern
Ural18. Till now many questions remain unsolved and
need to be deepened further. Especially Kazakhstan as
a continental bridge already holds many possibilities to
follow them.
Andreas Hauptmann, Thomas Stöllner
Notes
1 A major problem is still the question if the lead content used
for the isotope analysis are derived from the copper or the
tin; new attempts are made with the help of tin isotopes that
could minimize this problem in the future: Haustein et al.
2010.
2 On the contrary, tin bronzes are known to a greater extent in
the southern part of SW-Asia, in Mundigak, in Baluchistan
or also in SW-Iranian Fars (Kaftari period): see for example
Kaniuth 2007; Helwing 2009.
3 Sejma-Turbino cannot be regarded as a specific cultural
group, but more as an assemblage of stylistically related objects that spread from Western Siberia and the Middle Ural
via East Kazakhstan to the Altai region and Northwest China:
characteristic is a high percentage of tin-bronzes (47 %); recently H. Parzinger (1997; 2002) presented arguments that
would relate this phenomenon with the Early Bronze Age Krotovo-Samus’ culture and also with the contemporary Okunev
culture. Perhaps Sejma-Turbino and the phenomenon of the
spread of the first tin bronzes can be explained by migrating
metallurgists who seldom left any archaeological evidence.
This may be seen for instance at the metallurgical workshop
Tin from Kazakhstan – Steppe Tin for the West?
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
of Abylaach I, in which one axe can be connected with Sejma-Turbino. The site is located on the peninsula of Tajmyr
north of the Taiga and stands isolated within northern Siberian hunter and gatherer societies who hardly had any large
interest in metals (Chlobystin 1987, 336; 338).
During the Soviet period, these ore deposits were only exploited to a lesser extent since they were regarded as uneconomical. Nonetheless, they were explored by geological exploration surveys, evidence of which can still be seen today
as many small workings and trenches.
These rich ore resources were the basis of the metal and the
chemical industry of Ust-Kamenogorsk. The ore resources
can be considered even today as one of the richest in the
world: the gold reserves hold nearly 50% of all Kazakh deposits. In relation to primary copper resources, Kazakhstan
is in the middle field of all known copper deposits worldwide.
The country has produced 470000 tons of copper in 2001
and ranked ninth in the world, after Chile and the US.
The project was generously supported by the Gerda-Henkel
foundation in three successive projects between 2003 and
2008; I have to express my gratitude to the foundations officials and boards for the uncomplicated and effective collaboration, especially Dr. A.-M. Lauter (special program Central
Asia), Dr. A. Kühnen and the chairman Dr. M. Hansler. The
project itself was initiated by Sergej Berdenov, Jan Cierny,
Zeinolla Samaschev and Thomas Stöllner during a first field
trip in 2003. Throughout the years and after the death of Jan
Cierny and recently of Sergej Bedenov, who passed after a
long and severe illness, the program was continued by many
Kazakh and German colleagues: A. Gorelik took over many
of the responsibilities and supported the project with his expertise. We would like to thanks to not only the entire persons listed as collaborators in the title, but also G. Suvorova,
A. “Sascha” Kolmogorov, Ju. Digon and Director Djusupov
of the Kraevedcheskij Museum in Ust-Kamenogorsk as well
as the students Ilja Merz, Jerlan Kazizov, Aidos Tschotbajev,
Abu Alpamys Zhalgasuly and Olexandr Balyk, K. Malek, M.
Rabe, Andzej Kuczminski, A. Kramer, N. Löwen, Dr. B. Song
and P. Thomas from Bochum.
ETH 31183: 3090±60; 2σ-Konfidenzintervall: BC 1462-1210
[93,9%]); unfortunately no findings and dating were gained
from a similar sounding in mine 1.
Although it is always difficult to estimate the original metal
enrichments or even to find clear evidence of tin ores at all,
we were able to identify them from fresh samples and ore
specimens collected at the mine in Askaraly II, the settlement
of Mastau Baj II as well as from dumps of the mine Z1 of
Askaraly I.
The geological maps even included a rough drawing of the
mining depressions of Askaraly I. Askaraly was not mentioned at all by S.S. Chernikov.
This volume would have produced 532 tons of granite and
tin ore; if we take a volume of at least 1/100 of pure ore, one
would expect nearly 5 tons of tin ore; if we count with 2 to 5%
of tin content within the ore this would result in a minimum of
100 to 250 kg of metallic tin possibly extracted from the mine
Askaraly II.
Comparable examples for instance from the graveyard Sangru: Kuznetzova/Teplobodskaja 1994, 76; for the general
type: Margulan et al. 1966, 272 Taf. LV. 21, 22, 25-27; a
typology of jewellery is given by Kuz’mina 2007, 645 Fig. 33
(the type is analogous to Fig. 33,1).
The burial constructions find their best parallels in East
Kazakhstan, for instance in the graveyards of Sarykol’
(Chernikov 1960, 15 p. 199 Tab. IV [Kurgan 5, 16), of Kojtas at the Kyzyl-Su river bank and Maloe Karasu in the near
vicinity (Orazbaev/Omarov 1998, 10 p., 43 Fig. 2 [enclosure
1, 12 p, 44 Fig 5 [enclosure 4]; Ermolaeva 2001); further examples from Central Kazakhstan are known from El’shibek
(Margulan 1966, 135 p. Fig. 55 [enclosure 69], 135 pp. Fig.
56 [enclosure 73] and Bel’asar (op. cit. 140 p., Fig 58 [enclosure 58])
It may well be possible that those hammers have also been
used for managing the stone-cutters work when building
the graves: but even then they would be charged with ritual
meaning that finally obliged the funeral community to bury
them with the dead. It can certainly be regarded as a very
special communal rite, however interpreted in detail. In Ele-
14
15
16
17
18
novka (SE-Ural forelands) the stone-slab chambers were
erected from stones deriving from the mines (Kuzmina 2007,
85 ff).
The investigation of the animal bones by M. Doll is awaited
and will certainly provide further insight into subsistence
strategies.
Typical is for instance the flat nostril and the oversized head
that can be found as decorations on knives in the Sejma cemetery; for comparisons see for instance: Chernykh 1992, Fig.
77.
The first samples that have been measured come from the
Bronze Age collections of the Kraevedcheskij Museum of
East Kazakhstan; further analyses are now in preparation.
For the steppe pastoralists it was certainly easier to expand
and move along their west to east stretching “subsistence”
girdle than to bridge it towards the south where they had to
adopt to other climates and subsistence patterns; east-west
interactions are well documented since the chalcolithic for instance from the pit-grave culture: recently summing up the
debates: Kohl (2007, 133 pp.). Kohl, op. cit. raised the question of the introduction of wagons and the domestication of
cargo-carrying animals such as the camels (it should be mentioned that camels even later played a role in the “Scythian
animal art”) and may well be also acknowledged as important
as cargo-animal for the steppe and desert-steppe girdle in
Central Asia. For the late 3rd and early 2nd millennium we may
take the disk-shaped cheekpieces to prove the wide interaction and exchange patterns within the steppe and foreststeppe zones: Teufer 1999, 70, Abb. 1.
Although the research of the Kargaly team (Chernykh 2003;
Chernykh 2007) has proved the huge scale of copper exploitation it remains difficult to follow the geochemical arguments
for the dissemination of Kargaly copper as the geochemical
variation of single pure copper deposits of similar type need
a counter-proved by help of Pb-Isotopes and detailed measured trace elements: critics on the use of spectral-analyses
came from L. Chernykh (2003, esp. 53–55). See also the
comments of Ph. Kohl to Kargaly (Kohl 2007, esp. 171 pp.).
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