North Gaul and Rætia

DAVID WIGG-WOLF
North Gaul and Rætia
The last decade has seen a great deal of work being done
on the Late Iron Age/Early Roman transition in
Germany and neighbouring countries. In particular,
excavations at Kalkriese, almost certainly the site of the
defeat of P. Quinctilius Varus and three Roman legions
in the Teutoburger Forest in AD 9, and the ‘proto’-town
at Waldgirmes, as well as the individual projects of the
‘Romanisation’ research programme have not only led
to an increase in the quality and quantity of material
available, they have also resulted in a whole series of new
insights into the history of the region1. The aim of this
brief summary is to draw attention to some numismatic aspects of this recent work.
The last decades BC, and the first decades AD in
North Gaul offer an ideal opportunity to study the
interaction of two coin-using societies, as the Late
La Tène culture came under the influence of Rome.
A large body of material is available for study, in particular from the numerous military camps of the
Julio-Claudian period, many of which are well-dated,
short-lived sites, offering a succession of windows
onto the development of the pool of coin available to
be lost or deposited in the military zone along the
Rhine. This picture is complemented by native sites,
in particular the Titelberg oppidum and the sanctuary
and oppidum at the Martberg, where intensive excavations have taken place2 (fig. 1).
1. The arrival of Roman coin
In the first three or four decades subsequent to
Caesar’s conquest of Gaul Roman coin played almost
no part in coin use in N. Gaul. Large quantities of
Roman coin only started to arrive in the area together
with the Roman army when it was moved up to the
Rhine in preparation for Augustus’ German campaigns
from c. 15 BC onwards. This is reflected in the coin
found in a series of ditch fillings at the Titelberg and
Martberg: Roman coin is absent in layers deposited in
the years immediately after the conquest (fig. 2)3.
1. Kalkriese: Berger, F.: Kalkriese 1. Die römischen Fundmünzen, Röm.-germ.
Forsch. 55 (Mainz 1996); Schluter, W.: The battle at the Teutoburg
Forest: archaeological research at Kalkriese near Osnabrück. In:
Creighton J. D.; Wilson, R. J. A. (Eds.): Roman Germany, Studies in
Cultural Interaction. Journal Roman Arch. suppl. ser. 32 (Portsmouth
1999) 125-159; see also various contributions in Schluter, W. und
Wiegels, R. (Eds.): Rom, Germanien und die Ausgrabungen von Kalkriese.
Internationaler Kongress der Universität Osnabrück und des Landschaftsverbandes
Osnabrücker Land e.V. vom 2. bis 5. September 1996. Osnabrücker
Forschungen zu Altertum und Antike-Rezeption 1 (Osnabrück 1999);
Wiegels, R. (Ed.): Die Fundmünzen von Kalkriese und die frühkaiserzeitliche
Münzprägung. Akten des wissenschaftlichen Symposiums in Kalkriese, 15.-16.
April 1999. Osnabrücker Forschungen zu Altertum und AntikeRezeption 3 (Möhnsee 2000) - Waldgirmes: Becker, A. und
Rasbach, G.: Der spätaugusteische Stützpunkt Lahnau-Waldgirmes.
Vorbericht über die Ausgrabungen 1996-1997. Germania 76, 1998,
673-692; Von Schnurbein, S.; Wigg, A. und Wigg, D. G.: Ein spätaugusteisches Militärlager in Lahnau-Waldgirmes (Hessen).
Bericht über die Grabungen 1993-1994. Germania 73, 1995, 337367; Becker, A. und Rasbach, G.: Vortrag zur Jahresitzung 2001 der
Römisch-Germanischen Kommission. Waldgirmes. Eine römische
Stadtgründung im Lahntal. Ber. RGK 82, 2001, 591-610 ‘Romanisation’ programme: Krausse, D.: Romanization in the
Middle Rhine and Moselle region: new evidence from recent excavations in Luxembourg, Rhineland-Pfalz and Saarland, in:
Creighton/Wilson (ibid.) 54-70; Wigg, A.: Confrontation and interaction: Celts, Germans and Romans in the Central German
Highlands, in: Creighton/Wilson (ibid.) 35-53; Haffner, A. und
Von Schnurbein, S. (Eds.): Kelten, Germanen und Römer im
Mittelgebirgsraum zwischen Luxemburg und Thüringen. Akten des Internationalen
Kolloquiums zum DFG-Schwerpunktprogramm “Romanisierung” in Trier vom
28. bis 30. September 1998. Kolloquien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 5
(Bonn 2000).
2. Titelberg: Metzler, J.: Das treversiche Oppidum auf dem Titelberg (G.-H.
Luxemburg). Zur Kontinuität zwischen der spätkeltischen und der frührömischen
Zeit in Nord-Gallien, Dossiers arch. Mus. Nat. Hist. Art 3
(Luxemburg 1995) - Martberg: Thoma, M.: Der gallo-römische
Kultbezirk auf dem Martberg bei Pommern an der Mosel, Kr.
Cochem-Zell, in: Haffner/von Schnurbein (note 1) 447-483;
Thoma, M.: Häuser der Götter. Archäologie in Deutschland, 2001/3,
20-24; Wegner, H.-H.: Der Martberg bei Pommern an der Mosel: Eine
befestigte Höhensiedlung der Kelten im Gebiet der Treverer, Archäologie an
Mittelrhein und Mosel 12 (Koblenz 1997); Wigg, D. G.: Der
Beitrag des Martbergs zur eisenzeitlichen Numismatik, in:
Haffner/von Schnurbein (note 1) 485-496; Wigg, D. G.: The
Martberg on the Lower Mosel and the development of the coinusing economy in North Gaul in the late Latène and early Roman
period, in: Kluge, B. / Weisser, B. (Eds.), XII. Internationaler
Numismatischer Kongress Berlin 1997. Akten-Proceedings-Actes (Berlin
2000) 447-452.
3. Wigg (note 2; Beitrag) 492; Wigg, D. G.: The development of the monetary economy in N. Gaul in the late La Tène and early Roman periods,
in: Creighton/Wilson (note 1) 99-124 esp. 105-108 and fig 4.6.
995
DAVID WIGG-WOLF
2. The role of Iron Age coins on military sites
During the early and mid-Augustan period nonRoman coins can feature prominently on military
sites, and mix freely with Roman coin. These Iron Age
coins can be divided into two main groups; non-local,
and local.
On the one hand we find large numbers of coins from
areas in or adjacent to the military zone: the commonest of these are the bronze/billon rainbow cups (dlT
9441), and above all ‘Aduatuci’ or Avaucia bronzes
(Scheers 217), both of which were struck on the
Lower Rhine4. The latter can account for up to one
third of the Augustan coin at some military sites (e.g.
Haltern). It has been suggested that these may have
been used to pay native troops serving with the
Roman army, and therefore provide an indication of
the origin of troops serving at particular camps5.
However, the Aduatuci coins are too wide-spread for
this to have been the case; rather they formed an integral part of the circulation pool on both the Lower
and Middle Rhine. Some of the coins may indeed have
arrived with auxiliaries from the Lower Rhine, but
trade and other contacts will also have been involved.
Other coinages from more distant regions were clearly
brought into the area by soldiers transferred from
elsewhere, for example from South/Central Gaul or
Spain6. But in the case of some coinages from neighbouring regions it is unclear whether they arrived in
the military zone with soldiers, or as a result of other
mechanisms such as trade. For example, a number of
bronze coins of the Treveri (Scheers 30a) have been
found in camps along the Rhine, beyond the main area
of circulation of this coinage (fig. 3).
3. The spectrum of Roman coin - bronze
Due to the short-lived nature of many Julio-Claudian
military sites we have a very good picture of how the
pool of coin in circulation developed (fig. 4)7. The
most significant feature is that the spectrum changes
rapidly: at Oberaden (c. 11-8/7 BC) coins from
Nemausus (RIC 155-157, struck c. 20-10 BC)
account for nearly 98% of the bronze found; at
Waldgirmes (abandoned AD 9), and in particular at
the battlefield of Kalkriese (AD 9) these have been
replaced by the first series of altar coins from
Lugdunum (RIC 230, 7-3 BC). These have, in turn,
4. Scheers 217: Scheers, S. : Frappe et circulation monétaire sur le territoire de la future Civitas Tungrorum. Rev. Belge Num. 142, 1996, 5-51
esp. 13-25 - dlT 9441: Roymans, N.: The Lower Rhine Triquetrum
coinages and the Ethnogenesis of the Batavi, in: Grünewald T. und
Schalles, H.-J. (Eds.): Germania Inferior. Ergänzungsbände zum
Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 28 (Berlin/New York
2001) 93-145; Schulze-Forster, J.: Der Dünsberg und die jüngsten
keltischen Münzen in Hessen, in: Metzler, J. und Wigg-Wolf, D. G.
(Eds.): Die Kelten und Rom: neue numismatische Forschungen (Fond de
Gras/Titelberg, Luxemburg, 30.4. - 3.5.1998). Studien zu Fundmünzen der
Antike 19 (Mainz 2004 [in print]) - on Iron Age coin at Roman sites
in general see: Heinrichs, J.: Augusteische Truppen und Bildung eines
Geldumlaufs im niedergermanischen Bereich, in: von Hesberg, H.
(Ed.): Das Militär als Kulturträger in römischer Zeit (Köln 1999) 147-187;
Heinrichs, J.: Ubische und batavische Münzen im Ruhr-Lippegebiet,
in: Hopp D. und Trümpler, C. (Eds.): Die frühe römische Kaiserzeit im
Ruhrgebiet. Kolloquium des Ruhrlandmuseums und der Stadtarchäologie /
Denkmalbehörde in Zusammenarbeit mit der Universität Essen (Essen 2001)
25-38; Wigg, D. G.: The function of the last Celtic coinages in
Northern Gaul, in: King, C. E. and Wigg, D. G. (Eds.): Coin Finds and
Coin Use in the Roman World. The Thirteenth Oxford Symposium on Coinage and
Monetary History 25.-27.3.1993. Studien zu Fundmünzen der Antike 10
(Berlin 1996) 415-436 esp. 415-424; Wigg, D. G.: Die Rolle des
Militärs bei der Münzversorgung und Münzgeldwirtschaft am Rhein
in der frühen Kaiserzeit, in: Schluter/Wiegels (note 1) 327-346 esp.
328-333; Wigg (note 3; Development) esp. 111-113; Wigg, D. G.:
Die Stimme der Gegenseite? Keltische Münzen und die augusteische
Germanienpolitik, in: T. Grünewald/S. Seibel (Eds.), Kontinuität und
Diskontinuität. Germania inferior am Beginn und am Ende der römischen
Herrschaft. Beiträge des deutsch-niederländischen Kolloquiums in der Katholieke
Universiteit Nijmegen (27. bis 30.06.2001). Ergänzungsbände zum
Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 35 (Berlin/New York
2003) 218-241.
5. Chantraine, H.: Keltische Münzen in frühen rheinischen Legionslagern,
in: Grasman G.; Jansen W. und Brandt, M. (Eds.): Keltische Numismatik
und Archäologie. Veröffentlichung der Referate des Kolloquiums Keltische Numismatik
vom 4. bis 8. Februar 1981 in Würzburg. BAR int. ser. 200 (Oxford 1984)
11-19; Furger-Gunti, A.: Früher Auxilien am Rhein - keltische Münzen
in römischen Militärstationen. Arch. Korrbl. 11, 1981, 231-246;
Wolters, R.: Keltische Münzen in römischen Militärstationen und die
Besoldung römischer Hilfstruppen in spätrepublikanischer und frühaugusteischer Zeit. Tyche 3, 1988, 261-272.
6. García-Bellido, M. P.: Troop movements and numismatics: Spanish
legions in German camps, in: Kluge/Weisser (note 2) 524-530; GarcíaBellido, M. P.: Las monedas hispánicas de los campamentos del Lippe
¿Legio Prima (antes Augusta) en Oberaden? Bóreas 19, 1996, 247-260;
García-Bellido, M. P.: The historical relevance of secondary material, in:
Wiegels (note 1) 121-137; Hanel, N.: Vetera I: die Funde aus den römischen Lagern auf dem Fürstenberg bei Xanten. Rheinische Ausgrabungen 35
(Köln/Bonn 1995) 19 with Tabelle 1.
7. Heinrichs, J.: Überlegungen zur Versorgung augusteischer Truppen mit
Münzgeld. Ein neues Modell und daraus ableitbare Indizien für einen
Wandel in der Konzeption des Germanenkriegs nach Drusus, in:
Mooren, L. (Ed.): Politics, Administration and Society in the Hellenistic and
Roman World. Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Bertinoro 19-24 July
1997. Studia Hellenistica 36 (Leuven 2000) 155-214; van Heesch, J.:
Augustan bronze coins in the north-west of Gaul, in: Schluter/Wiegels
(note 1) 347-361; van Heesch, J.: Les monnaies augustéennes sur quelques sites Belges. Contribution à l’étude de la chronologie de l’occupation romaine du nord de la Gaule, in: Lodewijckx, M. (Ed.):
Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Western-European Societies. Album
Amicorum André van Doorselaer. Acta Arch. Lovaniensia Monographiae 8
(Leuven 1996) 95-107; van Heesch, J.: Some considerations on the
circulation of Augustan and Tiberian bronze coins in Gaul, in: Wiegels
(note 1) 153-170; Wigg (note 4; Rolle) 333ff. with fig. 4; Wigg (note
3; Development) 408 ff. with fig. 4.7.
996
NORTH GAUL AND RÆTIA
almost vanished at the Tiberian site TreburGeinsheim8. Enormous quantities of fresh bronze coin
must have been arriving in the region, as the old coin
was spent and moved out of the camps and the military
zone, so producing this rapid turn-over(fig. 4).
4. The spectrum of Roman coin - silver
This picture contrasts with that of the silver coin as
reflected in a series of hoards, as well as the stray
finds from sites like Haltern and Kalkriese. For example in the silver hoards from Kalkriese old Republican
silver can account for up to 75% of the total9. The
pool of silver was not being replaced as quickly as was
the case for the bronze, suggesting that little new silver was reaching the area. This in turn suggests that,
however it was calculated on paper, Roman soldiers
were in fact receiving their pay in new bronze. An
alternative interpretation would be that they were
receiving old silver, but a number of considerations
make this unlikely. Bronze was frequently countermarked, indicating that it was definitely being paid
out by officials such as military commanders, whereas
silver was not. Yet were silver the only medium being
used for military pay then we should expect it to have
been countermarked also10.
only reached N. Gaul in large numbers in the early
Tiberian period, and indeed many of them have Tiberian
countermarks (e.gg. CÆSAR, TIBAVG, etc.). This unusual, and –in contrast to the Republican asses– sudden
and large-scale movement of coin into the area is most
likely linked to the large quantities of coin required to
pay Augustus’ legacy to the troops, which Germanicus
doubled in order to quell a mutiny in the Rhine army.
We know that these coins were stockpiled by Augustus
well before his death13. R. Wolters has suggested that the
coins concerned were in fact the Caius and Lucius
Cæsares denarii (RIC 207-212), but if the soldiers were
indeed normally paid in bronze, as was argued above,
then the moneyers’ issues are a likely candidate14. What
is more, these are just the coins that we would expect
Augustus to have stockpiled in Rome a decade or more
before his death.(fig. 5).
6. Native coin use
The last native coinages in N. Gaul were probably
struck in the Augustan period: for example Scheers
217, which was struck in the last decade BC15. In the
hinterland of the Rhine frontier, where Roman coin
was slow to arrive, these coinages continued in use
into the second half of the first century AD.
5. Unusual coin movements
Remarkably, at Trebur-Geinsheim the first series of
altar coins from Lugdunum are replaced not only by
coins of the second altar series, but also by much older
pieces: halved Republican asses, and moneyers’ issues
from the mint at Rome. The Republican pieces are
extremely worn, are more common on the Upper than
the Lower Rhine, and their numbers continue to increase into the Claudian period. The reasons for this phenomenon are unclear: is it a reflection of the gradual
infiltration of these coins into the area from N. Italy, or
the result of an intentional coin supply policy?11
The circumstances of the arrival of the moneyers’ issues
can be identified more exactly. At sites in N. Gaul where
settlement continued throughout the Julio-Claudian
period asses of the series struck in Rome in 7-6 BC
(RIC 427-442) are the commonest moneyers’ coins12.
But at Haltern (abandoned AD 9) and AugsburgOberhausen (abandoned soon after AD 9?) this series is
rare (fig. 5). It would seem that these moneyers’ issues
8. For a similar composition see van Heesch, J. (#in this section#),
hoard VII.
9. Cf. Berger (note 1) 16-24.
10. Van Heesch (note 7; Considerations) 163-166 argues for soldiers
being paid in a mixture of precious metal and bronze; Wolters, R.:
Bronze, silver or gold? Coin finds and the pay of the Roman army.
Zephyrus 53-54, 2001. 579-588 argues for silver.
11. Wigg, D. G.: Coin supply and the Roman army, in: Groenman-van
Waateringe, W.; van Beek, B. L.; Willems, W. J. H. et al. (Eds.):
Roman Frontier Studies 1995. Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress
of Roman Frontier Studies. Oxbow Mongraph 91 (Oxford 1997) 281288 esp. 284-287. Peter, M.: Untersuchungen zu den Fundmünzen aus
Augst und Kaiseraugst, Studien zu Fundmünzen der Antike 17 (Berlin
2001) 40-42 argues for an intentional policy. However, the fact
that in contrast to the moneyers’ coins (see below) the Republican
asses were not countermarked suggest that they did not form part
of the official coin supply, but arrived via the more general mechanisms of circulation.
12. This picture is repeated outside N. Gaul, for example in N. Italy
(Veneto; RMRVe) and Carnuntum on the Danube (FMRÖ III/1).
13. Suet. Div. Aug. 101, 2-3.
14. Wolters, R.: Caius und Lucius Cæsar als designierte Konsuln und
principes iuventutis. Die lex Valeria Cornelia und RIC I, 2205ff.
Chiron 32, 2002, 297-323 esp. 318.
15. Wigg (note 4; Function) esp. 420. See also van Heesch, J.: Les
romaines et la monnaie gauloise: laissez-faire, laisser-aller? in:
Metzler/Wigg-Wolf (note 4).
997
DAVID WIGG-WOLF
Corresponding to this picture of slow change, we also
find old native attitudes to coinage continuing well
into the Julio-Claudian period. The Roman army
seems to have reacted to a monetary environment that
required small bronze coins in the native tradition by
halving (or even quartering) Roman coins (mainly
asses). The continued need for small coins in native
contexts was also satisfied by producing imitations of
Roman coins at a reduced standard; one group of such
imitations was produced on the Mosel region, and
carefully struck at the weight of half an as16. Although
Roman iconography was adopted, the metrology of
the coins follows native tradition.
A similar phenomenon is to be observed with the silver. Native sites show a clear preference for Roman
quinarii which correspond in size more closely to native silver. Whereas at military sites the ratio of denarii:
quinarii is always higher than 5:1, at native sites it is
always below 3,5:1.
7. Modelling coin use
On the basis of this data we can now model how coinage was flowing and being used in N. Gaul in the
early Empire (fig. 6).
Fig. 6 shows the flow of bronze coinage: Roman bronze entered circulation primarily via the military
camps, from where it flowed on into native contexts.
This explains a) why native coin remained in circulation so long in the hinterland of the Rhine frontier,
and b) why the spectrum of bronze changed so rapidly
in the military zone. Little bronze was flowing back to
the central administration (fig. 7).
We can also see how bronze was moving in circulation
(fig. 6). Fresh coin was not spreading directly from
the mint, where it was issued, but was being supplied
directly (or via treasuries) to the camps, where it
entered circulation17. The coin then circulated locally;
we should imagine a series of overlapping local pools,
and it was possible for coins to move slowly from
pool to pool, and so –in small numbers– to move long
distances. This could be how the Republican asses
spread into the Upper Rhine Valley in the JulioClaudian period. But occasionally exceptional movements could move coins in larger numbers suddenly
over long distances, for example when troops were
being transferred. In this way Spanish coins came to
Oberaden or Vetera, and this is how the coins found
on the battlefield at Kalkriese arrived there.
When considering how coin behaved in circulation it
is important to differentiate between these three
levels. In everyday circulation bronze coin tended to
move slowly and locally, but at times it could move
long distances, and in large numbers.
Abbreviations:
BAR
dlT
British Archaeological Reports.
H. de La Tour, Atlas de monnaies Gauloises
(Paris 1892).
FMRÖ Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Österreich.
RMRVe Ritrovamenti Monetali di Età Romana nel
Veneto.
Scheers S. Scheers, Traité de numismatique celtique.
II. La Gaule Belgique. Annales littéraires de
L’Université de Besançon 195 (Paris 1977).
16. Wigg (note 4; Function) 415-436, fig. 1.
17. This point was already made by Wells, C.: The German Policy of
Augustus (Oxford 1972) App. II, but his excellent work has not
received the attention that it deserves.
998
NORTH GAUL AND RÆTIA
Fig. 1.
Sites mentioned in the text
Date of layer
c: post 30 B.C.
c: post 30 B.C.
C1
Fig. 2.
c: post 30 B.C.
C2
C3
C4
c: post 30 B.C.
R
Coin finds from ditch fillings at a) the Titelberg, and b) the Martberg. Coin groups:
C1: Celtic, late-2nd/early-1st century BC; C2: Celtic, early/mid-1st century BC;
C3: Celtic, second half 1st century BC; C4: Celtic, late-1st century BC; R: Roman.
999
DAVID WIGG-WOLF
The distibution of the bronze coins of the Treveri with the legend ARDA (Scheers 30a)
Fig. 3.
Oberaden
100
80
80
60
60
40
40
20
20
0
N
A
L1
M
R
0
L2
Kalkriese
100
80
60
60
40
40
20
20
Fig. 4.
N
A
L1
M
N
R
0
L2
A
L1
M
N
A
L1
M
The proportion of different bronze issues from selected military sites. Coin issues:
N: Nemausus (RIC 155-157); A: ‘Aduatuci’ (Scheers 217)
L1; Lugdunum, first altar series (RIC 230)
M: moneyers’ issues from Rome (RIC 323ff.)
R: Republican bronze
L2: Lugdunum, second altar series (RIC 231ff.)
1000
R
L2
Trebur-Geinsheim
100
80
0
Waldgirmes
100
R
L2
NORTH GAUL AND RÆTIA
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
RIC 323ff. (18-17 BC)
Fig. 5.
RIC 370ff. (16-15 BC)
RIC 426ff. (7-6 BC)
The proportion of moneyers’ issues from Rome at military sites on the Rhine compared with Haltern
(„) and Augsburg-Oberhausen (‹)
non-military contexts
non-military/
native
contexts
military contexts
military
vici/
traders
military
(soldiers/
civil servants)
(money changers?)
provincial treasury
mint
Fig. 6.
The mechanisms of the flow of Roman bronze coin in N. Gaul in the early Empire
Coin supply
Payment / entry
into circulation
Circulation
Extraordinary
movements
Fig. 7.
The supply and movement of bronze coin in circulation
1001