Dedicated to my wife, Fombuh Lydia, and my daughter, Queen

Official Bilingualism in Cameroon: An Empirical Evaluation of the
Status of English in Official Domains
Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen
Fakultäten der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität zu Freiburg i. Br.
Vorgelegt von
Isaiah Munang Ayafor
aus
Kamerun.
WS 2004/2005
Erstgutachter/in: Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Christian Mair
Zweitgutachter/in: Prof. Dr. Bernd Kortmann
Ggf. Drittgutachter/in: Keine
Vorsitzender des Promotionsausschusses
Der Gemeinsamen Kommission der
Philologischen, Philosophischen und WirtschaftsUnd Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Fakultät: Prof. Dr. Hermann Schwengel
Datum der letzten Fachprüfung im Rigorosum: 5 November 2005.
2
To my wife, Lydia Fombuh Ayafor, and daughter, Queen Aghenui, for the moral
support, but also for the many sacrifices and difficult times we all experienced
during this study.
3
Abbreviations and Acronyms
A.C.C.T.: Agence de Co-opération Culturelle et Technique.
A.E.F.: Administration Étrangère Française (?)
AmE: American English
A.U.P.E.L.F.: Association des Universités Partiellement ou Entièrement de Langue
Française
B.E.A.C.: Banque des États de l’Afrique Centrale
BrE: British English
CamE: Cameroon English
CamP: Cameroon Pidgin (English)
C.C.A.S.T.: Cameroon College of Arts, Science and Technology
C.D.C.: Cameroon Development Corporation
CELCOM: Cellule de Communication
CEMAC: Communauté Economique et Monétaire d’Afrique Centrale
CFA: Communauté Financière Africaine
C.N.U.: Cameroon National Union
C.P.D.M.: Cameroon Peoples’ Democratic Movement
C.R.T.V.: Cameroon Radio and Television Corporation
EC: European Commission
EU: European Union
EWL: English as a World Language
G.C.E.: General Certificate of Education
GCSE: General Certificate of Secondary Education
G.H.N.T.S.: Guidance, Harmonization and New Technologies Section
GMI: Groupement Mobil d’Intervention
GNEL: Gesellschaft fűr Neue Englischsprachige Literaturen
GTZ: Deutsche Gesellschaft fűr Technische Zusammenarbeit GmbH
ISB4: Fourth International Symposium on Bilingualism
LSBD: Language Services and Bilingualism Division
MAVEN: Major Varieties of English
MEZ: Mezam Division
4
MIU: Mobile Intervention Unit
NIC: National Identity Card
P.A.I.D.: Pan African Institute of Development
PFLB: Programme de Formation Linguistique Bilingue
PLEG: Professeur des Lycées d’Enseignement Générale
PIC: Professional Identity Card
S.D.F.: Social Democratic Front
SCNC: Southern Cameroons National Council
SOPECAM: Société des Presses et d’Édition du Cameroun
SO.NA.RA. Société Nationale de Rafinage
StE: Standard English
UN: United Nations
UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organization
USAID: United States Agency for International Development
5
Acknowledgements
I am deeply indebted to the individuals and organizations that provided support for the
completion of this study.
Professor Dr. Christian Mair supervised the entire project and, most importantly,
read and discussed every aspect and section of this dissertation with assiduity. His
recommendations also helped to shape the form and contents of the final version. I am
equally indebted to him for the exceptional friendliness, kindness, and patience that he
demonstrated during my academic appointments, and the social concern he had for the
well-being of my family. His support made my stay in Freiburg comfortable and
conducive for research.
I
reserve
special
appreciation
for
DAAD
(Deutscher
Akademischer
Austauschdienst), the German Academic Exchange Service that funded my research in
Germany and financed two field trips to Cameroon in 2002.
Professor Paul Nkad Mbangwana and Professor Augustin Simo Bobda, my initial
home supervisors, studied my questionnaires and made valuable suggestions for the
conduct of the fieldwork component of the study. Besides, they were already involved in
the study at its early stage at the University of Yaounde 1 before it was transferred to the
University of Freiburg in Germany.
I am very thankful to my bosom friend, Dr. Kehbuma Langmia, who resolved
logistical problems involved in surveying Cameroon’s Embassy in Washington D.C.,
helped me to get books and other on-the-spot research materials needed within the US,
discussed many aspects of my methodology, and put me in contact with some scholars of
6
qualitative and quantitative empirical research at Howard and Bowie State Universities in
the United States of America.
Furthermore, I appreciate the cooperation of Mr. Alphonsius Akongatuh, Dr.
Louis Abdou Kwame, and Mr. Chegnui Bekeny in helping me to find my way around
Cameroon’s High Commission in London, UK, Cameroon’s Embassy in Paris, France,
and Cameroon’s Embassy in Bonn, Germany, respectively.
The following persons in Freiburg discussed several ideas in my work, provided
tips about the use of relevant computer software and specific applications, library
formalities, and student life in general around the University of Freiburg: Stefanie Rapp,
Bianca Kossman, Lars Hinrich, Tamsin Sanderson, Dr. Andrea Sand, Dr. Marianne
Hundt, Andreas Sedlachek, Dr. Paul Skandera, Dr. Anne Schroeder, Dr. Dagmer Deuber,
Professor Jurt Schwyter, Mrs. Claudia Kohler, and others whose names I have forgotten
to mention but whose direct and indirect assistance I certainly still cherish.
In a similar way, Mr. Jacob Tankwa Ayafor made available to me his personal
computer in Bamenda, turned his home into a makeshift secretariat for the huge
paperwork that was involved in my fieldwork, and participated directly in analyzing my
questionnaires. Mr. Samuel Chenwi Achunchu provided me with free accommodation in
Yaounde during my fieldwork, free use of his personal car for the many errands and
interview appointments, and resolved logistical problems involved in meeting
government officials at the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon and in many offices.
He also helped to resolve many huddles with meeting military respondents; he negociated
in encounters where I was arrested by the police and gendarmes in Yaounde for trying to
solicit responses in military premises. Mr. Francis Bekene Wayih of the Military
7
Logistics Headquarter in Yaounde helped me to meet my military respondents in the
army and took charge of the distribution and collection of copies of the military
questionnaires in offices where I was refused entry. Dr. Peter Alange Abety provided me
with vital official documents and arranged interview appointments with his fellow
cabinet Ministers.
My gratitude also goes to Mrs. Meceline Lefe Shei who risked her job to allow
me interview her for an ‘insider view’ of the Anglophone-Francophone employment ratio
and official interaction within the National Social Insurance Fund, a parastatal company
in Yaounde. She also took a similar risk to allow me to make copies of some vital official
documents from her office, which I have analyzed in this study.
Mr. Devine Fuh and Mr. Julius Fon coded and presented the data elicited through
questionnaires. I wouldn’t have been able to manage this process using the SPSS
software without their expertise.
The following colleagues are to be thanked also for their useful views on this
study: Dr Aloysius Ngefac, Dr. Samuel Atechi, Dr. Hilarious Ngwa Ambe, and Dr.
Charles Ngiewih Teke.
Finally, I thank all my informants for giving me the responses I needed to
illustrate the views expressed in this study.
8
Table of contents
Abbreviations and acronyms 3
Acknowledgements 5
Table of contents 8
Abstract 14
1. Introduction 15
1.1. Aim of the Study 19
1.2. The Scope of the study 20
1.3. State of the art: the spread and global status of English 22
1.3.1. Language status 31
1.3.2. Language policy and language planning 38
1.3.2.1. Language planning 38
1.3.2.2. Language policy in Cameroon 42
1.3.2.3. Official bilingualism as language policy 47
1.3.3. Language and attitudes 51
1.3.3.1. The three components of attitude 51
1.3.3.2. Attitudes of Anglophones and Francophones towards English 54
1.4. Attitude-related variables militating against the status of English 58
1.4.1. The demographic variable 59
1.4.2. The geographic variable 63
1.4.3. Cultural variable 65
1.4.4. The linguistic variable 67
1.4.4.1. International French language policy 67
1.4.4.2. The dominance of French in the West African sub-region 73
1.4.4.3. Dynamism and flexibility in English 75
1.4.5. Historical variables 78
1.4.5.1. British colonial attitude towards Cameroon78
1.4.5.2. The Nigerian Connection and its impact on Anglophones’ image in Cameroon 81
1.4.5.3. Linguistic implications of the historical variable 82
1.4.6. The political variable 86
1.4.6.1. The nation-state project and Francophone hegemony 86
9
1.4.7. The nature of language legislation 93
1.4.8. Attitudes of Anglophones and Francophones toward bilingualism 96
1.4.8.1. The dominance of Francophones in most positions and the reality that almost all
texts in the central administration originate in French 96
1.4.8.2. The ‘outsider’ consciousness and moral endeavour to belong despite one’s self 97
1.4.8.3. The need for Anglophones to make themselves understood in order to be served
97
1.4.8.4. Effects of the law of linguistic accommodation and the ‘law of economy of effort’
98
1.4.8.5. The ‘Everyone-understands-French’ cliché 98
2. Previous studies on bilingualism and English in Cameroon 101
3. Theoretical considerations, methods and data 113
3.1. Methodology 113
3.1.1 Methodological conception 113
3.1. 2. Theoretical framework 116
3.1. 3. Methodological principles 123
3.2. Methods 127
3.2.1 Qualitative interviews 129
3.2.2. Structured questionnaires 131
3.2.3. Participant observation 135
3.2.4. Document analysis: official/private records, and public/private documents 138
3.2.4.1. Visual data and photography 140
3.2.4.2. Public records 143
3.3. Sampling 145
3.4. Data analysis 151
3.4.1. Unstructured interviews 151
3.4.2. Structured Questionnaires 153
3.4.3. Documentary analysis 156
3.4.3.1. Records 156
3.4.3.2. Photographs 158
4. Functions : English in the military 160
10
4. 1. Brief historical account 160
4. 1. 2. Language of work and instruction 163
4. 1. 3. Documentation 168
4. 1. 4. Staff representation 170
4. 1. 5. Military law 171
4.1.6. International Military Cooperation 173
4.1.6.1. French military missions in Sub-Saharan Africa 175
4.1.6.2. French financial allocations for military cooperation 177
4.1.6.3. French military involvement in the training of the military in Africa 178
4.1.6.4. French military personnel put at the disposal of francophone African countries and
Cameroon 183
4. 2. Survey of military personnel 187
4. 2. 1. Respondents’ support for the bilingual policy 195
4. 2. 3. Language spoken at the workplace 199
4. 2. 4. Rating of the prestige of English vis-à-vis French in the military in general 214
4. 3. Structured surveys 215
4. 3. 1. Are the two languages, English and French, effectively used in your domains? 215
4. 3. 2. Do you personally speak English? 216
4. 3. 3. Would you like more English to be used in the military? 217
4. 3. 4. Do you use English in official circumstances with your boss or with colleagues?
219
4.3.5. Does the use of English facilitate your work in English-speaking regions or renders
it difficult? 219
4. 3. 6. Comment on bilingualism in general and particularly in the military domain 220
4.4. Summary 220
5. Functions: English in the civil domain 222
5.1. Survey of civil administration 222
5.2. Survey of civil administrative personnel 226
5.2.1. Respondents’ position in public service 227
5.2.2. Respondents’ work experience in French-speaking regions 228
5.2.3. Respondents’ work experience in Anglophone regions 229
11
5.2.4. Respondents’ living experience in English-speaking countries 230
5.2.5. Respondents’ experience of specific English-speaking countries 230
5.2.6. Respondents’ approval for the bilingual policy 231
5.2.7. Respondents’ interpretation of the meanings of bilingualism 236
5.2.8. Respondents’ ability in English 240
5.2.9. Respondents’ ability in French 241
5.2.10. Attitude toward choice of a single official language 254
5.2.11. Attitudes toward Anglophone socio-political protests 256
5.2.12. Attitudes towards unequal layout of information on official letterheads,
notices and other documents suggesting the disparagement of English 269
5.2.13. Attitude toward Anglophone system of education 270
5.2.14. Attitude toward salary increase for persons willing to use more English than
French on their job 273
5.2.15. Linguistic inclination of civil servants’ closest friends 275
5.3. Summary 276
6. Status: English in official documents 278
6.1. Personal identification documents 279
6.2. Certificates and academic documents 290
6.3. Administrative documents and letters 295
6.4. Communication in foreign diplomatic domains: embassies and High Commissions
313
6.5. Private sector domains 318
6.6. Parastatal institutions 326
6.7. Signposts and street names 340
6.8. National symbols 342
6.8.1. Commemoration of the 1961 reunification 342
6.9. National currency 343
6.10. National Anthem 348
6.11. Summary 355
7. Status: English in public communication 358
12
7.1. Monolingual French notices in French-speaking regions 358
7.1.1. Government domains 363
7.1.2. Domains of the private sector 366
7.2. Monolingual English information in English-speaking regions 368
7.3. French-dominated notices in French- and English-speaking regions 370
7.3.1. Government’s and private sector domains in Francophone region 370
7.4. French-dominated notices in English-speaking regions 373
7.4.1. Private sector domains 374
7.5. Bilingual notices showing inequality in formatting and letter sizes 378
7.5.1. Government’s domains 379
7.6. Balanced presentation of information 379
7.7. Bilingual notices showing italicisation of the English version 380
7.8. English notices in Anglophone regions bearing interfering French items 382
7.9. Bilingual notices containing poor translation of the English versions 383
7.9.1. Official domains 383
7.10. The use of abbreviations and acronyms in notices 384
7.10.1 Government domains in French-speaking and English-speaking regions 385
7.11. Bilingual notices in Anglophone regions with English versions placed above 388
7.11.1. English versions above, French versions below in Anglophone regions 389
7.11.2. French versions above, English versions below in Anglophone regions 390
7.12. Government domains: French above, English below in Francophone regions 392
7.13. Ideal use of neutral acronyms 393
7.13.1. Government domains 394
7.14. Summary 394
8. Conclusion 397
9. References 405
10. Appendixes 437
Appendix 1: List of Martyrs 437
Appendix 2 A: Administrative map of Cameroon 439
Appendix 2 B: Map of Africa 440
Appendix 3 A : Sample military questionnaire (French version) 441
13
Appendix 3 B : Sample military questionnaire (English Version) 444
Appendix 3 C : Sample civilian questionnaire (French version) 447
Appendix 3 D: Sample civilian questionnaire (English version) 453
Appendix 4: Mililtary ranks in Cameroon’s army 458
Statistical tables 461
Appendix 5: Alternative military survey 499
14
Abstract
On October 1, 1961, former French-speaking region of Cameroon, La République du
Cameroun, reunited with former English-speaking region, British Southern Cameroons,
to become a bilingual and bicultural nation, namely The Federal Republic of Cameroon.
English and French were acclaimed the official languages of the state to reflect the
linguistic and cultural heritages of the new nation and to safeguard its national unity.
Such acclamation also became henceforth the official language policy of the state locally
called official bilingualism. However, the policy did not, and is yet to witness elaborate
definition, description, and design in the linguistic sense. Thus the implementation of the
policy in terms of language planning became practised within the ‘framework’ of a
general political plan of action, with very little attention paid to interlanguage,
intralanguage, and other sociolinguistic issues. Presently, official bilingualism both
stands for language policy and language planning.
However, the de facto implementation of the policy has been anything but
equitable for the two languages. This study examines Cameroon’s official language
policy within the framework of language maintenance, and evaluates the status of English
within the context of the promotion of official bilingualism and biculturalism. From the
preliminary observation that the promotion of official bilingualism is more a political
plan of action than a language policy, the study systematically explores its subject
through a methodological triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods borrowed
from the social sciences. Three techniques make up the triangulation: a survey involving
a structured questionnaire designed to elicit and evaluate responses quantitatively, and an
unstructured long interview designed in the tradition of phenomenology; textual or
contents analysis; and visual images analysis. In spite of the triangulation of methods, the
whole process of this investigation from the conceptualization of the problem to writing
the narrative is based on the theory of phenomenology in general, but particularly on the
symbolic interactionism variant of the theory.
It was found that 1) official bilingualism in Cameroon represents a political
agenda rather than a linguistic programme of language treatment. 2) It is conceived and
implemented primarily based on the partisan, the demographic, and the linguistic ratios
that reflect the Anglophone-Francophone dichotomy. 3) Grassroots attitudes towards
official bilingualism in general, and English in particular, reflect the above perceptions
and consequent ideologies. The sum of all of this is the perpetuation of disparaging sociopolitical attitudes toward Anglophones or those who speak English as a linguistic and
demographic minority, although there is growing awareness of the international prestige
of the language.
The study concludes that there is overt and widespread disparagement of English
in official domains in varying subtle ways despite some genuine government actions
towards language instruction in the two official languages. While much of the
disparagement is inadvertent among the rank and file military and civil personnel, there is
also a deliberate tendency among some decision makers towards a restriction of the
functions of English in official circles. This is made indirectly effective by sidelining and
restricting English-speaking personnel in official domains, and directly by a preferring
and promoting a frenchification of the administrative system and bureaucratic procedures
in public service domains.
15
“So, if you really want to hurt me, talk badly about my language. Ethnic identity is twin skin to
linguistic identity. I am my language. Until I can take pride in my language, I cannot take pride in
myself” 1 (Anzaldúa, 1987: 59)
1. Introduction
I have been interested in bilingualism – English and French – in Cameroon since
1982, when I first became a bilingual myself in the two languages according to
Halliday’s (1968: 141) description of the phenomenon “[…] wherever a (native-) speaker
of one language makes use of a second language however partially or imperfectly.” 2 I
had just begun my secondary education in Form One in Cameroon College of Arts,
Sciences, and Technology (C.C.A.S.T.), Bambili, and it was immediately remarkable that
the statuses of English and French were outstanding among all school subjects. Regular
attendance and an excellent grade, at least, were required in the languages at every level
as one went up the secondary education ladder. Besides, my French teachers in Form One
and Form Two, Mr. John Ajuoh Ngam (an Anglophone), and Mr. Edouard Essomba (a
Francophone) respectively, frequently took turns to inform all students of the importance
of mastering the two languages. Mr. Ngam, and occassionally the school Principal, Mr.
Robert Essong Essong, particularly explained that it was important to learn French as one
1
This view is an apt reflection of the feelings, beliefs, and reactions of English-speaking respondents
whose responses are examined in this study. Similarly, French-speaking rspondents, whose responses have
also been examined in this work, agree with the claim that ethnic and/or regional identy is linked to
linguistic identity, at least in the Cameroonian context. Moreover, Francophone Cameroonians who need
and advocate an increase in the functions and status of English in the country are usually sympathetic
towards sentiments of this nature. Thus, it is quite true to say that disparaging English in Cameroon is the
best way to hurt Anglophones and Francophones who need it, speak it, and who would like to see it thrive
in all public domains.
2
Persons who are acquainted with Cameroon’s language repertoire know that my reference is to the official
languages, French and English. Otherwise, the actual beginnings of my individual bilingualism according
to Mackey’s (1968: 555) description, i.e., “[…] the use of not only two languages, but of any number of
languages,” date back to my teenage and adolescent days when I began speaking other Bantu languages in
addition to my mother tongue, Mbili or Mbeligi.
16
would often need it later in one’s career in Cameroon. This early warning has all along
made me develop a special perception of French and dictated an additional attention to
the language among my other school subjects to date. 3 It is not wrong to say that such
warnings and their ensuing effects on students have created a state of mind which has
affected many other students in similar ways over the years and will certainly continue to
do so in the future. Still, my secondary education taught me to see English and French as
equally important in and out of school; but it also taught me to expect a subtle inequality
and conflict between the two languages, which I could probably not understand as a
young pupil. However, one thing was evident: high school students in Anglophone
Cameroon who majored in English, French, and History were perceived and treated as an
elitist folk for their bilingual ability in the official languages of the state. 4 Nonetheless,
the exceptional emphases put on the societal importance of French over English by my
school administration and leadership puzzled me because my English teachers frequently
made comments such as “English is the world’s first language,” “English is key to
everything in the world today,” and “Everybody speaks English even in countries where
it is not a native language.” This was probably an introduction to the dynamics of
linguistic contact and conflict, which I was too young to grasp.
My interest in the sociolinguistic status of English as an official language proper
began in 1990, when I began tertiary education at the University of Yaounde in the
French-speaking capital city. Contrary to my expectation – the University of Yaounde is
3
This led to an intensification of my attention to studying French in secondary school, which earned a
provocative nickname for me among my peers: ‘Frenchman’ or ‘the man whose favourite subject is
French.’ At the University I studied French language, French Literature and French Civilisation as a minor
while majoring in English language studies and linguistics.
4
Another factor fuelling such prestige was the fact that those students would certainly study in France if
they continued to the English-French ‘bilingual major’ at the lone University of Yaounde in Cameroon.
Until 1992, fourth semester English-speaking students made a state-funded twelve months linguistic
internship to Besançon, France, while French-speaking students went to Manchester or London, UK.
17
officially bilingual, i.e., English and French are the languages of instruction –, the
department of English was the only place where English could be heard. In other
departments, particularly the natural and physical sciences, one or two English-speaking
professors would be available and given the 10:1 ratio of French- and English-speaking
students, these English-speaking professors were, for pragmatic reasons, virtually obliged
to teach in French. In public offices in and out of school, one had to speak French to be
understood and be served at one’s rightful turn; otherwise, one would have to give up
one’s right of turn and wait until ‘French-speaking’ comrades got served. Then, an
English-speaking staff would be fetched, i.e., if one was available, to come to one’s
rescue. This situation soon developed into one where anyone who spoke only English or
who was unable to speak French was regarded as inferior, expected to play second fiddle
to their French-speaking counterparts, and, worse, labelled disdainfully as ‘one of them,’
i.e., those who couldn’t speak French.
Given that those who couldn’t speak French were Anglophones for the most part,
they came to be known as ‘les Anglophones’ or ‘Anglos’ in short. Anglophones on many
University campuses became the object of ridicule and official discrimination. Their
reactions were sometimes violent, leading to further stigmatization of English as well as
Anglophones. Also, such reactions led to frequent physical confrontations between
Anglophone and Francophone students, even during lectures. English was frequently
associated with Anglophones and referred to as a minority language on account of their
small number on campus as well as the negligible proportion of their population
nationwide. However, some Francophones could be head uttering English phrases
variably, but many did so using utterances heard from Anglohpones’ angry speech such
18
as ‘I know my right!,’ ‘Don’t talk to me like that!,’ ‘Go to hell!,’ etc. Such usage was
intended to mimic their Anglophone counterparts or to suggest such derision rather than
using English based on its need. Thus, it was considered comical for a Francophone to
utter few words in English among his French-speaking peers. In public offices nowadays,
it remains normal for Anglophones to speak French, but it is only comical or
condescending for a boss to say a few expressions in English to ‘please’ or ‘blindfold’ the
Anglophones into thinking that the boss, hence his office, recognizes and uses English. 5
Hence, the term ‘Anglo-fou,’ a short form of ‘Anglophone’ and ‘fou’ (crazy in French)
became used as an insult and to designate Anglophones who couldn’t speak French.
Lately, the term has become a jingle of a nomenclature of Anglophone insults in all walks
of live. In this sense, the term ‘Anglofou’ connotes nowadays the general socio-political
and economic backwardness of the entire Anglophone community. Thus, the term has
also become a metaphor for relegation in the discourse of marginalisation, which
Breitinger (1995: 471-480) has examined in “Anglofou or Anglophone: study of
language, literature and alternative discourse in ‘Bilingual’ Cameroon.” 6
Furthermore, during my graduate research on CamP, a vibrant popular variety of
CamE, I took note of the official indifference to and individual stigmatization of its status
(see Mbangwana 1983: 90, Schröder 2003: 202-203) although its potential in official and
5
During the plenary session of the National Assembly in 1991, English-speaking Assembly president,
Fonka Shang Lawrence, as House tradition demands, made his address in English. Then, came the turn of
Head of State, Paul Biya, a Francophone, who pleaded with Fonka Shang smatteringly in English: “Permit
me to speak in French.” The ensuing applause from the audience lasted several minutes until he indicated
that he would like to begin his address proper, and the applause only gradually died down whereas his
Prime Minister and head of government, Achidi Achu Simon, an Anglophone, made his address entirely in
French but did not receive an equal applause. The following day, the President’s English smattering made
sensational newspaper headlines, and the state-run television, CRTV and daily Cameroon Tribune, gave it a
special attention.
6
Cf. Echu (1999: 198; 201, fn.10) for other connotations of the term Anglo as used among University
students.
19
private domains is very high. This pushed me to closely observe attitudes towards
English and bilingualism in official domains. The following questions began to engross
my mind: What makes English locally a stigmatized language in spite of its global high
status? Is official bilingualism a political quip or a language policy with a linguistic plan
of action? Is English practically equal in status to French as a co-official language? If not,
what role do variables such as the local language situation, demography, political biculturalism, political elitism, ethnicity and identity crisis, historical events, international
French language policy, colonial legacy, etc. play in shaping the status of English in the
country? After a preliminary observation, I generated evidence which brought me to be
more interested in the following question: What are the attitudes of Francophones and
Anglophones toward English in particular and toward official language bilingualism in
general? These questions motivated the investigation of the practical use of English in
official jurisdictions in order to determine its de facto status in terms of position, prestige,
and potential on the one hand, and to evaluate its relegation in terms of stigmatization and
disparagement on the other.
1.1. Aim of the Study
The aim of this study is to investigate the status of English within the framework
of the promotion of official bilingualism. The study examines the policy of two official
languages in terms of language maintenance and language treatment (Platt and Platt
1974: 115) that involves three aspects: choice, planning, and management. This
perspective enables me to assess the implementation of bilingualism in official circles
and to evaluate the discrepancies that impact the status of English. Thus the attitudes of
Francophones within government and in the private sector domains are elicited to
20
determine the correlation between feelings towards Anglophones and the disparagement
of English. Therefore the following major issues are investigated within the context of the
objectives set at the inception of the official language policy:
•
the model of bilingualism designed for the promotion of the status and functions of
English and French;
•
the attitude of Cameroonians (Anglophones and Francophones) towards English,
official language bilingualism, and the multilingual situation in general;
•
the absence of a functional language planning programme assuring a satisfactory
technical and educational process for the implementing the bilingual policy.
1.2. The Scope of the study
This study is concerned with the official language policy called ‘official
bilingualism’ in Cameroon. It investigates the disparagement of the status of English, and
the restriction of its functions in government and private domains within the frame of
implementation of the policy. It refers to the theoretical models of bilingualism, language
planning, and New Englishes and assesses the implementation of official bilingualism in
Cameroon within the framework of these theories.
Thus the investigation will examine the design of official bilingualism that was
adopted at the inception of the language policy in order to find out whether it should be
considered as a language policy in a linguistic sense or a general policy statement with a
political agenda. It will also provide clarifications regarding the political level at which
decisions on language issues are made, and the dynamics that condition decision making.
After having determined the correlation between the nature of political and
linguistic policy, the study will assess the practical promotion of French and English in a
21
bid to provide evidence for the disparagement of the status of English and the restriction
of its functions in official and private domains.
The investigation will survey the following government and parastatal
organizations: the Presidency of the Republic, the Prime Minister’s Carbinet, the
National Assembly, the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Territorial Administration,
Cameroon Brewery Corporation, the National Refinery Corporation (SONARA), and the
Bilingual University of Yaoundé 1. In the private sector, Amity Bank and Afriland Bank
will be surveyed. In each of these places ‘bilingual’ documentation will be collected. This
will include official letters, information booklets, or brochures, letterheads, decrees,
speeches, and official notices. Other data will be got from studying official signboards of
government and private office departments. Apart from documents, personnel
distribution will be studied in order to find out the correlation between democracy and the
nature of language use in documents by Francophones and Anglophones holding (high)
positions in the various departments. This survey will provide clarifications regarding the
variables which dictate the preference of one language to the other, and the extent to
which decision makers – Anglophone or Francophone - are obliged to use the language
preferred in government domains or companies.
It is necessary within this investigation to study the attitudes of language users in
official domains. The study will elicit language attitudes in order to find the relationship
among the different languages within the linguistic situation, i.e., English versus French,
English versus Pidgin English, CamE versus AmE or BrE.
The following working theses guide this investigation:
•
the nature of Cameroon bilingualism is more of a political plan of action than a
language policy, and as such is impracticable as a dual political-linguistic policy;
22
•
the design and the implementation of official bilingualism make English a secondary
official language and engender the disparagement of its status while its functions are
restricted in official domains;
•
negative attitudes towards Anglophones engender negative attitudes towards English
in official and private domains.
1.3. State of the art: the spread and global status of English
The international aura of English today has become common knowledge while the
language continues to spread into all nooks and crannies worldwide. Melchers & Shaw
(2003: 6) cite Gordon & Deverson (1998), who have written the following motto as the
headline in the introduction to a recent account of New Zealand English: “English,
English everywhere.” Melchers & Shaw (ibid.) themselves reveal that “walking around
Stockholm, for example, we recently observed that well over 80 per cent of the shops in
its most fashionable street had English names.” As a matter of fact, “there is hardly a
country in the world at the beginning of the 21st century in which English is not used at
all” (Allerton 2002: xi); and “currently, there are approximately 75 countries where
English is spoken either as first language, or as an official language (i.e institutionalised)
(Jenkins 2003: 2). ‘Who does not speak English these days?’ is the rhetorical question
which tells of the penetration of English in virtually all spheres and walks of life in
communities around the world (“Of course English is a global language, they will say.”
(Crystal 1997: 1)) Everyone appears to be desperate for English even though some of
these learners of English begrudge the learning effort and are resentful of the very native
speakers whose language they seek to speak. The feeling is even worse in the light of the
reality that “At the present time English, to a much greater extent than any other language
is the language in which the fate of most of the world’s millions is decided” (Phillipson
23
1992: 6). It is an illustration of the power that English, and those who speak it command
anywhere today especially as such ‘English power’ nowadays has proven to be the key to
science and technology, international business and trade,
7
global military hegemony,
diplomacy, etc., (hence, what is a door to anyone who has the key?). 8 Such importance
for international communication is also established in Crystal (1988: 6f). To say the least,
the increase or widening of the functions and status of English today is quite interesting
but also fascinating. Burchfield (1994: xv) reveals that
Although it is a topic of continuing debate, there can be little doubt that English is the most widely spoken
language in the world, with significant numbers of native speakers in almost every major region – only
South America falling largely outside the net. In such a situation an understanding of the nature of English
can be claimed unambiguously to be of worldwide importance.
Although it is a truism not likely to be challenged, scholars have provided
statistical support for the universal dominance of English. In more quantitative terms,
Simo Bobda (1994a: 1) quotes Crystal (1988: 1), who indicates that there are over 300
7
Simo Bobda (1994a: 1) has cited Jeune Afrique & The Economist (1987: 52) – Jeune Afrique and The
Economist are given as anonymous co-authors of an article published in Jeune Afrique - who reveal that a
Hungarian trade mission to the Kuwait will often conduct negotiations in English, and that half of foreign
language courses in the former USSR were English courses.
8
It may be argued that such doors are reserved for elite English learners who have a considerable high
educational level. But the spread of English has proceeded beyond such elitism. In other words, if the
learning of English and its spread around the world were only aimed at getting the key to such elitist doors,
it implies that the spread of English would be limited to or dependent on how much education one had. But
knowing that only a selected few go to and complete primary and secondary school in developing countries
where grassroots desire and need for English is rather on the increase it is understood that lack of education
will not impede the grassroots spread of English. The one among many factors accounting for the
continuing high prestige of English among the grassroots is the many socio-economic opportunities from,
and impact of the foreign policy of native-speaking giants, like the USA, in the lives of even the illiterate
masses around the world. The impact may be through military presence – a necessary evil -, development
projects through the American Peace Corps, humanitarian aid through the USAID, democratization through
the American Ambassadors’ Democracy and Human Rights Fund administered by US embassies in
developing countries. The greatest of these is the heavens-sent opportunity nowadays to become a U.S.
permanent resident through the American Diversity Visa Lottery Program - a US concept picked up in
refrain by other native-speaking giants, like Canada and the UK. It is common knowledge that the DV
Program has permitted very illiterate persons to enter the US as permanent residents provided they are
immediate dependents of even a non-English-speaking lottery winner, who, besides, might not have
attained the High School certificate level – the basic lottery requirement – in a mother-tongue, and who
might not have learned English all along (e.g. some winners from Islamic countries).
24
million native speakers of English in the world. 9 He goes further to cite Jeune Afrique
(1987:52) as saying that English is nowadays (i.e., half a generation now since this date)
the mother-tongue of 330 million people in over 40 countries, and the other language of
twice as many persons on the planet although it was spoken only by about 7 million
people of the British Isles four centuries ago. These figures lead Simo Bobda (ibid.: 1) to
conclude that “In all, English is now used by about 1 billion people.”
The fascination mentioned earlier regarding the world situation of English today
lies in its historic and record spread. In other words, the statistics of English does not end
with native speakers as another interesting facet of its picture lies in what may be termed
the other side or world of English, i.e., Kachru’s (1985) Outer Circle, Expanded Circle,
and the Expanding Circle as opposed to the Inner Circle. According to Simo Bobda
(1994a:1),
The last two centuries have witnessed an unprecedented expansion of the English language throughout the
world. Never in the history of mankind has a language penetrated so many corners of the planet and
assumed so many functions and so many statuses.
In this line of reasoning, it is interesting to know how, in its expansion, English creates or
meets varying fortunes and misfortunes as it gets into contact with local languages. In
some contexts, the contact situation results in English getting deeply entrenched in the
grassroots (Mair 1995: 57). In other contact situations, English gets entrenched to the
extent that it influences cultures (Kachru 1982, Görlach 1997: 91) just as it is obliged,
still in other contact circumstances, to enter stiff competition with the languages it meets,
resulting in its domination of them, equal power-sharing in the distribution of functions,
or in its disparagement and domination by competing languages:
9
Crystal (1997: 54) puts the figures at 320-380 million for Kachru’s Inner Circle, e.g. USA, UK, i.e., a
decade later but Leith (1997: 180) continues to indicate the figures at just over 300 million.
25
Wherever English is used, it comes into contact with competing and neighbouring languages and is likely to
be influenced by these to some degree, though this will depend on how dominant or subordinate its role is.
This means that the precise part English plays in the life of a country is a fascinating area of study,
regardless of whether it has an official status or not (Allerton et al. 2002 : xi).
The inevitable mutual influence expressed in the above position has long been an
interesting area of discussion in research on the worldwide spread of English. Thus, the
rise and recognition of varieties of English around the world, and their treatment as a
legitimate and autonomous area of research is testimony of the impact of the spread of
English. Hence, as in a warring situation, concessions are expected on both sides, and to
underscore that fact Mair (1995:11) argues that
Today, the English language presents itself in a sometimes bewildering variety of “Englishes.” This is not
surprising. After all, a language cannot be transplanted to three continents by British settlers and forced on
countless and diverse non-European communities without this leaving traces in the language at every level
10
of structural organisations – from phonetics…[to] sociolinguistic norms of propriety.”
Thus, one general implication of the spread of English is that it brings with it
cultural and economic prestige that ends up creating a socio-cultural and linguistic
consciousness that determines how English assumes different functions and statuses in
their respective receiving communities. To understand this, a worldview provides ample
justification:
The present-day world status of English is primarily the result of two factors: the expansion of British
colonial power, which peaked towards the end of the nineteenth century, and the emergence of the United
States as the leading economic power of the twentieth century. It is the latter factor, which continues to
explain the position of the English language (much to the discomfiture of some in Britain who find the loss
of historical linguistic pre-eminence unpalatable) (Crystal 1997: 53).
Thus, depending on where it is used, it may be a tool, instrument, means, or
symbol of many individual and national aspirations rather than just being a language of
colonial powers or one used to designate a group of people. Therefore, the prestige or the
position which English occupies in the sociolinguistic situation of communities around the
world reflects for the most part the consciousness of the global status and potential of
10
Cf. Leith (1997: 180ff), Blake (1996: 303ff).
26
English as well as the consciousness of its value for these communities and individuals
using it (Mair 2002: 159-169). Apart from the fascinating social, historical, and economic
variables, which have engendered the continuing spread of English, a linguistic factor
(language-internal) is particularly relevant to the African setting and its different
Englishes. Finegan (1987: 79-82) outlines the language-internal factor as follows:
Remarkable inflectional simplicity, i.e., nouns generally have only two variants in speech, no variation of
adjectives for number, gender, or case, there being but one form each in the positive, comparative and
superlative… verbs are only minimally inflected with suffixes for third person singular concord…Breadth
of vocabulary is the most often cited reason for its acceptance around the globe, and is lexically rich… the
11
number of synonyms (or near synonyms) for many words is quite large, each suggesting some variation
on the semantic core…boast a distinctively cosmopolitan vocabulary, having borrowed extensively from
other Germanic tongues and especially from the Romance languages, Latin and French, but absorbing tens
of thousands of words from scores of languages over the centuries…its most common words are of such
simple word structure, e.g. 88 of the hundred most frequently written words are monosyllables…English is
an SVO (Subject, Verb, Object) language…given its preference for SVO word order, subject and topic will
often coincide, a coincidence that apparently enhances processability…
In the same vein Coulmas (1992: 287) suggestively characterizes English as ‘welladapted,’ e.g., for economic purposes, and as the ‘most advanced’ language as he
believes that “certain structural features of English concerning its adaptedness and
adaptability are also conducive to its spread”:
Word order and lexicon: vastness of lexicon is undisputed and uninhibited openness to borrowing (hybrid
of Latin – 22 to 28 per cent borrowings from Latin), relatively simple phonology, flexible morphology and
syntax (this makes for ease of learning), extensive repertoire of technical registers (with a continuing
adoption and integration of words from many different languages without provoking a discussion on the
pros an cons of admitting them owing to the generosity and size of its speech community). (ibid.: 286-288)
This internal character constitutes a leeway for the appropriation of English in the
African setting much on the patterns of Canagarajah’s (1999: 3) resistance perspective of
linguistic imperialism, which holds that in the development of local varieties of English
as a way of resolving language contact and conflict “the intention is not to reject English,
but to reconstitute it in more inclusive, ethical, and democratic terms, and so bring about
the creative resolutions to their linguistic conflicts sought by others in the periphery.” In
11
Finegan (1987: 80) says there are up to forty for the adjective inebriated and more than a dozen for the noun
courtesy.
27
the line of this reasoning, grassroots views have a significant defining authority and
referential evaluative validity in the investigation of what Mair (2003) has authoritatively
termed “the politics of English as a world language.” 12
In Africa, one of the regions where the spread of English is incredibly fascinating,
West Africa in particular has a unique experience with national non-standard, statndard,
various pidgin and Creole varieties co-existing in the same sociolinguistic space rather
than existing in a continuum, strictly speaking. 13 It is “an area where English has sunk
deep popular roots [to the extent that] there are a number of pidgin and Creole varieties”
(Mair 1995: 57). From the colonial to the postcolonial era, English in West Africa in
particular and in Africa in general has undergone a peculiar life cycle, which Moag (1982:
270ff) approximately describes as transportation, indigenisation and expansion,
institutionalisation, and restriction in use and function. 14 The completion of this life cycle
in many English-using communities in Africa means that English has established its
position and role in respective settings, thereby challenging native speakers’ proprietary
sentiments regarding its spread. However, the life cycle also indicates a trend of loss of
status especially within the background of unique multilingualism that is characteristic of
the continent. Thus, what Fishman et al. (1996) have called Post-Imperial English has
witnessed status change particularly in Former British and American colonies.
12
This topic was picked up as a motto and discussed within the frame of new horizons in postcolonial
cultural studies. The discussion found a unique forum at the joint GNEL (Gesellschaft für Neue
Englischsprachige Literaturen/Society for the study of the New English Literatures) and MAVEN (Major
Varieties of ENglish) conference that held from 6 to 9 June 2001 in Freiburg, Germany.
13
The issue of pidgin/creole continua in Anglophone West Africa has been a controversial one so far. Todd
(1974) has postulated the existence of continua in West Africa generally, and while Todd (1994: 3181)
provides an example of a continuum for NigP, O‘Donnell & Todd (1991: 52f) refer to a Cameroonian
continuum. However, in the light of on-going research findings (cf. Schroeder 2003; Deuber: 2004), it may
be safer at this point in time to talk of ‘transitory’ varieties rather than continua.
14
See Simo Bobda (1994a: 6-7), Chumbow & Simo Bobda 1996: 401-402) for detail explications of this life-cycle with
particular reference to CamE phonology and CamE in general respectively as well as English in other African countries.
28
One factor, which has worked in favour of the spread of English in the African
region, influenced the allocation of functions and status of English in many countries of
the region, and which needs to be highlighted here, not because it is the sole or most
important factor but for its influence of theories in the study of the spread of English, is the
politico-economic factor. Only a decade after the era of the independence of most African
states, Christophersen (1973:92) observed that the maintenance of political allegiance and
linguistic and cultural loyalty presented an enormous dilemma. He concluded that
The nation-state is no longer a self-contained unit. Close cultural relations are an avowed aim of the present
age, but that aim implies that some individuals will draw closer in their ‘culture’, their model of life, to
those of another country. As a result small nations may find their languages threatened […] One cannot
‘have it both ways.’ Bilingualism, or multilingualism, is probably the best one can hope for.
Recent events in Africa have proven this position to be valid: Cameroon’s
membership in Francophonie and the Commonwealth, her current strong co-operation
with South Africa in the domain of civil engineering, e.g., railway construction, her
current strong co-operation with the USA in military training programs, and the ChadCameroon Oil Pipeline Project managed by Exxon-Mobil company. Elsewhere, Nigeria
has taken up French as a second official language in principle (but has not asked to join
Francophonie), Guinea Bissau and Dominica have joined Francophonie but are not
French-speaking nations, and the same goes for Romania and Bulgaria but which are not
significantly French-speaking countries. What more? Algeria is definitely more Frenchspeaking than Egypt and Vietnam, but the former has not joined Francophonie whereas the
latter have. Worse, Israel has asked several times to join on the grounds that a poll has
shown that 5 % of its population speaks French fluently and 22 % know French (Calvet
1996: 317). But if one goes by such statistics, Calvet says, France could be said to be an
English-speaking country and might also ask to join the Commonwealth.
29
These events recall a significant paradigm war in the study of the spread of English
illustrated by two camps, which Mair (2002: 160) has referred to as the “exploitation
theory” and “grassroots theory.” The former, popular “among British and American
sociolinguists or language and language teaching professionals” (Mair ibid.) claims that
the spread of English is stage-managed by Anglo-American interests, does more harm than
good in developing countries, and has a corrosive influence on personal self-esteem and
collective cultural identity. The latter emphasizes the common man’s need and desire for
English (Mair 2002: 160-165). The analysis of these theories not being the aim of this
study, I refer to Mair (2002:159-169) for a detailed discussion. However, I use his
comparison of the two models here as a summary of my on-going discussion of the
politico-economic implications of the spread of English.
Table 1: Comparison of two models accounting for the spread of English (Mair 2002:
165)
Exploitation Model
Grassroots Model
Political value of English
Imperialist language
Post-imperialist language
Chief cause for post
World War II spread
Organised/centralised language planning
following Anglo-American master plan
Demand-driven; decentralised rational choices
by individuals and groups
English is the language
of…
Anglo-American capitalist interests
Modernisation and globalization
English is…
A language that conveys an AngloSaxon/Western world view
An ideologically neutral lingua franca
English…
Transforms recipient societies (usually for the
worse)
Is transformed by recipient societies (rise of
New Englishes)
Chief beneficiary of
“global English”
British and American capitalist interests
Usually some segment of local users
Evidence for view
proposed
Historical analyses pointing out open and
hidden continuities; evaluation of official
statements of policy; and expert opinion (EFL
professionals, writers, etc.)
Strictly synchronic and descriptive
sociometric analyses
With the foregoing considerations in mind, the politics of the spread of English in
West Africa in particular needs to be studied against the background of a combination of
30
the following: multilingualism, political elitism, political (dis) integration, economic
dependence, ethnic and linguistic minority conflicts, cultural tensions, foreign
interference, but also importantly, grassroots demands and movements. This being the
background in which English finds itself in the Outer Circle, a study of its functions and
statuses must consider the following issues: political will or attitude to decision-making,
language policy formulation, and grassroots attitudes towards languages and language
use on which decision-makers depend for policy development.
The situation of English in post-independence Cameroon, which is the concern of this
study, requires even further diligence considering that “English in post-independence
Cameroon evolved in an extremely complex linguistic situation” (Chumbow & Simo
Bobda 1996: 409). Therefore the present study, unlike Chumbow & Simo Bobda’s (1996:
401-421) study, which examines the role, status and functions of English in terms of
competition from other languages such as indigenous languages, pidgin English, and
French, concentrates on the situation of English within the strict framework of the policy
of official bilingualism where it shares official status with French. This choice is
deliberate and rests on the argument that the official policy, which represents political
will in Cameroon, sets the rules of the game in principle. Thus it provides an appropriate
point of reference for discussing the role, functions and status of post-independence
English in Cameroon. After all, the remark that “English is in the phase of expansion […]
but awaiting, as it were, government decision to “repress” it or “adopt” it” (ibid.: 410)
goes a long way to indicate how significant the above background factors are and that a
study of this nature would attract government disregard or outright “repression” if it did
not consider the current language policy as a starting point.
31
1.3.1. Language status
In the discussion of language status, it is mostly assumed that there exists a
continuum ranging from standardised languages at one end to non-standardised minority
codes on the other (Aitchinson 1991: 487). But the study of language status must be
extended far beyond its mere ‘corpus’ or ‘structural’ aspects of language. Thus Mackey
(1989: 3-4) says that “If we study what has been written and said on the status and
function of languages, we find much confusion – both logical and ideological.” However,
he states that these concepts are interrelated with those of prestige and survival. Still, he
differentiates between prestige, function, and status by relating them to the basic
difference between the past, the present, and the future. To him,
The prestige of a language depends on its record, or what people think its record to have been [past]. The
function of a language is what people actually do with it, its potential [present]. Status is therefore the sum
total of what you can do with a language – legally, culturally, economically, politically, and, of course,
demographically [future]. This is not necessarily the same as what you do with the language, although the
two notions are obviously related and interdependent. They can also be connected with the prestige of a
language (Mackey 1989: 4).
This view had already been expressed succinctly by Mackey (1983: 174) where he
referred to language status as mainly having to do with people, i.e., “who they are, how
many they are, what they own, where they live, what they do, and even how they look.”
Another view sees language status as the “position which a language has in a social
system” (Ammon 1989: 25-28). This view is related to Mackey’s (1989) position although
it appears to take the form of a restrictive variant. However, it is based on the
consideration that such a position is limited to the official functions of language, or the use
of language in official domains in the society.
So far, a discussion of language status may be considered from three dimensions:
language form, uses or functions, users or speakers, and domains of use or official/legal
endorsement. In other words, status may be summarised by the following variables: corpus
32
of the language, number of its speakers, its cultural potential, and its legal jurisdiction.
Mackey (1989) proposes a typology of status involving these variables. His description of
corpus or record includes standardisation and differentiation, and the nature of the writing
system; demographic status includes literacy, prosperity, and mobility of its speakers;
cultural status involves availability of cultural products, and how suitable the language is
for use as a language of science and technology. Finally, legal status includes domains
where the language is permitted and domains where it is restricted.
One thing stands out in Mackey’s typology: the view that status depends on
functions (types, importance, and duration). Thus, he identifies work functions, leisure
functions, and service functions as being the three determinant types capable of changing
language status drastically, with work functions taking the highest rank on his scale of the
function types. Varying combinations of these functions account for Banjo’s (1972: 4;
2000: 28-30) assessment of the status of English in West Africa, which illustrates
Mackey’s views discussed above.
The situation of English in West Africa has been succinctly summarised as consolidating itself as the
language of public occasions rather than an all-purpose language […] the vast majority […] live practically
all their private lives in their mother tongue but use English basically for business and official purposes.
This position is quite helpful for studying the situation of post-imperial English in
Cameroon but as one may warn, the factors that have placed English in that situation have
several implications and each may have emanated from different extra-linguistic sources.
Still, it is only to some limited level that the functions of a language may be changed to
modify its status. In this sense, the two notions are related. This seems to suggest status
planning strategies which may increase the functions of a language. One of such status
strategies has been established by Mackey (ibid.: 18) who believes that:
33
A government may try to develop the linguistic status of a language by providing a standard writing […]
even a terminology service. But this is not enough […] One has to have a population capable of writing the
language.
It should be added, however, that a high number of literate persons in the language
only indicates its potential and not its use, for, language is meant to be spoken
and/or written.
From this point of view, the government in Cameroon has created a Terminology
Bulletin for publishing official terminology in French and in English. But Ayafor (2001:
24-26) has observed that the move is laudable; still, it is a good step in the wrong
direction. First, it puts the cart before the horse in the sense that the writing system used to
publish such English terminology does not proceed from a (needful but lacking)
standardised CamE writing system; this gap leaves the current rivalry between BrE and
AmE forms as well as English with Cameroonianisms common in the education system to
contradict the bulletin where government arguably succeeds most in promoting English
and French as official languages (Wolf 2001). Second, government shows, paradoxically,
outright disregard 15 for the CamE corpus project directed by the University of Yaounde 1
and intended to
offer a database for a description of the main features and problems inherent in the variety of English which
is spoken in Cameroon […] a database for comparative studies of Cameroon English and other varieties of
English […] (Tiomajou 1997: 350);
Third, the concept and entire management of the terminology bulletin suffers political,
administrative, and ideological centralisation. It is also gripped by partisan politics 16 or
15
Ayafor (2001: 24) quotes Tiomajou (1997: 352-353), who reports on the progress of the CamE project:
“The first difficulty of the project is the lack of a dedicated personnel trained for the task. At the end of
1993, only three people were actively involved in the project, one of whom received 16-weeks training at
the University of Birmingham. With no internal maintenance budget, the project relies heavily on the
support of the British Council and the University of Birmingham. Cameroon lacks basic computing
equipment, such as floppy disks, which have to be ordered from Britain […]”
16
The Terminology Bulletin is published by the Secretariat General of the Presidency of the Republic of
Cameroon whose premises host the government-run Language Services and Bilingualism Division (LSBD)
which co-ordinates the translation of official documents, the teaching of French and English in Pilot
Linguistic Centres, provides interpreters, etc. Within the LSBD, a new section has been created called the
34
what Simo Bobda & Tiomajou (1995: 74) have called “political rather than linguistic
goals.”
In this way, the actions discussed do not fit cleanly into Mackey’s view of
government-led development or change of the linguistic status of a language by providing
a standardised writing system or a terminology service, although standardising
orthorgraphy and spelling is probably not the major criteria in the case of English, which
has one anyway. Besides, the partisan political priorities mentioned earlier have been very
counterproductive, accounting for the inconsistent publication of the Bulletin but also for
wanting English terms in the numbers published so far. In its maiden issue of May 1999,
the Terminology Bulletin publishes the official appellations of government ministries in
English and French, indicating that:
This Bulletin is intended to be an indispensable working tool, among others, for professionals of
interlingual communication especially within official circles. Translators, interpreters, journalists,
communication experts, executives and the public at large are encouraged to use official terminology
efficiently and without ambiguity in their daily activities within the meanders of the administration […] In
so doing, we want to avoid the use of unofficial renderings for these all-too-important state structures and
services as has been the case for a long time.
But scanning through English versions of the official appellations of government
ministries evidence abounds illustrative of the general attitude and treatment of English
within official domains as an after-thought, or a language that can be taken for granted.
Many English appellations are incomprehensible in a wider international English-speaking
context. This fact does contribute to shape English in Cameroon as a distinct national
variety, but it also shows that the sociolinguistic, politico-cultural predicament of English
in this local context is one where official texts are rarely drafted and published directly in
Guidance, Harmonisation, and New Technologies Section (GHNTS). It was given a new orientation of late
understood from its name, and under which the initiative of the Bulletin falls. However, it is common
knowledge in Cameroon that persons working in any of these sections have to 1) be government
functionaries, 2) be functionaries who are supportive of government’s general policy orientations and
priorities, and condone its language policy in particular, 3) worse, show sympathy for political ideologies
of the political party in power.
35
English. Rather, they are drafted in French and only later on translated into English - the
result has almost always reflected 1) the original language in which the texts were drafted,
2) the kind of English spoken in the country, and 3) the level of (in)competence and mood
of the translator. Worse, owing to the fact that English translations are habitually not
administratively equal to their French counterparts, 17 the consequences of the
(in)competence and mood factors of translators have been far-reaching.
Table 2: A few examples of English appellations appearing in the Bulletin 18
Official French
appellations
Official English
appellations translated
from French
Wider English-speaking
context appellations
Le Ministère des
Affaires Sociales
Ministry of Social
Affairs
Same (actually this appellation is
exemplary)
Le Ministère de
l’Emploi, du Travail et
de la Prévoyance
Sociale
Ministry of
Employment, Labour
and Social Insurance
Ministry of
Employment and Social
Insurance
Le Minstère des
Relations Extérieures
Ministry of External
Relations
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs
Le Ministère de
l’Urbanisme et de
l’Habitat
Ministry of Town
Planning and Housing
Ministry of Urban
19
Planning
Le Ministère de la
Ville
Ministry of Urban
Affairs
Ministry of Urban
Planning
Apart from the appellations of government ministries, the LSBD has made a minor
but meaningful step forward by giving English the opportunity to break into domains
traditionally reserved for French, e.g. military terminology. In this regard, the translation
17
Usually they are considered mere translations of the original authentic French texts rather than equal
legally binding official texts.
18
It is worth noting that my intention here is not to find faults to show that the English appellations are
‘wrong’ or ‘make no sense internationally.’ Rather, my interest lies in the obligation to have them as they
have been used, and the fact that they are dictated by the following factors: 1) the fact that they are only
translations from French keeping their French syntactic and lexical structures rather than autonomous terms
conceived and drafted in English, 2) the authors’ competence, moods, and, perhaps their commitment to
‘toe the line.’
19
Although this Ministry was split into two to satisfy partsan demands and ethnic balancing, the two have
essentially one function namely planning for urban structural crisis.
36
and official endorsement of general military jargon in English may be considered a
meaningful start towards the development of the linguistic status of CamE terminology
and thereby raising the status of the language in general. The following table shows some
examples of official military terminology in French and English. However, their
significance lies not in their existence but in being used practically by officers and rank
and file. Thus, another step is needed to create the forum, and the population capable of
using such new language.
Regarding general military terminology, a tentative alphabetical list has also been
submitted by the LSBD to the military hierarchy for study and forward transmission to the
political hierarchy for official endorsement. For this reason, I provide only a few
illustrative examples.
Table 3a: Tentative general military terminology (courtesy of LSBD)
French
Action d’éclat
Aide à la désertation
Appelés du contingent
« l’arme à la main»
« l’arme au pied »
Arrêt de vigueur
Arrêt simple
Arts Martiaux
Autorité militaire
« à vos rangs, fixe »
English
Brilliant exploit
Aiding desertion
National servicemen
“Arms at the trail”
“arms at the order”
Close arrest
Open arrest
Arts of war
Service authority
“all ranks, eyes front”
However, scanning through the list, one finds such obsolete words such as
‘tergal’and ‘burnouse’, to mention but these illustrative examples, as used in the term red
tergal burnouse translated from its French version burnous tergal rouge. The adjective
tergal is drawn from the anatomy and zoology registers. It means “of or pertaining to
37
back, or tergum”(Source: Webster’s Revised Unabridged Dictionary (1913)). See also
‘dorsal’. Still, it is amazing how the adjective ‘tergal’ is translated differently elsewhere
in the terminology proposed as in the following term green terylene saroual translated
from its French version saroual tergal vert. It is worth noting that the word ‘terylene’ is
current and frequently used to mean ‘a kind of polyester fabric.’ On the other hand, it is
not wrong to say that there is universal recognition of the huge capabilities of the
Worldwide Web; and to imagine that no English language entry exists for the word
‘saroual’ suggested to stand with ‘green terylene’ in the terminology bulletin is stunning.
Furthermore, ‘Burnouse’ means “a long hooded cloak woven of wool in one piece worn
by Arabs and Moors” (Source:WordNet 1.7.1 Copyright © 2001 by Princeton
University). ‘Burnouse’ is a common misspelling or typo for ‘burnoose.’ The point here
is that, as obsolete as they are, these terms already baffle the native speaker of modern
English and to imagine that the Cameroonian speaker of English, who only tries hard to
appropriate English usage, would be comfortable using them is unthinkable. How many
times would an English-speaking Cameroonian (Anglophone, talk less of a Francophone)
say ‘tergal’ or ‘tergum’ instead of ‘back’, and, ‘burnoose’ instead of ‘a long hooded
cloak…’? He/she certainly would like to use current rather than obsolete terminology or
ordinary day-to-day rather than obsolete technical words. 20 Besides, many instances of
nonchalant translations abound as shown in the following table:
20
Although Webster’s Revised Unabridged Dictionary (1913) says that “ “tergal” is generally used as an
adjective -- approximately 100.00% of the time - ,” it also indicates that “ “tergal” is used [only] about 6
times out of a sample of 100 million words spoken or written in English. Its rank is based on over 700,000
words used in the English language.”
38
Table 4b: Deviant terminological translations
French
English
Alternatives
Tenter de détourner un
camarade de ses devoirs
militaires
To endeavour to seduce a comrade
from his military duties 21
To attempt to cause a comrade
to abandon his military duties
Tenter de détourner un
subordonné ou un subalterne de
ses devoirs militaires
To endeavour to seduce a
subordinate or serviceman of
inferior rank from his military duties
To attempt to cause a
subordinate or serviceman to
abandon his military duties
Tenue de campagne
Combat dress
Combat uniform
Tenue de cérémonie
Ceremonial dress
Ceremonial uniform
Tenue de militaire
Military dress
Military uniform
Tenue de parade
Parade dress
Parade outfit
Tenue de servitude
Fatigue dress
Domestic outfit
Tenue scandaleuse
Scandalous dress
Dishonorable outfit
Tenue de soirée
Mess dress
Casual outfit
Tenue de sortie ou tenue de ville
Walking-out dress
Informal uniform
Tenue de travail
Working dress
Official uniform
1.3.2. Language policy and language planning
1.3.2.1. Language planning
Other perspectives from which the status of a language has been studied within the
literature in this domain, and which have close relevance to the concern of this study, are
language legislation, and language planning.
Regarding language legislation, Kibbee (1996: 16) considers status from a legal
point of view, i.e., how, when, where one is allowed to use a language. But he also thinks
that status “In linguistics is the definition of language, the assessment of proficiency in
language, and the relationship between language, individual identity and group identity.”
His position re-states the basic essence of language planning, which when achieved,
establishes the functions of a language. He insinuates that there is a necessary link
between such language planning and the development of legal regulations to convert these
decisions into laws which guide implementation. In the same line of reasoning, Schmied
21
Bold face is mind.
39
(1991: 23) takes the following position on language status with reference to English in
Africa:
The position of English as a language in a country is determined by its official status as laid down in the
constitution or in other regulations. This affects the knowledge and use of it within the state […] One
crucial factor determining the position of English in a nation-state is of course the government’s language
policy.
In other words, language decisions made with regard to legal regulations amount to
language policy such that,
a language may be recognised as: a joint official language, i.e., co-equal in terms of use for government
functions, as it happens with French and Flemish in Belgium, English and Africa in South Africa, or
French, German and Italian in Switzerland (Hoffmann 1991: 108).
The above views indicate that language decisions, particularly explicit ones may
determine the status of a language. If such decisions are arrived at through a consistent,
elaborate study of state, individual, and societal capabilities and aspirations, they become
an action plan on language management. But how is this related to language planning and
if not, what is language planning? The history of language planning has been marked by
controversy about its conceptualisation and definition within the field of sociolinguistics.
Researchers in this area have been involved, from varying perspectives, in conflicting
prescriptive views which attempt to describe what language planning is (e.g. Kloss’s
1969 ground-breaking distinction between status planning and corpus planning), its
different dimensions, what is required to realise (satisfactory?) language planning, the
stages, problems, progress, and context of its implementation, etc. (See Jahr 1993,
Marshall 1991, Cobarrubias & Fishman 1983, Rubin et al. 1977, Fishman 1974)
Moving from Haugen’s founding views in the 1950s, especially his (1966)
language planning model, Rubin and Jernudd (1966) question the possibility of planning
language in a title: Can language be planned?, which has made the collection a classic in
the literature on the subject. Trauli’s (1968: 22) study revisits the issue in the question: Is
40
language planning feasible? Meanwhile Fasold (1984: 250) continues in this line by
being very sceptical “about the instrumentalist idea that it is possible to determine what is
most efficient in language in the absolute sense and plan for that.” Other linguists have
reported even a more radical position in some settings vis-à-vis deliberate language
change: “it can be done, but it should not be done” appears to describe the stance of such
linguists (Fishman 1983), especially because problems of attitudes determine that, owing
to the development of language varieties, some of them may never “become subject to
governmentally authorised planning” (Fishman 1983: 368).
There is even more intense disagreement among linguists nowadays than ever
before, over the statement of the relationship between language planning and language
policy. While these terms are sometimes used interchangeably or as synonyms as stated
in Mesthrie et al (2000: 384), orthodox language planning approaches claim that
language policy does not amount to language planning. Bamgbose (1989: 31) in a
reaction to the slogan, “policy making is not planning” argues that it does not seem to be
justified given that policy-formulation is one of the four elements of language planning
along with fact-finding, implementation, and evaluation.
These two concepts have been widely studied, defined, described, and
distinguished in the literature. Rather than duel on these aspects, I will select
representative views from the many, which suit the purpose of this study, and refer to the
rest wherever it is necessary.
Hoffmann (1991: 204) considers language planning as concerned with “both the symbolic
function of language within a society and with the instrumental use that its speakers make
of their language.” But Crystal (1990: 174) believes that that should be understood as
41
a systematic attempt to solve the communication problems of a community by studying the various dialects
it uses and developing a realistic policy concerning the selection and the use of different languages.
One crucial fact stated in this view is that the primary stage of language planning is
seeking to know the languages available and planning the status of those selected to be
used for various functions. Also related to this is the fact that for any government-oriented
change in language status, the first stage is information on its use (Mackey 1989:17). Like
Crystal, Kaplan (1990: 4) thinks that
Language planning remains an attempt by some organised body (most commonly some level of
government) to introduce systematic language change for some more or less clearly articulated purpose
(commonly stated in altruistic terms but not based on altruistic intents).
It is a similar but extended view that Kaplan & Baldauf pick up (1997: 3) as follows:
Language planning is a body of ideas, laws and regulations (language policy), change rules, beliefs, and
practices intended to achieve a planned change (or to stop change from happening) in the language use in
one or more communities.
The interplay between language planning and language policy is seen in the unavoidable
mention of one with the other. While some linguists have tried to put them apart, others
have tended to use the two notions interchangeably. Thus, Tiomajou (1991: 22) points out
that:
[…] first, the two activities are by nature different though interrelated. Second, language policy can exist
without language planning...while language planning is a process, language policy is more of a
product...language policy is the final decision arrived at after language planning.
But Appel and Muysken (1987: 47) have also pointed out that language planning
is part of language policy, arguing that
Language planning is in fact a part of, or the factual realisation of, language policy: a government adopts a
certain policy with regard to the language(s) spoken in the nation and will try to carry it out in a form of
language planning. Any case of language planning is based on a certain language policy, and this will often
reflect a more general government policy.
However, one way out of these controversies is to adopt the general view held by Spolsky
(2004: ISB4 abstract) as a working principle: “The language policy of a speech
community may be revealed in its practices, its beliefs, or in explicit language
management.”
42
1.3.2.2. Language policy in Cameroon
Language policy in the country may be illustrated by the following diagram
showing what Ayafor (2002: 2) has described as unofficial trilingualism within official
bilingualism – a consequence of the exclusion of other language resources from the
official language policy.
Figure 1: Summary of language situation producing widespread trilingualism
Block A shows the official domain monopolized by English and French. Thus
French and English enjoy de jure equality in status (represented by a two-way arrow,
which is also indicative of a degree of mutual influence) but not in functions as the
ascendancy of French over English is shown in the shaded intruding area of French. Block
B shows the unofficially recognized languages. One expects intense inter-lingual contact
and influence in the intersection of the languages. Blocks A and B are separated by a
boundary representative of government’s and grassroots attitudes to languages in the two
43
blocks. This is where official policy imposed by government draws a line excluding
unofficial from official languages even though some unofficial languages still creep into
official domains. Thus block A signifies and prestige or high status while block B is
characterized by low status and stigma. But it should be noted that such stigma follows
government’s attitude to unofficial languages on account of its policy. The small number
of people in the society, who express a similar attitude, constitutes a small elite working
within government or who promote its policy in the grassroots. Thus even if that elite was
outside of these official domains and even use unofficial languages themselves, such
stigma would be felt somehow.
In the absence of consistent explicit language management, it is usually a difficult
task trying to consider language policy in Cameroon. Hence, one must resort to the
beliefs and practices upheld so far yet, these are not embodied in any consistent
document that might be referred to as policy. One factor is the lack of language
legislation from a legal point of view as discussed in the next chapter. The lack creates a
situation where decrees signed by individual members of government for implementing
language regulation in government go with these individuals when they leave their
positions. The implementation of such decrees only depends on personal attitude and
political ideology (Pennycook 2001: 107-108) or what Ager (2001: 175) calls “the
language behaviour of those in power.” Thus, policy here should be understood from
Ager’s (2001: 175) view:
Policy, as opposed to planning […] represents the actions of those who hold power in society. Those who
are able to implement their opinions and world view are those who are in political charge of autonomous
states as members of government, or as government employees […] there remains a good deal of confusion
about the development, implementation and change of policy which actually takes place in states, and
particularly about the identity of the policy-makers.
44
However, it is widely believed within government circles that the acclamation of
French and English as the official languages of the state since the reunification of former
French and British Southern Cameroons in 1961 is the language policy of the state. This
‘policy’ has been given constitutional recognition since this date. The 1961 constitution
of the Federal Republic of Cameroon, amended on 2 June 1972 and, in turn, amended on
18 January 1996, provides in Article 1(3) that
The official languages of the Republic of Cameroon shall be English and French; both languages having the
same status. The state shall guarantee the promotion of bilingualism throughout the country. It shall
endeavour to protect and promote national languages” (13).
Apart from the above Article, a recent Law No. 98/004 of 14 April 1998 that lays
down guidelines for education in Cameroon stipulates in Part 1 of Section 3 that, “the
state shall institute bilingualism at all levels of education as a factor of national unity and
integration.” It also states in Part 2 of Section 1 that
The state shall ensure the constant adaptation of the educational system to national economic and sociocultural realities, and also to the international environment especially through the promotion of bilingualism
and the teaching of national languages.
So far, the above documented provisions represent the major official statements
and, perhaps the only explicit guiding description of bilingualism as a language policy.
From this enactment, three issues are remarkable from three of the phrases: “both
languages having the same status,” “the state shall guarantee the promotion of
bilingualism,” “the state shall institute bilingualism at all levels of education.”
In the three statements above it can be said that Cameroon bilingualism destined
English to have equal functions and status as French. In case of any language problems,
the state would not only ‘guarantee’ but would also ‘promote’ these functions and status
especially “at all levels of education.” Implied here is the fact that there would be ‘power
sharing,’ allocation of specific functions for each language, possibly through a consistent
45
language planning policy. Besides, by “promotion of bilingualism” is implied (and this
precedes promotion) the definition and description of bilingualism that reflects
government’s aspirations for national unity and integration as stated by President
Ahmadou Ahidjo (1965) while inaugurating the Bilingual Grammar School, Molyko,
Buea: “By bilingualism we mean to promote the practical usage of our two official
languages, English and French, throughout the national territory.” Furthermore, the
phrases “practical usage” and “throughout the national territory” imply both individual
and societal bilingualism, whereby Francophones and Anglophones would use English
and French with equal proficiency.
Later on in 1977, while inaugurating Government Bilingual High School,
Yaounde, the same President said: “The progressive acquisition of bilingualism should be
as perfect as possible; the standard of the language taught should not be so low as to be
understood only by Cameroonians.” By this he insinuated three targets:
•
the model of bilingualism acquired should be individual not societal. Since it
should be perfect such that all Cameroonians would use the two languages with
equal proficiency, the process was going to be ‘progressive;’
•
the quality and quantity of the language taught (standard) should be such that
English in Cameroon would be understood globally while French intelligible to
other speakers of French abroad;
•
for national unity to be promoted, English should have equal functions and status
as French since attitude (negative or positive) towards language use is highly
dependent on and consonant with the status of such a language in society.
46
Following from the above and more recent pronouncements by other eminent
political leaders (cf. President Paul Biya 1988, Communal Liberalism), one may identify
some of the major objectives set out to promote both the status and functions of the two
official languages, and a functional bilingual culture in Cameroon. Besides, it may be
gleaned from these statements that official bilingualism is a conscious choice. Some of
the major objectives also confirmed by official sources (National Pedagogic Inspector for
English, Ngong 1993: 2ff) are:
1) to contribute to the development of a bilingual culture in which a majority of its citizens are able to
express themselves well in both English and French and can truly share a common heritage;
2) to consolidate national unity and national integration through mutual self-respect for the understanding
of each other’s cultural background;
3) the achievement of these goals, would certainly foster national unity, which is one of the cardinal points
of the New Deal government. Also, in the long run, Cameroon shall have been prepared, as enviably as
possible, in the concert of nations as it is already evidenced by the clamour to have our capital city,
Yaounde, host numerous international seminars as well as Headquarters of important international
organisations.
The objectives above succinctly re-echo Fonlon (1964: 20):
The objectives which we should envisage should instead be individual bilingualism
whereby every child who follows the cycle of our educational system will be able to speak
English and French.
He goes ahead and re-echoes the Head of State in his explanation of the level of
bilingualism to be attained by every citizen:
The ideal goal to be attained in our schools will be to produce citizens capable of using the
two languages to perfection, even to produce in French or in English, according to their
choice, literary and scientific works of quality.
Unfortunately, however golden these objectives may have been, they lack
elaborate articulation and expansion due to the fact that the bilingual policy itself suffers
inadequate definition, elaboration, and legislation. In other words, there is no legislation
defining the modus operandi. For, later on, as the National Inspector of English, Ngong
(1993: 3) confirms, no defined application policy has ever been established to follow up
the practice of these objectives. He concludes, “From the foregone discussion, we have
47
come to the sad reality that there is no well defined, clear-cut and precise policy on
bilingualism.”
Unfortunately still, these objectives have been neglected particularly in schools, giving
way to a ‘survival of the fittest’ competition between English and French where English
often loses to French as confirmed by Soh (1993: 4):
the remarkable thing about these bilingual schools is the presence of two official languages apart, and they
are often unevenly represented; there is nothing that reflects the bilingual nature of these schools. Neither
the educational system, the staff, nor the syllabus translate the desire of policy makers to promote
bilingualism in schools.
Apart from the above view, Ngong (1993: 3) states that:
For the most part what goes for policy is generally the laid down tradition and well-known
phrase after every decree or law that states. This decree shall be published in the official
Gazette in French and in English.
Evidently, very little has been done to salvage the bilingual objectives set to
safeguard and guarantee the equal status and functions of English and French within
official domains. This is articulated in Ngong (1993: 4):
In like manner, when it comes to our bilingual colleges, there can only be said to be a tradition of bilingual
schools, which over the years has gradually crystallised into a makeshift “policy.” For example, it is
common knowledge that in the bilingual colleges, the second official language of the students has more
hours than in ‘normal’ monolingual colleges (more hours of French per week for Anglophones and more
hours of English for Francophones in the junior classes 1-3).
In the same line of reasoning, Tadadjeu (1983: 120) draws a stunning conclusion that
carries a warning regarding the educational policy and the bilingual policy:
The policy governing the teaching of the languages of Cameroon is by necessity associated with that of the
official languages. A language planning study which is not aimed at reconciling the two would be unable
to provide a unified system of language teaching which would faithfully reflect the structures of the
national linguistic heritage.
1.3.2.3. Official bilingualism as language policy
The bicultural nature of the Cameroon nation-state has made language policy
in the country defy many sociolinguistic typologies. The most plausible attempt is
Fishman’s (1972: 192-208) typology of language policies in African countries based on
decisions on national languages and languages of wider communication. Using the
48
criterion of existence or non-existence of a great tradition at the national level
(Griefenow-Mewis 1989: 123), he distinguishes between three types of decisions labelled
as A, B, and C. Type B, in which Fishman puts Cameroon (but where “a great tradition
needs investigation”),
considers the development from an exoglossic monolingual to an exoglossic multilingual policy [and]
decisions are based upon one great tradition at the national level, serve nationalism (consolidation of ethnic
authenticity), orientate on the modernization of the traditional language and the often transitionally planned
use of a language of wider communication (Griefenow-Mewis 1989: 125).
Thus the use of English and French in official domains may, in this sense, be
regarded as a policy on language status. As such, decisions by their very nature are policy
decisions (Bamgbose 1991:110). But to qualify it as a language planning in the
sociolinguistic sense of the word, one has to examine some political ideologies often
associated with the design of a national language policy.
McLean (1992: 152-153) has indicated that language policies are perceived as
political. Further, McLean (ibid.) quotes Cobarrubias (cited in Reagan 1986a: 94), who
identifies four typical ideologies underlying language planning: assimilationism,
pluralism, vernacularisation and internationalisation. Cameroon’s language policy falls
under the first two and fourth categories. Although Reagan (ibid.) believes that all four
may co-occur, the three tendencies already mentioned for Cameroon’s situation might be
isolated as follows:
•
Assimilationism - “is grounded in the belief that in a given society every person should be able to
function effectively in the dominant language, regardless of individual language background” (Cobarrubias
cit. in McLean (1992: 153).
This ideology is what has engendered the (inadvertent) disparagement and relegation of
the status of English within the frame of implementation of the bilingual policy in official
circles (see section 1.4.8.5.).
49
•
Pluralism – “entails both the acceptance of the presence of linguistic diversity in the society and the
commitment by the polity to allow for the maintenance and cultivation of the different languages on a
reasonable and equitable basis” (Reagan cit. in McLean ibid.).
Cameroon’s constitution is very clear in recognising linguistic diversity with the
famous phrase “proud of our linguistic and cultural diversity…” The state also declares
its support for and commitment to the promotion of local languages. However, this
commitment has been almost completely abandoned in practice so far. Yet, Platt & Platt
(1975: 118) state that “lack of implementation of a national language policy at a
particular time need not be considered as non-action.”
•
Internationalisation – “can be seen as an attempt to provide every student [in Cameroon] with a basic
competence in what could arguably be described as the most useful of the ‘languages of wider
communication’” (Reagan cit. in McLean ibid.).
This belief actually motivated the choice of English and French as official
languages back in 1961. But the current attitude, which makes English in Cameroon be
perceived as a minority language, contradicts this belief. In the light of the above beliefs,
it may be said that there abound basic characteristics of language policy yet, the policy is
part of a general political policy rather than a linguistic-oriented language policy
designed to solve the language problems of the nation. The result is arbitrary decisionmaking and policy instability because every in-coming political elite that replaces an outgoing government or regime cancels the policies of their predecessors on account of their
different political ideologies and priorities.
In spite of the failure of a language policy in schools or an educational framework
for teaching the official languages, government maintains that the promotion and use of
English and French in government, administration, media, etc. amounts to language
policy and that its consistent creation of language teaching centres and translation
services in all administrative departments amounts to language planning. One may raise
50
the following questions regarding this language orientation: If official bilingualism refers
to a tradition of using English and French in all formal situations of the public and private
sector, what obliges anyone to use both languages at all, let alone using only these in
official domains? Are there any legal implications of non-compliance behaviour? Is it
even necessary to use two official languages in all official domains? If not, aren’t there
good prospects for the creation of language jurisdictions? Does the minority language
perception labelled on English locally, which gives its speakers the grounds to claim
language minority rights including political self determination, not point to a need for
language legislation (McRae 2001) ?
These questions illuminate the inadequacies of the official language policy. In this
regard, Chumbow (1980: 88), assessing language and language policy in Cameroon,
observes that:
However, it is important to point out that technically speaking, it [French-English bilingualism] isn’t really
a language policy and can be argued that in this (technical sense) Cameroon is yet to evolve a language
policy; for a language policy, from the sociolinguistic perspective, is normally part of a careful and
judicious language planning based on a detailed study of a wide range of socio-economic and political
variables relevant to the state’s developmental needs (both in the short and long terms).
Still, it is interesting how some linguists (Wolf 2001: 169) think that this is an
extreme and unrealistic demand (“asking too much”) rather because Cameroon is “a nonindustrialised country in which the vast majority of people are people on the level of
subsistence” than because research (e.g. Gros 2003, Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003,
Bamgbose 2000 to mention the most recent), has established the role of lack of political
will, and the pursuit of personal political ambitions by the ruling elite, in causing over
four decades of policy stagnation. Chumbow (1980: 293) further evaluates the situation
of the two official languages as practised in higher educational institutions and finds that
51
apart from a special bilingual degree programme introduced in the Faculty of Arts in the
various Universities,
The other higher institutions remain highly monolingual with French alone as the medium of instruction.
French is the sole language of the Army, the National School of Sports and until very recently, it was the
only language used in the “Ecole Nationale d’Administration et de Magistrature”, the highest institution in
the country for training top civil servants for administration, as well as for the legal and judiciary
departments.
This far, one may roughly situate bilingualism in Cameroon in principle within Appel and
Muysken’s (1987: 1-2) discussion of language contact and bilingualism:
Generally, two types of bilingualism are distinguished: societal and individual bilingualism. Roughly
speaking societal bilingualism occurs when in a given society two or more languages are spoken. In this
sense nearly all societies are bilingual but they can differ with regard to the degree or form of bilingualism.
Still, Mbassi-Manga’s (1976b: 1ff) assessment of Cameroon’s society remains suitable
and apt:
[…] its present day language situation as far as French and English are concerned, could be described as
French and English in a multilingual setting… The immediate consequences of this situation are the
development of varying types and degrees of bilingualism and trends towards the development of different
functions for each of the language types.
1.3.3. Language and attitudes
1.3.3.1. The three components of attitude
A classical explication of attitude is to follow Plato and distinguish between the
cognitive, affective, and readiness for action parts of attitudes (Baker 1992: 12).
Accordingly, the cognitive component deals with thoughts and beliefs. The affective
component concerns feelings towards the attitude object and such feelings may concern
love or hate of the language. However Baker states that the cognitive and affective
variables may not always be in harmony given that a person may express favourable
attitudes to language education but more covertly the same individual may have negative
feelings about such education. He also states that irrational prejudices, deep-seated
anxieties, and fears may occasionally be at variance with formally stated beliefs.
52
Furthermore, the action or conative component of attitudes concerns a readiness
for action. It is a behavioural intention or plan of action under defined contexts and
circumstances. Besides, Ajzen (1988), Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) have referred to a
three-component model of attitude existing in a hierarchical form with cognition, affect,
and action as the foundation. Still, they believe that these three components merge into a
single construct of attitude at a higher level of abstraction (see also Smit 1996: 24-51).
Figure 2 The three components of attitude
Attitude
Cognition
Affect
Readiness for Action
Ajzen (1988: 22-23) then summarises this pattern:
The hierarchical model of attitude, then, offers the following account of the ways in which attitudes affect
behaviours. The actual or symbolic presence of an object elicits a generally favourable or unfavourable
evaluative reaction, the attitude towards the object. This attitude, in turn, predisposes cognitive, affective,
and conative responses to the object, responses whose evaluative tone is consistent with the overall attitude.
This explanation shows the complex nature of social/language attitudes but also recalls the
difficulties involved in measuring these attitudes in many African settings where language
attitudes are considered significant in the choice of language policy, language use, and
language learning (Schmied 1991). One illustration of the complexity of the nature of
attitudes is the formation of stereotypical judgements. And discussing stereotyped notions
about English in Africa, Schmied (1991: 163) states that:
Expressions of positive or negative feelings towards a language in general may reflect impressions of
linguistic difficulty or simplicity, ease or difficulty of learning, the degree of importance of the people who
use it as a first or second language… Consequently expressions as ‘beautiful’, ‘precise’, ‘rich’, ‘logical’,
‘sophisticated’, ‘colourful’, ‘refined’, ‘superior’, ‘intimate’, ‘sacred’, have been heard from people of
different cultural and linguistic backgrounds showing different attitude patterns about English.
53
In Cameroon today, the above findings prevail widely and remind one of the
expressions ‘anglo’, ‘anglofou’, ‘grafi’, ‘les ennemis dans la maison’, ‘votre anglais-là’,
which variably refer to English and Anglophones when heard around French-speaking
regions (see Breitinger 1995 for details).
Further, Appel and Muysken (1987: 16) believe that:
The fact that languages are not only objective, socially neutral instruments for conveying meaning, but are
linked up with the identities of social or ethnic groups has consequences for the social evaluation of, and
the attitudes towards languages.
Or perhaps we should put it differently: if there is a strong relation between
language and identity, this relation should find its expression in the attitudes of
individuals towards these languages and their users. These tendencies affect attitudes
towards culture-based values or patterns characterising these groups such as language,
and are carried over or are reflected in attitudes towards individual members of the
groups (as Appel & Muysken (1987: 16) show in the following schema representing the
formation of attitudes):
Figure 3 The formation of attitudes
Attitudes towards
a social or ethnic
group
Attitudes
towards the
language of that
group
Attitudes towards
individual
speakers of that
language
(Appel and Muysken 1987: 16)
Considering the complex nature of attitudes in general, how, then, should attitudes
be studied? My approach to the elicitation of language attitudes has been guided by some
theoretical considerations.
Generally, two theoretical approaches are distinguished to the study of language attitudes. The first one is
the behaviourist view, according to which attitudes must be studied by observing the responses to certain
languages; i.e. to their use in actual interactions. The mentalist view considers attitudes as an internal
mental state, which may give rise to certain forms of behaviour. It can be described as ‘an intervening
54
variable between a stimulus affecting a person and that person’s response’ (Appel and Muysken 1987: 16
quoting Fasold 1984: 147). 22
For the concern of this study, I have considered that both the mentalist and the
behaviourist approaches are appropriate as they complement rather than contradict each
other. Gardner (1985) reinforces the strength of the mentalist framework by underscoring
the fact that an attitude lies not in behaviour but underneath its manifestation.
Attitude has cognitive, affective, and conative components (i.e. it involves beliefs, emotional reactions, and
behavioural tendencies related to the object of the attitude) and consists, in broad terms, of an underlying
psychological predisposition to act or evaluate behaviour in a certain way.
Putting it more vividly, Anzaldúa (1987: 59) exemplifies the impact of language attitudes
in the way that captures my view of the mentalist theory:
So, if you really want to hurt me, talk badly about my language. Ethnic identity is twin skin to linguistic
identity. I am my language. Until I can take pride in my language, I cannot take pride in myself.
In all, the manner in which an individual feels about a particular language, his
perception of both the environment, the provenance of the language as well as the people
who speak it may determine the choice of that language, extension or restriction of its
functions, and hence, the status of the language. Equally, the entire state of mind of
someone would determine the manner in which he uses the language if he chose to speak
it. “Whatever people do with language in a society happens when somebody talks to
somebody else” (Fasold 1984: 147). The manner in which this is done can portray the
attitude of a speaker to the language he is using.
1.3.3.2. Attitudes of Anglophones and Francophones towards English
In Cameroon, the attitudes of Anglophones and Francophones have contributed to
the shift and relegation of the functions of English as well as its status. Francophones
who enjoy a political and demographic majority perceive English as a minority language
22
See also Agheyisi and Fishman (1970: 138), Cooper and Fishman (1974: 7).
55
even if it is an absolutely powerful world language. Because of this tendency, the
functions of English as an official language have been sidelined and restricted in many
governmental departments. Such functions are marginalised since Anglophones have
naturally lost in the political power front and in the demographic (linguistic and
numerical) competition in terms of representation. On the other hand, Anglophones
portray a widespread use of a dominantly English-based pidgin that takes over most
functions of English even in official domains thought to be the preserve of English and
French. Even though they recognize the status of English as an official language and as a
world language (and even use it as a cultural weapon when it concerns identity politics
across the Francophone-Anglophone relationship), they are still reluctant to use English,
preferring to use French when they are in French-speaking regions. This being a
pragmatic need, one Anglophone sometimes sustains a long conversion in French with
another Anglophone and only discovers later on or at some point in their conversation
that they are linguistic birds of one feather. Apart from this, Pidgin is the ‘language of the
people.’ This is owing to the feeling that English is too formal and meant for academic
purposes; it is a language of protocol and cannot fulfil the uses put to it in the same way
that Pidgin English does. They consequently shift its functions to Pidgin English and
dislike English for its formal and rule-governed nature.
Ebot (1999) has studied the attitudes of Anglophones learning English in schools.
He finds that they have a luke-warm attitude towards the learning of English consequent
on low motivational intensity. He thus traces the low motivation to work habits as shown
in the table below:
56
Table 4 Work Habits in English (Atem Ebot, 1999: 31)
Responses
a) I work just to have an average
b) I just pass by chance
c) I try very hard to learn English
d) I enjoy doing English
Totals
Number of Respondents
207
16
7
3
233
% of Respondents
88.8%
6.9%
3.0%
1.3%
100%
However, the situation out of school is different: it is a combination of the variables
discussed in section 1.4. below.
On the other hand, Penn (1999: 37) revisits the attitudes and motivation of
Francophone Cameroonian learners of English. Similarly, he finds that Francophones
portray negative attitudes towards the learning of English due to lack of motivation. The
motivational requirement mentioned here is multi-dimensional. He concludes therefore
that
As long as Francophone Cameroonians cannot rely on English economically, militarily, administratively,
educationally, they will hardly realise any need for learning sake.
Penn’s conclusion summarises what typically obtains with Francophones out of school,
i.e., in work situations in official domains and those in the private sector. Briefly,
Francophones are yet to see the potential of English in Cameroon as they can virtually
live and work without English.
Chumbow (1980: 297-298) studies language and language planning in Cameroon
and observes that:
Although constitutionally English and French have equal status as official languages, the English speaking
part of the country has only a quarter of the country’s population; so that from the onset, the scales naturally
tilted in favour of French ascendancy. Furthermore, an analysis of the trend towards bilingualism shows
that for over ten years, the trend appeared to be essentially unidirectional in that by far more anglophones
conceded efforts and effectively achieved a respectable degree of bilingualism than francophones.
This observation shows that Francophones have the feeling that, although English
is of equal status to French, bilingualism is an Anglophone affair.
And since
Anglophones constitute a minority, they stand in a weaker position.
Therefore
57
Francophones feel that they can cope with live and work without English just as they
outweigh Anglophones politically and demographically. In addition, the observation
strengthens Koenig’s (1983) conclusion that in Cameroon, for a Francophone not to
speak English is normal, but for an Anglophone not to speak French is a disaster.
This view provides more meaning for understanding the socio-political conflict
between the Anglophone community and the Francophone-dominated governing elite
over the sidelining of English in official circles, which is hinged on the prejudices
emanating from attitudes towards those who speak English in the country. The intense
ethnicity projected through Anglophones’ cling to English, puts Francophones ill at ease
and thus polarises the cultural difference between them. This division provides the
psychological ingredients needed in such a situation to further develop negative feelings
towards Anglophones and hence, towards the functions and status of English in
Cameroon.
In this regard, Chumbow (1980: 299) appeals that
language loyalty need not always be the object of prejudice and criticism since there appears to be in each
one of us, a natural inclination, and an inescapable emotional involvement with the language we have been
speaking from the cradle or the language used in school as a medium of instruction.
Still, Baker (1992: 10) reaffirms the expectation of negative or positive attitudes as a
basic reaction to the language behaviours of other members of a speech community by
stating that
The status, value and importance of a language is most often and mostly easily (though imperfectly)
measured by attitudes to that language. Such attitudes of a group or community may be measured at an
individual level, or the common attitudes of a group or community elicited.
In applying this view to the Cameroonian situation, one must consider that groups
and communities in the country are essentially political in creation rather than purely
cultural or linguistic communities. The implication is that attitude elicitation has to deal
with blending such ‘group’ attitudes with individual attitudes, which could produce
58
different results. But looking at political group attitude in this sense English in Cameroon
may be said to enjoy constitutional status as an official language, even though elaborate
language legislation or status planning is needed to extend its functions.
The on-going discussion shows that language attitudes towards official languages
in Cameroon are uniquely complex given that Francophones despise English in
Cameroon as a minority language, yet they learn it as they recognise that internationally
it is a language that matters. Besides, this English dilemma confronting Francophones
locally explains one perspective of the linguistic dimension of the so-called Anglophone
Problem. It involves claims regarding the fact that most educational opportunities in the
Anglophone school system are being occupied nowadays by Francophones who exploit
their facilities but turn around and disparage their hosts and their language.
1.4. Attitude-related variables militating against the status of English
Attitude factors account for the fortunes and misfortunes of English in Cameroon.
They can be traced to both the pre- and post-independence periods. Whether it is at the de
jure or de facto levels, these factors appear to dictate directly or indirectly a one-way path
to a largely inadvertent disparagement or relegation of English vis-à-vis its co-official
language, French. But the puzzle to solve is that the majority of these factors are extralinguistic rather than typically intra-linguistic in nature. This fact demands a special
consideration when studying the status of English in the country and may well prove to
be a difficult situation to fit in most of established frameworks for measuring the status of
English in former British and American colonies.
59
1.4.1. The demographic variable
One most obvious factor which makes English perceived as a minority language is
the fact that it is frequently linked to the numeric inferiority of its speakers compared to
the numeric superiority of Francophones. As a matter of fact, those who have been
described as the ‘Anglophone 23 community’ in Cameroon (Wolf 2001: ch. 4) constitute
about 20 % of the entire population while those known as ‘Francophones’ make up about
80 %. In other words, for a population of about 15 million a strict demographic divide
shows that French is spoken by four-fifth of the population while English is spoken by
one-fifth 24 (Mbangwana 1989: 320).
The tendency to link a language to its speakers and to determine its prestige or
stigma by associating the language with the numerical inferiority or superiority of its
speakers is neither new nor uncommon in sociolinguistics (see Mackey 1989, Ammon
1989). Besides, the concept of linguistic minority assumes that there is an entity within
which a community is a minor portion but, more importantly, that the difference between
the majority and the minority has something to do with language (Heller 1999: 7). But
this demographic variable has succeeded to prevent the understanding by decisionmakers concerned with official bilinguialism of the implications of this factor for national
unity, language maintenance and shift (Paulston 1994: 4), thus leaving Francophones to
erroneously consider themselves as a privileged majority while Anglophones are made to
23
Compare this designation and the so-called Anglophone Problem for the different perspectives, e.g.
Könings & Nyamnjoh (2003), Gros (2003), Simo Bobda (1995).
24
Considered from this demographic perspective, the number of speakers of each language reflects the
population difference rather than the de facto number of speakers considered from a typical linguistic
perspective. It is a truism that many Francophones speak more English than French while many
Anglophones speak more French than English. Besides, some Anglophones have only a smattering of
English just as many Francophones can barely sustain a rudimentary conversation in French. But what is
most interesting in the case of Anglophone identity is the fact that a Francophone who was born and bred in
the Anglophone region and who lives all his life there is never admitted as a ‘true’ Anglophone. In all, it is
misleading to consider the number of speakers of each language from the demographic difference.
60
feel psychologically marginalised (Echu 1999: 198). The effect created by this attitude is
that the numeric and linguistic factors, which actually illustrate diversity and difference
in a multicultural context, have been made to suit indexes of division and distance. This
brings about intense ethnicity that crystallises an unequal minority-majority dichotomy
along the numeric and linguistic lines. The consequences of the situation can be farreaching and dramatic including the designation of English as a minority language. This
complexity gives reason to explore the issues as they fall under the scope of the research,
and especially help to understand the socio-political context in which English is used in
Cameroon.
In Francophones’ perception, there is something invaluable about English but not
about the Anglophones who speak it. In this sense, Cameroon provides an interesting
sociolinguistic example where a language whose international aura is acknowledged
world-wide, and which dominates in the Central and West African sub-region, becomes a
minority language in one of the countries and yet the population whose numerical
inferiority engenders this minority designation is still to qualify as a linguistic minority in
the technical typology of the term (see Ehret 1997, Fishman 1989, Edwards 1984). In
fact, in the legal sense, on-going debate at the UN has not successfully determined the
scope and meaning of linguistic minorities in particular and minorities in general. The
inclusion of the following words in Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights: “[…] those states in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities
exist” (Varennes 1996: 136) has engendered a novel debate as to what makes a minority
after all. Besides, many countries, including Cameroon, have argued that the guarantee of
61
equal rights for all in their countries makes the concept of minority especially in its
politico-legal sense, inapplicable to them for one strong argument:
[…] mere coexistence of different groups in a territory under the jurisdiction of a single state did not make
them minorities in the legal sense. A minority resulted from conflicts of some length between nations, or
from the transfer of a territory from the jurisdiction of one state to that of another (Thornberry 1989: 154
cit. in Varennes 1996: 136).
But interestingly, and quite dangerous for the Cameroon nation, the UN SubCommission on the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities has
carried out a study, the Capotorti Report, 25 which has established a widely circulated
definition of minority:
A group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a state, in a non-dominant position, whose
members – being nationals of the state – possess ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from
those of the rest of the population and show, if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity, directed towards
preserving their culture, traditions, religion or language (Capotorti 1991: 6, see also Varennes 1996: 136137).
The labelling of English as a minority language in Cameroon based on the numerical
inferiority of their speakers turns out to be a blessing to some Anglophones and many
extremist nationalist pressure groups which have based the legitimacy of their secessionist
claims on the above definition. 26 In other words, in the present circumstance of declared
political disintegration in Cameroon spearheaded by the SCNC, labelling English as a
minority language based on the numerical insignificance of Anglophones validates the
politico-legal claims of Anglophones as a linguistic minority capable of claiming selfdetermination based on the UN legal provisions on the protection of minorities. This is
especially evident as the notion of linguistic minority makes sense nowadays if understood
within an ideological framework of nationalism (Anderson 1983) becoming more and
25
See Capotorti’s (1991) Study on the Rights of Persons Belonging to Ethnic, Religious, and Linguistic
Minorities.
26
However, Varennes (1996: 137) has stated that this definition remains controversial as some people have
challenged “the limitation to citizens, others pointing out that the concept of “non-dominant” combined
with “numerical minority” created problems in the state but non-dominant, or in the case of a group being
regionally dominant while numerically a minority in the state as a whole.”
62
more a regional reality and sentiment in Cameroon. It further illustrates Heller’s (1999: 7)
position that “Linguistic minorities are created by nationalisms which exclude them.”
Cameroon is thus an example of a rare contradiction suiting the following categories of
countries with a double-edged minority language: “[…] in some countries, minority
languages are very widely used for official matters, while in others, their use is limited to
certain specific activities”(Turi 1990: 3).
Furthermore, Edwards (1984: preface) indicates that
within the general area of minority group studies, language matters play a particular important part […]
because language is one of the most salient group markers; indeed, some regard a distinctive group
language as an essential component of a unique identity.
Thus, English may well be considered a minority language from the point of view of the
numerical insignificance of its speakers for strictly sociolinguistic analysis. But such a
consideration for socio-political claims would amount to a suicidal acceptance of
imminent disintegration of the Cameroon nation-state. That is, if further geographical
factors in a typology of the Anglophone minority language situation are concerned such
as those elaborated by White (1991: 47)
External geographical relationship exists but it can be either […] ‘contiguous’ or ‘non-contiguous’ […]
Politically, where contiguity exists the possibility of cohesion in the pursuit of demands may create a
stronger scenario of protest, although at the same time reactions to such protest from the states concerned
may be stronger since the outcome of ‘giving in’ is likely to be secession rather than just the granting of
autonomy.
Yet, in my view, the fact that English has official status in both the minority and
majority linguistic regions, and the fact that both linguistic communities have equal civic,
legal and socio-political commitment to one nation, removes the sociolinguistic legitimacy
of the claims for the recognition of Anglophones as a linguistic minority (even though this
does not remove this legitimacy for claims to language rights in the context of language
maintenance and shift).
63
1.4.2. The geographic variable
Closely linked to the numeric insignificance of Anglophones is the fact that the
geographical situation and territorial size of the English-speaking region is quite negligible
compared to the giant French-speaking region. In fact, the numerical description of
Anglophones as one-fifth compared to Francophones who make up four-fifth of the entire
population has more meaning in the actual territorial representation of the two linguistic
groups. In other words, if the definition of a (language) minority depended solely on the
geographical situation or territorial size, the Anglophone region would be a perfect
example when compared to the rest of the country’s territorial size. 27
The disparagement of English within many official circles is accentuated by
political integration measures intended to foster national unity, and re-orient nationalism
sentiments towards the nation-state rather than towards the former regional composite
parts. But this has turned out to be counterproductive to the bilingual policy intended to be
a linguistic complement of the political integration measures (Constable 1974). To be
specific, at reunification of French and British Southern Cameroons in 1961, two states,
i.e. French-speaking East Cameroon and English-speaking west Cameroon, existed on
equal political status. The adoption of French-English state bilingualism was acclaimed
and legislated on the similar equal linguistic status as the political balance between the two
27
During a conversation in June 2003 with a very senior admissions officer in the Unversity of Freiburg,
Germany, he asked me to indicate where the English-speaking region is located on Cameroon’s map. On
seeing it, he exclaimed, “Ah! I see. It’s a very minute area, and I suppose English is too!” Well, he was
only commenting on what he saw, and giving the immediate impression which came from what was seen
just as any observer would do. This is the same attitude portrayed within Cameroon by persons who fail to
go beyond this superficial impression and consider the cultural and economic potential of the Englishspeaking region for the country, a technical criterion in defining the status of minorities and languages (see
Mackey 1989). For instance, Cameroon’s membership in the Commonwealth is conditioned on the
linguistic and cultural potential of this region. The region may be the door opening Cameroon to Nigeria, a
regional economic giant The economic status of the English-speaking region is also depicted by the fact
that it has the country’s (arguably) largest oil reserves as well as being the highest industrial agricultural
employer through the Cameroon Development Corporation (C.D.C).
64
federated states. This caused the bilingual policy to be described fondly as symbol of our
national unity and integration. Fasold (1984: 11) aptly states that
Cameroon is another example of voluntary federation, but in the sense that it is a federation of a former
French and a former British colony. The fact that French and English are both used in Cameroon is a
consequence of this federation.
This implies that the removal of the federation substantially removes the significance of
the bilingual policy. Or at least the equality of the two languages is indirectly removed to
the detriment of English as the institutionalisation of a dominantly French-styled unitary
system directly negates the equal functioning of two languages.
But the territorial reorganisation of 1972, motivated by the political change from a
federal to a unitary state, which divided the former French-speaking East Cameroon state
into 5 administrative provinces and only 2 for the former English-speaking West
Cameroon state greatly affected the bilingual policy as it no longer realistically reflected
the equal status which was originally established for the two federal states. Echu (1999:
195), making reference to Constable (1974), reveals that “Le découpage régional au
lendemain du référendum du 20 mai 1972 à eu des conséquences néfastes sur l’image de
l’anglais au Cameroun et par conséquence joué au détriment du bilinguisme officiel.” As if
that did not suffice, what is commonly called in Cameroon the Biya law or le découpage
Biya of 17 October 1984 has been perceived as the last straw that broke the camel’s back.
This law instituted a further territorial division, which increased the number of Frenchspeaking administrative provinces from 5 to 8 but maintained the initial 2 Englishspeaking provinces as they were during the federation. As Echu (ibid.) has eloquently put
it, this devastated not only the numerical and territorial significance of Anglophones; it
also evidenced the relegation of the status of English in the country:
65
Plus que jamais, ce découpage a mis en évidence non seulement l’infériorité numérique des anglophones
mais aussi et surtout l’infériorité de la langue anglaise au Cameroun. Dans les affaires publiques, l’anglais
semble être relégué au second plan, comme en témoigne son utilisation au niveau de l’administration.
As indicated earlier, White’s (1991: 46) outline of geographical factors, which help
to delimit the definition of minority language situations, seems to provide more facts for
Anglophones to claim linguistic minority rights if English continues to be perceived, not
as a nationalist official language in Cameroon, but as a minority language made official.
The factors to be considered [under geographical factors] as a basis for a typology of minority language
situations are all features of spatial significance related to the regional location of the minority language
groups under consideration. Regional location is likely to have two effects: firstly in conditioning the
degree of encapsulation or dependence of the minority group within the surrounding hegemony of the
overall nation state, and secondly, by permitting, in certain cases, the development of autonomist,
irredentist or separatist movements within the minorities.
1.4.3. Cultural variable
The development of a certain feeling, which may be described as a near exagerated
‘Anglophoness’ or ‘Anglophone awareness’ among the English-speaking community in
Cameroon, and virtually making even the uneducated person a worshipper of ‘Anglophone
culture,’ is a reality. Using English as a symbol to construct and negotiate a glorified
Anglophone identity for nationalist ends, the tendency has only made the FrancophoneAnglophone relationship in Cameroon rockier. Most importantly, the glorification of the
‘British culture’ as a marker of cultural difference rather than one of pluralism or diversity
(Gleason 1984: 221ff) has been counterproductive as this has formed a superficial image
of Anglophones, and caused an uneasiness among Francophones. The negative perceptions
that go with such uneasiness or the appropriation of such ‘Britishness’ have also impacted
the perception of the status of English in official domains. Thus, apart from being
considered a minority language, English is perceived among some Francophones as a
weapon used by Anglophones against the Francophone folk. This explains the fact that
ordinary Francophones as well as many Francophone politicians read Anglophone claims
66
as fake. However, such Francophone reaction is not completely unfounded in the light of
the fact that
The invention and (or) sharpening of differences is the first step towards legitimising claims and gaining
followers. It is also important in the creation of a culture of “victims,” especially when claims go unheeded
by the dominant elite (Gros 2003: xviii).
This attitude certainly impedes the motivation to learn English among
Francophones who now see English and its appropriation by Anglophones as an
exclusive rather than an inclusive ‘club’. Hence, most Francophones learn English not for
their cultural contact and integration with Anglophone counterparts but for their material
ends. As it will be shown in the section on historical factors, this cultural idealism is in
flagrant contradiction of the disparaging attitude of the British themselves towards
Anglophones during their colonial protectorate in the Southern Cameroons.
However, constructing and negotiating an Anglophone identity within the context
of the current socio-political strife in the country is justifiable (Konings & Nyamnjoh
2003: 9-11) and understandable if their minority language situation is the matter. But
cultural idealism and the magnification of the difference it creates turns out to be a
negative index for the perception of English and its speakers. In fact, Gros (2003: xix)
rightly states: “Anglophone nationalists have idealised West Cameroon’s experience under
[British] colonial rule, when in fact the region was far from pristine.” That
notwithstanding, cultural consciousness in a normal ethnolinguistic situation is a necessary
ingredient for establishing the link between language and ethnicity (Eastman 1984: 259,
1992: 95ff; Paulston 1994: 31; Fasold 1984: 3), and further, to engender or promote
nationalism (Fishman 1972c: 44-55). The example of Anglophone British cultural
glorification appears not to be completely unusual then, if it is understood that
Francophone hegemony, the object of Anglophone socio-political grievances, owes its
67
roots to the belief in and promotion of the superiority of the French language and French
culture as it will be shown in the following section.
1.4.4. The linguistic variable
1.4.4.1. International French language policy
In general, France is determined to defend French and promote its dominance in
every nook and cranny especially in places where it is already being used. This objective
is entrenched in lofty political aims which can be traced to General de Gaulle’s
perception of what position France should occupy in international politics: a hegemonic
position which
[…] de Gaulle built out of […] historical anecdotes and into a structured myth […] This process can
combine and blend together that which was previously divided and divisive […] the pursuit of grandeur [which permits France to] be able to exercise influence disproportionate to her material means [that is]
resource power (Czerny 1980: 85-88 & 93 cit. Ager 1996: 61).
As Ager (ibid.) explains, such ‘resource power’ amounts to “a mixture of military might,
economic capability and, most of all, ideological power” which has become a policy for
successive governments as seen in Mitterand’s and Balladur’s 28 periods of government:
‘France has a calling to be a great world power’ said Edouard Balladur…the modern version of the creed
proclaimed by Charles de Gaulle, according to which ‘there is a pact between the grandeur of France and
the freedom of the world’…The theory that France has a duty to act as the conscience of the world was
developed by President Mitterand’s Socialist Administration and has been enthusiastically pursued by Mr
Balladur’s Gaullist team…lofty aims…humanitarian ideals (Bremner in The Times, 6.8.1994
cited in Ager 1996: 62).
These aims have been the motivation behind the reform of France’s foreign policy to
integrate a French language policy within the existing frame of the Mission de
Coopération, particularly the creation of institutions for the promotion of the French
language and French culture worldwide such as Alliance Française. Further, there are
28
It is a truism among the politically curious populations in Cameroon that President Paul Biya was a
strong supporter and friend of Edouard Balladur to the extent that he supported Balladur’s political
ideologies much to the disappointment and frustration of Jacque Chirac’s political opposition and this
situation explains the sour relations between Biya and Chirac when the latter became French President. In
fact, the common man in Cameroon interpreted the unprecedented high frequency of president Biya’s
private visits to France at the start of Chirac’s presidency as an attempt to clear the air.
68
other motives equally reinforcing the ideological motives and involve what Ager (2001b:
10-11) terms “Mixed motives: identity, insecurity, and image:”
[…] politicians from all parties showed that the threats they identified were political and economic as much
as cultural and social, affecting all aspects of French society and its future. Behind these concerns one can
identify two types of belief about the language [i.e., French], which seem at first sight to contradict each
other[…] firstly that ‘French is France:’ the language is a fundamental component of French identity.
Secondly, that ‘French is universal:’ the language belongs, not solely to France, but to everybody, and
represents an underlying value and resource of humankind.
The insecurity motive particularly involves fears of territorial disintegration
typical of the fears of regional self-determination in Cameroon. Politically, the two
countries employ a similar strategy: strong centralisation while linguistically, they adopt
variants of a common ideology owing to their different sociolinguistic profiles, i.e.,
linguistic unity through French homogeneity for France and linguistic unity through a
politically-based public bilingualism for Cameroon with an imperialist orientation
towards frenchification. Hence, one thing – language ideology - is unique for the two
countries owing not only to the continuing promotion of colonial legacy between them
but also for a common French-tuned orientation towards 1) protecting national identity or
image by fighting regional autonomy, minorities, and group cultural projections; 2)
promoting French imperialism by safeguarding the territorial integrity of nations where
Francophonie is or will be a reality. Thus, the following view of French language policy
in France applies to Cameroon as well:
In terms of language policy, the fight for territorial integrity is also the fight against symbols of
fragmentation: the regional languages represent regionalism and regional particularisms, and defeating
them and all they stand for reduces the major danger: that France may disintegrate (Ager 2001b: 19).
It is therefore just in line with this insecurity motive that in France as well as in
Cameroon,
The imposition of French through the military, social and political domination, as the language of the courts
and public life was [and still is] a major characteristic of royalty […] a stress on education and on the
creation of the unitary state in policies aimed at socialising the citizen in a lay, uniform, centralised society
speaking and writing one standard language, French […] (Ager 2001b: 18).
69
This position is strengthened by the following convictions of my respondents, i.e., public
functionaries and private individuals alike: (see section 3.4. for a discussion of the
recording of interviews).
Text 2: S5-11Francophone/former private sector worker/student/Freiburg/Germany
I. À ton avis, quelle est la façon dont le français domine l’anglais au Cameroun.
R. La façon de quelle manière ?
I. L’usage des languages officielles dans le contexte du service public ou alors dans le contexte
administratif.
R. Oui, dans le contexte administratif je crois que c’est ce qui est plus utilisée parce qu’il sont majoritaire.
Bon le gouvernement en place, bon le gouvernement en place est basé dans une zone francophone. Donc ça
signifie que tout le monde qui travail de ce côté-là doit appliquer le francais, égal ou tu sois anglophone
quoi.
I. Comme tu venais de le dire, l’anglais et le français sont les deux langues officielles au Cameroun. Est-ce
qu’il y une égalité dans la pratique ?
R. Non. Dans la pratique on ne peut pas avoir l’égalité. C’est, c’est, c’est, moi je crois que dans la pratique
il n’y a pas d’égalité. Il n’y a pas d’égalité, par exemple, bon, je me dis, quand on applique le bilinguisme
dans un pays, d’abord les documents officiels doivent être en francais et en anglais. Ça c’est d’abord ça. Tu
vois, tous les documents officiels que tu va utiliser doivent être en francais et en anglais et ça c’est pas le, et
ça c’est pas le cas au Cameroun. Bon, il y a certains documents qui sont en francais et en anglais, mais je
crois que la majorité, quand tu viens du secteur francophone, la majorité des documents sont en français, et
quand tu part du, de la région anglophone, la majorité sont en anglais. Donc ça ce n’est plus l’application du
bilinguisme ça.
I. Qu’est-ce qui peut être la cause de cette situation ?
R. Mais je crois c’est le gouvernement en place eh ! C’est le gouvernement en place qui n’accepte, qui, qui
ne sait pas d’appliquer ça. Puisque, s’ils prennent une décision d’appliquer ça pratiquement, c’est-à-dire, ils
ont toutes les reformes, ils ont, c’est-à-dire, ils ont tous les statuts, bon, c’est, c’est ce qui va se passer. S’ils
essayent d’appliquer ça et de forcer je crois qu’il y aura une solution, parce qu’il ne font rien quoi.
I. S’il n y a pas cette pratique… ?
R. S’il n y a pas cette pratique je crois que le, je rois que dans les prochaines années nous on ne serait plus
bilingue eh ! On ne peut pas appeler ça le bilinguisme.
I. La plus part de gens ont tendance à crois que la façon dont on applique le bilinguisme fait reléguer
l’anglais.
R. Pas seulement l’anglais, fait reléguer une langue qui est inférieur. Tu vois ? Une langue qui est
minoritaire. Donc je ne peux pas dire seulement l’anglais, c’est-à-dire que, quand on n’applique pas ça fait
reléguer une langue qui est minoritaire. Donc, c’est que la population du tout ou bien ce qui est, une langue
qui est majoritaire va toujours dominer. Ah oui!
Text 1: S10-11/Anglophone/civil servant/Translator/Yaounde
Is the use of two official languages possible in a unitary state? For how long? Can you quote one single
unitary state in existence with two administrative languages? The purpose of public administration is
unique and cannot therefore admit of more than one language in a unitary state! A unitary state means that
the various communities with their own languages are deprived of an administration and therefore of an
official language. What makes two languages possible in one administration (e.g., the European Union, UN,
or African Union) is that there are two or more communities each having its own official language and the
one common administration is under the obligation to serve each member of that community in their own
language. Above all, those communities are not under any obligation to know or learn any language other
than their own, or to use any other language than their own in their community. It is an illusion to speak of
French and English, for example as the official languages of the EU, unless by EU you mean not the states
of that Union but its administration.
In the unitary Cameroon we have a situation where there are two communities with two different languages
but with one administration, which is under no obligation to serve each of the communities in their
respective languages. It is the users who must seek to be understood in the administration. A policy of
70
translation exists, but only as a blindfold and it not even obligatory, nor are there any consequences for non
translation of texts. Texts in French are declared by the constitution to be the authentic versions. What is
even more bizarre is that the language of each community is not its own official language since each of the
communities does not have a separate administration, the very purpose of Cameroon unitarism being to
prevent the Anglophone people from having their unique administration. Where there is no administration,
there can be no official language
Members of the Francophone community and their language 98 % of the administration, so their language
is virtually the administrative language. They do not therefore as individuals or as a community suffer any
prejudice as far as their language is concerned, nor is their language threatened in the administration in any
way. Their language serves two functions: it serves as the official language of their community and as the
official language of the two communities. The administration also serves two functions: it serves as the
administration of the Francophone community and the administration of the two communities. On the other
hand, the Anglophone community which is deprived of their own administration cannot speak of English as
being the official language of their community since an official language cannot exist without an
administration. It is therefore the Anglophone community which is reduced to coping in whichever way it
can with French. This is why it is only a matter of time for the remnants of English to be wiped out
altogether in the administration. We need not talk of the army and professional schools. Those are by policy
Francophone institutions in which Anglophones must, as a subjected and assimilated people, accept the
language used there, which is French.
Part of the beautiful delusion [in Cameroon] is to call the two administrative or official languages, national
languages. If I bring my family of 20 and take over your own of 2 (as Ahidjo did in 1972), can your
language survive? By what miracle? Let’s simplify the matter this way: every day each member of your
family will have 20 occasions of using my language, but each member of our own family will only 2
occasions of using your own language. Before we know your language you would have known our own 18
times over. Since the two languages serve exactly the same function, that of administration, one must
automatically die out because nature admits of no superfluity. No details you get into will change this basic
rule. For two languages to survive in one administration, each of the languages must be the official
language of one of the communities being served by that administration. And there cannot be an official
language unless each of the communities has its own administration which is separate from the common
administration. Even at the level of a family, no family will use two or more languages unless those
languages serve different purposes! One may be used for formal communication, another for informal
communication and private or secret communication, and so on.
A French ‘language policy’ has therefore been adopted whereby the French
Ministry for Foreign Affairs is charged with its implementation worldwide, using Europe
as the springboard as Calvet (1996: 310ff) explains:
In mid-December, 1994, when France was going to take over the chairmanship of the EEC, the French
Minister of European Affairs proposed to limit to five the number of working languages […] laying himself
open to strong protest from some “small” countries [(p.311)…] the French idea was […] we have to prevent
English from becoming the only working language in the EEC [hence] we have to choose the working
languages according to European criteria.(p. 312)
Introducing such a policy under the cover of solving communication problems within the
EEC, France hopes in reality to unleash “a fight for French domination” (Calvet 1996:
312). This policy has led France to adopt several strategies, some of which are so
fashioned in subtlety called French foreign policy. Firstly, France has insisted for a long
time on the usefulness of the teaching of two foreign languages in every European
71
country. The idea is to bring up trilingual European speakers. It is believed that French
stands to benefit from such an arrangement as it would always be one of such languages
learnt. As Calvet (ibid.) has indicated, “it is at the same time pushing French (if we only
teach one foreign language, it is clearly going to be English, so a second language is
necessary if French wants to keep its place in the line).”
Besides, this declared ‘war’ against English worldwide by France is seen by the
French authorities as dependent on the success of the ‘European French project:’
Ne nous y trompons pas toutefois, c’est dans l’Union européenne que se jouera l’avenir du français. Si
demain, à la faveur des élargissements successifs, l’anglais s’imposait comme la seule langue de travail,
comment pourrions-nous ailleurs défendre le statut international du français (Ministère des Affaires
Étrangères 1995 : 198 cit. in Calvet 1996 : 313) ?
One thing that encourages the French to see the EC as the springboard of the ‘war’
against English is the pattern of language use in the Commission. French is the second
most prestigious among the official languages of the EU as shown in Quell (1997: 63)
cited in Ager (2001a: 68):
Table 5: Percentage of language use
Type of use
Oral
Written inside
Written outside
Eng
47.1
49.1
56.4
Fre
38.3
45.4
35.4
Germ
5
2.1
4.8
Span
3.2
1.2
1.2
Ital
2.9
0.6
1.7
Dan
1.3
0.1
0.6
Greek
0.3
0.5
0.5
Dutch
1.1
0.4
0.4
Port
0.8
0.5
0.4
Thus, without mincing words, there is not only the intention but also clear-cut
tactics 29 and measures 30 to fight English internationally and perpetuate the dominance of
29
Calvet (1996: 319) claims that the creation of the Francophonie, a geopolitical reality, promotes the
preference of French economic relations (la “zone franc”), as well as academic, cultural, and political
relations or interests through organisations such as the Agence de Co-opération Culturelle et Technique
(ACCT), Sommet des chefs d’états francophones, Ministère de la Coopération, Association des Universités
partiellement ou entièrement de langue française (AUPELF). Thus it is not an irony but an interesting
reality that Francophonie is a French concept “originally coined by the geographer Onésime Reclus in the
1880s to describe those countries throughout the world which used French, usually as an official language”
(Ager 1996: 1) but also a concept “put forward in 1964 by two [African] statesmen, Léopold Sédar
Senghor, President of Senegal, and Habib Bourguiba, President of Tunisia” (Calvet 1996: 314). However,
72
French where it is already found. The representative case of Quebec illustrates the
international support for “La révolution tranquille” (peaceful revolution) whereby “we
hear mostly strong support for language legislation and for the concept of Quebec as “une
société française”” (Paquette 1996: 3211/331). To illustrate how pervasive it has come to
be Paquette (ibid.: 320) reveals that
The language issue regularly dominates Quebec’s social and political life. Every year there is La semaine
du français, a French language week, where many events and activities are held in all regions of Quebec to
bolster the social status of French and to promote its use and the mastery of the spoken and written
language and the quality of French terminology in different fields. A special government task force
periodically delivers a report on the status of the French language and on what is at stake for the future.
One effective method of ensuring the dominant or permanent status of French in
such areas is language legislation. 31 Still, such legislation is supported and guaranteed by a
well-defined philosophy outlined by Yves Marek (1996: 341- 362), a counsellor “for
French language and the relations with the 47 French-speaking countries movement”
(Yves Marek ibid.: 341), and who served Mr Toubon in this capacity when Toubon was
French Minister of Culture and Francophonie. Based on the following assumption, specific
domains have been prescribed by law for the use of French in France and the 47 Frenchspeaking countries: since 1975
The 47 French-speaking countries have decided to strengthen their co-operation and then, France has to
make a greater effort to preserve the common language of this community. This was a new reason to
improve the law; a new reason why French is a matter of state. In order to have an external (diplomatic)
policy for French, we also had to have an internal policy.
Accordingly,
During 1994, the French parliament passed a bill which […] defines a number of situations where French
has to be used. Obviously in all the activities of public administration, in most labor relationships […]
congresses, anything having to do with sales, warranties, advertising, the presentation of any goods,
trademarks, to some extent, information for the public, even done by private firms, etc. (p. 342)
given that “French language policy stresses the protection of French, with a lot of economic aid (ibid.:
318), e.g. “The international Francophonie community provides support for many countries of the Third
world…” (Ager 1996: 2), putting forward Francophonie to the African states may be understood within the
context and time.
30
See Kibbee (1996: 15) “The language of public signs has long been an issue of the Francophonie world,
with the charter of the French language in Quebec and the Loi ‘Toubon’ of 1994 in France attempting to
limit the public use of English.”
31
See Paquette (1996: 332-340).
73
This French policy has pushed Calvet (ibid.) to conclude that
This position shows clearly where and who the enemy is (monolingualism, yes, but English
monolingualism). So in Europe and throughout, the French language policy problem has a name: English.
In 1919, for the first time in the history of international relations, a treaty was written in two languages,
French and English, instead of French alone which was customary. Since then, France has been fighting for
the international status of its language, rather successfully. (p.313)
Apparently, this fight-back ‘war’ perfectly justifies the French proverbial
expression faire feu de tous bois (use or do anything to succeed), and also explains the
common saying among the French that anyone would be pardoned for sleeping with the
French queen provided he can prove that the deal was negotiated in impeccable French.
However, even the French authorities are not naïve about the difficulties involved in
‘fighting’ English as a de facto international language and the following cautionary
statement reveals such concerns:
Ne nous trompons pas d’objectif, il ne s’agit pas de livrer bataille contre l’anglais, mais de se battre pour le
maintien d’un pluralisme linguistique et culturel qui nous paraît nécessaire pour nous-mêmes, mais pour
beaucoup de nos partenaires (Ministère des Affaires Étrangères (Ibid.: 197)).
Still, the dubious nature of the French language policy emerges in Calvet’s (ibid.)
revelation:
But this linguistic and cultural pluralism which is brought up every time the French language is threatened
is forgotten when its position is more secure in France 32 for instance or in French-speaking Africa.
1.4.4.2. The dominance of French in the West African sub-region
The promotion of the French culture and the supremacy of the French language
have been constituent aspects of French assimilationist philosophy, hegemony and
expansionism (Gros 2003: 30-31 fn. 18, Calvet 1996, Labrie 1996: 351-363). As
Chumbow & Simo Bobda (2000: 39) have put it, the ascendancy of the French language in
West Africa has been a long truism:
32
Calvet (1996: 319) has stated the inconsistencies of this policy in the example of French being secure in
France and forgetting regional languages competing with French for functions.
74
The French language policy of France in West Africa in the colonial period was that of assimilation,
elitism, and repression of African languages. The post-independence local masters continued the same
policy, and it took time and a lot of pressure for the call for the promotion of these languages to be
33
heeded.
However, since the early 90s this dominance has been shifting gradually as local
languages make a very slow but steady advance in many official domains. Yet,
considering the entrenched position of English and French in the entire sub-region as
official languages and the dominant languages of education, Bamgbose (2000: 3) predicts
that their institutionalised status will not change in the immediate future. One factor,
which makes French so comfortable in the official domains, is not only the preference for
French-styled administrative systems a point which has been over-stressed in the
literature. It is more about the entrenchment of an elitist and assimilationist
administrative French reminiscent of the Gaullist grandeur ideology:
[…] formal, written and often formulaic. For Francophonie, the problems associated with administrative
French are two types. Administrative French itself is not an attractive nor easy form to acquire. Its
characteristics are based on French administrative practice, which places great reliance on codified laws
and administrative decisions and assumes that posts in a large-scale public service will be open to qualified
people whose abilities will be tested – usually by written examinations – before enrolment […] it is
unlikely that the present generation of Civil Servants, particularly in Africa, will be replaced by successors
with the same skills (Ager 1996: 52).
With a steady decline in the number of such French-speaking elites in the African
setting, it follows that French will hardly maintain or achieve a Gaullist grandeur in form
33
The agenda of the 1995 Francophonie Summit, holding in Cotonou, Benin, focused on the fight against
the dominance of English in the West African sub-region. The theme and date coincided with Cameroon’s
admission into the Commonwealth. The admission, considered a landmark political achievement among the
Francophone-dominated ruling elite in Cameroon, and used to foil local socio-political protest in the
Anglophone community, was taken with a pinch of salt by Anglophones as they feared it was another
occasion to outmanoeuvre them and strengthen the Francophone stranglehold. This delicate situation at
home and the orientation of the summit forced the Cameroon delegation at the Francophonie meeting led
by President Paul Biya, to quit prematurely despite themselves and without signing the unanimously
adopted plan of action. The move avoided giving the Anglophone community at home the substance to
conclude that the regime overtly seeks to assimilate the English-speaking community in the country. It
amounted to an absolute political dilemma given that membership in the Francophonie and the
Commonwealth is primarily conditioned on the official use and promotion of French and English
respectively in member states. Cameroon being the only ‘member-servant’ trying hard to ‘serve two
masters at a time’ found it impossible to agree to please the one and hurt the other. Yet, it has succeeded
somehow in this context to serve ‘God’ and ‘Mammon’ but not without unpleasant concessions.
75
in the administrative domains in Africa but will maintain its ascendancy over English in
Cameroon (Chumbow & Simo Bobda 1995: 15-16) unless further language status
planning and legislation were carried out in the future to increase the functions of
English.
1.4.4.3. Dynamism and flexibility in English
These are giant concepts that may be complicated to discuss, a task far beyond the
scope of this study. However, they are used here in their broad sense and to refer to the
development and use of language varieties, and the ethnography of speaking (Fasold 1984:
39). There are such stereotypical statements as French is too rigid, English is no man’s
language, etc., referring to the fact that some languages are more flexible in
accommodating variation than others. Specifically, the former refers to the fact that it is
impossible to ‘cheat on French and get away with it,’ i.e., the international French
language policy discussed earlier makes it difficult for the indigenisation and development
of nonstandard French varieties, while the latter expresses the freedom with which English
allows for these two developments. In other words, one hardly hears of varieties of French
around the world in the way one hears of varieties of English worldwide, or the New
Englishes which have now become a distinct legitimate domain of research (see Bamgbose
1989, 2000 for further details on this point). This difference in prestige between English
and French is perceived as a disparaging index for English in the Cameroon context.
English in Cameroon experiences the stigma that follows from this ‘rigidity’- ‘flexibility’
dichotomy between French and English. Thus, the cliché ‘English is no man’s language’
has an additional connotation to also mean that English is a banal, vulnerable, porous
language, or too tolerant of the influence of other languages and cultures. These
76
perceptions have a comparative continuum with French at its intolerant extreme typical of
what Bamgbose (2000: 2) describes as “[…] intolerance of any but the metropolitan
models of French.” He even goes further to say that
The result of this divergence is that whereas English developed a second language variety, which has given
rise to several studies, there is no such thing as “French as a second language” or “New Frenches” on the
pattern of “English as a second language” or “New Englishes” [even though] it is to be expected, of course,
that the language-contact situation will lead to varieties of French used by non-native speakers, especially
34
in the spoken medium (ibid.: 2).
In this light, the existence of several varieties of CamE, and the development of
other English/French-based hybrid codes (Ayafor 2003: 2) such as Franglais, 35 Frenglish 36
(Chumbow & Simo Bobda 2003: 39), compared to an invariable standard of French in
Cameroon, have not helped the perception or prestige of English in this sense. In other
words, many ‘Englishes’ in the country, which even compete among themselves for
functions and status, end up portraying a bewildering image of English compared to only
‘one’ French spoken. The adage that when brothers fight a stranger inherits their land
seems to apply here for the competing Cameroon ‘Englishes’ which end up losing to
French. This fact is illustrated by complaints of many Francophones about the fact that
some of them who try to speak and learn English from Anglophones are lost as the latter
frequently speak pidgin at one time and English or some other form of English at another
time, thus rendering the task cumbersome for the Francophone learner. This claim is a
34
Cf. Chumbow & Simo Bobda (2000: 39-60).
This is a stigmatised hybrid code common among Francophone youths in major metropolitan areas
characterised by a mixture of French, English, and lexical items drawn from indigenous languages of wider
35
communication; e.g. “Je te talk que j’ai nye un film super.”(Je te dis que j’ai vu un excellent film.), or “Le
man-là fait trop de ngouabi, il est bobé.” (Cet homme-là est un magicien, il est mauvais.) (Biloa 1999: 148).
It is also varyingly referred to in the literature as “Camfranglais.” There is however a terminological war
about this code (see Biloa 1999: 148-149).
148-149).
36
This represents the English-based version of Franglais which mixes French words in English and is
common among Anglophone youths who have long contact with French-speaking metropolitan areas where
the phenomenon is common, e.g. “I have never seen anybody who has won the gros lot in the lotterie
nationale.;” “I need an autorisation de sortie.” (Biloa 1999: 148-149).
77
legitimate one, and from this perception, it may be said that misfortunes also befall
English among Anglophones. In this sense, it is not wrong to say that if Anglophones were
asked to choose between Engish and Pidgin, they would choose Pidgin. But if such a
choice was ever to be made between English and French, they would choose English for
purely political rather than practical motivations.
Thus, Pidgin English, arguably the most widespread language even in the Frenchspeaking regions (Koenig et al. 1983), is resolutely chased out of official domains and
threatened with a ban in official quarters and high social milieus (see Alogbwede d’Epie
1998). Worse, Anglophones, who are thought of as proprietors of CamP make it difficult
as threats of punishment for its use on campus are proliferated around academic premises
as seen in image 25 (section 5.5.) showing one of such threats posted at the entrance to
Allo Comprehensive High School, Bamenda in the English speaking region. 37 But another
irrefutable reality is that Pidgin English is a neutral language capable of ‘neutralising’
communication tensions between Francophones and Anglophones (Féral 1980: 24ff, 1994)
and avoids the situation where French takes absolute dominance in every domain “[…]
pour éviter de donner la preference soit à l’anglais soit au français.” Mbangwana (1983:
90) believes that “It continues to be a non-ethnic language not because some
Cameroonians do not have it as an L1 but, rather because it is an out-group language
37
The campus of the University of Buea, the lone Anglo-Saxon-type University in the country and located
on the South West coast of the English-speaking region, is littered with giant sign boards bearing similar
threats against the use of CamP on campus. In fact, one of them is ironically and provocatively mounted a
few yards to the Department of Languages, Literatures, and Linguistics. Some of the country’s best
linguists are specialists in pidgin and creole linguistics and are permanent Professors in this University.
This is stunning and sends a strong message regarding political attitude and stance on the current status of
CamP as well as any prospects of it becoming accepted in official domains. This political stance may easily
be maintained as Rectors of Universities are appointed by the state usually based more on political than
professional criteria, e.g. ethnic balancing, political ideology, militancy (ruling party or opposition party),
etc. The fact that these persons are required to support and condone the policies and stance of the ruling
elite that appointed them says it all.
78
which does not identify a particular people as its users.” There is however lack of
unanimity on its neutrality status as Schröder (2003: 197) believes that “CamP, although
certainly a language ethnically more neutral than probably any other language in
Cameroon, is still not entirely neutral.” Many Cameroonians, especially Francophones
“would first of all classify CamP as an Anglophone language” (Schröder ibid.). Thus, such
grassroots stigmatisation may not allow CamP to become a candidate for a national
language (Schröder 2003: 199).
The resulting tendency is that, even though the international prestige and position
of English is well acknowledged among Francophones, its local Balkanisation has led
them, and some Anglophones who have conceded this perception, to minimise or not take
English seriously. The effect of this tendency is strong stigmatisation usually accompanied
by a further harsh reaction among both Francophones and Anglophones towards other
varieties of English.
1.4.5. Historical variables
1.4.5.1. British colonial attitude towards Cameroon
Among the many factors which may have engendered negative attitudes and the
current relegation of the status of English in public affairs, the most glaring within the
scope of this research is the British attitude to Cameroon in general and the Englishspeaking region in particular up to 1961.
As far back as the late 19th century, on 7 August 1879, local chiefs in the coastal
area of Cameroon led by King Akwa of Douala requested that the British occupy and rule
their territories just as in neighbouring Nigeria. Todd (1982a: 135 fn. 2) in quoting the
79
request to the British indicates the widespread admiration that the indigenous people had
for the British “ways,” and the desire to have them in their land:
Dear Madam (i.e., Queen Victoria),
We your servants have join together and thoughts it better to write you a nice loving letter which will tell
you all about our wishes. We wish to have your laws in our towns. We wish to have every fashioned
altered, also we will do according to your consul’s word. Plenty wars here in our country. Plenty murder
and idol worshippers. Perhaps these of our writing will look to you as an idle tale.
We have spoken to the English consul plenty times about an English government here. We never have
answer from you, so we wish to write you ourselves.
When we heard about Calabar river, how they have all English laws in their towns, and how they have put
away all their superstitions, on, we shall be very glad to be like Calabar now. (Foreign Office papers,
403/18, Letter 1 cit. in Todd 1982a).
The reluctance of the British, reminiscent of their disinterest in the Cameroons as it
was not deemed to be a ‘prime real estate’ by the major colonial powers (Gros 2003: 1),
dictated their lukewarm attitude toward granting the request of the local chiefs and their
people. On 16 July, 1884, five days before the British envoy, Hyde-Hewett, arrived in
Douala, Gustav Nachtigal, Bismarck’s envoy to Cameroon, had signed a treaty with the
Douala Kings Akwa and Bell, officially making the territory a German protectorate
(Stumpf 1979: 21-22, Gros 2003: 2/3). 38 Although this course of events is interpreted
nowadays as a case of lateness on the part of the British envoy, it is misleading and
removes the meaningful insight that lies in seeing it differently. In my view, it should be
seen as being consistent with British disinterest in and disregard of the territory. This may
be understood along the patterns of the biblical line which says that “Where your treasure
is, there your heart will be also”(Matthew 6: 21) especially if it is remembered that HydeHewett, instead of proceeding directly to Douala where his mission was, made a stopover
in Lagos, Nigeria (Gros 2003: 2) before continuing to Douala, Cameroon. Such
38
Le Vine (1971: 4) explains that “in the meantime, a dilatory British government, having finally become
aware of the possibility that the Cameroon coast might fall into other hands, particularly French, authorised
their itinerant ‘floating consul,’ Edward Hyde Hewett, to conclude treaties of annexation with the petty
‘Kings’ at Douala. Hewett, to his eternal chagrin, arrived Douala a week too late. On July 12, 1884,
Nachtigal, who had arrived the day before, signed a treaty with two of the Douala Kings establishing the
German Protectorate.”
80
inadvertent lateness would not even be an issue in the first place if he had travelled to
Douala directly without ‘letting his heart take him first to Lagos.’ Evidently, British
‘treasure’ was in Nigeria, not in Cameroon.
In line with this event, a similar British attitude continued in the early 20th century,
precisely the 1916 partition of Cameroon between France and Britain at the end of German
rule. Britain considered the territory given to her very negligible compared to the giant
portion given to France. The size and low economic potential of the protectorate became
further evidence of its territorial insignificance and hastened British disregard of the
territory. This feeling dictated little commitment and a neglect of general affairs in the
British Cameroons. Wolf (2001: 65) indicates that while “The French part, due to its size,
was considered a veritable viable entity […] The British […] did not receive a continuous
territory.” To them, it amounted to nothing more than “two long, narrow, mountainous
strips of land, […] separated from each other by a gap of some forty-five miles” (UN
General Assembly 1959: 116 cit. in Wolf 2001: 65). This instrumental territorial
disappointment dictated British reluctance in planning the issues in general and coupled
with their ‘off hands’ or ‘indirect rule’ philosophy; this affected the administrative,
economic, linguistic and cultural development of the British Cameroons (Gros 2003: 1-5,
Wolf 2001: 64-99, Ngoh 1996: 174-176, 39 Ndam Njoya 1976: 120-150). By so doing, the
British pretended that such an approach “would be the more appropriate means to ensure
promotion of free political institutions as expressed in Article 6 of the Trusteeship
Agreement” (Wolf 2001: 65) but Gros (2003: xix) reveals that the real issue lay in the fact
that “So little the British apparently thought of West Cameroon – or so much that they
thought of the administrative skills of Lord Lugard – that they did not bother to send in a
39
Cf. Vernon-Jackson (1967: 15-20), Le Vine (1971: 4).
81
governor, preferring instead to rule the territory as an appendage to Nigeria.” This
historical fact is referred to among nationalist Anglophones nowadays as the ‘Nigerian
connection or link.’
1.4.5.2. The Nigerian Connection and its impact on Anglophones’ image in Cameroon
The “Nigerian connection” sowed seeds of socio-political disgruntlement that
would later surface in post-independence Francophone-Anglophone relationships in the
form of disparaging stereotypes used to discriminate against English and Anglophones. In
fact, as already mentioned elsewhere in this work, in Cameroon one would hear
Francohones referring to Anglophones as ‘les Biafrais’ (the Biafrians) i.e., the Eastern
Nigerian tribe under which the British Cameroons were administered as part of Nigeria
during the British Trusteeship up to 1961. Again, the fact that Southern Cameroons’
delegation to the Foumban reunification conference from 17-21 July, 1961 was not
representing an equal sovereign state as French Cameroon’s delegation represented La
République du Cameroun portrayed Southern Cameroons as a bewildered helpless people
fleeing political disparagement in the Eastern Nigerian government and seeking refuge in
French Cameroon. Worse, social and diplomatic issues such as Nigerians’ involvement in
crime committed in Cameroon, and the Bakassi Peninsula and border crisis between
Nigeria and Cameroon, in which extremist Anglophone Cameroonians overtly showed
militancy for the Nigerian defence side, have led Francophones to refer to Anglophones as
‘les ennemis dans la maison’ or traitors. However, the most regrettable of such acts of
discrimination against Anglophones based on the ‘Nigerian connection’ is the fact that
academic credentials earned in Nigeria are frequently rejected or disparaged within official
domains in Cameroon.
82
The consequence of the lack of British focus on the British Cameroons widened the
gap between the French and the British parts in terms of territorial development as the
opposing colonial philosophies of ‘direct rule’ and ‘indirect rule’ respectively accounted
for economic, linguistic, cultural, and political disproportions and divergence. As Wolf
(2001: 65) has observed, “these diverging orientations and interpretations had marked
effects upon the development in the territories, and can still be felt today in the present
(linguistic) situation.”
1.4.5.3. Linguistic implications of the historical variable
The linguistic symptoms of British oddities, which are relevant to this study, may
be seen in the fact that English took the status of a foreign language compared to stringent
assimilative measures taken by the French to consolidate French in Cameroon. A decision
of the French Gouverneur Général de A.E.F. (l’Administration Étrangère Française?) of 28
December 1920: “Aucune école ne sera autorisée si l’enseignement n’y est donné en
français. L’enseignement de toute autre langue est interdit” (Echu 1999: 5).
According to Simo Bobda (2001: 4),
during the British colonial period, English retained many characteristics of a foreign language, being the
preserve of the expatriates and a very small local elite. The British themselves contributed to the
perpetuation of this image, not encouraging significantly the indigenous populations to acquire the standard
form of the language, in fact, sometimes dissuading them from doing so.
A further revelation of this British attitude to the use of English among the
indigenous populations is provided in Kachru (1986: 22), who refers to it as the “political
reason” namely, “the desire to establish and maintain “language distance,” […] by not
teaching their language too well to “non-in-group” Asians or Africans.” The fear was that
if a non-in-group member “gained “native-like” linguistic competence he was suspect; if
he did not gain it he was an object of linguistic ridicule” (Kachru ibid.). More interestingly
83
as Simo Bobda has put it, Kachru’s revelations concur with Christophersen’s (1973: 83)
position that “one feeling underlying the Englishman’s reaction to the ‘too perfect’ foreign
learner is that of intrusion upon his privacy: it is as if an uninvited guest had started
making free with his host’s possessions.” It is also interesting to note that the desire to
create language distance by discouraging a native-like accent forces yet, another obligation
on the Englishman’s attitude to the foreign learners: the ‘obligation’ to know a foreigner
from his accent. Thus, Christophersen (1973: 83) quotes a remark by Robert Graves
(1966: 49):
We islanders seldom trust Europeans who speak our own language without a trace of accent
or who write it over well […]. I have even known an Englishman to be turned down by the
Foreign Service for talking French in too Parisian a style: “Not a reliable type, dear fellow:
40
obviously suggestible, don’t you know.
This is in sharp contrast to what the Frenchman would do to a foreign learner of
French, particularly an African:
The success of direct French-teaching in African […] regional primary schools; could offer what is now
modern to call ‘un bain de langue,’ i.e., teaching by immersion, by creating a French-speaking enclave in an
African setting. The outcome was that the elite were assimilated to French language and culture (Brann
1984: 311 cit. Wolf 2001: 71).
Still, it is interesting to see how encouraging or discouraging the learning of the
nation’s language by ‘outsiders’ may determine the international prestige and power of
such a nation. Christophersen (1973: 92-93) believes that:
We have come upon the propriety feeling that some people tend to have in relation to their language […]
where the feeling is strong, it is apt to lead to resentment when others are thought to be appropriating the
language and treating it ‘as if it were theirs’ – ‘others’ being people who have learnt it as a second
language, especially if they belong to another political unit. This attitude obviously militates against the
international use of the language concerned. Since Americans do not possess this feeling there is reason to
expect that American English will make greater headway internationally, as indeed it seems to be doing.
Particularly in Cameroon the promotion of English was none of Britain’s priorities
(Simo Bobda 2001: 4). It is contrary to the French whose immersion French policy or
40
Christophersen (1973: 83) also quotes Forster (1970) as providing a slightly different interpretation of a
good knowledge of French. Forster says that “when my godfather was once heard by a medical colleague to
be talking in fluent French to a French visitor, the reaction was, ‘well, Williams, I have always thought that
you were a profoundly immoral man, and now I am convinced of it.’”
84
mission civilisatrice in Africa allowed many Africans to develop native-like eloquence and
“with intellect could influence French politics and policy in surprising ways” (e.g. Senghor
of Senegal) (Gros 2003: 30 fn. 18). This fact is restated by Wolf (2001: 72, 73, 74) who
argues that British promotion of education in general was far below expectation even
though the economic crisis in the 1930s in Britain forced her to shut down many
educational institutions and projects: “In reality, education in the British Zone virtually
collapsed when the (ineffective) military officers who were in charge of it were
withdrawn”(Wolf ibid.: 83). 41 In sum, the impact of such British indifference in Englishspeaking Cameroon may be measured linguistically by Koenig et al.’s (1983: 48)
comparison of the distribution of English speakers in Anglophone towns to French
speakers in Francophone towns.
41
Ngoh (1996: 175) reports that “the most serious problem which the educational authorities (i.e., the
British) in Southern Cameroons faced was shortage of qualified teaching staff in the schools […] In 1940,
the Kake Elementary Training Centre in Kumba was the sole institution in the Southern Cameroons that
trained elementary teachers […]. In 1939, the first secondary school […] was opened at Sasse in the
Victoria Division by the Roman Catholic Mill Hill Mission […]. Ten years later, the second, Cameroon
Protestant College, Bali, was opened in 1950 thanks to the Roman Catholic and Basel Missions and not to
the British colonial administration.”
85
Table 6a: French speakers in major Francophone areas (Koenig et al. 1983: 48)
Province
Town
Total no.
of Speakers
Littoral
Douala
1978
95
Edea
288
94
Nkongsamba
834
96
Bafoussam
662
93
Foumban
477
91
Bafang
325
95
Dschang
309
92
West
Central South
Eastern
Northern
% of
Speakers
per Town
Yaounde
1358
93
Bafia
329
92
Ebolowa
303
97
Sangmelima
365
94
Mbandjock
90
94
Akonolinga
165
98
Kribi
179
98
Bertoua
282
89
Abong Mbang
172
98
Maroua
389
50
Garoua
442
68
Ngaoundere
306
46
Meiganga
224
58
Yagoua
220
60
Kousseri
147
67
Kaele
154
86
Banyo
224
57
Mokolo
118
76
Table 6b: Standard English speakers in major Anglophone areas
Province
Town
South West
Kumba
Victoria
Buea
Mamfe
Bamenda
Kumbo
North West
Total no.
of
Speakers
460
520
263
127
627
144
% of
Speakers
per Town
58
72
70
70
84
70
86
These figures form part of a pioneer comprehensive survey carried out in urban
centres in Cameroon in the late 70s and early 80s to find out the spread of English.
Although these statistics largely represent the reality of their era, they may not completely
reflect the reality of English in the same areas a generation later nowadays. A factor in this
is that individuals from all walks of life were chosen randomly and the criterion for
measuring competence was largely self-reports rather than objective measurements. Still,
they are helpful as no other study on the subject has been done and which provides better
results.
The low numbers of English speakers in the English-speaking regions also
illustrate the lack of British interest in significantly encouraging the indigenous population
to learn English although it is not to be blamed entirely on this variable. The sum of all
these issues makes, particularly Francophones but also many Anglophones in remote
areas, not take English seriously. The feeling is that if the British themselves did not see
the importance of English in the region and in the country then the indigenous people
cannot do better; after all, they readily have CamE for their day-to-day communication
across the Anglophone-Francophone borders, and their indigenous languages. Hence,
Francophones, who first and foremost show little interest in English, feel that they cannot
do better if the British could not promote their language, and if Anglophones did not use it
frequently as primary beneficiaries of English in Cameroon.
1.4.6. The political variable
1.4.6.1. The nation-state project and Francophone hegemony
What Konings & Nyamnjoh (2003: 1) have called the “postcolonial nation-state
project” or nation-building in post independence Africa took off about the late 1950s and
87
early 1960s, portraying a continuation by the new political and ruling elite, of the colonial
managerial and governance characteristics which produced these nation-states.
Usually this amounted to a continuation of the colonial state’s nation-building programme,
the primary concern of which had been to integrate the diverse ethno-regional groups into
the state and place them under one centralised authority (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003: 1).
Generally, two methods were plausible: federalism or a unitary system. Cameroon is one
illustrative example in Africa where these methods have been adopted, tried, and changed
for the past 40 years in a bid to construct a modern nation-state.
The events leading up to 1960 – culminating in the independence of French
Cameroon, and later in a reunification with the Southern Cameroons in 1961 to form a
Federation – illustrated the potential and prospects of the nation-state project, which was
the preoccupation of many developing nations in Africa. But these events and the fact of
contriving the unity of multiplex cultures and peoples, amounted to a dangerous
agglutination that would become a time bomb in the years following independence. In
other words, the fate of the new nation-state was plagued by the time-bomb calibre of
ethnic and multicultural/multilingual challenges inherent in the political measures of
national integration. In the specific situation of Cameroon, the nature of political
integration bore seeds of eventual disgruntlement, discord, and disintegration. Evidence
are the political status of the two states which reunited to become today’s Cameroon, and
the two-fold divergent cultural difference between them, i.e., multicultural and
multilingual ethnicity at the inter-tribal level, and bicultural and bilingual ethnicity at the
level of colonial heritage. This chaotic background remains the ‘thorn in the flesh’ of all
regimes that have ruled the country so far; their failure to manage national strife
originating from this ethnicity has rendered the nation prone to experiencing
unprecedented political disintegration. One such time-bomb challenges, which have since
88
not been appropriately and adequately addressed, is the question of language and its
relation to nation. Like many other African nation-states, which embarked on the nationbuilding project, Cameroon underestimated, or to put it in the view of my informants,
lacked the political courage to consider the role of language, its management, and the
effect of a lack thereof in the task of nation building. Hence, priorities appeared to have
been oriented towards the integration of national and regional borders rather than finding
definite plans to deal with the intricate multilingualism which this process exacerbated.
This tendency implied that sight was lost of the link between language and ethnicity
(Fishman 1968a) and how a generalised intensification of this link among states or
communities within a nation may be detrimental to the more general link between
language and national identity (Bamgbose 1991: 11). Worse, sight was lost of the fact that
the way language or ethnicity are managed in the nation-state may create conflicts, the
development of minorities and may determine the future of the state (Heller 1999: 7).
Four decades later, it is a truism that these approaches to the nation-state project in
Cameroon rather allowed for monolithism and authoritarianism 42 than meaningful
constitutionalism (Rothchild 1997: 9-18, Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003: 2-5). This fact is a
consequence of the ideologies and personal political ambitions of the ruling elite as well as
the powerful hold of the colonial tradition (Bamgbose 2000: 97- 98). In the pursuit of such
personal political ambitions, it was common for African leaders like Ahmadou Ahidjo and
42
See Hazlewood (1967: 310- 311) for an illustrative example regarding the nature of President Ahidjo’s
power-sharing with his Prime Minister when he was Head of state of La République du Cameroun during
the 1959-1960s, and his absolute powers as both Head of state and Head of government during the powersharing federation between English-speaking West Cameroon and French-speaking East Cameroon after
reunification in 1961.
89
Paul Biya of Cameroon to ignore or deliberately violate legislative agreements, e.g.,
federalism, 43 which Elaigwu & Orunsola (1983: 282) believe
Basically […] emanates from the desire of people to form a union without necessarily losing their identities
[…or] an attempt to reflect the diverse social, political, cultural, and economic interest within the
framework of a broader national unity […] the result of a compromise between centrifugal and centripetal
44
forces […] a form of balance between two opposing forces.
In the light of this authoritarianism, the nation-building project was not only a
pretext but the real motivation behind these actions was postcolonial expansionist
ambitions. During 1960-61, the newly independent Francophone ruling elite led by
Ahmadou Ahidjo, and highly supported by French experts (Wolf 2001: 127, Stark 1980:
105-109, Le Vine 1971: 43-44), 45 had an expansionist plan to annex and assimilate the
English-speaking region and create a Francophone hegemony. Significant evidence is
shown in the deliberate prevention 46 of the territorial expansion of the English-speaking
region in spite of the fact that the French-speaking region has been regionally recreated
and expanded twice since 1961 to make new provinces (Echu 1999: 195). Todd (1982a:
127) believes that
The new government was anxious to extend education and to establish a language policy that would be
acceptable to both sections of the federated state and of value to the country as a whole. It therefore adopted
43
See Forje (1981: 109ff) for a detailed account of the manner in which Ahmadou Ahidjo single-handedly
took the decision to cancel the federation and to introduce a unitary system: “the president informed the
National Assembly of moves [by him] to consult the people on the immediate[my emphasis] introduction
of a unitary state to replace the existing federal structure […]. Furthermore, after the subtle imposition of
the unitary state, which also altered the appellation of the country from “Federal Republic” to “United
Republic,” Ahidjo’s successor, Paul Biya, unconstitutionally altered this appellation once again in 1984 to
simply “Republic of Cameroon,” the original name of the French-speaking region when it received
independence from France in 1960. This move has been interpreted among Anglophones as a subtle
calculated move to nullify the existence of the English-speaking community. In other words, it is
considered the completion of the life-cycle of the assimilation of Anglophones.
44
Cf. Rothchild’s (1968: 2-3) outline of five requirements for federalism to be applicable in a given
situation. Cameroon fulfils all such requirements especially Rothchild’s most important, i.e., bicultural
regional difference and regional ethnic conflicts centred on questions of identity.
45
Le Vine (1971: 44) is specific in revealing French financial support to French Cameroon to the tune of
US $40 millions to boost her economic status and create economic power required to impose her
dominance.
46
Cf. Titi Nwel’s (1999) account of political corruption for other subtle strategies such as the deliberate
manipulation or avoidance of population censuses in a bid to stifle Anglophone claims to territorial
expansion and to more national resources based on population increase.
90
French and English as the languages of the state. This was not because it undervalued local languages or
local culture. The selection was based on practical expedience.
Thus it is common knowledge that the adoption of French and English was a pragmatic
choice needed at that particular transitional period. Besides, it was hastened by political
pressure and slogans of reunification (Chumbow 1980: 288), yet the political courage to
find lasting solutions to the language problems was lacking. In the light of the ongoing
discussion, one tends to give more credit to the political contrivance consistent with the
actions of the ruling elite. Moreover, the evolution of time has proved that Todd’s position
no longer answers the questions regarding the stagnation of the bilingual policy and
current evident undermining of local languages and cultures.
With nation-building, or national unity and integration providing the ideological
pretext for concentrating political and economic power in his office and person (Fogui
1990 cit. in Konings & Nyamjoh 2003: 4), Ahidjo adopted the following strategies: 1)
centralisation (Forje 1981: 95f, DeLancey 1989: 51-52, Hazlewood 1967), which included
aspects such as a highly centralised form of federation rather than Foncha’s loose
federation or confederation (Wolf 2001: 127), “the concentration of administrative
decision-making in the capital, Yaounde, the use of the constitution to focus authority in
the office of the president” (Konings & Nyamnjoh ibid.), and the imposition of a single
political party, the Cameroon National Union (C.N.U.);
47
2) coalition building using
extensive political bribery and corruption (Titi Nwel 1999: 46, 89-92) and, 3) excessive
repression using the military (Aletum 2001: 49, Gros 2003: 103-104, Mukong 1985,
Susungi 1991: 78, Hughes 1999: ii cit. Nja’ah 2001: 89). The actual nature of such brutal
repression may be gleaned from the following testimony of an informant:
47
Cf. McGarry & O’Leary (1993: 23-26) who addresses these strategies as ‘hegemonic control’ tactics for
managing differences rather than eliminating ethnic conflict in multi- or bi-ethnic states.
91
Text 4: Student/BueaUniversity/Anglophone/SCNCpoliticalactivitist
I. Please can you introduce yourself.
R. I am called Ebenezar Derrick Mbongo Akwanga Jr., the imprisoned National Chairman of Southern
Cameroons Youth League, student leader and human rights activist, who has been incarcerated on a 20
years jail term because of the cause of freedom.
I. Mr Ebenezer Mbongo Akwanka is the imprisoned leader of the Buea student union and also the
Chairman of the Southern Cameroon Youth League. His address in the high security prison in Yaounde is:
Quarters 3, cell no. 52, Maximum Security Prison, Kondegui, Yaounde, Cameroon…Any news from jail?
R. I was admitted on Monday. Before I was jailed I was brought here on Tuesday last week. Eh, but on
Wednesday, one of us, because we are 18 in prison, from Oku, Ntaneng…Ndifor, he died, he died last
Wednesday. He was sick for less than 24 hours so eh the corpse the corpse has just left Yaounde now for eh
eh Oku via Bamenda. The our, our guys of the cause are waiting for the corpse down there in eh Bamenda.
I. Is it eh do you have an idea, is there any autopsy from… so that one could…?
R. Well, normally in Kondengui we are treated less than chicken, if you die there is no autopsy because
there is no medical eh eh eh facilities for that my dear brother. The doctor said it was just running stomach
and it it it looks a little bit funny.
I. How is life like for you people in Kondengui?
R. The normal wake-up time that people are supposed to be out is 6 a.m. and our cells actually the cells are
eh it should be 5 metres by 4, and the, the rooms were meant for just 12 prisoners but today, each holds a
population of close to 45 to 50. I mean, if, the prisoners are lined-up on the floor just like how sardine is
being packed. We normally don’t have windows, we have some small outlets of about eh 30cm by 30cm
but normally also, there are no doors, and eh we have about two toilets for a population of about 1000. You
can understand what it means. The jail normally was meant for 800 people but today it carries a population
of close to 4000. You can understand the suffering and difficulties, how human beings are being pushed
together. The toilets are separated from the, from the cells and the toilets have no doors so when you eh eh
are out there trying to clear your bowels, others are there lined-up with little buckets and papers looking at
you.
(Culled from http//:www.ambazonia.indymedia.org/radio 06/10/03)
Such high-handedness explains the long list of assassinations (see appendix 1,
chapter 10) in Anglophones’ record of human rights abuses against their nationalist
leaders since 1963.
Regarding coalition-building, Koninigs & Nyamnjoh (ibid.: 5) quoting Bayart
(1979) state that
Ahidjo’s pursuit of building a hegemonic alliance out of different elite groups at the national and regional
levels [portrayed] a patron-client system [whereby] clients were supposed to owe ultimate and total
allegiance to Ahidjo, and any attempt to build their own power base was construed as betrayal and
sanctioned by removal from office.
Rothchild (1997: 14-15) gives a concurring view, which reveals that
In the Cameroun Republic, former president Ahmadou Ahidjo, despite his heavy-handed and secretive
tendencies, prudently used his ministerial appointments to balance ethnoregional, linguistic, religious, and
economic interests. His successor, Paul Biya, a Catholic from the South Central region, has been even more
committed to the principle of ethnic and religious proportionality, upholding the North-South balance in
high executive appointments and ensuring that a Northern Muslim would eventually succeed him as
president. The effects of these ongoing interelite bargaining practices have often proved to be inequitable to
some ethnic and regional groups; nevertheless, as long as the major actors perceive they are receiving
92
minimal benefits from a mixed-strategy approach, conflicts within this dominant class fraction can be kept
at manageable levels.
To say the least, these architects had virtually pushed centralisation too far that it
became counterproductive (Wunch & Olowu 1990: 6); creating exclusion, intensifying
ethnicity, all of which further pushed the leaders to political impunity due to frustration at
their recurrence and intensification. In this light, the foundation was set when Ahidjo
suddenly dismissed his Federal Vice President and Prime Minister of the English-speaking
West Cameroons, John Ngu Foncha, in 1970 and modified the constitution to allow
Solomon Tandeng Muna to accumulate the two positions. Two years later, on May 6,
1972, Ahidjo announced in the National Assembly that he intends to alter the federal
system and institute a unitary state (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003: 64). Just as Jacques
Benjamin (1972: 1-2) had stated in the same year, Anglophone assimilation and
subjugation was about to be complete, and was bound to be viewed as the “catalogue of
intrigues and cunning manoeuvres deployed by Ahidjo” (Nja’ah 2001: 87).
48
The final
stage of this political humiliation came with the alteration of the country’s appellation as
discussed earlier. The shift in political formula was contrary to, not responsive to any
realistic changes in the political process (Rothchild & Olorunsola 1983: 18) but was
consistent with the desire to accomplish what Ali Mazrui (1983: 25) has termed “The
legacy of Westphalia: Europe’s most enduring legacy to Africa, the nation-state
[especially in] ‘Francophone nations and English-speaking states.’” In fact, these moves
had gone far enough to unleash ethnic antagonism in the country but directly inconsistent
with the nationalist mobilisation (O’Leary & McGarry 1993: 2-3) characteristic of the
48
Nja’ah (2001: 86-87) quotes Jetyem Jotanga, the translator of Benjamin’s book, originally titled Les
Camerounais Occidentaux: La Minorité dans un État Bicommunautaire (1972), who reveals that the earlier
translation of the book was banned by Ahidjo and that the ban explains Anglophones never got to know the
intrigues that were employed to subjugate them, at least, from a neutral source which knew Ahidjo’s
regime so well.
93
nation-building project set in time of reunification in 1961. To say the least, they did no
longer uphold Ahidjo’s pledge of making Africa’s most pluralist state become a “political
pluralism that recognises the existence of diversity in social, institutional and ideological
practices, and values of diversity” (Dunleavy & O’Leary 1987: 13).
The mirror that reflects the manner in which these moves have been
counterproductive is the nature of Anglophone reactions to this state of affairs. Since
1984, with the articulation of the Anglophone problem, many groupings have been
formed, e.g. pressure groups, resistance movements, political parties, radical nationalist
organisations, as well as nationalist creative writing associations and other human rights
groups (see Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003: 76-100). These groupings employ varying
methods to articulate grievances and claims relevant to the Anglophone problem (see
Chumbow & Simo Bobda 1995, Gros 2003 for varying perpectives). Ironically, these
reactions have generated hatred for Anglophones and a feeling of betrayal among
Francophones. Still, Anglophone sociopolitical claims appear to gradually generate violent
confrontations with the military, and making the fear of civil strife become more and more
iminent.
1.4.7. The nature of language legislation
One significant means of finding out the status of a language in its local context is
the nature of language legislation relevant to the language and its use. A major reason for
language legislation is not only the existence of linguistic minorities in almost all nations
but the fact that language differences often define groups within a society (Kibbee 1996:
1) and these differences have to be protected by adequate legislation.
94
In Cameroon there is no language legislation except one phrase in the preamble of
the constitution: stating that “Proud of our cultural and linguistic diversity […]” and
paragraph three of Article one: “The official languages of the state shall be French and
English. Both languages are equal in status. The state shall guarantee the promotion of the
two languages.” In other words, no such language legislation exists in Cameroon as the
Quebec Charter of the French language or Quebec’s Language Laws, the Canadian Law
on the Official languages (Labrie 1996: 352); Act 108 or Language Provisions in South
Africa’s 1996 constitution (Bamgbose 2000: 127). Besides, the simple mention of the
official languages in the Preamble of Cameroon’s constitution does not amount to Law nor
a Bill of rights having the legal backing and enforcement framework to oblige anyone to
implement specific aspects of the bilingual language policy in official domains.
As such, no one finds the obligation to use the two official languages just as
nothing obliges anyone to recognise that English is disparaged, relegated or restricted in
some official domains. An illustrative example of the case in point is the generalised
disregard of official orders given in a notice from the Prime Minister’s office regarding the
use of English and French in public and para-statal services, e.g., Circular No.
001/CAB/PM of August 16, 1991, addressed to “Ministers, Secretaries of State and
persons ranking as such, Provincial Governors” and other members of government. The
tone in the document is indirect testimony to the disregard of its implementation owing to
its lack of legal backing.
[…] achievements notwithstanding, the state institutions which should themselves have set the example of
bilingualism have not been able to fully meet the aspirations of most of our fellow citizens and foreign
partners insofar as the provision of services in our two official languages is concerned. Even where human
resources have been available, state and para-statal services have not always been fully aware of the duties
a state owes to its citizens and partner in a bilingual country like ours.
95
This Circular follows on the heels of another addressed by the same Prime Minister to the
same audience a year earlier in 1990 stating that
Tout traité ou accord conclu entre le Cameroun et des États, personnes ou organismes étrangers doit, à sa
signature ou dès que possible, être rendu en français, et comportant une disposition stipulant que les deux
versions font également foi.
Although the constitutional statements may be considered strong de jure
indications of high status for English, they do not specify in action-oriented terms which
(English and/or French), where (jurisdiction), and how (style of use in documentation),
etc. In other words, there is no follow up action plan amounting to an explicit policy for
implementing the equal prestige of French and English (Chumbow 1980, Tadadjeu 1983,
Kouega 2002). The lack of elaboration in the direction of legal legislation, which
otherwise, could define and safeguard the functions of each language in different official
domains, exarcebates an unfair competition between English and French for functions.
Owing to the factors discussed, English always loses to French from the outset.
Thus, the idea of equality in status loses meaning, leaving the use of English and French in
the situation described by Zé Amvela (1999: 141)
The implementation of this provision [i.e. equality in status] in the day-to-day interactions among
Cameroonians is determined mainly by the interplay of demographic factors, not by the status of either
French or English […] In fact, the reluctance of Francophones to learn English can easily be detected by
Anglophones, who in turn react negatively on the grounds that the status of English as an official language
is being threatened by such attitudes.
Thus, if one goes by the theory of language accommodation and language shift, it follows
that these daily interactions between Anglophones and Francophones tilt the patterns of
language choice toward French as the lack of adequate language legislation provides
fertile ground for the relegation of English. The lack of language legislation does not only
involve the official languages but also accounts for the deliberate disregard of the
indigenous languages and the stigmatisation of other local language resources. Mateene
(1996: 245) observes that
96
The most conservative examples are given by Cameroon and Côte-d’Ivoire, where the thought of giving
African languages some promotion is still considered a taboo by high-level government authorities. This is
a hang-over from the French colonial policy in Africa.
In all, the variables discussed in this section combine to engender the following
attitudes among Anglophones and Francophones, which directly impede the use of English
in official domains.
1.4.8. Attitudes of Anglophones and Francophones toward bilingualism
Many Cameroonians have the feeling that bilingualism, i.e., individual and
societal, as well as the social, cultural and demographic aspects of French and English, is
inevitable. Even though many Francophones despise English and are reluctant to learn it,
they are aware of its importance and inevitability even in Cameroon. However, the
pragmatic situation continues to make English concede to French both in official domains
and in the private sector. The following factors practically determine the choice of English
or its avoidance in official situations.
1.4.8.1. The dominance of Francophones in most positions and the reality that almost
all texts in the central administration originate in French
The demographic imbalance and the accompanying reality of the French-styled
procedures are two most evident forces which make English a second thought. There is an
inadvertent loss of sight of the few Anglophones who usually work with their
Francophone counterparts in French, as it is dominantly the language of work. This
tendency relegates English to a dormant position.
Text 1: S1/Anglophone/Translator/Yaounde
Even texts from the Anglophone Prime Minister’s office originate in French! So where else will they
originate in English if the highest Anglophone official, who ought to prove that the administration is
bilingual, proves instead that the official language is really French? If Anglophones themselves do not use
English in the administration who will? The mere fact that all texts originate in French is already a great
prejudice to bilingualism. It shows either that there are no Anglophones in policy-making positions or that
they are “forced” by the circumstances to publish their texts only in French. Whichever way you look at it,
the result is the same.
97
1.4.8.2. The ‘outsider’ consciousness and moral endeavour to belong despite one’s self
Anglophones persistently feel strange as they go about their day-to-day routines in
official domains, especially when asking for services in an office in a French-speaking or
English-speaking region where the boss or a majority of the personnel is Francophone. A
worse fate is when this happens in an English-speaking region. It is as if one is treading on
foreign territory, trespassing, or better, trying to get involved in someone else’s thing. As
such, it is safer and pays to use French and be considered ‘one of them’ especially if one
speaks it well. This trick is effective when it is used to present a written document in an
office where the boss is French-speaking – a circumstance where only the document
speaks for the owner given that the owner is not physically present. If the document was
written in good French, it would almost always be treated immediately.
Text 1: S2/Anglophone/Translator/Yaounde
Have you noticed that Anglophones try very hard to speak French as a security measure? That is natural for
any subjugated minority, especially for those who must do this in order to appear to their bosses to be
accepted and appear to be co-operating with the assimilation. In a meeting where there are 100 Francophones
and 10 Anglophones, the Anglophone appears strange when he speaks his own language. There is a natural
psychological pressure on him to speak French. Have you realised that generally even in a group made of
more Anglophones than Francophones the language still spoken is French? If you have not, take note from
now!
1.4.8.3. The need for Anglophones to make themselves understood in order to be
served
Closely linked to the strange feeling that one is not an in-group member is the
feeling that Anglophones have to ‘come up to expectation,’ i.e., make themselves
understood in order to be served in an ofice at the same time as their Francophone
counterparts. It happens too frequently that Anglophones are asked to wait to be served
later as there are no documents available in English at the moment the request for the
service is made, or there is no English-speaking staff who understands their request.
98
Again, this causes the inadvertent psychological pressure and pragmatic need for the
Anglophone concerned to speak or write in French rather than in English.
Text 1: S3/Anglophone/Translator/Yaounde
People argue that all they want is to get their problem solved. If they write or speak in English and they are
misunderstood or it takes long because the text must be sent for translation or the person receiving it (with 98
% chances of being a Francophone) shoves it aside because it is in English, they will be the ones to suffer.
Some arrogant Francophones even tell you to speak only in French if they will serve you! So few or no
Anglophones insist on using their own language as a matter of principle. This need to be practical is real and
works naturally against English in Cameroon. There is no day such logic will cease to hold.
1.4.8.4. Effects of the law of linguistic accommodation and the ‘law of economy of
effort’
If every Cameroonian became perfectly bilingual in French and English, the picture
presented would not change. In fact, the problem is not so much the small number of
bilinguals as it is the demographic imbalance between Francophones and Anglophones as
a whole and its impact on the functions of the official languages in work circumstances.
Thus, everyone would speak French if everyone could, and there will be very little need
for another language if everyone understood and were able to work in French.
Text 1: S4/ Anglophone/Translator/Yaounde
Once everybody knows the two languages, one must naturally cease to be used. Check any office and see for
yourself. This is the law of the economy of effort. Nature abhors superfluity. The African language and either
English or French have survived in the same families only because the languages play different roles. To
understand this, check any family where more than one African language is known. You will see that one of
them must lie dormant and eventually will not be used, or used only in rare instances when something secret
needs to be said so that others may not understand. It is impossible to use both English and French as
administrative languages once everybody knows both of them.
1.4.8.5. The ‘Everyone-understands-French’ cliché
The above variables combine to bring about the general supposition, which is taken
for granted that every Cameroonian understands French. Ironically, the cliché articulates
an underlying fact: not everyone understands English. Thus stated, the taken-for-granted
situation pushes functionaries to use French anywhere and to anyone without realising the
impact this attitude has on the functions and status of English.
99
Text 1: S5/Anglophone/Translator/Yaounde
From the Francophone’s side, he does not speak English because the Anglophones, as a linguistic minority,
make a greater effort to work in French. Once everyone understands French, it becomes redundant to speak
in English or use it. The few who now and then try to speak in English so as to improve their English either
for use abroad or even sincerely to communicate with Anglophones form an insignificant number.
Moreover, their efforts hardly get off the ground because of the factors we have enumerated. Always
remember that language is only a tool. With two tools serving the same purpose, one must be redundant.
This overpowering picture of French in Cameroon has greatly affected the status of
English in Cameroon abroad. The visitor to Cameroon expects to speak French in
Cameroon and is only surprised on his or her arrival in the country (that is, if he or she is
curious enough) to find that English is not only used as an official language but also that
part of the country is English-speaking. 49 Apart from such individual ignorance of the
situation of English in Cameroon, research on the New Englishes or English around the
world either deliberately or inadvertently omits Cameroon for lack of personal experience
or owing to the fact that the complexity of its situation eludes existing typologies and
frameworks classifying Englishes in the region and in the world. Hence, the following
renowned and widely quoted typologies of New Englishes or English-using societies do
not even mention Cameroon: Moag’s (1982: 11-50) classification of English-using
societies, Wald’s (1994: 289-305) atlas of the world’s languages (which mentions
explicitly that the sole official language in Cameroon is French (see p. 296)), Kachru’s
(1992) Circle Model of World Englishes, Görlach’s (1990) Circle model of English
(which rather mentions CamP). However, McArthur’s (1998: 97) Circle of World English
49
Ayafor (2002: 110 fn. 1) reports that “On June 5, 2000, Aloysius Ngefac and I (i.e., Ayafor) (two
colleagues completing terminal degrees on “CamE phonology” and the “Status and Functions of CamE”
respectively), took a flight from Yaoundé, Cameroon, to Hanover, Germany, by Air France. A few minutes
after take-off, a female air hostess overheard us conversing in English. She asked if we came from
Zimbabwe; then went on to explain that she had heard us speaking English and thought we were citizens of
Zimbabwe. When we informed her that we were Anglophone Cameroonians, she appologised but added
that for the last ten years that she worked between Paris and Yaoundé, she had never known that English
was spoken in Cameroon (ironically addressing us in impeccable English).” How else could such
inadvertent embarrassment illustrate the situation in the country than occurring to two Anglophones
attempting modest contributions to the study of English in a country where English and those who speak it
experience such disparaging circumstances on a daily basis?
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explicitly classifies CamE among the West, East and South (ern) African Standard (izing)
Englishes. These ‘omissions’ are a direct hangover of the Frenchified image of Cameroon
from within as discussed in the variables above.
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2. Previous studies on bilingualism and English in Cameroon
There has been much eloquence about official bilingualism in Cameroon and
CamE as a national variety. Such eloquence is particularly widespread within the country,
making the topic virtually a household item among the educated elite and the grassroots.
Be it in the Anglophone or Francophone region, it takes only the French expression ‘Bon
appétit’ during a meal involving people from the two regions, for a conversation on
bilingualism to ensue. One reason is obvious: the impact of cross-cultural influences
between English and French that confronts Anglophones and Francophones every time
the two languages come into contact. For instance, the above expression is often
desperately translated and used among Anglophones as “Good appetite” and “Enjoy your
meal” (Simo Bobda 1994c: 104-105), 50 to fill the gap created by the lack of equivalent
empathy expressions in the English language. Such coinages illuminate the commonplace
nature of the experience of bilingualism at the grassroots level as well as their
determination to live with the phenomenon.
But it is a regrettable reality that such eloquence of authorities for the most part
ends in lip service being paid to the bilingual policy and its implementation. In other
words, little has been written in terms of scientific publications compared to the huge oral
discussion of the topic in many forums. Still, of the works published, few are publicly
accessible to the wider academic circles, leaving this important phenomenon a living
mystery to many persons. But it must be indicated that research in the area of
50
See Simo Bobda’s (1994c: 104) reference to the well-known paucity of British English in greetings
although he parenthetically accuses “the legendary phlegm of the British.” Still, he suggests the outright
use of the original French expression “Bon appétit” in order “to make it clear to yourself and your guest
that you are actually borrowing from another language and culture.”
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bilingualism and linguistic communication in Cameroon is a budding enterprise (Simo
Bobda 1999: blurb to Echu & Grundstrom 1999).
In the light of this reality, the list of previous studies given below cannot claim to
be exhaustive; rather, it is a selection only of studies that are central to the concerns of the
present research. Again, only a brief overview of the selected studies has been provided.
As mentioned in the section on the scope of this study, the status of English is examined
and determined within the framework of the implementation of the policy of official
bilingualism in Cameroon. This means that the period from 1960, corresponding to the
debut of the postcolonial nation-state project, is the demarcation point for this research
although reference will be made time and again to periods prior to this date.
It would appear that because bilingualism has, for the most part, been examined as
an issue of “parole” than as one of “langue” (Mackey 1968: 554), language contact and
bilingualism in Cameroon has been neglected or taken for granted within the literature in
the field until very recently. Understandably, this may be explained by the fact that the
first ‘bilinguals,’ who would constitute the population for research on language contact
and bilingualism, only surfaced in the mid and late 1980s even though Cameroon became
a ‘bilingual’ nation as far back as 1961.
Mbassi-Manga’s (1973) Ph.D. thesis, ‘English in Cameroon: A Study of
Historical Contacts, Patterns of Usage and Current Trends,’ is probably the first extensive
diachronic study on English in Cameroon. It traces the origins of the language, its
development, its uses and usage including an emphasis on variation as trends in the
patterns of such usage changed with time. Such changes engendered Mbassi-Manga’s
(1976a) study of the state of contemporary English in Cameroon fifteen years into the
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policy of official bilingualism. For the most part, this study is a synchronic approach to
CamE, which observes the following regarding the Cameroon society:
[…] its present day situation as far as French and English are concerned, could be described as French and
English in a multilingual setting […]. The immediate consequences of this situation are the development of
varying types and degrees of bilingualism and trends towards the development of different functions for
each of the language types (1& 4ff ?).
These remarks followed from the finding that English and French are still
dominant in their respective regional communities; but also that the integration of English
and French in official communication sets an incredible inter-lingual competition which,
in the long-run, may determine the de facto functions of the different languages in the
society. It is a similar remark that Mbassi-Manga (1976b) makes in his study, ‘Langage et
communication au Cameroun,’ a typical study of language contact.
Tchoungui’s (1977) investigation, ‘Bilingualism, Perspectives and Historical
Assessment,’ examined the official language policy as adopted in 1961, the problems
involved in describing the policy as well as its objectives. The study also assessed the
evolution of the practice of the policy in official domains. Tchoungui (ibid.: 5) remarked
that
Never before in nearly twenty years has a single word – bilingualism – been so branded
and brought into disrepute in both national and international meetings in Cameroon. But
which bilingualism are we referring to? Is it a reality or a collective illusion?
Tchoungui (1983) also carried out an empirical study titled ‘Focus on Official
Bilingualism in Cameroon: Its Relationship to Education.’ It measures the result of the
policy of bilingualism and particularly analyses the “relationship between education and
the knowledge of English and French by Cameroon speakers” (p. 94). She found (p. 111)
that the proportion of StE speakers in the Francophone towns was remarkably low, and
the same was true of the proportion of French speakers in the Anglophone towns. In
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relation to the definite target of the bilingual policy: “a bilingual Cameroonian
individual,” her conclusion was that
[…] such qualification of Cameroon as “a bilingual nation” does not seem capable of standing up under a
serious scientific data-documented probe […] twenty years after the historical landmark, bilingualism in
Cameroon - at least the type advocated by official proponents – is still more a wish than a reality (p. 113).
Understandably, this study set out to measure bilingual competence in terms of
the number of speakers of French, English and both languages in city centres around the
country. Having this as the major objective, i.e. ‘parole-related’ concerns, it differs from
my research which goes further from this factor and studies ‘langue-related’ issues such
as the sociolinguistic and political variables impacting on the status of the English
language as well as its speakers. Even the key factor about language status, i.e., language
attitudes, was conspicuously unstudied: “During the survey, a respondent was not asked
to state whether he/she considered him/herself an “anglophone” or a “francophone” (p.
112). The appellations ‘Anglophone’ and ‘Francophone’ having become in Cameroon of
late labels for designating language, culture, membership, provenance, personality, etc.,
these appellations are significant factors to be investigated in any study of official
bilingualism to determine inclusion, exclusion, attitude, and stereotypical judgements
about groups.
Moreover, Tchoungui’s study was part of Koenig et al.’s (1983) comprehensive
sociolinguistic survey of Cameroon urban centres, the first of its kind since the inception
of the bilingual policy in 1961. Profiling major towns in the country in terms of number
of languages, language users, uses, and prospects of language planning, this study marked
a major debut in language contact studies in this complex linguistic setting. Even though
the major strength of this volume is that it “addressed a number of important practical
issues…how has the government’s planning for European bilingualism proceeded within
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a context of societal multilingualism?” (p. 5), it also acknowledged a significant issue
that I hope to address in my investigation namely, that of language attitudes within
government circles and at the grassroots level, “This monograph […] will also in my
estimation serve to arouse the curiosity of scholars by the unanswered questions which
are posed” (Tucker 1983: 5).
The first book to have confronted the subject of bilingualism in Cameroon directly
and arguably comprehensively is Echu & Grundstrom’s (1999) Official Bilingualism and
Linguistic Communication in Cameroon. It is a collection of articles presented in two parts
corresponding to language teaching and language coexistence and contact. Coming sixteen
years after Koenig et al. (1983), corresponding almost to a whole generation, Echu &
Grundstrom have successfully bridged many gaps, and unanswered questions raised in
Koenig et al., including the study of language attitudes of Francophone and Anglophone
learners of English and French, government’s intensified efforts to promote the teaching of
these languages in the primary, secondary, tertiary, and extra-school levels have been
addressed. The bilingual policy has been examined through theories of language
maintenance and shift as well as showing African languages functioning as semi-official
languages. Yet, one hope raised by the study’s title has not been fulfilled as the
fundamental expectation or question relevant to Tchoungui’s (1983, 1977) question,
namely, ‘what are we referring to as bilingualism, official bilingualism, official language
policy,’ has not been effectively addressed.
For a fascinating anthology on this topic to have defined its scope as follows:
Thus, official bilingualism refers here to the promotion (?) of both English and French in education,
business, government, and other institutions. It does not refer to the everyday bilingualism of most
Cameroonians who speak one or more indigenous languages learned at home…and one of the two official
languages usually learned at school (preface),
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appears to be an inadequate consideration of official bilingualism, at least in the light of
widespread grassroots criticism of the implementation of the policy, and well-known elite
acknowledgement of the failure of the policy due to its lack of a broader description and
definition (Simo Bobda & Tiomajou 1995: 74). Another proof is shown in Zé Amvela
(ibid.: 134):
In principle, our definition of bilingualism applies to the use not only of two but of any number of
languages. However, the present discussion is limited to French and English, Cameroon official languages,
to the exclusion of Pidgin English and national languages.
There is a need to redefine the concept locally to incorporate its cultural, political,
historical and educational components and respond to current sociolinguistic and political
circumstances ensuing from the neglect of this inclusive description.
At the last minute of writing this work, I came across Echu’s (2003) article,
‘Coping with Multilingualism: Trends in the Evolution of Language policy in Cameroon.’
Echu reviews the current linguistic situation in Cameroon and the colonial and
postcolonial language policies employed government and privates organizations in the
respective eras to cope with multilingualism. In evaluating current practices in language
policy, he states that it is difficult to say whether or not there is a language policy in place.
While disagreeing with extreme positions such as Tchoungui’s (1982:791): “…although
Cameroon professes to be bilingual, it has no language policy,” Echu admits that “this
overstatement is probably due to the absence of a strong instutional framework as
concerns the implementation of the policy of official language bilingualism and the lack of
clear-cut objectives as regards the promotion of indegenous languages…there exists no
well-defined language policy till date as to its conception and implementation” (Echu,
2003: 38). Regarding the sway between English and French, Echu (ibid. 39) states that
“although English and French are considered to be the equal in status as per the new
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Constitution, French has a de facto dominance over English in the areas of administration,
education and the media…French influence as expressed in language, culture and political
policy prevails in all domains.”
Wolf’s (2001) English in Cameroon is the most comprehensive study so far to
have investigated the sociolinguistic situation of English in Cameroon (Ayafor 2002a:
109). It adopts two methodological strategies: “an analysis along well-delineated and
clearly defined parameters already established in the field” and “an attempt to apply a
different but compatible methodological tool (the “cultural model approach,”) to the field
of linguistics” (Wolf 2001: 2-3) Besides, it situates the study within language variation
and thus considers the concept of language situation (Hansen et al. 1996, Hansen 1987)
crucial for the understanding of the situation of English in the country. Even though it
provides a detailed historical account of the linguistic situation treated (pp. 45-144),
issues accounting for the de facto status of English in the country are given only a general
overview. The de jure status of English is too briefly studied in some official domains
(pp. 169-179). Besides, the actual study of the de facto status of English (the main focus
of my research) is provided in 8 pages only (pp. 179-186) and much less put in context,
i.e., the context of the official bilingual policy. Moreover, bilingualism is considered to
be “[…] a competence in both English and French” (p. 176), thus excluding the nonlinguistic factors necessary for broadening the definition of official bilingualism in the
local context, which in turn, would define a better policy for promoting the status of
English and French within the bilingual policy.
To the above studies may be added unpublished graduate dissertations and
doctoral theses, papers, speeches by local politicians and individuals. In this category, I
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mention a few relevant ones from the innumerable list. Tadadjeu (1998), Ngong (1993),
and (I underline) Tiomajou’s (1991) doctoral thesis, ‘Bilingualism in the Mass Media: A
Sociolinguistic Analysis of Cameroon Radio Television (CRTV).’ Other journal articles
and conference papers include Penn Tamba (1990, 1987); Soh (1985, 1978); TenjoOkwen (1987), Ngangnang (1981); Yembe (1979); Ministry of National Education
(1975); Mbassi-Manga (1975); Asongwed (1974); Tambi (1973); Ayafor (2003, 2002a &
b, 2001a & b) Simo Bobda (2001); Tchoungui (2000); Kouega (1999b); Wolf (1999a &
b); Echu (1996b); Simo Bobda & Tiomajou (1995); Chumbow & Simo Bobda (1995); Zé
Amvela (1995, 1989, 1986, 1985); Todd (1982a & b); Chumbow (1980); Fonlon (1964).
The present study is similar to many of the above works in its treatment of the
general concepts associated with bilingualism, language policy, and may be considered a
modest complementary contribution to the ongoing debate on the continuing spread of
English, language maintenance and shift, and CamE as a national variety, which the
majority of the works cited above have already made major strides to investigate. My
research has one thing in common with Koenig et al.’s (1983) survey, i.e., an empirical
qualitative approach to the investigation of bilingualism and language use among the
grassroots. However, they differ in research objectives, methodological craft, research
questions, sampling, and types of data. Thus, they can be complementary to each other.
Tioumajou’s (1991) survey of the mass media is limited to an analysis of the CRTV even
though some of his findings concur with mine as far as the status of English in that
domain is concerned.
The bulk of papers, speeches, articles, monographs, and books listed above,
including Echu & Grundstrom’s (1999) fascinating anthology and Wolf’s (2001) rich
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study, is neither empirical nor qualitative research in the manner that the present study is.
These studies make valuable contributions to the linguistic description of CamE and even
to the general sociolinguistic situation of the country, but with regard to language
attitudes, the central concern of the present study, they usually rely on unsystematic
observations rather than an analysis of grassroots views using quantitative and qualitative
data or evidence depicting the language situation in Cameroon. Thus, idiosyncrasies are
common and, many a time, engender contradictions, vague or over-generalised
statements, or simply controversial views in the ongoing debate on Cameroon’s complex
linguistic universe. A dramatic instance is the polarity in the following assessments of
bilingual education in the educational domain:
[…] bilingual education in Cameroon, so far, has been a failure. In fact […] it is an exaggeration to talk of
bilingual education in the country given that what we call bilingual schools are merely two, distinctive,
monolingual (one French-speaking and the other English-speaking) educational institutions, which have
nothing in common apart from the fact that they are located on the same premises (Simo Bobda &
Tiomajou 1995: 74).
Conversely, Wolf (2001:170) believes that “without doubt, “the biggest single institution
promoting the official languages is the educational system”(Robinson 1993: 59). This is
true of Cameroon as for any other.” 51
It is the intention in this investigation to make a modest contribution to the
presentation of up-to-date accurate information on Cameroon. Firstly, the present study is
unique for its method or way of achieving this contribution. It employs an empirical
qualitative approach to the study of the status of English within the framework of the
implementation of official bilingualism. It provides a methodological alternative to the
investigation of the subject. Particularly, the application of methods available in the
social sciences allows for the adoption of the phenomenological tradition of inquiry,
51
See also Chumbow (1980: 288), and Wolf (2001:169) for one more of such instances to name but a few.
110
which in turn has received a methodological boost through a triangulation of qualitative
methods to generate the data that makes this investigation stand out.
Phenomenology
and
methodological
triangulation
have
permitted
this
investigation to turn from the usual biased suppositions of authors to a description of the
original lived experiences of actors as the actors experienced the phenomenon in their
society (Schwandt 1997). The result is an alternative opportunity offered the reader to
both ‘listen’ to actors who have experienced bilingualism and the disparagement of the
status of English in Cameroon, and ‘see’ or appreciate the predicament of English as it is
used within its context by studying the visual images that have been provided in this
research.
For instance, instead of leaving the reader to ‘listen’ to an abstract description by
an author such as Zé Amvela (1999: 141), “Most Francophones do not normally feel the
need for a second official language in order to function efficiently as Cameroonians
within their national boundaries,” I choose to complement him qualitatively by providing
the reader with survey figures representing such a population (and thus remove the vague
assessment conveyed by the quantifier, “most”). I also provide direct personal views
elicited from the actors explaining how they experience the phenomenon, what it means
to them, why they adopt a particular attitude pattern, how they translate this attitude into
concrete language behaviour which directly affects their perception of English and
French. Again, consider Echu’s (1999: 196) evaluation as follows:
Fort heureusement, pour le bilinguisme, certaines pièces officielles destinées au grand public sont à
caractère bilingue : carte d’identité nationale, carte professionnelle, passeport, acte de naissance, acte
de mariage, certificat de vie, bon d’engagement, bon de commande, etc.
or Wolf’s (2001: 173) view :
At the highest level of government there is the Division of Linguistic Services at the Presidency of
the Republic. This division is responsible for translations and issues official publications in both
111
English and French […] Other legal documents like passports, birth certificates, embarkation cards,
etc. also have French and English entries. The French notations, however, come first and are
graphically highlighted.
Instead of turning to approximate authorial assessments and suppositions of this
nature, some proposing contradictory or mutually incompatible assessments, my research
gives priority to the actors who describe what they have experienced, what significance it
has for the language they speak and their status as speakers of the language, and how that
determines their attitude towards bilingualism in general. Besides, copies of the
documents described by the authors above are provided for the reader’s evaluation and
conclusive understanding without necessarily resorting to the author’s assessment.
Secondly, the present study hopes to make a contribution to English as a World
Language (EWL) studies. Investigating factors relevant to the global spread of English
allows for the assessment of the role of ‘linguistic imperialism’ in the local context.
Again, an evaluation of grassroots need and use of English in Cameroon allows this study
to determine how a competence in English or the lack of it contributes or impedes
development. The themes of language and nation, and, language and development thus
find a basic discussion in this study. Further, this work helps to determine the position of
English with regard to the indigenous languages, pidgin, etc.
Thirdly, the present study contributes to general sociolinguistics and language
attitudes studies in Sub-Saharan Africa in particular and in the developing world in
general as opposed to Europe and the US. It is particularly an enhancement to the
understanding of multilingualism and literacy in the region, but most importantly, the
nature of language planning and language policy. In this regard, the limitation of the
study of the status of English within the frame of the implementation of the policy of
official bilingualism allows this study to re-examine the policy against sociolinguistic
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principles of language planning and language maintenance. In all, it is my hope that my
investigation will take
the discussion on the postcolonial status of English beyond the stereotypical positions (for or against the
vernacular) adopted thus far. I want to reflect on the diverse interests and motivations of individuals [in
the light of linguistic conflict and language competition resulting from
linguicism] while investigating the strategies they employ, with varying levels of success, in order to
negotiate their linguistic conflicts in community […] (Canagarajah 1999: 3).
113
3. Theoretical considerations, methods and data
3.1. Methodology
3.1.1 Methodological conception
It was intended in this study that the generation and analysis of data as well as the
narrative report conform as much as possible to established research conventions in the
social sciences for the obvious reason that the working assumptions in the research – and
thus the data supporting them – are social in nature and based on some linguistic and
social indicators,
52
i.e., “all data which enlighten us in some way about structures and
processes, goals and achievements, values and opinions” (Zapf 1977: 236). Zapf refers
here strictly to typical socially-based indicators such as more footprints in one part of a
library suggesting that some shelves are more frequently visited or books on these
shelves are more popular than others, etc. But my reference to social indicators means
naturalistic data, which I view not only, or primarily, as linguistic (as is the data in the
works cited in the section on previous studies that my study complements) but as social,
with possible structural linguistic implications. These indicators are collected
systematically through some societal monitoring and social reporting 53 (Noll and Zapf
1994: 1).
In other words, the main working hypothesis of the present study is that language
policy or planning – and thus official bilingualism – is more of a political than a linguistic
phenomenon. As such, political will regarding the development of a language policy and
52
Cf. Betrand’s (1986/87) views in Les Indicateurs Sociaux regarding the adoption, and re-examination of
the ideas, concepts, and early approaches of social indicators research.
53
In a similar reasoning, social monitoring and social reporting as used in this study refers to the
phenomenological approach of studying social interaction from the actors’ perspective and reporting or
interpreting it as they see it rather than as the researcher sees it (Schwandt 1997; Moustakas 1994, Denzin
1992).
114
language planning is largely dependent on, and dictated by political attitude towards
languages, the sociopolitical status of their speakers, and the current entire sociolinguistic
situation in the country. Consequently, the functions and status of English, one of the two
official languages, within official domains where bilingualism is implemented, largely
depend on the political attitude towards politically relevant variables such as
demographic, territorial, cultural, linguistic, and historical imbalances made possible by
the Francophone-Anglophone dichotomy. Hence the disparagement of English in official
domains is determined by sociopolitical rather than purely linguistic factors.
Considering that these are
language-external rather than language-internal factors…[and that] the nature of the research question is
rather social than purely linguistic, empirical qualitative research methods developed for and in the social
54
sciences appear to provide the most appropriate analytic tools” (Schröder 2003: 25).
However, the desire to conform to standard principles of empirical qualitative research
does not make one lose sight of the fact that researching a problem in difficult
circumstances provided by a contemporary African field setting, “it is very difficult to
reach the high standards set by recent sociolinguistic research in Britain or the USA”
(Schmied 1991: 163).
For the present study, the difficulty is two-fold: conceptual and methodological.
Conceptually, the psychosocial nature of my working assumptions and variables being
investigated dictates the construction of a research design involving theories from several
empirical qualitative research traditions. Methodologically,
it is often impossible to gain data that conforms to the strict rules of empirical social science research
[especially in terms of] representativeness and generalizability […] the majority of the population is not
used to standardised questionnaires or interview techniques […]. Research and survey techniques more
54
This view is relevant to my intention to bring the generation and analysis of data as well as the narrative
report of this study to conform to established research conventions in the social sciences. Thus, the nature
of the research questions ‘dictates’ the methods of investigation. This reflects what Tashakkori & Teddlie
(1998: 20-21) have called “the dictatorship of the research question (not the paradigm or method).”
115
adapted and appropriate to African situations are still being developed 55 (ibid.: 28-29) […]. A consequence
of this conceptual difficulty is the surprising lack of congruence between language attitudes and overt
behaviour, i. e., language choice and usage (ibid.: 163).
In other words, although literature in sociolinguistics is replete with titles on language
attitudes, there is no agreement so far on the exact nature of the role and manner that
attitudes determine.
Furthermore, researchers often confront less than satisfactory material conditions
in carrying out empirical qualitative studies in settings and these conditions serve to
marginalize them from global scholarly networks leading to their lagging behind in the
pursuit of the evolution of the empirical qualitative research debates and research
conventions. Consequently, there is persistent pressure on them to adapt prematurely to
the advanced and often technological world of research outside Africa when they carry
out research within the empirical tradition.
However, bearing in mind the difficulties 56 which research of this nature 57 may
experience (as stated above), I have applied a methodological approach, which involves
simple strategies and flexible research tools, yet follows the conventions of the traditions
of inquiry chosen for the study. The implication is that the study adopts a mixed
methodological approach within the same constructivist paradigm58 that underlies
55
Conceptually, this study involves the study of language attitudes, yet it is carried out with the awareness
that this conceptual gap currently exists in the research in the field. However, this gap does not impose any
methodological weaknesses on this study as the methods used hopefully reduce the possibility of such gaps.
56
Cf. Schröder (2003: 25) who has cited, e. g., Robinson (1996), Schmied (1991), Adegbija (1994), MyersScotton (1978: Appendix B), Wolf (2001), who have explained from varying perspectives, the nature and
implications of such difficulties, particularly the weaknesses and problems of empirical research in Africa.
57
The difficulties experienced with this study also reflect the reality that “The divergence between the need
for methodological simplicity and the obvious complexity of the phenomenon to be observed makes the
study of language attitudes a difficult undertaking” (Schmied 1991: 163-164).
58
Cf. Jick (1979), Patton (1990), for a discussion of ‘within methods triangulation’ such as multiple
quantitative or multiple qualitative approaches, and ‘across methods triangulation’ such as involving both
quantitative and qualitative approaches.
116
qualitative methods. In other words, it entails a triangulation 59 within empirical
qualitative methods. 60 However, among the four basic types of triangulation discussed by
Denzin (1978), only three have been employed in this inquiry: data, theory, and
methodological triangulation.
3.1. 2. Theoretical framework
When undertaking a qualitative study, one usually has a baffling number of
choices of research traditions which one might use as reference points for orientation
(Creswell 1998: 4). One reason that makes an integration of several traditions both
necessary and possible in this investigation is the fact that there is congruence at the level
of the philosophical perspectives among the different traditions of inquiry integrated –
“issues that admittedly are inextricably linked to procedures” [or methods adopted in the
research] (Creswell 1998: 9).
But considering that “one designed a study depending on the type of qualitative
research” (ibid.: 2), the research design of the present study, i.e., the whole process of
research from the conceptualisation of the problem to writing the narrative (and not just
the methods and issues such as data collection, analysis, and report writing (Bogdan &
Taylor 1975)), 61 is primarily based on the theory of phenomenology. In other words, this
study is designed following the tradition of phenomenology but particularly the symbolic
interactionism 62 variant.
59
Cf. Brewer and Hunter (1989) who are also in favour of triangulation but prefer triangulation of distinct
methods to one of competing methods.
60
I am aware of, but not interested here, in the ‘war’ between the positivist and constructivist paradigms,
and their qualitative versus quantitative approaches. See Tashakkori & Teddlie (1998: 3-13) for an
elaborate discussion of this debate.
61
Cf. Yin’s (1989:28) comment, “The design is the logical sequence that connects the empirical data to a
study’s initial research questions and, ultimately, to its conclusions.”
62
Cf. Denzin’s (1992) redefinition of this social theory as “The politics of interpretation,” and his extension
of its scope into cultural studies.
117
“[…] a phenomenological study describes the meaning of the lived experiences
for several individuals about a concept or phenomenon” (Creswell 1998: 51). This theory
“views human behaviour, what people say and do as a product of how people define their
world” (Taylor & Bogdan 1998: 10). Situating these views in the context of this research,
they may be illustrated by the experiences as well as the reactions of Anglophones and
Francophones regarding political attitude to language planning in particular, and the
general sociolinguistic situation in Cameroon. Such reactions both within government
circles and among the citizenry are typical of consequences of political attitude to
language management. They are motivations for the systematic unequal usage of the
official languages in official domains. The views reflect the people’s meanings and
perceptions of what their languages signifie. In order words, this study describes the
experiences of Cameroonians with official bilingualism and also with the effects of its
unequal implementation for the English-speaking community.
The methodological implication is that “the task of the phenomenologist, and of
qualitative methodologists…is to capture how people construct their realities (Berger &
Luckmann 1967 cit. in Taylor & Bogdan 1998:11)…the phenomenologist attempts to see
things from other people’s point of view” (Taylor & Bogdan 1998: 11). A bedrock
principle of the theory insists on
careful description of the ordinary conscious experience of everyday life (the life-world), a
description of ‘things’ (the essential structures of consciousness) as one experiences them. These
things we experience include perception (hearing, seeing and so on), believing, remembering,
deciding, feeling, judging, evaluating, all experiences of bodily action, and so forth (Schwandt 1997:
14).
Besides, I agree with Schwandt (ibid.) that “phenomenological descriptions of
such things are possible only by turning from things to their meanings, from what is to
the nature of what is.” Putting this view in perspective, it means turning from the lack of
118
language planning, the lack of implementation of bilingualism in official domains, the
contempt of Anglophones for their numeric inferiority, etc., to the significance created by
all these issues. There is a difference in the way things are portrayed (variables) and such
differences create a further difference (specific experiences) whose meanings are the
concern of the study.
From this theoretical foundation emerges the perspective called phenomenological
sociology whose constructs give empirical qualitative studies in phenomenology their
procedural ground. These constructs are centred on the argument that studies in this
tradition should be concerned with “how we come to interpret others and their actions;
with the complex ways in which we come to understand those with whom we interact;
and the ways in which we interpret our own actions and those of others within a social
context” (Bernstein 1976: 141). In other words, this perspective has the objective to
“describe the structures of experience or real-world 63 …how is it that the life-world is
actually produced and experienced by individuals?” (Schwandt 1997: 113).
Although these general principles help the understanding of the foregoing
assumptions, this inquiry leans specifically on only the symbolic interactionism
perspective in phenomenology because this variant is more relevant to the procedures
adopted in the fieldwork component of this research. It places primary importance on the
social meanings people attach to the world around them (Taylor & Bogdan 1998:11). In
other words, objects in the world, including language usage, do not mean anything
themselves unless human beings ascribe particular meanings to them. “…the social world
of human beings is not made up of objects that have intrinsic meaning. The meaning of
63
Cf. Berger & Luckmann (1967); see also Berger & Kellner (1981) for an elaborate discussion of the
nature and relationship of human experience to the creation of perceptions of their world.
119
objects lies in the actions that human beings take toward them” (Denzin 1978: 7). Of
closer relevance to the phenomenon under investigation is Blumer’s (1969: 4-5) 64 outline
of three fundamental premises for symbolic interactionism.
The first is that people act towards things, including other people, on the basis of
the meanings these things have for them. Thus people do not simply respond to stimuli or
act out cultural scripts. It is the meaning that determines action…Second, meanings are
not inherent in objects, but are social products that arise during interaction. 65 Third,
social actors attach meanings to situations, others, things, and themselves through a
process of interpretation (Taylor & Bogdan 1998:11).
The relevance of these three premises for the explanation of the nature of
language attitudes and the usage of English and French within official domains, and the
disparagement of English needs to be emphasised for their statement of three significant
factors: 1) meaning value of objects to actors, 2) meaning emanates from interaction such
that the language of interaction becomes symbol of the meaning derived, 3) these
meanings are established in the language used and are open to further interpretation.
In this line of reasoning, I agree with Schwandt (1997: 148-149) in his view of the
relationship between human actions, their meanings, and world perceptions, which is
worth citing in its entirety despite its length:
Humans act towards the objects and people in their environment on the basis of the
meanings these objects and people have for them. These meanings derive from the social
interaction (communication is symbolic because we communicate through language and other
symbols and in communicating create significant symbols. Meanings are established and modified
through an interpretative process undertaken by the individual actor…The meanings an actor
forms in interpreting the world are instruments for guiding and forming action…to understand the
64
Cf. also Denzin (1992); Plummer (1991); Joas (1987).
Cf. Blumer (1969: 4 & 5) “the meaning of a thing for a person grows out of the ways in which other
persons act towards the person with regard to the thing.” Thus people learn how to see the world from other
people owing to the fact that as social actors we develop shared meanings of subjects and peoples in our
lives (Taylor & Bogdan 1998: 11).
65
120
process of meaning making, the inquiry must attend carefully to the overt behaviours, speech, and
particular circumstances of behaviour settings in which interaction takes place. The inquirer can
understand human action only by first actively entering the setting or situation of the people being
studied to see their particular definition of the situation, what they take into account, and how they
interpret this information.
Therefore the theoretical perspective of symbolic interactionism in the research
tradition of phenomenology is particularly suitable for the present study because
interactionists regard human interaction as their basic source of data (Denzin 1978: 7;
1989, 1992).
To disambiguate the various elements that make up the joint actions of interacting
individuals, Denzin (ibid.) elaborates on six features of focused interaction have been
assembled that I summarise below.
First, focused interaction involves two or more individuals taking one another’s
point of view. Second, interaction occurs in social settings that can be physically located
and described. Third, social objects fill settings and will be acted on by the individuals
under study. Fourth, when taking one another’s perspective individuals utilise a set of
rules that tacitly guide and shape their ongoing interactions. Fifth, all interactions involve
persons differentially related to one another. Sixth, every focused exchange between
these individuals is termed an encounter (Denzin 1978: 7-8).
The method, usually considered central to the interactionists view of research
activity is naturalistic behaviourism. 66 It is based on the definition of such inquiry as “the
investigation of phenomena within and in relation to their naturally occurring contexts”
(Schwandt 1997: 101). The commitment of the researcher is to study “human action in
some setting that is not contrived, manipulated, or artificially fashioned by the inquiry;
hence, the setting is said to be ‘natural’ or ‘naturally occurring’” (ibid.). Therefore
66
Cf. Mead (1934) for foundation principles; Bernstein (1976); Little (1991) for modern and critical
perspectives of this theory.
121
naturalistic behaviourism attempts to blend the “symbolic conversations persons have
with themselves with their observable behaviours and utterances” (Denzin 1971) by
developing “theories about interaction that rest on the behaviours, language, definitions,
and attitudes of those studied…verbal utterance, non-verbal gesture, mode and style of
dress, and manner of speech all provide clues to the symbolic meanings that become
translated into interaction and emerge from it” (Denzin 1978: 9).
Finally, participant observation, a methodological perspective rather than a
tradition of inquiry, also makes a contribution to the theoretical background that helps in
shaping the theoretical framework of the design of this investigation. As a procedure for
generating understanding of the ways of life of others (ibid.: 110), I agree totally with
Schwandt (ibid.) that
It demands that the researcher engage in some relatively prolonged period of participation in a
community, group, and so on; take some part in the daily activities of the people among whom he or
she is studying; and reconstruct their activities through the process of inscription, transcription, and
description in field notes made on the spot or soon thereafter.
However, considering my natural and long personal contact 67 with the
community, people, and the subject under investigation, I have tried as much as possible
to maintain an unobtrusive disengaged attitude of observation towards the subject. In
other words, I have adopted a passive researcher’s view during participant observation
and have not allowed my pre-knowledge or subjective ‘insider preconceptions’ to
determine my understanding of the subject. Thus, I have allowed the methods described
in this study “to bracket bias or prejudice and keep the object of understanding at arms
67
I do not claim that this kind of personal experience automatically amounts to knowledge arrived at
through scientific procedures, i.e., in terms of the “scientific, social, and philosophical conditions [which]
conspire to create frames of reference that shift the definitions of what is acceptable in the study of
experience” (Clandinin & Connelly 1994: 413). Rather, my contact may be seen at this stage only as the
essential link understood within the frame of the assumption that “Experience is, therefore, the starting
point and key term for all social science inquiry” (ibid.).
122
length, where it can be observed safely with disinterest and lack of involvement”
(Schwandt 1997: 92). By so doing, my ‘first-hand’ experience, the product of my
prolonged participation in the community as a natural member, only serves as
complementary input to methods employed, and the data collected through these
methods. 68
The foregoing section has outlined the theoretical framework of the research
design showing that phenomenology is the tradition of inquiry adopted for this research.
Mindful of variance in the theoretical perspectives of every tradition, this study takes the
orientation of symbolic interactionsim.
However, owing to the fact that qualitative research is not described by a
preoccupation with specific method as there is no method or set of methods which if
adopted define a particular inquiry as qualitative, the present study has reviewed related
theoretical contributions from other social science research traditions. The bottom line
theoretical statement which comes from these traditions to act as a facilitator in this study
is that there must be a careful description of the everyday life experiences of humans
(their actions) by turning from the nature of their actions to the meanings of such actions.
It should be done through “a psychological re-enactment or imaginative reconstruction of
the experience of human actors to understand human social life” (ibid.: 171). The place of
interpretation is therefore central to this task.
68
An important methodological principle of naturalistic behaviourism, the methodology recommended
within symbolic interactionism, suggests that “because symbols, meanings, and definitions are forged into
self-definitions and attitudes, the reflective nature of selfhood must be captured. Investigators must,
therefore, view human conduct from the point of view of those they are studying – take the role of the
acting other in concrete situations…to escape the fallacy of objectivism: the substitution of their own
perspectives for that of the people under study” (Denzin 1978: 10).
123
3.1. 3. Methodological principles
Owing to the fact that this research identifies with symbolic interactionism,
certain methodological principles dictated by naturalistic behaviourism have to be
considered. In fact, these principles govern the use of the particular methods or tools
employed in this inquiry.
First, symbols and interaction must be together before an investigation is complete
(Denzin 1978: 9). By ‘symbol’ here is meant the causal factors (objects, actions,
language, etc.) which push persons to adopt a particular attitude and, in turn, a specific
pattern of observable behaviour. As indicated earlier, this research seeks to tie symbols
(including the state of the mind) with observable behaviour regarding language usage
within official domains. Still, this research additionally moves from the observable
actions to their meanings, which constitute experience for their actors. Thus, focusing
only on symbols, according to this principle, does not show the emergent connections
that these symbols have with the overt observable behaviour (ibid.). In this study, this has
been balanced by studying and providing mind symbols through an attitude
questionnaire, the results of which are juxtaposed with photography and document
analysis to illustrate observable behaviour in language usage. The interpretations of this
observable behaviour in the write-up provide the meanings of the lived experiences of the
actors – the main concern of this study.
A second principle “suggests that because mind symbols, meanings and
definitions are forged into self-definitions and attitudes, the reflective nature of the selfhood [of actors] must be captured” (ibid.: 10). Here, the researcher must show how the
changing views of the self and personality of actors are recaptured by the observable
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behaviour. In this research, respondents were observed and studied from their point of
view without imposing the researcher’s own preconceptions on the self view of those
studied – “the fallacy of objectivism: the substitution of researchers’ own perspective for
that of the people under study” (ibid.). Thus, I have tried to interpret the link between the
actors’ self esteem and the behaviour that ensues based on the actors’ conduct rather than
on my conception of their conduct.
Third, studying subjects from their own perspective has helped to achieve the
principle which requires the researcher to simultaneously link human symbols and
conceptions of self and the social circles and relationships that furnish those symbols and
conceptions (ibid.: 12). Thus, it has been observed that the actors, whose overt actions
disparage the status of English largely inadvertently, accord higher prestige to French
because they perceive and portray themselves as a politically advantaged and numeric
majority hence, they assume a condescending attitude towards English and persons who
speak it. This self-view, in turn, pushes them to further marginalize Anglophones within
the broader socio-political structure. For most of the time, those who speak English or
originate from the Anglophone region occupy only subordinate positions in civil
administration, government, and in state or parastatal companies. This fact reinforces the
feeling of relegation among Anglophones, further strains the relation between
Francophones and Anglophones, and hence, prepares more fertile ground for negative
conceptions of self. A case in point is illustrated by images 45-47 in section 6 below,
which show a social setting such as one of regular festivals organised by the staff of a
parastatal company to celebrate a national holiday. The scene in such occasions
significantly reveals that the relationship between French- and English-speaking staff
125
compares to that between a numerator (with greater value) and the denominator (with
lower value) in an improper fraction 69 respectively. As long as such cultural contact
continues to portray such unbalanced view of self, it provides ample occasion for the
typical language usage dictated by the negative view of self, other, and the immediate
scene of interaction. The linkage or overlapping of these variables as interpreted in this
investigation illustrates that the impact of the social structure on groups and individuals
has been studied to the essential level necessary to make a useful interpretation of the
data collected.
Fourth, “any society provides its members with a variety of behaviour settings
within which interaction can occur” (ibid.). This means that research tools must “consider
the ‘situated aspects’ of human conduct” (ibid.). In other words, some human conduct
may only manifest in a particular scenario and once the situation changes the conduct
may be affected. Thus, a particular human behaviour may only be revealed in an
atmosphere conducive to its manifestation. The inquirer must note and describe the
different contexts of interaction or action because situations vary widely with reference to
the rules conditioning behaviour within them. 70 The variation of informants in terms of
social class, educational level, and geographical provenance in the present study
illustrates the achievement of this principle especially as these factors determine status
among the community studied. Also, open interviews carried out have tried to fulfil the
principle as the activity was often arranged at a place of the respondent’s most suitable
choice (- the constraints for the researcher included).
69
Cf. Simo Bobda (1995) who compares the relationship to that between a master and his servant. Still,
Ngome’s (1992) What God has Put Asunder is a better way of characterising a forced marriage between
these two groups.
70
See Becker (1963); Rose (1962) for foundation studies which have used this principle in the best way
possible so far.
126
A fifth principle assumes that the forms and processes of interaction must be
reflected in the methodologies: “research methods must be capable of reflecting both
stable and processual behavioural forms” (ibid.: 13). Thus, the stages through which an
actor goes to manifest the behaviour under study must be analysed to show their causal
relationship and effect.
Sixth, “the very fact of engaging in social research must be seen as a process of
symbolic interaction, that being a scientist reflects a continual attempt to lift one’s own
idiosyncratic experiences to the level of consensual and shared meaning” (ibid.:14). This
somewhat more abstract principle states the context and the instance in which the role of
method makes an impact on the entire conduct of the research. In other words, primary
emphasis must be given to the type of tradition of inquiry chosen for the investigation.
Hence, “if participant observation is chosen as a method, smaller samples will be
selected, documents will be collected, informants will be selected…” (ibid.). However, if
each method orientates the inquiry to specific features of the subject under study and also
towards different conclusions, it follows that no method can ever capture all the facts of
the phenomenon under study. This fact gives ground for the adoption of multiple methods
in the analysis of the same empirical activities (ibid.: 15). Also, this is the context in
which triangulation earns its role. It is only normal therefore to expect the use of this
strategy in this research.
Seventh, “from the interactionist perspective the proper use of concepts is at first
sensitising and only later operational; further, the proper theory becomes formal; and last,
the proper causal proposition becomes universal” (ibid.: 16). This means that the
researcher develops concepts about the phenomenon under investigation but leaves them
127
as guiding definitions only until he enters the field and learns the processes representing
the phenomenon and the meanings attached to it by the persons observed. The foregoing
principles, it is hoped, guide and govern the conduct of this study and help it arrive at its
conclusions.
3.2. Methods
The sense behind the concept of ‘qualitative methodology’ captures in the
broadest meaning possible a reference to inquiry which produces people’s own written or
spoken words and observable behaviour (Taylor & Bogdan 1998: 7; Silverman 2001:
193-194). Besides, as Ray Rist (1994) includes, qualitative as much as quantitative
methodology is more than just a set of data-gathering techniques; it is a way of
approaching the empirical world. Most importantly, in qualitative inquiries, the people
whom the community ignores, e.g. the poor, and deviant, often receive an opportunity to
express their views on the subject being studied.
The foregoing considerations suggest that the methods used to investigate the
empirical world have to be appropriate, and qualitative research methods appear to be
most responsive to this task “as they are especially apt to respond to the call for
informants’ participation in the research process” (Schröder 2003: 27). This is especially
significant because “qualitative research, as a set of interpretive practices, privileges no
single methodology over any other…nor does qualitative research have a distinct set of
methods that are entirely its own” (Denzin & Lincoln 1994: 3). This fact leads to the
view that qualitative methods are flexible71 thereby allowing for the use of “mixed
71
Such flexibility allows for triangulation within the symbolic interactionism perspective in the tradition of
phenomenology (Moustakas 1994; Denzin 1978, 1992).
128
methods, which combine the qualitative and quantitative approaches to the research
methods of a study” (Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998: 1).
Moreover, qualitative research methods actually constitute the bedrock strategies
for realising the primary objective of phenomenology, i.e., “The understanding of
meaningful concrete relations implicit in the original description of experience in the
context of a particular situation” (Moustakas 1994: 14). As such, these methods are
especially apt for the present study because they are “flexible and sensitive to the social
context in which data are produced” (Mason 1996: 4) and also “…can be used to obtain
the intricate details about phenomena such as feelings, about thought processes, and
emotions that are difficult to extract or learn about through more conventional research
methods” (Strauss & Corbin 1990: 19; 1998: 11). It therefore appears normal and evident
that since
[…] the nature of the research problem [and] some areas of study, for instance, research that attempts to
uncover the nature of person’s experiences with a phenomenon […] qualitative methods can be used to
uncover and understand what lies behind any phenomenon about which little is yet known […or] to gain
novel and fresh slants on things about which quite a bit is already known” (Strauss & Corbin 1990: 19).
From the many qualitative methods discussed in the literature (e.g. Denzin 1989,
1992; Denzin & Lincoln 1994: 353-478; Giddens 1976; Miles & Huberman 1994;
Moustakas 1994: 103-154; Taylor & Bogdan 1998; Švejcer 1986: 148-156; Briggs 1986),
I have made use of participant observation 72 i.e., direct and unobtrusive participant
72
This term is used by many researchers in a broad sense and thus casting confusion on the semantic
variance inherent in its usage. It is important to note that “although it is often discussed as a method, this
activity is best understood as a methodology or discursive practice…” (Schwandt 1997: 110). I will not go
into the fairly clear but overlapping difference between methodology and method (Cf. Schwandt 1997;
Denzin 1978, 1989, Patton 1990). However, participant observation is mostly used as a methodology for
ethnographic fieldwork “as a procedure for generating understanding of the ways of life of others [and]
includes activities of direct observation, interviewing, document analysis, reflection, analysis, and
interpretation…” (Schwandt 1997: 111). Cf. also Stocking (1983) whose views are related to Schwandts
judgement that when used as a method it insists “that the participant observer adopt the stance of a
marginal native or professional stranger…cultivating empathy but never sympathy…[thus] creating an
objective account of what is being studied” (ibid.).
129
observation. 73 Other methods used to generate data included interviews, document
analysis, structured questionnaires, and photography. Photography stands out unique in
this triangulation to allow a visual support to the data collected through the other
methods.
On the other hand, the following tools were used to analyse and present the data in
this study: displays, taxonomies, analytical induction, content analysis, and concurrent
analysis or descriptive statistics of the same qualitative data. (Tashakkori & Teddlie
1998: 128-129)
3.2.1 Qualitative interviews
In empirical qualitative studies, interviewing 74 is given a frontline role. 75 “The
interview is more frequently used as a method of data collection in qualitative research
than in quantitative research…[It is] a powerful method of data collection” (ibid.: 101102). 76 In a typical phenomenological inquiry the long interview is the recommended
73
The use of these two varieties as fieldwork strategies for this research was of considerable necessity
owing to my identity as a natural member of the community being studied. In other words, during direct
observation when I was integrated into the extreme private lives of the people I studied, there were
instances when informants expressed their views and feelings to extents that it became clear that they
wanted to be sure I was satisfied with the ‘favour’ I asked especially ‘as one of theirs.’ Thus, an
unobtrusive strategy was necessary to cross-check the results of the observation. Besides, the problem of
‘living a dual life’ during participant observation was pinned down by Labov (1972: 208) in what he called
the “observer’s paradox.” It amounts to the fact that “it is the aim of research to find out how people talk
when they are not an object of systematic observation; however, in order to obtain such data systematic
observation is necessary” (Švejcer 1986: 148). In other words, it is difficult to study human action without
their awareness and at the same time interact with them directly during observation in order to respect
scientific research techniques.
74
Cf. Moustakas (1994: 114) “Typically in the phenomenological investigation the long interview is the
method through which data is collected on the topic and question.” See also (ibid.: 120-154) for a detailed
description of this method.
75
As early as 1962, Kuhn commented that “The interview, far from being a kind of snapshot or taperecording – a simple report either of fact or of emotional response – in which the interviewer is a neutral
agent who simply trips the shutter or triggers the response, is instead inevitably an interactional situation”
(Kuhn 1962: 194).
76
Cf. Also Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 87-116) for emphasis on the role of the interview in empirical
qualitative research.
130
method of data collection: “The phenomenological interview involves an informal,
interactive process and utilises open-ended comments and questions” (Moustakas 1994:
114).
Both the semi-structured and unstructured approaches were used to collect data
for this research. 77 For the former, I used a structured list of questions pre-established
with a limited set of response categories. But they only served as a guide or prompts and
probes (Gillham 2000: 45-47). However, there was also limited room for variation in
response as some infrequent open-ended questions were used. The semi-structured
version was pre-set in the field and administered as a group interview whenever the
occasion came up 78 as with military respondents preferring group to individual
interviews 79 in informal settings. The interviews were conducted with officers holding
low and high-ranking positions in the central administration whose duties are directly or
indirectly linked to the promotion language policy. In this category, the pre-established
questions rather served as guide questions 80 allowing for a very wide set of response
categories – “the order of the topic [or question] was not fixed but was left to evolve with
the conversation; the informants decided on the amount of time allowed for a particular
topic [or question]…” (Schröder 2003: 28).
77
Cf. Denzin (1978: 112-134), Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 87-116), Fontana & Frey (1994: 361-376), for
varying forms of qualitative interviews.
78
All informants for this type of interview involved policemen, gendarmes, and soldiers who
(understandably) for security reasons are not allowed to respond to civilian interviewers’ questions in the
same way that civilian persons would do. Particularly in Cameroon military circles, and at a time when
there is a high threat of internal strife across the Francophone-Anglophone dichotomy, fear of victimisation
is very imminent. This leads to hesitations among most military personnel to respond to interview questions
for fear of reprimand from the hierarchy especially because most questions involved sensitive political
issues and others considered within military circles as taboo.
79
The situation suits Tashakkori & Teddlie’s 1998: 102-103) reason why the interview is frequently
considered the best method of data collection: “It is also most appropriately used in situations in which an
in-depth knowledge of issues and relationships is needed such as in novel circumstances or interview with
unfamiliar cultural groups.”
80
These are the type of questions referred to by Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 102) as “descriptive questions” or
Spradley (1979) as “grand tour” questions.
131
Besides, the interview questions, interview protocol, and interview settings were
rehearsed with two military officers, two civil servants, and one private business person
before being conducted in the field. The aim was to discover and limit
interviewer/interviewee communicative conduct (Denzin 1978; Denzin & Lincoln 1994)
that may affect the data collection process. 81 It was also intended to check what Briggs
(1986: 93) has described as “procedural problems that can impede interviewing and can
create serious problems in analysing the data.” But most importantly, this technique
emerged from the recognition that “any type of interviewing will be plagued by serious
procedural problems if it is not based on sensitivity 82 to the relationship between the
communicative norms that are presupposed by the interview and those that are more
broadly characteristic of the population under study” (ibid.: 94).
3.2.2. Structured questionnaires
The construction of questionnaires was for the most part based on previous studies
that adopted or framed questions having to do with the elicitation of language attitudes
especially in the Cameroon context. 83 Thus, questions in these questionnaires were either
adopted or reformulated depending on whether they were closely related to the subject to
be investigated (Gillham 2000: 15). Their semantic contents were useful to the purpose of
81
Cf. Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 101) who have commented that “Interviewers always have to be attuned to
how their words and gestures affect informants. They sometimes have to play dumb…without being
insulted.” See also Kvale (1996: 21) who calls this “deliberate naiveté.”
82
While Taylor & Bogdan (ibid.) call this “being sensitive,” Robert Coles (1971: 29) indicates the core of
the issue in the following way: “Somehow we all must learn to know one another…Certainly I ought to say
that I myself have been gently and on occasions firmly or sternly reminded how absurd some of my
questions have been, how misleading or smug were the assumptions they conveyed. The fact that again and
again I have seen a poor, a lowly, an illiterate migrant worker wince a little at something I have said or
done, smile a little nervously, glare and pout, wonder a little in his eyes about me and my purposes, and
through his grimace let me know the disapproval he surely has felt; and yes, the criticism he also feels, the
sober thought-out criticism, perhaps not easily put into words…”
83
One of these is Schröder (2003); see also (ibid.: 32 fn. 35) for a list of previous studies with a linguistic
fieldwork component concerned with language attitudes and language use, and in which examples from
questionnaires used are very often given.
132
this study, and their formats were simple enough or too complicated for the informants’
understanding or still, contained in their structures outcomes to avoid (Cohen & Manion
1989: 108-109). 84
In the latter’s case, these questions were changed into a standardised format in
order to avoid the possibility of misinterpretation of the questions by informants (Ary et
al. 1986: 345). This format allows the informants multiple-choice response categories
that are appropriate for the context of the study. It also allows for easier comparative
analysis during data analysis. The following types of question were involved: the
‘Yes/No,’ ‘factual questions,’ ‘multiple-choice,’ ‘ranked-questions,’ ‘open-ended
questions,’ and ‘scaled questions’ (McDonough & McDonough 1997: 174-176). 85 Some
completion questions were open-ended to allow the respondents the chance to express
their experiences as much as possible. Besides, the structured questions still gave an
“other view” option for additional views if the question restricted them in the first option.
Schröder (2003: 32 fn. 37) quotes Fink (1995b: 32) regarding this advantage. 86 Another
boost to this chance was given at the end of the questionnaire as respondents were asked
to make any comment of their choice and in their own words and to any length. Although
such an open question “clearly places less restriction on the expression of opinion, it is
more troublesome to analyse” (Preece 1994: 109).
84
Cf. Also McDonough & McDonough 1997: 177-178) for a discussion of such elements.
Cf. Ary et al. (1986: 344-363) for a detailed account of the use of these questions.
86
See Fink (1995: 32) “An open-end question allows respondents to give answers in their own way. These
questions are used to get unanticipated answers and for describing the world as the respondents really see it
rather than how the researcher does. Some respondents also prefer to state their views in their own
way…The responses to open questions, however, are often difficult to compare and interpret.”
85
133
After producing a first draft of the questionnaire, it was re-examined for lexical
appropriateness to the Cameroon context. 87 A French version was then produced and
translated in Yaounde, Cameroon, by a certified translator from the Language Services
and Bilingualism Division of the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon. 88 They were
then pre-tested on two Francophones (one civil servant and one military officer), and two
Anglophones (one civil servant and one military officer).
However, the first set of questionnaires in English to be distributed emerged
problematic as Anglophones, who are more used to French-derived terminology,
89
deemed pre-established military terminology in English and some administrative terms
strange. This led to a harmonisation or change of probes and follow-up questions in the
questionnaire that had portrayed misunderstandings of that nature.
The first section of the questionnaire required general personal information, i.e.,
age, place of birth, origin, place of interview, etc. This section led to the next that sought
information regarding travel experience in English-speaking regions of the country and
abroad. The next section sought knowledge on the official language policy, official
languages, the nature of respondents’ language choices in official domains, their general
87
It was discussed with a linguist in the University of Freiburg, Germany, Prof. Dr. Christian Mair, and
with two linguists in the University of Yaounde 1, Cameroon, Prof. Augustin Simo Bobda and Prof. Paul
Mbangwana, whose suggestions were obviously integrated.
88
This measure of reliability relates to what Schröder (2003: 33 fn. 39) has cited from Holmes (1976: 304)
as saying, “One way of ensuring that questions formulated…are meaningful and unambiguous, is to use a
member of the speech community in planning such research.”
89
E.g. Pre-established military ranks such as ‘Private,’ ‘non-commissioned officer,’ ‘warrant officer,’ etc.
were so strange to Anglophones in the military whose training in French only provided them with French
terms such as ‘caporal,’ ‘gardien de paix,’ ‘officier non-gradé,’ and ‘sergent chef’ respectively. The same
goes for Anglophone civil servants who found terms such as ‘financial auditor,’ ‘CEO (Chief Executive
Officer),’ etc., quite unfamiliar as they are more familiar with ‘financial controller’ derived from French
‘Controlleur des finances,’ and ‘Director’ or ‘Executive Board Director,’ derived from French ‘Directeur
du Conseil d’Administration.’ Other Anglophones gave the appellations of their administrative positions
rather in French as ‘chef de service,’ ‘secrétaire particulier,’ ‘employer du bureau,’ owing to the fact that
English translations don’t fit in the French-based administrative jargon. Accordingly, these terms were
modified and integrated where necessary.
134
language ranking in Cameroon. Section four asked extralinguistic questions relating to
the status of English and French, and a last section allowed for free-will comments about
language policy and language use in official domains. A questionnaire took
approximately 30 minutes to complete.
In a much similar way to the civilian questionnaire, the military questionnaire
proved difficult. First, French-speaking officers believed that several questions were
highly political in nature, and too sensitive within the context of the sociopolitical
situation at the time 90 especially as some questions specifically sought the knowledge of
English among senior military officers, the use of English by the head of state to military
officers, and the validity of the socio-political and linguistic claims of Anglophones. It
follows that many Francophones avoided the questionnaire or simply invalidated it by
giving inappropriate responses. Some of them, who noticed from my name appearing at
the end of the questionnaire that I am an Anglophone Cameroonian, personalised the
issue and adopted various violent attitudes such as tearing the questionnaire and namecalling. 91 The implication is that a majority of responses came from Anglophone military
officers. Second, for French- and English-speaking non-commissioned officers, it was a
little too complicated because they are not used to questionnaires, and the language was
somewhat too complex for their educational levels. Consequently, the questionnaire
registered a low response rate of 42. As discussed under the section on methods, a second
and simplified version was constructed, for the most part, for French-speaking noncommissioned officers. The questions were simple and straightforward in style and freer
90
General elections had just been completed and socio-political protests within the Anglophone community
as well as the secessionist campaigns made the political scene quite tense.
91
These were the few exttreme cases but most of those who refused the exercise had a mixture of doubt
regarding my intentions, fear of reprimand from the hierachy, betrayal and victimization by those who
refused to fill it in, etc.
135
of sensitive political questions. Some were semi-closed- and others semi-open-ended.
Their number was considerably reduced (from the original 12 subdivided questions to 9
single). This version yielded a satisfactory response rate of 100. It was analysed
separately from the original version to avoid an unnecessary mix-up of the results. From
a general appraisal, it may be said that a quasi-balance was sought in the responses
between Francophones and Anglophones.
3.2.3. Participant observation
As indicated earlier in the section on the philosophical framework of this study,
participant observation is more of a methodology although it is often discussed as a
method (Schwandt 1997: 110). This view does not imply that techniques within such a
methodology may not function as methods; 92 rather, it is an instance of high overlapping
which I do not claim or suggest an interchangeable usage for the two terms. In fact, when
Schwandt (ibid.: 111) refers to “…what the fieldworker is actually doing when he or she
claims to be ‘recording’ observations of interactions and utterances and ‘documenting’
the lived realities of others…,’ this implies method, i.e., the action-oriented procedures,
strategies, tools, and measures which the researcher employs in various observation
settings.
Yet, the assumptions on which such strategies are based 93 make one see the profit
to discuss participant observation as a methodology. Moreover, if one considered that
“…it has been argued that in a sense all social research is a form of participant
observation because one cannot study the social world without being part of it”
92
I do not intend to discuss the overlapping inherent in this procedure as a method or methodology. Cf.
Stocking (1983) for a discussion of contexts in which this procedure is used as a methodology.
93
See Schwandt’s (1997: 111) discussion of the issues on which assumptions are built; and Clifford (1983:
118-146) for a discussion of the assumptions themselves.
136
(Hammersley & Atkinson 1983 cit. in Atkinson & Hammersley 1994: 249), it further
pays to see the collection of methods used for data collection in this research as a form of
participant observation.
In other words, for the purpose of this study, it amounts to an unnecessary
duplication trying to discuss techniques and measures, which I used to generate data in
participant observation as if participant observation was used in isolation from the other
methods employed. Rather, the concept of triangulation of methods used in this
investigation incorporates participant observation, as its techniques are understood in
procedures of the methods thus triangulated. Or better still, each method used was
planned either to be implemented together with participant observation or proceed from
it. This strategy may be validated by the fact that the two main categories of participant
observation, i.e., direct observation 94 and unobtrusive observation 95 (Denzin 1978: 182183 & 256) or participant and non-participant observation 96 (Atkinson & Hammersley
94
Cf. Denzin (1978: 182-183) who explains that “[direct] participant observation is a commitment to adopt
the perspective of those studied by sharing in their day-to day experiences [suggestive of “some relatively
prolonged period of participation in a community” Schwandt (1997:110)]. The participation may be known
to those observed, so that it is clear they are being studied, or the investigator may conceal the scientific
role and attempt to become a “normal” member of the community…being studied” [or “adopt the stance of
marginal native or professional stranger…i.e., ‘going native’” (Schwandt ibid.: 111)].
95
Cf. Denzin (ibid.: 256) explains that “An unobtrusive measure of observation [or non-reactive method of
observation] is any method of observation that directly removes the observer from the set of interactions or
events being studied. Public archival documents represent one major class of unobtrusive measures [as] the
conditions that lead to their production are in no way influenced by an intruding sociological observer.
Unobtrusive measures range from the public and private archives to simple observations of the behaviours
of persons at work or play, from contrived observations based on mechanical equipment (such as tape
recorders and video cameras) to physical trace analysis.”
96
Cf. Atkinson & Hammersley (1994: 248) who have even discouraged the distinction sometimes made,
i.e., referring to participant observation as “observation carried out when the researcher is playing an
established participant role in the scene studied” and non-participant observation as the direct contrary.
Their argument is that although we recognise the variation in the roles adopted by observers, the simple
dichotomy is not useful as it implies that in non-participant observation, the researcher plays no recognised
role at all. Yet, it can be the case but the point is that it need not be.
137
1994: 248) closely recommend the similar methodological procedures used to collect data
in this research. 97
98
It may read as if it is the fact of similarity of methods in this research and those in
participant observation which is given precedence here over the description of the typical
observation techniques employed in the fieldwork component; or that this similarity
automatically implies that the methods were actually used. Put simply, the triangulation
of methods in this study allowed me also to do participant observation at once – the
motivation being that I agree with the following view and recognise that “Today the
dominant mass of social science research is based upon interviews and questionnaires.
We lament this over dependence upon a single, fallible method” (Webb et al 1966: 1)
[and also that] “But the principal objection is that they are used alone” (Denzin 1978:
256).
Perhaps the alternative way to put it is to adopt the more subtle and widely quoted
Gold’s (1958); and Janker’s (1960) typology of participant observation which Atkinson
& Hammersley (1994) have outlined as 1) complete observer, 2) observer as participant,
3) participant as observer, 4) complete participant. Following this typology, I have been a
complete participant for two decades by virtue of my natural insider status within the
community studied. Growing up and interacting within this community and with the
97
Cf. Also Taylor & Bogdan’s (1994: 44-86) discussion of the overlapping nature of methods in participant
observation and how they can be integrated within a triangulation of methods or in typical traditions of
inquiry e.g. phenomenology on which the design of this research is based.
98
Still, Taylor & Bogdan’s (1975: 4-6) illumination of such overlapping is worth comparing as they define
participant observation as “…a field strategy that simultaneously combines document analysis,
interviewing of respondents and informants, direct participation and observation, and introspection.” The
strength of this view and the possibility of such a combination supports the attempt at triangulation of
methods in this study
138
variables under study allows me to amass considerably wide personal experience 99
needed in a phenomenological study as well as in participant observation. Apart from
that, during the organisation of individual and group interviews to collect data, I had the
occasion to assume the status of a typical observer for the strict purpose of my
research. 100
During this time, I distanced 101 myself from the interactions going on in the
settings being observed, e.g., watching French- and English-speaking civil servants
queuing up at the central treasury in Yaounde for end-of-month salary pay out. Yet,
between 1997 and 2000, I observed in this same scenario as a full participant as I had to
equally join the queue to claim my own monthly salaries. The differences involved in
these roles are very minimal because the observations of social scientists are systematic
and have purposive nature than observations of everyday-life actors (Adler & Adler
1994: 377). The implication is that all forms of participant or naturalistic observation may
be carried out during interviewing, face-to-face questionnaire administration, document
analysis, and during personal life experiences as done in this research.
3.2.4. Document analysis: official/private records, and public/private documents
Document analysis is said to be “concerned with information obtained by
examining records and documents” (Ary et al 1985: 326) or “various procedures involved
in analysing and interpreting data generated from the examination of documents and
records relevant to a particular” (Schwandt 1997: 32). Still, this method of generating
99
See Adler and Adler (1994: 413-427) for a discussion of what is considered to be personal experience,
and its role in empirical research, methods, and criticisms.
100
Especially for the task of sampling, I had to observe and interact with both animate and inanimate
informants to be able to determine the final sample to be studied.
101
Cf. Schwandt’s (1997: 110-111) discussion of ‘distance’ in participant observation: “This critical
distance is required for creating an objective account of what is being studied.”
139
data is often referred to as “content analysis [and] can be used to study sociological and
psychological variables” (Ary et al ibid. 327). This is the assumption guiding the data
from written texts in this research.
Content analysis has a long and well-established tradition 102 in sociological
research and empirical qualitative studies. Within the context of this research, Hodder
(1994: 393) states that it is concerned with
the interpretation of mute evidence 103 - that is, with written texts and artefacts…such evidence, unlike the
spoken word, endures physically and thus can be separated across space and time from its author, producer,
or user…have to be interpreted without the benefit of indigenous commentary.
For analytical clarity, content analysis may distinguish documents from records
depending on whether the texts were produced in testimony of some formal transaction
(Lincoln & Guba 1985: 277).
Following this distinction, 104 records include marriage certificates, driver’s
licences, building contracts, banking statements, birth certificates, etc. While documents
are prepared for personal rather than for official reasons (Hodder 1994: 393), e.g., diaries,
memos, letters, field notes, etc. 105 However, this study has examined only records, i.e.,
public documents whose production involved the endorsement of some formal business
in both government domains and formal transactions within the private sector.
102
A thorough treatment of its conduct methodology was set by Berelson (1952), and broadened by
Kippendorff (1980); Weber (1990).
103
I have my reservations regarding the use of content analysis, i.e., the use of documents and records, as
‘evidence’ because it amounts to a role of “proof” which I have discussed my distance from such an
approach under the section on photography. I prefer to talk of “mute data” in this research.
104
Hodder (1994: 393.) comments that “In fact, the two terms are often used interchangeably, although the
distinction is an important one and has some parallels with the distinction between writing and speech.”
105
Cf. Schwandt (1997) who draws a similar distinction between documents and records but also goes
further to establish a sub-distinction between public and private records, and public and private documents.
However, his examples are chosen in terms of sources of document analysis data such as “public records
(e.g., political and judicial reports, government documents, media accounts, television scripts, yearbooks,
minutes of meetings); private documents (e.g., medical histories, letters, diaries, school records, personal
journals, memoirs); interviews transcripts and transcripts prepared from video records, photography, and so
on.” Thus, it is worthy to note that analysis and photography overlap, both as exclusive synonymous
methods and two variants of document analysis.
140
3.2.4.1. Visual data and photography
This is the unique tool introduced in this inquiry to visually illustrate the language
of the communication of social life between Anglophones and Francophones or in each
of these communities. It also helps the reader to evaluate or ‘go around’ the settings and
locations where interactions were observed as he would see them if he went to these
settings. As Harper (1994: 403) has stated, photography or visual sociology “is a subfield of qualitative sociology involved with the recording, analysis, and communication
of social life through photographs, film, and video.”
106
Watson (1997: 80) has listed
some of the visual images that could be considered qualitative data:
Tattoos, bus tickets, payslips, street signs, time indications on watch faces, chalked information on
blackboards, computer VDU displays, car dashboards, company logos, contacts, railway timetables,
television programme titles, teletexts, T-shirt epigrams, ‘On’/’Off’ switches, £10 notes and other
bank notes, passports and identity cards, cheques and payslips, the Bible, receipts, newspapers and
magazines, road markings, computer keyboards, medical prescriptions, birthday cards, church
liturgies, drivers’ licences, birth, marriage and death certificates, voting slips, degree certificates,
bookkeepers’ accounts stock inventories, cricket scoreboards, credit cards.
Thus, to boost the triangulation of methods adopted in this study, over 300
photographs were initially made illustrating the use of English and French on official
signboards, notices, road signs, etc. It is a strategy to back up the data collected through
other tools. 107 After a first stage of preliminary analytic comparison in which some
photographs were eliminated and the selected copies retained, there was a second phase
of photography. In this phase more selective information in specific locations was elicited
through photographs. In the final selection, 170 photographs were retained for study and
for the illustration of the interpretations made in the write up of the report. These
106
Cf. Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 127-129). They underscore the use of photographs as an excellent source of
qualitative data analysis. See also Archer (1997); Gold (1997a, b); Harper (1997); Suchar (1997); Ball &
Smith (1992).
107
Cf. Gold (1991), who stresses that these are typically photographs which the researcher has made of the
subject’s world.
141
photographs also constitute a unique source of naturalistic data 108 in this study as they
contribute in showing the world of actors observed, some reactions and tendencies, as
well as helping to visually show how consistent the subject under study is in the actors’
immediate environment.
Even though photography and other visual images have considerable authority in
establishing reliability in qualitative studies, I agree with Silverman (2001: 194) that
“none of these data are more real or more true than the others…[In fact]…visual data are
not intrinsically better or worse than any other kind of data.” In the same vein, I also
agree with Harper (1994: 406) that “photographs often thought to be ‘truth,’ are more
precisely reflections of the photographer’s point of view, biases, and knowledge (or lack
of knowledge),” owing to the view that “concern with the image alone can deflect
attention from the social processes involved in image production and image reception”
(Silverman 2001: 193). Still, this critical view does not completely affect the authority of
visual data and photography in general and those used in this study in particular. Rather,
each visual image used in this study “help[s] us to orientate ourselves to that activity,
occasion or setting and to make sense of it” (Watson 1997: 80). The difference made in
photography in this investigation lies in the wide rather than a panoramic scope of
settings, domains, locations which the photographs covered; the balanced rather than a
one-sided presentation of the issues captured in the photographs, but most importantly,
when the photographs are viewed together with the other visual data used as well as with
the findings of the other methods adopted in this study.
108
It is not to be forgotten that in this study, a principal assumption of interactionism and naturalistic
behaviourism with the phenomenological tradition requires that an inquiry approaches the subject under
study from the natives’ and naturalistic perspective. This assumption underlies and guides the choice,
elicitation, and interpretation of photography as used in the investigation.
142
In other words, the photographs used in this study do not assume the status or role
of ‘proof’ or ‘the smoking gun’ as the early historical function of photographs was made
to be in supporting theories of social evolution, the main preoccupation of early
anthropology 109 (Harper ibid.). Rather, they serve to represent the natural, not contrived
social world of the community under study as they see it and identify with it because
photographs “lend insight into what is important to them and how they view themselves
and others” (Taylor & Bogdan 1998: 127).
This assumption explains the comprehensive approach taken to extensively, rather
than restrictively, cover the domains and settings, visual range, and the focus of the
photographs in the contexts which they were made and on which interpretations have
been generated. The criticism of photography also comes from the fact that “although
photographs are potentially packed with information” (Harper ibid.), photographers “tend
to restrict themselves to a few reiterated simple statements. Rhetorically important as a
strategy of proof, the repetition leads to work that is intellectually and analytically thin”
(Becker 1994: 11). But in this study, photography “begins with the recognition that the
photographic image is “true” in the sense that (physical or electronic manipulation aside)
it holds the visual trace of the reality at which the camera was pointed” (Harper ibid.). 110
Thus, photographs were the view of the photographer’s; they were given extensive and
wide scopes that covered many domains, settings, and interactions instead of restricting
them.
109
Cf. Elizabeth Edwards (1992: 4) who suggests that photography was originally viewed to be “a
simple...truth-revealing mechanism” employed globally in research in the discipline of anthropology.
110
See Steven Gold’s (1989) discussion of fieldwork ethics in similar contexts especially as he believes that
photography or the camera portrays people clearly.
143
3.2.4.2. Public records
The collection of official written records, like photography, was thought to be
another unique source of significant data for the present study. This conception drew
from the awareness that
such texts are of importance to qualitative research because, in general terms, access 111 can be easy and low
cost, because the information provided may differ from and may not be available in spoken form, and
because texts endure and thus give historical insight (Hodder 1994: 393f).
This view became illustrated to a large extent by the difference in the
representation of English and French on public records from the verbal affirmation within
official circles of the equal use of the official languages. The written records collected
included personal identification papers such as passports, birth certificates, national
identity cards, drivers’ licences, academic credentials, administrative letters, invoice
forms, government mission warrants, bank deposit forms, etc. Such a variety of records
makes sense in that these texts may be viewed together with the other data types in the
study so that the particular authority and biases of each can be compared and understood
(Hodder 1994: 394).
The implication of such bias is that a particular record is produced in and intended
for a specific context even though the different contexts and circumstances are all in one
milieu generally affected by the tendency to relegate English: the official government
domains. That is why “different types of texts have to be understood in the contexts of
their conditions of production and reading” (Hodder 1994: 394). For instance, an official
letter written only in French by a government official, whose ability in English is
average, and in an office department where there is no English-speaking worker or
111
Access here refers to the reading and interpretation or exploitation of documents at one’s pace after
obtaining them from public and private sources. It certainly does not refer to the official or legal process of
applying for “access” to public archives, i.e., applying to be given the official permission to consult
documents for the purpose of research. The latter would be a peculiar uphill task in the Cameroon context.
144
translator, needs to be interpreted within this pragmatic circumstance and only related to
the general implications of the situation, i.e., the general inadvertent restriction of English
in official records. This interpretation differs from one which involves a similar record
written in French and overtly by-passing or ignoring available translators and Englishspeaking colleagues. 112
It follows that the interpretation of texts needs to confront their immediate
contexts of production, and reconcile them with the general situation because the nature
of a specific context may influence the nature of language and style used in written form.
Still, it appears that this danger of multiple interpretation in written records is not
understood by authors 113 of official documents in Cameroon especially the fact that once
abstract language is transformed into written, 114 “… the gap between the “author” and
the “reader” widens and the possibility of multiple reinterpretations increases…the text
can “say” many different things in different contexts” (Hodder ibid.).
Thus, I have made an effort in the interpretation of official written texts studied, to
pay attention to the immediate contexts of texts. I also tried to approach the texts from the
perspectives of their authors, such as persons holding decision-making positions, i.e.,
those I had the occasion to talk to, and who gave an explanation representing an official
government opinion; and from the receivers’ perspective, i.e., persons to whom some of
112
Cf. Webb, Campbell, Schwartz & Sechrest (1966) for a discussion of the issue of texts and their
contextual interpretations, i.e., it would be useful to find out if different texts were written with firsthand
knowledge or secondary sources, whether it was solicited or unsolicited, commissioned or not, edited or
unedited, anonymous or signed (Hodder 1994: 394). However, the criteria regarding editing, signature, or
anonymity are difficult and controversial in the Cameroon context where official records may be rejected,
stigmatised, disregarded, or given high status depending only on the political status of the authors or
beneficiaries rather than on the above-listed official indexes.
113
These may be Francophones and Anglophones alike and the degree of nonchalance or background to
forgetfulness in this context needs to be further investigated.
114
Cf. Ricoeur (1971) who demonstrates that the transformation of abstract language into written form
opens a wide gulf of reinterpretations.
145
such texts are destined or those about whom they are written. Some of the texts, e.g.,
official personal records such as birth certificates, drivers’ licences, passports, academic
credentials, etc., have been selected from my personal credentials.115
3.3. Sampling
Two issues are usually considered during sampling in qualitative studies: selecting
a site in which to study a phenomenon, and selecting within the field site (Schwandt
1997: 140). 116 Such a selection aims to identify the informants and locations or data
sources which will constitute the sample of the accessible population within the entire
target population being studied.
For the purpose of this inquiry, the sample consists of animate and inanimate
respondents. 117 Animate informants were government workers, i.e., civil servants
working at different levels and divisions of government domains. Specifically, they
involved civilian and military 118 personnel. The former included former and active staff
in the different government ministries and parastatal companies as well as trainee
personnel; 119 the latter were military personnel such as general staff of the police, the
115
It was deemed more convenient, easier, and pragmatically reasonable to make this choice given the
difficulty involved in trying to obtain an ordinary respondent’s credentials or trying to get them from
official archives where not all may be found. To say the least, taking a look at someone’s credentials in
Cameroon raises a lot of suspicions about one’s intentions, even if it was understood that this was only for
the purposes of research.
116
Cf. Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 26-33) for a detailed account of sampling locations and sampling within
such field sites.
117
This distinction needs to be indicated here given the varying types of informants in the sample studied.
Thus, Roy (2000: 126-127) explains that in research, “the term population does not refer to the population
at large nor even necessary to humans or indeed animate objects at all. It refers to any whole group of
subjects or things which have the characteristics identified for research purposes.”
118
In Cameroon the police, gendarmerie, and especially the army form a very integral, dependent,
influential, and loyal domain of government, and takes a direct part in political issues as well as policy
making.
119
These are would-be civil servants still undertaking professional training in appropriate governmentowned career training institutions. One requirement of such training involves a probation period ranging
between 3 to 12 months in a respective government domain where trainees will be employed on completing
training.
146
gendarmerie, and the army. 155 civilian personnel and 142 military staff were animate
informants; making a total of 297 informants (interview and questionnaire responses).
Inanimate informants involved public records, public signboards, signposts, notices, and
road signs. 90 public records and 170 photographs showing official communication,
public settings and other interactions provided the data in this category making a total of
260 documents and photographs.
The respondents described above were studied in several locations spread over
several regions of the country as well as abroad. They included the central and external 120
departments of government: the Ministries of Territorial Administration, Finance,
National Education, Defence, National Security, Post and Telecommunications, and the
Presidency of the Republic. Diplomatic offices in 3 countries abroad were studied
namely: the Cameroon Embassy in Washington, DC, USA; Bonn, Germany; and
Cameroon’s High Commission in London, UK. One parastatal company, the National
Refinery Corporation (SO.NA.RA. or Société Nationale de Raffinerie) in Limbe was
studied. In the private sector, two banking institutions: Amity Bank and Afriland Bank
were observed. A combination of simple random sampling and stratified random
sampling 121 was adopted for the selection of the above locations (Ary et al. 1985: 142143), although the intention here was not to compare, as it were, the differences in the
opinions or the attitudes of people in these locations.
120
Government offices in Cameroon, e.g., ministries and companies are classified for internal
administrative convenience into central departments, i.e. those whose headquarters are located or
‘centralised’ in Yaounde, the political capital and seat of government; and external departments, i.e., the
regional offices of the central departments usually located in the major cities of the various provinces of the
country. Diplomatic offices abroad, e.g., embassies and High Commissions, are sometimes also included in
this category of external departments but this is strictly restricted to the domain of external relations.
121
Stratification here was not based on any such criteria as occupation, sex, age, etc., as suggested by Ary
et al. (ibid.: 142) but on geographical, hence, political and linguistic-influenced, variables in the location.
147
In addition, based on purposive sampling 122 influenced by the information got
from the first category of locations chosen through random sampling (Tashakkori &
Teddlie 1998: 75-76) the following further locations were included in the course of the
field research: the Advanced Teachers Training School, Yaounde; the National Police
Training Schools in Yaounde and Mutengene, the Gendarmerie training school (Camp
Yeyap) in Yaounde. Typical military service locations included the following: the army
camps in Yaounde (Quartier Général), Buea (Army headquarters, Bokwango), Douala
(Army headquarters, Bonanjo); 2 police stations in Yaounde (Commissariat Central and
Commissariat de police de Mendong), 1 in Garoua (headquarters of the Sureté
Nationale); 2 police stations in Bamenda (Tubah Special Police Branch and the Judicial
Police station, ‘Old Town’), 1 in Buea (Sureté Nationale police station, Bokwango); 2
Gendarmerie brigades in Bamenda (the Tubah Gendarmerie brigade, and the provincial
headquarters of the Gendarmerie Nationale, ‘Up Station’, Bamenda).
122
In using purposive sampling for selecting these sources of data, I am aware of the critical position in
purposive sampling, i.e., “The assumption that errors in judgement would necessarily counterbalance one
another is not always credible. Furthermore, there is no reason to assume that the units judged to be typical
of the population will continue to be typical over a period of time” (Ary et al. ibid.: 143). However, the
following factors counter this view in the context of the sample studied: 1) I have made limited use of
purposive sampling (Ary et al ibid.), owing to “its low costs and convenience” (ibid.) with reference to the
time and financial constraints of my fieldwork; 2) the units judged, the locations of official government
domains operate following a highly centralised French-styled administrative system which has remained
essentially the same (see also LeVine 1975; Kofele-Kale 1980; Wolf 2001) for over four decades (see
Koning & Nyamjoh 2003; Gros 2003), and which do not yet evolve significant changes despite much talk
of political decentralisation and democratisation. Besides, a permanent administrative map of the country
displaying the locations studied in this research (see appendixes 2a and b) guarantee that the units judged
would continue to be typical over a period of time: “maps also pictorially display recurrent and stable
features of the social phenomena under investigation” (Schwandt ibid.: 141). Worse, if it is considered that
issues such as change of mentality require the evolution of a whole generation or more, I believe that
French, Francophone majority, leadership and hegemony – political factors considered central to decisionmaking directly affecting and engendering the unequal implementation of official language policy – would
be typical for at least one more generation. This prediction may be the springboard from which the
extremist faction of the Anglophone community, the S.C.N.C. (Southern Cameroons National Council) has
launched its argument for a complete severing of the 1961 unification between French- and Englishspeaking Cameroons as the only solution to their subjugation.
148
The choice of informants as well as locations observed was based on a number of
considerations. Their role, par excellence, in creating scenarios, determining, or shaping
interaction between Francophones and Anglophones is of utmost significance.
Representing different departments of official domains in the country, ministries and
companies also stand for different but interrelated contexts and scenarios of typical acts,
actions, relationships and so on (Schwandt ibid.: 141) where the nature of services
requested and offered determine and influence language use and may reveal several
attitude patterns in interactions or other circumstances in relationships across the
Francophone-Anglophone dichotomy.
In other words, the over-centralisation of civil administration and the
concentration of the headquarters of most of the locations studied in one linguistic,
cultural, and politically and numerically advantaged region, French-speaking, coupled
with the linked nature of the administrative bureaucracy among the various government
institutions, implies that a citizen at or beyond the college level visits at least one of these
locations once a month, to say the least. For civil servants, the situation may be twice this
incidence. The frequent physical and geographic movement is exacerbated by a linguistic
adjustment for Anglophones from English to French. Besides, one factor links the
military domains to civil domains in a very peculiar and obliging manner: the fact that the
legalisation or certification of credentials for the execution of civic duties and services is
149
the monopoly of the police or gendarmerie 123 (understandably for reasons of security,
intelligence, and economic strategies). 124
The implication is that for a single civic service requested, a citizen automatically
interacts in three different ministries, to say the least, e.g., to obtain a certified true copy
of one’s credentials one necessarily visits 1) the local treasury, a division of the Ministry
of the Economy and Finance, to purchase a fiscal stamp, or the District Officer’s treasury
for a ‘communal’ stamp, 2) the local police station to have the credential certified, 3) the
respective ministry where decisions regarding the service requested are taken in order to
deposit the completed application or dossier.
This linkage creates a peculiar consequence in one of these locations considered
‘the meeting point’ of all civil servants, i.e., the Ministry of the Economy and Finance. It
is an incredible bureaucracy, which obliges provincial and other external departments of
government, including all other headquarters of ministries in Yaounde to ‘look up to it’
for liquidity alleviation or disbursement of annual budgets, but also for the dispensation
of civil servants’ financial benefits including salaries, wages, and other status-related
benefits. Due to such bureaucracy, delays for up to a year are common for the ‘treatment
of files’ or for decisions to be made about ordinary civic requests that would normally
take days or weeks in a functional decentralised administrative system.
123
But widespread bribery and corruption, fraudulence, falsification, etc. at these places sometimes obliges
some government circles to transfer the service to other authorities, e.g., Universities for the certification of
academic credentials, etc.
124
The certification or legalisation of a document or credential by the police, for instance, requires that a
fiscal stamp, which costs Franc CFA 500, be attached to each document deposited for certification. This is
a permanent administrative requirement imposed by the Ministry of the Economy and Finance to serve as a
source of national revenue. Sometimes a “communal” stamp, which costs Franc FCFA 300, must be added
to the Franc CFA 500 stamp to pass muster. Worse, what is absurd about this double measure is that it is
sometimes restricted to Yaounde, and prohibited in the regional government domains located in the various
provinces. It implies that citizens who purchase these stamps and certify their credentials in the provincial
offices find them rejected in Yaounde where the final decisions regarding the requested civic services are
taken, and they have to redo the certification in Yaounde.
150
Thus, Francophones and Anglophones alike from all walks of life, crowd, tussle,
scuffle, and spend long periods of time in Yaounde hoping to ‘chase,’ ‘push,’ ‘follow,’ or
‘check’ personal files from one administrative office or level to the next. 125 A regular
fortnight frequency may mark this experience for those experiencing serious situations,
monthly for those having average requests, and twice a year for persons asking for nonroutine services. For sure, no one, Francophone or Anglophone, ever resists the pull.
The above predicament briefly summarises and typifies a working picture of the
temporal, ritual, and routine features of the persons, organisations, or social actions
(Schwandt ibid.: 141) and illustrates the choice of the locations and informants in this
study. 126
However, the necessity to extend the sampling of locations to cover a wide and
representative picture of the population guided the study of external official locations in
the provincial areas. Thus five of the ten provinces of the country provided the choice of
at least two locations or sources of data (see appendixes 2a and b for administrative
maps). Civilian informants “were all from the educated strata of the Cameroon
population” (Schröder 2003: 36) and constitute not only the “representatives of the group
that everyone in the nation-states aspires for”127 (Banda 1996: 70) but also the linguistic
and social elite who speak what may be called Cameroon educated English (Tiomajou
1995; Todd 1982) and occupy the highest echelon of the Cameroon public service
categorisation. Military informants portrayed different characteristics. They included
125
A strange and unusual practice resulting from the stagnant bureaucracy hence, one effective source of
bribery and corruption is created as frustrated persons begin to devise such short-cut and unorthodox means
of getting preferential services.
126
Cf. Denzin’s (1989) advice regarding the preparation and representational maps, which create a working
picture of the aspects of the site and people under investigation.
127
Cf. Schwandt’s (1985b: 252) reference to this category as “mainstream public representatives.”
Schröder (2003: 36 fn. 55) agrees with McLean (1992: 157) as well as I do that if “the middle-class code is
valued access to this code is regulated by class features…the working class is consequently disadvantaged.”
151
non-commissioned, junior, and senior officers. From an educational standpoint, most
non-commissioned officers hold at most the GCE ordinary level certificate 128 (Form 5
secondary education level in Cameroon), junior officers, the GCE advanced level, while
senior officers mostly hold between a higher education certificate (at least two successful
undergraduate academic years for Cameroon senior officers) and a Masters degree.
However, many among them have been promoted from the junior to the senior ranks for
their excellence and number of years of experience rather than for higher education
qualifications.
3.4. Data analysis
3.4.1. Unstructured interviews
The analysis of open-ended interviews was based on phenomenological methods
of data analysis. Moustakas’ (1994: 120-121) modification of Van Kaam’s (1966)
method of phenomenological data analysis particularly was applied.
After a first set of interviews was recorded between January and March 2002, I
transcribed three samples. 129 The samples were meant to test the nature of responses
elicited, check inappropriate research techniques, and modify the themes already covered,
and also to reorient the next phase of interviewing towards the elicitation of further useful
data. Besides, a seven-month stay in Germany allowed for a discussion and a review of
the whole process with a linguist at the English department of the University of Freiburg,
Germany.
128
The Cameroon General Certificate of Education at the ordinary and advanced levels is conceived,
compared and organised to a degree that its certificates are recognised by the UK as the equivalent of the
GCSE (see Cameroon GCE Board).
129
These were interviews with sampled government officials holding high-ranking positions in government
or the administration: the Director of the Bilingual Training Programme at the Presidency of the Republic
of Cameroon (a Francophone), one Anglophone Assistant Superintendent of police, and one Francophone
Senior Superintendent of Police (the Director of the Police School, Mutengene).
152
The transcription procedure for the sample interviews was retained for the entire
analysis of interviews. First, each participant’s tape-recorded interview was transcribed
and crosschecked twice at different times. The transcriptions are orthographic, i.e.:
following the convention for spelling, capitalisation, word-spacing, and hyphenation, etc. of the respective
language. Pronunciation was not taken into account […]. Repetitions, ungrammatical sentences, hesitation
phenomena, etc., were mostly included especially when some relevance to the interpretation could be
inferred (Schröder 2003: 30).
Whenever there were interruptions (e.g. laughter, telephone calls, pauses, etc., or a third
person came into the scene of the interview and spoke to one of us), other verbal/nonverbal action coming from the respondent, they were indicated in brackets.
Procedures involved horizonalisation of the transcribed texts (Moustakas
1994:118), i.e. every statement relevant to the topic or question of the investigation was
considered as having equal value. This supposes that a re-examination of the interviews is
necessary in order to ‘select’ as it were, the ‘horizons’ relevant to the concerns of the
research questions. From these ‘horizontalised’ statements, meaning units were listed.
These units were further brought under themes common to all of them. However,
repetitive as well as overlapping statements were discarded. These clustered themes and
meanings were subsequently used “to develop the textural descriptions of the experience
lived by the informants. The following sample illustrates the procedure described above:
1. Original transcription
Interview 1: Anglophone/civil servant/Translator/Yaounde Text 11
Members of the Francophone community and their language 98 % of the administration, so their language
is virtually the administrative language. They do not therefore as individuals or as a community suffer any
prejudice as far as their language is concerned, nor is their language threatened in the administration in any
way. Their language serves two functions: it serves as the official language of their community and as the
official language of the two communities. The administration also serves two functions: it serves as the
administration of the Francophone community and the administration of the two communities. On the other
hand, the Anglophone community, which is deprived of their own administration, cannot speak of English
as being the official language of their community since an official language cannot exist without an
administration. It is therefore the Anglophone community which is reduced to coping in whichever way it
can with French. This is why it is only a matter of time for the remnants of English to be wiped out
altogether in the administration. We need not talk of the army and professional schools. Those are by policy
Francophone institutions in which Anglophones must, as a subjected and assimilated people, accept the
language used there, which is French.
153
2. Horizonalisation:
Interview 1: Anglophone/civil servant/Translator/Yaounde Text 11 S 1-8
1. Members of the Francophone community and their language 98 % of the administration, so their
language is virtually the administrative language.
2. They do not, therefore, as individuals or as a community, suffer any prejudice as far as their language
is concerned; nor is their language threatened in the administration in any way.
3. Their language serves two functions: it serves as the official language of their community and as the
official language of the two communities.
4. The administration also serves two functions: it serves as the administration of the Francophone
community and the administration of the two communities.
5. On the other hand, the Anglophone community, which is deprived of their own administration, cannot
speak of English as being the official language of their community since an official language cannot
exist without an administration.
6. It is therefore the Anglophone community that is reduced to coping in whichever way it can with
French.
7. This is why it is only a matter of time for the remnants of English to be wiped out altogether in the
administration.
8. We need not talk of the army and professional schools. Those are by policy Francophone institutions
in which Anglophones must, as a subjected and assimilated people, accept the language used there,
which is French.
3. Meaning units:
1. Numeric injustice: statement (S)1
2. Language prejudice and language ascendancy: S2 - S3
3. Political and cultural subjugation: S4 - S6
4. Language insecurity: S7
5. Linguistic assimilation and subjugation: S8
Verbatim examples from the transcribed interviews were included in the write up
as the descriptions of the meanings of respondents’ experiences were developed. A boost
to this description is the use of structural descriptions of experience based on the textural
descriptions developed. In the end, from the individual textural descriptions, a
“composite description of the meanings and essences of the experiences” (ibid.: 121) of
the entire community studied was developed. The advantage of this method lies in the
reliance on the meanings of the experience as the informant sees and lives it rather than
on the suppositions of the researcher.
3.4.2. Structured Questionnaires
Even though both questionnaires A (for the military domain) and B (for civil
domains) were designed as qualitative tools, the responses were analysed and displayed
quantitatively. This is referred to as concurrent analysis of the same qualitative data with
two methods, i.e., “…it involves the transformation of the qualitative data to a numerical
154
form” (Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998: 128-129). Generally speaking, the quantitative
analysis in this study involves 152 respondents for questionnaire B and 142 for
questionnaire A1 and A2.
The responses were coded manually, i.e., taking each informant’s response in turn
and going through, highlighting substantive statements (Gillham 2000: 66). Also,
numbers were assigned to the different responses (Fink 1995: 90 cit. in Schröder 2003:
34) and a particular code was created for each question in both questionnaires A and B.
The highlighting of substantive statements led to a creative stage of making a set of
categories and giving them simple headings. Some categories were later combined under
one heading while others were split up after listing the categories until the appropriate
ones were retained. After crosschecking category headings with the set of responses, a
common topic describing both the responses and the numbers to which they were
assigned was created, e.g., ‘variable label’ and ‘value(s) label(s). In the end, a ‘code
book’ was produced representing a general description of the responses that served as a
major step in translating the responses into a manageable and comprehensible form
(Gillham 2000: 66). As Schröder (ibid.: 34) has indicated, this process was not only
difficult, it proved quite complicated to handle, thus tending to be time-consuming as it
requires extreme patience and vigilance (Gillham ibid.).
The ‘code book’ was directly entered into an analysis grid. For the purpose of this
study, the SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) 130 data analysis sheet was
used for all statistical calculations appropriate for the analysis. Owing to the fact that this
130
This aspect of data processing was done in Bamenda, Cameroon where the difficulties of finding and
using the original English version of the SPSS program, especially as a non-expert in software application,
led me to hire both the SPSS software kit and the service of a statistician working with GTZ (Deutsche
Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit GmbH or German Technical Cooperation) in Bamenda,
Cameroon.
155
study is qualitative in approach, the results obtained were presented in displays consisting
of simple tables showing frequencies and percentages of the responses.131 However, for
the questions serving as subject descriptors, the simple tables produced from the SPSS
data entry sheet were maintained. While questions “dealing with the “meat” of the
questionnaire or those questions that provide data on the topics you are investigating”
(Gillham 2000: 50) were presented in general table, a more detailed table was provided
showing the response patterns of Francophone and Anglophone respondents. 132
The decision to incorporate this simple division into the original display is based
on three factors. First, the methods used in this research are based on phenomenology, a
tradition that gives priority to the meanings of the experiences of the persons who
experienced the phenomenon being investigated. Second, data provided by other methods
(interviewing, documentary analysis, photography) show that Anglophones and
Francophones do not experience the implementation of official bilingualism in the same
way, or they do not have the same meanings for the same experiences of the
phenomenon. Thus, it would be more revealing to separate the two response patterns.
Third, “The greatest weakness of percentages is that you don’t know (or see immediately)
what the absolute numbers are” Gillham (ibid.: 57). The separation of the responses seeks
to clear or limit the incidence of such potential weakness. Again, although bar graphs and
pie charts “are a very good way of displaying percentages and comparing different
groups” (ibid.), they were intentionally withdrawn from the original statistical data
calculations for space constraints but also because “…it is also very easy for visual
131
Cf. Gillham’s (2000: 57) warning to mind the limitations of such statistics, e.g. “…you cannot average
ranks in ranked responses…percentages are more easily misused.”
132
This measure was added after the first-stage statistical calculations displayed the data without separating
respondents’ identity as there was no original intention by the researcher to compare response patterns
among respondents.
156
displays of percentages to be misleading”(ibid.). Still, the bottom line explanation for the
use of percentages and frequencies here is that when analysing small surveys in
qualitative studies simple analytical calculations may be used (Tashakkori & Teddlie
1998).
For the reason that interpretation 133 is central to the study of symbolic
interactionism, the qualitative perspective of this study, and also that the sample (see
sampling) “can by no means be considered representative of the entire Cameroonian
population” (Schröder 2003: 34), I have limited myself to descriptive statistical
calculations and a basic interpretation of them.
3.4.3. Documentary analysis
3.4.3.1. Records
The analysis of both records and photographs showing the patterns of bilingual
usage within official domains was primarily guided by the concept of unobtrusive
observation. This is because they are silent informants and provide mute data. It implies
that the approach to their analysis considers this scale of data as physical traces and signs
left behind by a population (Webb et al. 1966, 1981) “which are produced without the
author’s knowledge of their future use by social researchers” (Denzin ibid.: 258). Yet,
this approach is confined to the analysis of archival records.
Records, ranging from government documents produced to attest some formal
transaction to bank deposit sheets of private banking institutions, have been studied with
the aim of making inferences about how the authors view English and French usage in
official domains, and what meanings they give to such patterns of usage in different
133
Cf. Taylor & Bogdan (1998: 11-12) who state that “People are constantly interpreting and defining
things as they move through different situations.”
157
contexts. These meanings include those of the authors of the texts studied as well as the
recipients of such documents. However, I agree with Hodder (1994: 393) that “Material
traces thus often have to be interpreted without the benefit of indigenous commentary.”
But whenever I had the occasion to talk to authors of some of the documents studied here
or with persons who are in a position to explain the phenomenon as it occurs in the public
administrative process, their comments were integrated.
Thus, 45 official documents have been interpreted in the light of the meanings of
informants’ experiences with the nature of language policy, its implementation, and the
disparagement of English. However, “documents closer to speech require more
contextualised interpretation” (ibid.) and I have tried to ‘read into the minds’ of their
authors and their particular circumstances as unobtrusively as possible without putting
forward judgmental concepts in the process.
Each document was simply scanned in its entirety to show all its contents. Those
that had multiple pages or a front-and-back format were scanned according to the number
of pages so long as the information was relevant to the respective category. Using the HP
Precision Scan Program, the images were processed and arranged into various categories
and further inserted into the write up. In using these texts ‘as they are’ or were produced,
the intention is not to bring a ‘proof’ but to visually support the description of the
experience and meaning of the phenomenon as the respondents see it, and have reported
through the other methods although “It has often been assumed that…written texts
provide a “truer” indication of original meanings than do other types of evidence”
(Denzin 1978: 393-4). 134 But the question as to “How does what is said [and
written]…[and] done fit into the more general understanding?” (ibid.: 398) leads one to
134
Cf. also Derrida (1978) for a discussion of the reasons for this claim.
158
the idea that observing traces such as records and presenting their unaltered forms and
contents, reveals both the interactional meanings of, and insights to the phenomenon
experienced by actors. Lastly, one analytical principle that I have attempted to apply to
document analysis is a simultaneous discussion in each category of documents, of three
areas of evaluation: “identifying the context in which things are similar in meanings,
recognition of similarities and differences in the forms, and specific historical theories
involving the intentions and social goals of the participants” (Hodder 1994: 399).
3.4.3.2. Photographs
As another source of mute data, photographs were used to provide visual
information and insight into patterns of interaction which influence the kind of language
used in the settings observed. Using an ordinary camera, photographs were made of
language use on official notices, signposts, signboards, official national symbols, some
commercial products, etc.
The photographs produced represented a study of visual communication (Becker
1974) or communication illustrated through photographs especially as this involves the
use of the official languages, French and English. 170 photographs were scanned
ordinarily and processed using a Adobe Photoshop Limited Edition program for
processing, organising, and managing images. This amounts to a form of photo elicitation
process that is consistent with the phenomenological tradition of eliciting the meanings of
the actors’ world as they see it. The point is further strengthened when it is considered
that these are photographs that the researcher has made of the subjects’ world (Gold
1991; Harper 1987b). Although Collier (1967) has compared photo elicitation and the
open-ended interview on account of the principle of similar methods, my mentioning it
159
here does not claim to be a typical photo interview as it was neither intended nor relevant
to this study.
As with document analysis, in making photographs and scanning them for analysis
in the write up, an attempt was made to provide a wide view of the scenes or settings
where the information targeted was observed. This wide view allows the reader to match
the language used and the scene such that it is possible to infer and understand the nature
of interaction as well as the experiences of actors in these settings. This process has proved
difficult and time-consuming owing to the delicate nature of the task of handling scanned
images, the photo and the processing software. The difficulty may also be explained by the
necessity to identify and group similar photographs according to similar contexts, in order
to put them into the categories developed, and further link these to the interpretations of
the meanings emerging from such arrangement. Again, since these photographs cannot be
representative of all settings and scenarios in Cameroon accounting for the phenomenon
being studied, and given that the photos cannot answer or talk back during my
interpretations (Hodder 1994), I have limited myself to descriptive analysis. This implies
that interpretations consist of inferences for the most part owing to the mute nature of this
category of data source as opposed to such vocal sources as interviews and questionnaires.
160
4. Functions : English in the military
In Cameroon, the military comprises the army and the gendarmerie, having
several divisions. The police is usually considered a civil force with the sole duty of
enforcing law and order. However, for the purpose of this study, the police is included as
part of the military owing to the co-operation and division of labour between the police
and the gendarmerie, a militarised corps charged with the enforcement of law and order,
but most importantly, national security.
4. 1. Brief historical account
Some historical facts are useful for understanding the response patterns
demonstrated by respondents to the military questionnaires. When French Cameroon
achieved its independence from France in 1960, it possessed an army, the gendarmerie
force, and a police force all fashioned on French military ideals. At this time, Southern
Cameroons (British Cameroons) was not yet a sovereign state like French Cameroon; yet,
it possessed a British-styled police force. It did not possess an army or such force as
equivalent to the military in French Cameroon. What should be noted here is the separate
and distinctive nature of the military culture in the two Cameroons.
In 1961 when Southern Cameroons reunited with French Cameroon to form a
two-state federation, i.e., West Cameroon (English-speaking) and East Cameroon
(French-speaking), the British-styled police force was co-opted to be an independent and
exclusive police force in English-speaking Cameroon, whereas a French-styled military
tradition continued to be practised in French-speaking Cameroon. This move sought to
recognise the cultural differences inherent in the administrative systems, linguistic
backgrounds, command patterns, training and judicial systems of the military in the two
161
states. Thus, Article 34 of Law n° 61- LW-1 of October 26, 1961, which outlined the
form of the former British Cameroons federated state, also created a police force in the
state, and, then, referred to as West Cameroon:
Il est créé une force de police de l’Etat qui prend le nom de force de police du Cameroun occidental. Une
loi définit l’organisation, les pouvoirs et les obligations de la force de police du Cameroun occidental (West
Cameroon Federal constitution: 8).
Accordingly, a police college was opened at Mutengene in the English-speaking
region to train the police force of the state of West Cameroon. The Ecole Nationale
Supérieure de Police, a French version of the police college, was also created in Yaounde
in the French-speaking region to train the police force of the state of East Cameroon.
Unfortunately, with the advent of the unitary state in 1972, whereby the Federation gave
way to the United Republic of Cameroon, the former state of West Cameroon lost its
status as a politically autonomous region. Political centralisation, which ensued from the
unitary system, engendered the alteration and/or integration of most of the Britishfashioned institutions in West Cameroon into the majority French-styled system of
government. Both the police college at Mutengene 135 and the police tradition in the
Anglophone state of West Cameroon lost their cultural coloration and autonomy. There
was henceforth one national police operated on the military ideals bequeathed by French
colonial rule and practised in East Cameroon before reunification. A one-way movement
of Francophones and the French police system flooded the Anglophone police college as
it was integrated into the newly created national police. This new predicament laid the
foundation for the loss, not only of the distinctive police tradition in West Cameroon, but
of the use of English in the force which suddenly became appended to the French police
system in French Cameroon.
135
This Academy still exists at its usual location, but the staff and trainee ratio is always 1 to 10 in favour
of Francophones just like the situation at the French police college in Yaounde.
162
Text11 S3-5/Anglophone/Senior Inspector of police/Chief of Tubah police station/ 22 .01. 2002
I: Please, correct me if I am wrong. I looked at the former federal constitution of West Cameroon in 1961,
in which articles 34-38 provided for the creation of a separate police in West Cameroon [former British
Cameroons]; a separate police tradition that was organized and administered based on British models. It
appears that a harmonized police corps was created with the advent of the unitary state, but which portrayed
a French-dominated tradition and named as “Groupement Mobil d’Intervention”, with the acronym GMI
(pronounced “JéMi”), and which suppressed the Anglophone police tradition…
R: Are you referring to the G. M. I.? [The unofficial appellation commonly used among Anglophones] It
took over the Anglophone police tradition. The GMI replaces the…the - how was it called in the English
region in those days? - eh, eh, “mobile”, “mobile police.” The GMI replaces the “mobile police”. You
know, the mobile police in those days were very, very, eh, more powerful. They were more powerful than
the ordinary policemen because they received very special training; they were trained in target shooting and
other specialized fighting tactics, you know; how to enforce the law and maintain peace. So the mobile
police in those days had extra training.
I: So, in those days there was the ordinary police and the mobile police in the Anglophone region?
R: Yes, yes. They were also called the “Mobile Intervention Unit (M.I.U).”
I: Then, when it was replaced by the GMI, do you think it was equal in status and performance to the
former mobile police that existed in the former British Southern Cameroons and during the era of the
Federation when this region became West Cameroon?
R: It is not, it is not! It is not because they had extra training. These fellows who just left Mutengene have
been sent to the GMI without extra training. But the M.I.U. had special training after their normal training
in Mutengene or in Ikeja. Because in those days the policemen of the state of West Cameroon were trained
in Ikeja, Nigeria; all of them. The old policemen all passed there. Before the creation of the Mutengene
Police School, they were doing their training in Ikeja, Nigeria. And then, after that training, they had
another training which was to be within the M.I.U. But nowadays they just call them GMI but they have no
extra training, no special training.136
The common trends in this integrated police show that there is institutionalised
marginalisation of both English and Anglophones based on the Francophone-Anglophone
demographic imbalance. It is common knowledge during military recruitment that
regional representation or quota is a determining criterion in the selection of Francophone
and Anglophone officers. Similarly, the official policy of bilingualism in French and
English has been disregarded in the military as a matter of acclaimed policy.
Consequently, English has been relegated to the fringes, restricted in many places, and
made to appear unofficial and unimportant even to Anglophone military officers. It is
quite interesting to see family members of Anglophone officers, e. g. wives, children,
etc., in English-speaking regions speaking French either as a first or second language of
136
Such special training appears to have been shifted onto the gendarmerie, a typical French military force
which plays the role of a military police; a sort of an auxiliary corps in-between the ordinary police force
and the army. It is charged with law enforcement and the maintenance of peace, the typical duties of the
M.I.U. in the Anglophone police tradition. This situation explains why the police force in Cameroon
appears to be an unnecessary appendage. It also explains the frequent tensions, and conflicts over duties,
sometimes coupled with physical confrontations between gendarmes and policemen.
163
the family. Other instances of such relegation of English abound in various dimensions
within the military.
4. 1. 2. Language of work and instruction
A surface view of the military may push one to hastily draw the conclusion that the
military in Cameroon is monolingual in French. In other words, from such surface
evaluation, it looks quite obvious and needs no further investigation into the issue. Thus,
Wolf (2001: 173-174) has taken the situation for granted.
In other official domains, the situation is as follows: In the legal system, the linguistic division
reflects the historical and territorial pattern; English (including PE) is used in the courts in the
Anglophone, and French in the francophone part. An exception is military jurisdiction. Since
French is the sole language of the army, it is also the only language used in the military courts,
be they in the francophone or in the Anglophone provinces…It would be wrong to assume that
policemen and gendarmes have to be bilingual.
Depending on where one stands, this assessment may be different. From government
perspective, it is not wrong to expect the entire military to be bilingual. On the contrary,
Zenon Soya (personal communication, February 2002), Director of the national bilingual
training programme at the Presidency of the Republic, states that even military officers
should enrol for the bilingual training programme run by the Presidency of the Republic
for both government workers including the military and private individuals. According to
him, although the military is a special domain requiring special strategies for the
implementation of the bilingual policy, it remains a domain of government. Besides, the
military has been given special duties in the promotion of national unity through the
maintenance of order, security, and law enforcement. From a military perspective, it yet
depends on where one stands for this view to be justified. Senior officers and general
officers (personal communication at the army head quarter in Douala, 18 February 2002)
in the army who handle policy issues have distinguished 1) combat, military-to-military
communication, jurisdiction, training, etc.; and, 2) medicine, administration, public
164
relations, engineering, etc., as areas in the military where language use is dependent on
the nature of the duty involved. The former domains require the use of one and only one
language, French in the case of the Cameroon military, while the latter domains may use
French and/or English depending on the specific circumstances characterising the nature
of the duty. This implies that it is not completely wrong to assume that policemen and
gendarmes at some stage have to be bilingual. 137
However, looking around, taking note of peoples’ behaviour, talking with military
personnel and watching communication within the military, between the military and civil
society, etc., one realises that the issue of language in the Cameroon military is a complex
and not-so-obvious one.
Besides, the following factors make the matter interesting for investigation: 1) the
military remains a domain under government authority and in Cameroon nowadays, the
government largely controls and relies heavily on the military to exert its authority, thus
language use by military officers among civilian the population could be a determinant
factor in enforcing law and order. This implies that as a department of government, it is
under constitutional obligation to implement the official government policy of
bilingualism, at least, to the extent that its technical and strategic limits could allow. 2)
There is neither legal backing nor sufficient evidence allowing the military to disregard the
bilingual policy and to institute French monolingualism in the military except for combat
situations where it strategically recommended that all officers communicate in a unique
code. Besides, there is no documented proof that French is the language of the military and
137
On November 14, 2002 at the Buea police head quarter in Bokwango, I was lucky to personally watch a
Francophone policeman interrogating an Anglophone inmate in English and switching to pidgin English
time and again depending on the inmate’s level of education and proficiency in English. As he put his
questions in English and pidgin, he discussed briefly in French with another Francophone colleague and
finally took down notes in French.
165
many officers have taken classes in the programme. 3) Government, through the medium
of the Bilingual Training Programme administered by the Presidency of the Republic,
insists that the bilingual policy should be implemented in all domains of government
including the military. 4) Most importantly, the military uses English in varying ways
within the forces (indicative of the need for it therein) and in instances of its public
relations which involve the civil society – a domain where French and English already
hold sway. 5) Of considerable significance is the fact that a high percentage of officers
within the forces have deplored the restriction of the use of English, and have expressed
their desire to use it extensively within the military. This desire follows from the
consideration that English is an indispensable key to understanding modern military
technology, novel global defence policy, and international security and intelligence
networking.
Apart from the above factors, a second range of variables motivates investigation.
1) There is a considerable level of disagreement among military ranks with regard to the
actual status of French in the military. While the claim that French is the sole official
language of the military is very common in the army and in the gendarmerie, it is not
accorded such importance within the police force. 2) There is lack of uniformity among
officers in the army and the gendarmerie regarding the interpretation of the claim that
‘French is the language of the military.’ While some officers say this means that French is
the sole language permitted for communication within the military because no military in
the world operates in more than one language, others insist that this means French should
be the sole language only within the military. In other words, French should be limited to
giving commands, military jargon, etc., strictly in military-to-military situations. Officers
166
who hold this opinion say that in military-to-civil society relationships, depending on the
circumstance, French or English may be used to conform to the promotion of the bilingual
policy in the civil society. This is especially owing to the fact that in Cameroon, part of the
military lives side-by-side civilians and not in isolated military barracks, but also owing to
the participatory role that the military plays in civil community governance. Still, another
range of officers say that the claim means that French is the first official language in the
military while English is considered as a secondary and circumstantial official language.
However, these officers have clarified that the two languages may be used in varying ways
in the military depending on the circumstance.
3) There is evidence showing an
irrefutable and inevitable minimal but stable use of English in the different divisions of the
military – a reality which military policy-makers have preferred to ‘close their eyes on.’
The foregoing variables indicate that the language question in the military is more of a
political one than just involving strategic military logistics, the major claim used to justify
the disregard of the implementation of the bilingual policy within the military. They also
show that internal language planning in terms of allocation of functions for French and
English without risking strategic military logistics is possible.
However, French remains the dominant language used within the military and in
military-to-civilian communication. In other words, French is unjustifiably the
predominant in-service working language as well as in military Academies and training
centres. The demographic imbalance, especially the dominance of Francophones in the
higher ranks and policy-making positions in the military seems to determine a pragmatic
preference for French. For instance, police decision-makers claim that they are not only
obliged to implement government policy on bilingualism but also have the duty to be
167
bilingual as they work with the common man on the street who may not even speak French
or English but pidgin. This view has been re-enforced by the Director of the Police
College in Mutengene, who stressed that the police, to the best of their abilities, is trained
in English and French as any officer can be assigned to work in any (linguistic) region of
the country on completing training. Yet, scanning through the police curriculum of 2002,
the following courses exist in French only, and which have been posted on the main notice
board in the Police College in Mutengene.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Combat
Sports collectifs
Ordre serré
‘Self-defense’ et arts martiaux
Secourisme
Défense nationale
Connaissances inter-Armes
Parcours du combattant
Marches commando et normales
Mines et explosifs
Corps à corps
Armement
Ist-Tir (Instruction sur tir)
RSA (Règlement de Service dans les Armés)
Droit militaire
Topographie
According to informants (i.e., police trainees of the 2002 batch), only défense
nationale (6) in the list of these courses shown is actually taught in English by an
English-speaking police trainer, while a summary translation of the lectures into French
has been printed by the trainer and distributed to Francophone trainees free of charge.
Informants, including some Francophone police trainees, also revealed and deplored the
unjust (linguistic) treatment of Anglophones in lectures and training tasks. For instance,
in spite of the many courses which Anglophones have to do in French, some
Francophone trainers didn’t hesitate to sell to Anglophone trainees, for an exorbitant cost
of Franc CFA 1000 a copy, summarised translations into English of lectures originally
168
taught only in French whereas some Anglophone trainers provided similar services for
free. This disparaging attitude is even more painful considering that the numeric
imbalance in favour of Francophones in trainee population has constrained many
English-speaking trainers to give up English and to teach henceforth in French despite
themselves.
The argument advanced by the military policy-makers is strategic convenience.
They claim that no army in the world operates in more than one language. In other words,
there is only one command language in every army. For instance, during military
ceremonies, say, military honours, military pace, command cannot be executed
simultaneously in two languages. However, in the light of the opportunities for language
planning in the military and evidence for the use of English therein, this argument throws
dust into the eyes of those who question the practice rather than settles the dust regarding
the issue of French monopoly in the military. In a way, this French dominance is so far
inevitable considering the widespread preference for a French-styled military tradition, but
most importantly, the impact of the high level of defence and military cooperation with the
French military.
4. 1. 3. Documentation
Official written communication in the military is predominantly in French. Official
documents and other written material are, for the most part, drafted and published in
French. If these documents are circulated within the military, they are used and filed in
French. This also applies to documents destined for French- and English-speaking regions
within the country. If they are destined for foreign countries, they may appear in English
or French depending on the circumstance or country.
169
Written communication destined for the civilian population is dominantly in
French. However, in some places, the police, the army, and even the gendarmerie circulate
some written material in English only, in English and French, or predominantly in French
with sporadic use of English. This is the area of official public notices and other
publications destined for public consumption, e. g. some parts of the penal code involving
the police and the gendarmerie, some aspects of criminal litigation, information about
civic rights, civic duties and civil identification documents required of citizens, etc.,
portray varying use of English.
In military Academies, written documentation is exclusively in French. Instruction
manuals, visual illustrations, course books, training equipment, etc., are written or labelled
in French. This practice is also the rule even in the Mutengene Police College, which
fundamentally trains Anglophones entering the police force. Anglophone trainee officers
and non-commissioned officers have deplored the restriction of English in military
documentation.
This indignation comes from the fact that most non-commissioned officers enter
the military with a primary education certificate, a level which gives them only basic skills
in English, and at which French is not taught in the Anglophone school system. Suddenly,
they are required to study and work exclusively in French; yet such work in French is only
completing a nine-month military training. Worse, a three-month immersion French
course, which prepared Anglophone cadets for mixed training with Francophone cadets,
has been cancelled.
This implies that by the time these undereducated Anglophone cadets complete
military training, get promoted to the ranks of private, non-commissioned officers, etc.,
170
they can hardly communicate in English. Rather, they feel assimilated and alienated, yet,
their French skills are so low that they still find it a problem in the military. They have
also revealed that documentation in English originating from foreign countries (USA,
Britain, Israel, etc.,) is obligatorily translated into French. The original English versions
are discarded while the French versions (sometimes bearing faulty translations) 138 are
retained for instruction. Some senior officers have revealed that the motivating force
behind this practice is explained by two institutionalised facts: 1) all texts (decrees,
policies, and other forms of documentation) which originate from the Presidency of the
Republic to which the Ministry of defence and the General Delegation for National
Security are attached, are often in French; 2) most military co-operation accords are signed
with France, hence, French military officers sent to Cameroon under the terms of such
accords use only French. Besides, their majority in Cameroon’s foreign military cooperation obliges the use of interpreters when foreign military officers from non-Frenchspeaking countries are involved in military training.
4. 1. 4. Staff representation
In military Academies and training centres, most trainees are French-speaking.
This imbalance engenders an unfair staff representation. In other words, nine in every ten
staff are French-speaking and teach in French. This situation alone reinforces the
motivation to present every aspect of training in French and to translate all documentation
into French before using them for instruction. The few English-speaking staff available in
138
A dramatic example is given of a hand gun illustrated in a manual on which was written in English
Browning machine gun, but which was called pistolet in the locally translated French manual. When an
Anglophone trainee (personal communication) asked if pistolet as shown in the locally-translated manual in
French was not actually pistolet-mitrailleur, the French equivalent of a Browning, he was not only booed
by peers but reprimanded for using English.
171
the Academy in the English-speaking region are forced to teach in French 139 . In every
situation both Anglophone trainees and staff find an obligation to use French and never
vice versa.
4. 1. 5. Military law
This is the domain of the military in which the recognition of cultural differences
reflecting the French and British traditions could provide lessons for increasing the
functions of English. In Cameroon, military law operates solely in the ranks and only for
the purposes of military command. It is documented predominantly in French even though
some aspects are produced in both English and French. Military tribunals exist in both
French- and English-speaking regions and judicial procedures may be conducted in either
English or French. Major Ewane Ngwa, a Francophone and a military legal expert
(personal communication at the army Counsellor of Logistics department, November 22,
2002) has revealed that a military judge, like any other military officer in a judicial
procedure, is free within the frame of understanding of official government policy on
bilingualism, to use either English or French, especially if he was able to speak the
language he has chosen. He also added that he has witnessed many military court scenes
during which English was the dominant language as well as others during which both
English and pidgin were the only languages spoken. However, he indicated that a
traditional practice shows that Francophones legal experts, who are profiecient in English
tend to speak French in court even in English-speaking regions because even if they spoke
139
It is reported that in the Police Academy in Mutengene in the English-speaking region, a few
Anglophone senior officers are available for the specific task of helping to translate lessons for Anglophone
trainees from French to English. Yet, this is not useful because it is practically cumbersome, requires time
and extra cost.
172
English, they would resort to French when writing their reports given that they are more
used to French legal jargon.
The current practice does not reflect the situation before 1972, whereby English
was used in military courts in West Cameroon and French in East Cameroon. Yet, in the
process of enforcing criminal law and implementing the penal code in civil society, it is
recognised that there are cultural differences regarding language use. In other words,
criminal investigation and justice involving an Anglophone should be conducted in
English if this is the sole language he understands best. 140
The military recognises that in the English-speaking regions where English law is
applied, litigation is different from the practice in French-speaking regions where French
law is applied. For example, if an Anglophone commits an offence in an Anglophone area,
the police or gendarmerie would not apply the French law and arrest him immediately,
simply because the military operates in French. On the contrary, as Superintendent of
police, Taminang Thomas, (personal communication, November 20, 2002 and January 22,
2003) confirms that the accused may be arrested and detained for a limited time but could
be released on bail. It is only after this process that the accused may be brought before a
court so that he may prove his innocence. Up to this level, the accused is presumed
innocent. Again, this procedure must not be conducted in French just because the military
operates in French; it should be in English to conform to litigation rights under that legal
culture.
140
This may not be fully respected in many police stations and gendarmerie brigades were human rights
abuse is very common. However, I have observed Francophone policemen in English-speaking regions
interrogating Anglophones in Pidgin English owing to their inability in English. This is a commendable
effort to respect their linguistic rights.
173
In the same vein, if an Anglophone is accused of an offence in a French-speaking
region, he would be arrested and confined immediately without the possibility of being
released on bail. Rather, to conform to French law, the accused may be detained until he is
brought before a court to prove that he is innocent of the crime for which he is accused.
This may be conducted in French and with the help of a translator if he did not understand
French. Yet, in this situation, a French legal procedure will apply. Thus, these differences
illustrate an instance of linguistic justice dictated by cultural difference, and which
safeguards the status and functions of each language in this domain.
4.1.6. International Military Cooperation
One of the factors, which motivate and strengthen the preference for French in the
Cameroon military, is the nature and level of cooperation with the French military. The
two parties have maintained a very close relationship since independence in 1960; one
which can be described as similar to that between a master-guardian and a servantdelinquent.
Like the French government’s influence in the economic, administrative, and
political domains, the French military pays the piper and calls the tune. Even though this
trend is slowly on the decline, the impact of what is referred to in French diplomatic
jargon as la coopération militaire et de défense is still felt keenly. The one dimension of
this impact felt most is the disregard of the official bilingual policy and the
institutionalisation of French monolingualism in the military. As shown in the responses to
the survey carried out in this study, French military officers find it awkward to cooperate
with Cameroon military in a language other than French.
174
No one intends anything against Franco-Cameroonian military cooperation per se,
or against such cooperation anywhere else. Besides, such cooperation has always existed
and has slowly become a globally normal practice within the context of globalisation.
However, the point here is that French has, unfortunately, appeared as the inevitable byproduct of the highly frequent and close cooperation between the two militaries. In other
words, frequency makes a habit and a long habit becomes common-law practice.
Hence, in whatever cooperation action involving the two parties, Cameroon
military is obliged to make a linguistic adjustment and to accommodate a cultural
imposition. Besides, this is eased by the policy of assertion and affirmation of France’s
might as a world power especially in its former colonies. It is in this light that the French
National Assembly has an annual tradition of debating and documenting the evolution of
this policy to ensure that French interest is safeguarded in these former colonies.
In plenary debates in view of voting the finance law for the year 2000, the
Commission for National Defence and the Armed Forces in the French National Assembly
presented its annual report focussed on the reform of French military cooperation and
defence. 141 Although the reform targets the general reduction of French military and
defence action abroad, the motive is to widen the scope and domains of French diplomacy
in a bid to affirm the might of France worldwide. Yet, the report reveals the influential role
that the French military plays in the military in Sub-Saharan African countries, specifically
in Francophone countries in general and in Cameroon in particular.
141
Cf. http//www.assemblée-nationale.fr/Budget et Sécurité Sociale/loi de finances pour 1999, 2000, 2001,
2002.
175
4.1.6.1. French military missions in Sub-Saharan Africa
Many Sub-Saharan countries have signed military agreements with France dating
back to the era of independence. Apart from this fact, France explores many situations in
many African countries in a bid to extend its sphere of influence. In French political
language, an imperialist jargon typical of the action involved, is used to classify these
countries into anciens pays du “pré carré” (former colonies considered French overseas
territories), pays de “l’ex-champ” (former colonies under full French control), and l’exzone “hors champ” (countries which France had only temporary influence). 142
The basis of such imperialism is stated in the words of French National Assembly
member, Bernard Cazeneuve (1999: 4-47) who presents the report of the national defence
and the armed forces commission:
Il n’y a pas de grande puissance sans politique de coopération militaire. Celle-ci est même, par la répartition
de ses orientations, un indicateur précieux de la situation internationale du pays qui la mène […] La
coopération militaire et de défense est un instrument de grande portée pour le rayonnement de notre pays et
de l’affirmation des politiques qu’il met en œuvre par le moyen de sa diplomatie […] Il y a deux ans, le
présent rapport regrettait la part excessive, voire quasi-exclusive prise par la coopération militaire avec les
pays d’Afrique sub-saharienne, la conception désuète de celle-ci, et le délabrement qui frappait la politique
de coopération militaire générale, isolée et réduite à des budgets de misère[…] La France s’engage enfin
dans une coopération militaire digne de son rang et en cohérence avec ses orientations politiques
internationales. La coopération militaire devient, par son organisation, ses orientations voire ses budgets, un
instrument cohérent de la politique étrangère définie par le Gouvernement (Avis…loi de finances pour
2000: 16).
The above general philosophy is translated into a clear-cut policy, defining the
plan of action in each region of interest. Again, the policy for Sub-Saharan Africa overtly
states the interference in the military of receiving countries to promote French interests.
Thus, the report states that:
Dans les pays de l’Afrique sub-saharienne tout d’abord, l’action de la coopération française souhaite
englober outre les anciens pays du « pré carré », les pays de l’Afrique anglophone, hispanophone et
lusophone. Dans cette zone, la coopération militaire française se fixe d’abord pour ligne de conduite de
contribuer à créer les conditions favorables au développement. En particulier il s’agit d’insérer les armées et
142
See Avis…sur le projet de loi de finances pour 2001 (n°2585) received at the French National Assembly
on 11 October 2000 (http://www.assemblée-nationale.fr).
176
les Gendarmeries dans la construction et le développement de l’Etat de droit, ainsi que de rendre les armées
aptes à la maîtrise de l’espace des Etats et à la défense des personnes et des biens. Dans ce cadre, la
coopération française redéfinie a pour objet de former les militaires des pays amis et alliés de la France,
et, le cas échéant de leur faire profiter de l’expérience de l’armée française dans la gestion d’états-majors
ou des services centraux d’un ministère de la Défense, mais plus de se substituer à eux dans la conduite de
leurs affaires. Quant aux accords de coopération militaire et de défense qui sont signés avec nos
partenaires, on voit bien qu’ils ont d’abord pour objectif de faciliter l’insertion des outils de défense dans
les cadres démocratiques d’un Etat de droit, même s’ils ne sauraient négliger la prise en compte des
intérêts français. 143 Dans cette optique, la coopération militaire et de défense française accorde une grande
importance au renforcement des capacités africaines de maintien de la paix (Avis…loide finances pour
2000: 20).
An example of the French interests indicated in the above statement is revealed in
the
following
critical
lamentation
of
Edimo
Andrew
(http://www.southerncameroons.org, February 8, 2002), a native of Ndian Division in
the English-speaking South West Province in Cameroon. This revelation leads one to the
remark that the military cooperation is a blind folder and a medium through which
linguistic, political, and economic opportunities are lost to the French.
Most of the wealth illegally claimed by la Republique du Cameroun (LRC) is plundered from Ndian, but
none of this wealth is ploughed back into developing Ndian. Did you know that there are areas in the
middle of Ndian, cordoned off by French troops into which Southern Cameroonians [Anglophones] can
only enter if they want to be shot? One of these places is a thirty square miles area surrounding the village
of Bafaka Balue. According to some sources, the French are busy stealing minerals from the cordoned-off
land. There are no Oroko people in management positions in the oilfields of Ndian and 99% of the regular
144
jobs are owned by citizens of la Republique du Cameroun [Francophones].
It is important to note the following things which the French military exports
through its policy of cooperation: 1) French, through the training of the army; 2) the
gendarmerie, a French military concept; 3) French-styled military administration and
management (la gestion d’états-majors). This is the politico-military string which serves
143
Emphases from line eight of the quotation are mine
This source cannot be taking for gospel truth especially for the extremist position of its author and
because I did not have the possibility of verifying the reliability of this source. Ndian division is one of
such inaccessible areas in the Anglophone region due to the absence of good roads linking it to the rest of
the country. However, two things stand out affirmed in this source: the dominant employment of
Francophones in the national refinery company, So.Na.Ra., indirectly referred to here, and the permanent
presence of gendarmes at all So.Na.Ra premises. This gives Anglophones the feeling that something is
being hidden from them. Hence, they feel alienated and insecure.
144
177
as a funnel for transmitting the various French interests stated in the above quotation,
and which can be referred to as frenchification in this study.
4.1.6.2. French financial allocations for military cooperation
Huge financial investments are set aside annually in the French diplomatic
domain of military cooperation and defence in order to pursue the interests indicated.
Such ‘investment’ under the pretext of military cooperation is a reality in a large number
of countries. The following evidence illustrates the financial allocations and their details.
Le budget de la coopération militaire et de défense étant de 754 millions de francs, c’est donc 22 millions
de francs qui sont transférés de l’ex-mission militaire de coopération vers ce qu’on pourrait presque appeler
la nouvelle coopération. Les crédits consacrés aux pays qui relevaient autrefois du service de l’aide
militaire du ministère des Affaires étrangères passent ainsi de 86,1 millions de francs en 1998 à 132,3
millions de francs en 2000, augmentant de plus de moitié et retrouvant presque leur niveau de 1990 (138
millions de francs). Compte tenu de la réforme de la présentation budgétaire, ils sont en hausse de plus de
20 % après une progression de 32 % entre 1998 et 1999. Ils représentent désormais 21 % des crédits
réservés aux pays de « l’ex-champ » contre 17 % en 1999 et 12 % en 1998. Inversement, bien sûr les
moyens d’action dans les ex-« pays du champ » sont, avec 622,5 millions de francs, diminués de ces
22 millions de francs. (Avis …loi de finances pour 2000:21)
The following table graphically explicates how the new reform on French
military co-operation states the details of the re-deployment of financial allocations,
stating clearly their increase in percentage with time.
Table 8 Re-deployment of financial allocations in French military co-operation
COOPÉRATION MILITAIRE ET DE DÉFENSE: ÉVOLUTION DES DOTATIONS
(en francs)
Libellé
Dotation 1999* Dotation 2000**
Évolution
Coopération technique
NS***
431 875 086
416 006 120
- aide en personnel (art 10)
- dont ex-MMC
373 235 086
345 166 138
- dont ex-SAM
58 640 000
70 839 382
Formation des stagiaires
156 950 000
162 950 000
+ 3,82 %
étrangers (art. 20)
—
- dont ex-MMC
105 300 000
105 300 000
+ 11,62 %
- dont ex-SAM
51 650 000
57 650 000
178
Aide en matériel et
172 700 000
175 800 000
+ 1,80 %
entretien des infrastructures
—
(art. 40)
172 000 000
172 000 000
+ 442,86 %
- dont ex-MMC
700 000
3 800 000
- dont ex-SAM
TOTAL
761 525 086
754 756 120
NS(3)
- dont ex-MMC
650 535 086
622 466 738
- dont ex-SAM
110 990 000
132 289 382
* Loi de finances initiale. ** Projet de loi de finances. *** L’imputation au titre III
des crédits de personnels d’administration centrale interdit les comparaisons terme à
terme
Source :French Ministry of Foriegn Affairs and culled from « Avis présenté au nom
de la commission de la défense nationale et des forces armées sur le projet de loi de
finances pour 2000 (n° 1805) » (p. 21-22).
Culled from Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 21
It is not surprising that these financial allocations are destined to be technical aid
like providing a specific number of military officers to selected countries; technical aid
like providing in-service refresher training for trainee officers; material aid and
maintenance of military infrastructure, but also for running French decentralised military
Academies in these countries as confirmed in the statement below.
De même, les crédits de l’article 40 sont aussi largement consacrés à la formation sur place : c’est sur cet
article que s’imputent les frais engagés pour l’amélioration et l’entretien des infrastructures
d’enseignement. Surtout les crédits, nouveaux, du titre VI (subventions d’investissement) y sont quasiexclusivement affectés. S’agissant de l’Afrique, cette année c’est d’abord à l’ENVR de pilotage de Garoua,
au Cameroun, (pour 1,6 million de francs) et à l’école d’état-major du Gabon, qui n’est pas une ENVR
(pour 3 millions de francs), qu’ils sont consacrés (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000 : 28).
These are areas in which long-term military accords have been signed between France
and many former French colonies in general and those in Sub-Saharan Africa in
particular.
4.1.6.3. French military involvement in the training of the military in Africa
The foregoing facts do not only show ordinary cooperation between French
military and other countries. They illustrate particularly that France is heavily involved
in the instruction and training of the military in these countries. This is understood from
179
the insistence that training should be the priority among the interests that motivate such
huge financial allocations.
Dans la nouvelle définition de la politique de coopération militaire et de défense, la formation tient un rôle
central. Le caractère prioritaire de ce mode d’action se retrouve dans les répartitions budgétaires. De fait, on
constate d’abord une légère augmentation, de 3,82 %, des crédits qui y sont consacrés, c’est-à-dire ceux de
l’article 20. Ceux-ci passent en effet de 157 millions de francs à 163 millions de francs. Surtout, là aussi, la
modulation de cette hausse est beaucoup plus significative encore : si les crédits destinés aux pays relevant
de l’ex-mission militaire de coopération sont maintenus, avec 105 millions de francs, ceux destinés aux
anciens pays « hors champ » passent de 51,6 à 57,6 millions de francs, soit une augmentation de 11,62 %.
Pour la première fois les crédits de formation destinés à ces pays dépassent la moitié de ceux destinés aux
anciens pays du champ. Enfin, on peut constater une légère hausse des crédits de l’article 40, destinés à
l’aide en matériel. Une fois de plus, cette évolution recouvre deux types de décisions. Les crédits destinés
aux ex-« pays du champ » sont maintenus en francs courants, à 172 millions de francs. On ne peut que
constater en effet la réalité des besoins de ces pays. En application d’une démarche déjà engagée cependant,
l’aide directe est désormais systématiquement attribuée dans le cadre de projets établis dans un souci de
partenariat et faisant l’objet de conventions écrites fixant les obligations des deux parties. Mais le fait
majeur est que l’aide directe à l’attention des ex-« pays hors champ » quintuple, passant de 700 000 francs
en 1999, montant à vrai dire symbolique, à 3,8 millions de francs (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000 : 22).
This is evidence, which supports the claim that French military involvement in the
funding and training of the military in many Sub-Saharan African countries is a major
factor in French monopoly in the military, and the restriction of English therein. In other
words, if France pays the piper, she calls the tune. Evidence that the French military
pays the costs of operations and controls them can be found in the terms of military
training spelt out succinctly in the details of the reformed diplomacy of military cooperation.
On l’a vu, c’est désormais la formation des cadres officiers et sous-officiers des armées et des
Gendarmeries qui est la priorité de la coopération militaire et de défense française. Cette formation est
effectuée de deux façons : en France d’abord, dans les écoles militaires françaises et dans le cadre de stages
réguliers ou de cours spéciaux et, de plus en plus, en Afrique, dans les écoles nationales, à vocation
régionale ou non, aidées par la coopération militaire et de défense française. En 1999, c’est plus de
2 000 places de stage qui ont été offertes à des militaires étrangers originaires de plus de 100 pays, dont
1 717 en France et 415 dans des écoles nationales à vocation régionales (ENVR) véritables écoles de
formation militaires françaises décentralisées. L’offre est ainsi en hausse de près de 20 % par rapport aux
offres séparées de stages de l’ex-service de l’aide militaire du ministère des Affaires étrangères et de l’exmission militaire de coopération (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 25).
Such French control and the helplessness of receiving countries are evidenced by
the facts here. The training must take place in military Academies in France and in
decentralised regional French military Academies in African countries. In 2000, this
180
offer had increased by 20% even though in the same year the reform scaled down
military aid. This is evidence that in some way, the reform is more of a blind folder
whereas the real figures illustrate a different situation. Consider in the following
statement, the choice of military staff to be trained in France:
L’enseignement et la formation dispensés en France s’adressent d’abord aux personnels de haut niveau
appelés à exercer des niveaux de responsabilité élevés dans leur pays. A ce titre ils concernent
l’enseignement militaire supérieur, du 1er et du 2ème degrés. Sont aussi offerts des stages de formation,
d’application et de perfectionnement, pour les officiers subalternes, et des stages techniques de spécialité,
pour les sous-officiers. Leur durée varie de quelques semaines, pour les stages techniques de spécialité, à
plusieurs années pour les formations d’officiers et de médecins (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 25).
The training is offered to junior and senior officers who occupy high positions in
the military in their countries. These positions are those at which policy issues are
initiated. Thus, these officers just implement in their countries policies similar to those
they learned during their training. They are further pushed to it by the nature of military
accords signed, French patronage, and the desire to do what pleases the patron or eases
communication between the patron and the protégé. Compare in the following table, the
percentage and the number of training places accorded to these special protégé countries
in francophone Africa, to the situation of their fellow non-francophone African countries
and other countries around the world.
Table 9: Allocation of French military training opportunities
Pays membres de l'Union européenne
Autres pays d’Europe et Turquie
Ex-CEI
Afrique noire francophone et Cameroun
Afrique non francophone
Afrique du Nord
Moyen-Orient
Asie-Océanie
Nombre de
stages
114
254
34
676
38
267
175
97
%
6,6
14,8
2
39,4
2,2
15,5
10,2
5,6
181
Maurice-Seychelles
Amérique du Nord
Amérique centrale et du Sud
TOTAL
20
10
32
1 717
1,2
0,6
1,9
100
Culled from Avis…loi de finances pour 2000 : 26.
These figures certainly indicate a preferential tendency towards Sub-Saharan
francophone African countries in general and Cameroon in particular. Even though it
may be argued that these countries are originally special to France by virtue of their
membership in the Francophonie in which French takes the pride of place, it does not
sufficiently explain the case of Cameroon whose dual membership in the Francophonie
and the Commonwealth of Nations should remove the exclusive preference for French in
official domains including the military. One of the many explanations lies in the huge
military investments in these countries, some of which are decentralised French military
Academies where French military staff train local officers. Their large number indicates
how difficult it may be trying to change the exclusive French predominance in these
Academies and their environments.
En 1999, dix écoles de ce type fonctionnent en Afrique : l’école d’application de l’infanterie au Sénégal
(EAI à Thiès) (30 stagiaires en 1999) ; l’école militaire d’administration au Mali (EMA à Koulikoro)
(78 stagiaires en 1999) ; l’école d’état-major au Mali (EEM à Koulikoro) (39 stagiaires en 1999) ; la
division d’application des transmissions en Côte d’Ivoire ((DAT à Bouaké) (60 stagiaires en 1999) ; l’école
nationale des officiers d’active au Sénégal (ENOA à Thiès) (30 stagiaires en 1999) ; l’école d’application
de la Gendarmerie en Côte d’Ivoire (Abidjan) (30 stagiaires en 1999) ; l’école du service de santé au Togo
(ESSA de Lomé) (28 stagiaires en 1999) ; le centre d’instruction naval en Côte d’Ivoire (CIN d’Abidjan )
(34 stagiaires en 1999) ; l’école du maintien de la paix en Côte d’Ivoire (EMP de Zambakro) (68 stagiaires
en 1999) ; le centre de perfectionnement de la police judiciaire au Bénin (CPPJ de Porto-Novo) (18
stagiaires en 1999). L’effort de création d’écoles se poursuit. En effet, la DCMD participera au soutien et au
financement de quatre écoles nouvelles en 2000 : l’école de soutien matériel à Ouagadougou (Burkina
Faso) ; le centre de perfectionnement de la Gendarmerie mobile à Ouakam (Sénégal) ; le centre de
perfectionnement du maintien de l’ordre d’Awae (Cameroun) ; l’école de pilotage de Garoua (Cameroun).
Au total, plus de 600 stagiaires devraient être formés dans ces écoles en 2000 contre 415, provenant de
20 pays, en 1999, 269 en 1998 et 193 en 1997 (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 31).
There is a declared wish to have many more African military Officers trained in
France than the number indicated earlier. However, the following table shows that this
182
wish is still attained through the decentralised French military Academies in the
respective countries. Cameroon is among the few generously favoured countries in the
number of places.
Table 10: Allocation of military training opportunities in regional French
Academies
Pays
Angola
Bénin
Burkina-Faso
Burundi
Cameroun
Centrafrique
Congo
Côte d’Ivoire
Djibouti
Gabon
Guinée
Guinée équatoriale
Madagascar
Mali
Mauritanie
Niger
Sénégal
Tchad
Togo
Zimbabwe
Total
1998
2
18
11
5
24
9
1
22
8
12
14
6
49
16
12
30
14
16
269
1999
4
29
21
7
27
13
8
50
9
40
14
1
9
42
24
2
49
27
37
2
415
Culled from Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 28.
In this devoted military commitment, special attention has been accorded to the
introduction of the gendarmerie as a militarised security force rather than the police. This
French military concept is a tradition which signals French presence anywhere the
gendarmerie is present. In Africa in general, this force is widely associated with France
and French colonialism but in Cameroon in particular which is bicultural, it actually
represents French military imperialism.
183
On sait que l’un des axes traditionnels d’intérêt de l’ex-MMC en Afrique était la constitution de forces
militaires de sécurité solides, opérationnelles et respectueuses de la loi. Cette préoccupation s’est traduite
par un double effort de formation et d’équipement des forces de Gendarmerie africaines[…] S’agissant de
la formation des forces de Gendarmerie à l’étranger, il faut rappeler qu’après l’ouverture en 1998 de
l’ENVR de Gendarmerie d’Abidjan, et, en 1999, de celle de police judiciaire de Porto Novo au Bénin, deux
des quatre ENVR dont l’ouverture est prévue pour 2000 sont des écoles de Gendarmerie : le centre de
perfectionnement de la Gendarmerie mobile d’Ouakam (Sénégal) et le centre de perfectionnement du
maintien de l’ordre d’Awae (Cameroun) (Avis…loi de finannces pour 2000 : 30-31).
Cameroon is not only famous for being nearly coup d’état-free but also for the
credit which the gendarmerie takes for contributing to keeping the peace as a postcolonial
French-styled militarised security corps. Yet, the fact that its concept, administration,
technical communication, command, etc., are meaningful only when operated in French
is already a foundation of linguistic exclusion in bilingual and multilingual contexts like
Cameroon. This is the fact about the corps that portrays it as an effective medium of
frenchification in Cameroon and in other countries where it operates.
4.1.6.4. French military personnel put at the disposal of francophone African
countries and Cameroon
Apart from funding and training the militaries, evidence shows that France has a
tradition of protecting the national and territorial sovereignty of her former colonies.
Hence, technical military Officers known as coopérants militaires techniques are
dispatched on emergency or depending on the terms of the military accord signed
between the two parties.
Les forces militaires permanentes, dites forces prépositionnées, sont stationnées dans le cadre
d’accords de défense, conclus pour la plupart lors des indépendances, avec des pays africains.
Elles sont installées au Sénégal, en Côte d’Ivoire, au Gabon, à Djibouti ainsi qu’au Tchad où leur
présence est légalisée non par un accord de défense, mais par un accord de coopération militaire
technique. Au 1er juin 1999, l’évolution du dispositif Français représentaient 6 308 hommes et, en
termes d’équipement, quinze avions de combat, sept avions de transport, un avion de patrouille
maritime, 18 hélicoptères et de nombreux blindés légers (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 31).
184
Even though Cameroon is not mentioned in the above list of countries where a
standing French force is available, Operation ARAMIS, currently placed under the
command of the Cameroonian military, has as many as 66 highly specialised top French
military Officers serving as avant-gardes in Cameroon military operations and projects.
This force and its cost are still some of the very high expenditures sustained by France in
the region to promote her interests. The following table states the various operations
involved, their objectives, the number of Officers, and the cost of each operation. The
objective of the operation is to implement of the terms of an accord signed between
countries.
Table 11: French external military missions, objectives, forces and cost
Opérations
ARAMIS (Cameroun)
CONDOR (Iles Hanish)
CORYMBE (Golfe de
Guinée)
HELIANTHE (Liban)
Objet
Soutien de la France au Cameroun dans
le cadre de l’accord de défense
Médiation du différend entre le Yémen et
l’Erythrée à propos des Iles Hanish
Présence au large des côtes africaines et
surveillance des champs pétrolifères
Surveillance du respect des accords de
cessez-le-feu entre le Liban, Israël, la
Libye
ISKOUTIR/ARDOUKOBA
Aide aux populations civiles
(Djibouti)
Protection des installations des Forces
KHOR-ANGAR (Djibouti)
françaises, du port et de l’aéroport
Vérification du déminage des abords de
PECARI (Liban)
l’ambassade
Garde et protection de l’ambassade et
IROKO (Guinée-Bissao)
préparation d’une évacuation
Garde et protection de l’ambassade et
OKOUMÉ (Congo)
préparation d’une évacuation
AMB. ALGÉRIE
Garde et protection de l’ambassade
MURÈNE (RCA)
Garde et protection de l’ambassade
RECAMP BISSAO
Assistance à une opération internationale
Total
Effectif
de la force
Surcoûts*
66
16
—
5,1
93
6,8
4
3,05
4
1,2
493
46,2
39
0,5
16,2
30
1,4
129
5
—
863
27
1,1
—
124,55
185
* Surcoûts estimés pour l’année 1999, en millions de francs
Source : Ministère de la Défense
Cameroon is one of those countries that have long benefited from such military
deals and currently stands among the few top French-speaking African countries with a
standing French defence force at its disposal. The new French reform of military
cooperation has drastically cut down on this practice in many countries. Yet, Cameroon
remains top on the list of countries whose French defence force has witnessed a fairly
stable number.
Cette année, la diminution du nombre de coopérants militaires est considérable. Au 1er janvier 2000, ils
devraient n’être plus que 427, contre plus de 570 l’an dernier. Les effectifs de coopérants dans les ex-« pays
hors champ » restant globalement stables, autour d’une soixantaine, on voit quelle réduction drastique est
opérée en ce qui concerne les pays d’Afrique francophone. Le nombre de coopérants dans les ex-« pays du
champ » passera de 506 au 1er janvier 1999 à 366 au 1er janvier 2000, soit une diminution considérable de
140 postes, plus du quart, alors que traditionnellement l’effectif ne diminuait que 70 postes environ chaque
année. Désormais, plus aucune mission de coopération militaire et de défense n’atteint les 40 membres.
Quatre seulement atteignent les trente membres : celle du Cameroun en conflit avec le Nigeria dans
l’affaire de Bakassi, et celles du Tchad, de Côte-d’Ivoire et du Gabon. Celle du Sénégal lui-même ne
comporte plus que 28 membres, tandis qu’avec l’installation de la MINURCA celle de la République
Centrafricaine sera passée de 63 membres en 1996 à 18 en 2000 (Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 23-24).
One would have expected the use of English to increase within the Cameroon
military nowadays for one reason: her military is involved in a sustained armed conflict
with Nigeria, a military giant and English-speaking neighbour. Knowledge of English
would be a technical advantage over the enemy. But the French military involvement
typical of the above stated evidence simply removes the possibility for such instrumental
motivation to become effective. It is interesting to compare the number of French forces
currently in Cameroon with those in other African countries. The number reveals a
position in the top range and preference given to Cameroon and a few other countries in
the sub-region despite the declining tendencies of the numbers.
186
Table 12: Evolution of positions held by French co-operation and military experts in
sub-Saharan Africa and Cambodia (Évolution des postes de coopérants militaires
techniques: Afrique sub-saharienne et Cambodge(1) (ex MMC))
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
Angola
2
2
4
5
2
Bénin
24
22
22
21
19
Burkina-Faso
14
14
15
17
15
Burundi
24(2) Cameroun
54
50
45
42
39
Cap Vert
1
Centrafrique
63
59
59
28
18
Comores
34
28
16
11
4(3)
Congo
25
23
7
7
4
Côte d’Ivoire
50
45
40
40
36
Djibouti
47
41
34
32
27
Ethiopie
2
1
Gabon
60
51
40
35
30
Guinée
29
27
26
23
20
Guinée Equatoriale
4
4
4
4
4
Madagascar
25
24
22
22
21
Malawi
1
1
1
1
1
Mali
25
23
21
20
17
Mauritanie
52
47
42
39
17(4)
Mozambique
4
2
Niger
50
44
42
39
9(3)
Sénégal
32
31
31
30
28
Tchad
60
55
55
46
35
Togo
34
32
29
27
22
Cambodge
17 (5) 15
15
14
12
Sous-total (ex-MMC) 714 640 570 506 366
TOTAL
—
—
—
—
427
GÉNÉRAL(6)
(1) Effectifs au 1er janvier.
(2) Fermeture de la mission militaire au Burundi à l’été
1996.
(3) La coopération avec les Comores et le Niger est
suspendue, à l’exception du projet santé.
(4) La coopération avec la Mauritanie est suspendue, à
l’initiative de la Mauritanie.
(5) Pour mémoire (effectifs pris en charge par le budget
des Affaires étrangères en 1996).
(6) Pour les années 1996 à 1999, les dates des séries ne
sont pas homogènes.
Culled from Avis…loi de finances pour 2000: 25-26.
187
The claim that the high number of French technical military staff in Cameroon is due to
the country’s involvement in an armed conflict with Nigeria rather shows the
faithfulness and commitment that characterises cooperation between the two countries
than just the conflict situation. Besides, the fact that France acts as a patron towards
Cameroon and the other protégé countries indicated in the table above explains the
desperation of these countries before French patronage and their inability to avoid the
imposition of French – intentionally or inadvertently – as the language of cooperation.
The foregoing overview has provided evidence for French presence in the armed
forces of African countries in general and that of Cameroon in particular. It has shown
that the overwhelming involvement of the French military in Cameroon’s military
financially, technically, educationally, actively, and politically through its reformed
diplomacy of military cooperation and defence is fertile ground for French monopoly.
Besides, this monopoly is the basis for the disregard of the bilingual policy and the
restriction of English within the Cameroon military.
4. 2. Survey of military personnel
Owing to length and space limitation, only the most conclusive tables have been
shown in this section. Besides, the tables presented in this section give the results of the
questionnaires. However, ordinary statistical tables have been placed in appendix 5a. In
addition, a complenetary version of the tables in this section has been provided in
appendix 5b showing details of the response pattern between Anglophone and
Francophone respondents.
188
In Cameroon, the military is divided into the army, the gendarmerie, the police, and
other special forces culled from these three major categories and given specific functions.
However, depending on the type of force and domain of activity, each major category is
further distributed into departments, regions, sectors or units (see photographs 36, 97, and
106 in part 2 of chapter 3). They are also numbered to correspond to different regions of
the country. Thus, each of the ten political administrative regions known as provinces has
a military region, sector or department representing the three major categories stated
above. Of those ten provinces, five were surveyed, corresponding to five military regions
whose headquarters 145 are shown in the following table. In other words, the major military
regions in the country were surveyed.
The sampling shows that the respondents (questionnaire and interviews) are
representative of the military. In other words, the geographical range of elicitation
indicates a meaningful sampling as far as place of interview is concerned. Thus, in
selecting the place of interview, 50% of the military regions were surveyed. Besides, the
fact that the five most important military regions in the country were surveyed adds credit
to the validity of the responses and enhances the facts, which substantiate the arguments
in this study.
Moreover, it is in Yaounde, the political capital; Douala, the economic capital;
and in Garoua, the birthplace of the country’s first President, Amadou Ahidjo, that the
presence of the military is usually predominant. However, due to recent internal
sociopolitical conflicts relating to the disparagement of the status of Anglophones, and
145
‘No response’ in the table indicates refusal to name the place of interview in the two Anglophone towns
of Bamenda and Buea, which incidentally are currently the two most politically and militarily sensitive
regions in the country.
189
sustained armed border conflicts 146 between Cameroon and Nigeria, there has been an
increase in military concentration in the two Anglophone North West and South West
Provinces of late.
The various divisions of the military were surveyed. The army provided the
highest responses. This can be explained by the fact that, with the exception of the police,
the other two, i.e. gendarmes and Presidential Guards, are fundamentally trained within
the army before being sent to serve in the gendarmerie. Thus, this selection is considered
quite representative of the Cameroon military. Sometimes, the police is not considered as
part of the military. But owing to the fact that in Cameroon, this force has similar security
duties, equipment, documentation and administrative traditions with the gendarmerie, I
decided to include it in the military category. It was thought that the views of respondents
in this force would add more insights to the restriction of English within the military
considering that there was once a distinct police culture in West Cameroon.
The number of respondents was forty (40). This number is a representative figure
because these respondents were chosen according to such criteria as rank in the military,
administrative position, knowledge of languages, experience, province of origin, etc. The
enthusiasm towards the survey demonstrated among the ranks of the military personnel is
commendable. Both Presidential Security 147 and Guards show the least cooperation with
issues regarding the use of English within their force and services. At best, they tend to
146
For over two decades, the two countries have witnessed sustained military tension ( including several
periods of full-scale armed conflict) over the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsular, which is situated in coastal waters
of the Anglophone South West Province. These factors have raised the status of the military department in
this region.
147
In Cameroon, there is a marked difference between Presidential Security (a special force culled from all
the military divisions charged with the personal security of the President) and Presidential Guard (a force
trained within the army and additionally drilled towards the task of guarding the Presidency and other
presidential residences.
190
be aggressive, 148 especially given that the study has to do with issues relating to the use
of English (which they may or may not have more than a smattering of) and the sociopolitical status of Anglophones. 149
Regarding the repondents’ region of origin and place of birth, 2.5% of responses,
to state the least, were recorded from each of approximately seven provinces from where
respondents originate. This widens the scope of the military survey. Of all the responses,
the North West and South West Provinces (Anglophone regions) provided the highest
percentage of responses (North West, 70%; South West, 15%). The other provinces
(Francophone) did not go beyond 2.5% each. This difference shows the attitude patterns
of Francophones and Anglophones towards English in the military.
Respondents’ linguistic region of origin was also surveyed. Francophones are
generally hesitant to talk about relationships regarding the Francophone-Anglophone
dichotomy. There is usually either an unrealistic denial of any claims 150 made by
Anglophones or an apparent guilt and unease when Anglophones talk about cultural
differences and Francophone stranglehold that characterise this dichotomy. In a way
typical of this tendency, the table below explains Francophones’ attitude to the survey. 35
Anglophones or 87.5% were receptive to the interviews against a small figure of 3 or
7.5%. Even if the number of ‘no response’ were added to it, this would not go beyond a
comparatively low figure of 12.5%. Anglophone respondents found this survey normal
148
I was once physically molested and chased from one of their offices when I was found presenting
questionnaires to some members of the force.
149
The two respondents who provided the responses recorded against Presidential Guards (one Francophone
and one Anglophone) put me through an excruciating interrogation before taking the decision to cooperate
in the interviews. Besides, they put their cooperation on the condition that they take with them my personal
information. At the end of the interview, they urged me to promise that I will not reveal their identity in my
study- a promise I have kept.
150
For over two decades, the Francophone-Anglophone dichotomy has increasingly become a situation in
which only claims are articulated by the latter while denial and unnecessary defensive justification for the
most part, mark the reactions of the former.
191
from two perspectives, 1) it is a piece of scientific research carried out for academic
purposes, 2) studies of this nature should be encouraged for the insights they bring to the
understanding of the national sociolinguistic and communication situation. Contrary to
this opinion, most Francophones including those who objected to giving their responses
and those who responded thought that 1) the issues in the survey were too sensitive to be
addressed openly, and, 2) such studies only remind people of their unease about the
Francophone-Anglophone relationship.
Respondents’ nationwide work and residential experience were issues
considered important to the concerns of the study. One of many integration
strategies adopted by government is sending its staff to hold civil service positions
anywhere in the country, regardless of the staff’s linguistic origin (French- or
English-speaking). This strategy came from the belief that if Francophones work
in Anglophone regions and vice versa, this will speed up individual bilingual
competence. However, the frequencies below do not confirm that belief. The
figures show that one in every forty military staff has worked in both French- and
English-speaking regions. In some way, this confirms a popular saying in the
country that many people working in Yaounde have lived in one other place. In
other words, the concentration of government institutions in Yaounde raises the
possibility that most people have lived or worked there besides their region of
origin. Thus 57.5% of military staff (either Francophones or Anglophones) has
worked in Yaounde and at least 2.5% of the staff has worked in Garoua (both
192
French-speaking regions). 25% of similar staff have, at least, worked or lived in
one Anglophone region, Bamenda.
One factor, respondents’ ranks in the military, was surveyed to determine whether
or not rank influenced the use of and/or proficiency in two official languages. Owing to
the differences in the appellation of ranks and what they signify in the different military
categories, it is important for the purpose of understanding to adopt a common way of
referring to similar ranks in the different categories. Using the ranks in the army for
explaining the table below, ‘First class’ refers to Senior Officers; ‘Lower class’ refers to
Non-Commissioned Officers; and ‘middle class’ refers to Junior Officers. Thus, 9
(22.5%) Senior Officers including Captains, Lieutenants, Lieutenant Colonels, Colonels,
Superintendents, Senior Superintendents, and Commissioners of police were interviewed.
This number alone would have represented the entire military qualitatively,
especially considering that this scale of personnel was particularly receptive, cooperative
and informative, but most importantly, because they are the policy-makers. However, like
their senior colleagues, the Junior Officers were quite responsive recording 47.5 %. The
Non-Commissioned Officers were only 27.5% responsive. The entire result implies that
Junior and Senior Officers are more cooperative in issues regarding language use in the
military. This may be explained by the fact that they hold important positions in military
policy issues and administration and thus, have much information, reason and the duty to
explain several issues even if some of them cannot be changed within their powers. The
Non-Commissioned Officers only comply with the regulations set by their Senior
Officers and have very little power to alter any policy. This explains the reticence and
193
fear of being identified, which these Non-Commissioned Officers demonstrated during
the survey.
It was also important to investigate the place or country of repondents’ military
traing. This question seeks to determine if some personnel trained in English-speaking
regions in Cameroon or abroad. Their attitude to the use of English would certainly be
favourable if not completely positive. 72.5% of the personnel were trained in Cameroon,
2.5% in France, and 2.5% in USA. However, as many as 11 or 27.5% of the personnel
abstained from responding to this question. For fear of being identified, they avoided it
completely and this behaviour gives more justification for posing this question as well as
to the meaningfulness of the survey. As indicated earlier, most of the Non-Commissioned
Officers requested anonymity during the survey. In some way, their responses may be too
bluntly true, and as sensitive as the whole issue is, they preferred to avoid being
identified.
CNTRAIN1 Country of Training 1
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Cameroon
29
72.5
72.5
72.5
No
response
11
27.5
27.5
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Closely related to the place of training was the location of military training in
Cameroon. All places indicated in the table below are in Cameroon (see Appendix E for
table on place of training in Cameroon). All are located in French-speaking regions but
for one, Mutengene, which is located in the English-speaking South West Province. Note
that only 10% of the military train at this centre as opposed to 85% who train at centres in
194
French-speaking regions. This puts the chances for the use of English at a loss because it
quickly loses to French outside the centres even if it is used to some extent within these
centres.
Regarding respondents’ length of service, the responses show that 60% of the
military interviewed has up to five years of working experience. 42.5% have worked
between 1 and 5 years while 27.5% have worked between 16 and 20 years. The former
group may be Non-Commissioned Officers just coming out of training and making their
debut in the forces. The latter are Junior Officers who have had considerable experience
in the military, but who have not yet attained the level at which policy issues may be left
in their hands. The implication is that both these Non-Commissioned Officers and Junior
Officers still apply and follow regulations laid down by the Senior Officers who hold
long-serving policy positions. Therefore they are, 1) as a matter of policy, required to use
only French; 2) five years of working experience is just the time to practice working with
the language of the military, French, in order to be eligible for promotion; 3) twenty
years of working experience is actually a duration in which Non-Commission Officers
should have mastered working with French such that they should have gained promotion
to Junior and even Senior ranks in exceptional cases. Thus, the opportunities to use
English are very few or are simply removed, especially because French is one criterion
for promotion in the military. Besides, the fact that in the Cameroon military an Officer,
whether in official or private situations, is considered on duty, endorses the use of French
by the military in every place and at all times. This leaves the use of English in their
career time probably only with the family situation. 151 A small number of military staff,
151
Anglophones serving in the military state that they find it difficult using English even at home given that
most military personnel live in French-speaking regions or in military camps where French is still the
195
mostly Senior Officers, who have between twenty and thirty-five years of working
experience use English to some considerable extent for reasons that have been
highlighted earlier.
4. 2. 1. Respondents’ support for the bilingual policy
95% of the military like the official French-English bilingual policy in Cameroon
and only 5% are opposed to it. This shows that they automatically support the official
point of view, hiding their real feelings. However, these responses contradict the
exclusive use of French within the military especially as Francophones have indicated
their desire for English in interviews (see interview results later in this chapter). Yet, in
some way the results explain the foundation of sporadic use of English in official
situations and at several levels within the military.
A detailed study of responses shows the following pattern, which should be considered
together with interview results later in this chapter.
Respondents’ attitude towards French and English as Cameroon's official Languages.
predominant language. Worse, most Anglophones enter the military just after completing primary or
secondary education, a level at which most learners have not attained an intermediate level in English.
Thus, when they undergo linguistic immersion in French during military training and during service
thereafter, they hardly ever find the motivation to use English, let alone sustaining an acceptable
conversation in English.
196
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophones
Anglophones
Frequency
2
1
3
Frequency
37
1
38
%
66.67
33.33
100
%
97.37
2.63
100
Furthermore, the following representative response reinforces the arguments presented at
this point.
Text 3 S1/Francophone/Senior Superintendent of police (Commissaire Divisionaire)/Director of
Mutengene police college
I. Que pensez-vous du bilinguisme en francais et en anglais au Cameroun en général?
R. Ce que pense ou comment je vois le bilinguisme marcher ?
I. Est-ce que c’est une bonne idée pour commencer ?
R. Nous n’avons pas le choix. Il n’y pas de choix, il n’y a pas de choix. C’est une décision politique. Le
Cameroun a choisir deux langues du fait de l’histoire du Cameroun eh ! L’histoire du Cameroun lie le pays
à avoir deux langues. C’est pas un choix ça, c’est, ça c’est, c’est pas un choix du pays, c’est pas voulu par le
pays. C’est le fait d’une colonisation. Si le Cameroun était rester allemand on ne serait jamais bilingue. Si
Monsieur Ahidjo avait réussir à faire, à rentrer Martias Nguéma dans la fédération du Cameroun on serait
trilingue. Nous sommes là des victimes de la colonisation eh, et c’est là où si vous faites de la recherche
vous devez remarquer, allez très, allez chercher très loin l’origine du bilinguisme. Mais faut pas tomber
brutalement sur le bilinguisme et dire le Cameroun est bilingue, est-ce que sa plaît au camerounais ou pas !
Le problème c’est pas que ça nous plaît. Ces langues-là ne sont pas nos langues. C’est des langues résultant
de la colonisation. Du temps des allemands les camerounais étaient allemands. Quand vous arrivez à
Bamenda, si vous trouvez encore des gens à Bamenda qui, à qui dieu a donné une longue vie, qui
connaissent la période allemande, il vous parles encore allemand. Si vous arrivez à Ba…Ba… Ba… ici dans
le Sud Ouest et qu’il existent encore des gens à qui dieu à donné une longue vie, ils parlent encore
allemand. Ces gens-là ont existé jusqu’à un passé très récent. Certains sont entrain de mourir maintenant.
Donc, le bilinguisme pour nous est le fait d’une colonisation. Et comme le pays était déjà, n’est-ce pas, le
pays dans ses, sa partie orientale et occidentale, ces parties orientales et occidentales étaient déjà engagées
dans un système de communication qu’on ne pouvait pas changer eh. On aurait pu faire comme le Zaire et
dire qu’on ne veut pas le, le, le, la langue belge ou le français des belges pour qu’on impose le Lingala mais
le Cameroun n’a pas opté ça. Parce que face à une multitude de trente, de trois cent, plus de trois cent
dialectes, on n’a pas voulu imposer ou alors on a manqué de courage politique, parce que là il y a un
problème de courage politique, on a manqué de courage politique pour imposer une langue, on aurait pu
prendre le fulfuldé ou le Duala sans que ça dérange qui que se soit. Mais M. Ahidjo à l’époque, parce que là
quand je parle du Duala ou du fulfuldé, je parle des patois qui sont les plus accessible, n’est-ce pas au plan
linguistique ; ceux qui sont les patois qu’on peut écrire, qui sont, qui peuvent être les plus parlés, n’est-ce
pas par la totalité, tout comme, il y a le Swahili ailleurs. Vous avez dans la, pour toute l’Afrique du Sud, à
partir de Botswana et autres en descendant ils ont le swahili. La Namibie, ils ont le Swahili tout comme
vous avez le Lingala qui monte, tout comme vous avez le Fulbé, eh, le Fulbé dans, non c’est pas le grand
nord, même chez les Côte D’Ivoire, Bénin et autres. Ils ont des langues comme ça qui véhiculent. Nous on
n’a pas eu ça. Donc, l’anglais et le français sont acceptés ou pas elles se sont imposées à nous. Du fait de la
colonisation nous n’avons aucun choix là dessus…vous suivez-là eh ?
The varying attitude patterns towards language policy made it important to
investigate respondents’ competence in English and French. While 92.5% of the military
say they are able to speak English and French, only 7.5% say they are unable to use the
two languages. Even though it is useful to check the level of performance in these
197
languages, as shown below, one can say that it is, this far, a favourable attitude towards
English and French. From these results, it may be said that English is simply restricted
from the military and that the policy of bilingualism is not implemented in the military.
SPKFRENG Speak French & English
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yes
37
92.5
92.5
92.5
No
3
7.5
7.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
In other words, the following response pattern may be further revealing.
Respondents’ ability in French and English
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
%
2
100
1
0
3
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
35
92.11
3
7.89
38
100
Regarding French, 52.5% of the military speak French averagely, 32.5% speak it
very well, only 7.5% speak it excellently, and 5% speak it poorly. However, a cumulative
97.5% speak, at least, some French while a cumulatively 92.5% of the military speak
French above average level.
French Speaking Ability.
Response
Francophone
Frequency
%
Average
1
50
Very good
0
0
Excellent
1
50
Poor
0
0
Average
0
0
Total
2
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
3
8.11
10
27.03
22
59.46
2
5.41
0
0
37
100
198
Unlike French, 25% of the military speak English averagely, 55% speak it very
well, and 20% speak it excellently. While 52.5% of the military report that they speak
French averagely, 25% say they speak English averagely. 32.5% speak French very well
while 55% speak English very well, and, 7.5% speak French excellently compared with
20% who speak English excellently. Therefore, from a personal perspective, English
compares fairly well or even better in some circumstances as one goes up the ranks and
through the different forces. But from a general point of view, the attitude of
Francophones toward French and the habit of using it everywhere makes English lose to
French in official situations in the military.
Respondents’ English Speaking ability
Response
Francophone
Frequency
%
Very good
0
0
Average
1
50
Excellent
1
50
Total
2
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
7
18.42
21
55.26
10
26.32
38
100
Some factors may have contributed to this sudden rise in personal ability in
English within the military and their impact should not be understated. These concern the
sustained military stand-off with Nigeria over the border crisis and the Bakassi Peninsula,
military negotiations involving the two sides, the need to access Nigerian Intelligence,
socio-political conflicts emanating from the Anglophone community which have
engendered permanent military concentrations in these English-speaking regions. In some
way, this confirms the success of government integration strategies referred to earlier.
199
4. 2. 3. Language spoken at the workplace
Contrary to the responses demonstrated above for the preference for English and
French, and competence in the two languages, the following responses show that English
loses to French in official use within the military. The implication is that there is
institutionalised restriction of English in the military. While 75% of the military speak
French at work, only 22.5% speak English at the workplace. This percentage could even
be lower if one removed the responses from the police force, where the use of English in
official situations is more common especially in the Anglophone regions.
LGSPKWRK Language Spoken at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
30
75.0
75.0
75.0
English
9
22.5
22.5
97.5
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Respondents’ Language Spoken at Work Place.
Response
French
English
Total
Francophone
Frequency
%
0
0
2
100
2
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
13
34.21
25
65.79
38
100
77.5% of the military report in French at the workplace, up from 75% who speak
it in official situations, while only 22.5% of the military write in English at their
workplace. This is a very insignificant percentage, which does not make English a reality
within the military, despite the very high percentage of the military who like French and
English as official languages in the country and who demonstrate at least average ability
in English.
200
LGWRTWRK Language Written at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
31
77.5
77.5
77.5
English
9
22.5
22.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
The main reason advanced for the predominant use of French is that it is
compulsory. Thus, 67.5% of the military are obliged to work in French. Among other
reasons are language of origin, language of work, language of studies, and official
language. Among these, language of studies and language of work may be added to
obligation to make 75% of the military that are compelled to work in French. It is this
obligation that relegates English in the military.
The reasons for choosing French are further confirmed in the following results
that are self-explanatory. 100% of the military believe that French is the first language of
the military. However, first language implies that there is a second language in principle
or a secondary language in prestige. But a further contradiction is illustrated by the use of
English in official situations at many levels in the military where French would otherwise
be used given its high prestige.
MILFLANG Military First Language
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
French
40
100.0
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
100.0
201
This leads to the remark that the politics of English in the military is not limited to the
issue regarding what language(s) the military uses officially; it stretches to issues relating
to who is involved in the military (i.e. government, foreign collaborators/donors, attitude
of Francophones and Anglophones, etc.), and what the military is involved in (national
politics and governance, sociopolitical conflicts, military expansionism and rivalry with a
neighbouring economic powerhouse, Nigeria, protection of French interests in the
country, etc.). In other words, it is more of a political than just a military strategic policy.
The following figures match their corresponding responses as it is explained why
French is considered the first language of the military:
•
The military are trained only in French…(92.5% of respondents chose this option)
•
The Cameroon military is structured as in France… (65% of respondents chose this
option)
France provides funding and cooperates with the Cameroon military, but the French do
not like working in English… (40% of respondents chose this response)
Most of the high-ranking officers who make decisions in the military are Francophones
and find it awkward to work in English…(2.5% of respondents abstained)
Other. Please specify…(97.5% of respondents abstained) See Appendix 2 E for
•
•
•
statistics.
The first three responses indicate very high percentages and illustrate the validity
of the reasons for the choice of French as the first language of the military. It is also
shown here that the choice of French is not based on facts of fair competition but dictated
by variables stretching beyond the simple issue of choice of language. In other words,
political factors, for the most part, have motivated the choice of French, disregard for
government official policy of bilingualism and the individual ability of military officers
in English. Besides, the high number of abstinence from choosing some of the responses
reflects what many of the respondents called fear for too sensitive issues.
Despite the preference for French at the workplace, 75% of the military
confirm that their colleagues still speak to them in English at the workplace. This may be
202
the tendency among Anglophone officers, especially those who belong in the police
force, officers working in English-speaking regions, and officers who work in military
courts where communication during court procedures may dictate the use of English.
This is also true of police stations as well as gendarmerie brigades where interrogation of
persons involved in criminal offences is done in pidgin English or in English depending
on the individual’s linguistic background. However, a rather high 25% of the military,
including Anglophones, still confirm that their colleagues do not speak to them at the
workplace in English.
CLENGSPK Colleagues Use of English in Speaking at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yes
30
75.0
75.0
75.0
No
10
25.0
25.0
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
However, contrary to the above 75% of responses in favour of speaking to
colleagues at the workplace in English, a nearly similar 60% of respondents confirm that
they do not write to their colleagues in English at the workplace. Interestingly, a rather
high 37.5% of respondents say they write to their colleagues in English. This shows that
despite the apparently strict custom, which favours the exclusive use of French in the
military, the reality is slightly different. English is not completely absent in the military,
even though it does not compete with French on fair terms in this domain. It is also an
indication that if there was no acclaimed and declared restriction of English in the
military, English might as well enjoy a considerable prestige among the forces. This leads
one to the remark that the strict policy of French preference in the military may just be
203
dominant only in military technical and command jargon, military-to-military
communication.
CLENGWRT Colleagues Use of English in Writing at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
24
60.0
60.0
60.0
Yes
15
37.5
37.5
97.5
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
According to 70% of the responses below, documentation in the military is in
French. 15% of the respondents say that documentation is originally drafted, produced or
published in French and later on, documents are translated into English versions. 10% of
respondents believe that it exists in English and French. This response is somewhat
ambiguous because it is not clear if it means that some documentation exists in French
and others in English or that both versions, French and English are produced
simultaneously. Yet, an insignificant 2.5% of respondents say that it exists in English.
Whatever the situation may be, it remains that English loses to French here because in
translating from French to English, there are often problems of ambiguity owing to
inaccuracy in the renderings.
Text11 S6-11/Anglophone/Senior Inspector of police/Chief of Tubah police station/ 22 .01. 2002.
R. But again, even here they just write there “GMI N° 6” [referring to the appellation on a letterhead, of the
police station where he commands in his capacity as chief]. They 152 should have written it in both
languages [i.e. English and French]. “G.M.I.” is a French abbreviation. And then, they could have equally
abbreviated it in English, so that we know the equivalent. People don’t even know the equivalent. If you
152
His use of the third person point-of-view here insinuates that a Francophone designed the official
letterhead to which he was referring. It consequently distances him from the fact of the monolingual French
appellation, “GMI (Groupement Mobil d’Intervention) used in the letterhead as well as its contents (cf.
photograph n° 14 in chapter 4, which shows the contents of the text put up in an Anglophone region). This
strengthens the belief that most public notices, especially official signboards are designed, written, and
posted up exclusively in French by Francophones.
204
asked most Anglophones, ““GMI” means what?”, they will not tell you that it is the Mobile Intervention
Unit. That is the criticism; not only in that because most…most texts come out only in French, etc.; very
important texts only in French, nothing comes out in English. It is supposed to be bilingual. When they
come out somebody then starts interpreting them. Very important texts would come out from the, eh, the
Presidency only in French and then we organize our delegation and manage to secure a copy - all in French,
everything is in French. There is no English version meaning that the thing was not translated, it is all in
French and many other things, all in French; very important texts.
I: I talked with one of the lecturers, Professor Aletum Tabuwe, who teaches at the Police High School in
Yaounde and at the Mutengene Police School…
R: Oh! Professor Aletum, he also taught me…
I: …he told me that the situation is such that military documents come in from English-speaking countries
like the US, UK and other countries like Israel, and they are actually not allowed to use the material in
English. Rather, they get the material translated into French before allowing them to use the French
versions for their lectures. And that even the reports that come from military and police units from Englishspeaking regions are for the most part in French, and that when some of them come in English, they are
translated into French. While these French versions are forwarded, the original English versions are either
discarded or “filed.” Do you think this is a frequent practice?
R: But you understand even from daily issues like decrees that come out; in most cases they are all in
French. Hardly do they ever come out in English; it is as if they do it only to satisfy the majority; only the
minority should be cheated. 153
Only 2.5% respondents think documentation exists in English, for, this may just be a
small number in very few places, most probably, produced and circulated only in
English-speaking regions.
153
During a private chat with this respondent on general administrative conduct within police domains after
the interview, he made another revelation that the cause of French dominance in the military and in the
police is the tradition of putting out official texts from the Presidency only in French. This implies that
English versions are only translated later on when the French versions are already in force. The English
versions, usually not carrying the original stamp and signature of the official who endorses the texts, are
simply filed in the archives. This also implies that these English versions are not equally official, and
cannot be considered authentic in official circumstances (see article 59 of the former federal constitution of
East Cameroon in 1961, which stated clearly that constitutional amendments (and many other official
documents which have carried this phrase until recently) shall be published in French and in English but
only the French version would be considered authentic.
205
DOCLANG Documentation Language at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
French
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
28
70.0
70.0
70.0
French &
later
translated
into English
6
15.0
15.0
85.0
English &
French
4
10.0
10.0
95.0
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
English
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
As in the responses to the issue of first language of the military, 92.5% of respondents
confirm that only French was used for instruction during military training. Only 7.5%
responses show that both French and English were the languages of instruction. These
responses restate the absolute reality of French exclusive use in the military, and the
unfortunate restriction of English.
Text11 S1-2/Anglophone/Senior Inspector of police/Chief of Tubah police station/ 22 .01. 2002.
I: You graduated from the Mutengene Police School in the Anglophone region. It was meant, in those days
of the reunification, to train the police in English just like they were trained in Yaounde in French. If so,
what was the situation then, and what is the current situation regarding the use of English.
R: Teaching was mostly done in French. It is still the case today. Well, it also depends, eh. If there are
many teachers in French [then, teaching would be mostly done in French]. Even in the Police High School
in Yaounde, we had just about…out of about…eh…eh…out of about eighteen or twenty teachers, there
were only about three or four in English because the majority of students were French-speaking. Even in
the Mutengene Police School it is the same thing; you may have only about four or five instructors in
English and the rest teach in French.
I: I have just been informed by current graduating students that even the English-speaking instructors, who
are supposed to teach in English, are obliged sometimes to teach in French…
R: Yes, yes. It is due to the majority of students who are French-speaking. The Francophones really outnumber the Anglophones. In a class of about one hundred you may have only about twenty-five
Anglophones or twenty or even ten. So, you see that the majority is French.
However, there is still evidence that such an exclusive policy has not completely wiped
out English usage among military personnel. In a way similar to the above responses,
94.3% of respondents say that only French is frequently used in the military. Thus,
206
the dominance is not limited to the training centres where the language of
instruction is predominantly French.
Text11 S6/Anglophone/Senior Inspector of police/Chief of Tubah police station/ 22 .01. 2002.
I: But some Anglophone policemen say that they feel cheated about the fact that the M.I.U. was an
Anglophone police tradition. Thus, when it was replaced by GMI, they were supposed to be at the forefront
of its administration considering that they held long experience regarding how it was run, managed, and
how competent it was supposed to be. Do you share this feeling especially within the background of the
French appellation used now, the small number of Anglophones in the police corps, and, most importantly,
that French dominates the command language as well as the administration of the corps?
R: I think they have a right…they really have a right to feel so. Like, eh, even as you were saying, since
Cameroon is a bilingual country, if, say in Mutengene there are about, there are fifty-fifty: fifty [percent]
Anglophone teachers and Francophones; fifty-fifty in that order, you see. I don’t see why the Anglophone
teachers should struggle to give lectures in French. Why do it since Cameroon is a bilingual countries. The
others should fight to know it because they are teaching, if the English teachers are teaching in French then,
they are also cheating on the Anglophones who are in that class. It will now boil down to the fact that
everything is taught now in French whereas the class is not only Francophone; it is made up of
Anglophones and Francophones. So, they will feel cheated, really. Yeah, yeah, we felt cheated in the Police
High School in Yaounde because even some of our lecturers there, who could, who were Anglophones we
expected them to teach us in…in…in English but they taught in French, you know. So much so that all our
lectures there were in French. We had nothing in English. Yet there were Anglophone teachers. We really
felt cheated. So, if somebody said they feel cheated, they are right.
Yet, it is not fatal for English, even though only 2% of respondents say English is
as frequently used in the military as French.
In the light of the minimal but apparently desirable use of English in the military,
it would be interesting to know what it looks like if some officers used only English in
the military. 35% of respondents say that this will cause incomprehensibility in
communication while 22.5% believe that this is simply impossible. Another 20% of
respondents think that this will engender the cumbersome task of hiring a translator; or
still, the document may be sidelined until all documents written in French have been
treated before ‘a temporary solution’ would be sought for processing the document
written in English. Yet, a not-too-insignificant 12.5% of respondents believe that there
will be no problem, meaning that the desirability for English continues to manifest itself
despite the crushing dominance of French. Coupled with 7.5% and 2.5% of respondents
who say it is unadvisable and that such communication will be neglected respectively, a
207
general appraisal shows that up to 87.5% of responses cite an unpleasant consequence if
some officers attempt to use only English in the military. The following account of a
respondent is an apt testimony of the offensive nature of such circumstances:
Text 6 S18/Teacher/Anglophone/Buea
I. Describe how you have experienced a situation where you have been made to or you felt that you are
being obliged to speak or write in French despite your desire to use English.
R. In all such contexts I have written in English and my case always went through; but speaking is
different. I have experienced the ‘Je ne comprends pas votre Anlgais-là’ syndrome many times when I went
'dossiers' chasing in offices in Yaounde manned by half-baked 'literate' francophones. Well, I spoke French
to get going. After all they were my documents not theirs.
ENGURES Consequences of Using Only English in Military
Frequency
Valid
Incomprehensibility
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
14
35.0
35.0
35.0
Impossible
9
22.5
22.5
57.5
Employ translator
8
20.0
20.0
77.5
No problem
5
12.5
12.5
90.0
Unadvisable
3
7.5
7.5
97.5
Neglected
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
In a way that reflects the responses regarding consequences of an exclusive use of
English in the military, 80% of respondents confirm that documentation emanating from
French- to English-speaking regions is written in French. However, 20% of respondents
say documentation is in English.
DCLNGFRE Documentation Language from French Speaking Parts
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
32
80.0
80.0
80.0
English
8
20.0
20.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
208
This sustained evidence of English in the military despite claims of an exclusive
policy in favour of French illustrates the contradiction and controversy over the de jure
and de facto language used officially in the military and gives reason for further enquiry.
Besides, in the specific case of military documentation emanating from French- to
English-speaking regions, it should be kept in mind that the military administrative system
is French-styled. This system plays a major role in making it difficult for documentation to
be produced in English. This implies that officers wishing to produce or have
documentation in English may not have it easy owing to effect of this reality.
Similarly, 91.4% of the military say that military documentation from English- to
French-speaking regions is in French. Surprisingly, but understandably, no response
indicates that any documentation in this direction is in English. With headquarters of
military and political institutions concentrated in Yaounde and in other French-speaking
regions, even Anglophone officers in English-speaking regions would readily draft and
produce documentation destined for the military in French-speaking region in French.
However, there is evidence that this position is not true in all cases as seen in the
following testimony:
Text11 S7-11/Anglophone/Senior Inspector of police/Chief of Tubah police station/ 22 .01. 2002.
I: And when you are writing your reports to…
R: Oh! No, I write in English, I write in English. Even if I were asked to write in French, I will write in
English.
I: Has there ever been any ill feeling expressed to that effect or a wish or a regret that you should have
written in French?
R: Well, I don’t know. It is up to them. They have never expressed that so, I don’t know. That they are
feeling, eh, they are not feeling comfortable that I write their letters in English but that is their own
problem; you should write in any language that you know better. You cannot expect me to be writing my
reports in French.
Furthermore, as many as 92.5% of the military say that French military experts
speak French to Anglophone military personnel in English-speaking regions, while only
2.5% think they speak English.
209
This tendency implies that such French military experts also speak French to
government civil administrators in Anglophone regions and vice versa, considering the
local tradition of holding security and defence meetings and seminars by bringing
together the military, government officials and the civil society. This is the attitude that
encourages the common man to see direct French interference in the internal affairs of the
country although it is a multi-dimensional indirect influence.
Text6 S28/Teacher/Anglophone/Buea
I. In what way may you accuse foreign interference, which contributes in any way to the relegation of
English in official domains?
R. If you mean France, they did a good job of assimilation in colonial times and continue to do so.
However, I think individuals not the nation of France are the cause of the present demise of English in
Cameroon.
Regarding the language spoken to their Anglophone boss, 55% of the
military use French with their Anglophone boss and only 40% of them use
English. This includes speaking and writing depending on the situation, the
officer’s knowledge of English, etc. However, English still loses to French here.
Contrary to the responses above, up to 87.5% of the military say that they use
French with their Francophone boss while only 7.5% say they use English with
him. This appears to be an easy decision to make given the boss’s French-speaking
background and the matter-of-policy requirement that French enjoys in the military.
There was a hypothetical situation investigated: speaking to the Prime Minister
and head of government, and to the President. 72.5% of the military would address the
current English-speaking Prime Minister in English while only 22.5% would address him
in French. However, 5% say that they would address him in both languages – an option
which appears to be practically difficult. In other words, owing to his known Anglophone
origin, at least 77.5% of the military say that they would use English when addressing
210
him. This circumstance underscores the importance and the need for the official use of
English in the military. Owing to the fact that the military has relations with the civil
society, this calls for an implementation of the official policy of bilingualism in the
military. Restriction of English in this domain is, in the light of the evidence, more of a
bad policy than a military communicative strategy.
LNGSPKPM Language Used in Addressing Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
29
72.5
72.5
72.5
French
9
22.5
22.5
95.0
Both
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Respondents advanced varying reasons for speaking either English or French to
the English-speaking Prime Minister. 40% of the military would address the Prime
Minister in English because he is an Anglophone while 25% would do so because they
are Anglophones themselves. This tendency illustrates that English would function and
compete well with French if English was allowed to take official functions in the
military, and depending on the circumstance and the interlocutor, English would enjoy
similar prestige in the forces like its co-official language, French. Besides, from the
statement of the reasons for using English to address the Prime Minister, some officers
have insinuated issues relating to linguistic rights when they mention the fact of being
Anglophone as the main reason motivating their choice of English for addressing this
‘fellow’ Anglophone counterpart. However, it is a fact among Anglophone noncommissioned officers that they are quite disgruntled with the linguistic assimilation,
211
which they experience as a result of the exclusive French military training which they
undergo.
Another factor I considered related to respondents’ ability in French was
knowledge of the appellation of officers’ ranks in English. Owing to the predominant use
of French both for training and for military service thereafter, only a very small number
of officers was able to say correctly in English what the appellations of their ranks are.
The following responses show that up to 52.5% of the military do not know the
appellation of their ranks in English and cannot introduce themselves by rank to their
fellow Anglophone counterpart, the Prime Minister, if they had the chance to meet him
officially. Only 45% of officers know the appellation of their ranks in English.
RNKAPP Appelation of Rank in Language used with Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Incorrect
21
52.5
52.5
52.5
Correct
18
45.0
45.0
97.5
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
This ignorance in knowledge of military ranks in English is not limited to the
military; it is quite common in the civil society and grossly affects English usage in many
official domains including education, administration, the media, and documentation. It is,
in fact, one of several blows against the prestige of English as a national variety and a coofficial language. It is even further humiliating to know that the translation of such
terminology into English be considered unofficial in official domains. However, the
translation department of the Language Services and Bilingualism Division in the
212
Presidency of the Republic is currently working on a proposed translation of military
terminology in English.
In a related hypothetical circumstance, I also investigated the language
respondents would use to address the Head of State (French-speaking) and Prime
Minister (English-speaking) simultaneously. As high as 85% of the military say that, if
they must address the President and the Prime Minister simultaneously in a situation
where the two personalities sat together, i.e., without having to address each one
separately, they would use French. While only 12.5% say that they would use English,
2.5% believe they would use both languages. These responses illustrate the low prestige
of English and the very high prestige of French within the military, especially with
reference to political hierarchy and pragmatic circumstances. In other words, this implies
that in any given circumstances where French and English or Francophones and
Anglophones find themselves together, English would lose to French.
LNGSPRES Language Used in Addressing President & Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
34
85.0
85.0
85.0
English
5
12.5
12.5
97.5
Both
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
It may be useful to see the reasons why respondents adjust to another language when
addressing the President and the Prime Minister simultaneously (Appendix 2 E, part 2).
However, in the follow-up responses showing reasons for the choice of each language,
the first two indicate that the President’s inability in English dictates the preference of
French as the language for addressing the two personalities. This inability is one of the
213
major causes of loss of prestige for English both within the frame of that circumstance
and generally speaking. During the twenty of his rule as Cameroon’s head of state so far,
the President has made about the official addresses which include statements in English
contrary to the daily frequency of addresses made in French by all English-speaking
Prime Ministers who have had the rare chance of holding this position. While 42.5% of
respondents say they would use French because both personalities speak and understand
French (implying one of the two (of course, not the Prime Minister) neither speaks nor
understands English)), 14.3% clearly state that the President does not speak English. Still,
for some reasons, most probably related to clear doubts of the President’s ability in
English and the fear of indicating this overtly, 11.4% prefer to abstain from responding.
Thus, at least 68.6% of the military state that the President has little or no ability in
English and this would readily push them to use French to address him despite that they
would like to do justice to themselves and the entire circumstance.
Contrary to not knowing the appellation of their ranks in English, 82.5% of
Officers state that they would say their ranks correctly in French if they were addressing
the President and the Prime Minister sitting together.
APPRANK Appellation of Rank in Language Used to Address President &
Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Correct
33
82.5
82.5
82.5
No
response
4
10.0
10.0
92.5
Incorrect
3
7.5
7.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
214
While 10% of respondents abstained from giving their responses, only 7.5% say
they would say their ranks in English to the two Personalities. This tendency implies that
1) English, like Anglophones, is only second to French in official circles; 2) higher
chances of using English in official domains depend on addressing or meeting
Anglophones; 3) when Francophones and Anglophones meet, only Anglophones have the
duty to make an almost compulsory linguistic adjustment from English to French while
the reverse is not applicable. Hence, in Francophones’ view, English is a minority
Anglophone language co-opted in a bilingual dream; hence, practical bilingualism is an
Anglophone issue.
4. 2. 4. Rating of the prestige of English vis-à-vis French in the military in general
One more assessment of the status of English in the military is very revealing. 75%
of the military confirm that English is highly unequal to French in the military. Even
though 12.5% of the military are unable to state this, another 12.5% still confirm that it is
unequal to French. This shows that at least 87.5% of the military confirm that English is at
least undoubtedly unequal to French in the military.
ESTARATE Rating of English Language Status in Cameroon Military
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Highly
unequal
30
75.0
75.0
75.0
No
response
5
12.5
12.5
87.5
Unequal
5
12.5
12.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
215
4. 3. Structured surveys 154
Some responses to the structured interviews have been tabulated statistically
(beginning with 4.3.1.1 below) because they contain ‘routinised’ elements making
possible this type of quantitative evaluation. The rest, which are open responses, are
summarised and presented qualitatively.
4. 3. 1. Are the two languages, English and French, effectively used in your domains?
53.6 % of Francophone respondents against 46.3 % have confirmed that English
and French are not effectively used in military domains. In other words, bilingualism to
this category of respondents is not a reality in the military. To them, the military is
monolingual in French or dominantly French-speaking if the oral, informal, and
inconsistent use of English by senior Francophone and Anglophone military officers, or if
the use of pidgin English in some official military circumstances can be classified within
the framework of the use the official languages in official domains. This scale of military
respondents illustrates the assumption in this study that, linguistically, demographically
and administratively, the military is dominantly French. This is particularly true of written
communication even though some Anglophone Officers in the army and in the police
consistently use English for their written communication.
However, speaking English enjoys high prestige among all ranks in the military
especially among most senior officers, 155 who had the privilege to have university
154
This structured interview intentionally has a Francophone bias because it is a follow-up to, and is
complementary to the military questionnaire in which a greater number of responses were elicited from
Anglophones.
155
Major Ewane Ngwa of the military Counsel of Logistics in Yaounde, a Francophone, likened the status
and need for English in Cameroon and worldwide to an express train which would certainly leave behind
anyone who is not time-conscious.
216
education where bilingual training is both mandatory and advanced. 156 But there is also a
current highly positive attitude towards English among non-commissioned officers 157 even
though their ability is rated below average, which they blame on their being limited to
primary education where English is barely introductory.
Respondents' Opinion about Effective Use of English and French in Military.
Response
Francophone
Yes
No
No Response
Total
Frequency
44
51
0
95
%
46.3
53.6
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency %
2
20
8
80
0
0
10
100
Text 3 S2/Francophone/Senior Superintendent of police (Commissaire Divisionaire)/Director of
Mutengene police college.
I. Est-ce que le bilinguisme est appliqué dans les domaines militaires et la police ?
R. Mais ce sont des camerounais qui sont là bas, c’est pas des chinois. Ehn ? Les militaires camerounais et
les policiers camerounais sont des, eh, ils sont des camerounais. Ils ne sont pas des français ni des anglais
seulement. Ce sont des camerounais qui sont là bas, ça veut dire qu’on rencontre invariablement des
francophones et des anglophones, n’est-ce pas, qui manipulent les deux langues. Evidement, eh, eh,
lorsqu’un officier militaire, un officier militaire reçoit un, anglophone, ah il faut qu’il fasse des efforts pour
parler. Nous rendons compte aujourd’hui que, eh, on ne peut pas dire que les gens, eh eh eh, tout le monde
parle, maîtrise facilement les deux langues, ehn ? Mais, eh il y a un très gros effort qui est fait, bon en ce
qui concerne les centres de, dans les centres de formation, par exemple, là où vous êtes maintenant, les
cours sont donnés invariablement en français ou en anglais. Selon la langue de l’enseignant les élèves
doivent donc s’accommoder.
4. 3. 2. Do you personally speak English?
From a personal point of view, 62.1 % of Francophone respondents speak
English, at least averagely. 36.8 % of them can barely understand it, without speaking it.
This result is similar to the one that showed a high percentage in personal ability in
156
The main eligibility criterion to be recruited into the junior officers’ rank in the Cameroon army and into
the superintendents’ rank in the police is successful completion of, at least, one year in the University. At
this level, it is a consistent requirement and a policy in all Universities for Francophones to make, at least, a
pass grade in advanced level English in every semester of their undergraduate education before they are
permitted to take courses in following semester. The same conditions apply to Anglophones who must
study advanced level French. This is government policy and is locally called “Bilingual Training”.
157
Some sergeants who received promotions to the rank of staff sergeant of late confided that if they had
their way, they would make English the command language in the Cameroon military. This was owing to
the fact that they attributed their promotion to their brilliant performances during the armed conflict with
Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula where they used their intermediate level in English to perform duties
including the decoding of the enemy’s English-based command jargon.
217
English in the military questionnaire. Again, it illustrates that English is both prestigious
and needed; it can practically make a difference in the military nowadays. However, at
the collective and official levels an inadvertent French communication habit and a
French-modelled military administrative tradition make it difficult to establish an equal
prestige for English in military domains.
Respondents Who Personally Speak English.
Response
Francophone
Yes
No
No Response
Total
Frequency
59
35
1
94
Anglophone
%
Frequency %
62.1 10
100
36.8
0
0
1.0
100
10
100
Text 3 S7/Francophone/Senior Superintendent of police (Commissaire Divisionaire)/Director of
Mutengene police college
I. La prochaine question porte sur votre connaissance personnelle des deux langues officielles mais je vous
ai suivi tout à l’heure en conversion en anglais avec un collègue.
R. Je parle parfaitement, je parle, je parle suffisamment le français et l’anglais au point de pouvoir me faire
entendre par un francophone quand j’ai devant moi un francophone, un anglophone quand j’ai devant moi
un anglophone.
4. 3. 3. Would you like more English to be used in the military?
Some respondents understood this question to mean that English should be given the
pride of place in the military while others took it to mean more functions for English in
the military than in the current situation. However, both interpretations show that prestige
and attitude towards English in the military and the police have changed positively. 91.5
% of Francophone respondents want more English in the military just as 100 % of
Anglophone respondents do. Only 8.4 % of Francophone respondents do not want more
English in the military, possibly for reasons related to lack of personal ability in English.
The result reaffirms that no one intentionally stops English in the military; there is a high
218
need and individual prestige for it but only habitual and political factors keep it from
being used exclusively in formal military domains.
Respondents' Preference For English to be Officially Used in Army and Police.
Response
Yes
No
No Response
Total
Francophone
Frequency
87
8
0
95
%
91.5
8.4
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency %
10
100
0
0
0
0
10
100
Furthermore, policy and decision makers would like to give the two languages fair
chances rather than allowing one language to dominate functions in the military.
Text 3 S8/Francophone/Senior Superintendent of police (Commissaire Divisionaire)/Director of
Mutengene police college
I. Aimeriez-vous introduire ou alors donner plus de place à une des langues selon les tâches, selon les
besoins dans la force, que ce soit le français ou l’anglais ?
R. Non. Non, non. Non, non, non. Nous estimons, nous voulons rester, nous n’avons pas à donner une
priorité ; même le gouvernement camerounais dans son choix du bilinguisme n’a donné aucune priorité.
L’option gouvernementale voudrait que tous les camerounais soient à mesure de parler l’anglais et le
français. Voilà le, le désire, n’est-ce pas, dans la volonté politique du Cameroun qui anime nos, bon, c’est
c’est un processus qui va être long eh, mais au bout d’un siècle on peut y parvenir. Nous, moi si vous
arrivez chez moi dans ma maison en ce moment, mes enfants, moi j’ai fait une formation francophone pure,
sans un seul mot d’anglais de la base. Alors que maintenant dans ma maison mes enfants ne sont pas entrain
de faire l’enseignement du francophone. Mes enfants sont dans une école anglaise, mes petits enfants sont
dans une école anglaise. Dès leurs âges, plus petits âges ils parlent déjà couramment l’anglais. Ce que, le
privilège que nous on n’a pas eu. Donc nous pensons que d’ici un, deux, trois, quatre générations, ils se, il y
aura plus de problèmes du bilinguisme, il y aura un problème d’intégration linguistique. Donc il n’est pas
question de donner une priorité à l’une des langues. Evidemment il y a un phénomène qui se ressent
automatiquement. Si vous êtes un peu linguiste, je ne sais pas si vous avez fait linguistique. Vous verrez
que, n’est-ce pas, en linguistique, n’est-ce pas, vous avez tout tout ce qui est micro est facilement phagocyté
par ce qui est macro. Bon, et tout ce qui est micro tend à mieux assimiler ce qui est macro et ce qui est
macro minimise ce qui est eh eh eh, ce qui est macro minimise ce qui est micro.
I. Et parfois sans savoir.
R. Tout à fait par ignorance tout simplement. Et vous vous rendez compte, et le problème on le vit au
Cameroun, n’est-ce pas ? Les francophones font très peu d’efforts pour parler anglais. Très peu d’efforts !
Moi pourquoi je parle anglais ? Je parle anglais parce que je savais, très tôt je savais que ce pays on ne, ou
on parle anglais ou ou alors on n’est rien. Moi je savais que dans ce pays, d’ici que je meure peut être d’ici
que j’atteins mes 70 ans vous ne parlez pas anglais vous ne pouvez, actuellement vous avez, regardez nos
ministres. Même s’ils parlent avec une intonation Éwondo ils se débrouillent à parler anglais quand même,
n’est-ce pas ? Même si le ton n’est pas là, même s’il parle avec des fautes il, il ne fait pas attention aux
fautes, il veut être compris, vous comprenez ? Parce que le bilinguisme ce n’est pas de parler l’anglais, c’est
pas de parler l’anglais comme l’anglais, n’est-ce pas, mais c’est de faire un effort pour communiquer avec
des autres. C’est de faire un effort pour communiquer avec des autres et dans ce sens-là je crois que eh au
niveau de la police nous avons pas une priorité, la police n’a pas une priorité. Évidemment, quand un
délégué est francophone il prendra la plupart de ses actes en français. Mais il n’a pas refusé qu’on lui
présente des actes en anglais.
219
4. 3. 4. Do you use English in official circumstances with your boss or with colleagues?
Some Francophones report that they speak English with their boss and colleagues
at work but others do not. For those who do so, it is used sometimes in the hospital scene
when a colleague does not understand instructions in French. English is used in jokes, for
personal pleasure and sometimes pidgin is used. Frequencies of use could be understood
in phrases like certainly, at times, never, hardly, when necessary, rarely, daily, regularly.
Text 3 S10/Francophone/Senior Superintendent of police (Commissaire Divisionaire)/Director of
Mutengene police college
I. La toute dernière question c’est de savoir s’ils n’arrivent pas des moments où, entre vous et votre patron
hiérarchique, vous parlez anglais ?
R. Oui on blague souvent. Lui il aime bien, il aime bien, oui oui oui, Minlo aime bien blaguer, il parle eh
bon il n’est eh well I cannot say that Mr Minlo knows very well how to speak English but from time to time
we used to eh even to joke ehn, by eh saying some few words, ehn. Ça c’est comme ça. C’est comme ça.
Mais il n’est pas de cette génération très investi mais c’est quelqu’un qui eh, ne croyez pas que quand vous
allez parler il ne va pas comprendre. Il comprend.
4.3.5. Does the use of English facilitate your work in English-speaking regions or
renders it difficult?
For Francophone military officers who speak English even averagely, it facilitates
their work in the English-speaking regions and helps to improve their performance in
English.
Conversely, for those who do not speak it, this renders their work difficult because it
is difficult to understand coded military jargon in English and to communicate with other
citizens who speak English. For most persons in this category of officers command is
done in French. They have reported that it is difficult if one does not master English but it
is advantageous for English-speaking officers. Furthermore, the use of English is an
impediment because the frequent use of pidgin engenders confusion as a result of
inconsistency in communication medium. However, the general impression for officers
who speak English and those who do not speak it is that English is easy to learn and to
220
use in informal situations. One can adapt easily to its use in market or street situations,
but not at work.
4. 3. 6. Comment on bilingualism in general and particularly in the military domain
Most officers, including those who do not speak English or have a poor
performance would like that bilingualism be developed in the whole country and in the
military in particular. To them, it is necessary for everyone for for the sake of public
service, important for internship opportunities abroad for the military, good for contact
with people from different countries, it brings people together and facilitates socioeconomic and cultural development, required for command of equipment/materials as
well as technology in the military, it makes work easy. Above all, it will make soldiers
feel more Cameroonian.
Text 2 S35/Francophone/student & private sector worker/Freiburg, Germany
R. Pour moi, bon, d’un côté, moi j’apprécie le bilinguisme parce que là ça nous permet d’apprendre deux
langues différentes ou c’est à notre avantage d’abord personnel d’avoir maîtriser deux langues. Donc c’est
d’abord à ton avantage personnel. Donc, c’est à l’avantage des personnes, c’est d’abord pour toi et ça va
t’apporter beaucoup de chances et d’avantages. Bon, si tu arrive à assister aux conférences, machin, donc tu
vois ? Tu ne savais pas un peu avec, dans une conférence où tu es perdue, tout le monde parle peut être
anglais tu ne comprends pas, tu vois ? Ou bien tu viens dans une réunion où il y a des gens qui ne parlent
que français, ça va faire en sorte que tu ne sois pas écarté du groupe. Tu peux, bon, je, crois que c’est plus
bien sur le côté intégration. Tu arrives à t’intégrer plus facilement avec le bilinguisme. Alors que quand
maîtrise qu’une langue-là, bon, là maintenant, il y a une solitude qui est en toi, donc tu n’arrives pas à
t’intégrer peut être à trouver un moyen d’intégration d’un groupe à un autre. Donc je crois d’abord que ça
c’est un avantage d’abord personnel d’être d’abord bilingue en toi-mêmes. Et là tu es plus à l’aise quoi.
Text 5 S11/Francophone/student/Freiburg, Germany/23.09.2003
I. Avez-vous un commentaire sur le planning et l’aménagement linguistique en général et du bilinguisme
officiel en particulier au Cameroun ?
R. Il doit être révisé. Les deux langues officielles doivent avoir le même statut. Aucune langue ne devrait
être marginalisée au profit de l’autre. Tous les citoyens Camerounais doivent également être bilingues. Les
cours doivent être dispensés en français et en anglais dans les écoles.
4.4. Summary
The foregoing responses have confirmed that English is not only secondary in the
military, but is restricted as a matter of policy. This policy is, however, unfair towards
English and government official bilingual policy, especially as it is not the result of
221
conscious and explicit decision making but rather due to informally operating structural
pressures. Besides, it is unnecessarily restrictive towards English in the military despite
undoubted evidence among the forces showing the need for English. Furthermore, these
responses illustrate that the restriction of English in the military is equally as political as
it claims to be strategic. Thus, monolingualism, as argued by the military, may be
justified in military training, jargon, and general command but it is certainly not
justifiable in military administration, co-operation and/or public relations involving the
civil society.
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5. Functions: English in the civil domain
5.1. Survey of civil administration
Unlike in the military domain where there is declared restriction of English, no one
overtly chases English out of other civil official domains per se. The intended
monolingualism within the military is challenged by a de jure recognition of equal status,
and a close competition for functions between English and French, even though it
remains that in this competition, English merely gasps for breath behind French. The
partly successful government effort to step up either knowledge of the second official
language or knowledge of one of the official languages has made some staggering
progress in the promotion of the status of English within government.
However, it must be said that this effort is very slow and has made very little
impact on the structure of institutions. One factor, which hinders these efforts apart from
political will, is lack of a comprehensive description and plan of action for implementing
the policy on institutional bilingualism as seen in the following conversation with the Coordinator of government Bilingual Training Programme:
Text10 S4-5/Zenon Soya/Director/Coordinator of government Bilingual Training Programme
(PFLB) at the Presidency of the Republic/Francophone/Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon: 19.
2. 2002.
I: The last thing I wanted to find out from you is this: you just mentioned that at the level of the Presidency
you do more of implementing than defining the policy…
R: Well, eh, eh, in fact, it depends, eh, you see, eh, I don’t know really know what you consider eh, the
policy because in your statement you said, you talked about the policy, and then the implementation of
bilingualism, right?. And this is also the vocabulary we are using. But you will find no where a….a…a
whole document stating the policy. It is in the various speeches of the Head of State that you can find that,
ok. What the orientation is, is that, ok, we should make things easy for Cameroonians to speak both official
languages. While we are just teaching them, they should have at their disposals official texts in both
languages. I suppose that’s also, that’s already a definition of the policy. So we have grammar schools here
in Cameroon which are bilingual, and then, eh, some people have been in the position to master both, eh,
the two official languages. Therefore they can come to our centres and then improve on it. I think this is
also a policy. But, eh, but we would like, in fact, I personally have already proposed that we should have a
structure, a service here which really thinks about developing a policy, yes, because that is very important.
But when you talk about developing a policy on bilingualism, you should also think about developing a
policy on national languages - anyway, vernacular languages, because this is very important. As you know
the two official languages are foreign languages to Cameroonians. So the problem is not the same as in
Canada. So, I mean, you have your native language, I have my native language; I have learnt English, I
have learnt French. So I am not now ready to stick my neck out either for French or for English, you see.
223
I: …especially in my work I am trying to assess the possibility, for the case of Cameroon which is really
unique, that we develop a framework to, first of all, describe what we call bilingualism, and then we move
ahead to develop a policy for it based on that description. Many people outside of Cameroon have asked me
if bilingualism in Cameroon can be described as individual or societal, etc. And I think this question comes
up because people would like to know how bilingualism is described within Cameroon. Thus, if one seeks
to know from you the kind of bilingualism we have, or if this question is put to you what would be your
response?
R: Yeah, that, in fact, that is the core of the matter. You see, may be, you see the administration is a heavy
machinery. Nevertheless, we have decided that – and that is ok – there may be a Service for translation and
interpretation because people are really more concerned with translation. They don’t think ahead; they
don’t carry out research to know what bilingualism is. May be when they are confronted with problems:
[they are surprised that] “how come that this one wrote this instead of writing that?” Maybe there are some
interference, and so on and so forth. But for the time being, for the government I think our bilingualism is
an individual effort.
Consequently, either too little appropriate action or too many inappropriate measures are
implemented for the most part leading to a collapse or underachievement in many stages
of projects.
As mentioned elsewhere, it is not only the percentage of English used for official
duties in government domains that is the matter; it is more about how it is used to reflect
the prestige of the language within the frame of status equity within the bilingual policy.
Most importantly, it is also about the preference and institutionalisation of French-styled
administrative systems such that even if everyone used English within these structures,
the result will still portray an exclusive or a disparaging tendency towards English and
other languages.
In other words, it is not only about the English used but how it is used, where it is
used or placed and the reason for using it in that manner. Dibussi Tande (2001: online,
09.11.2001) has deplored the disparagement of English in official domains and has
highlighted its far-reaching effects on the state as a whole. His prosaic summation aptly
describes the predicament of Anglophones and the status of English within government,
and underscores the point stressed here. For the revealing and first-hand details it
provides, I have chosen to present it in full despite its length.
Note that the Presidency, alongside the PM's office and the National Assembly, has the highest
number of French-English/English-French translators in the Country…to ensure that the PRC's
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[Presidency of the Republic] website (including all other official documents from that institution) is
fully bilingual. So, there is absolutely no justification for the CELCOM [Cellule de Communication
or Communications unit] to produce information about Cameroon, its government and people only
in one of the official languages. Remember that this website was initially created back in 1997, and
that for 4 years, the English section was permanently "under construction". Does this matter? Yes it
does, because such acts of omission go to reinforce those feelings of institutional and systemic
marginalization that run rampant West of the Mungo; [i.e. among Anglophones] feelings that have
largely contributed in creating the unstable socio-political climate that now exists in the region.
Cameroon may be officially bilingual, but there is ample evidence that English and Englishspeaking Cameroonians are generally an afterthought to our predominantly Francophone sociopolitical system. This is a serious problem, which has absolutely nothing to do with Anglophones
stupidly aping the "Anglo-Saxons" or "always whining" about their lot in Cameroon. It is a question
of the government failing to use all means at its disposal to create a climate of inclusion
indispensable in building that mythical "Cameroon nation" that government officials always talk
about. The simple truth is that in as much as we obsess about national unity and nationhood, those in
charge rarely go out of their way to ensure that these political clichés become reality, not even
through largely symbolic gestures such as having a fully bilingual website for the Presidency of the
Republic, arguably the official gateway of the Cameroon government. A few months ago, I had a
discussion with a Cameroonian translator who revealed that even though he was head of a
translation department made up of three Francophones and two Anglophone translators, officials in
the ministry in question either simply ignored the translation bureau and put out official documents
solely in French, or generally went ahead and did the English translations themselves, with
monstrous results. He stated that whenever confronted by the translators (since this reflected poorly
on the translation department), the standard response from ministry officials was "le message passe
quand même"... a clarion call for mediocrity that has never been used as the standard for official
government documents published in French..."Le message passe quand même" was the same
response given by Yaounde Urban Council officials back in the early 1990s when they launched a
multimillion clean-up campaign but did not bother to have the campaign posters translated into
English by someone with even a rudimentary mastery of the English language. The result: the
French campaign slogan "Balayer, nettoyer, ramasser la salette c'est bien. Ne pas salir c'est mieux"
was translated as follows: "Sweep, clean away, to gather dirtiness is good, not to make dirty is
better". When questioned about this linguistic massacre, the OFFICIAL response of the city council
was that Anglophones should at least [meaning ‘at most’] be happy that an attempt was made to
have posters in both English and French. Yes, the Yaounde urban council had just done
Anglophones a huge favour, and these Anglos [Anglophones] could not even be grateful!!!! As
CRTV [Cameroon Radio & Television] journalist Sam Nuvalla Fonkem would later point out, there
could not have been a more insidious way of making Anglophone Cameroonians and the official
language of Anglophone Cameroon seem inconsequential, if not an outright nuisance within the
bilingual Cameroon Republic. Sometimes, "national unity" or national inclusion is not just about the
distribution of the "national cake "or about the attribution of cabinet positions to different regions. In
many cases, it is about largely symbolic but emotionally laden issues such as language matters. As
Rothchild and Foley have rightly noted, "Not all group actors will be mobilized around distributive
issues. Inevitably, those issues with a symbolic dimension in a pluralist society – group status,
identity or territory - are likely to become the basis for more inelastic or non-negotiable communal
claims, setting the stage for intense conflicts of a political nature. "The rise of "Anglophone
extremism" or "Anglophone Nationalism" in recent years is largely the result of Cameroonian
leaders ignoring these inelastic communal claims. I believe that the PRC should borrow a leaf from
the Prime Minister's office where the plethora of translators are actually put to work, and whose
website is fully functional in both official languages. Is it a coincidence that the head of that office is
Anglophone, and may therefore be more sensitive to issues of exclusion and language
marginalization? I guess not...The irony is that it is the country as whole that loses in the long run as
a result of the lack of political will to establish truly bilingual institutions. A case in point: The
Cameroon Tourism Board recently came up with the idea of selling the country via the Internet, and
set up a website for that purpose (http://www.camerouninfotourisme.com/). Unlike the PRC website,
this one does not even pretend to have an English section "under construction". A website aimed at
marketing the country in Europe is entirely in French!!! Without doubt, this oversight is deeply
225
rooted in a Cameroonian political culture whose hallmark is systemic or institutional
monolingualism. No wonder veteran Cameroonian journalist, Abel Mbengue once described
Cameroon as a "pays Francophone bilingue..." [A bilingual francophone state] The Tourism Board
may want to learn from the French West African state of Togo that has a fully functional official
website in English (http://www.afrika.com/togo/) and another in French, even though English is not
its official language. Togolese officials, unlike their Cameroonian counterparts, are aware that
advertising a country's socio-economic and tourist potential in more than one language increases that
country's marketability and brings in more revenue from tourism. In Cameroon, where language has
become a tool for exclusion, this obvious fact is lost to our ruling class. The democratic challenge in
a plural society, Author Lewis once argued, "is to create political institutions which give all the
various groups the opportunity to participate in decision-making, since only thus can they feel that
they are full members of a nation, respected by their more numerous brethren, and owing equal
respect to the national bond which holds them together. "This is a challenge that the predominantly
Francophone Cameroonian ruling elite, who have largely excluded one official language from state
institutions, has failed to live up to, in spite of their repeated references to the alleged bonds that
bind us together as a people. Language is a vehicle for identity and participation, and by
institutionalising the marginalization of one official language; the Cameroon government is in effect
preventing those citizens who use this language from fully participating in the national decisionmaking process. And even when these citizens do master "the language of gods" [referring to
French], they still feel alienated from these institutions, from government, and from the rest of the
nation. Yes, the problem is political, not pedagogic or personal. And, it is at the core of Cameroon's
unending crisis of identity (Dibussi: [email protected], 09.11.2001).
The preoccupations outlined in the above statement are reflected in responses that
were elicited from civil servants, many of whom hold policy-making positions in
government. Dibussi’s views here reflect those of the ordinary Anglophone
Cameroonian, but they also summarise those of politically committed Anglophones who
assess the situation from the perspective of government’s political ideology or from a
platform active political opposition.
226
5.2. Survey of civil administrative personnel
Of the ten provinces in Cameroon, six were surveyed. “No response” includes
responses from the northern region of Garoua, 158 which I chose to represent the
Adamawa, North, and Far North provinces. It should be mentioned that at the time of the
survey there was considerably high sociopolitical tension that preceded local council and
parliamentary elections in the country.
Yaounde, the capital city and the seat of all institutions, provided the highest
number of responses. It is here that one easily finds senior government officials who are
both directly and indirectly in charge of policy issues and bilingualism. In other words,
59.9 % of responses were elicited from civil servants in Yaounde, 9.9 % in Garoua, 9.9 %
in Douala, 9.9 % in Bafoussam, 6.6 % in Buea, and 3.9 % in Bamenda (see Appendix 2
E, part 1 for statistical tables).
An effort has been made to record responses from respondents originating from all
the regions of the country. In this effort, a qualitative number of responses (152) was
recorded. This figure represents approximately 98% of the geographical regions of the
country. However, the Northern provinces provided the smallest number of responses due
to the fact that most respondents preferred oral to written responses. 38.2 % and 21.7 % of
respondents originate from the Anglophone North West and South West provinces
respectively. 12.5 %of them originate from the Francophone West province, 9.9 % from
the Centre, 6.6 % from the Littoral, 4.6 % from the North, 3.3 % from the Far North, 1.3
% from the Adamawa, and 0.7 % from the South province. In other words, about 59.9 %
158
Unfortunately, respondents in this area were reticent to provide personal information which may help
identify them somehow, not even place of interview.
227
of respondents originate from Anglophone regions, while about 40 % of respondents
originate from Francophone regions.
A linguistic split of the responses shows that 57.2 % Anglophones and 41.4 %
Francophones responded to the survey. Thus 98 .7 % 0f the total respondents were from
one or other linguistic communities.
REGION Region
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophone
87
57.2
57.2
57.2
Francophone
63
41.4
41.4
98.7
No response
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
5.2.1. Respondents’ position in public service
There are ordinary workers employed in government offices and those who hold
additional and special duties in various departments of government. Respondents who hold
special additional duties besides their basic civil service duties are often said to be
‘appointed’ by government into such positions, hence, these persons must work to
implement and promote government policy in their respective departments. It is also
common knowledge that such workers necessarily have to be in support of government
political ideology to be eligible for appointment. Hence, whether they are Anglophones or
Francophones, this scale of workers is noted for taking sides with government as far as
policy implementation is concerned. The higher one goes up the position ladder from
ordinary office secretaries through Directors to Ministers, this tendency becomes more
evident and overt. Apart from 53.3 % of the respondents who are ordinary civil servants,
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46.7 % of them feature in this scale of high government officials. The following table
illustrates this position distribution.
POSGOV Position in Government
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Civil servant
61
40.1
40.1
40.1
Secretary
20
13.2
13.2
53.3
Director
16
10.5
10.5
63.8
Manager
16
10.5
10.5
74.3
No response
13
8.6
8.6
82.9
Bureau Chief
6
3.9
3.9
86.8
Sub Director
6
3.9
3.9
90.8
Chief of
Service
5
3.3
3.3
94.1
Administative
Officer
4
2.6
2.6
96.7
Technical
Adviser
2
1.3
1.3
98.0
Pedagogic
Adviser
1
.7
.7
98.7
Inspector
1
.7
.7
99.3
Board
Chairman
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
However, besides their government-tuned opinions, a considerable percentage of
these high officials have objective personal opinions about bilingualism and general
language usage, some of which are overtly critical of government policy as well as its
indifference regarding policy reform.
5.2.2. Respondents’ work experience in French-speaking regions
Up to 82.2 % of respondents have lived and worked in a French-speaking region
while only 13.2 % have not had this experience. In a way, this response rate confirms that
most government workers have witnessed the edge that French has over English in the
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French-speaking regions especially regarding language use in civil administration. In other
words, to be able to witness this situation at first-hand, civil servants have to be immersed
in the French-speaking tradition that dictates and conditions communication in public
service in French-speaking areas. Civil servants have to accept the linguistic imbalance in
institutions and to work with it.
5.2.3. Respondents’ work experience in Anglophone regions
Comparatively, only 55.9 % of respondents have worked in an English-speaking
region for up to one year while up to 38.2 % have not had the experience. This implies
that this percentage of respondents have not yet seen the two sides of the coin. In other
words, they are yet to witness how English and French are unequally used in the civil
service where English is highly marginalized even in many official circles in Englishspeaking regions. The lack of such experience seems to confirm the local saying that if
one works in one French-speaking region then one has worked in the whole country.
It also implies that if such respondents did not learn English in school, their
knowledge of English and Anglophones in the country would be limited to brief
meetings with Anglophones in French-speaking regions and other temporary
circumstances. Yet, in such brief situations, French is normally the language of
conversation because the Francophone cannot adventure into speaking English
that he would barely understand. While the Anglophone would make the usual
linguistic adjustment from English to French owing to his desire to find his way
without any further loss of time.
230
5.2.4. Respondents’ living experience in English-speaking countries
It is useful to imagine that Francophone or Anglophone respondents who
might not have had the experience working or living in English-speaking parts of
the country may have got the opportunity to fill this gap by living in other Englishspeaking countries. This is the case with some respondents who have lived and/or
worked in native speaking countries like Canada, UK, USA, South Africa, etc., but
also in non-native countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, etc. This possibility has
been greatly enhanced recently by the country’s membership in the
Commonwealth organisation. Yet, the response rate here indicates that only 25.7
% of civil servants have made it to other English-speaking countries abroad. Up to
73 % have not had the experience, thus, limiting their acquaintance with English
and Anglophones only to the prodigious sociolinguistic situation in Cameroon.
5.2.5. Respondents’ experience of specific English-speaking countries
Respondents have indicated the following English-speaking countries in
which they have lived for up to one year: Nigeria, Cameroon, Canada, Kenya,
United Kingdom, South Africa, Malawi, and Ghana. One may assume that these
are countries in which only English would be spoken to such short-term visitors.
In turn, it would have made a considerable influence on the visitor in terms of
stepping up his level of English such that while back in Cameroon, this visitor’s
attitude to English would change favourably. This assumption is further
strengthened by the confessions of some of the respondents in this category with
whom I had personal communication. Some of them have made remarks such as I
231
did not like English before, but when I travelled abroad, I realised that it was a
very important language. Now I like to speak it more often.
5.2.6. Respondents’ approval for the bilingual policy.
Despite the fact that most respondents have not experienced other linguistic
regions of the country, as many as 83.6 % of civil servants as well as the common
citizen generally like the policy of bilingualism in English and French. However,
up to 14.5 % of civil servants do not like the policy while another 2 % have simply
abstained from stating their opinions. This shows that the policy in itself is not the
problem. In other words, the idea of having an official bilingual policy is a highly
acceptable one within the Cameroonian civil service, although it may also be said
that 4.5 % of workers who dislike it is high enough not to be ignored. However,
the issue of implementation or how successful the policy has been cannot be
determined here.
Text 6 S5 Teacher/Anglophone/Buea
I.What do you think/How do you feel about the official language policy called official bilingualism?
R.It is 50% political propagander, 25% a state priority, and 25% an individual affair.
Text 7 S5-6 Lecturer/Anglophone/Yaounde & Regensburg
R. My fervent conviction is that this is a linguistic rhetoric to give the country an international image it
does and may never deserve. It is a loud sounding nothing, given that efforts are paradoxically geared at
subverting the very ambition of implementing the so-called bilingualism. The country in many aspects
remains a francophone country; English being reluctantly accepted as an unavoidable parasite. Only few
individuals make a difference.
The constitution is very ambiguous on the issue. When it states that French and English, altering the
alphabetical order of F & E, it lends credence to the suspicion that there is a subtle intention of dominance
of the one on the other. These languages are far from being equal in practice. For instance no bilingual
school exists in Cameroon in the true sense of the word. There is an apparent difference in the Universities
with the exception of the only Anglosaxon University in the country, but here again one does not take more
than a day to see the reality of French dominance. So the constitution remains basically an illusory ideal on
the question of bilingualism.
It is interesting to see that a majority of civil servants like the bilingual policy for
a reason that has nothing to do with government’s primary objective for adopting the
232
policy: worldwide opportunities. In other words, 35.5 % of civil servants like the policy
for instrumental rather for integrative motives, the primary goal of the policy. The
remainder 63.5% of civil servants are split between reasons regarding Anglophone
marginalisation and others. Above everything else, the objective of the policy is the
promotion of national unity and integration. Hence, it is fondly referred to as symbol of
our national unity and cultural diversity.
This tendency indicates that the international aura of English is common
knowledge. It implies that attitude towards English abroad is very positive. This is the
one reason why many Francophones of late educate their children in the Anglophone
school system and abroad where English is the sole language of instruction. But
internally, English is accorded low prestige, both within government and in the society,
especially given the near non-existent instrumental motivation for English. This is
evidence that if the acquisition of such worldwide opportunities in Cameroon was
possible but conditioned on the use of English, this would enhance the prestige of
English. Thus, the problem of the status of English in Cameroon is primarily political and
secondarily sociolinguistic. Still, in Cameroon’s situation, the latter depends on the
former for most of its lasting solutions.
233
RESCBLIK Reason for Above Answer
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Worldwide
opportunities
54
35.5
35.5
35.5
Cultural
diversity
30
19.7
19.7
55.3
Instills national
unity
20
13.2
13.2
68.4
Anglphone
marginalisation
19
12.5
12.5
80.9
No response
12
7.9
7.9
88.8
Pride of
bilingualism
12
7.9
7.9
96.7
Prefer local
language
3
2.0
2.0
98.7
Discrimination
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
However, 19.7 % of civil servants like the policy for the cultural diversity it
brings to Cameroonians; 13.2 % like it for instilling a sense of national unity; another 7.9
% like it just for the pride of bilingualism. They amount to 40.8 % of respondents who
like the policy, at least, for anything to do with the function of bilingualism in Cameroon.
Yet, 12.5 % of workers dislike the policy for its role in perpetrating the disparagement of
Anglophones; 7.9 % avoid stating their feelings; 2 % would prefer a local language for
official functions; and 1.3 % dislike the policy because is engenders discrimination. They
amount to 23.7 % of government employees who dislike the policy outright.
Text8 S6Anglophone/Lecturer/Yaounde & Bayreuth
I. Constitutionally, French and English are equal in status. What do you think is the situation in practice?
R. Far from what obtains. Meet a CRTV English-speaking journalist; he will tell you he is also a translator
because he has to translate even a presidential decree into English for broadcast. This is after his Frenchspeaking counterpart has soaked out the scoop quality out of it. Who pays the price? Undeniably the Englishspeaking audience!
Text 5 S4-5/Francophone/Student/Freiburg, Germany/23.09.2003.
I. Beaucoup de gens croient que la manière dont le bilinguisme est appliqué rend l’anglais secondaire et
marginalisé par rapport au français. Que pensez-vous ?
234
R. C’est une réalité au Cameroun. En effet tout ce qui est anglophone est vu et traité de manière anormale.
C’est dommage mais il en est aussi. D’autre part, le fait que les anglophones essayent de pratiquer le
français pour pouvoir communiquer avec les francophones est un enrichissement pour les anglophones.
I. Comment appréciez-vous l’usage des deux langues officielles dans les documents officiels, plaques, la
signalisation routière, brève, langue et communication publique, etc. ?
R. Personnellement, je n’ai jamais été en zone anglophone pour effectuer une comparaison ; mais je
suppose que les francophones, en construisant les routes impriment les panneaux de signalisation d’abord
en français et ensuite en anglais, ce qui n’est pas correcte. La priorité linguistique devrait être respectée.
In spite of the large number of government workers who like the bilingual policy,
as high as 55.3 % of them state that the policy was dictated by the political events around
1961 leading up to the unification of former French and British Cameroons.
ARPOLICY What Provoked Policy of Bilingualism
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Pressure of
1961
political
circumstances
84
55.3
55.3
55.3
Acclaimed &
adopted by
government
39
25.7
25.7
80.9
Systematic
language
planning
15
9.9
9.9
90.8
No response
10
6.6
6.6
97.4
Historical
accident
3
2.0
2.0
99.3
For national
unity
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Specifically, the weight of political pressure for re-unification was more than the
need to consider what and how to proceed with two distinctive cultures, French and
British, reified in their respective communities by French and English. Owing to this
situation, 25.7 % of civil servants say that the policy was simply acclaimed and adopted
by government.
235
For these two categories of respondents, no form of orthodox method was used to
plan the linguistic situation that was adopted. However, 9.9 % of respondents still believe
that systematic language planning was done by acclaiming the language policy. To this
group, systematic language planning refers to government’s dubbing of the two
languages as official languages, and its institutionalisation of translation and
interpretation bureaus in every government department for easing language difficulties in
official communication as the following government positions illustrate:
Text9 S2/His Excellency Ephraim Inoni/Anglophone/government Minister: Deputy Secretary
General at the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon/Supervisor of government Bilingual Training
Programme (Programme de Formation Linguistique Bilingue, PFLB)/Presidency of the Republic of
Cameroon: 19. 2. 2002.
I: I would like to find out certain things from you about the bilingual policy…
R: Oh Yes! I saw your interview request form, eh, I’ll put you through to some persons who are working on
the programme. I supervise it but, eh, the basic documentation is done by them. For instance, the
director/co-ordinator of the programme has the basic texts. So he is quite familiar with the texts and other
practical issues…
I: I am trying to …investigate the bilingual policy in general, with the aim of studying the practical status
of English as seen apart from the constitutional prescriptions…
R: The government has created pilot linguistic centers which teach English and French to citizens around
the country. But our own system is quite unique, you know… we combine it with eh, eh, right now we are
helping all categories of people, not only the public service but the private sector as well... And then, eh,
and then, eh, we are also organizing, eh personalized, we are also organizing, you know, programs with
kids who want to spend their holidays usefully, especially young people. So we organize holiday classes for
young kids. So we have corporate bodies, individuals, and all kinds of categories of persons who come to
use these facilities.
Text10 S1-3/Zenon Soya/Director & Coordinator of government Bilingual Training Programme
(PFLB) at the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon/Francophone/Presidency of the Republic of
Cameroon: 19. 2. 2002.
I : Is there a decree which created the bilingual policy, and does anything exists like a government plan of
action for the implementation of bilingualism?
R. I don’t know if you had the discussion to that effect with Minister Inoni [Ephraim].
I: Yes. […]
R: I will just say that, ok, we have just prepared - I am sure Minister Inoni has already mentioned it to you what we call “Plan Stratégique de Dévelopment du Programme de Formation Linguistique Bilingue, PSDPFLB, 2001-2011”. Eh, in fact, before I go on with this issue, in this country it is the Presidency of the
Republic, which defines the policy of bilingualism. It is, of course, through it that the policy is
implemented. Then it is stated in the constitution, eh, and, in fact, the authority in charge of that job is the
Secretary General of the Presidency and so we have therefore here within the Presidency two main services.
These services are in charge of implementing and developing the policy, there is another division, which is
also under the authority of the Secretary General of the Presidency. It is mainly in charge of translations
and interpretations, eh to make sure that all the texts published by the administration are translated in both
languages. And then, when the government is organizing conferences that division endeavors to take care
of the needs of the conferences. And then we have this bilingual training program, which is in charge of,
among other issues; to…to teach English mainly to adults, and French to English-speaking Cameroonians
and English to French-speaking Cameroonians, and the objectives are, of course, stated in the decree
creating the bilingual training program. And we have, for the time being, six centers running in six different
236
provinces: we have one here in Yaounde, we have one in Douala, one in Buea, one in Bamenda, one in
Ebolowa, and we are going to open one - we have been trying to put up the infrastructure, and we are doing
equipping…we are equipping it now, eh - we have one in Garoua, and after that one I think we will open
another one in the East province to take care of the public there. Of course, the idea is setting a center in
each provincial town. So we have prepared a PSD-PFLB for the years 2001-2011. Eh, of course, this plan
which covers ten years, we have…we have just proposed it to the Secretary General of the Presidency for
him to see that this is the work we are going to do for the next ten years. If we are…if we are given a
chance and we get to…to implement it, and eh - it is still under study but I think eh, we, I hope that before
you leave Cameroon - there would be a first reaction to it. So this is really the gist of what I can tell you
about the eh, bilingualism in Cameroon. Of course, a lot remains to be done. Eh, developing two official
languages, which are foreign, is a very costly exercise. You see, you know how language schools are very
expensive - we are prepared for the expenses - and eh, we are trying our best to implement or to supplement
what traditional institutions, training institutions are doing, eh, and the interest of this program is that, eh,
the courses we are offering are tailor-made, eh, that is, eh, if you are a businessman or a banker or a
secretary, the courses we are going to propose to you suit you, just to take care of your needs.
I: Has there been a program like this for the past ten years or so?
R: Yes, yes, yes. Of course, eh, we’ve mentioned it in the introduction. This is the first program that we
have done ourselves. The first two were proposed to us by the development agency, eh, the Overseas
Development Agency, ODA in 1983, I think.
Yet, 2 % of civil servants believe that the policy came up only as a historical
accident. Since it was an accident, it requires reparation of damages and injuries
sustained, especially considering the difficult task of national unity and integration
associated with the policy. Thus, there is need for suitable political and sociolinguistic
description and planning in this direction.
5.2.7. Respondents’ interpretation of the meanings of bilingualism
With the above historical views in mind, civil servants, like ordinary
Cameroonians, have various connotations for bilingualism. 82.2 % of government
workers think that bilingualism in Cameroon simply means the coexistence of English
and French. In other words, the bilingual policy obliges the languages to exist together at
the same time and place, even though without mutual sociolinguistic peace – an
indication of the necessity for normal regulation.
Another 8.6 % of respondents say that bilingualism refers to the cohabitation of
the two inherited cultures, British and French. This group would like to remove the
emphasis from the languages and place it on the cultures they convey. To them, the two
distinctive cultures, British and French, which were reunited in 1961, constitute the
237
substance of the policy while the languages only represent these cultures. This opinion
rhymes with the reference in Cameroon to the official languages as symbol of our cultural
heritage, and to the bilingual policy as symbol of our national unity. Only 4.6 % of
government workers believe that bilingualism refers to the mastery of English and
French, the connotation which government currently propagates and promotes in
exclusion of the others. A low, but non-negligible 3.3 % of civil servants state that it
connotes the unification of the two former French and British Cameroons.
This implies that the contents of the policy have very little to do with languages;
rather, they have more to do with the cohabitation in one country of two, otherwise,
distinct socio-cultural communities, English- and French-speaking Cameroons, 159 with
distinct politico-legal and educational orientations. The implication is that the bilingual
policy is only a sense while the two communities are its referent.
It is interesting to find that there is a new satirical trend of views whereby up to
1.3 % of civil servants associate bilingualism with the marginalisation of English. The
persistence of this trend accounts for the response that states the meaning of bilingualism
in Cameroon as the marginalisation of English. Views in the likes of these reinforce the
claim that the contents of the policy have little to do with the two official languages, and
their promotion in terms of suitable language planning. This scale of persons represent
those who live with the daily situation of the disparagement of English. In other words,
this is evidence that the phenomenon has become commonplace to the extent where
159
Politically, these two communities formerly existed as two separate states variously described as La
République du Cameroun (French-speaking) and Southern Cameroons (English-speaking) before
reunification in 1961; during federation from 1961-1972, they became known as East Cameroon (Frenchspeaking) and West Cameroon (English-speaking).
238
bilingualism stands for, and aptly describes the disparagement and relegation of English
within official domains.
Text2 S1-2 Francophone/private sector/student/Germany
I.Que pensez vous du bilinguisme officiel au Cameroun?
R.Tu vois, le bilinguisme c’est d’abord l’application de nos différentes langues.
I.Anglais et Français ?
R. Non ça ne doit pas être seulement l’anglais et le français, ça peut être l’anglais et une autre langue ou
bien français et une autre langue, donc ça c’est déjà le bilinguisme. Tu vois, donc quand il y a déjà deux
langues c’est…c’est…c’est ceux qui sont entrain d’utiliser le bilinguisme. Bon moi je vois que…bon c’est
bien, bon, par rapport maintenant, bon, on prend exemple du Cameroun où l’anglais et le français sont
parlées, donc moi je crois que ça a l’avantage de la population d’abord de connaître deux langues. Le
français est important, l’anglais est important, mais je crois qu’au niveau mondial l’anglais est plus
important puisque plus de gens parlent plus anglais que français et c’est une langue qu’on utilise dans le
commerce, partout, international quoi.
I. Et au Cameroun comment peux tu évaluer le statut de l’anglais ?
R. Au Cameroun comment je peux évaluer le statut de l’anglais, bon je crois que c’est peut être maintenant
que les gens comprennent que l’anglais est important parce que, bon, quand moi j’étais au collège et au
lycée, bon, les gens ne prenaient pas l’anglais au sérieux quoi. Tu vois par exemple, donc, ce qu’on trouve
au Cameroun, je vois que les anglophones, les gens qui viennent du côté anglophone sont plus bilingues
que les gens qui viennent du côté francophone.
Text8 S6Anglophone/Lecturer/Yaounde & Bayreuth
R. According to the official policy it has to do with a sustained effort by Cameroonians to speak both
languages: this should culminate with every Cameroonian being able to speak either of the two with
salutary dexterity.
The large majority of francophone adults have little or no patience for English: they however; see a need for
their kids to learn English not because of something called Cameroonian bilingualism; but because English
is becoming an international linguistic passport in an increasingly evident global village:
Text 5 S1-2/Francophone/Student/Freiburg, Germany/23.09.2003.
I. Comment pouvez-vous définir le bilinguisme officiel au Cameroun ?
R. Il peut être défini comme la maîtrise écrite et orale du français et quelques notions d’anglais.
I. Que pensez-vous du bilinguisme officiel au Cameroun ?
R. Le bilinguisme au Cameroun est plus une convention qu’une réalité. La politique linguistique au
Cameroun qui stipule l’égalité des deux langues n’est qu’une utopie. En effet la langue française a le
monopole linguistique au Cameroun.
I. La constitution du Cameroun prévoit une égalité de statut et de fonction aux deux langues officielles. Que
pensez-vous de l’application de cette provisions dans les domaines officiels ?
R. Comme je l’ai dit plus haut, il n’y a pas d’égalité de statut des langues. Le francais est parlais dans tous
les bâtiments, lieux, services officiels au Cameroun. Un anglophone et un francophone se comprennent
mieux en francais.
239
BLCMEAN1 Meaning of Bilingualism in Cameroon 1
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Coexistence
of
English/French
as official
languages
125
82.2
82.2
82.2
Cohabitation of
two cultures
13
8.6
8.6
90.8
Cameroonians
mastery of
French &
English
7
4.6
4.6
95.4
Unification of
two Cameroons
5
3.3
3.3
98.7
No response
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
In sum, up to 95.4 % of civil servants have stated the meaning of bilingualism
using a reason that is different from that which government propagates. The responses also
illustrate that official bilingualism in Cameroon is not limited to the status and the
functions of French and English, but equally involves the political and cultural
significance of their speakers.
240
BLCMEAN2 Meaning of Bilingualism in Cameroon 2
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Cohabitation
of two cultures
73
48.0
48.0
48.0
No response
42
27.6
27.6
75.7
Unification of
two Cameroons
20
13.2
13.2
88.8
Cameroonians
mastery of
French &
English
15
9.9
9.9
98.7
Marginalisation
of English
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
5.2.8. Respondents’ ability in English
26.3 % of respondents have reported that they speak English excellently as
opposed to 27.6 % who speak it very well. Again, 15.8 % of civil servants say they can
speak English well while 17.1 % can speak it only averagely. Thus, up to 86.8 % of civil
servants can speak English, at least, averagely. While a low 6.6 % cannot speak it well,
only 0.7 % speak it poorly. Yet, 5.6% of them cannot situate their ability in this scale.
However, it is a positive image of English presented in this response pattern, which
may well illustrate that the disparagement of English is more of a political issue than an
individual one. Whether this ability is put to use or requested at the workplace or out of the
workplace is a different issue that can be assessed in a different study.
241
ENGSPKAB English Speaking Ability
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Very Well
42
27.6
27.6
27.6
Excellent
40
26.3
26.3
53.9
Averagely
26
17.1
17.1
71.1
Well
24
15.8
15.8
86.8
Not very
well
10
6.6
6.6
93.4
No
response
9
5.9
5.9
99.3
Poorly
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
5.2.9. Respondents’ ability in French
Contrary to the number of civil servants who speak English excellently, only 18.4
% can speak French excellently. Again, only 21.7 % of them speak French very well as
opposed to 27.6 % for English. However, 22.4 % speak it well while only 15.8 % speak
English well. Interestingly, just as it is with English, 17.1 % speak French averagely.
FRESPKAB French Speaking Ability
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Well
34
22.4
22.4
22.4
Very Well
33
21.7
21.7
44.1
Excellent
28
18.4
18.4
62.5
Averagely
26
17.1
17.1
79.6
Not very
well
14
9.2
9.2
88.8
No
response
12
7.9
7.9
96.7
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Poorly
Total
Total
Percent
242
While up to 9.2 % speak French not very well, 7.9 % cannot situate their ability in
this scale, and 3.3 % report that they speak French poorly. In other words, 79.8% of civil
servants speak French at least, averagely while 86.8 % speak English at least, averagely.
This implies that if genuine language planning were effected, the situation of English
within government would change as this evidence illustrates that there can be good
breeding ground for English within government domains.
Regarding frequency of using a particular language up to 65.8 % of civil servants
have reported that they speaking English daily. Only 19 .1 % speak it only when they
meet Anglophones. While 7.9 % speak it only at work, 7.2 % speak it once in a while.
This daily frequency of speaking English may not occur entirely in official situations, but
it speaks well, after all, of the use of English by civil servants. This figure is evidence that
something in the administrative set-up works against the use of English in official
milieus. Even those who have indicated that they speak English only when they meet
Anglophones still represent a positive image of English. In a way, this is evidence that
the former trend in which Anglophones had to make an obligatory linguistic adjustment
from English to French on meeting a Francophone counterpart is on the verge of collapse.
ENSPKFRQ English Speaking Frequency
Frequency
Valid
Everyday
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
100
65.8
65.8
65.8
Only when I meet
anglophones/foreigners
29
19.1
19.1
84.9
Only at work
12
7.9
7.9
92.8
Once in a while
11
7.2
7.2
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
243
Thus in a bit to rank the languages, English, French, indigenous language, and
Pidgin English according to preference, and beginning with the most liked language,
respondents provided the responses shown below. 38.2 % ranked their home or indigenous
language first as opposed to 36.8 % who ranked English first. 22.4 % ranked French first
and only 2 % ranked Pidgin English top on their list. Even though it is not the highest
number of respondents who ranked it first, English is preferred to French at personal level
and, thus, would be preferred in official circles if personal opinion was considered.
LNGRANK1 Rank Order of First Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Home
Language
58
38.2
38.2
38.2
English
56
36.8
36.8
75.0
French
34
22.4
22.4
97.4
Pidgin
3
2.0
2.0
99.3
No
response
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
LNGRANK2 Rank Order of Second Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
56
36.8
36.8
36.8
French
46
30.3
30.3
67.1
Home
Language
28
18.4
18.4
85.5
Pidgin
20
13.2
13.2
98.7
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
244
Among those who indicated their second most preferred language, 36.8 % of them
preferred English, 30.3 % ranked French second, 18.4 % ranked their home language
second and 13.2 % ranked Pidgin English second. Again, French loses to English in this
personal preference. Similarly, for those who indicated their third preferred language,
30.9 % of them ranked their mother tongue third, while 27 % ranked French third;
English was ranked third by 24.3 % of respondents, while 15.1 % of them preferred
Pidgin English third.
LNGRANK3 Rank Order of Third Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Home
Language
47
30.9
30.9
30.9
French
41
27.0
27.0
57.9
English
37
24.3
24.3
82.2
Pidgin
23
15.1
15.1
97.4
4
2.6
2.6
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
However, the situation of pidgin in the following pattern improves to a level at
which neither French nor English has attained. Thus, among those indicated their fourth
most liked language, 63.8 % of them ranked pidgin English fourth, 17.8 % ranked French
fourth, 9.2% ranked their home language fourth and 2.6% of them ranked English fourth.
It appears that there is a trend whereby a preference for pidgin engenders less use
of English and even the status of English as an official language does not affect the trend.
In other words, if such a trend is anything to go by, then a personal choice of pidgin in
and/or out of official domains replaces English. Thus, the purposes and uses of pidgin
245
predetermine the functions of English and sometimes render English an unnecessary
appendage or simply redundant.
LNGRANK4 Rank Order of Fourth Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Pidgin
97
63.8
63.8
63.8
French
27
17.8
17.8
81.6
Home
Language
14
9.2
9.2
90.8
No
response
10
6.6
6.6
97.4
English
4
2.6
2.6
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Varying reasons have been given for choosing the languages that have been ranked
first. 23.7 % of civil servants ranked their most liked language first because it is their
language of origin. This may be either their mother tongue or first official language.
Origin is portrayed here as an important marker of language status. According to
this category of persons, provenance plays a very vital role in determining language
prestige. Certainly, those who ranked English first are aware of the origin and spread of
English in Cameroon, as well as the cultural heritage it imposes on the people who speak
it.
If so, one may, therefore, acknowledge that the English-speaking community in the
country has a right to lay claims to English, seek political and cultural redress through it,
and to seek to assert its stance in the bilingual policy which is dictated by the same cultural
heritage. In the same vein, it would be normal to recognise that admitting this reality
concedes the fact that disparagement of English implies relegation of the image of its
speakers. Seen from this cultural perspective, disparagement is interprtated among
246
Anglophones as a direct threat to communal identity and such feelings have generated and
reinforced the role of the English langage as a marker of ethnicity.
Furthermore, 23 % of respondents chose their beloved language for their likeness
for its speakers, 19.7 % because it is an important Cameroonian language, and 17.1 %
because it is the language of the Cameroonian majority. These being the major reasons,
other minor reasons had to do with official language (5.9%), language of work or studies
(2.6%), widely spoken language (2 %), regional language (2 %), language of business (1.3
%), and sacred language (0.7 %). However, it is worth noting that some reasons for
language preference move along the lines of demographic imbalance that is a major factor
in determining prestige or stigma towards languages in Cameroon.
It is also interesting to find that other reasons for ranking some languages first are
dictated by the nature of the speakers of these languages. The wide range of elements that
make up the nature of speakers may necessarily include socio-cultural and political
aspects of the speakers’ ways-of-life, as well as the manner in which the speakers relate
them to the language they speak.
The predominance of French in nearly every domain almost determines
employment. Up to 64.5 % of civil servants have confirmed that they would learn French
first if they wanted to enter the military, be employed in the civil service or do business in
the private sector in Cameroon. Only 30.9 % say they would learn English first and 1.3 %
would learn pidgin.
247
BIZLANG Language Preference for Employment
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
98
64.5
64.5
64.5
English
47
30.9
30.9
95.4
No
response
5
3.3
3.3
98.7
Pidgin
English
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
This tendency confirms that something within the administrative set-up, form and
structural design of institutions favours French. The wishful preference for English that is
demonstrated in section 4. 1. 13 as an ideal situation would, otherwise, translate into a
serious de facto challenge to French vis-à-vis prestige and functions.
It is also interesting to see the reasons put forward for the preference of French
here. Up to 51 % of civil servants confirm that the preference is owing to the fact that
French is the language of the majority. Again, this preference follows along the lines of
the demographic imbalance. Thus, it makes English directly a minority language. Besides,
23.0 % clearly indicate that French is the language of success in Cameroon.
In other words, it is the official language that makes a difference. This difference
lies in the manner in which institutions, the military, administration, etc., are designed
such that one would not succeed if one did not speak French; it is a language of survival.
Only 15.1 % of respondents prefer it for its official status, hence, putting much value on
the demographic and survival advantages it carries.
248
RESWHY Reason Why
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Language of
the majority
78
51.3
51.3
51.3
Language of
success in
Cameroon
35
23.0
23.0
74.3
Official
language
23
15.1
15.1
89.5
No
response
6
3.9
3.9
93.4
Because
English is
a minority
language
4
2.6
2.6
96.1
Language of
Cameroon
Presidents
4
2.6
2.6
98.7
Military
language
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Still, a non-negligible 2.6 % of civil servants rank French first because English is a
minority language. In other words, despite its status as an equal official language, the
insignificant numerical status of the speakers of English is carried into the environment of
its official functions and it tends to be treated as such. It is clearly stated here that English
is a minority language in Cameroon because its status is matched with the numerical
inferiority of its speakers. Besides, like military officers, civil servants
(2.6 %) confirm that French is the only official language spoken by Cameroon’s Presidents
so far, while 1.3 % restate the saga regarding French being the military language. In sum,
at least 76.9 % of government workers believe that the demographic imbalance makes
English a minority language in Cameroon. Hence, French is considered the de facto first
249
official language while English is treated as a de facto secondary official language to be
used only in circumstances of absolute necessity.
Moreover, their reasons for preferring French hover around the numerical
inequality between Anglophones and Francophones. Even though there is some politicised
controversy in Cameroon over who is an Anglophone, this response pattern apparently
indicates that English is politically, socio-linguistically, and culturally ascribed to
Anglophones. However, this is overtly manifest only when it should be treated
disparagingly. But when it should be treated prestigiously in circumstances where
Francophones would share enormous profit – like Commonwealth scholarships and
funding – English is treated as a national commodity.
Still, the stigma of inferiority persists since such prestige emanates from
instrumental rather than integrative motivation for the use of English. This tendency
suggests that English would still be considered a minority language even if all
Francophones spoke English in Cameroon.
The above predicament certainly influences the language which respondents use to
address their boss at the office.
LGCMBOS1 Language of Communication to Boss at Office
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
73
48.0
48.0
48.0
English
54
35.5
35.5
83.6
English/French
18
11.8
11.8
95.4
No response
5
3.3
3.3
98.7
English/French/Pidgin
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
48 % of government workers talk to their bosses at work in French. And only
250
35.5 % do so in English. This 12.5 % difference in the use of French and English in
official domains restates the supremacy of the former over the later. Without the
demographic factor, this would still be a problem due to the fact that most bosses in
government offices are Francophones. Coupled with the French-fashioned structure of
institutions and the administrative set-up, the situation imposes an edge over the use of
English in official circles.
The most dramatic situations occur when bosses speak and write in French to
Anglophones in English-speaking regions, and other instances where some Anglophone
bosses address Anglophone audiences in French in English-speaking regions because they
would like to please their senior French-speaking colleagues present at the occasion of the
address. However, up to 11.8 % of workers use English and French to their bosses at
work. Still, a curious 1.3% of workers use English, French and Pidgin English. This
category of workers represents the scale of objective persons who, being true to
themselves and doing justice to Pidgin English, recognise the fast-growing trend of the use
of Pidgin English in official domains despite official stigma heaped on it.
The language spoken to the boss out of the office contrastingly reveals an unequal
prestige pattern between English and French. It is very interesting to find that the 48 % of
workers who use French with their bosses at work suddenly falls to 36.2 % out of office,
whereas the 35.5 % of those who use English to their bosses at work only slightly reduces
to 32. 9 %. This implies that one thing or the other (most probably the institutionalised
framework for French dominance in official milieus or the predominance of Francophone
bosses in government offices) gives French an advantage in official circles. In a way, it is
inadvertently made to be so.
251
Again, 11.2 % of workers say they use both French and English to their bosses
out of office. In a way, this tendency may represent the competition between English and
French for functions even though English is often the loser. The rest of percentages of
workers are distributed among home languages, Pidgin English, or a combination of these
languages and one official language.
LGCMBOS2 Language of Communication to Boss out of Office
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
55
36.2
36.2
36.2
English
50
32.9
32.9
69.1
No response
17
11.2
11.2
80.3
English/French
17
11.2
11.2
91.4
Pidgin English
5
3.3
3.3
94.7
Home language
2
1.3
1.3
96.1
English/French/Pidgin
2
1.3
1.3
97.4
French/Home language
2
1.3
1.3
98.7
English/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
99.3
French/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
In a way, the following responses confirm the majority of Francophone bosses in
government offices as well as the dominance of French where these bosses are found.
Thus, 61.2 % of workers say their bosses speak French to them at the office while only
24.3 % report that their bosses speak English to them. Those who experience the use of
the two languages in official circumstances fall to 8.6 %, a figure just 3.2 % lower than
the usual 11.8 % of workers who speak the two languages to their bosses. Pidgin persists
in its curious 0.7% showing that even some bosses ‘allow’ Pidgin English in their official
environment.
252
LGBOSCM1 Language of Boss Communication at the Office
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
93
61.2
61.2
61.2
English
37
24.3
24.3
85.5
English/French
13
8.6
8.6
94.1
No response
8
5.3
5.3
99.3
English/French/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
I was also interested in finding out the language otherwise desired at their
workplace.The predominance of French is, once again, illustrated here as up to 60.5 % of
government workers report that they have experienced the situation, at least once, where
they would like to use French at work, but, indeed, they are obliged, in one way or
another, to use either English, pidgin English, a home language, or a combination of two
or all of these languages.
DSDLANG Desired Language
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
92
60.5
60.5
60.5
English
32
21.1
21.1
81.6
No response
16
10.5
10.5
92.1
Pidgin English
5
3.3
3.3
95.4
English/French
4
2.6
2.6
98.0
Home Language
2
1.3
1.3
99.3
English/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
On the other 21.1 % report the experience of having been obliged to use another language
even though they would like to use English at work.
253
Text 5 S6/Francophone/Student/Freiburg, Germany/23.09.2003.
I. Pouvez-vous réciter une expérience avec le bilinguisme que vous regrettez ?
R. Personnellement non, je n’ai jamais vécu une scène pareille. Néanmoins il m’est arrivé d’entendre un
citoyen anglophone être obligé de s’addresser ou de s’exprimer en français à un citoyen francophone, parce
que ce dernier (citoyen francophone) ne le comprenait pas.
I. Selon votre expérience, en quelle langue s’expriment-ils des amis francophones et anglophones ?
R. En français ou en pidgin English.
Text 6 S15Anglophone/Teacher/Buea
I. Describe your experience with using English in an official situation, e.g. office, where Francophones
are a majority or occupy the leadership positions.
R. The bigger the position of the official the more likely he or she is likely to respond in English, because
he has more self-confidence.
I. What do you think pushes a francophone to address an Anglophone in French?
R. Firstly, although he/she is aware that the interlocutor speaks English, intuitively every speaker addresses
his/her interlocutor in a language that he or she masters most. Secondly, as a language of the minority the
French-speaking speaker sees English as the language of the dispossessed minority and tends to assume that
it is an obligation for the English-speaking interlocutor to understand French.
Text 5 S7-8/Francophone/Student/Freiburg, Germany/23.09.2003.
I. Qu’est-ce qui pousse un francophone à s’addresser à un anglophone en français lorsqu’ils se rencontrent
en route, etc. ?
R. C’est l’habitude, les réalités linguistiques et la peur d’être rejeter par le citoyen francophone.
Text2 S18 Francophone/private sector/student/Germany
R. Bon ce qui pousse, d’abord je crois que, ce qui pousse, parce que le francophone ne réalise pas qu’il est
devant un anglophone. Lui, il se dit tout le monde qui est camerounais doit parler français. C’est ce qu’il
imagine. Alors que c’est pas ça. C’est ce qu’il est entrain d’imaginer « oké, tu est camerounais, tu dois
connaître automatiquement le français.» Donc, c’est ce qu’il a toujours tendance à s’exprimer toujours à
une langue qui est majoritaire. Bon, par exemple, quand le je te vois j’ai toujours tendance à te parler
français quoi. Je sais que tu es camerounais donc je me dis que, bon, « lui il connait le français, il a appris le
français. » Donc c’est une langue qui a été majoritaire quoi.
Similar to the above tendency is the following situation where up to 53.3 % of workers
report that they have been obliged, at least on one occasion, to use French, Pidgin
English, an indigenous language or a combination of two or all of these languages at their
workplace for official issues. Even though this unnecessary competitive hunt for
functions may be expected of unplanned official bilingual situations like the one under
study, it is certainly both a negative attribute and a pressure-packed moved towards the
restriction of English in official circles.
254
OBLANG Language Obliged to Use
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
81
53.3
53.3
53.3
French
36
23.7
23.7
77.0
No response
30
19.7
19.7
96.7
Pidgin English
2
1.3
1.3
98.0
Home Language
1
.7
.7
98.7
English/French
1
.7
.7
99.3
Englisg/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
5.2.10. Attitude toward choice of a single official language
Some wishful thinking reveals that English would be chosen as the sole official
language in Cameroon if the occasion were allowed. As many as 47.4 % of civil servants
say they would choose English, and only 35.5% would choose French. Home language
and pidgin attract only 3.9 % and 3.3 % of civil servants respectively.
This reaction shows a high prestige for English as far as individual views are
concerned. It also illustrates that both Francophones and Anglophones are aware of the
advantages they would derive from the use of English in the country, especially if
institutions and public service were structured to use English. They have witnessed the
contrasting advantages evidenced by international organisations in the country that have a
preference for English, but also a few Cameroon Anglophone institutions designed and
managed based on Anglo-Saxon traditions.
255
OFLNGSEL Choice of Single Official Language if Occasion were given
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
72
47.4
47.4
47.4
French
54
35.5
35.5
82.9
No
response
15
9.9
9.9
92.8
Home
Language
6
3.9
3.9
96.7
Pidgin
English
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Hence, 44.1 % of government workers would like English to be the first official
language in a situation where two or more official languages are allowed. 40.1 % of others
prefer French, and only 4.6 % and 2 % want an indigenous language and Pidgin English to
take such a status respectively. It is quite clear that views within government prefer a
continuation of the status quo, i.e., the French-English bilingual policy, in exclusion of all
other languages. There is also evidence that most civil servants, including Francophones,
are aware of the unnecessary stranglehold of French in official circles, but also of the need
for English in the grassroots, and a change of attitude, especially in the face of
globalisation that overtly favours English.
However, the views of respondents here still illustrate a higher prestige for English,
even though it is not a landslide difference. In other words, evidence shows that even
within official domains, individuals would like to see English take more functions than
French, especially if decision-making was an individual issue. It appears that this attitude
pattern confirms a new trend of understanding that although English may be primarily
associated with Anglophones in Cameroon, its status and functions do not have to be
measured on the basis of the socio-political and numerical insignificance of its speakers.
256
OLNGPREF First Official Language Preference if given choice of two or
more Languages
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
67
44.1
44.1
44.1
French
62
40.8
40.8
84.9
No
response
13
8.6
8.6
93.4
Home
Language
7
4.6
4.6
98.0
Pidgin
English
3
2.0
2.0
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
In this highly contentious issue it would be revealing as well as interesting to study
Anglophones’ responses separately from Francophones’ responses, as the preference
would be greatly divergent along such a cultural divide as shown in the following table:
First official language preference if given choice of two or more languages
Response
French
English
Pidgin English
Mother tongue
Total
Francophone
Frequency %
38
61
18
29
0
0
6
10
62
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
22
28
51
65
5
6
1
1
79
100
5.2.11. Attitudes toward Anglophone socio-political protests
In the light of the new trend of understanding mentioned above, the following
response patterns show that attitudes within government towards Anglophone sociopolitical claims carry a feeling of compassion. But compassion alone cannot change an
institutionalised practice. 66.4 % of officials in government like and sympathise with such
concerns as the socio-political marginalistaion of Anglophones and complaints related to
the disparagement of English. However, 13.2 % of workers dislike such protests, 11.8 %
257
of them think they are unfounded, 1.3 % dislike Anglophones outright for these protests,
and, 0.7 % directly transfer their dislike for the Anglophone claims onto English.
Generally speaking, dislike for someone may be extended to other issues about the
person. This seems to be the attitude pattern for those who dislike Anglophones outright
for one thing or the other and who consequently develop a negative feeling towards
English. The attitude may be reified by the tendency among Francophones to ascribe
English in Cameroon to Anglophones and to claim that they can live without it. It is also a
result of the significance of English to Anglophones: a psychological weapon and an
inalienable symbol of culture.
Text 7 S37 Lecturer/Anglophone/Yaounde & Regensburg
I. How, and why in your view, does English make Anglophones different in Cameroon?
R. The language is fast becoming a psychological defence mechanism for most Anglophones. It is a
defining and unifying instrument of national awareness. English is an unavoidable colonial legacy different
and at times in polarity with French. This contributes greatly to the sentiment of Anglophoness.
Text8 S11Anglophone/Lecturer/Yaounde & Bayreuth
I. What is the significance of English to you?
R. I am an apologist to; it given that it is the language of learning and working to me: I did not choose it;
circumstances let it to be part of me and I register salutary respect to it!
Text2 S14 Francophone/private sector/student/Germany
I. Est-ce que l’anglais au Cameroun rend les anglophones différent ?
R. Je crois oui et non. Différent du contexte que il sont obligés et forcés même à apprendre une autre
langue. Puisque là les anglophones sont obligés ou bien forcés d’apprendre le français alors que les
francophones ne sont pas obligé d’apprendre l’anglais. Bon, par exemple, quand ils s’agit, bon il y a peut
être état socio- ou bien peut être il y a , quand il s’agit peut être d’aller travailler, tu sais au Cameroun tu
peut travailler partout. Ou ce soit côté francophone ou ce soit côte anglophone, en tous cas, quand je dis
« côté » je parle de région quoi. Ou ce soit région francophone ou ce soit région anglophone, mais là, les
anglophones qui sont minoritaires sont obligés et forcés d’apprendre une deuxième langue puisque s’ils
n’apprennent pas ça je ne crois pas qu’ils peuvent avoir la possibilité de travailler du côté, de la région
francophone. Bon, tu sais au Cameroun toutes les institutions, s’il s’agit des industries, la majorité, ils sont
installées dans la région francophone, ça c’est sûr. Donc, il y aura toujours une phase où tu dois changer de
ville, de région pour aller travailler ailleurs quoi
Text 7 S53 Lecturer/Anglophone/Yaounde & Regensburg
I. Describe what it means or feels like to be Anglophone in your view.
R. My feelings of being Anglophone are more of a linguistic and psychosocial nature rather than a
geographic issue as the state machinery has made it to look like. The Anglo-Saxon education I have had
gives me a different mentality from the Francophone. I believe any Cameroonian with such an identity is
Anglophone. I will quote one of several examples; the former Minister of Higher Education, present
Minister of State SG at the Presidency, is an Anglophone to my standards of judgement. Without passing
for an expert, I believe the term is highly ambiguous and multifaceted. We should not forget that there are
many Cameroonians who can neither speak French nor English. The question to be addressed is whether
they should fall in the categories of Anglophone or Francophone because they belong to a specific
geographical setting.
258
I. How is English a factor in the claims called “The Anglophone Problem”?
R. Far from being a claim, ‘The Anglophone Problem’ is a reality. Those who pretend not to see it have
sacrificed the simple tenets of observing social and scientific phenomenon, for vicious and regrettable
political goals. We need not emphasise how this connects with the problem of language. By reducing the
Anglophone to Englishness, which is abused and assassinated at the same time is an interpretative matrix to
demonstrate the connection.
I. If you have Francophone friends, how do they differ in your view from those you believe share the blame
for the state of affairs?
R. There are many Francophones who consciously know the reality of the disparity that exists between the
two entities. As I earlier said, pride destroys the simple will to accept the truth. The trademark attitude is
always, ‘Oui mais...’ ‘C’est vrai, mais ...’ ‘Vous avez raison, mais on va faire comment? ...’ Etc. There is
always an aversive but that plays against the will to truth. The unfortunate ones, who are inextricably tied to
the intoxicating dregs of French superiority, have always given very flimsy reasons for French dominance.
Still, the high sympathy for the situation of Anglophones is an indication that in
due course a new trend may come up where Francophones may advocate increase of
functions of English and better treatment of Anglophones within official circles. Even
though this may depend partly on political will, it would be an essential grassroots
motivation for change. Such change greatly improves the sour relationship across the
Anglophone-Francophone divide.
FANGPRO Feeling Towards Anglophone Sociopolitical Protests
Frequency
Valid
Like/sympathise
with it
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
101
66.4
66.4
66.4
Dislike it
20
13.2
13.2
79.6
Unfounded
18
11.8
11.8
91.4
No response
10
6.6
6.6
98.0
I dislike
Anglophones
for that
2
1.3
1.3
99.3
Dislike English
for that
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
However, an Anglophone is perceived immediately English is spoken anywhere.
Owing to the socio-political grievances mentioned above, Francophones consider their
Anglophone counterparts notorious. Given that the disparagement of English is part of
these claims, Francophones tend to believe that anyone who speaks English is an
259
Anglophone. 50 % of civil servants within government report that when they hear
someone speaking English, the immediate image that comes to their minds is that of an
Anglophone. Due to the fact that speaking English and being bilingual is an Anglophone
issue, it is quite common even for foreigners like Nigerians, Ghanaians, etc., to be
regarded as Anglophone Cameroonians, although accent discrepancies are very obvious.
Unless further verification is possible, almost everyone who speaks English in Cameroon
is, at first impression, considered an Anglophone, although many Francophones learn and
speak English quite fluently nowadays.
According to some extremist Francophones, ‘Ce sont eux!’ (They are the ones!), is
the phrase normally used by Francophones to refer to persons heard speaking English in
French-speaking regions. Apart from Anglophones, only 31.6 % of civil servants think of
a foreigner in mind when they hear someone speaking English, especially in Frenchspeaking regions. However, 3.3 % and 0.7 % of civil servants immediately have an image
neutral to the Anglophone-Francophone dichotomy, i.e., an educated Cameroonian and a
gentleman respectively.
An educated Cameroonian Francophone or Anglophone – one who may have gone
through university education where bilingual training in French and English is mandatory
– is capable of speaking the two languages at a fairly advanced level of performance.
Hence, it should not be a surprise if someone speaking English would be such a
Cameroonian.
260
IMELGSP1 Immediate Image Held Towards English Language Speaker 1
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophone
76
50.0
50.3
50.3
Foreigner
48
31.6
31.8
82.1
A
francophone
13
8.6
8.6
90.7
No response
8
5.3
5.3
96.0
An educated
Cameroonian
5
3.3
3.3
99.3
A gentleman
1
.7
.7
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
Total
Apart from an educated Cameroonian, a gentleman has been introduced here as a
remarkable trait ascribable to English and the English-speaking community at home and
abroad. Being an acclaimed handed-down quality from the cultural history of the British
and Anglo-Saxons, gentleman is widely considered in some Anglophone milieus as a
distinguishing quality of Anglophones. But the membership of Cameroon in the
Commonwealth of Nations fondly referred to as The Gentlemen’s Club has extended this
quality to include just any Cameroonian – Francophone or Anglophone – who speaks
English fluently. Hence, the quality as used below may well refer to an Anglophone just as
it may refer to a Francophone.
A second range of responses shows that 47.7 % of workers abstained from giving
their views regarding the immediate image of someone speaking English. This scale of
respondents avoids an obvious fact: Francophone association of English with
Anglophones.
261
IMELGSP2 Immediate Image Held Towards English Language Speaker 2
Frequency
Valid
Total
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
72
47.4
47.7
47.7
Anglophone
53
34.9
35.1
82.8
Nigerian
16
10.5
10.6
93.4
Foreigner
5
3.3
3.3
96.7
An educated
Cameroonian
3
2.0
2.0
98.7
A gentleman
1
.7
.7
99.3
A bilingual
person
1
.7
.7
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
According to a respondent who expressed his ill-feeling about this particular
issue, and who consequently withheld his response, it is too obvious that many
respondents would say they think of Anglophones first when someone speaks English
around them. To him, such responses generate a state of mind which may be a breeding
ground for animosity, unjustly paint a false picture of Francophones, and would
aggravate the already sour relationship between Anglophones and Francophones. Yet,
34.9 % of respondents indicate that they immediately think of an Anglophone when they
hear someone speaking English, while 10.5 % think of a Nigerian. The designations, a
foreigner, an educated Cameroonian, a gentleman, a bilingual person follow, each with
3.3 %, 2 %, 0.7 %, and 0.7 % respectively. It is important to indicate that it is not unusual
for some respondents to think of a Nigerian whenever English is spoken around them as
there is high cooperation between Anglophones and Nigerians resident in Cameroon as
262
well as a high affinity for each other’s history. Hence, there is a disparagement of
Anglophones due to their past political links with Nigeria as illustrated below.
A tendency among Francophones and even some unaware Anglophones has been
to believe that English made its way into Cameroon partly because of the British colonial
experience, and partly because of the unavoidable presence of Nigeria next door, which
offers English and Anglophones in Cameroon an alternative as well as a chance to avoid
isolation and frenchification. Several persistent references among Anglophones to some
Nigerian political, economic, and educational values, which they eventually hail as
models, further push persons with such views to regard Nigeria as some kind of bad luck
or an accomplice.
Text 7 S53 Lecturer/Anglophone/Yaounde & Regensburg
The ways in which those who speak French regard Nigerians make English appear relegated. A good
majority of French Cameroonians always tend to treat the English-speaking ones as if they were from
another country other than Cameroon. Anglophone Cameroon is therefore reduced to a kind of ethnic
entity. In certain extreme cases, the Anglophone community is even referred to as the Bamenda people.
One just needs to articulate English and they are taken for a Bamenda, ‘Les gens de Bamenda’ ‘Les
Anglofoux’ ‘Les étrangers’ ‘Allez cher vous’ ‘Les gens de Fru Ndi’ ‘On ne parle pas la langue Anglaise ici’
‘On fait quoi avec l’anglais?’etc etc...
Besides, considering that the two neighbours must live together and accept the
hazards of immigration; considering also, that living together has been marked by tension
for the past decade, with violent armed border conflicts between them of late (the most
fatal occurring around borders in Anglophone regions), the partial ascription of English
and Anglophones to Nigerian origins finds more emotional justification. This has caused
enormous ill feeling among this category of persons. The consequence of the situation
makes it possible for this animosity to be transferred onto the English and its speakers.
Such animosity is verbally reified by Francophone disparaging comments as votre
anglais-là (that your so-called English), vos faux diplômes-là (those your fake certificates
(referring to certificates received in Nigeria)), vous les Biafrais / enemies dans la maison
263
(linking Anglophones to the Biafran secessionist Eastern province of Nigeria mainly
inhabited by the Ibos), etc. It is an indirect way of telling Anglophones that they are
aliens or traitors in Cameroon.
Hence, in the responses below, up to 93.4 % of civil servants avoid stating their
views because, as indicated earlier, their views would almost certainly accuse
Anglophones. Only 5.9 % overtly say they do dislike Anglophones for their historical
links with Nigeria. Although this may be considered a low figure, it confirms that there is
actually a trend of negative attitude towards Anglophones for something related to
Nigeria, and which may be transferred onto English in some way.
HISDLKAN Dislike for Anglophones because of their historical links with
Nigeria
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Cumulative
Percent
93.4
94.0
94.0
9
5.9
6.0
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Total
Valid
Percent
142
Yes
Missing
Percent
Similar to the circumstance explained above, there is a disparaging attitude in
government offices towards Francophones and Anglophones who have studied and
received certificates in Nigeria. But a greater scorn is reserved for Anglophones in this
category, who seek employment in government domains or admission into state-run
educational institutions in French-speaking regions.
It is a consequence of a widespread disparagement of the educational system and
practices in many parts of Nigeria as lax and lacking in efficiency and effectiveness,
especially given the extensive liberalisation of education in the country. However, the
264
immediate cause of this disparagement within official circles is a high crime wave among
Nigerian residents, who connive with some Anglophones and use Anglophone territories
as a springboard for widespread falsification of educational and legal documents, illegal
immigration, and smuggling of low quality goods, drugs, and highly hazardous petroleum
products from Nigeria into Cameroon.
While 6.6 % of civil servants indicate their dislike for Anglophones for their
Nigerian educational background, 1.3 % indicate an emphatic refusal of the claim.
Nonetheless, a majority 91.4 % of civil servants reserved their views. Still, the point here
is not how low or high the figures are but the fact that there exists a trend at all, of dislike
for Anglophones for anything having to do with Nigeria, and which may be transferred
onto English.
ANGNISTD Dislike for Anglophones because they study in & hold
Nigerian Certificates
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Total
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
139
91.4
92.1
92.1
Yes
10
6.6
6.6
98.7
No
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
Although 86.8 % of civil servants reserve their views on this issue, 12.5 % state
outright their dislike for Anglophones owing to the crisis. It is unfortunate that the oilrich Peninsula is situated in Anglophone territory, and is the one most conflict torn region
for the two countries known to Cameroonians. Otherwise, the two countries also have a
border difference in the northern area around the river Benue and Lake Chad regions, but
265
these two regions are situated in French-speaking regions. But to the best of my
knowledge, Francophones of this region do not dislike anyone for the ongoing crisis
there.
Nevertheless, the case of the Bakassi Peninsula may be particular in the sense that
Anglophone inhabitants of this area have long benefited from Nigerian rather than
Cameroonian economic, cultural, security, educational infrastructure as well as road
infrastructure. Hence, during the crisis, the normal pragmatic tendency is for them to
sympathise with their practical rather than the political master. They have argued (and
quite rightly) that ‘you can’t bite the finger that feeds you.’ Unfortunately, such
pragmatic sympathy is interpreted among Francophones and especially within
government circles as civic treachery or lack of patriotism.
BAKASI Dislike for Anglophones because of Nigerian Invasion of Bakassi
Frequency
Valid
Missing
Total
No
response
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
132
86.8
87.4
87.4
Yes
19
12.5
12.6
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
As indicated earlier, this is a factor that seems to intensify animosity towards
Anglophones for duly or unduly being accomplices and towards English for being the
possible language of such illegal business. However, 80.3 % of civil servants reserve their
views on the issue; still, a rising trend is represented by 19.1 % of respondents stating their
dislike for Anglophones due to the situation.
266
NIGILBIZ Dislike for Anglophones because of Nigerian Illegal Business in
Cameroon & Residence in Anglophone Regions
Frequency
Valid
Missing
No
response
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
122
80.3
80.8
80.8
Yes
29
19.1
19.2
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
The Nigerian factor is not alone as there is also disparagement of Anglophones for
their claims to a British cultural distinctness. Anglophone ethnicity through English is so
strong that it is being used as a weapon to fight Francophone stranglehold and safeguard
cultural identity. Such ethnicity triggers an ill feeling among Francophones who regard
this as illusive pretexts and intended to fuel separatist sentiments among Anglophones.
ACLAIMGB Dislike for Anglophones because of their claims to British
Culture Differentiating them from the franciphones who have a French
Culture
Frequency
Valid
Missing
No
response
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
127
83.6
84.1
84.1
Yes
24
15.8
15.9
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Hence, 15.8 % of civil servants represent this category in stating their dislike for
Anglophones for their claims, although up to 83.6 % of civil servants abstained from
giving their views on the issue.
267
There is, nevertheless, a general disparagement of Anglophones for their sociopolitical claims. Although Anglophones have listed their genuine grievances in many
forms and have used many avenues to articulate them, this seems to trigger a dislike for
them. 19.1 % of government workers have indicated that they fall in this category,
although 80.3 % of them reserve their views on the issue.
ANGCMAR Dislike for Anglophones because of their Complaints of
Marginalisation
Frequency
Valid
Missing
Total
No
response
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
122
80.3
80.8
80.8
Yes
29
19.1
19.2
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Nonetheless, American and British arrogance in the global war on terrorism appears to
trigger animosity toward anyone who associates with or claims closeness to these world
powers and Anglophones in Cameroon are no exception.
This may be the first time that American and British arrogance is being cited as a
direct factor in the sour Francophone-Anglophone relationship on the one hand, and
French-English bilingual partnership on the other. Certainly, the impact of Americans and
British is not felt in Cameroon in the way that that of Nigerian residents is, for example.
But the present 0.7 % of respondents who dislike Anglophones for such a reason
constitutes a new trend in the disparagement of English within official domains.
However, variables relating to American and British foreign policies, the effects
these policies create around the globe, reactions to these effects including the terrorist
attacks of September 11, 2001 in the U. S., may engender trends of this nature. Besides,
268
the overt American support of Anglophone-generated political opposition manifests itself
in support for the Social Democratic Front (S.D.F.) Party, the current arrogant AngloAmerican alliance in the war against terrorism around the world may be the motivating
factors of this direct accusation.
The statement of the grievances of Anglophones also engenders a dislike of
persons of English expression in Cameroon. The socio-political grievances of
Anglophones are embodied in what is now commonly called The Anglophone Problem.
These claims include linguistic injustice relating to implementation of the official policy
of bilingualism and the consequent disparagement of English. Many avenues have been
explored by Anglophone pressure groups to articulate these claims. Still, depending on
the objectives of each group, such pressure has not yielded the socio-political change
advocated. Hence, 5 % of civil servants blame this stagnation on some Anglophone
leaders who despise the claims.
Text 7 S49/Lecturer/Anglophone/Yaounde & Regensburg
I. What do you think about the assertion that the speaking or non-speaking of English by most Cameroon
leaders affects the prestige of English in the country?
R. In fact, this is where the simple test of the whole myth of Cameroonian bilingualism can be conducted. It
is unfortunate that the head of state has ruled for more than 20 years and has addressed the country not up
to 15 times directly in English. The main leader of the opposition cannot speak French. It sounds
scandalous to find representatives of Cameroon to the Commonwealth Summit or Games who cannot utter
a word in English. There are a good number of persons who no doubt can speak English well. But
generally, the situation is one for tears.
ATANGLED Dislike for Anglophones because of the Attitude of
Anglophone Leaders who despise the Anglophone Problem
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Cumulative
Percent
96.1
96.7
96.7
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Total
Valid
Percent
146
Yes
Missing
Percent
269
5.2.12. Attitudes towards unequal layout of information on official letterheads,
notices and other documents suggesting the disparagement of English
There is a widespread unjust practice within official domains concerning the
layout of official information in French and English. The situation in official letterheads,
for instance, shows that the French version is consistently placed above and the English
versions placed below. Both may be written in the upper case but the French version
would additionally be in bold face as if to emphasise its superiority. The English version
may even be italicised to emphasise its unofficial status, etc., as shown in the following
examples:
a) RÉPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
b) RÉPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN- REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
PAIX-TRAVAIL-PATRIE - PEACE-WORK-FATHERLAND
PAIX-TRAVAIL-PATRIE
PEACE-WORK-FATHERLAND
c)
RÉPUBLIQUE
DU
CAMEROUN
(REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON)
PAIX - TRAVAIL - PATRIE
(PEACE-WORK-FATHERLAND)
d) République du Cameroun
Republic of Cameroon
Paix - Travail - Patrie
Peace - Work – Fatherland
Text7 S7 Lecturer/Anglophone/Yaounde & Regensburg
I. Can you think of the various ways which one can that English is relegated vis-à-vis French, e.g. official
documents, notices, road signs, etc.
R. The most glaring disparities actually find expression under such labels. I will simply cite a few tangible
cases. I have never seen an English version of an integration decision from the Prime Ministry of the
Republic, or a singed English version of a presidential speech or document. With the exception of the
Official Gazette, most ministries give priority to French. Some of the unfortunate officials even go as far as
contenting themselves that English is minority, so no need for equality. When asked to explain what they
mean by English is a minority language, they revert to the number of speakers as measuring paradigm. This
is grossly unfortunate. The captions on ministerial sing posts are another sad reality. French is boldly
written and English follows under in letters that one can barely read unless they are very close. At times the
thing fades altogether because of bad quality paint. This leaves a marginalizing effect. The state media
(CRTV, and Cameroon Tribune) are not exempted from this.
Text6 S7Teacher/Anglophone/Buea
R. You need lenses to read English translations of information in official documents; all tenders for
business contracts are submitted in Yaounde in French (otherwise nobody bothers to read them, Road signs:
French versions legible in the night, and if you read only English park you car and wait for morning or else
you stop your car and step out and approach sign and read then return to your car an respect sign info till
you get to the next stop. Another solution is to travel with a translator. Best solution: study your French and
drop the English.
Text 5 S13/Francophone/Student/Freiburg, Germany/23.09.2003.
I. Selon vous qu’est-ce qui est suggéré lorsque, dans un document officiel, les versions françaises sont
écrites en gros caractères et les versions anglaises sont écrites en petits caractères ?
270
R. Cela signifie la langue française est plus importante, et que la langue anglaise est moins importante,
donc marginalisée; ce qui devrait disparaître dans les années à venir. Les deux langues sont égales du point
de vue linguistique.
Thus, up to 81.6 % of civil servants confirm that this layout minimises and
disparages English, although strangely, 5.9 % of them think that it maximises or enhances
the prestige of English.
ENGSTATA Feelings Towards Language Usage on Dosuments & Public
Notices (a)
Frequency
Valid
Total
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Minimise
124
81.6
82.1
82.1
No
response
18
11.8
11.9
94.0
Maximise
9
5.9
6.0
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
5.2.13. Attitude toward Anglophone system of education
As many as 51.3 % of government respondents would not prefer the Anglo-Saxontype education system operated in the Anglophone regions for the education of their
children. However, 46.7 % of them would prefer their children to study in this system.
This near-tie in opinion shows that the system of education in the Anglophone regions,
where English is the language of instruction, and where British educational models are
emulated, is a strong rival to the French system common in Francophone regions.
271
ENDEDU Preference for Children to Pursue Anglophone Education
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
78
51.3
51.3
51.3
Yes
71
46.7
46.7
98.0
3
2.0
2.0
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
Besides, it seems that a majority of respondents who do not prefer the Anglophone
system of education only have political motives, as shown by the following frequency of
reasons for not preferring the Anglophone system. 23 % of respondents have withheld
their views on the matter. Yet, 17.1 % of them prefer the Anglophone English-based
system of education for worldwide opportunities.
The external aura of English or what may be called the instrumental motive seems
to enhance the prestige of English and Anglophones here, although one would have
expected integrative motives first. 16.4 % of respondents feel that preferring the
Anglophone system alone would limit children’s bilingual competence.
272
RESANS Reason for Answer
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
35
23.0
23.0
23.0
Worldwide
opportunities
26
17.1
17.1
40.1
Limiting
bilingual
competence
25
16.4
16.4
56.6
To make them
bilingual
21
13.8
13.8
70.4
Organised
educational
system
18
11.8
11.8
82.2
Necessary
Cameroonian
survival
language
12
7.9
7.9
90.1
World
dominating
language
8
5.3
5.3
95.4
I am
anglophone
3
2.0
2.0
97.4
For positive
values
2
1.3
1.3
98.7
No coruption
1
.7
.7
99.3
Not a priority
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
But 13.8 %, 11.8 %, 7.9 %, 5.3 %, 2 %, 1.3 % and 0.7 % of civil servants prefer
the system for the following respective reasons which show a high prestige for English: it
makes children bilingual, it is an organised educational system, English is necessary for
survival in the country, it is the world’s dominant language, and, for the sake of being
Anglophone. Still, a non-negligible 0.7 % of respondents says the Anglophone educational
system is not a priority.
273
5.2.14. Attitude toward salary increase for persons willing to use more English than
French on their job
60.5 % of civil servants would not like a salary increase for civil servants who
would agree to use more English on their job. However, 33.6 % of them would want this
motivating action in order to use more English on their job. The high percentage of ‘no’
to the suggestion may be accounted for by the type of motivation – salary boost – than by
the unacceptability of the idea of motivation at all. Considering that 86.8 % of civil
servants have reported that they can speak English, at least averagely, as shown in section
4. 1. 13 above, it implies that appropriate motivation would boost the use of English and
raise its prestige within official domains. However, government’s position is not a very
positive one on this issue as seen in the following views of the co-ordinator of the
Bilingual Training Programme:
Text10 S5/Zenon Soya/Director & Coordinator of government Bilingual Training Programme
(PFLB) at the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon/Francophone/Presidency of the Republic of
Cameroon:19. 2. 2002.
R. You see; so they don’t want to give pressure on anybody but if you feel that you are a Cameroonian it is
a duty for you to master the two official languages. You see, and they give you all the facilities because we
have discussed, I mean, there has been a discussion here in Cameroon to give a bonus to those civil servants
who speak, and who speak and write both languages, and the answer has been “no”. “No” because the
objective is that everybody should be in that position [one at which all citizens speak and write the two
official languages] and the true Cameroonian is really the one who speaks the two languages. But it is a
“must”; if you can speak French and English – they always say that it is a “must” when there is an opening,
if you speak or write the two languages it will give you a “plus”…So I don’t know if I have answered your
question?
I.: Well, it is somewhat in line with what a sociolinguist would like to see practised. But let it begin with a
framework that describes what we call bilingualism. Then, it would be easy for different departments to
implement aspects of the described framework. For instance, there may be a department of translations and
interpretations, a department for the teaching of English and French, a department for designing or
formulating a curriculum, etc.
R: Yes, Yes, Yes. This would be the department dealing with the relationship between vernacular
languages and the official languages. You see, but as I said we have…we already…we have already raised
the issue. It is now a matter of policy. The politicians, the decision-makers should say, “OK go ahead and
do it”. For instance, if my job here is to think about defining a policy, that is, if they asked me, OK, Mr
Soya, OK, we need the definition of Cameroon bilingualism and then how that policy, how that
bilingualism can be implemented. OK, we would carry out that research and then…
Besides, such motivation was introduced once during Opération Bilinguisme in
the early 1980s by which government workers received an additional stipend on their
274
salaries if they raised their ability in the second official language. Even though the
scheme collapsed later on owing to some factors relating the economic crisis that hit most
African countries in the mid- and late 1980s, the scheme had shown its positive results
within official domains and among civil servants.
SALINCEU Salary Increase for Persons Using more English than French
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
92
60.5
60.5
60.5
Yes
51
33.6
33.6
94.1
9
5.9
5.9
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
However, 24.3 % of respondents state that such motivation would boost the use of
English in official milieus. Still, 19.1 % of them categorically state that it is not a good
idea. Another 11.2 % blame the French-styled administrative system, implying that its
persistent institutionalisation would not permit such motivating action to yield the
promotion of English in official circles. Worse, 3.3 % of workers even go further to state
that the idea is a good one but it should not be implemented.
275
EFISAL Effects of Salary Increase
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
64
42.1
42.1
42.1
Boost official
use of English
37
24.3
24.3
66.4
Not a good idea
29
19.1
19.1
85.5
Impossible
since
Administrative
system is
French
17
11.2
11.2
96.7
Good idea but
should not be
done
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
A total of about 74.7 % of workers may not like the idea of an increase in salaries,
but it remains that appropriate motivation at all would be acceptable. This is further
evidence that the dynamics of language status is highly determined and influenced by
political variables.
5.2.15. Linguistic inclination of civil servants’ closest friends
54.6 % of civil servants have reported that their three closest friends are
Anglophones and Francophones. 27 % of workers have only Anglophones as their three
closest friends while 15.1 % of workers have only Francophones as their three closest
friends. This tendency shows that government’s integration measures appear to succeed in
building close relationships across the Anglophone-Francophone dichotomy – a fact that
could hardly happen two decades ago. Breaking down forces of cultural stigma, and
making it possible for both Francophones and Anglophones to build mutual trust-worthy
relationships across regional boundaries, may be a hailed fundamental achievement in
yielding acceptability that is a salient factor in status planning.
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Such close relationships may be breeding ground for mutual linguistic influence
if theories of linguistic accommodation are anything to go by. The structure of such
influence is a subject to be further investigated. Still, these friendship trends among civil
servants are positive springboards for boosting the prestige of both English and French.
Besides, more acceptability of Anglophones by Francophones is an indirect positive
marker of the rising prestige of English among Francophone civil servants.
XTICFREN Characteristic of three Closest Friends
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophones
&
Francophones
83
54.6
54.6
54.6
All
anglophones
41
27.0
27.0
81.6
All
francophones
23
15.1
15.1
96.7
No response
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
5.3. Summary
Many civil servants have reported that they have, at least, an average level in
English, and would readily use English in official circumstances and out of office. They
have acknowledged the unequal use of English and French within government and have
blamed this situation on a number of factors linked to the overtly French-styled
administrative system as well as national institutions.
However, other factors relating to attitude towards Anglophone socio-political
claims have accounted for the current situation of English within government. Coupled
with the imbalance in the demographic divide, English is pinned down as a minority
language. At the individual level, English enjoys high prestige but at the institutional
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level, it is discounted and disparaged owing to a political framework, which makes
French the de facto winner in the linguistic competition for functions between English
and French. Still, among individuals it is believed that it is only a matter of time for the
status of English in the country to become equally dominant owing to the continuing
spread of English in the sub-Saharan African region as gleaned in the views of the
respondent below.
Text 7 S29/AnglophoneLecturer/Younde & Regensburg, Germany
The question of [French] dominance is in my vision a very short-lived thing, because in half a century
Cameroon will be more of an Anglophone country. Tables will turn instead of the establishment of
equilibrium. It may sound illusory now, but it is REALITY TO COME.
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6. Status: English in official documents
The point has been stressed in this study about the arbitrary and wanting use of
English in notices, signboards, signposts, and other visual information mediums in public
domains in the country. Looking at permanent notices on public premises, occasional
posters as well as routine official documents, the reader quickly gets the impression that
English is unequal to French.
In other words, the layout of information in the two official languages illustrates a
disparagement of English in varying subtle ways. For instance, the English versions may
be completely absent in official documents. However, if they were available, they were
either written consistently below the French versions or put in parentheses. The English
versions may be written in lower case while the French versions appear in upper case.
Worse, when the French versions are written in bigger and bold upper case, English
versions are consistently written in smaller upper case, or they would simply be
italicised. 160
As mentioned elsewhere, the persons given the task of printing these official
documents may be ignorant of the political and psychological implications of the
information layout on the final product. However, the bottom line is that there is a
160
Recall that the practice of italicising the English versions in official documents within government
circles is an old tradition, which dates to the reunification and federation era. Its subtle effect removes
validity, priority, and equality from the English version and thus relegates it to the status of a covert
unofficial version, to which reference cannot be made in a judicial situation. This practice is in conformity
with an early declared intention to relegate English, as article 53 of the 1961 federal constitution indicated
that in any (judicial?) dispute regarding the constitution only the French version of the constitution would
be authentic, valid and binding. Even though later constitutional amendments have removed this phrase, it
remains that, for at least once, there has been an officially declared attempt to relegate the status of English.
Although this constitutional provision may have been directed at a suspected eventual Anglophone
nationalism – a reality nowadays – which always lingered at the back of the minds of the Francophone
political elite and leadership, it inadvertently carried serious implications for the status of English. Still, the
current practice of italicisation appears to be a continuation of such relegating attempts in disguise, even
though it is true that nowadays much of it is inadvertent.
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negative impression that the reader gets from the entire situation, especially one who
speaks the language as a first official language in Cameroon. The feeling that often
results from that impression is that such use of English in official documents is merely
intended to be anaesthetic or palliative to the minority Anglophone complaints of
alienation and marginalisation rather than be a genuine attempt at promoting the equal
use of the two official languages in official milieus.
6.1. Personal identification documents
In the following category, official personal identification documents are examined
within the frame of the relegation of English in official domains. There exist varying
types of official personal documents such that an individual citizen in Cameroon may
hold several of them. Images 1a to 1c represent what is referred to in Cameroon as
National Identity Card (NIC). Just as a valid passport is required to travel abroad, the
NIC is required for identification at all times within the confines of the national territory.
According to national civic regulations, this is the most important personal identification
document owing to its exclusive role in authenticating the conferring of nationality on
citizens. Any other document is subordinate to it. Thus, the holder of this document
enjoys the status of citizen, and the pride of belonging to the country. The information in
the NIC is written in the two official languages, English and French, and this language
component is part of the rights due the holder of the NIC.
However, the language usage in the document may as well influence the
perception of one’s status as citizen, affect ones pride of nationality and belonging, and
impose a feeling of inferiority. While images 1a and 1b are normally joint to serve
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1a
1b
1c
as a temporary receipt pending the issuance of the permanent NIC (see validity duration
in dates), image 1c is actually the computerized and machine-finished permanent NIC. In
1a and 1c, an exemplary situation is presented where, at the top and in the middle of the
two documents, the two languages are equally represented in a balanced layout (side-byside juxtaposition and upper case) or what may be called the letterhead section in
Cameroon official notices and documents. However, in the actual body of the document,
where personal information, the raison d’être behind the issuance of the document is
found, a consistent disparity comes up in the use of English and French. From PI/IC in
image 1a through the signature in image 1b and the information below the signature in
image 1c, French is written above in normal lower case while English consistently
appears below the French versions, yet italicised. This gives the impression that English
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is merely a secondary official language whose status cannot be compared to French.
Elsewhere, the name stamp of the English-speaking deputy superintendent of police
(Taminang Thomas), who has endorsed the document in image 1b, shows his rank in
French as Officier de Police (superintendent of police). Yet, when I interviewed him (see
unstructured interviews), he emphasized that he writes all his reports in English and that
no one obliges him to do whatsoever in French.
Images 2a and 2b illustrate the outside and the inside parts of the same personal
identification document. This document falls under the category of Professional Identity
Cards (PIC). Specifically, it is issued to skilled academic and administrative personnel
employed by government to work as staff of the Department of National Education.
2a
2b
Note in image 2a that the appellation of the ministry is given only in French. Even
though one may argue that this is an inadvertent situation, it rather adds meaning to the
fact that English is basically an afterthought. It may even be more useful to look for the
explanation elsewhere especially when the persons writing these appellations are Englishspeaking. Note, too, that the letterhead section in image 2a puts the French version of the
information above and the English version below. A similar situation is repeated at the
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bottom in image 2a. Again, the English versions appear this time in upper case while the
French versions are emphasized in bold fonts. While in image 2b the French versions
continue to appear above and in normal lower case, their English counterparts continue to
be in normal lower case, yet italicised. Worse, the information given against the topics,
Profession/Occupation, at the bottom of image 2b as PLEG is actually an acronym for
French Professeur des Lycées d’Enseignement Général (secondary education teacher).
The acronym is used as a result of the non-existence of an English equivalent in the
Cameroon administrative jargon.
Yet - and quite unfortunate -, the government official with the rank of Minister,
who has endorsed the document in image 2b - Joseph Yunga Teghen - is Englishspeaking. Both the appellation of his position and date stamp are in French - SecrétaireGénéral à l’Education Nationale and 11 JUIN 1997. The fact that he served in this
position for over eight years without bringing any changes to any of these situations –
administrative procedures which he supervised - is illustrative of the limited discretional
powers that Anglophones have in the positions they hold, even though they may fill
several high positions within government. A holder of such an identification document
certainly feels cheated, even if no one intentionally created the situation. Thus one can’t
help but think that if one belonged in a community, one would be recognized and treated
fairly. But if one belonged partially, one would be partly recognized and partly forgotten.
Partial recognition and frequent forgetfulness portrayed consistently towards English and
Anglophones within official circles help to crystallise the feeling that Anglophones do
not fully belong in the Cameroon polity. This is the total impression that Anglophones
get as they hold documents in the likes of these, but find it difficult to make the feeling
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acknowledged and corrected, in spite of individual and collective, informal and formal
protests made regarding the situation.
Images 3a and 3b below illustrate the front and back of a valid class B
Cameroonian drivers’ license. The tradition of writing English versions below the French
versions continues as shown in the letterhead section at the top right hand side of image
3a. However, a balance is made as the two versions appear in upper case for the
appellation of the country, Republic of Cameroon, and in lower case for the motto of the
country, Peace, Work, Fatherland.
Yet, just below this area is a typical example of the gross unequal representation
of the two languages discussed in this work. PERMIS DE CONDUIRE, the French
version of the appellation of the document, is written above in bigger and bold upper case
while most of its English version is written below in small and unstressed lower case.
In spite of the arguments that may be put forward to explain the inadvertent cause
of this practice, it betrays the author’s mind, and illustrates that something in such a mind
is either against the disparaged language or those who speak it. From image 3a to image
3b, this practice is quite consistent to the extent that one can barely read the English
versions, no matter how enlarged or big the entire document may be made to be.
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3b
3b
What may be considered even more painful about this practice is the common
knowledge in Cameroon that Anglophones are very sensitive to this type of
disparagement of English and have officially protested against it. 161 Some individual
protests have met with a ruthless and ridiculous response from the government quarters to
161
See Draft constitution or Draft constitution of the Frederal Republic of Cameroon, 1993: v, 3.
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which the protests were directed. Other collective protests or proposals have been
ignored. 162 Nevertheless, the practice has only barely been abandoned in some official
circles while in others, it simply has not changed.
Images 4a and 4b below illustrate a few pages (3 of 48) of a typical Cameroonian
passport until July 2002. 163
4a
162
4b
See Draft constitution or Draft constitution of the Frederal Republic of Cameroon submitted to
government by the Standing Committee of the All Anglophone Conference, 1993.
163
Member states of the CEMAC (Communauté Economique et Monétaire d’Afrique Centrale) zone :
Cameroon, Gabon, Tchad, Central African Republic, Republic of Congo, recently agreed to have a
harmonized passport for its citizens in a bid to promote economic activity by easing the free movement of
persons within the zone. This policy has not been implemented to date. However laudable, from a politicoeconomic perspective, it is considered a fatal loss for English and the English-speaking community in
Cameroon because English will be dropped from Cameroonians’ passports as the country will have to
conform to the linguistic restriction to French imposed by the CEMAC as a strictly French-speaking
community. Recall that it has been a similar loss as the BEAC (Banque des États de l’Afrique Centrale) has
for a decade harmonized the CFA Franc (Communauté Financière Africaine), the currency used within the
CEMAC zone. This resulted in the drop of the bilingual appellation of Cameroon (République du
Cameroun-Republic of Cameroon), which used to appear on the CFA Franc produced in Cameroon to
indicate its bi-cultural identity. Even though it may be argued that it was equally a loss for French because
the French appellation of the country was also dropped, it remains that the loss is heavier on English as all
information on the currency henceforth appeared only in French (see section on national symbols).
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Image 4a shows the inside of the front cover carrying the Cameroon coat-of-arms below
that is the appellation of the country in French and English. At the top of page one on the
right hand side of image 4a is the official seal of the state, and below it are the bilingual
versions of the country’s appellation. In all three areas, the French versions consistently
appear above while their English counterparts appear below. This is the same format used
in the appellation of the document (PASSEPORT/PASSPORT). However, a balance is
made in the use of the upper case in all these areas.
Yet, the above-below layout for French and English versions comes up again in
pages two and three, etc. Here, the topics on the left hand side against which personal
information is provided, are italicised. But the French versions appear bigger than the
English versions to the extent that the latter are barely legible, no matter how enlarged the
entire document may be made to be. The impression that one gets from all of this is that
the English versions are less important; they are simply an appendage; they are
unofficial; hence, they reflect the status of the language in the country.
The foregoing argument finds its substance in examples such as those at the top of
page two in image 4b, Nationalité Camerounaise/Cameroonian Nationality, and at the top of
page 3 in image 4b, Signalement/Description. Certainly, something irrational in the author’s
mind dictates this irrational behaviour; otherwise, it is hard to explain such persistence or
repetition in an inadvertent tradition in spite of repeated informal and official protests
from the English-speaking community. Elsewhere, it is interesting to know that the
immigration officer, who filled in the personal information shown in images 4a and 4b, is
an Anglophone. Up to the topic - colour of hair - in image 4b, he filled in the information
in English. But he was obliged to fill in the next information against the topic, Signes
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particuliers/special marks, in French as pt tat pt cic et sombre...cic, for French cicatrice
(scar), and, et sombre (and sombre, dark-skinned). This is owing to the fact that a list of
approximate guiding descriptions has been made only in French to help the immigration
police in describing persons to whom passports have been issued. Thus, the officer in
question could not have created something in English by himself, and, perhaps, run the
risk of being seen as questioning the powers in place. There is certainly a better way of
using the two official languages in a layout that suggests their equality, especially if the
existent layout encourages the crystallisation of discrimination.
The last among personal identification documents examined here is a typical
Cameroonian birth certificate (image 5 below). It is not required in similar situations as
the ‘NIC,’ ‘PIC,’ or a passport, but it is required in some restricted circumstances where
it is considered a personal identification document. From the date shown at the bottom of
the document, one understands that
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5
the irrational layout of information in official documents in the two official languages has
run for decades. The above-below pattern for writing French and English versions is
again respected here.
289
However, in the letterhead section at the top of the document, English and French
appear in equal upper case while equal lower case is used for the two languages from the
middle area to the bottom, with some side-by-side juxtaposition of some topics on the left
hand side which can be seen as exemplary. Still, like in other documents examined so far,
the appellation of the document - ACTE DE NAISSANCE/BIRTH CERTIFICATEbetrays, once again, an irrational action where the French version is stressed even though
the two versions appear in unequal upper case. The same thing applies to the place of
issue: CENTRE D’ETAT CIVIL in French and CIVIL STATUS REGISTRATION CENTRE
in English are unequally stressed.
The argument here, just as it has been stated elsewhere in this research, is that
some of these situations are completely inadvertent in many government circles involving
persons who perpetrate them without having a second thought or without realizing the
implications of their actions; hence, they would readily regret them when they get to
realize the outcome.
However, the foregoing evidence shows that there are also nonchalant cases
within several official domains involving persons who cause them not out of a
willingness to disparage English as it were, nor because they wilfully target some
mischief at English, or specific individuals, groups and communities, but owing to one or
all of the following: their limited level of awareness about the implications, they simply
ignore any criticism or disagree with their validity, they just refuse to do anything about it
due to their aversion to changing the status quo. Yet, it is not the willingness as the lack
of adequate awareness, carelessness, snobbery, and being adamant to the need for change
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that are eventually interpreted as deliberate behaviour, especially among persons who are
on the receiving end of the cause-effect state of things.
6.2. Certificates and academic documents
In this category of official documents we find similar layout patterns as discussed
earlier. English versions of information are consistently written below the French
versions either in equal upper case or the English versions are italicised. Image 6 below
shows a typical Cameroonian certificate of primary education issued to Anglophones.
6
291
Anglophones who hold these certificates question the meaning behind the French
appellation at the top of the certificate in big bold upper case as
‘CERTIFICAT D’ETUDES PRIMAIRES ELEMENTAIRES,’ as opposed
to the English version, ‘FIRST SCHOOL LEAVING CERTIFICATE,’ written below the
French version and in smal unstressed upper case. The explanation lies in the fact that the
format of the French equivalent of this certificate, i.e. the format of the certificat d’études
primaires élémentaires, has simply been used to fill in the personal information of
candidates, irrespective of their linguistic origin. Even though personal information in
these certificates has been filled in by the local government offices in the Anglophone
regions – note the office reference at the top right hand of image 6 above, i.e., NW.
11/146/1525/MEZ/82) 164 - the format of this certificate has been prepared to take a
French format. Besides, the difference between the manual typewriter’s letters and the
computerised writing is a further illustration of the fact that the examination department
in the Ministry of National Education – located in Yaounde in the French-speaking
region - prepared the certificate format. Again, the idea of consistency raises concern
about the unintentional or deliberate occurrence of this practice in virtually every official
domain. 165
164
NW is the abbreviation of North West province (English-speaking region), while MEZ represents
Mezam Division, the local government/school district where this office is situated and where the candidate
sat for the examination.
165
However, between 1961 and 1990, the Anglophone secondary education examinations, the General
Certificate of Education Examination, both at the ordinary and advanced levels, were administered by the
London General Certificate of Education Examination Board and certificates awarded to Anglophone
candidates were also issued by this Board. These certificates were monolingual in English and recognised
by the London Board. Since 1991, when Anglophone socio-political protests obliged the government to
create an independent and autonomous Cameroon General Certificate of Education Examination Board for
the Anglophone school system, certificates have been issued in English to Anglophone candidates by this
local Board. A similar Board has been created to manage Francophone examinations known as L’Office du
Baccalaureat.
292
Here, additional factors such as a French-styled administrative system and over
centralisation of public institutions in the French-speaking region reinforce such
institutionalised inadvertent disparagement of English. Note that the regional official in
charge of National Education, i.e., the provincial delegate of national education, F. N.
Johnson, an Anglophone, is obliged to endorse the certificate in this state. Besides, any
other Anglophone holding such a position in any other government circle would endorse
it despite himself/herself as two factors pin him/her down to do so: 1) Anglophones hold
little power of initiative in decision-making within government; 2) if they initiated a
change regarding a better use of English in official documents, these initiatives are
dropped in favour of the usual French practice as soon as these Anglophone officials
leave their positions – few Anglophones hold positions in government for long periods,
too.
Apart from the discriminating language layout in academic documents, the
translation of information from French to English sometimes illustrates the
disparagement of English. Simo Bobda (1994: 96-97) has examined the extent to which
faulty translations are largely responsible for many wrong usages in English. He bluntly
states the situation as follows:
After all that has been said in the media and elsewhere about the problem of translations in Cameroon,
it is no longer new to say that faulty translations from French are largely responsible for many wrong
usages discussed in the foregoing lessons. You do not need to look far before you see these funny
translations. They will haunt you everywhere: on public notices, on public and private buildings, at the
entrance of the next office you will visit […] You can have as many as your ears and your eyes can
bear.
The following example, which has been chosen because of its re-occurrence
consecutively for a decade (1993 to date), illuminates the nonchalance of the authors.
Students who apply for admission into the national bilingual university in Yaounde, the
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University of Yaounde 1, receive a testimonial to the effect that they have deposited a
complete application dossier. This bilingual document appears in the following manner:
7
The translation of the title of the document in English as “An Attestation of
Deposit of Registration Documents” is simply unacceptable. The argument here is that
the first occurrence of such funny translations in 1993 may be considered as an
inadvertent or isolated behaviour. But the repetition of this wrong usage for over a decade
- note the date reference in image 7 - betrays the disdainful and nonchalant attitude of
their authors, thus validating the argument for the disparagement of English. Note the
scanty use of English, first, in the letterhead section where it is placed below the French
appellation of the university and in normal upper case whereas the French version is both
in upper case and bold face. This French-bold-face-above, and English-below-non-boldface-italicised pattern runs through the entire document as consistently as in official
documents in other official circles. But what remains most bizarre is the translation of the
appellation of the document from French to English as “ATTESTATION
DE DEPOT DE
DOSSIER D’INSCRIPTION – AN ATTESTATION OF DEPOSIT OF REGISTRATION DOCUMENTS.”
Between
294
1993 and 1999, the English version appeared as follows: “An attestation of Deposit
Registration Documents.” Perhaps, it would be more acceptable to translate the
appellation as “An Admission Application Receipt” or simply “A Provisional Admission
Receipt” given that this document is issued to attest to the fulfilment of all requirements
for admission - a process of checking a candidate’s credentials to 1) determine his/her
competence or qualification and his/her character, 2) recommend that the candidate be
admitted into such an elite educational level as the University). I am not in any way
arguing that attestation does not exist or should not be used in English at all but that
receipt or testimonial rather than attestation best suits the circumstance described here. In
other words, attestation is restricted to bearing witness to an act by an official usually by
signature and official seal. But testimonial has been extended to also mean a
recommendation of the candidate's integrity and ability to study in the chosen major. This
is the point to be stressed as the act has a two-way orientation: the candidate's submission
of credentials represents his declaration of truth - testimony in English, not attestation while the admissions officer issues a receipt or a testimonial to 1) attest or affirm the
reception and completeness of the documents, and 2) recommend the candidate's integrity
and qualification for admission into the major chosen by the candidate. The
recommendation owes its essence to what Simo Bobda (1994a: 96) describes as
a better way of telling new-comers that they are stepping into the highest sphere of rigour (scientific rigour)
and knowledge where people (should) constantly seek excellence and perfection. A place that should serve
to the entire nation only the best that can be offered.
The nature of translation in the document discussed above is just a tip of the
iceberg and one may find the practice even in offices where an Anglophone is boss. 166
166
Since 1990 when this document was first issued three Anglophones have been appointed to the
administrative position of Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Letters and Social Sciences. Two of the three are
295
This fact suggests that the necessary decision or action to avert the practice is not at the
discretion of an Anglophone boss. It neither depends on the number of Anglophones who
hold such positions nor their duration in these positions. The oversight, the ignorance or
the neglect of such instances of the disparagement of English accumulate and end up
being interpreted as evidence for deliberate disparagement of English. Worse, the
crystallisation of this feeling is further extended to link the disparagement of English to
the sociopolitical and economic marginalisation of Anglophones. Otherwise, it is
common knowledge that the language considered important – French by all accounts - is
accorded commensurate attention but any language perceived as having little prestige such as English - is stigmatised. The result is an intense feeling of sociopolitical and
cultural discrimination, which, according to Anglophones, should be fought through
ethnicity for English and nationalism for the Anglophone geographical region.
6.3. Administrative documents and letters
Administrative letters may be put into two categories: monolingual in French, and
French-dominated. The example below illustrates monolingual letters in French.
Although the sender, the representative of the Minister of National Education,
Professors of English; still, one of the two has been re-appointed of late (1999 to date) to hold the position
of Vice Dean in charge of Academic Affairs in the same faculty.
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8a
is aware that the receiver is an Anglophone (a teacher of English about to be sent
officially to his job in a secondary school situated in an English-speaking region i.e.,
Government High School, Nkambe), it does not stop him from writing the letter
exclusively in French. Even the name of the school appears only in French – Lycée de
Nkambe - as if this confirms that the English appellation of the school as shown above
and at the actual school location is unofficial. Besides, this is in conformity with the
monolingual French appellations in the decree that creates this school and others in the
entire country – all decrees are first written in French and later translated into English.
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It is no longer new to indicate that this is a typical French administrative
tradition, which may be found in most former colonial administrations, where this style is
simply reproduced. Thus, the case of the administrative style in Cameroon is a French
administrative prototype where very little has changed. Besides, the many French citizens
who currently work in the Cameroon administration find it easy-going partly owing to the
fact that they find the administrative style and language virtually the same as in France.
The following layout for a French administrative document is not different from the
layout in image 8a above and, thus, illuminates the foregoing argument.
8b
8c
The following document shown in image 9 illustrates a typical monolingual
French official letter that is ridiculous not only for the situation of English but also for the
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image of Anglophones for two reasons: 1) all five persons shown in the letter to whom
the second highest authority in government, the Prime Minister, is writing to inform them
of their official integration into the public service as government personnel, are
Anglophones. 2) The Prime Minister himself, who has endorsed the letter, is an
Anglophone. Note too, that the date stamp is consistently in French.
9
As it is the case with other documents, both the signatories and recipients of such
official letters have to make frequent linguistic adjustments to French in order to make
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sense of what they find in the documents and to comply. Note that in the official seal the
English versions of the information provided appear below their French counterparts just
as it is done in the layout of official bilingual texts when the English versions happen to
be included. Such consistency illustrates a routine that has become common knowledge
in official domains. Among the monolingual official documents in French, the following
dramatic sub-category may be identified. These are official letters in French written by
Anglophone members of cabinet. They may be addressed to Francophone individuals or
groups – a thing considered administratively normal in Cameroon – but not to
Anglophone individual or groups – a thing viewed as assimilative evidence among
Anglophones. Worse, when an Anglophone cabinet minister officially writes to another
in French, it leaves something of a suspicious nature in the mind of the reader.
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10
11
Image 10 shows an official letter written in French by an English-speaking Minister,
Inoni Ephraim, Deputy Secretary General at the Presidency of the Republic, to his
English-speaking colleague, Minister Peter Abety, Minister of Special Duties at the
Presidency of the Republic, and a Professor of English. In compliance to this letter,
Minister Peter Abety makes an official decision (image 11), which allocates financial
benefits to staff in his ministerial department. It is worth noting that some of the staff
mentioned in article one of his decision are Anglophones, e.g., Ngoh Joseph. Again, all
the staff outlined in article one of the document in image 12 below, are Anglophones. It is
another official letter by the same minister regarding the payment of benefits to his staff.
12
It is worth noting that in all letters, the date stamps and official seals appear only
in French, as it is the case with documents in other official domains. This constitutes
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evidence that very little exists in the administrative set up that is designed to integrate
English as an official language equal to French. In other words, the administrative
tradition and style have not been designed to make English work systematically as an
official language. In principle, English may be used by anyone to whomever and
whenever this may be within official domains. Even practically, it rarely happens that
someone overtly prohibits the use of English in official circles. Yet, many Anglophones
find strict daily pragmatic and psychological circumstances that oblige them to speak and
write in French, even to their English-speaking colleagues with whom they naturally
speak English out of office.
Consequently, English is relegated to situational and
pragmatic functions within the administration. It further explains the difficulty and the
circumstance in which Anglophones find themselves when appointed into official
positions. They simply meet a ready-made French-styled administrative set up, which
they have to accept to work with. This leaves the observer with the impression that
English is, de facto, a second official language. This impression, in turn, encourages
Francophones to feel that they have nothing to lose if they do not use English or nothing
to gain if they learned it.
Thus, if one was able to use French to find one’s way or achieve one’s aspirations
it wouldn’t bother anyone if English was disparaged or rarely used within official
milieus. Anglophones may hold high positions in government, they may come and go
but they may hardly change the use of French and English in official domains to portray a
balance reminiscent of the official bilingual affirmation by government. This practice is
interpreted among Anglophones as evidence of assimilation, and as a deliberate
restriction of English in official circles. It is interesting to know that the bilingual heritage
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as a political value is officially considered a national symbol and a sign of the
achievement of national unity. Thus, every government tries, as much as possible, to
appoint as many Anglophones to high positions as the possibility allows, as a sign of the
fulfilment of the political covenant between French- and English-speaking Cameroons –
the political object of the policy of official bilingualism. Rothchild (1997: 14-15) has
referred this fulfilment as ethnic balance measures while Gros (2003: 11, 84 fn. 26),
Könings & Nyamnjoh (2003: 5-7) believe it is a way of coercing Anglophones into
having a feeling of belong and have been given their due share in national leadership.
Still, De Lancey (1989: 51-52) refers to it as coalition-building.
Apart from monolingual documents in French, some official documents may
include English for the most part. This inclusion may be considered a good step forward
although it may not be completely satisfactory owing to the style in English is included.
The following images (13 and 14) show how the front covers of official files are
presented at the meetings of government ministers. While image 13 shows how the front
cover of official files are presented when the Prime Minister, an Anglophone, presides
over meetings, image 14 shows how they appear when the President, a Francophone
presides over meetings. In image 13, the entire information is bilingual yet, English
versions appear below and French versions above. But the strange thing here appears to
be the inexplicable unequal use of the upper case as well as their sizes for the two
languages. The situation gets worse in image14, where the English versions appear to be
almost ineligible owing to the discriminating layout.
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13
14
The fact that such offensive and discriminative language use is unabated in spite
of the fact that many of these ministers, including the Prime Minister are Anglophones is
illustrative of the fact that bilingualism within official domains is more of a political
gesture than a linguistic policy. It also illustrates that English is, de facto, a second
official language. This is further strengthened by the impression that comes up from the
persistence of the practice: despite official affirmation of the bilingual policy many things
are bound to remain unchanged.
The situation is further ridiculous if it is viewed from the perspective that English
has equal status with French yet, it is presented in official documents in the same way as
it is presented in other countries like France, Germany, etc., where English has only the
status of a foreign language. The visitor to France is required to fill in the disembarkation
card shown in image15, as he leaves the country; and the embarkation/disembarkation
card in image 16 is required of the visitor leaving or entering Cameroon. Without the
name of the country and its motto in image16, the two documents are virtually the same
in their layout and language presentation, and would certainly be taken for official
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documents of one and the same country. The immediate impression that one gets is that
the status of the languages used in the two situations is the same whereas they are
actually not. English is an equal official language to French in Cameroon whereas it is
only a foreign language in France. Note the spellings of embarkation and disembarkation,
in the English translation as they are spelt in ‘c’ in the Cameroonian card in image 15.
There may be no better illustration of the nonchalant, carefree attitude, and the
afterthought status reserved for English by this tendency in a country where English is an
official language. Again, the reader at the international scene is given a first-hand
example of how English is treated in official domains in the country.
14
15
305
The italicisation of English, the unstressed form of the English versions as well as
their consistent appearance below their French equivalent versions is quite similar
practices. Such French-styled practice in Cameroon official documents fuels the
suspicion that France has a hand in the situation, especially considering that a good
number of positions in the Cameroonian administration are still occupied by French civil
servants. In fact, instead of the usual compulsory military service, French citizens have
the alternative to work in the civil service in Cameroon. This reality encourages the
widely believed frenchification claims among Anglophones as well as among some
Francophones, who have begun to rethink the situation, and who, for patriotic reasons,
have recognise that the situation has serious implication for national sovereignty.
The following are similar layout patterns that deliberately italicise English in
official appointment request cards (image 17), and in official mission warrants (images
18 and 19). Even though the letterhead section in the two documents may be considered
fairly balanced, but for the above-below discriminatory layout, their appellations are
completely unequal in form (size, bold type, and italicisation): DEMANDE
D’AUDIENCE/REQUEST FOR INTERVIEW and ORDRE DE MISSION/MISSION
ORDER.
The rest of the information in the two situations follows the above-below pattern
where italicised English appears below and italicised while French appears above in
ordinary lower case.
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17
It is worth noting that one very effective consequence of this layout is that the
reader’s attention is almost always immediately drawn to the French, but not the English
version, owing to their bold face type. Once this has been achieved, the reader almost
certainly continues reading only the French versions. Besides, it is better sometimes to
read the French versions first because they often carry more useful details, administrative
clues in the form of abbreviations, acronyms or other codes (see top left of images 10, 11,
12, above and 42 below). In a way, the pride of place, the preferential upper case, and the
discriminatory bold face type accord French versions in official documents are designed
to tuck away attention from the English versions thereby suggesting, in a subtle way, that
validity is in the French versions. The consistency of the practice is meant, in turn, to
condition the mind of the reader to accept the corrupt edge of French over English.
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18
19
This seems to work well as two realities among Anglophones nowadays
illuminate this success: 1) my observation shows that most Anglophones tend to read
French notices around offices first, and prefer to digest their contents before reading
English versions published sometimes just next to their French versions. While some of
them actually tend to compare the two versions, others simply ignore the English versions
or give them little importance. 2) In a similar observation, most Anglophones prefer to
listen and watch French radio and television news broadcasts with greater interest than
they do for their English versions. Besides, it is common knowledge in Cameroon that
important decrees, breaking news, etc., are first broadcast in French and only translated
into English during the English broadcast.
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Such inequality in the representation of English and French on official documents
is quite widespread to the extent that it features virtually on every scale of official
documents. In the following example (image 20 a below), which shows the nature of
official documents used for national events of such significance as presidential elections,
English and French are used, but the English versions are, for the most part, placed below
the French versions much in the same manner as illustrated in other ordinary official
documents examined in this section. Furthermore, the English versions are italicised and
written in ordinary letters while French versions are not italicised yet, written in bigger
and extra-bold type.
If the importance of the event of choosing a leader of a nation; a polity in which
one fully belong, does not warrant the equal treatment of the two official languages, it
may well be considered that no better official cirsumstance may do. In other words, this
is one of few highly formal circumstances where English and French must not portray
instances of inequality, be they inadvertent or deliberate. From a common sense point of
view, no one would recommend the use of any controversial issue in an election of this
magnitude, which may cause some candidates a considerable portion of the electorate.
Hence, this situation illustrates the nonchalance involved, which ends up being
interpreted as a deliberate attempt to undermine English.
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20 a
310
However, at the middle of the page an exemplary juxtaposition of the two
languages is provided, but this does not counter the above-mentioned stylistic disparity.
This is evidence that there is some awareness that things can be put in a better layout yet
it is not done consistently. Certainly, this cannot be another instance of inadvertent
behaviour, but one that shows that the authorities in place know what is good for the
textual representation of the two official languages. In other words, there is a
consciousness in many official domains that there is a better way of using the official
languages on documents in order not to suggest a disparagement of the status of one and
the undue projection of the prestige of the other. For instance, among the official electoral
documents published for the above presidential elections of 1997, some regulations were
published in a reverse and upside-down layout for English and French versions as shown
in the following illustration.
311
20 b
Yet, it is important to note that between these two versions, only the French
version (right and over-turned) is endorsed with the official seal of the state. This gives it
validity and authentication edge over the English version (left), which is duly signed, but
has not been officially endorsed. The direct message is that the English version is not
official in the same weight. This puts the status of English to serious question as this
illustrates that its prestige is not comparable to the prestige accorded French. This
particular practice is quite widespread but most Anglophones hardly ever realise it nor its
implications because they take it for granted and do not give a critical thought to what is
found on such documents. A second relevant example illustrates the widespread
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phenomenon. Consider the following invitation card to attend a plenary session of
meetings and debates in the national assemby. The traditional reverse layout has been
used to balance the printing of English and French versions. While the French version is
signed and endorsed with the official seal of the national assembly, the English version
has neither a signature nor an official seal. This fact betrays the author’s mind and shows
that prestige and preference are accorded the French but not the English versions even
though the two have been equally printed.
20 c
20 d
Further proof of the awareness over a balance stylistic representation can be found
in the national official gazette in which all decrees, laws and some official
announcements are published. Juxtaposition, typical of the one shown at the middle of
the page in the following document, is a consistent tradition which has been maintained
since the 1960s. In other words, two columns of the same information are juxtaposed on
one page, a French version on the right and an English version on the left. This is so
meticulously done to the extent that the reader could see and read bits of information in
the two languages on the same line across the juxtaposed versions. In fact, the national
gazette illustrates, to say the least, the near perfect manner in which official documents
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should be. However, its exemplary bilingual layout is reminiscent of other occasional
publications by various government departments, e.g., the penal code, proceedings of the
national forum on communication, and proceedings of the national forum on education,
etc. These occasional publications are printed in a traditional reverse layout where a
French version appears on one side of the text while an equal English version is printed
on the reverse side in an upside-down position.
Unfortunately, very few people know of its existence, much less of reading it,
owing to the fact that it is not published as a newspaper for public readership; rather, it is
currently published only within official circles and long after decrees and laws have been
enacted. Worse, it ends up being filed as part of the archives because the translation of
information into the other language takes longer periods, and by the time the gazette is
published, all information contained in it becomes out-dated. This explains why the
national gazette is available only in the archives in government offices.
6.4. Communication in foreign diplomatic domains: embassies and High Commissions
Official bilingualism in diplomatic services abroad appears to be a logical
continuation of the French domination in official domains at home. It would not be
wrong to say that in some embassies in native English-speaking countries, the use of
English for administrative purposes and the availability of English-speaking staff are rare.
It is a well-known fact in Cameroon that all governments use the policy of
bilingualism as a source of cultural pride abroad. Thus, international and other African
organizations choose the country for the permanent location of their regional offices in
central Africa (see Tchoungui 1977: 5), e.g., UNESCO Regional Centre for Central
Africa, Pan African Institute of Development (P.A.I.D.), Banque des États de l’Afrique
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Centrale (B.E.A.C.), or the Catholic University of Central Africa. Other international
organisations prefer the country for the lieu of their regional meetings and other events
partly due to the status of English and French in the country (see image 33 in this study
and Tum Ngong 1993). This prestige is common-place knowledge among African nations
and the government is both very sensitive to this fact and quick to exploit it in its foreign
affairs as well as in selling the country’s image abroad.
Yet, in Cameroon embassies abroad, the visitor may well take English for an
unofficial language in the country either owing to the complete absence of English or its
relegation to the sidelines of official business, documents, and notices in its embassies.
Hence, most visitors and foreigners are usually surprised to learn that English is not only
an official language but equal in status to French in Cameroon. Whether in native
English-speaking, in non-native English-speaking or in non-English-speaking countries,
English is portrayed in Cameroon embassies as an inferior language to French. For
instance, in its embassies in Washington, D.C., U.S.A. (image 21 a) and in Bonn,
Germany (image 21 b), one finds the following language use in documents: only French
is used (image 21 a) to address Anglophone students to whom government scholarships
have been awarded. However, their academic areas of interest are written in English. The
easy guess here is that the author of this notice simply copied the academic areas from the
students’ application forms, i.e., psychology, computer sciences, accounting, etc. Note
(top of image 21 a) the exclusive French abbreviations of the government offices through
which the scholarship decision was processed, i.e., MINESUP/DAO/SDAE/SBA (Ministère de
l’Enseignement Supérieure/ Direction des Affaires Académiques et d’Orientation/ Sous-Direction des
Affaires Étrangères/Services des Bourses Académiques. The implication here is that the students
concerned have to make a linguistic adjustment to French to be able to recognise this
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administrative language and their connotations, identify the different offices involved in
the scholarship award procedure, and to be able contact the rightful offices for any
requests regarding the scholarship awards. It is the same situation involved in image 21 b
where Cameroonian students in Germany have been addressed.
21 a
21 b
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The fact that both Anglophones and Francophones students in native English
countries 167 are addressed in only in French recalls the fact that notices destined for
Anglophone students in English-speaking regions in Cameroon are written sometimes
only in French. However, in its High Commission in London, the most important
document, the registration form for all Cameroonians in the UK and Europe (image 21 c),
is published only in English understandably due to the Commonwealth’s requirement for
English as the sole official language used by its member states.
21 c
167
In a personal communication with the cultural affairs officer in the Cameroon embassy in Washington,
D.C., in which he spoke to me in French after acknowledging that his English is quite poor, he blamed the
practice on the lack of skilled translators, who should be appointed by the government. In a bid to illustrate
this desperate need, he wished I could help to translate a few documents before leaving. But to my question
as to why government could not appoint English-speaking Francophones and Anglophones as a definite
solution, just as it appoints German-, French- Arabic-, Chinese-speaking Cameroonians to respective
diplomatic missions rather than resorting to translators, he replied that the question was political and that
the answer lies in political will.
317
In the same logical reasoning, official documents in Cameroon’s embassy in
Paris, would, expectedly, appear only in French owing to the requirement of French for
member states of the Francophonie. Nevertheless, one thing runs through all the
documents shown here which are used in Cameroon diplomatic offices abroad: an effort
is made to indicate the appellation of the country in English and French but the contents
of the documents are not.
Hence, Anglophones and English-speaking visitors have to make a linguistic
adjustment from English to French even in native English-speaking contexts as the USA.
Note the near-sideline relegation of English that does not differ from the following use of
English in international environments where it is neither an official language nor a de
facto second language. In signposts at airports and at train stations in the eastern regions
of France, i.e., Strasbourg, Mulhouse, etc. (image 22a), which share a common boundary
with the south-western regions of Germany, e.g., Kehl, Freiburg, etc., French is written in
bold bigger lower case above the English and German alternative translations which
appear below in very small and italicised lower case. This layout clearly sends a message
to the visitor regarding the status relationship among the languages used.
22a
22b
22c
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22d
English and German are used here only in their foreign and unofficial status, and only for
tourist purposes while the use of French suggests its official status as well as the power
relationship that exists between French and the foreign languages in this region. Images
22 a and b show the use of German, English, and French, at the train station in Freiburg, a
German region which shares a common boundary with France. German appears
consistently above English and French versions in the same layout used in the abovementioned French regions.
A visitor immediately understands the status relationship among the languages
much in the same way as he would do if he were in the French border regions described
here. This is especially owing to the difference in the size of the lower case used, the top
and prime position reserved for German versions as well as for the italicisation of English
and French versions which suggest in subtlety their foreign and unofficial status in the
region. Images 22 c and d add more substance to the illustration of the widespread
discriminatory layout. Thus, it is strange to the visitor who learns that English is an equal
official language to French in Cameroon but finds English being used similarly to these
foreign contexts as illustrated in images 13 to 19 above as well as in other sections of this
research.
6.5. Private sector domains
It is interesting to see how the attitude described in the foregoing argument has
been picked up in some circles of the private sector where one would have expected a
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better situation owing to the well-known business desire to attract and safeguard
customer interest. Instead, there is a replication of the discriminatory language use in
official documents even in the private sector domains. In other words, Cameroonians in
the private sector are used to the French-styled administrative system that characterises
the public sector. Nothing, particularly, seems to dictate the use of English in a consistent
pattern.
Thus, the private sector appears to be a logical appendage of what is practised in
the public domains for fear of changing, and thus, complicating a pattern with which
almost every Cameroonian is familiar at the official level to say the least. The use of
English here mainly follows the whims and caprices of private institutions and their
pragmatic considerations. The following factors have played a major role in shaping this
situation: the imbalance in the demographic situation in Cameroon and the advantage of
economic development of the Francophone regions over the economic backwardness of
the Anglophone regions leading to a concentration of economic activities as well as
industries.
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23 a
23 b
Although the banking domain in Cameroon is French-dominated, a few
Anglophones have joined their Francophone counterparts in the banking business. Amity
Bank as shown in images 23a and 23b above is one of the few famous private banks
owned and managed by Anglophones. Like the National Financial Credit Bank, another
well-known Anglophone-owned bank, Amity is commonly called Anglophone bank in
many places. These institutions are so-called partly for their English names and partly for
their British- and American-oriented banking procedures. However, they are not
completely free of the French-styled administrative practices, which call for the use of
French in official circles. In image 23a above, although the name of the bank appears in
English as AMITY BANK CAMEROON, the French corporate abbreviation, S.A., which
stands for Société Anonime, is added to it to make it a rather French-styled version of its
original appellation than Inc. that is commonly used for English corporate appellations. In
image 23 b, the name of the bank continues to suffer a frenchification of the word
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Cameroon that is spelt in French as Cameroun. While French appears above in ordinary
upper case, English appears below in italicised upper case. This practice looks odd in a
situation where Anglophones have total power of decision-making. Is this evidence for
the effectiveness of the frenchification and the assimilation of Anglophones or is this
rather a confirmation of the fact that when this practice occurs with Francophones it is
genuinely an inadvertent behaviour? However, all things considered, I would tend to
consider this as evidence that English is unfairly treated on official documents in most
official domains as well as in some domains of the private sector.
The pattern of language use as shown above in images 23a and b is more or less
the
24 a
24 b
same in images 24a and b, a Francophone bank formerly named CCEI BANK in English
and which has recently been renamed in English as Afriland First Bank. It seems that the
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effort to include English in the appellations of private institutions, their notices,
signposts, documents, industrial products, etc., appears to be better and more consistent
than the situation within official domains. First, there are private sector premises, notices,
and industrial products where only English is used. These may be private or parastatal
monolingual educational institutions like secondary schools and universities in
Anglophone regions where Standard English is promoted to the extent that public
prohibitions of the pidgin variety of English in the likes of image 25 are posted. 168
In the Francophone, regions a similar effort is made by the FAS AGROS factory to
sell the country’s image exclusively in English by producing a shopping bag on which
appears the following intended message: CAMEROON, PEACE NATION (note that the
bag carries the colours of the national flag with the single reunification star representing
French- and English-speaking Cameroons). Unfortunately, the appellation of the country
is inadvertently spelt in French as happens in many instances with many other institutions
in other domains (see top of image 23b above). Here again, English is presented as an
afterthought. It may also be argued that this is a bilingual attempt to show that
bilingualism is effective in this factory or just an effort to show that English and French
are the official languages of the country. If this is the argument, it is certainly a bad
example that may be dismissed as an instance of unacceptable code switching
168
Such prohibitions of pidgin can be found in the campus of the University of Buea, the lone typical
Anglo-Saxon public University in Cameroon. The image showing the prohibition of pidgin here is found at
the entrance to Allo Comprehensive Secondary School, Bamenda, in the English-speaking region. However,
the dramatic irony about such prohibitions is that students are often seen standing or sitting around the
notice and speaking pidgin freely and aloud.
323
25
26
27
A similar situation is shown in image 27 that illustrates how the Cameroon agency
of TEXACO oil company advertises its filling stations in Cameroon exclusively English,
with the intended phrase, TEXACO, star of the Cameroon road. But the word Cameroon
is consistently spelt in French as Cameroun. Writing the name in English is not taken
seriously; it is an afterthought in the minds of Francophones as they rarely realise the
implications of this practice. These examples illustrate that many a times someone with a
French background is chosen to write in English. Yet, the original intention to use
English is what may be considered a boost to the status of English and the awareness
thereof. But the final product undermines the good intention through the displayed
linguistic incompetence.
In the brewery milieu of the private sector, one may find locally brewed versions
of international drinks as well as typical Cameroonian drinks all labelled exclusively in
English. The famous English phrase, Guinness is good for you!, printed on each bottle of
the locally brewed foreign extra stout beer, Guinness, has become almost a household
item to both Francophones and Anglophones, including non-alcohol consumers. So, too,
is the English sentence often accompanying the advertisement of the beer: Guinness
brings out the power in you!. In the same line of fame is the name KING BEER, brewed
by the same Guinness Cameroon brewery company and advertised exclusively in English
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as King of Cameroon! Other international drinks like Amstel Beer, Castel Beer, Tuborg
Beer, and “33 Export” have varying representations of English ranging from exclusive
English to a French-dominant pattern in that order.
28
29
30
31
32
33
The fact that an effort is obligatorily made in some milieus of the private sector,
and consistently made so in other circles of the private sector to include English on
products labels, illustrates a positive attitude towards official bilingualism that is lacking
in official domains. Capturing a wider market and safeguarding customer interest may be
influential factors in determining this difference. Still, some companies make a balanced
juxtaposition of English and French on their finished products as shown in image 35. The
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Cameroon Development Corporation, formerly a government company located in the
English-speaking south west region illustrates such a balanced labelling of its products
(image 36) just as it is done with the famous CAFÉ VITAL-MOULU GROUND coffee
produced by the private company, SAICAM in Bafoussam in the French-speaking region.
34
35
36
It is owing to a similar awareness of the global and local prestige of English that private
businesses providing modern technological services such as computers and
telecommunication services name their business premises in English in typical French-
326
speaking regions like Yaounde, even though such businesses may be operating in French
(image 37). Other business meetings bringing together business organizations are duly
announced in a balanced bilingual pattern in signposts in French-speaking regions (38).
37
38
6.6. Parastatal institutions
As in government or official domains, parastatal institutions are equally guilty of a
restriction and disparagement of English within their domains. The national demographic
imbalance established along linguistic lines appears to determine the use of English and
French in these institutions just as it is the situation in state institutions. Thus, it is
common to find parastatal institutions located in English-speaking regions that are
dominantly staffed with Francophones, some of whom haven’t a smattering of English
and consequently speak to Anglophones in French in and out of office. In such a
situation, the minority Anglophone staff population is simply phagocyted by this
dominant French-speaking community. It is therefore expected that English cannot
function properly as an equal official language in such environments.
One of such parastatal institutions is the national refinery company, best known even
among the Anglophone community by its French abbreviation, SO.NA.RA. (SOciété
NAtionale de RAfinage). Located in the English-speaking southwest province, it is the
foremost mineral exploitation company in the country. Together with the Cameroon
Development Corporation (CDC), the biggest agricultural exploitation company, and the
most important national employer, the two corporations (both located in English-
327
speaking regions) account for over 80 % of the GNP. Yet, a visitor to the region is first
struck by the remote, farmland and underdeveloped nature of the entire region. But
particularly Limbe, the town in which the headquarters of the company is located, is
characterised by a poor farm-to-market road network, poor housing with a majority
constructed in wooden and other temporary material, and a high unemployment rate. In
fact, at first contact a visitor finds it hard to believe that the region is host to two of the
country’s highest income-generating companies.
The Department of Mines, Water Resources and Power (online: 2003) reveals that
until 1993, Cameroon got its commercial balance thanks to the sale of oil produced in
SO.NA.RA.
Le pétrole constitue la première richesse minière exploitée du pays, classé parmi les producteurs moyens en
Afrique, par rapport à l’Afrique du Nord, au Nigeria, à l’Angola ou encore au Gabon. Jusqu’en 1993, le
Cameroun a dû le solde positif de sa balance commerciale au pétrole. Les quantités exportées au titre de
l’année 1994 se sont élevées à plus de 5,5 millions de tonnes (Ministère des Mines, de l’Eau et de
l’Energie : online).
Despite the socio-economic and environmental backwardness of this Anglophone region,
a visitor to the location of the company suddenly comes up to a gigantic modern
industrial site introduced by the following conspicuous signpost:
39
328
At the entrance to the company about one hundred metres from this signpost one begins
to see directives and road signals such as the following: 169
1. Camion Citernes 2. Attention Gabarits
Tankers
Roulez au pas
Slow down
5. Chargement Camions Citernes
Loading station for tankers
3. Defense de fumer
Serez à droite
4. Entrée Rafinage
Refinery Entrance
Keep right
6. Stationnement en position de depart obligatoire
Only rear parking
7. Point de contrôle
Check point
Note that English versions of the information in the road signs are consistently written
below the French versions and in smaller lower case as if in a bid to suggest their
secondary or unofficial status. However, it is important to note that provision for the two
languages is a step forward although the entire layout appears to be ridiculous in an
entirely English-speaking region. This linguistic, demographic, and environmental
relegation is interpreted locally as a provocative contempt of Anglophones as well as the
language they speak.
Directly behind the check point is a permanent gendarmerie brigade and in front
of the check point can be found one section of the refinery pumps, reservoirs and tanks
labelled exclusively in French as shown in the following image: POMPERIE N° 2.
169
Owing to the prohibition of photographing anywhere around the premises I could not take photographs
of these various road signs which portrayed the relegation of English in varying ways as discussed in this
work. I was, however, lucky to find the cooperation of an Anglophone worker who allowed me to take
photographs from a personal copy of the company’s news magazine, SONARA News.
329
40
As I approached the receptionist at the check point, I addressed him in English, but he
replied in French: Bonjour Monsieur, vous allez où?…Présentez-moi votre carte
d’identité nationale…allez au poste de contrôle…allez attendre dans la salle pour le
car… One immediately feels the strange and sudden linguistic adjustment into a “French
community” in a purely English-speaking region. This situation illustrates the
predicament and the feeling that Anglophones experience in most state and parastatal
institutions, whether they are located in a French- or English-speaking region.
Farther on, the monolingual French and French-dominated public notices, guiding
directives around the different divisions of the company, etc., tend to be normal rather
than strange if one immediately tuned one’s mind into accepting the ‘French community’
which is forced on one’s consciousness. Conversations in the corridors at the beginning
and end of opening hours, as well as during lunchtime, are in French. Worse, seeking to
meet an Anglophone worker turns out to be like asking to meet a student who just came
into the company a week before to do two-week internship training. In other words,
hardly anyone knows in which office or department an Anglophone works since their
small number tends to speak French more often than they do speak English.
330
Yet, a good number of Anglophones work in the company, although very few of them
may be found in what my informants called inner circle of the company’s administration,
i.e., the decision-making or policy-making personnel in the company’s management. For
instance, Anglophones have never been appointed to the positions of general manager,
deputy general manager, etc. Rather, informants revealed that the position of deputy
general manager is permanently reserved for a French citizen, owing to the fact that an
important number of the shares in the company is owned by some French or foreign
companies. This assertion owes its ground to the fact that the state holds only 66 % of the
total shares of the company while foreign companies, referred to discreetly by the
Ministry of Mines, Water Resources and Power as The Oil Companies, hold 34 % of the
shares. According to this Ministry’s statistics, the following shareholders are involved in
SO.NA.RA.:
Société Nationale des Hydrocarbures (SNH).......20%
Caisse de Stabilisation du prix des Hydrocarbures (CSPH)...19%
Société Nationale d'Investissement (SNI)............17%
Ministère des Finances.... 10%
Total Outre Mer.....10%
Société Nationale Elf Aquitaine...8%
Mobil Petroleum Company, Inc....8%
Pecten Victoria Company.... 8%
République du Cameroun.....66%
The Oil Companies..........34%
(Ministère
des
Mines,
de
l’Eau
et
de
l’Energie,
Online:
2003)
However, the political position of president of the board of directors is consistently
reserved for an Anglophone, better still, a son of the soil or someone originating from the
tribe in whose land the company is located. Due to the fact that the occupant of this
position is somewhat of a figurehead as he has no direct powers in the day-to-day
management of the company, Anglophones often tend to interpret this consistent practice
as evidence that Francophones stage-manage the relegation of Anglophones, pushing
them to sideline positions while exclusively taking active part in public management by
331
reserving for themselves strategic positions. The following presentation of the
administrative hierarchy of the company at the time of this study illustrates such claims.
1. Président du Conseil d'Administration........ John EBONG NGOLE
2. Directeur Général:......... M. Bernard EDING
3. Directeur Général Adjoint:.............. M. J.P. PONCIN
4. Directeur de l'Adm. et des Ressources Humaines: M. A. NGOMBA MOTANGA
5. Directeur Commercial: Mme A. M. NGON KEMOUM
6. Directeur des contrôles Techniques.......M.G.YENWO
7. Directeur des Relations Publiques et Sociales...Dr.C.L.NDONGO
8. Directeur Financier...........M.A.JUTTEAU
9. Directeur de l'Entretien.......M.N.FAVRE BONVIN
10. Directeur de Management des Risques....M.D.TAKERE
11. Directeur d'Exploitation........M.J.DELEAU. (Ministère des Mines, de l’Eau et de
l’Energie, Online: 2003)
(4) and (10) above are the only Anglophones involved in the active management of the
company as (1), the third Anglophone, is more or less a figurehead. Besides, note that
neither he nor his position do appear on the following photograph chart 170 of the extended
presentation of the hierarchy of the company to present the division of communication
charged with the publication of the company’s magazine, SONARA News.
170
The figures in the photograph chart do not illustrate hierarchical relations, they only provide reference
for the purpose of respective discussion elsewhere.
332
41
This background illustrates the predicament of Anglophones both in French- and
English-speaking regions of the country as well as their experiences in a dominant
French-tuned administrative, political and socio-cultural set-up. The following report by
Samba Julius, despite some unintelligible expressions, however illustrates the foregoing
arguments.
Troubled sparked off this morning at SONARA in which Anglophone job seekers were severely brutalized by
elements of the armed forces and gendarmes. The story goes: An ARRET [job offer] was launched at
SONARA in which case, many were told to tender their applications. This ARRET, [nature of job] was to do
cleaning, washing of pipes, repair of machines and servicing of almost all machines in SONARA. Most
Anglophones, knowing [that] their applications would not be granted, [received and acknowledged] went to the
D.O. (an Anglophone) [district or divisional officer] who certified their applications and told them to deposit
them at SO.NA.RA. Those who applied went there on Saturday to see whether the first list [of applicants
recruited] was out but to their greatest consternation and disbelief, they however realized that two separate
[consecutive] lists came out comprising only of francophone names. They waited for the third list and about
1:00 p.m. on Saturday, two 78-seat busses (Guarantee Express) [most famous private bus company] arrived
from Yaounde with workers. The Anglophones could not believe [what they saw] and asked when they
[Francophones] applied [for the job]. Today, those Anglophones who applied went there [to SO.NA.RA.] as
usual but another bus arrived from Douala. It is at this point that [the Anglophone applicants] said their back
have been pushed to the wall and decided to [stage a] strike on the spot. They then decided to stop all vehicles
entering SO.NA.RA. Soldiers were immediately called in to rescue [the situation] since the SO.NA.RA.
333
Gendarmes were helpless [overwhelmed]. They [soldiers and gendarmes] then started their usual work of
brutalizing the Anglophones who numbered close to 500. The Anglophone job seekers however, defied the
presence of these armed troops and promise [threatened] to set the oil refinery on fire. This provoked the armed
forces who mercilessly tortured them. As of now, they [Anglophones] are still there and more troops have been
called
in
from
Isongo
West
Coast.
Wait
for
more
updates.
(Culled
from
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/AMBASOS/messages,
06.11.2002)
The exclusion of Anglophones from official positions equally provides clues for
understanding how this affects English in milieus where the people who speak it are also
relegated to sidelines of public affairs. In other words, the exclusion of Anglophones
from official positions engenders a Francophone demographic dominance, thereby
establishing an inadvertent French-speaking atmosphere where even the small number of
Anglophones available end up being phagocyted and assimilated into the over-powering
French environment. Eventually they get conditioned to speaking only French in such
environments and take it as normal despite themselves.
Obviously, no one realises in such an atmosphere that English has been relegated.
In the long run, everyone, including Anglophones tends to speak and write in French
since there appears to be no pragmatic need for English. In other words, they are
gradually accustomed to keeping English off bounds and speaking French. Hence,
English is either completely absent in official written documents and notices in such
domains, or included in ways not commensurate to its status as an equal official language
to French. Therefore it sometimes takes only the practical exclusion of Anglophones
from socio-economic opportunities and institutional positions to bring about an
inadvertent restriction of English in official circles. This consequent interpretation is
further corroborated by the fact that Francophones themselves make very little effort to
speak and write in English, especially in situations where there are either too few or no
Anglophones. Thus, it turns out to be interpreted as a winner-take-all situation.
334
Moreover, it takes just this inadvertent socio-economic marginalisation of
Anglophones to create a unique sociolinguistic reality of a collective dimension, i.e.
Anglophones use English to create intense ethnicity, which has, with time, created
resolute Anglophone nationalism that has threatened the unity of the country on several
occasions. It is such English ethnicity which has engendered the controversy over who is
a true Anglophone in Cameroon – a controversy which has posed considerable
psychological stress for socio-political cohesion as persons who are born and bred in
Anglophone regions, and have lived there all along, are rejected and considered as not
being genuine Anglophones because they are born of Francophone parents. It is the fate
reserved for persons born of Anglophone parents but who are brought up and have lived
all along in Francophone regions.
However, a study of some official documents from this parastatal institution
reveals that English appears to be pushed only in departments where an Anglophone is
director. According to informants, one may find written documents in English from
SO.NA.RA. but one has to wait for longer periods because Francophones in the
hierarchy, who cannot speak English, have to delay such documents until they enlist the
help of a translator, an Anglophone or Francophone who has sufficient competence in
English, to translate the document into English. It may also be that the administrative
format of the document requested does not have an English version; hence, the individual
has to wait until the hierarchy decides to design a temporary or special version. The
implication here is that English becomes a circumstantial official language that is used
only in pragmatic or extraordinary situations. For instance, someone who undertakes
internship training in the company, and requests a certificate in English, would receive
335
the following testimonial to that effect, if one were lucky to do such training in a
department where an Anglophone is director. Although it is written in English, the form
of the document is clearly French. In other words, a French administrative format has
been used to fit in the text in English. This is evidenced by the letterhead layout, the
reference and subject section (top left), but most importantly, the format of the date, i.e.,
Limbe, le… Although, the official letterhead of the company is bilingual to a considerable
extent, the French abbreviation cannot be matched by any English equivalent. Moreover,
the abbreviations DMR/FORM/NM/2001 illustrate a typical French administrative
practice
representing
DIRECTION
DE
MANAGEMENT
DES
(DMR)/FORMATION (FORM)…(department of risk management/training…).
RISQUES
336
42
Nevertheless, it can be said that the effort made to include the widely acceptable
style of juxtaposing some versions of the two languages in official communication is
commendable (see letterhead section). It may also be noted that, although the French
administrative style is applied as shown in image 44 below, English versions of the
guiding topics Our Reference/Notre Référence… appear above the French versions,
337
hence, reversing the usual pattern in most official circles. This is understandable, given
that the director of this department is English-speaking and takes this opportunity to
reverse the usual pattern. Yet, this does not seem to be fair either, especially in the light
of the foregoing arguments that Francophnes sideline English. In other words, this
example constitutes evidence that Anglophones might do the same for French if they
were in charge. But it could also be argued that actually, the state of the information
shown here reflects the dominance of English in global business, and not the subjective
preference of an individual in a high office.
43
44
Apart from documents, the language of routine professional communication
around the institution weighs towards a domination of French owing to the direct effects
of the imbalance in the personnel ratio. National Day commemorations as well as
universal holidays are publicly celebrated together with the larger Anglophone
community of the region. Thus Labour Day commemoration, for instance, calls for a
festive march-past of public and private institutions to make the occasion special. During
a public display by its personnel during a march-past in 2002, I observed the following
language usage, which reveals the status differential between English and French as
official languages used within SO.NA.RA.
Image 45 shows a placard raised by a
representative group of the company’s staff and the name of the holiday written in
English and French as FETE DU TRAVAIL/LABOUR DAY. The colour distinction is
338
another widely acceptable style of representing the visual equality of the two official
languages in written form.
45
46
47
Yet, the English version continues to appear below the French version. The uniform
outfit, worn by all employees to celebrate the event as shown in images 45 and 46, carries
the official logo of the company, which includes only the French abbreviation
SO.NA.RA. (Société Nationale de Rafinage). Meanwhile a special cake (image 47) baked
for the commemoration party carries only the French phrase Bonne Fête, a typical French
way of expressing best wishes in a festivity. It may be argued that there is no English
phrase that expresses the same idea because the direct equivalent of such a felicitation
may exist in English. However, unlike international English, CamE has developed
functional equivalents of such phrases through decades of intensive language contact
with French, e.g., phrases for expressing best wishes such as enjoy your meal, which have
been extended to wider contexts such as enjoy your birthday, party, etc.; have a nice
day/time, which have been extended to have a nice dance, party, festival, etc. (instead of
have a nice time dancing, at your party…). Thus, it would make local speakers of
English feel better had the exclusive French expression, Bonne Fête, been accompanied
by one of such local expressions in English. This would be even more significant,
especially as it is understood that the tradition of cutting the cake at a party among
339
Cameroonians across the linguistic divide is a common emotion-packed, psychologically
influential, and socially and nutritionally pleasant scenario.
Still, all transport facilities, e.g., personal and staff vehicles, busses, trucks, etc.,
are labelled in French as shown in image 48 below (RAFINERIE de LIMBE). This
labelling illuminates the fact that live as well as business within the company is
conducted in French with sporadic use of English dependent on and dictated by the nature
of the circumstance: who talks to who, about what, where it is discussed, and the
importance of the topic.
48
Being only the tip of the iceberg, the scene at SO.N.A.RA. aptly illustrates the treatment
of English and the predicament of Anglophones as far as opportunities in public
institutions are concerned.
A case in point is the reality that every time that the results of competitive
examinations into professional schools are published, Anglophone candidates eventually
learn that regional representation (what is fondly referred to locally as regional
equilibrium) or outright corruption took precedence over merit in the selection of
340
successful candidates, rather than the normal criteria of equal opportunity. This fact leads
to a consistent technical restriction of many potentially successful Anglophone candidates
because regional representation would always mean less Anglophones and more
Francophones in public doamins, i.e., a logical consequence of the demographic
imbalance.
6.7. Signposts and street names
Signposts are dominantly in French in French-speaking regions with some
sporadic instances of bilingual signposts in which English appears below or next in line
to the French version. But it would be wrong to readily expect that exclusive English
signposts and road signals to be seen in French-speaking regions. Contrary to this, one
may find a wide incidence of exclusive French signposts and road signs in Englishspeaking regions (see images 10 and 11 at 7.1.1 below) although there are fairly many
bilingual ones too. Still, in English-speaking regions, there is a tendency to give
preference to French on road signals. This preference has caused violent physical
reactions among some Anglophones, who have obliterated French versions on some road
signals, leaving only the English version. However, the systematic naming of streets is
yet to be carried out beyond the cities of Yaounde and Douala, the capital and main port
cities respectively. Here, only French is used for street names including street names that
take the names of Anglophone national heroes and renowned political leaders (see image
49e) as shown in the following examples:
341
49 a
49 b
49 c
49 d
49 e
This street-naming pattern closely follows the practice in France and further gives
the visitor to Cameroon the feeling that there appear to be few differences between the
two settings. Such a street-naming pattern has not yet been implemented in the Englishspeaking regions although some consistent effort has been made by the different city
councils to name streets. Even though it is not clear whether this regional street-naming
effort conforms to national norms, it may be noted that in Bamenda, for instance, the
birthplace of the Anglophone hero of the Reunification, John Ngu Foncha, the street in
which his residence is located, is official named, Foncha Street. In Yaounde in the
French-speaking region, a street has been named in French as, Avenue John Ngu Foncha.
It is worth noting, too, that many Anglophones are pleased to find the naming of
some streets in French-speaking regions after Anglophone heroes. It is considered as a
sign of the respect for the status of the Anglophone community in Cameroon, its role in
national unity, and the need for honouring it within the Francophone community. Such
centralisation may actually be inadvertent. However, on the one hand, many more
Anglophones protest the discriminatory centralisation of virtually all such immortalising
and commemorative symbols in French-speaking regions. On the other hand, some
Anglophones argue that the centralisation should be interpreted as a blessing in disguise
for Anglophones as the permanent location of the symbols would constantly remind
Francophones of the respect due Anglophones. Nonetheless, the total impression widely
shared among Anglophones is that centralisation of all symbols of national unity in
French-speaking regions has created a feeling of alienation among Anglophones and
rendered such symbols meaningless as Francophones hardly realise their significance
342
owing to lack of knowledge of the individuals immortalized and the history of the
postcolonial Cameroon state.
The feeling of alienation is further exacerbated by the disparity in the
representation of the two cultural identities in national symbols such as the national flag,
motto, anthem, monuments, currency, etc., which inspire and give a citizen the feeling of
inclusion, belonging, and patriotism towards one fatherland. The following examples
illuminate this Anglophone claim:
6.8. National symbols
6.8.1. Commemoration of the 1961 reunification
The reunification of the former French and British Cameroons is commemorated
in various forms, all of which are to be witnessed either in the capital city, Yaounde, or in
other French-speaking regions. Apart from naming a street after the Anglophone architect
of the reunification, John Ngu Foncha (image 49e), and an avenue named in French as
Boulevard de la Reunification (image 49c), a monument has also been built in Yaounde
and named in French as Place de la Reunification (images 49b and 50). The linguistic
and geographic implication of this situation is that an Anglophone is obliged to make
both a linguistic adjustment from English to French and a geographical movement of at
least 300 kilometres to Yaounde before he/she may visit, commemorate, and meditate
over this politico-cultural event.
343
50
The reverse does not apply because the Francophone who lives out of Yaounde may
make a geographic movement, but not a linguistic adjustment. Another event related to
the union of the two Cameroons is the referendum of 20th May 1972, which warranted the
change of the country’s name from Federal Republic of Cameroon to United Republic of
Cameroon. This date has since become the national day. However, it is honoured only in
Yaounde by naming a prominent street in French after this date as Boulevard du 20 mai.
Besides, it is along this street that annual festivities to commemorate this event are
organised. These Francophone-tuned activities, inadvertent as they may be, increase the
feeling among Anglophones, that they are alienated from the culture of national
belonging and inclusion by the one-sided commemoration of the union.
6.9. National currency
Whether in the era of Federation or thereafter, the French-derived Franc has
always been the currency used in the Cameroons. This has not failed to engender a
feeling of assimilation among the Anglophone community, who have had to make an
adjustment each time. This time, it is an economic adjustment from the former British
344
pound to the French-derived Franc, on account of its history as a currency created by
France for its colonies, and which, in spite of its numerous identity mutations, remained
adopted by these colonies even after gaining political independence.
However, it is not so much the appellation, Franc, as the accompanying
abbreviation, CFA, which echoes French colonial and assimilative connotations. Whether
CFA still refers to Franc des Colonies Françaises d’Afrique as in 1945 or to Franc de la
Coopération Financière en Afrique Centrale as created in 1972 (see details below), it is
even more reminiscent of the novel French strings attached to former colonies through
the guise of the so-called Coopération Française to which many Anglophones and some
Francophones have shown overt aversion. This aversion targets French interference in the
political and economic issues of its former African colonies as illustrated in this case by
the history of the Franc, its financial evolution in Franco-African financial relations, but
most importantly, the French colonial legacy and postcolonial frenchification illuminated
by the following events from 1945 to date:
29 juin 1901 : Création de la Banque d'Afrique Occidentale "B.A.O." autorisée à émettre le franc en
A.O.F pour continuer les activités de la Banque du Sénégal (21 décembre 1853).
1920: Extension du privilège d'émission de la BAO en Afrique Equatoriale Française (AEF).
02 déc. 1941 : Création de la Caisse Centrale de la France Libre (CCFL), chargée de l'émission
monétaire en Afrique Centrale ralliée à la France libre.
24 juil. 1942 : Ordonnance autorisant la CCFL à émettre de la monnaie à partir du 1er août 1942.
02 fév. 1944 : Création de la Caisse Centrale de la France d'Outre-Mer (CCFOM) en remplacement
de la CCFL.
25 déc.1945:Création du Franc des colonies françaises d'Afrique (FCFA) avec la parité de 1
franc cfa =1,70 FF.
17 déc. 1948 : Changement de parité du F CFA vis à vis du FF : 1 F CFA = 2FF.
20 janv. 1955 : Création de l'Institut d'Emission de l'A.E.F. et du Cameroun.
26 déc. 1958 : Changement de parité du FCFA vis à vis du FF : 1 FCFA = 0,02 FF.
14 avr. 1959 : Création de la Banque Centrale des Etats de l'Afrique Equatoriale et du Cameroun
(B.C.E.A.C.).
22 nov. 1972 : Création de la Banque des Etats de l'Afrique Centrale (B.E.A.C.) et du Franc de
la Coopération Financière en Afrique Centrale "F CFA".
02 avr. 1973 : Début des activités de la BEAC.
1er jan. 1977 : Transfert du Siège des Services Centraux de la BEAC de Paris à Yaoundé.
1er avr. 1978 : Nomination à la BEAC d'un Gouverneur et d'un Vice-Gouverneur africains.
1er jan. 1985 : Entrée de la Guinée Equatoriale au sein de la BEAC.
345
16 oct. 1990 : Importantes réformes des règles d'intervention de la Banque Centrale et création
de la Commission Bancaire de l'Afrique Centrale "COBAC". 171
12 jan. 1994 : Nouvelle parité : 1 FCFA = 0,01 FF.
1er jan. 1999: Arrimage du FCFA à l'Euro au taux de 1 Euro = 655,957 F CFA.
(Culled from: http://www.beac.int/histbeac.htm)
In spite of French interference in the evolution of the Franc, it is understandably
normal for Cameroon, a former key French colony, to conform and depend on such
French economic strategies. Besides, Cameroon cannot afford to defy this particular
postcolonial French diplomacy with its former colonies and, this, to all governments in
Cameroon so far, has been a bitter pill to swallow. In other words, Cameroon’s
competing bilingual and bicultural heritages, and the consequent pressure on political
leadership from the Anglophone community to avert increasing French interest in the
unified Cameroon are factors explaining the rough ride that every regime experiences in
the country. As such, Anglophones use the Franc CFA despite themselves, but also view
it as a reminder of the strings of continuing French imperialism. Yet between 1972 and
1990 the CFA Franc used in Cameroon was unique as it carried the bilingual appellation
of the country in English and French, unlike the Franc used in monolingual Frenchspeaking countries in the sub-region such as Gabon, Chad, Republic of Congo, and
Central African Republic. This bilingual appearance used to be interpreted as a genuine
effort to promote the two linguistic and cultural identities embodied in the policy of
official bilingualism. It appeared to symbolise and foster national integration and a
feeling of belonging among Anglophones and Francophones, thereby strengthening the
foundation of the union. The following image illustrates the printing of the country’s
name in English and French (image 51). Bank notes destined for circulation in Cameroon
also carried this bilingual appellation.
171
The bold face in the text above is mine.
346
51
52
53
54
Images 52, 53, and 54 show the Franc used in the other monolingual French countries of
the central African Franc zone: Republic of Gabon, Republic of Chad, Republic of
Congo, and Central African Republic. The uniqueness of the Cameroon CFA Franc
reflects a particular consideration for English and the identity of the Anglophone
community, and perhaps, highlights the possible awareness of the implication if this
linguistic difference was not made visual.
However, with the creation of the Central African Banking Commission, COBAC
(Commission Bancaire de l’Afrique Centrale) in 1990, important reforms were
implemented including the creation of a common currency, the CFA Franc, for member
states. This implied that the names of the different countries printed on the Franc destined
for circulation in their respective countries as shown in images 51-54 above will be
dropped in favour of a neutral appellation for all the countries of the region. The
347
consequent adoption of the appellation of the bank, Banque des Etats de l’Afrique
Central, as the new neutral name to appear henceforth on the common Franc, meant both
a linguistic and identity loss for English and its Anglophone community, which felt
further phagocyted and assimilated into a new wider French-speaking zone. The official
language of the B.E.A.C. is French and the CFA Franc currently used in Cameroon as
well as in the other countries of the B.E.A.C. zone carries only French (see image 55). 172
This is interpreted as a blow to the Cameroon national agency of the bank, which can no
longer produce the Franc that promotes its bi-cultural identity.
55
Moreover, the fact that the headquarter of the B.E.A.C. is in Cameroon makes it more
painful for those who want to see Cameroon do something to make its non-negligible
English-speaking community feel included, rather that excluded or assimilated by the
B.E.A.C. economic and financial policies. The situation is aptly illuminated by the nature
of the official common bank notes currently used in the B.E.A.C. zone.
172
The former Franc coins, which carried the names of their respective countries, are currently allowed in
circulation in the entire B.E.A.C. zone although the bank notes have all been withdrawn from circulation.
348
56
57
58
59
60
61
Image 61 shows a warning in French regarding fiscal falsification printed on the
reverse side of each bank note, just as every other information on all bank notes and coins
is in French. In the specific case of the Franc currency, it may be interpreted as a
dramatic irony because all governments in Cameroon frequently derive pride from the
bilingual policy, and the bi-cultural nature of the country, to the extent that this pride
sometimes enhances the image of the country and its foreign policy in some international
milieus. Thus the loss of English as a language of business in this sub-regional
international milieu, no matter how small, is both negative and regressive for its functions
and status. The use of Cameroon’s leading position in the B.E.A.C. to introduce the
349
representation of its bilingual and bicultural identity would tie with and boost its status in
the entire sub-region. But we are presented with an ironical situation, where Cameroon
affirms the promotion of its bilingual-bi-cultural identity at home and receives
international compliments and credit for that, but at the same time, it is an accomplice to
regional policies that impose damaging concessions on the image it seeks to promote at
home.
6.10. National Anthem
It is interesting to see how the perpetuation of the relegation of English sometimes
leads to a magnification of issues originally considered trivial until recently. Complete
absence or a disparaging usage of English has engendered a generalised apathy towards
national symbols among many Anglophones. It is not wrong to say that the level of
patriotism among Anglophones, who are aware of this sociopolitical predicament, has
fallen considerably.
Dissimilarity in the French and English versions of Cameroon’s anthem is so clear
to the extent that Anglophones wonder whether they belong to the same nation. There are
linguistic, semantic, stylistic, and musical disparities, which add up to the impression that
the two are not the same. First and foremost, the English version is a supposed translation
of the French original, the anthem of the former sovereign state of East
Cameroon, 173 rather than one created to reflect the image of the reunified state. This fact
adds to sociopolitical and linguistic disparagement to make Anglophones feel that they
173
This is an old song whose lyrics were created by a Francophone student group in 1928. It was put into
musical form by Samuel Minko Bamba and Moise Nyatte Nko’o in the same year. It rapidly became very
famous and was frequently used as a rally song among the political supporters in French Cameroon. On
achieving independence, it was adopted in 1959 to be the anthem of the Republic of Cameroon from 1960.
At reunification in 1961 with former British Southern Cameroon, the anthem was maintained as the official
anthem of the unified Federal Republic of Cameroon.
350
glorify a polity to which they do not belong. Apart from this, the translation makes the
English version so different from its original French version to the extent that, when
Anglophones and Francophones sing it together simultaneously, Francophones perceive
a fakery in the English version while Anglophones observe at their receiving end, a
patronizing and condescending tolerance or forgiveness of the fakery perceived in the
English version. The English version ends after the chorus, but the French version
continues and repeats the chorus once, hence, exacerbating the rift, the cultural
difference, and the apparent fake of the French version.
The anthem, one of most reverend symbols of national sovereignty and unity, is
regarded by Francophones as the most significant means of glorifying the nation that
provides them the right to nationality. Therefore, they easily identify with, and develop
natural affinity for the nation. For their part, many Anglophones regard this glorification
with mixed feelings owing to an apparent incredulity at the back of their minds that they
do not fully belong in the nation. Hence, they naturally lack the emotional enthusiasm
borne by someone who feels and derives satisfaction from belonging fully in the nation
whose polity he identifies with.
In other words, the inadvertent disparagement and restriction of English in
varying subtle ways in official circles, ends up being interpreted, not only as a deliberate
attempt to undermine the status of English and the significance of the cultural identity of
the English-speaking community, but as evidence that Anglophones are only being coopted in a Francophone polity after all. The one-to-one mapping, which exists between
English and Anglophone identity, intensifies as Anglophones are in sympathy with any
misfortune that befalls English. The more misfortunes befall English in official domains,
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the more they develop ethnicity through English, feel pushed to the sidelines, estranged
from and unconcerned by the Cameroon polity.
This overall impression engenders the feeling that Anglophones are outsiders in
the framework of citizenship and nationality. 174 Consequently, Anglophones exploit
minor and significant instances of difference that restate the cultural rift between their
Anglo-Saxon-oriented ways of life, and those of their Latino-French-oriented
Francophone counterparts.
As indicated earlier, one of such instances of difference lies in the lyrics of the
anthem, whose English version differs in substance, meaning, musical length, and
experiential references. The anthem normally is a poetic and lyrical composition whose
words have great significance for the past, the present, and the future of the people of the
Cameroons. For it to induce great enthusiasm and exuberance the choice of words needs
to reflect the experiential components susceptible to expressing intense personal emotion.
However, this process is divergently achieved in the two versions of the
Cameroon national anthem making Anglophones and Francophones feel that they sing
two different anthems just united by the same melody. In fact, this feeling is legitimate
and justifiable in the following two versions, French and English.
“O CAMEROUN BERCEAU DE NOS ANCÊTRES”
“O CAMEROON THOU CRADLE OF OUR
FATHERS”
174
Such feelings get intensified owing to frequent subtle insinuations from the Francophone community
which remind and make Anglophones feel that they are not fully Cameroonians. An example in point is the
report on state-controlled radio, CRTV national radio station, Yaounde, in 1992 by a state-employed
journalist, Zacharie Ngnieman, currently a parliamentary member from the ruling party, the CPDM
(Cameroon Peoples Democratic Movement), in which he alleged that dissident Anglophone students of the
lone national University of Yaounde who staged a strike to demand the creation of an Anglo-Saxon-type
University that year, sang the anthem of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as their rally song. By this, he
insinuated that Anglophones are nostalgic and have affinity for Nigeria owing to their historical links with
Nigeria. Thus, they would like to see a return to the good old days if they had their way. He made a
refutation and apologised over the same medium a few weeks later after he repeatedly received written
threats to his life if he did not make a refutation of the allegation.
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PREMIER COUPLET
FIRST STANZA
O Cameroun berceau de nos ancêtres;
Va debout, et jaloux de ta liberté,
Comme un soleil ton drapeau fier doit être
Un symbole ardent de foi et d'unite.
Que tous tes enfants du Nord au Sud
De l'Est à l'Ouest soient tout amour!
Te servir que ce soit leur seul but
Pour remplir leur devoir toujours !
0 Cameroon, Thou Cradle of our Fathers,
Holy Shrine where in our midst they now repose,
Their tears and blood and sweat thy soil did water,
0n thy hills and valleys once their tillage rose.
Dear Fatherland, thy worth no tongue can tell!
How can we ever pay thy due?
Thy welfare we will win in toil and love and peace,
Will be to thy name ever true!
Certainly, only the first line in stanza one of each version appears to be similar but
the rest of the lines in that stanza relate quite different issues, experiences, and references
although the sum of the interpretation may be similar: glorifying Cameroon. However,
the message got from the two versions appears to be quite different: how Cameroon is
glorified in the two languages, and by the two different cultural backgrounds.
Nevertheless, the chorus below is the same for the two versions.
REFRAIN
Chère patrie, terre chérie,
Tu es notre seul et vrai bonheur,
Notre joie et notre vie,
A toi I' amour et le grand honneur.
REFRAIN
Land of promise, land of glory!
Thou, of life and joy, our only store!
Thine be honour, thine devotion,
And deep endearment, for evermore.
In spite of the equivalence at the level of the refrain, the crystal clear difference
recurs in the second stanza. Even though the second stanza is officially ignored when
sung, it officially exists in records and it is recognised as part of the national anthem.
DEUXIEME COUPLET
Tu es la tombe où dorment nos pères,
Le jardin que nos aïeux ont cultivé.
Nous travaillons pour te rendre prospère,
Un beau jour enfin nous serons arrivés.
De l' Afrique soit fidèle enfant
Et progresse toujours en paix,
Espérant que tes jeunes enfants
T' aimeront sans bornes à jamais.
SECOND STANZA
From Shari, from where the Mongo meanders,
From along the banks of lowly Boumba Stream,
Muster thy sons in union close around thee,
Mighty as the Buea Mountain, be their team;
Instil in them the love of gentle ways,
Regret for errors of the post;
Foster, for Mother Africa, a loyalty
That true shall remain to the last.
If the two versions of stanza one portrayed a few similarities, the two versions of
the second stanza appear to belong to two different countries until they are sung.
Worse, as the chorus is sung after singing stanza one, Anglophones usually stop at this
point whereas Francophones have the tradition of repeating the refrain. This situation
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usually embarrasses both parties in occasions where both Francophones and Anglophones
have come together, and usually pushes a few extroverted persons to make comments
after the song regarding the cultural differences between Anglophones and Francophones.
However, this never goes beyond jokes and light-hearted remarks between the parties
Apart from the substantial differences, the French version has been modified since
its adoption in 1959 as the national anthem of the newly independent French Cameroon.
Its original version shows that lines 2, 3, and 4 of the first stanza have been modified
owing to the unpleasant insinuations and memories of the past they relayed (see my
emphases below).
PREMIER COUPLET
O Cameroun berceau de nos ancêtres;
Autrefois tu vécus dans la barbarie,
Comme un soleil qui commence à paraître,
Peu à peu tu sors de ta sauvagerie.
Que tes enfants du Nord au Sud
De l'Est à l'Ouest soient tout amour!
Te servir que ce soit leur seul but
Pour remplir leur devoir toujours !
Hence, the feeling of difference is further encouraged because this modification
appears not to affect the English version, although the modification was done in 1978
after the advent of the unitary state, and when the English version had been the same
since 1961. However, this modification appears to have been unofficially translated into
English and used as an alternative to the existing English version. I sang the national
anthem sometimes between 1979 and 1981 in primary school in the English-speaking
region with the modification of the French version included as follows:
O Cameroon thou cradle of our fathers,
Go, standing and jealous of your liberty,
Like the sun your beautiful flag shall be,
A ve’ement [vehement] symbol of faith and unity.
Dear fatherland, thy worth no tongue can tell…
Yet, this unofficial version was abandoned by 1983, giving way to the existing
English version. It is worth noting that I could not find any official information in the
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records that states the modification of the French version was translated and included as
an alternative to the English version.
In spite of the situation, some national symbols exclusively promote English.
Here, some state-owned corporations have been named only in English and their
appellations are almost a household name owing to their fame. The state-owned daily
newspaper, Cameroon Tribune, (image 62) arguably the most bilingual publication
within official domains, especially for the mixed layout adopted, is named only in
English.
62
Although this is a bold step in the positive direction, from every perspective it is
French-dominated as very few articles appear in English; there are more pages for the
French part than the English section; decrees, official announcements and commercial
offers are mostly in French. Besides, it is published by a French-styled printing press
named in French as SOPECAM (Société des Presses et d’Edition du Cameroun (image
62)) whose name and acronym are in French. Moreover, constant changes regarding the
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bilingual nature of the newspaper are not extended to the printing press that has the status
of a parastatal company. 175
Apart from Cameroon Tribune, the lone state-owned air and maritime transport
corporations are also named exclusively in English as Cameroon Airlines and Cameroon
Shipping Company. They are commonly referred to by their English acronyms, Camair
and Camship respectively. The headquarters of the Camair shown in image 63 is located
in Yaounde in the French-speaking region. Other regional offices in French-speaking
areas carry the same English appellation. Similarly, image 64 shows how Camair
aircrafts carry the English appellation both internally and abroad.
63
64
However, it is widely believed among Anglophones that an Anglophone, Bernard
Nsokika Fonlon, 176 who was Minister of Transport, Post and Telecommunications in
1968 when these companies were founded, and under whose ministerial administration
the companies were placed, created these appellations. Yet, it would be wrong to claim
that only an Anglophone would take such initiatives as a good number of Francophone
175
However, the publishers are very sensitive to this criticism, and are constantly changing the layout and
the language imbalance for the better.
176
Highly respected among the Anglophone and Francophone political leadership, academic milieu (an
internationally distinguished and prolific Professor of English and Literatures), he is variably referred to
informally as Father of Cameroon bilingualism, the first bilingual Cameroonian, etc. In many of his
arguments, English should be the first official language in Cameroon and early official bilingualism should
be implemented from primary education (see To Every African Freshman and The Case For Early
Bilingualism).
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Ministers are noted for their English-tuned awareness and would take similar initiatives
as well.
6.11. Summary
It may be concluded that some considerable effort is being made in a number of
official domains to even out the discriminatory representation of the two official
languages in official circles and in documents. However, there is much consistent
evidence from official documents in both public and private domains illustrating the
varying and subtle disparagement of the status of English as a consequence of the evident
disregard of the significance of the English-speaking community. With the current sociopolitical tension between the ruling Francophone elite and the Anglophone separatist
movements, a lot of awareness regarding the status of English and the significance of the
English-speaking community is on the increase among Francophones. Still, in official
circles such awareness is very slow and many Francophones inadvertently treat and use
English in varying ways that push the visitor to see an unnecessary unequal power
relationship between English and French. Many formal and informal protests against such
practices have met with inadvertent neglect or with outright adamant resistance to change
hence, such attitudes end up being interpreted as deliberate disparagement of English.
Two recommendations may be made at this point with regard to boosting the
image of English within official domains. First, depending on political will, English
jurisdictions or cantons may be officially created only in the administrative system such
that Francophones and Anglophones, who request services in offices falling under such
jurisditions, are aware and are prepared from the out set to encounter only English and
administrative procedures associated with Anglophone administrations around the world.
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This recommendation has its worth in the common-knowledge failure of the system of
administrative translations operated this far. Besides, the concept of English-only
jurisdictions already exists formally in the education system where English schools have
been created from Kindergarten to the tertiary education level, with some schools located
in French-speaking regions. Besides, Cameroonians are informally familiar with the
concept as government departments where an Anglophone is manager, director, or
Minister, such departments are usually fondly referred to as Le ministère Anglophone
among Francophones on account of the expectation of some unique administrative
procedures and policies. Second, still in the direction of status policy, a council or
division of English for administrative purposes may be created within the Language
Services and Bilingualism Division at the Presidency of the Republic. This section would
take charge of designing English-based administrative documents rather than just
translating French-styled administrative documents into English (cultural values cannot
be translated across different cultural boundaries), sometimes with offensive results such
as the following example, which would be less offensive if English was in equal bold
upper case.
358
359
7. Status: English in public communication
One aspect which visually illustrates the arguments in this study is the analysis of
photographs which show the manner in which English and French are used in notices in
official and in private sector places. Official information given on signboards, notice
boards, signposts, road signs, and in other types of notices in general, portrays
inconsistencies in the use of the two languages. This practice is prevalent in both the
English- and French-speaking regions in varying ways. In the French-speaking areas, it
ranges from a complete exclusion of English through poor English in the translation of
the French versions to inequality in the sizes and formats of the two versions. A similar
fate may befall French in English-speaking areas when it is used by Anglophones.
However, the use of French in English-speaking regions by Anglophones is so rare that
the probability is quite low that French will experience a comparable fate to that suffered
by English in French-speaking areas.
Be it in official domains or in formal domains of the private sector, the trend of
this practice shows that a French dominance characterizes the posting of public notices in
the French-speaking areas and is remarkably on the increase in English-speaking regions
where English is considered the dominant official language. The use of the two languages
in official notices may be put in varying categories.
7.1. Monolingual French notices in French-speaking regions
This category of photographs (1-9) shows information provided on sign-boards
and in other public notices exclusively in French. These photographs illustrate the
manner in which the government’s official policy of bilingualism is implemented in
many French-speaking regions in the country. In Yaounde, the country’s capital city
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where most government’s institutions are concentrated, information is, for the most part,
given only in French. Even though the government made efforts of late to revert the
practice by appealing to heads of all Ministries to post information equally in French and
in English, only few have done so in varying bilingual forms and contents; some have
simply not heeded the appeal. The stream of Anglophones as well as English-speaking
visitors to Cameroon’s capital city has to grapple with this monolingual practice within
official domains as well as in the private sector.
1
4
7
2
3
5
6
8
9
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Photographs 1-3 represent typical signboards that can be found in both official
and private sector places. Photograph 1 shows an official signboard of the regional office
of the Ministry of Education in the Centre province of the country. It also shows the
signboard of the regional office of government’s department of taxes, a section of the
Ministry of the Economy and Finance. Photograph 2 shows the signboard of the regional
office for public works and engineering located at Mfoundi. This office is a section of the
Ministry of Public Works. Photograph 3 shows the signboard of the National Centre for
the Supply of Basic Drugs and Medical First Aid (my translation). Photographs 4-6
illustrate a typical notice board in government domains. Indeed, this is the manner in
which official notices are posted in government domains. This example is found in front
of the head office of the Ministry of Public Service and Administrative Reform located in
Yaounde, and shows final official results of the annual competitive examination into the
National Institute of Youth and Sports located in Yaounde. All other notices are posted in
similar manner whether or not they concern Anglophones or are posted for the attention
of institutions located in the Anglophone regions. Photograph 7 shows a signboard of the
Centre for the production of H.I.V. and A.I.D.S. tests. It is part of the Ministry of Public
Health. Photograph 8 shows the head office of the National Land and Housing Credit
Bank. Even in the English-speaking regions, this Bank maintains its French appellation
without an English Version. A very small number of Anglophones can guess what the
appellation in English may be. Photograph 9 shows the Public Library in Yaounde, a part
of the Ministry of Culture, and the funds for construction which were donated by the
French diplomatic Mission in charge of Franco-Cameroonian relations. It is worth noting
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that all the notices shown above concern issues in public service which involve both
Anglophones and Francophones almost on a daily frequency.
A number of things can be noted from these notices. First, these photographs
show that the practice cuts across all official domains (educational and economic
domains, photograph 1; public works/civil engineering, photograph 2; health, photograph
3; public service and administration, photograph 4-6; scientific research, photograph 7;
land management, banking, photograph 8; culture, diplomacy, photograph 9). Second,
owing to the strongly centralized political and administrative system, the concentration of
government institutions in the French-speaking capital city, Yaounde, constitutes a great
pulling force which obliges all Anglophones (literate or illiterate, young or old,
students 177 or workers) to travel to Yaounde quite frequently. Such monolingual language
use renders them perplexed, and lost in many official domains; they are equally at a loss
trying to use English in these milieus. The fact that Anglophones are the object of ridicule
as they try to use English in these domains partly finds it explanation in this situation.
This persistent loss explains why in Cameroon, it is up to Anglophones to be bilingual in
French and in English. Third, the practice consciously or inadvertently restricts English
from assuming its functions as defined by its status. In other words, English is excluded
within these official domains, in spite of its status as an equal co-official language. In the
private sector, the attitude is adopted and the practice is simply reproduced, most
probably, in a similar state of mind. But sometimes, the practice is justified using such
claims as giving preference to the linguistic needs of their clients. Fourth, this practice
177
Anglophone Secondary school pupils have to travel very long distances to Yaounde to write competitive
public examinations qualifying them to enter colleges which are permanently located in English-speaking
regions.
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further galvanizes many persons into arguing that it is normal given the pragmatic
geographic and demographic realities.
Yet, it can also be argued that such monolingual official language use is
particularly wrong for this geographic region, Yaounde, for the following reasons: 1) its
political, social, economic, and educational status; 2) the pulling force it constitutes as
such, and the geographic movement frequently made by Anglophones into the region.
These realities alone warrant that this region should demonstrate an exemplary use of
French and English in all official information. Such a situation would engender a change
in government’s attitude to language use within other official domains in other regions
and subsequently, a change in popular attitudes, as well.
The presentation of official information exclusively in French is not limited to the
French-speaking regions, it extends quite far into the English-speaking regions. This
reality appears to further chase English in public and official domains even though it is
considered that English is the dominant official language in the Anglophone regions. It
exacerbates the frenchification process and the Francophone stranglehold which
Anglophones claim are signposts of the subjugation and disparagement of their cultural
and linguistic identity. It is important to note that there is an alarming incidence of the
practice reified by the many all-French notices: signboards and signposts which appear in
the private sector domains and government milieus in Anglophone towns. A few
examples are quite revealing.
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7.1.1. Government domains
10
11
12
Photograph 10 shows the lone signpost at the Bamenda Government Residential
Area (G.R.A.) locally called Up Station. It appears barely a few metres away from the
customs’ office (itself announced in the manner as shown in photograph 12). It indicates
in French only, “Centre Ville” (city centre), the direction to the centre of the city.
Approximately one kilometre into the city, along Sonac Street, one finds government’s
regional finance audit office shown in photograph 11, that is, the regional office of the
Ministry of the Economy and Finance in this administrative area called Mezam Division,
and whose signboard carries information only in French. It is suggestive of the fact that
French may be dominantly or exclusively used in that office; that the government official
managing this office is French-speaking and gives preference to the use of French.
Expectedly, the people around here have expressed disappointment at the fact that such
officials speak and write to both clients and workers only in French or have just a
smattering of English which they reluctantly use.
These examples are particularly considered among the people of this area as
serious offences which are meant to undermine and disparage their cultural and linguistic
identity. They also invalidate arguments supporting such a practice as occurring due to
pragmatic geographic and demographic variables. It is interesting to hear and read from
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Anglophones in this area as they say and write a thing like ‘I am going to the controle des
Finances office’. Such instances of language usage, albeit abundant in a normal
multilingual or language contact situation, also represent the effectiveness of French
incursion into the functions of English in official domains when information is posted
exclusively in French. Consider the following information in the military domains:
13
14
Photograph 13 shows how the section of the military known as the gendarmerie, a
military police adopted from France at the end of French colonial rule, posts information
on its signboards in the entire country, including the English-speaking regions. This one
is posted at the provincial brigade of the gendarmerie in the Anglophone town Bamenda
in the English-speaking North West province of the country. It announces the
headquarters of the National Gendarmerie in the North West Province of Cameroon
known in French as Etat Major Legion. But it provides no English version of the
information shown.
Photograph 14 shows a typical public notice posted by the police. This particular
notice is posted in all police offices around the country because it outlines requirements
for the production of an individual national identification card – one which endorses
one’s citizenship and authorises citizens above the age of 18 years to participate in
several civic duties. It provides no English version, even though the people for whom the
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notice is posted are Anglophones most of whom can barely read a sentence in English,
talk less of being able to read French. Yet, many notices posted by the military in both
Francophone and Anglophone regions have French and English versions and sometimes
exclusively in English in Anglophone areas (see photographs 29, 30, 31, 97, 122). Thus,
there is serious inconsistency in the domain of the military regarding the use of the two
languages both in the society and within the military. This inconsistency is further
deepened by the fact that in all branches of the military – police, gendarmerie, army, etc.,
- it is claimed that French is the sole official language, and that the Cameroon military
does not implement government’s language policy within its domains. However, the
army and the police have explained that public communication between the military and
the civil society may warrant the use of English at various levels, places and in varying
ways; within the military, this may or may not happen depending on the circumstances.
Yet, there needs to be a systematic practice in order to avoid being interpreted as a bias
policy.
In the domain of public works and civil engineering, much of the official written
communication is done in French. This is so even when the engineers – technical staff
and fieldworkers - are Anglophones. The following notices are posted in various areas of
the English-speaking town of Bamenda alone, to announce the financing and construction
of roads, bridges, harbours, and public buildings in theses areas. It is interesting to find
that some of the companies given the jobs are named in English because their staffs are
English-speaking and their operational scope is limited to these Anglophone regions. Yet,
all notices regarding these contracts in Anglophone areas are solely in French.
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15
16
17
However, some information on these signboards (see photographs 16, 17, 18) is
sporadically given in English but this is limited to the name of the country and its motto
(Republic of Cameroon; Peace, Work, Fatherland). The vital information for which the
notice has been posted is completely in French.
18
19
7.1.2. Domains of the private sector
The practice within official domains is simply copied by the private sector where,
apparently, very few persons realize the need to include an English version of the
information they post for public attention. Photograph 20 below shows the signboard of a
private radio station in the Anglophone town, Bamenda. Founded and run by a
Francophone business group, Groupe d’Information et de Communication, whose
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abbreviation is given at the top of the signboard as G. I. C., this radio is currently the
most famous in Bamenda owing to its use of English and French, but most importantly,
for its dominant use of pidgin English for broadcast. Yet, its paperwork and notices are
French dominated. Photographs 21 and 22 illustrate notices posted at a private transport
office premises in Bamenda. It is named simply in a French abbreviation, M. T. A. 178 ; the
information in the advertisement outlining the services offered and the various agencies
in other places are all in French – billet d’avion, air/flight tickets; envoi rapide d’argent,
quick money transfer; courriers, letters; photocopie, photocopy services.
20
21
22
Image 23 shows the advertisement of the coca cola international drink. But the
actual information is in French: La vie, un sourire - with coca cola, life is full of smiles
(my translation). While one of the most prestigious lager beers in Cameroon named “33”
export, is advertised with the French phrase Vivez les moments forts - experience great
times (my translation). In the same manner, a business-class prepaid telephone card,
Joker, of the French-run telephone company, Mobilis, is advertised in photograph 25 in
French, even though in some places one may find these signboards with French on one
side and English on the other. Ironically, however, the words joker and ok in this name
178
At the time I collected this data, this office was closed and I never got to know what the abbreviation
stood for. However, neighbours in the premises say it is a French abbreviation and added that only
Francophones work in that office.
369
are both in English, thus documenting that English as a global language has high status
vis-à-vis French.
23
24
25
26
27
In image 26, the advent of the credit card, Visa, is advertised in French by the
local bank, SGBC: Société Générale des Banques du Cameroun (itself known all over the
country only with its French appellation and acronym), which introduced and facilitated
the use of the card in the country. Hence, Carte Visa SGBC…et le monde s’ouvre à vous get the SGBC Visa card,…and the world opens up to you (my translation). In photograph
27, an insurance company, Activa Assurances, advertises its services in Bamenda only in
French. It represents the many notices and signboards in French posted in the thickly
populated business area in Bamenda locally called commercial avenue.
7.2. Monolingual English information in English-speaking regions
A study of public notices in the English-speaking regions shows that there is a
similar tendency of posting monolingual notices in English. This extends even into the
military domains where it is claimed that French is the sole official language. The
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following are some illustrative examples representing the economic and military
domains. These notices are posted at their respective office premises in the Englishspeaking town, Buea. As mentioned earlier, such a practice is wrong especially within
official places, otherwise, the encroaching French notices in Anglophone regions would
turn the situation into a cut-throat race for settling scores.
28
29
30
31
In all the French-speaking regions I visited, I could not find any monolingual
notice where information was given only in English compared with the all-French notices
in the Anglophone regions. They would either have a French version or a shorter section
of the notice would be in English while a longer section would be in French as illustrated
in the following section. This tendency confirms Wolf’s (2001) that English and French
are dominant only in their respective speech communities. However, the incidence of
French encroachment in English-speaking regions is quite alarming with monolingual
French notices on the increase than is the case with English notices in French-speaking
regions.
371
7.3. French-dominated notices in French- and English-speaking regions
This category shows notices in which French is unjustifiably dominant. Such
notices are posted in Francophone and Anglophone regions. In other words, an attempt is
made to include English versions of the information posted, yet the notices portray
merely sporadic use of English. Such notices can be found in both government’s domains
and those of the private sector.
7.3.1. Government’s and private sector domains in Francophone region
32
33
34
35
Photograph 32 shows the signboard of the main bilingual/bicultural primary
school in the nation’s capital city, Yaounde. Two separate school systems, an AngloSaxon-type and a typical French-type, coexist in one campus for children of Anglophone
and Francophone civil servants working in various government departments in this city.
Only the name of the school appears in English as Government Central Bilingual
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Primary School, but the rest of the information regarding the four different divisions of
the Ministry of Education under which the school operates administratively, appears only
in French. Interestingly, this time the English version is placed above while the French
version is placed below.
However, a critical study of the English version portrays a misleading
grammatical ambiguity which, again, betrays the fact that someone with a French
background single-handedly drafted the notice without realising the indirect implications
on English. The manner in which Central is use in the context of the geographical
situation of the school is misleading. Central should, instead, be Centre considering that
among the territorial administrative divisions of the country known as Provinces,
Yaounde falls in the Centre Province. This school being the first of its kind in the city is
intended to be the Centre Government Bilingual Primary School, just as the Littoral
Province or the Adamawa Province, etc., would name theirs if they chose to name them
after their provincial appellations too. Then, they would be called Littoral, and Adamawa
Bilingual Primary Schools respectively
Photograph 33 shows a notice of the African Academy of Surgeons posted at the
Yaounde city centre to announce the 4th congress of the Pan African Association of
Surgeons and the 42nd conference of the West African College of Surgeons taking place
in Cameroon. All that appears in English is a translation of the French appellations of the
two Associations of Surgeons. The event itself and related information which motivated
the posting of the notice are written in French. Photograph 34 illustrates the use of the
two languages on the signboard of the headquarters of the national treasury. It simply
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says in French Tresorerie. However, the lower signboard provides an English version
announcing the premises of the local treasury department in the city of Yaounde.
Yet, three things underscore the disparagement of English in this case: 1) the
English version is placed under the French version as if to show a French domination of
English; 2) it is written in smaller letters than the French version which is meant to be its
equivalent; 3) it does not give the equal sufficient information as given in the French
version. It talks vaguely of the Yaounde treasury department without specifying which
one (main, central, regional, headquarters, etc., especially given that there are many
categories in the city). One may only infer from the French version that it has to do with
the headquarters of the Yaounde treasury department, in which case, should be Yaounde
treasury department headquarters, to parallel its French version Trésorerie Générale de
Yaounde.
Photograph 35 illustrates the use of English and French within the formal banking
milieus of the private sector. This private bank founded by Francophones was formerly
named in English as CCEI Bank and had its offices in both French- and English-speaking
regions of the country. It changed its name of late to Afriland First Bank, still an English
appellation. Speaking with some officials of the bank, I learned that 1) most of the
founders of the bank studied in English-speaking countries abroad, 2) the bank was
experimenting a mixture of Anglo-Saxon and French banking systems, 3) it has a few
banking partners in English-speaking countries. Moreover, the bank may use such basic
strategies to facilitate its integration in international banking in a bid to follow
globalisation trends where English is the dominant language of business.
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Thus, these reasons may have motivated the use of names in English and not
because of the existence or the need for English in Cameroon. In this case, the
instrumental rather than the integrative motivation for the use of English in the country is
projected. This may explain why notices to clients even in the Anglophone regions are
written in French as shown in photograph 35, e. g.; Avis à la clientèle. However, some
positive attempt has been made to post directives in English and in French: Push please –
Poussez s’il vous plait, as shown at the main entrance to the bank’s offices in Yaounde.
7.4. French-dominated notices in English-speaking regions
36
37
38
Apart from the all-French notices in English-speaking regions already discussed
earlier, another class of French-dominated notices abound. These notices may present
information in both languages only to the extent where a kind of a letterhead format is
produced, much in the same way as it appears on written documents of various
government offices. But the event or central information warranting the posting of the
notice is written solely in French. These types are represented by photographs 36-38
which happen to be all from the military domains. However, photograph 37 shows that
some minimal attempt is made to give some notices in English, but this is because the
opposing side of the signboard carries the French version. These examples illustrate the
kind of official use of English in the military for public relations as opposed to French
which is said to be official language of communication inside the military.
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7.4.1. Private sector domains
It must be mentioned that the overwhelming presence of France in Cameroon is
most felt in the economic domain of the private sector where huge French investments
announce themselves wherever they are through the crushing use of French. The situation
has forced other companies from purely English-speaking giants such as the United
States of America, Britain, South Africa, Nigeria, etc. to use French exclusively at their
business locations in English-speaking regions of Cameroon because they would be less
competitive in product labelling and marketing effectiveness if they used English. This
practice is encouraged by the fact that Anglophones neither protest agianst such English
relegation nor be in the position to stop it. Photographs 39 and 40 below illustrate typical
filling stations in the English-speaking town of Bamenda belonging to the French oil
company, elf, and the American oil company, Mobil.
39
40
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These images show the same pattern of language usage portrayed at filling stations in
other English- and French-speaking regions. A visitor to the Mobil gas station can’t help
it but wonder why an American company would present and market its product
exclusively in French in a region where English is both the dominant and the first official
language.
However, just a few metres away from these French-dominated filling stations,
Texaco, (photograph 41 below), another American oil company, posts all information
around its filling station in English. In French-speaking regions where Texaco is quite
competitive, one may find information posted exclusively in English or in both English
and French (see image 27 of chapter 6 that shows language use at a Texaco gas station in
Douala in the French-speaking region).
Photograph 42 shows a different type of business activity in the economic
domain. A French-speaking artist who runs this art shop in the English-speaking town of
Bamenda attempts to name it in English by making a word-for-word translation of French
Création d’art et gallerie or gallery in English, a common business activity in
Francohone regions. The result is what is found at the top of photograph 42. Worse, the
same artist, taking ‘art’ to mean only drawing and painting (two specialties of the
business activity available in this shop), attempts to announce a different specialization –
sculpture - which is also available in this shop. Thus, he adds handicraft shop, yet I could
not find any such handicraft activity as embroidery or pottery, etc. available in the shop,
and there was no evidence showing that such activity had been available in the past or
that it will be in the future.
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41
43
42
44
45
In photographs 43 and 44, two Francophone fishmongers run shops in the
Anglophone towns, Bamenda and Buea, and name them in French as, S. A. (Société
Anonime) Poissonerie Populaire and Poissonerie du mont Cameroun. Even though they
endeavour to provide some English version of their notices, e. g., the part of the notice in
photograph 43 regarding the prices of the different types of fish available, the names of
the various types of fish are given only in French – maquereaux, machoiron, bar,
daurade, capitain, liche, hake, sompatte, pageot, tessegal, corbine, brochette, quarangue,
etc. The other fishmonger gives the English version of the appellation of his shop as cold
store, thereby misleading the public into believing that not only fish but various foods are
preserved and sold there.
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Photograph 45 depicts a typical instance of French-dominated signboards which
can be found in every nook and cranny of the country. It illustrates how the national
electricity corporation, which has both its name and acronym in French, posts its
signboards and notices everywhere in the country. In fact, it is interesting how effective
this frenchification process is, for, the most illiterate Cameroonian in the most remote
area of the country calls the corporation SONEL: Société Nationale d’Eléctricité du
Cameroun. Many Anglophones are appointed into high positions in this corporation,
though, but that does not cause a change of its appellation or its acronym. Worse, since
2001, the corporation has been privatised and it is currently managed by an American
energy expert group. Yet, the acronym of the appellation of the corporation has only been
slightly altered to AES-SONEL: Applied Energy Service-SONEL.
However, there are quite many English-dominated notices in government domains
in the English-speaking regions as shown in photograph 46 below. Like in the Frenchspeaking regions, a kind of letterhead format provides information at the top of the
signboard including the name of the country as well as its flag. The practice is the routine
within official domains in Cameroon. This section, according to the bilingual policy
within government’s domains, must have a French and an English version. It is the case
with the following notice, but the information which warrants the posting of the notice,
Intensive Vocational Training Centre for Office Employees (I. V. T. C.) appears only in
English. However, these types of notices are restricted to the Anglophone areas and are
not widespread in the Francophone areas like in the contrary case.
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46
7.5. Bilingual notices showing inequality in formatting and letter sizes
This concerns information in notices which have English and French versions but
the French versions are consistently placed above the English versions. In other words,
we have moved away from notices posted only in one of the official languages, and we
have to do here with notices posted, at least, in the two languages. Still, there happens to
be some portrayal of an inadvertent disdainful and disparaging attitude. But such a
situation seems to consistently befall English, thereby betraying some negative attitude
towards it. In form, the French texts are written in bigger letters and are placed above the
English versions. It is a widespread practice within government domains and in the
private sector in French-speaking regions. One may, from an overview, have the
impression that this particular practice does not pose a problem. It is even apparent that
the practice abounds in both the Anglophone and Francophone regions, due to the fact
that each region tends to write notices first in the dominant official language of its region,
that is, English above, French below in Anglophone regions and French above, English
below in Francophone regions. But the fact that the situation in photograph 47 is rampant
only in French-speaking regions betrays some apathy for English among Francophones.
One alarming example is shown at the National Assembly building shown in photograph
47 below. Photograph 48 is representative of many others of its kind.
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7.5.1. Government’s domains
47
48
7.6. Balanced presentation of information
This concerns notices posted in government domains and which are written in
French and in English with equal fonts, equal formatting, equal juxtaposition of the two
versions without placing one above and the other below. Quite few of them exist,
especially in the French-speaking regions, even though I found one example in Yaounde.
In the English-speaking region, a little more effort to do it in this balanced manner can be
noticed (see photograph 49 below). Note a medial separating line and the colour
distribution which are suggestive of a positive attitude toward viewing and treating the
two languages as equal. This example also indicates a determination to implement the
policy in such a manner which reflects that equality. However, the notice in photograph
50 still suggests that someone with a French background translated the text singlehandedly.
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Consequently, Délégation Provinciale du Centre is poorly translated as Provincial
Delegation of the Center whereas it would have been acceptable within the Cameroon
context to read Centre Provincial Delegation or Provincial Delegation for the Centre as
shown in the example of the North West Province in photograph 49. I hardly found any
such notices in the formal milieus of the private sector.
49
50
7.7. Bilingual notices showing italicisation of the English version
This category of notices shows official information written in English and in
French in government’s domains but the French versions are placed above and are
written in bigger letters while the English versions are placed below and are italicised.
Even though some of these practices may be considered inadvertent, the italicisation of
English versions within government, especially regarding the presentation of official
information in documents as well as in public notices, seeks to conform to the die-hard
desire among the Francophone ruling elite to discredit and relegate English by making it
appear unofficial in many practical and functional official situations.
51
52
53
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Several supporting facts exist, three of which Anglophones frequently stress in
their claims about their linguistic and cultural subjugation: 1) previous constitutional
provisions until 1984 (references provided in introductory chapters) stipulating that if
conflicts of interpretation of any article in the constitution arise, only the French version
would be authentic; 2) decrees and official Acts are never drafted nor published in
English, they are drafted, published and filed in the archives in French while
government’s translators (in their varying qualifications, experiences, linguistic
specializations, and political leanings) later on translate them into English; 3) in the lone
government-controlled media, these laws must exclusively be presented on radio first and
only during the daily French news broadcasts at 13H. 00 given those official news hours
in French are intentionally scheduled to come before their English counterparts (i. e.
French, 06H. 00, 13H. 00, 20H. 00; English, 07H. 00, 15H. 00, 22H. 00).
English news broadcasts coming later on with the translated versions of these laws
are, thus, legally if not practically redundant. The direct consequence is that
Francophones almost never listen to or watch English news broadcasts on radio or
television while Anglophones increasingly develop apathy for English news broadcast,
preferring the French version. Worse, the English versions of laws are hardly ever filed in
the official archives consequent on the fact that they are not equally considered official
and circulated as their French versions. Italicisation of information has therefore been
adopted in many government offices as a strategy to differentiate the two official
languages whenever they are used on official documents. Still, the effect of the strategy
makes an observer interprete the situaton as suggestive of the unofficial status of English
in official notices and in documents.
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7.8. English notices in Anglophone regions bearing interfering French items
The following notices in photographs 54 and 55 show the situation in Anglophone
regions where English versions bear French words or other items, thereby betraying the
fact that such notices were drafted single-handedly by someone with a French
background, and whose competence in English is wanting.
Such practices are portrayed in official and private sector milieus. Note the
presence of the French item Mars - March in the notice in photograph 54. A similar
example is Omo active plus - ultra-effective omo, in the English version of the
information posted at the top of the notice in photograph 55. It is culled from the French
version appearing as mousse active plus found in the red frame at the middle of the omo
detergent packet advertised. Even though there is an attempt to advertise the detergent in
English as the white powder with blue grains!, the specific information which warranted
the advertisement, that is, ultra-foamy quality and reinforced efficiency of the product,
appears only in French as efficacité renforcée, mousse active plus, plus efficace pour une
lessive vraiment impeccable.
government domains
private domains
54
55
Some people have argued that the advertisement only meant to reproduce the
visual form of the product as the client would find it at the market place. However, the
client is compelled to make an active and a psychological linguistic adjustment inasmuch
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as the product must be seen as it is. Moreover, the labelling of the product speaks much
about the status of English in the industry if an English-speaking client must see it as it is.
7.9. Bilingual notices containing poor translation of the English versions
Texts in this category illustrate information presented in French and in English but
the English versions carry poor and faulty translations. These poor translations do not
only betray the fact that someone with a French background and little competence in
English tried his hand at translating from French into English; they also illustrate the fact
that in Cameroon, owing to the interplay of favouritism, nepotism and corruption, many
of these duties end up in the hands of unqualified persons who have little experience in
the domain. The situation is indicative of a careless and disdainful attitude towards
English and Anglophones, especially as many of these notices are posted in Englishspeaking regions and are directed at the attention of Anglophones.
7.9.1. Official domains
56
57
58
59
60
61
Note the size of the English version in the notice in photograph 56 compared to its
French version; the spellings of the words center and publics in the same English version.
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As in photograph 50 above, center could be accepted as an instance of the influence of
American English (AmE) which is quite common and acceptable in usage in Cameroon.
Then, what about the spelling of publics and other similar instances? What about
consistency in the use of AmE or other to reflect the prescriptions of the Terminology
Bulletin published by government? Note, too, the use of the variants energy and power in
the English version. These are two separate signboards of the same government Ministry
which portray variation in the English version of the information posted. Besides, the
official appellation of this Ministry, according to the official Terminology Bulletin
published by the Presidency of the Republic, is Ministry of Mines, Water Resources and
Power. Yet, ‘Resources’ does not appear in the English version of the notice. Note, still,
the translation of the information in photograph 60 given in French in the first rectangle
on the right hand side, concerts, théâtre, expos. It is translated in the rectangle directly
opposite as live musical concerts. The information regarding theatre and exhibition is
clearly omitted. This is in contrast to the notice in photograph 59 as the same notice in a
different town portrays an exemplary presentation and translation of the information.
Photograph 61 shows the advertisement of the state-run lottery Pari Mutuel Urbain
Camerounais, PMUC, which has no English appellation. An attempt to advertise the
different lottery options, Tiercé, Quarté+, Couplé, in French and in English appears as
Tu me fais gagner and You make me to win respectively. The grammatical state of the
English version is not standard; it is not even common in CamE. It is simply incorrect.
7.10. The use of abbreviations and acronyms in notices
There is a tradition in Cameroon to use an abbreviation or an acronym rather than
the appellation of a place, premises or location. Information in a notice may be provided
386
together with abbreviations and acronyms, but reference would frequently be made to the
abbreviations and acronyms. The following photographs show notices posted in both
languages or simply using abbreviations and acronyms. However, the abbreviations and
acronyms chosen are French, but none is provided in English. The practice can be found
in both Francophone and Anglophone regions in official and private sector domains.
7.10.1 Government domains in French-speaking and English-speaking regions
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
The locations shown in images 63, 67, 73, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83a and 83b below
are found in Anglophone regions. The rest are posted in Francophone regions. Image 62
shows the national electricity corporation named in French as Société Nationale
d’Eléctricité, SONEL. It 63 shows the urban lands management corporation whose
French appellation and acronym are Mission d’Aménagement et d’Entretient des Terrains
Urbains, MAETUR. 64 shows the regional tax office, a division of the Ministry of the
Economy and Finance known in French as Ministère de l’Economie et des Finances,
MINEFI. Image 65 illustrates the acronym used in place of its name by the state-owned
insurance company known in French as Assurance Mutuelle et Ammeublement du
Cameroun, AMACAM. 66 shows the premises and the acronoym used to refer to the
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national social insurance fund known in French as Caisse Nationale de Prévoyance
Sociale, C.N.P.S. 67 represents the regional office in the Anglophone region, Buea, of the
Ministry of National Education named in French as Ministère de l’Education Nationale,
MINEDUC. 68 shows the national institute for training in demographic research known
in French as Institute de Formation et de Recherche Démographique, I F O R D.
69
78
70
72
73
75
76
71
74
79
77
80
Photograph 69 shows the national investment corporation called in French Société
Nationale d’Investissement, SNI. Image70 stands for the French CNR, Caisse Nationale
de Rassurance or national insurance readjustment fund. 71 is the acronym for Ministère
388
de l’Elevage, de Pêche, et de l’Industrie Animale, MINEPIA or Ministry of Fisheries
animal husbandry. Image73 shows the acronym for Compagnie Nationale d’Assurance,
CNA. Image 74 shows the acronym for Ministry of public investment and regional
development. 77 and 82 are acronyms referring to the local government training centre
known in French as Centre de Formation pour l’Administration Municipale, CEFAM. 78
illustrates the acronym used for the French appellation Société des Presses et d’Edition
du Cameroun, SOPECAM which is the National Press and Editing company. Image79
shows the national headquarters of the bank of central African states. 80 indicates the
national school of administration and magistracy known in French as Ecole Nationale
d’Administration et de Magistrature, ENAM.
81
83a
82
83b
Image 81 shows a balanced bilingual notice in the Anglophone town, Bamenda,
showing the regional office of national syndicate of drivers. But its acronym appears only
in French as SYNACAC representing Syndicat National des Chauffeurs Au Cameroun.
83a and 83b are meant to show that the encroachment of French in Anglophone regions is
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becoming abusive. The two Anglophone provinces, South West and North West, each
have an institution created in each region by indigenous people, and legalised by
government to serve as a self-development agency for each region. Thus, only
Anglophones, who are natives of each region, work in the agency in charge of their
respective area. However, note the French acronym given to the North West agency as
MIDENO: Mission de Dévelopement du Nord Ouest. It contrasts with the situation in 83a
which has an English acronym and appellation before normally providing the French
appellation.
7.11. Bilingual notices in Anglophone regions with English versions placed above
In this category, notices are posted in the two languages, English and French. But
in the Anglophone areas, such information is given in a format such that the English
versions appear above while the French versions appear below. It seems to betray a
feeling and a tendency to settle scores with the habit displayed in French-speaking
regions. In a way, the practice seems to conform to the belief that the dominant language
of each region should be given the priority of place.
As mentioned in categories two and three above, each language community seems
to post notices beginning with the dominant official language of its region. It would not
be so much of a problem if the practice ended at this somewhat preferential level, and
was maintained as such in each region. It becomes unacceptable when the practice has a
one way track: moving only from the Francophone to the Anglophone regions with such
a rampant consistency. Even if a fair competition were allowed, the incidence of French
notices in the Anglophone regions would always be far greater than the spread of English
notices in the Francophone regions. This, for the simple reason that French dominance in
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the operational systems of almost every official and private domain – legal, educational,
health, administrative, military, economic, etc., - rather makes it easier for Anglophones
to become used to accommodating French than for Francophones to accommodate
English notices in Francophone regions.
The following photographs depict notices which display a preference for English
in Anglophone regions just as the reverse is true of the Francophone areas.
7.11.1. English versions above, French versions below in Anglophone regions
84
85
87
90
88
91
86
89
92
391
93
96
94
97
95
98
7.11.2. French versions above, English versions below in Anglophone regions
The following notices depict how rampant the preference for French in official
domains in Anglophone regions is. Photographs 99 and 100 show the use of the official
languages in road signals in Anglophone regions. Note in 99 the position of the two
versions: French above, English below. Note, too, the letter sizes, the machine-made
quality of the French version compared to the handmade quality of the English version. It
suggests that the road signal was made only in French before it was realised later on how
far-reaching the implications could be. Then, a handmade English version was hastily
posted as an attachment. Image 100 depicts a situation whereby Anglophones, who
noticed and considered the practice in photograph 99 as disparaging the status of English,
show their protest by blotting out the French version. At other places, these French
versions are either scraped or obliterated. Anglophones at Mutengene, the Englishspeaking region where these road signals appear, even complain that the machine-made
392
French versions sparkle at night and thus are more visible than the hand-written English
versions when driving in the night. However, I did not have the occasion at night to
verify the claim. The following images illustrate the claim and other notices posted in
premises of government offices in English-speaking regions.
99
101
104
100
102
103
150
393
106
107
7.12. Government domains: French above, English below in Francophone regions
The opposite of the practice of preferring English versions in notices in
Anglophone regions takes place here. French versions are preferred in Francophone
areas, even though otherwise, these notices – in Francophone and Anglophone regions would be considered near exemplary for their just choice of letter sizes, and colour
distinguishing techniques.
108
111
109
110
112
113
394
114
115
117
120
118
121
116
119
122
7.13. Ideal use of neutral acronyms
This category illustrates an ideal selection of neutral acronyms by some
government domains which could be considered the example to be emulated. Such
acronyms show a balance between the two languages in the sense that the full
appellations in the two languages can fit in them.
395
7.13.1. Government domains
123
124
125
Image 123 shows the acronym MINPOSTEL which can both stand for MINistry of
POSt and TELecommunications in English, and for MINistère des POStes et
TELécommunications in French. Image 124 shows MINAGRI which can represent
MINistry of AGRIculture in English, and MINistère de l’AGRIculture in French.
Similarly, in image 125, Camtel can stand for Cam--eroon tel--Ecommunications
Corporation in English and for Cam--eroun tel--ecommunications s.a.
7.14. Summary
The forgoing discussion has presented visual evidence for the arguments in this
study regarding the disparagement of the status of English in varying subtle ways within
official and private domains. Some of the images have illustrated that the functions of
English are inadvertently restricted in some official domains as it is taken for granted that
everyone speaks French. It has also been shown that due to the concentration of
government offices in French-speaking regions where the practice is rampant and the fact
that official decisions are initiated in these regions, some Anglophones ignorantly copy
the practice and try to restrict the use of French in the Anglophone regions. One thing
remains: many of these notices reflect the mindset and show the scale of prestige for
English in such minds.
396
However, on the whole, there are many indicators emanating from the
international power and prestige of English that show that English has established firm
ground as a language that matters in Cameroon and in the Central African sub-region – it
has come to stay. These indicators – adding to the international utility of English as the
language of science and technology, trade, tourism, internet, international caucuses –
include, the involvement of Cameroon in the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline project with heavy
American funding; American involvement in the development of the Limbe and Kribi
deep seaports, exploration and exploitation of offshore petroleum; Francophones
suddenly (but feverishly) learning English for the American Diversity Visa lottery and for
TOEFL requirements for their admissions into U.S. academic institutions. Also,
privatization options have brought into Cameroon English-speaking countries that
operate in varying domains, e.g., Malaysia having bought the rubber and plant
corporation, Hevetas in Nyete, Kribi; South Africa having taken over management of
Cameroon’s railway corporation, CAMRAIL, and opened the largest mobile telephone
network, MTN (Mobile Telephone Network); USA having bought most shares in the
Cameroon electricity corporation, SONEL (now AES-SONEL or Aplied Energy
Service).
It is worth noting that Nigeria is not only an English-speaking giant in the
neighbourhood; she is also the largest country that has opted to learn French after
English. Such a move draws Nigeria nearer to all her French-speaking neighbours in the
Central and West African sub-regions including Cameroon. Educational exchanges with
these countries send students to learn English in Nigeria while Nigerians learn French in
these Francophone countries. All these indicators have a significant impact on the
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ongoing widening needs and functions of English and shape an overwhelming perception
of English across the entire region.
398
8. Conclusion
This study has examined and described the policy and the implementation of
official bilingualism in Cameroon. The focus has been the status of English as a joint
official language. In the investigation, I have evaluated the de facto postion of English in
terms of prestige and stigma, specifically in two major domains whose scope of activities
covers almost all of what may be called government circles in the country. These
domains are the military (including the police) and public administration (involving
several government ministries and para-statal companies).
My immediate aim has been to determine the description and the nature of the
implementation of official language bilingualism, in order to find explanations for the
persistent disparaging attitudes towards English in public domains, which many linguists
have described so far in vague and, sometimes, conflicting suppositions. In describing
language behaviour that is directly linked to such complex language-external factors as
culture, identity, and ethnicity, vague authorial suppositions have so far only tried, with
restricted real insights though, to tell the story of respondents they should have listened
to. Also, these authors have not adequately illustrated their own views on the language
situations they have attempted to describe.
The tendency in previous works on Cameroon’s official language bilingualism has
been to re-state the government’s view and mission of ‘promoting’ the official languages
mainly in the education system and out-of-school language teaching programmes
(Bamgbose 1991) without questioning or critically assessing how such ‘promotion’ ties
in with or departs from Fishman’s Great Tradition at the national level to implement the
policy decisions formulated. Besides, many authors have succumbed to the temptation of
equating school bilingualism and its short-term (mis) fortunes with the promotion of a
399
national language policy. Thus they fail to explore the complex interface between these
two spheres of language maintenance. Moreover, such authors have neither compared nor
contrasted the concepts of language in education and language in administration, nor
have they calibrated the practice of school bilingualism and the education system with the
models of Fishman’s great tradition mentioned earlier. The result has been the
overstatement of the achievements of school bilingualism in the country whereas the outof-school and, especially, the beyond-school situation, paint a much grimmer picture of
official language bilingualism. It has therefore been my conscious decision to concentrate
on the beyond-school experience (how and what one does with language after one leaves
school), which is actually the destination of school bilingualism. Thus the social context
of this study is centred on the use of English and French in public milieus as opposed to
the restricted formal school setting.
Chapter 1 of this study has presented a review of the literature, or the state of the
art in research on the global spread and entrenchment of English (1.3.), language status
(1.3.1.), language planning and language policy (1.3.2.), and language and attitudes
(1.3.3.). In this section, I have also attempted to measure the official language policy in
Cameroon against theoretical models. It has been found that language policy, to the
extent of basic language status decisions, exists. It was also found that consistent status
planning has never been practiced although many political intergration measures have
been taken and made to fill in the gaps. Status planning for the official languages would
address language ethnicity, cultural and identity differences between the two languages
that have threatened the political unity of the nation on several occasions in the past.
However, all of Bamgbose’s (1991: 110) characteristics of language policy problems in
400
African countires, i.e., avoidance of language policy formulation, arbitrariness,
declaration without implementation, etc., abound. Still, Fishman’s (1972) Great Tradition
at the national level in the promotion of language planning decisions remains to be
investigated, particularly for overt commitment, consistency, systematicity, and
grassroots change.
Further, section 1.4. has provided the general sociolinguistic background to the
use of English in Cameroon as an illustration of the types of circumstances which make
up the politics of English in the developing world but particularly the situations which
determine the statuses and roles of English in the postcolonial periphery. In Cameroon,
the factors discussed in that section play a central role in shaping the scenario in official
domains that puts English in a difficult position to compete with French, CamP, and
indigenous languages.
I have attempted an alternative approach to the study of the status of English,
which consists in provisionally withholding my own limited and potentially biased views
by giving my respodents the priority to describe the meanings of their lived experiences
regarding the issues under investigation. These are actors who have experienced at first
hand and for decades, those attitudes or language behaviours linked to culture, identity,
and ethnicity. In other words, I have given my respondents the frontline position in the
assessment and description of the status of English according to the meanings of their
lived experiences (Schwandt 1997) with official bilingualism. These experiences are
associated particularly with using English in a situation of language competition
(Wardaugh 1987) and language conflict as a result of French linguicism (Phillipson 1992)
or contrived “linguistic glottophagie” (Calvet 1987).
401
My methodological approach consists in generating empirical qualitative data to
investigate and explain psychosocial issues such as (language) attitudes – a key element
in determining language status. In generating such data, I have given due consideration to
the premise that when reporting the meanings of the lived experiences of informants, and
the impact of these meanings on their personalities or identities, we have to ‘listen’ to
them. Thus phenomenology has been basically applied in this investigation with a closer
leaning towards the perspective of symbolic interactionism (Creswell 1998, Moustakas
1994). Thus in chapter 3, I have explained the qualitative approach used in my
investigation. By integrating photography and aspects of content analysis, I have
suggested a methodological triangulation which offers an alternative basis for
determining the status of English in official situations in Cameroon. Besides, this
methodological alternative follows chapter 2, in which I have reviewed previous related
studies, e.g. Wolf (2001), Echu & Grundstrom (1999), etc. These studies (2.0.) have been
compared with, but also differrentiated from my examination of the issues common to
them. Previous studies have made great contributions to the on-going debate on the
sociolinguistic situation in Cameroon. However, my work differs from these works in
terms of its methodological approach and the type of data used to illustrate my
arguments. It is in this respect that the present work is expected to contribute to the study
of, and the debate on the spread and situation of English in sub-Saharan Africa.
In chapter 4 and 5, I have turned to qualitative surveys that report the experiences
of Cameroonians (Francophones and Anglophones), who have experienced bilingualism
and particularly the use of English in official domains. By surveying the military
domains, including the army, gendarmerie, and the police, I have confronted and made an
402
unprecedented empirical attempt to unveil and demystify a domain positively feared,
further mystified, yet taken for granted by researchers in the country. Thus it will
certainly not surprise many that one finding of my investigation is the overwhelming
involvement of the French military – armed forces – in those of African countries in
general and that of Cameroon in particular. But details in this work regarding their de
facto involvement in terms of financial support, technical assistance, educational
exchanges and training will stun many a person who previously took the issue for
granted. These details also underscore the extent of French military interference with the
processes of socio-economic and sociopolitical change in African governments under the
guise of a reformed diplomacy of co-operation and defence. But it will also be quite
interesting to many a person to learn of an overwhelming interest in English among
senior officers and the rank and file, although this interest reflects more of an
instrumental than an integrative motivation. Further, I have highlighted the finding that
there is an indirect rather than a direct link between French interests in Cameroon and the
relegation of English in official domains. The link involves the overwhelming presence
of the French military in those of African countries that engenders the direct dominance
of French in these African military forces owing to the varying dimensions of
involvement stated above. To illustrate these assessments, section 4.2.1. presents
respondents’ reports on the different statuses of English in the military. These views
include transcribed interviews recorded as discussed in chapter 3. The recognition that
prevails among the different categories of the military, except the gendarmerie, is that
“English is like the last departing train of the day, and it is up to anyone who does not
want to be left behind to take a seat in one of its wagons” (Ewane, Ewane, Commandant
403
de Brigade, personal communication in Yaounde, February 2002). However, respondents
have reported that the variables discussed in section 1.4. define a policy of French
dominance, if not monopoly in Cameroon’s military. In this regard, respondents,
including Francophones, denounce what they have referred to as language subjugation.
This involves the overt avoidance, restriction or relegation of English to the sidelines of
military duties in spite of the declared need for it expressed among the rank and file.
Besides, the latter have cited the recent Cameroon-Nigeria armed conflict over the
Bakassi Peninsula, and several UN peace-keeping tasks abroad where knowledge of
English becomes a determinant factor for command as illustrative cases in point.
Further, civil personnel have been surveyed regarding their experience of the
bilingual policy, and their experience with English in public administrative duties. Again,
it has been reported that the preference of a dominant French-styled administrative
system and procedures by political will and decision makers forces even the most faithful
speakers of English to speak French in the end. This reality makes citizens on both sides
of the linguistic divide in the country dispise and consider English as unnecessary or as a
redundant and secondary official language. Worse, a dominance of Francophones in
public positions pragmatically leads to a French monopoly for reasons which on the
surface at least are merely practical as ‘everyone tries to speak French and gain time and
progress.’
In chapter 6, I have backed up the survey responses in chapter 4 with an anlysis of
public records, which in empirical research stand out as evidence in evaluating
participant action. In presenting these documents in their original forms, formats and
contents, the reader is in a better position to compare the meanings of informants’
404
experiences, their views on language use in general in public domains, and also the
background variables discussed in section 1.4. Again, the main argument and position
that runs through chapter 5 is that the disparagement or relegation of English in official
documents is for the most part inadvertent. However, to a lesser extent, two factors
illustrate a deliberate indirect strategy to restrict the functions of English: the preference
of French administrative procedures even in English-speaking regions, and the restriction
of English-speaking personnel from public offices and in influencial or decision-making
positions. Wherever this is the case, it legitimates the argument that English is an
afterthought, or an unnecessary appendage in official domains. The larger picture shows
evidences of the ideological claim that Anglophones, or those who speak English,
constitute a linguistic and demograpic minority; hence, they are only getting what they
deserve. When this belief is established, English is perceived and treated as a secondary
rather than an equal official laguage to French in the de facto day-to-day official
functions.
If the relegation of English to marginal status in written communication has
transcended into private domains, it follows that there is a structured habit deriving from
a situation of language accommodation. Usage in official documents denotes the fact that
French is the de facto first or preferred or more prestigious official language. A similar
usage in the private sector domains denotes not only the dominance of French but also
the accommodation of the practice outside public domains on account of the numeric
imbalance between the speakers of French and English and, most importantly, the
pragmatic advantage of speaking French. The later part of chapter 5 is devoted to
depicting this French-tuned habit in the society. Thus a variety of circumstances have
405
been pictorially illustrated showing the nature of the competition between the two
languages.
It is my hope therefore that this work will contribute another step to the
understanding of the de facto status of English, and the official language policy in
Cameroon in the scope chosen. However, a further understanding is possible if the
following issues are further investigated:
•
current language management measures need to be studied within the
frame of status planning and prestige planning or within the wider
perspectives of language planning in multilingual settings.
•
Such studies need to be complemented with applied linguistic research to
improve existing language planning practices;
•
a new and more detailed empirical sociolinguistic survey of urban centres
is necessary to determine new patterns of language contact and
bilingualism, attitudes, and linguistic communication more than twentyfive years after Koenig et al. (1983);
•
further research is needed on English in the educational domain where
there are changing fortunes for the language.
406
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& Literatures 27). 133-145. New York: Peter Lang.
____ 1995. Le Bilinguisme Français-Anglais: Une Option Lourde de Conséquence en
Republic du Cameroun. Epasa Moto (A Bilingual Journal of Language, Letters
and Culture), University of Buea, 1(2): 123-139.
____ 1989. Reflexions on Social Implications of Bilingualism in the Republic of
Cameroon. Annals of the Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, University of
Yaounde, 5 (2): 16-34.
437
____ 1986. Some Aspects of Bilingual Education in Cameroon. Annals of the Faculty of
Letters and Social Sciences, University of Yaounde, 2 (2): 117- 134.
____ 1985. Psychological Implications of Bilingual Education in the Republic of
Cameroon. FAKO (Journal of Language and Literary Studies), 1 (1): 140-169.
438
10. APPENDIXES
Appendix 1: List of Martyrs
NAME
Zachary Abendong
Augustine Ngom Jua
Sylvester K. Kilo
George (Driver with The Nursing School
in Bamenda)
DATE
REMARKS
1963
Mr.Abendong (24), Secretary General of the KNDP party and
the youngest elected deputy in the Federal Republic of Cameroon
was killed in 1963 in Bafang, East Cameroon on his way to
Bamenda for the KNDP convention. The Bamileke freedom
fighters of the UPC mistakenly gunned down the young
University graduate and political scientist, thinking he was J. N.
Foncha whom they wanted dead for his association with
Amadou Ahidjo. No one was ever convicted for his death.
1977
The former West Cameroon Prime Minister and Finance Minister
was dismissed from office by Ahmadou Ahidjo in January 1968.
He later vehemently opposed S. T. Muna and J. N. Foncha for
condoning Ahidjo's gradual assimilation of West Cameroon. He
threatened to run against Ahidjo for Cameroon President at the
CNU Party Conference in Bafoussam. He was poisoned on
Ahidjo's orders and died shortly afterwards.
1978
Mr. Kilo, a prominent and successful Southern Cameroonian
businessman fought hard to introduce free market economy in
francophone Cameroon. As Senior Vice President of
the Cameroon Chamber of Commerce he convinced his
francophone colleagues to open the Cameroonian economy so
other countries could compete with France. He was reportedly
killed (poisoned) on instructions from the French Government
along with the President of the Chamber of Commerce, after they
negotiated and signed an agreement with Japanese car makers to
import Japanese cars directly to Cameroon without passing
through France, thus stopping the manipulation of car import
quotas to favour French car manufacturers. The agreements were
voided after their deaths.
1983
A francophone policeman shot George as he was walking to his
home in Bamenda. In the riots that protested his shooting, two
other civilians were shot and killed. No one was ever tried for
these deaths.
1985
Lt. Takwa, of the Cameroon army was reportedly very vocal in
denouncing the ill treatment of Anglophone civilians by the
francophone dominated military. He was shot and killed in
Kimbo, his hometown by Corporal Amajam, a francophone
gendarme when he stepped in to stop the beating of a pregnant
civilian lady by Corporal Amajam. It was reported that his
execution was on orders from his superiors, but this was never
proven because Corporal Amajam was never charged and tried
for this crime.
May 24, 1990
Father Fontegh a Catholic priest and Principal of Saint
Augustine's College Nso, Bui Division, was murdered in his
house for refusing to allow the government to conduct a
sterilisation exercise on his female students. This exercise was
conducted only in the Southern Cameroons and affected women
in the age group 15-45. The main culprit arrested and charged
with his death, died in jail. He maintained he was not involved
in Rev. Fontegh's death and intimated that his death was on
orders from government administrators in Kimbo, Bui Division.
May 26, 1990
Gendarmes killed these Southern Cameroons citizens after the
peaceful and successful launching of the Social Democratic Front
(SDF) political party in Bamenda. No one has ever been
prosecuted for these killings.
2 Others (Names Unknown)
Lt. Sebastian Takwa
Rev. Father Fontegh
Fidelis
Jatob
Chosi
Mankam,Nfon
Edwin
Tifuh Mathias Teboh,Juliette Sikod
Asanji Christopher,Toje Evaristus
439
Clement Wacho alias Sule
April 13, 1991
These six (6) Southern Cameroonians were shot and killed by
gendarmes in Kimbo, Bui Division for peacefully protesting the
closure of public water taps by SNEC, the government owned
water utility. The protesters were angry because the water system
was constructed on a grant from the Canadian Government
(through Dr. Bernard Nsokika Fonlon), with help from all
Kimbo residents. No one was ever tried for these deaths.
June 6, 1992
These Southern Cameroonian citizens were shot and killed by
francophone Gendarmes in Ndu market, Donga-Mantung
Division in a government sweep to collect taxes. Even though the
leaders of the perpetrators Corporals Koulou and Ibrahim were
known, they were never tried for these deaths.
December 10, 1992
These Southern Cameroonians were bombed in their fishing boat
in Bota Island, Victoria by gendarmes from a helicopter that was
implementing "operation dorade" in an effort to stop good
imports from Nigeria and derail the successful boycott of French
goods that was led by the SDF party. No one was ever tried for
these deaths.
Cyprian Ndifor
December 1993
Youth Secretary, Futru parish, was assassinated in Bamenda. No
one was ever convicted for his death.
Ebenezer Nforne Tamanfor
December 15, 1995
A taxi driver, Mr Tamanfor was gunned down by a francophone
gendarme in Nsoh, Bawum, Bafut because he refused to give him
a bribe. The officer was never charged with a crime.
Joseph Abongwa
June 5, 1996
Mr Abongwa was shot dead by a francophone gendarme in
Manda, Futru Nkwen, Bamenda. The gendarme officer was never
charged with his death.
Joseph Wirsungnin
Ignatius (11-year-old)
4 Others (Un-named)
Ta-Shey Joseph Yongla,Glory Ngeh
Anthony Tangiri,Njeta Hilary Bantar
David Manjong,9-month-old-baby (unnamed)
Samuel Kojji,
Atinka Ababis
Emmanuel Konseh , Matthias Ngum
Joseph Ndifon,Richard Ngwa ,Julius
1997 - 1999
Ngwa ,Samuel Tita ,Mathias Gwei
Daniel Tita, Lawrence Fai, Patrick
Yimbu
These ten (10) Southern Cameroonians were arrested in March
1997 after attacks on government installations in Bui, Mezam and
Momo divisions of the Southern Cameroons. They were held
without charge with other comrades, and tortured for over two
years, within which period they were extra-judicially executed.
Culled from For You Who Died So The Southern Cameroons Might Live… (SCNC 2000:
1-4). 179
179
The number of “Martyrs” shown above for the periods 1990 to 1993 is only representative for reasons of space, the
number for the period 2000-2003 is also left out. The high numbers during the period 1990-1993 may be explained
partly by unprecedented government crack down measures including a state of emergency in Bamenda. It is a response
to an ever-rising resolution among Anglophones to achieve self-determination and sovereignty.
440
Appendix 2 A: Administrative map of Cameroon
441
Appendix 2 B: Map of Africa showing Cameroon
442
Appendix 3 A : Sample military questionnaire (French version)
QUESTIONNAIRE A
Je suis un chercheur qui s’intéresse aux langues et à leur usage au sein des forces de
l’ordre camerounaise (les corps d’armée, de police, de gendarmerie et de sécurité
présidentielle). Je vous prie de bien vouloir cocher la réponse qui vous semble la plus
appropriée à chacune des questions posées. Peut-être serait – il utile de parcourir
tout le questionnaire avant d’y apporter vos réponses.
Lieu et date :
a) informations personnelles
Etes – vous
‫ ٱ‬du corps de l’armée
‫ ٱ‬Policier
‫ ٱ‬Gendarme
‫ ٱ‬Membre de la garde présidentielle
b) Quelle est votre province d’origine ?
‫ ٱ‬Sud
‫ ٱ‬Sud - Ouest ‫ ٱ‬Adamaoua
‫ ٱ‬Nord
‫ ٱ‬Est
‫ ٱ‬Littoral
‫ ٱ‬Nord Ouest
‫ ٱ‬Extrême - Nord
‫ ٱ‬Ouest
‫ ٱ‬Centre
c) Etes - vous
‫ ٱ‬Anglophone
‫ ٱ‬Francophone
d) Quel est votre lieu de service et quel rang y occupez –vous ?
‫ ٱ‬Lieu_______________ ‫ ٱ‬rang dans l’armée_______________________
e) Où avez- vous été formé ?
‫ ٱ‬Au Cameroun. Si au Cameroun précisez le lieu ___________________
‫ ٱ‬Au Nigeria
‫ ٱ‬En Grande Bretagne
‫ ٱ‬Ailleurs. Précisez où __________________________________________
f) Depuis combien d’années êtes – vous dans l’armée ?
‫ ٱ‬1 à 5 ans
‫ ٱ‬10 à 15 ans
‫ ٱ‬20 à 25 ans
‫ ٱ‬5 à 10 ans
‫ ٱ‬15 à 20 ans
‫ ٱ‬Plus. Précisez
1. Le fait que le Cameroun ait le français et l’anglais comme langue officielle vous
plaît – il ?
‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
2 . Parlez – vous français et anglais?
‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
443
3. Quel est votre niveau de langue en français et en anglais ?
Anglais
Français
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Très bien
‫ ٱ‬Très bien
‫ ٱ‬Passable
‫ ٱ‬Passable
‫ ٱ‬Médiocre
‫ ٱ‬Médiocre
‫ ٱ‬Nul
‫ ٱ‬Nul
4. Lequel du français et de l’anglais parlez – vous et écrivez- vous très souvent à votre
lieu de service?
Parlé :
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
écrit : ‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
Justifiez votre réponse______________________________________________
5. Selon vous quelle est la langue la plus parlée au Cameroun ?
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Français
Pourquoi ? Cocher autant de réponses que cela vous semble nécessaire :
‫ ٱ‬Les soldats ne sont formés qu’en français
‫ ٱ‬La structure de l’armée camerounaise est calquée sur celle de la France
‫ ٱ‬La France coopère avec l’armée camerounaise et lui apporte une
assistance financière, mais elle n’aime pas travailler en anglais
‫ ٱ‬La plupart des responsables militaires occupant des postes de décision
sont des francophones qui trouvent qu’il est étrange de travailler en
anglais
‫ ٱ‬Autres raisons. Dites pourquoi ________________________________
________________________________________________________________
6. a) Arrive-t-il souvent à certains de vos collègues de vous parler / écrire en
anglais dans votre lieu de service ?
Parlé : ‫ ٱ‬Oui
écrit : ‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
‫ ٱ‬Non
b) Dans quelle langue est – ce que les documents sont rédigés dans votre
département ?
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Anglais et français
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Français suivi de la traduction en anglais
7. Dans quelle(s) langue(s) avez – vous été formé ?
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais et français
444
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Autres___________________________
8. A votre avis que se passerait - t - il si vous parliez ou écriviez uniquement à vos
collègues
en
anglais ?
Dites
pourquoi
___________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________
9. Dans quelle langue sont écrits les documents partant des départements anglophones de
l’armée pour les départements francophones et vice – versa ?
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
10. Dans quelle langue s’expriment les experts militaires français lorsqu’ils s’adressent
au personnel militaire des régions anglophones du Cameroun ?
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
11. Dans quelle langue vous exprimez – vous quand vous vous adressez à votre patron ?
Patron anglophone : ‫ ٱ‬Français
patron francophone : ‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Autres _______
‫ ٱ‬Autres ______
12. a) Si vous vous rencontriez le premier ministre actuel du Cameroun dans son
bureau en quelle langue lui parleriez – vous ? ‫ ٱ‬Anglais ‫ ٱ‬Français
Dites pourquoi____________________________________________________
b) Donner le nom de votre rang dans la langue choisie ____________________
c) S’il vous étiez donné de rencontrer le Président et le Premier Ministre du
Cameroun assis ensembles dans quelle langue leur parleriez – vous sans toutefois
‫ ٱ‬Français
vous adressez à eux individuellement. ‫ ٱ‬Anglais
d) Donnez le nom de votre rang dans la langue choisie ________________
Vous pouvez, si vous le désirez faire quelques commentaires sur l’usage du français
et de l’anglais au sein des forces de l’ordre camerounaises.
Merci pour votre contribution. ___________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________
445
Merci pour votre inestimable contribution
Ayafor Isaiah Munang.
Appendix 3 B : Sample military questionnaire (English Version)
QUESTIONNAIRE A
I am a researcher interested in languages and language usage in the Cameroon
military (army, police, gendarmerie, and Presidential Security Corps). Please fill in
whatever you personally feel to be the most appropriate answer to each question.
You may find it useful to read all the questions first and to answer them afterwards.
Thank you very much for helping.
Place and date:
Personal data:
a) Are you
‫ ٱ‬an army officer
‫ ٱ‬a gendarme
‫ ٱ‬a policeman
‫ ٱ‬a Presidential guard
b) Which is your province of origin?
‫ ٱ‬Centre
‫ ٱ‬North West
‫ ٱ‬South
‫ ٱ‬South West
‫ ٱ‬East
‫ ٱ‬Littoral
‫ ٱ‬Far North
‫ ٱ‬West
‫ ٱ‬North
‫ ٱ‬Adamawa
c) Are you
‫ ٱ‬Anglophone
‫ ٱ‬Francophone
d) Where do you work and what is your rank?
Where...............................
Rank in military..............................
e) Where were you trained?
‫ ٱ‬In Cameroon. Give name of place.......................................
‫ ٱ‬In France
‫ ٱ‬In Nigeria
‫ ٱ‬In Britain
‫ ٱ‬Other. Specify.......................................................................
f) How long have you been working in the military?
‫ ٱ‬1 to 5 years
‫ ٱ‬10 to 15 years
‫ ٱ‬20 to 25 years
‫ ٱ‬5 to 10 years
‫ ٱ‬15 to 20 years
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify..............
446
1. Do you like the fact that Cameroon has French and English as official
languages? ‫ ٱ‬Yes
‫ ٱ‬No
2. Do you speak French and English?
‫ ٱ‬Yes
‫ ٱ‬No
3. Indicate your ability in English and French.
English
French
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Very good
‫ ٱ‬Very good
‫ ٱ‬Average
‫ ٱ‬Average
‫ ٱ‬Poor
‫ ٱ‬Poor
‫ ٱ‬None
‫ ٱ‬None
4. Between English and French, which one do you speak and write more at your
work place?
‫ ٱ‬Speak: ‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬Write: ‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English
Give a reason for this.............................................................................................
……………………………………………………………………………………
5. a) According to you which language is the first language in the military?
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French
b) Why? Select as many answers as you find appropriate.
‫ ٱ‬The military are trained only in French
‫ ٱ‬The Cameroon military is structured as in France
‫ ٱ‬France provides funding and cooperates with the Cameroon military, but
the French do not like working in English.
‫ ٱ‬Most of the high-ranking officers who make decisions in the military are
Francophones and find it awkward to work in English.
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify..........................................................................................
6. a) Do any of your colleagues speak/write to you in English at your work place?
‫ ٱ‬Write: ‫ ٱ‬Yes
‫ ٱ‬Speak: ‫ ٱ‬Yes
‫ ٱ‬No
‫ ٱ‬No
b) In which language(s) are documents written in your department?
‫ ٱ‬English and French
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French and later translated into English
‫ ٱ‬French
7. a) Which language(s) was/were used during your training?
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English and French
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬Other...................................
b) Which language(s) was/were used more frequently?
447
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English and French
‫ ٱ‬Other......................................
8. In your opinion what happens if one speaks and writes to anyone in the military
only in English? Please explain................................................……
.................................................................................................................……..
…………………………………………………………………………………
9. In what language are documents from English-speaking military departments
to French-speaking parts and vice versa in Cameroon written?
From English-speaking parts:‫ ٱ‬French From French-speaking parts:‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬English
10. In which language do French military experts speak to military staff in Englishspeaking regions in Cameroon?
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English
11. Which language do you frequently use when speaking with your boss?
Anglophone boss:‫ ٱ‬French
Francophone boss:‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬Other..................
‫ ٱ‬Other………..
12. a) If you met the present Prime Minister of Cameroon in his office, what
language would you use to address him? ‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French
Why?................................................................................................................
b) Give the appellation of your rank as you would use it in that language.
........................................................................................................................
c) If you met the present Head of State and the present Prime Minister of Cameroon
sitting together, what language would you use to address both of them without
addressing each one separately? ‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French
Why?................................................................................................................
d) Give the appellation of your rank as you would use it in that language.
.........................................................................................................................
If you do not mind it please, make any further comments that you have concerning the
use
of
French
and
English
in
the
Cameroon
military……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
Thank you very much for helping.
448
Isaiah Munang Ayafor
Appendix 3 C : Sample civilian questionnaire (French version)
QUESTIONNAIRE B
Je suis un chercheur qui s’intéresse à l’usage des langues et au bilinguisme au sein
du gouvernement et dans les domaines du secteur privé. Je vous prie de bien vouloir
cocher la réponse qui vous semble la plus appropriée à chacune des questions
posées. Peut – être serait – il utile de parcourir tout le questionnaire avant d’y
apporter vos réponses.
Lieu et date :
Informations personnelles
a) Quel est votre province d ‘origine ?
‫ ٱ‬Centre
‫ ٱ‬Sud
‫ ٱ‬Littoral
‫ ٱ‬Extrême - Nord
‫ ٱ‬Nord
‫ ٱ‬Francophone
‫ ٱ‬Sud – Ouest
‫ ٱ‬Adamaoua
‫ ٱ‬Nord – Ouest
‫ ٱ‬Est
‫ ٱ‬Ouest
‫ ٱ‬Anglophone
b) Etes – vous
c) Quel poste occupez – vous au sein du gouvernement ou dans la fonction
publique ?
Ministre
Secrétaire d’Etat
Directeur
Secrétaire
Autres. Précisez s’il vous plait _____________________________________
d) Avez – vous jamais séjourné ou travaillé dans
‫ ٱ‬une région francophone pendant une année au moins ‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
‫ ٱ‬Une région anglophone pendant une année au moins ‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
449
e) Avez –vous déjà séjourné ou travaillé dans un pays anglophone en Afrique ou
hors d’ Afrique
‫ ٱ‬Non
‫ ٱ‬Oui
Si oui, dites où précisément _________________________________________
1. Le fait que le Cameroun ait, dans le cadre de sa politique de bilinguisme,
adopté le français et l’anglais comme langues officielles vous plaît – il ?
‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
Justifiez brièvement votre réponse _________________________________
________________________________________________________________
2. Selon vous comment le Cameroun en est – il arrivé là ?
‫ ٱ‬Par simple acclamation et adoption par le gouvernent
‫ ٱ‬Grâce à la planification systématique de la politique linguistique avec la
participation des linguistes et sociolinguistes, notamment dans la conception et
l’élaboration des politiques, la collecte des données, l’analyse, l’adoption ; la mise en
œuvre et l’évaluation des politiques
‫ ٱ‬La pression des événements politiques de 1961 a tout simplement poussé les
dirigeants à voté cette politique
‫ ٱ‬Autres réponses. Justifiez vous __________________________________________
3. A votre avis que signifie le mot bilinguisme au Cameroun. Cochez autant de
réponses que cela vous semble nécessaire
La coexistence de l’anglais et du français comme langues officielles
La cohabitation de deux cultures différentes : la culture anglophone et la culture
francophone
L’unification du Cameroun anglophone et du Cameroun francophone en une seule
nation.
La parfaite maîtrise de l’anglais et du français par tous les Camerounais
‫ ٱ‬Autres réponses. Justifiez vous.___________________________________
________________________________________________________________
450
4. Laquelle de ces deux langues parlez – vous ?Et quel est votre niveau dans cette
langue là ?
Anglais
Excellent
Très bien
Bien
Passable
Médiocre
Nul
Tous les jours
Français
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Très bien
‫ ٱ‬Bien
‫ ٱ‬Passable
‫ ٱ‬Médiocre
‫ ٱ‬Nul
‫ ٱ‬Parfois
5. Quelle est votre fréquence d’utilisation de l’anglais ?
Uniquement au travail
‫ ٱ‬Autres. Dites pourquoi ______
Uniquement au contact des anglophones
_______________________
et des étrangers
6. Classez par ordre de préférence les langues suivantes : français, anglais, pidgin,
langue maternelle
1______________________
3__________________________
2_______________________
4__________________________
‫ ٱ‬J’aime les peuples qui la parlent aussi bien à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur du Cameroun.
7. Pourquoi aimez – vous la langue que vous avez classée en premier lieu ?
‫ ٱ‬C’est la langue que parle la majorité des Camerounais
‫ ٱ‬C’est une langue très importante ( au Cameroun)
‫ ٱ‬Tout simplement parce que c’est une langue officielle
‫ ٱ‬Autres. Dites pourquoi _______________________________________
________________________________________________________________
8. Laquelle des langues ci-dessous aimeriez – vous apprendre en premier lieu si vous
désiriez rentrer dans les forces de l’ordre et la fonction publique camerounaises ou
faire des affaires dans tout le pays ?
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
9. Pourquoi ?
‫ ٱ‬Parce que c’est la langue de la majorité
‫ ٱ‬Parce que l’anglais est une langue de minorités
‫ ٱ‬Parce qu’il est impossible de vivre au Cameroun sans cette langue
‫ ٱ‬Parce que tous les présidents camerounais ne s’expriment que dans cette
langue
451
‫ ٱ‬Parce que c’est la langue utilisée au sein des forces de l’ordre et de maintien de la
paix (tous les corps confondus)
‫ ٱ‬Parce que c’est une langue officielle consacrée par la Constitution
10. Si vous avez un supérieur hiérarchique dans laquelle des langues ci-dessous lui
parlez /écrivez – vous ?
Au service : ‫ ٱ‬Anglais
Hors du service : ‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
11. Dans laquelle des deux langues ci - dessous est –ce – que votre patron
s’adresse à vous ?
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
Au service : ‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
12. Avez –vous jamais été / vous êtes – vous jamais senti obligé de parler / écrire en :
‫ ٱ‬anglais
en dépit de votre désir d’utiliser : ‫ ٱ‬l’anglais
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬le français
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
‫ ٱ‬langue maternelle
13a. Laquelle des langues ci – dessous choisiriez – vous comme unique langue
officielle du Cameroun si jamais l’occasion se présentait?
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
13b. Laquelle des langues ci –dessous choisiriez – vous comme première langue
officielle du Cameroun si deux ou plus de deux des langues ci - dessous étaient
retenues?
‫ ٱ‬Français
‫ ٱ‬Anglais
‫ ٱ‬Pidgin
‫ ٱ‬Langue maternelle
14. Que pensez – vous des revendications sociopolitiques des anglophones et de leurs
prétentions selon lesquelles injustice serait faite à l’anglais dans les lieux publics?
452
Je n’approuve pas
Je les approuve et les soutien
C’est pour cette raison que je n’aime pas l’anglais
C ‘est pour cette raison que je n’aime pas les anglophones
Elles ne sont pas fondées
Autres sentiments. Justifiez – vous _________________________
______________________________________________________________
15. Quand vous entendez quelqu’un parler l’anglais quelle est l’image qui vous vient
tout de suite à l’esprit ? Cocher autant de réponses que vous jugez nécessaires.
C’est un francophone
‫ ٱ‬C’est un anglophone
C’est un étranger
‫ ٱ‬C’est un Nigérian
Autres. Justifiez votre réponse____________________________________
16.
Les réalités ci – dessous vous font – elles détester l’Anglais et / ou les
anglophones ? Si oui cocher autant de réponses qui vous semblent appropriées.
Les liens historiques des anglophones avec le Nigeria
Nombreux sont les anglophones qui étudient au Nigeria ou détiennent des
diplômes nigérians.
L’invasion par le Nigeria de la péninsule camerounaise de Bakassi
De nombreux Nigérians vivent dans la zone anglophone et mènent,avec la
complicité des anglophones, des activités de contrebande entre le Nigeria et le
Cameroun
Les anglophones prétendent posséder une culture britannique qui les distingue de
leurs compatriotes francophones qui, eux, ont une culture française.
Les anglophones prétendent qu’ils sont toujours marginalisés.
Autres réponses. Justifiez – vous ________________________________
________________________________________________________________
17. Lorsque vous lisez la façon ci-dessous indiquée dont l’Anglais et le Français sont
utilisée dans les documents officiels, les panneaux publicitaires et les annonces
officielles, qu’est – ce – qui vous fait penser que le statut de l’anglais est déprécié ?
Portez une croix « X » sur les exemples qui, selon vous, dévalorisent l’anglais et
cocher(9) sur ceux qui démontrent que le français et l’anglais jouissent d’un statut
égal.
‫ٱ‬
REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
Republic of Cameroon
PAIX – TRAVAIL - PATRIE
Peace – Work – Fatherland
453
‫ ٱ‬REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
PAIX - TRAVAIL – PATRIE
‫ٱ‬
‫ٱ‬
REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
PEACE – WORK –FATHERLAND
REPUBLIQUE DU
CAMEROUN
(REPUBLIC OF CAMEROUN)
PAIX – TRAVAIL - PATRIE
(PEACE – WORK – FATHERLAND)
République du Cameroun
Republic of Cameroon
Paix – Travail – Patrie
Peace – Work – Fatherland
18. Aimeriez – vous que vos enfants étudient en anglais et dans le système éducatif
anglophone uniquement ? ‫ ٱ‬Oui
‫ ٱ‬Non
Justifiez brièvement votre réponse ______________________________
_____________________ __________________________________________
19. Selon vous, devrait – on augmenter le salaire
des fonctionnaires désireux et
capables d’utiliser beaucoup plus l’anglais que le français ?
‫ ٱ‬Non
‫ ٱ‬Oui
Elle encouragerait l’usage de l’anglais pour des besoins officiels
pas une
Ce n’est Si oui, quel effet pourrait avoir une telle mesure ?
bonne idée
L’idée est bonne, mais elle ne doit pas être appliquée
C’est impossible étant donné que le système administratif est surtout copié sur le
modèle français
Autres réponses. Soyez précis___________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
20. Vos trois meilleur(e) s ami(e) s sont – ils /elles
Tous /toutes anglophones
Tous /toutes francophones
Certain(e)s sont anglophones, d’autres francophones
Autre réponses. Justifiez –vous________________________________
454
Si vous le désirez, vous pouvez faire des commentaires sur l’égalité ou l’inégalité de
l’usage du français et de l’anglais au sein du gouvernement et dans les milieux du
service publique _________________________________
_____________________________________________________________
Merci pour votre inestimable contribution
Ayafor Isaiah Munang
Appendix 3 D: Sample civilian questionnaire (English version)
Questionnaire B
I am a researcher interested in language usage and bilingualism within government
and private sector domains in Cameroon. Please fill in whatever you personally feel
to be the most appropriate answer. You may find it useful to read all the questions
first and to answer them afterwards. Thank you.
Place and date:
Personal data:
a) Which is your province of origin?
‫ ٱ‬Centre
‫ ٱ‬South West
‫ ٱ‬South
‫ ٱ‬Adamawa
‫ ٱ‬Littoral
‫ ٱ‬North West
‫ ٱ‬Far North
‫ ٱ‬East
‫ ٱ‬North
‫ ٱ‬West
b) Are you
‫ ٱ‬Francophone
‫ ٱ‬Anglophone?
c) What is your position in government or public service?
‫ ٱ‬Cabinet Minister
‫ ٱ‬Secretary of State
‫ ٱ‬Director
‫ ٱ‬Secretary
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify............................................................
d) Have you ever lived or worked in
‫ ٱ‬a Francophone region for at least 1 year?
‫ ٱ‬No
‫ ٱ‬Yes
455
‫ ٱ‬an Anglophone region for at least 1 year?
‫ ٱ‬No
‫ ٱ‬Yes
e) Have you lived in any English-speaking country in Africa/out of Africa?
‫ ٱ‬No
‫ ٱ‬Yes
If yes, please specify...............................................................
1. Do you like the fact that Cameroon has French and English as an official policy of
bilingualism? ‫ ٱ‬Yes
‫ ٱ‬No
Give a short reason for your answer .................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
2. In your opinion how was this policy arrived at?
‫ ٱ‬It was simply acclaimed and adopted by government in 1961.
‫ ٱ‬Through systematic language planning involving linguists and sociolinguists,
i. e., policy design, policy formulation, fact-finding, testing, policy adoption,
implementation, and evaluation.
‫ ٱ‬The pressures of political circumstances in 1961 led the leaders to simply “vote” for
the policy.
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify .........................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
3. In your opinion what is the meaning of bilingualism in Cameroon? Select as many
answers as you find appropriate to answer the question.
‫ ٱ‬The co-existence of English and French as official languages.
‫ ٱ‬The cohabitation of two different cultures, Francophone and Anglophone.
‫ ٱ‬The unification of the former British and French parts to form a nation.
‫ ٱ‬The perfect mastery of English and French by all Cameroonians.
‫ٱ‬
Other.
Please
specify...........................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
4. Which of these languages do you speak? Indicate your ability.
English
French
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Excellent
‫ ٱ‬Very well
‫ ٱ‬Very well
‫ ٱ‬Well
‫ ٱ‬Well
‫ ٱ‬Averagely
‫ ٱ‬Averagely
‫ ٱ‬Not very well
‫ ٱ‬Not very well
‫ ٱ‬Poorly
‫ ٱ‬Poorly
5. How often do you speak English?
‫ ٱ‬Every day
‫ ٱ‬Once in a while
‫ ٱ‬Only at work
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify.....…..............
‫ ٱ‬Only when I meet Anglophones or foreigners
456
6. Put the following languages, French, English, Pidgin, home language, in the order in
which you like them, beginning with the one you like most.
1. ..................................... 3.......................................
2. ..................................... 4.......................................
7. Why do you like the language you have put in the first position above?
‫ ٱ‬I like the people who speak it in Cameroon and/or out of Cameroon
‫ ٱ‬It is the language of the majority in Cameroon
‫ ٱ‬It is a very important language (in Cameroon)
‫ ٱ‬Only because it is an official language
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify....................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................
8. Which of the languages would you like to learn first if you wanted to gain employment
in the Cameroon military, the public service or to do business all over the country?
‫ ٱ‬English ‫ ٱ‬French ‫ ٱ‬pidgin English ‫ ٱ‬home language
9. Why?
‫ ٱ‬Because it is the language of the majority
‫ ٱ‬Because English is a minority language
‫ ٱ‬Because one cannot survive in Cameroon without it
‫ ٱ‬Because all Cameroon Presidents speak only this language
‫ ٱ‬Because it is the language of the military
‫ ٱ‬Because it is an official language as stipulated by the constitution
10. If you have a boss, in which of these languages do you speak/write to him?
At the Office: ‫ ٱ‬English
Out of the office: ‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬home language
‫ ٱ‬home language
11. In which of these languages does your boss speak/write to you?
At the office:‫ ٱ‬English
Out of the office: ‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬home language
‫ ٱ‬home language
12. Have you ever been made to/Have you ever felt that you are being obliged to
speak/write in:‫ ٱ‬French in spite of your desire to use:‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬home language
‫ ٱ‬home language
13. a) Which of these languages would you select as sole official language in Cameroon if
it came to this? ‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬home language
13. b) Which of these languages would you select as first official language in Cameroon if
two or more were maintained? ‫ ٱ‬French
‫ ٱ‬pidgin English
‫ ٱ‬English
‫ ٱ‬home language
457
14. What is your feeling towards Anglophone sociopolitical protest and their claim that
injustice is done to English in official places?
‫ ٱ‬I dislike it
‫ ٱ‬I like/sympathize with it
‫ ٱ‬I dislike English for that reason
‫ ٱ‬I dislike Anglophones for that reason
‫ ٱ‬It is unfounded
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify..........................................................................................
15. When you hear someone speaking English, what image immediately comes to your
mind? Select as many answers as you find appropriate.
‫ ٱ‬A Francophone
‫ ٱ‬An Anglophone
‫ ٱ‬A foreigner
‫ ٱ‬A Nigerian
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify.......................
16. Do the following issues make you dislike English and/or anglophones?
If yes, put a tick “9” against as many answers as you find appropriate to answer the
question.
‫ ٱ‬Anglophone historical links with Nigeria
‫ ٱ‬Many Anglophones study in, and hold, Nigerian certificates
‫ ٱ‬The Nigerian invasion of Cameroon’s Peninsula, Bakassi
‫ ٱ‬Many Nigerians reside in Anglophone regions and do illegal business from
Nigeria to Cameroon with Anglophones
‫ ٱ‬Anglophones claim that they have a British culture that makes them
different from their Francophone counterparts who have a French culture
‫ ٱ‬Anglophones claim that they are always marginalized
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify.........................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................
17. When you read the following ways in which English and French are used on
government official documents, on signboards and public notices, how do you feel about
the status of English? Put a cross "X" over the ones you feel minimize English, and a tick
"9" against the ones you feel show that the two languages are equal in status.
a) ‫ ٱ‬RÉPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
PAIX-TRAVAIL-PATRIE
PEACE-WORK-FATHERLAND
b) ‫ ٱ‬RÉPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
PAIX-TRAVAIL-PATRIE
c) ‫ٱ‬
REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
PEACE-WORK-FATHERLAND
RÉPUBLIQUE
DU
CAMEROUN
(REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON)
PAIX
TRAVAIL
PATRIE
458
(PEACE-WORK-FATHERLAND)
d) ‫ ٱ‬République du Cameroun
Republic of Cameroon
Paix - Travail - Patrie
Peace - Work – Fatherland
18. Would you like your children to study in English and in the anglophone education
system alone?
‫ ٱ‬Yes
‫ ٱ‬No
Please give a short reason for your answer.............................................................
.................................................................................................................................
19. a) In your view, should there be salary increases for officials who are willing and able
to use more English than French on their job?
‫ ٱ‬No ‫ ٱ‬Yes
b) If yes, what effect do you think this will have?
‫ ٱ‬It will boost the use of English in official domains
‫ ٱ‬It is not a good idea
‫ ٱ‬I like the idea but it should not be done
‫ ٱ‬It will not work since the administrative system is predominantly French-styled
‫ ٱ‬Other. Please specify...........................................................................................
20. Are your three closest friends
‫ ٱ‬All Anglophones
‫ ٱ‬All Francophones
‫ ٱ‬Some are Anglophones/Some are Francophones
‫ ٱ‬Other. Specify......................................................................................................
If you wish, you may make any comment you like concerning the equal or unequal use of
French and English within government/private official circles
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
...............................................................
Thank you very much for helping!!!
Isaiah Munang Ayafor
459
Appendix 4: Mililtary ranks in Cameroon’s army
Armée de
Terre/
Infantry
Armée e
l’Air/
Air Force
Marine
Nationale
/Navy
Gendarm
erie
Nationale
/ National
Gendarm
erie
Officiers
Généraux/
General
Officers
Officiers
Généraux/
Air Officers
Officiers
Généraux
/Flag
Officers
Offiiers
Généraux
/General
Officers
Général
d’Armée/
General
Général
d’Armée
Aérienne/
Air Chief
Marshall
Amiral
d’Escadre
/Admiral
of the
Fleet
Général
d’Armée/
General
To be
180
decided
Général de
Corps
d’Armée/
Lieutenant
General
Général de
Corps
Aérienne/
Air Marshall
ViceAmiral
d’Escadre
/Admiral
Général
de Corps
d’Armée/
Lieutenant
General
To be decided
Général de
Division/
Major
General
Général de
Division
Aérienne/
Air ViceMarshall
ViceAmiral/
Vice
Admiral
Général
de
Division/
Major
General
4 étoiles
dorées/4
golden stars
Général de
Brigade/
Brigadier
General
Général de
Brigade
Aérienne/
Air
Commodore
ContreAmiral/
RearAdmiral
Général
de
Brigade/
Brigadier
General
3 étoiles
dorées/
3golden stars
Officiers
Supérieurs/
Senior
Officers
Officiers
Supérieurs/
Senior
Officers
Officiers
Supérieurs/
Senior
Officers
Officiers
Supérieurs/
Senior
Officers
Colonel/
Colonel
Colonel/
Group
Captain
Capitaine
de
Vaisseau/
Captain
Colonel/
Colonel
180
Epaulette/
Epaulette
5 barres
dorées
séparées par 2
étoiles/
5 straight
golden stripes
separated by 2
stars
This is a new rank category just introduced into the Cameroonian military. Thus, the nature of epaulettes
is subject to variations. Besides, this category is still awaiting political will and consent. This usually takes
longer than a short while.
460
LieutenantColonel/
LieutenantColonel
LieutenantColonel/
Wing
Commander
Capitaine
de
Frégate/
Commander
Lieuten
antColonel/
Lieuten
antColonel
3 barres
dorées, 2
étoiles et 2
barres
argentées/
3golden
stripes, 2 stars
and 2 silver
lines
Chef de
Bataillon/
Major
Commandant/
Squadron
Leader
Capitaine
de
Corvette/
LieutenantCommander
Chef de
Bataillon/
Major
3 barres
dorées, 2
étoiles et 1
barre dorée/
3 golden
stripes, 2 stars
and 1 golden
stripe
Officiers
Sabulternes/
Junior officers
Officiers
Sabulternes/
Junior
officers
Officiers
Sabulternes/
Junior
officers
Officiers
Sabulternes/
Junior
officers
Officiers
Sabulternes/
Junior
officers
Capitaine/
Captain
Capitaine/
Flight
Lieutenant
Lieutenant
de
Vaisseau
Capitaine/
Captain
3 barres
dorées et 1
étoile/3
Lieutenant/
Lieutenant
Lieutenant/
Flying
Officer
Enseigne
de
Vaisseau
de 1re
Classe/
SubLieutenant
Lieutenant/
Lieutenant
2 barres
dorées et 1
étoile/
2 golden
stripes and 1
star
SousLieutenant/
Second
Lieutenant
SousLieutenant/
Pilot
Officer
Enseigne
de
Vaisseau
de 2e
Classe/
Midshipman
SousLieutenant/
Second
Lieutenant
1 barre
dorée et 1
étoile/
1 golden
stripe and 1
star
SousOfficiers/
NonCommissioned
Officers
SousOfficiers/
NonCommissioned
Officers
SousOfficiers/
NonCommissioned
Officers
SousOfficiers/
NonCommissioned
Officers
SousOfficiers/
NonCommissioned
Officers
Aspirant/
Aspirant
Aspirant/
Aspirant
Aspirant/
Aspirant
Aspirant/
Aspirant
1 barre
dorée/
1 golden
stripe
AdjudantChef/Senior
Warrant
Officer
AdjudantChef/Senior
Warrant
Officer
Maître
Principal/
Chief Fleet
Petty
Officer
AdjudantChef/
Senior
Warrant
Officer
1 barre
dorée
rehaussée
par une fine
ligne rouge/
1 golden
stripe with a
461
thin red line
on it
Adjudant/
Warrant
Officer
(Class II)
Adjudant/
Warrant
Officer
Premier
Maîre/
Chief
Petty
Officer
Adjudant/
Warrant
Officer
(Class II)
1 barre
blanche
soulignée
par une fine
ligne rouge/
1 white
stripe with a
thin red line
on it
SergentChef/Staff
Sergeant
SergentChef/ Flight
Sergeant
Maître/
Petty
Officer
(1st Class)
Maréchaldes-LogisChef/Staff
Sergeant
3 V dorés
pointé
orientée
vers
l’épaule/3
gloden Vs
pointing to
the shoulder
Sergent/
Sergeant
Sergent/
Sergeant
SecondMaître/
Petty
Officer
(2nd Class)
Maréchaldes-Logis/
Sergeant
2 V dorés/
2 golden Vs
Hommes du
Rang/
Privates
Hommes du
Rang/
Privates
Hommes
du Rang/
Privates
Hommes du
Rang/
Privates
Hommes du
Rang/Privat
es
CaporalChef/
Corporal
CaporalChef/
Corporal
QuartierMaître de
1er Classe/
Leading
Rating 1st
Class
GendarmeMajor/
Senior
Gendarme
2 V rouges
et 1 V doré/
2 red Vs and
1 golden V
Caporal/
Lance
Corporal
Caporal/
Lance
Corporal
QuartierMaître de
2e Classe/
Leading
Rating 2nd
Class
Gendarm/
Gendarme
2 V rouges/
2 red Vs
Soldat de 1er
Classe/
Private (1st
Class)
Soldat de 1er
Classe/
Private (1st
Class)
Matelot de
1er Classe/
Rating (1st
Class)
Gendarme/
Gendarme
1V rouge/
1 red V
Soldat de 2e
Classe/
Private (2nd
Class)
Soldat de 2e
Classe/
Private (2nd
Class)
Matelot de
2e Classe/
Rating (2nd
Class)
Sans
appellation/
No
appellation
Sans
épaulette/
No
epaulettes
462
Statistical Tables
Military Questionnaire
Frequencies showing place of interview
PLACE Place of Interview
Frequency
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Percent
Percent
Yaounde
20
50.0
50.0
50.0
Garoua
11
27.5
27.5
77.5
No
response
5
12.5
12.5
90.0
Douala
4
10.0
10.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
PROF Profession
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Army
Officer
20
50.0
50.0
50.0
Gendarme
11
27.5
27.5
77.5
Policeman
7
17.5
17.5
95.0
Presidential
Guard
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
463
PROVINCE Province of Origin
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
North West
28
70.0
70.0
70.0
South West
6
15.0
15.0
85.0
Littoral
2
5.0
5.0
90.0
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
92.5
Centre
1
2.5
2.5
95.0
South
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
West
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ linguistic region of origin.
REGION Region
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophone
35
87.5
87.5
87.5
Francophone
3
7.5
7.5
95.0
No response
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of nationwide work and residential experience
PWORK Place of Work
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yaounde
23
57.5
57.5
57.5
Bamenda
10
25.0
25.0
82.5
No
response
3
7.5
7.5
90.0
Douala
3
7.5
7.5
97.5
Garoua
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of ranks
464
RANK Rank
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Middle
Class
19
47.5
47.5
47.5
Lower
Class
11
27.5
27.5
75.0
First Class
9
22.5
22.5
97.5
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of place or country of training
CNTRAIN1 Country of Training 1
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Cameroon
29
72.5
72.5
72.5
No
response
11
27.5
27.5
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Frequency distribution of place of training in Cameroon
465
PLTRAIN1 Place of Training 1
Frequency
Valid
Djoum
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
11
27.5
27.5
27.5
Ngaundere
7
17.5
17.5
45.0
EMIA
Yaounde
6
15.0
15.0
60.0
Obala
5
12.5
12.5
72.5
Mutengene
4
10.0
10.0
82.5
No
response
2
5.0
5.0
87.5
Koutaba
2
5.0
5.0
92.5
Genie
Militaire Douala
1
2.5
2.5
95.0
ENSP
Yaounde
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
Quartier
General
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of length of Service
LENWORK Length of Service
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
1-5 yrs
17
42.5
42.5
42.5
16-20 yrs
11
27.5
27.5
70.0
11-15 yrs
4
10.0
10.0
80.0
21-25 yrs
4
10.0
10.0
90.0
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
92.5
6-10 yrs
1
2.5
2.5
95.0
26-30 yrs
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
31-35 yrs
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of support for the bilingual policy.
466
CAMBLIKE Likeness for French & English as Cameroon's Official
Languages
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yes
38
95.0
95.0
95.0
No
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
SPKFRENG Speak French & English
Frequency
Valid
Yes
37
No
Total
Total
Valid
Percent
Percent
92.5
Cumulative
Percent
92.5
92.5
100.0
3
7.5
7.5
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
FRESPKAB French Speaking Ability
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Average
21
52.5
52.5
52.5
Very good
13
32.5
32.5
85.0
Excellent
3
7.5
7.5
92.5
Poor
2
5.0
5.0
97.5
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of English speaking ability
467
ENGSPKAB English Speaking Ability
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Very good
22
55.0
55.0
55.0
Average
10
25.0
25.0
80.0
Excellent
8
20.0
20.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
LGSPKWRK Language Spoken at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
30
75.0
75.0
75.0
English
9
22.5
22.5
97.5
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
LGWRTWRK Language Written at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
31
77.5
77.5
77.5
English
9
22.5
22.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
468
RFORANS Reasons for Answer
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Compulsory
27
67.5
67.5
67.5
No response
6
15.0
15.0
82.5
Language of
origin
3
7.5
7.5
90.0
Language of
work
2
5.0
5.0
95.0
Language of
studies
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
Official
language(s)
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of first military language
MILFLANG Military First Language
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
40
100.0
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
100.0
RESWHY1 Reason Why 1
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Training is done in
French
37
92.5
92.5
92.5
Cameroon military
is
French-structured
3
7.5
7.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
469
RESWHY2 Reason Why 2
Frequency
Valid
Cameroon military
is
French-structured
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
26
65.0
65.0
65.0
No response
9
22.5
22.5
87.5
French dislike for
English
5
12.5
12.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
RESWHY3 Reason Why 3
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French dislike
for English
16
40.0
40.0
40.0
No response
14
35.0
35.0
75.0
Military
decision-makers
dislike for
English
9
22.5
22.5
97.5
Francophone
dominated
military
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
RESWHY4 Reason Why 4
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
23
57.5
57.5
57.5
Military
decision-makers
dislike for
English
15
37.5
37.5
95.0
Francophone
dominated
military
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
Language of the
majority
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
470
RESWHY5 Reason Why 5
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
39
97.5
97.5
97.5
Francophone
dominated
military
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of speaking English to colleagues at the workplace
CLENGSPK Colleagues Use of English in Speaking at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Yes
30
No
10
Total
40
40
100.0
Total
75.0
Cumulative
Percent
75.0
75.0
25.0
25.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Frequency distribution of writing in English to colleagues at the workplace
CLENGWRT Colleagues Use of English in Writing at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
24
60.0
60.0
60.0
Yes
15
37.5
37.5
97.5
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of language of documentation at workplace
471
DOCLANG Documentation Language at Workplace
Frequency
Valid
French
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Percent
Percent
28
70.0
70.0
70.0
French &
later
translated
into English
6
15.0
15.0
85.0
English &
French
4
10.0
10.0
95.0
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
97.5
English
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of responses showing language used during training
TRAINLNG Language Used During Training
Frequency
Valid
French
English &
French
Total
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
37
92.5
92.5
92.5
3
7.5
7.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Frequency distribution of language frequently used
472
LNGFREQU Language Frequently Used
Frequency
Valid
French
Cumulative
Percent
33
82.5
94.3
94.3
No
response
1
2.5
2.9
97.1
English &
French
1
2.5
2.9
100.0
35
87.5
100.0
System
Missing
5
12.5
Total
5
12.5
40
100.0
Total
Missing
Valid
Percent
Percent
Total
Frequency distribution of consequences of using only English in the military
ENGURES Consequences of Using Only English in Military
Frequency
Valid
Incomprehensibility
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Percent
14
35.0
35.0
35.0
Impossible
9
22.5
22.5
57.5
Employ translator
8
20.0
20.0
77.5
No problem
5
12.5
12.5
90.0
Unadvisable
3
7.5
7.5
97.5
Neglected
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of language used in documentation from French- to Englishspeaking regions
DCLNGFRE Documentation Language from French Speaking Parts
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
32
80.0
80.0
80.0
English
8
20.0
20.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
473
Frequency distribution of language used in documentation from English- to Frenchspeaking regions
DCLNGENG Documentation Language from English Speaking Parts
Frequency
Valid
French
Cumulative
Percent
32
80.0
91.4
91.4
3
7.5
8.6
100.0
35
87.5
100.0
System
Missing
5
12.5
Total
5
12.5
40
100.0
No
response
Total
Missing
Valid
Percent
Percent
Total
Frequency distribution of the language spoken by French military experts to Englishspeaking staff in English-speaking regions
LNGFMEXP Language Spoken by French Military Experts to Staff in
English Regions
Frequency
Valid
French
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
37
92.5
92.5
92.5
No
response
2
5.0
5.0
97.5
English
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of language frequently used with Anglophone boss
LNGANBOS Language Frequently Used with Anglophone Boss
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
22
55.0
55.0
55.0
English
16
40.0
40.0
95.0
No
response
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
474
Frequency distribution of language frequently used with Francophone boss
LNGFRBOS Language Frequently Used with Francophone Boss
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
35
87.5
87.5
87.5
English
3
7.5
7.5
95.0
No
response
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of language used to address the Prime Minister
LNGSPKPM Language Used in Addressing Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Total
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
29
72.5
72.5
72.5
French
9
22.5
22.5
95.0
Both
2
5.0
5.0
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Frequency distribution of reasons for language used with Prime Minister
475
RLNGPM Reason for Language Choice with Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
He is
anglophone
16
40.0
40.0
40.0
Because I am
anglophone
10
25.0
25.0
65.0
I am
francophone
4
10.0
10.0
75.0
No response
3
7.5
7.5
82.5
Language of
training
3
7.5
7.5
90.0
He is
bilingual
3
7.5
7.5
97.5
Because I can
speak
English
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of the appellation of officers’ ranks in English
RNKAPP Appelation of Rank in Language used with Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Incorrect
21
52.5
52.5
52.5
Correct
18
45.0
45.0
97.5
No
response
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution the language used to address President and
Prime Minister simultaneously.
476
LNGSPRES Language Used in Addressing President & Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
34
85.0
85.0
85.0
English
5
12.5
12.5
97.5
Both
1
2.5
2.5
100.0
Total
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
RCHOICE Reason for Choice
Frequency
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
15
37.5
42.9
42.9
President does not
speak English
5
12.5
14.3
57.1
No response
4
10.0
11.4
68.6
Cameroon is
bilingual
3
7.5
8.6
77.1
I am anglophone
3
7.5
8.6
85.7
The President is
francophone
2
5.0
5.7
91.4
The Prime
Minister is
bilingual
2
5.0
5.7
97.1
100.0
1
2.5
2.9
35
87.5
100.0
System Missing
5
12.5
Total
5
12.5
40
100.0
Total
Total
Valid
Percent
Both
speak/understand
French
Both are bilingual
Missing
Percent
Frequency distribution of knowledge of officers’ ranks in French.
477
APPRANK Appellation of Rank in Language Used to Address President &
Prime Minister
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Correct
33
82.5
82.5
82.5
No
response
4
10.0
10.0
92.5
Incorrect
3
7.5
7.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of the rating of the prestige of English vis-à-vis French in the
military.
ESTARATE Rating of English Language Status in Cameroon Military
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Highly
unequal
30
75.0
75.0
75.0
No
response
5
12.5
12.5
87.5
Unequal
5
12.5
12.5
100.0
40
100.0
100.0
40
100.0
Total
Total
English in administration
Frequency distribution of place of interview
478
PLACE Place of Interview
Frequency
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Percent
Percent
Yaounde
91
59.9
59.9
59.9
No
response
15
9.9
9.9
69.7
Douala
15
9.9
9.9
79.6
Bafoussam
15
9.9
9.9
89.5
Buea
10
6.6
6.6
96.1
6
3.9
3.9
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Bamenda
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ province of origin
PROVINCE Province of Origin
Frequency
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Percent
Percent
North West
58
38.2
38.2
38.2
South West
33
21.7
21.7
59.9
West
19
12.5
12.5
72.4
Centre
15
9.9
9.9
82.2
Littoral
10
6.6
6.6
88.8
North
7
4.6
4.6
93.4
Far North
5
3.3
3.3
96.7
No
response
2
1.3
1.3
98.0
Adamawa
2
1.3
1.3
99.3
South
1
.7
.7
100.0
Total
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ linguistic origins
REGION Region
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophone
87
57.2
57.2
57.2
Francophone
63
41.4
41.4
98.7
No response
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
479
Frequency distribution of respondents’ position in public service
POSGOV Position in Government
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Civil servant
61
40.1
40.1
40.1
Secretary
20
13.2
13.2
53.3
Director
16
10.5
10.5
63.8
Manager
16
10.5
10.5
74.3
No response
13
8.6
8.6
82.9
Bureau Chief
6
3.9
3.9
86.8
Sub Director
6
3.9
3.9
90.8
Chief of
Service
5
3.3
3.3
94.1
Administative
Officer
4
2.6
2.6
96.7
Technical
Adviser
2
1.3
1.3
98.0
Pedagogic
Adviser
1
.7
.7
98.7
Inspector
1
.7
.7
99.3
Board
Chairman
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ work experience in French-speaking regions
WRKFRANC Worked in Francophone Region?
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yes
125
82.2
82.2
82.2
No
20
13.2
13.2
95.4
7
4.6
4.6
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of respondents’ work experience in Anglophone regions
480
WRKANG Worked in Anglophone Region
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yes
85
55.9
55.9
55.9
No
58
38.2
38.2
94.1
9
5.9
5.9
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ living experience in English-speaking
countries
ENGCLIVE Ever Lived in English-Speaking Country?
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
111
73.0
73.0
73.0
Yes
39
25.7
25.7
98.7
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of respondents’ experience of specific English-speaking
countries
481
ENGCRES1 English Country of Residence 1
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
response
118
77.6
77.6
77.6
Nigeria
15
9.9
9.9
87.5
Cameroon
12
7.9
7.9
95.4
Canada
2
1.3
1.3
96.7
Kenya
1
.7
.7
97.4
Britain
1
.7
.7
98.0
South
Africa
1
.7
.7
98.7
Malawi
1
.7
.7
99.3
Ghana
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ support for the bilingual policy.
CAMBLIKE Likeness for French & English as Cameroon's Official
Languages
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Yes
127
83.6
83.6
83.6
No
22
14.5
14.5
98.0
3
2.0
2.0
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of respondents’ reasons for liking or disliking bilingual
policy.
482
RESCBLIK Reason for Above Answer
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Worldwide
opportunities
54
35.5
35.5
35.5
Cultural
diversity
30
19.7
19.7
55.3
Instills national
unity
20
13.2
13.2
68.4
Anglphone
marginalisation
19
12.5
12.5
80.9
No response
12
7.9
7.9
88.8
Pride of
bilingualism
12
7.9
7.9
96.7
Prefer local
language
3
2.0
2.0
98.7
Discrimination
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of means by which the policy was achieved.
ARPOLICY What Provoked Policy of Bilingualism
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Pressure of
1961
political
circumstances
84
55.3
55.3
55.3
Acclaimed &
adopted by
government
39
25.7
25.7
80.9
Systematic
language
planning
15
9.9
9.9
90.8
No response
10
6.6
6.6
97.4
Historical
accident
3
2.0
2.0
99.3
For national
unity
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
483
Frequency distribution of meanings of bilingualism
BLCMEAN1 Meaning of Bilingualism in Cameroon 1
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Coexistence
of
English/French
as official
languages
125
82.2
82.2
82.2
Cohabitation of
two cultures
13
8.6
8.6
90.8
Cameroonians
mastery of
French &
English
7
4.6
4.6
95.4
Unification of
two Cameroons
5
3.3
3.3
98.7
No response
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
BLCMEAN2 Meaning of Bilingualism in Cameroon 2
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Cohabitation
of two cultures
73
48.0
48.0
48.0
No response
42
27.6
27.6
75.7
Unification of
two Cameroons
20
13.2
13.2
88.8
Cameroonians
mastery of
French &
English
15
9.9
9.9
98.7
Marginalisation
of English
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
484
Frequency distribution of respondents’ Ability in English
ENGSPKAB English Speaking Ability
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Very Well
42
27.6
27.6
27.6
Excellent
40
26.3
26.3
53.9
Averagely
26
17.1
17.1
71.1
Well
24
15.8
15.8
86.8
Not very
well
10
6.6
6.6
93.4
No
response
9
5.9
5.9
99.3
Poorly
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents’ ability in French.
FRESPKAB French Speaking Ability
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Well
34
22.4
22.4
22.4
Very Well
33
21.7
21.7
44.1
Excellent
28
18.4
18.4
62.5
Averagely
26
17.1
17.1
79.6
Not very
well
14
9.2
9.2
88.8
No
response
12
7.9
7.9
96.7
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Poorly
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of the occurrence of speaking English
485
ENSPKFRQ English Speaking Frequency
Frequency
Valid
Everyday
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
100
65.8
65.8
65.8
Only when I meet
anglophones/foreigners
29
19.1
19.1
84.9
Only at work
12
7.9
7.9
92.8
Once in a while
11
7.2
7.2
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of respondents ranking of languages
LNGRANK1 Rank Order of First Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Home
Language
58
38.2
38.2
38.2
English
56
36.8
36.8
75.0
French
34
22.4
22.4
97.4
Pidgin
3
2.0
2.0
99.3
No
response
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
LNGRANK2 Rank Order of Second Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
56
36.8
36.8
36.8
French
46
30.3
30.3
67.1
Home
Language
28
18.4
18.4
85.5
Pidgin
20
13.2
13.2
98.7
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
Percent
486
LNGRANK3 Rank Order of Third Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Home
Language
47
30.9
30.9
30.9
French
41
27.0
27.0
57.9
English
37
24.3
24.3
82.2
Pidgin
23
15.1
15.1
97.4
4
2.6
2.6
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
LNGRANK4 Rank Order of Fourth Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Pidgin
97
63.8
63.8
63.8
French
27
17.8
17.8
81.6
Home
Language
14
9.2
9.2
90.8
No
response
10
6.6
6.6
97.4
English
4
2.6
2.6
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of reasons for most liked language
487
LNGFPREF Reason for Above First Language Preference
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Language of
origin
36
23.7
23.7
23.7
Likeness for
its speakers
35
23.0
23.0
46.7
Important
Cameroonian
language
30
19.7
19.7
66.4
Language of
the
Cameroonian
majority
26
17.1
17.1
83.6
Its an
official
language
9
5.9
5.9
89.5
Work/studies
language
4
2.6
2.6
92.1
No response
3
2.0
2.0
94.1
Widely
spoken
language
3
2.0
2.0
96.1
Regional
language
3
2.0
2.0
98.0
Business
language
2
1.3
1.3
99.3
Sacred
language
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of language preference for employment.
488
BIZLANG Language Preference for Employment
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
98
64.5
64.5
64.5
English
47
30.9
30.9
95.4
No
response
5
3.3
3.3
98.7
Pidgin
English
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of reasons for choice of language preference.
RESWHY Reason Why
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Language of
the majority
78
51.3
51.3
51.3
Language of
success in
Cameroon
35
23.0
23.0
74.3
Official
language
23
15.1
15.1
89.5
No
response
6
3.9
3.9
93.4
Because
English is
a minority
language
4
2.6
2.6
96.1
Language of
Cameroon
Presidents
4
2.6
2.6
98.7
Military
language
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of language use to boss at office
489
LGCMBOS1 Language of Communication to Boss at Office
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
73
48.0
48.0
48.0
English
54
35.5
35.5
83.6
English/French
18
11.8
11.8
95.4
No response
5
3.3
3.3
98.7
English/French/Pidgin
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of language used with boss out of office
LGCMBOS2 Language of Communication to Boss out of Office
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
55
36.2
36.2
36.2
English
50
32.9
32.9
69.1
No response
17
11.2
11.2
80.3
English/French
17
11.2
11.2
91.4
Pidgin English
5
3.3
3.3
94.7
Home language
2
1.3
1.3
96.1
English/French/Pidgin
2
1.3
1.3
97.4
French/Home language
2
1.3
1.3
98.7
English/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
99.3
French/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of language used by bosses at work
490
LGBOSCM1 Language of Boss Communication at the Office
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
93
61.2
61.2
61.2
English
37
24.3
24.3
85.5
English/French
13
8.6
8.6
94.1
No response
8
5.3
5.3
99.3
English/French/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of language otherwise desired by workers at workplace
DSDLANG Desired Language
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
French
92
60.5
60.5
60.5
English
32
21.1
21.1
81.6
No response
16
10.5
10.5
92.1
Pidgin English
5
3.3
3.3
95.4
English/French
4
2.6
2.6
98.0
Home Language
2
1.3
1.3
99.3
English/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
OBLANG Language Obliged to Use
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
81
53.3
53.3
53.3
French
36
23.7
23.7
77.0
No response
30
19.7
19.7
96.7
Pidgin English
2
1.3
1.3
98.0
Home Language
1
.7
.7
98.7
English/French
1
.7
.7
99.3
Englisg/Pidgin
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of choice of a single official language.
491
OFLNGSEL Choice of Single Official Language if Occasion were given
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
72
47.4
47.4
47.4
French
54
35.5
35.5
82.9
No
response
15
9.9
9.9
92.8
Home
Language
6
3.9
3.9
96.7
Pidgin
English
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of choice of first official language if two or more existed
OLNGPREF First Official Language Preference if given choice of two or
more Languages
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
English
67
44.1
44.1
44.1
French
62
40.8
40.8
84.9
No
response
13
8.6
8.6
93.4
Home
Language
7
4.6
4.6
98.0
Pidgin
English
3
2.0
2.0
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of feelings towards Anglophone socio-political protests.
492
FANGPRO Feeling Towards Anglophone Sociopolitical Protests
Frequency
Valid
Like/sympathise
with it
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Percent
Percent
101
66.4
66.4
66.4
Dislike it
20
13.2
13.2
79.6
Unfounded
18
11.8
11.8
91.4
No response
10
6.6
6.6
98.0
I dislike
Anglophones
for that
2
1.3
1.3
99.3
Dislike English
for that
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Frequency distribution of immediate vision in mind when English is spoken
IMELGSP1 Immediate Image Held Towards English Language Speaker 1
Frequency
Valid
Total
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophone
76
50.0
50.3
50.3
Foreigner
48
31.6
31.8
82.1
A
francophone
13
8.6
8.6
90.7
No response
8
5.3
5.3
96.0
An educated
Cameroonian
5
3.3
3.3
99.3
A gentleman
1
.7
.7
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
493
IMELGSP2 Immediate Image Held Towards English Language Speaker 2
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
72
47.4
47.7
47.7
Anglophone
53
34.9
35.1
82.8
Nigerian
16
10.5
10.6
93.4
Foreigner
5
3.3
3.3
96.7
An educated
Cameroonian
3
2.0
2.0
98.7
A gentleman
1
.7
.7
99.3
A bilingual
person
1
.7
.7
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
Total
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones due to their past political links
with Nigeria.
HISDLKAN Dislike for Anglophones because of their historical links with
Nigeria
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Cumulative
Percent
93.4
94.0
94.0
9
5.9
6.0
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Total
Valid
Percent
142
Yes
Missing
Percent
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones with Nigerian educational
background
494
ANGNISTD Dislike for Anglophones because they study in & hold
Nigerian Certificates
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
139
91.4
92.1
92.1
Yes
10
6.6
6.6
98.7
No
2
1.3
1.3
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
Total
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones for Nigerian invasion of the
Bakassi Peninsula
BAKASI Dislike for Anglophones because of Nigerian Invasion of Bakassi
Frequency
Valid
Missing
No
response
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
132
86.8
87.4
87.4
Yes
19
12.5
12.6
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones for Nigerian residents’ smuggling
through Anglophone regions
495
NIGILBIZ Dislike for Anglophones because of Nigerian Illegal Business in
Cameroon & Residence in Anglophone Regions
Frequency
Valid
Missing
No
response
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
122
80.3
80.8
80.8
Yes
29
19.1
19.2
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones for their claims to a British
cultural distinctness.
ACLAIMGB Dislike for Anglophones because of their claims to British
Culture Differentiating them from the franciphones who have a French
Culture
Frequency
Valid
Missing
Total
No
response
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
127
83.6
84.1
84.1
Yes
24
15.8
15.9
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones for their socio-political claims
496
ANGCMAR Dislike for Anglophones because of their Complaints of
Marginalisation
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Missing
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
122
80.3
80.8
80.8
Yes
29
19.1
19.2
100.0
Total
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones for American and British
arrogance
DLKAROG Dislike for Anglophones because of the Arrogance of Americans
& the British
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Cumulative
Percent
98.7
99.3
99.3
1
.7
.7
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Total
Valid
Percent
150
Yes
Missing
Percent
Frequency distribution of dislike for Anglophones for their leaders’ despise of The
Anglophone Problem
497
ATANGLED Dislike for Anglophones because of the Attitude of
Anglophone Leaders who despise the Anglophone Problem
Frequency
Valid
No
response
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
146
96.1
96.7
96.7
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Yes
Total
Missing
Percent
Total
Frequency of feelings towards unequal layout of information on official letterheads,
notices and other documents suggesting the disparagement of English
ENGSTATA Feelings Towards Language Usage on Dosuments & Public
Notices (a)
Frequency
Valid
Total
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Minimise
124
81.6
82.1
82.1
No
response
18
11.8
11.9
94.0
Maximise
9
5.9
6.0
100.0
151
99.3
100.0
System
Missing
1
.7
Total
1
.7
152
100.0
Total
Missing
Percent
Frequency distribution of preference for Anglophone system of education for
children
498
ENDEDU Preference for Children to Pursue Anglophone Education
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
78
51.3
51.3
51.3
Yes
71
46.7
46.7
98.0
3
2.0
2.0
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
RESANS Reason for Answer
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
35
23.0
23.0
23.0
Worldwide
opportunities
26
17.1
17.1
40.1
Limiting
bilingual
competence
25
16.4
16.4
56.6
To make them
bilingual
21
13.8
13.8
70.4
Organised
educational
system
18
11.8
11.8
82.2
Necessary
Cameroonian
survival
language
12
7.9
7.9
90.1
World
dominating
language
8
5.3
5.3
95.4
I am
anglophone
3
2.0
2.0
97.4
For positive
values
2
1.3
1.3
98.7
No coruption
1
.7
.7
99.3
Not a priority
1
.7
.7
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
499
Frequency distribution of ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to an increase in salary for persons willing to
use more English than French on their job
SALINCEU Salary Increase for Persons Using more English than French
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No
92
60.5
60.5
60.5
Yes
51
33.6
33.6
94.1
9
5.9
5.9
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
No
response
Total
Total
EFISAL Effects of Salary Increase
Frequency
Valid
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No response
64
42.1
42.1
42.1
Boost official
use of English
37
24.3
24.3
66.4
Not a good idea
29
19.1
19.1
85.5
Impossible
since
Administrative
system is
French
17
11.2
11.2
96.7
Good idea but
should not be
done
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Percent
Frequency distribution of characteristics of civil servants’ closest friends
500
XTICFREN Characteristic of three Closest Friends
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Anglophones
&
Francophones
83
54.6
54.6
54.6
All
anglophones
41
27.0
27.0
81.6
All
francophones
23
15.1
15.1
96.7
No response
5
3.3
3.3
100.0
152
100.0
100.0
152
100.0
Total
Total
Appendix 5: Alternative military survey
Table 1: Positive Attitude Towards French and English as Cameroon's
Official Languages
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
63
2
65
Anglophone
Frequency
%
64
75
21
25
85
100
%
97
3
100
Table 2: English Speaking Ability.
Response
Excellent
Very well
Good
Averagely
Poorly
Not at all
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
5
14
24
10
1
56
Anglophone
Frequency
%
40
46
35
40
10
12
2
2
0
0
0
0
87
100
%
4
9
25
42
18
2
100
Table 3: French Speaking Ability.
Response
Excellent
Francophone
Frequency
24
%
36
Anglophone
Frequency
%
3
4
501
Very well
Good
Averagely
Poorly
Not at all
Total
20
17
4
1
0
66
30
26
6
2
0
100
12
18
24
13
5
75
16
24
32
17
7
100
Table 4: English Speaking Ability.
Francophone
Response
Every day
Only when I meet
Anglophones/foreigners
Only at work
Once in a while
Total
Frequency
18
10
%
28
16
26
10
64
40
16
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
82
96
1
1
2
1
86
2
1
100
Table 5: Language Preference for Employment.
Response
Francophone
French
English
Pidgin English
Total
Frequency
29
32
3
64
%
45
50
5
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
19
22
66
78
0
0
85
100
Table 6: Language of Communication to Boss at Office
Response
Francophone
French
English
English/French
Total
Frequency
56
3
5
64
%
88
5
7
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
18
22
51
61
14
17
83
100
Table 7: Language of Communication With Boss Out of Office
Response
Francophone
French
English
English/French
Pidgin English
Frequency
41
7
4
2
%
75
13
7
3.5
Anglophone
Frequency
%
17
21
41
51
18
23
3
4
502
Mother tongue
Total
1
55
1.5
100
1
80
1
100
Table 8: Language of Boss Communication at the Office.
Response
Francophone
French
English
French /English
Total
Frequency
59
1
4
64
%
92
2
6
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
33
41
37
46
11
13
81
100
Table 9: Choice of Single Official Language if Given Occasion.
Response
French
English
Pidgin English
Mother tongue
Total
Francophone
Frequency
36
18
1
5
60
%
60
30
2
8
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
18
23
54
70
4
5
1
2
77
100
Table 10: First Official Language Preference If Given Choice of Two or
More Languages.
Response
French
English
Pidgin English
Mother tongue
Total
Francophone
Frequency
38
18
0
6
62
%
6
29
0
10
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
22
28
51
65
5
6
1
1
79
100
Table 11: Feeling Towards Anglophone Socio-Political Protests.
Response
Francophone
Dislike
Like/sympathise with it
Dislike English for that.
Dislike Anglophones for that
Unfounded
Total
Frequency
10
33
1
2
15
61
%
16
54
2
4
24
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
10
12
68
82
1
1.2
2
2.4
2
2.4
83
100
503
Table 12: Immediate Language Held Towards English Language Speakers.
Francophone
Response
A francophone
A foreigner
An Anglophone
A Nigerian
Other
Total
Frequency
8
20
51
19
3
101
%
8
20
51
19
3
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
6
5
31
23
70
53
19
14
6
5
132
100
Table 13: Feeling Towards Language Usage on Documents and Public
Notices.
Response
Francophone
Minimize
Equal usage
Total
Frequency
57
14
71
%
80
20
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
72
71
30
29
102
100
Table 14: Preference For Children to Pursue Only Anglophone Education.
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
28
36
64
%
44
56
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
45
52
41
48
86
100
Table 15: Salary Increase For Officials Using More English Than French.
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
26
35
61
%
43
57
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
32
39
51
61
83
100
Table 16: Three Closest Friends:
Response
All Anglophones
All Francophones
Anglophones and
Francophones
Francophone
Frequency
1
22
40
%
2
35
63
Anglophone
Frequency
%
40
48
1
1
43.
51
504
Total
63
100
84
100
Positive attitude of French and English as Cameroon's official Languages.
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
1
3
%
66.67
33.33
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
37
97.37
1
2.63
38
100
Respondents’ ability in French and English
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
1
3
%
100
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
35
92.11
3
7.89
38
100
%
50
0
50
0
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
3
8.11
10
27.03
22
59.46
2
5.41
0
0
37
100
French Speaking Ability.
Response
Francophone
Average
Very good
Excellent
Poor
Average
Total
Frequency
1
0
1
0
0
2
English Speaking ability.
Response
Very good
Average
Excellent
Total
Francophone
Frequency
0
1
1
2
%
0
50
50
100
Anglophone
%
7
18.42
21
55.26
10
26.32
38
100
Frequency
Respondents’ Language Spoken at Work Place.
Response
French
English
Total
Francophone
Frequency
0
2
2
Anglophone
%
0
100
100
Frequency
13
25
38
%
34.21
65.79
100
Respondents’ Language Written at Work Place.
Response
French
Francophone
Frequency
2
%
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
27
72.98
505
English
Total
0
2
0
100
10
37
27.02
100
Colleagues' Use of English in Speaking at Work Place.
Response
Yes
No
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
0
2
%
100
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
28
73.68
10
26.32
38
100
Colleagues' Use of English in Writing at Work Place.
Response
No
Yes
Total
Francophone
Frequency
1
1
2
%
50
50
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
15
39.47
23
60.53
38
100
Documentation Language at Work Place.
Francophone
Response
French
French & later
translated to English
English & French
English
Total
Frequency
0
2
%
0
100
0
0
2
0
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
3
8.57
20
57.14
6
6
35
Respondents’ Language Used During Training.
Response
French
English
English &
French
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
0
0
%
100
0
0
2
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
32
88.89
1
2.78
3
8.33
36
100
Language Frequently Used.
Response
Francophone
Frequency
English
French
English &
French
0
0
0
%
0
0
0
Anglophone
Frequency
%
0
0
30
93.75
2
6.25
17.14
17.14
100
506
Other
Total
0
0
0
0
0
32
0
100
Consequences of Using Only English at Work Place.
Francophone
Response
Incomprehensibility
Impossible
Employ translator
No problem
Unadvisable
Neglected
Total
Frequency
1
0
0
0
0
1
2
%
50
0
0
0
0
50
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
8
21.05
13
34.21
3
7.89
5
13.16
1
2.63
8
21.05
38
100
Language Spoken by French Military Experts to Staff in English Region.
Response
French
English
Total
Francophone
Frequency
1
0
1
%
100
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
35
100
0
0
35
100
Language Frequently Used With Anglophone Boss.
Response
French
English
Other
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
0
0
2
%
100
0
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
20
48.78
20
48.78
1
2.44
41
100
Language Frequently Used With Francophone Boss.
Response
French
English
Other
Total
Francophone
Frequency
2
0
0
2100
%
100
0
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
30
85.71
5
14.29
0
0
35
100
Language Used in Addressing Prime Minister.
Response
English
French
Total
Francophone
Frequency
0
2
2
%
0
100
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
28
73.68
10
26.32
38
100
507
Respondents’ Reason For Language Choice With Prime Minister
Francophone
Response
He is Anglophone
I am Anglophone
I am francophone
Language of training
He is bilingual
I can speak English
Total
Frequency
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
%
0
0
0
100
0
0
0
Anglophone
Frequency
%
15
4.67
4
11.11
9
25
3
8.33
2
5.56
3
8.33
36
100
Appellation of Rank in Language Used With Prime Minister.
Response
Incorrect
Correct
Total
Francophone
Frequency
1
1
2
%
50
50
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
20
57.14
15
42.86
35
100
Language Used in Addressing President and Prime Minister simultaneously.
Response
French
English
Total
Francophone
Frequency
0
1
1
%
0
100
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
16
50
16
50
32
100
Respondents’ Appellation of Rank in Language Used to Address President and Prime Minister.
Response
Correct
Incorrect
Total
Francophone
Frequency
1
0
1
%
100
0
100
Anglophone
Frequency
%
26
78.79
7
21.21
33
100
Respondents’ Rating of English Language Status in Cameroon Military
Response
Francophone
Highly unequal
Unequal
Total
Frequency
0
0
0
%
0
0
0
.
Anglophone
Frequency
%
24
66.67
33.33
12
100
36