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Christon I. Archer
In defense of the King's domain: disease prevention
and health care in the Spanish Maritime Expeditions
to the North Pacific, 1774-1795
A t f i r s t glance, it would appear that eighteenth century Spain
occupied an excellent strategice position t o maintain its theoretical
hold over the Pacific and t o meet challenges from foreign competitors
who had t o s a i l half way round the world or to overcome daunting
obstacles before they could begin t o threaten the Spanish monopoly.
Indeed, u n t i l well into the second half of the century, Spain evaded the
heavy expenditures required t o dispatch naval expeditions t o delineate
the North Pacific l i t t o r a l of the American continent.
Until the 177OSs,
there were few urgent pressures t o complete the North American map or t o
defend the coastline from intruders who might wish t o construct bases,
tap resources, and t o establish t i e s with the indigenous populations.
When challengers emerged, howwer, Spain had t o face a whole series of
assaults against i t s sovereignty which had been based upon the concept
of prior claim and not on actual exploration and effective occupation.
Russia moved into Alaska from i t s Siberian bases and appeared ready t o
s t r i k e southward into the inmediate proximity of the sparsely inhabited
California missione.
Britain, France, and other nations expressed new
enthusiasm f o r discovering a Northwest Passage and s e t t l i n g once and f o r
a l l the apocryphal myths that influenced cartography.
Following the
American Revolution, the upstart young republic began to dispatch
exploring-trading missions that cast fear into the hearts of Spanish
administrators knowledgeable about the enormous unsettled t e r r i t o r i e s a t
the frontier of the Mexican dominions.
Finally, there were dynamic new
186
Christon I. Archer
forces transforming the world-scientific
curiosity and an unquenchable
t h i r s t t o learn and to answer mysteries that would leave no great
temperate region unvisited.
The third voyage of Captain Jaaes Cook to
the Pacific and Northwest Coast served a s a catalyst to international
a c t i v i t i e s that forced a major Spanish presence.
Even prior t o Cook's voyage and the publication of information on
the potential resources of the Northwest Coast, Spain had begun t o
reassess its position.
Concerned by reports from St. Petersburg of
p o s s i b l e Russian encroaclnnents southward from Alaska,
i n 1773 the
Spanish imperial government ordered Viceroy Antonio Marl'a Bucareli of
New Spain t o dispatch a maritime expedition to verify the extent of
Russian activities.
From the beginning, it was painfully evident that
the orders from Madrid would be d i f f i c u l t to implement.
Although there
were a few supply ships i n the royal service on Mexico's Pacific coast
stationed a t the Marine Department of San Blas (now i n the s t a t e of
Nayarit), there was no surplus of vessels or trained maritime personnel
for explorations.
With the exception of the s c i e n t i f i c expedition of
Alejandro Malaspina (1789-1791), Spanish exploration was a low budget
colonial off shoot patched together i n response t o the growing a c t i v i t i e s
of competitor nations.
From a s c i e n t i f i c and technological point of
view, the Mexican expeditions did not represent the l a t e s t word i n
I
modern equipment o r in thought concerning disease prevention i n lengthy
ocean voyages.
Gradually, however, new ideas banished traditional
e r r o r s and mieconceptions.
published
Cook's
1778 voyage with its wealth of
d a t a i n f l u e n c e d Spanish observers and i n i t i a t e d a
p e r c o l a t ing-down
e f f e c t t h a t caused them t o devote much greater
a t t e n t ion t o questions of shipboard sanitat ion and the employment of
antiscorbutics.
There were major differences between the pre-Cook
expeditions i n 1774, 1775, and 1779 (prior to the publication of Cook's
journal), and the post-Cook voyages beginning i n 1788 and continuing
u n t i l 1796.
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
Oceanic explorations-especially
to northern latitudes where the
weather was certain t o be inclement-demanded
special planning and
provisioning t o avoid the scourges of seamen, exposure, dysentery,
scurvy,
and o t h e r i l l n e s s e s r e s u l t i n g from inadequate clothing,
continuous damp, and poor diet.
That Spain possessed traditional
knowledge about the prophylactic efficacy of lemon juice and vegetables
containing vitamin C may be argued,'
but t h i s information was not
applied i n the Mexican voyages u n t i l a f t e r Cook.
Almost a s significant,
the Mexican seamen drawn from the tropical coastal towns near San Blas
and the temperate highland region around Guadalajara , did not receive
heavy weather gear or other equipment t o guard them from harsh elements
of a climate they had never experienced.
Their shipboard surgeons and
more often the less well trained sanaradores (bloodletters) possessed
few medicines and l i t t l e i n the way of knowledge of how t o t r e a t sick
mariners.
Mexican crewmen hid the early symptoms of scurvy and of ten
resisted medical treatment saying that they would rather d i e than "...be
k i l l e d by the surgeon and h i s medicines."'
As they sailed northward,
seamen who suffered incipient scurvy and the discomfort of exposure t o
cool temperatures without shoes and warm garments, developed depression
and psychological stresses that affected the operation of the vessels.
Eventually, these factors interf erred with the capacity of the officers
to f u l f i l t h e i r viceregal instructions and t o achieve the basic goals of
the expeditions.
If the surgeons and sangradores were ill-equipped t o t r e a t scurvy
and exposure i n northern latitudes, they had the added burden of
tropical diseases a t the beginning and end of each voyage.
San Blas, a
steamy miserable l i t t l e town surrounded by swamps and stagnant lagoons
was a breeding place f o r msquitoes that carried malaria and yellow
fever.
A l l i n a l l , i t was scarcely an auspicious staging point f o r
northern voyages.3
s a f e source of
The heat and humidity spoiled food and there was no
p o t a b l e water.
Even before an expedition sailed,
Christon I. Archer
watering and provisioning made ships into time bombs f o r dysentery and
food poisoning.
Seamen recruited from the temperate interior lacked
resistance t o yellow fever, malaria, and other tropical sicknesses.
Although Acapulco was a much better port, similar disease threats could
leave s h i p s almost unmanned.
To h i s horror, Alejandro Malaspina
diecovered that even with the best provisions, ventilation, attention t o
sanitation, and r e s t for h i s crews, he could not protect them against
fevers.
In mid-November,
Malaspina's
1791, f o r example, there were 50 cases on
two c o r v e t t e s and 90 casee aboard the f r i g a t e
Gertrudis that was i n the port. 4
The infamous coastal climate t e r r i f i e d many Mexicans and deterred
t r a i n e d medical personnel from accepting naval comnissions.
In
addit ion, except ionally low pay scales for naval surgeons meant that
only a few unwilling o r incapable men considered such appointments. 5
Despite these negatives , most naval surgeons and sangradores did t h e i r
beet with t h e l i m i t e d procedures and poor selection of medicines
available t o control shipboard diseases.
Unfortunately, their ill-timed
i n t e r v e n t i o n s sometimes hastened t h e deaths of
t h e i r patients.
Bloodletters by training, they were overly quick i n opening veins of
their patients t o t r e a t a wide variety of ailments.
During the 1774
expedition f o r example, the 2nd officer, Esteban Jose Marthez f e l l ill
with t e r r i b l e headaches and pains i n h i s face caused by an abcessed
molar.
The incident occurred during a crucial period i n the voyage off
the treacherous fog-shrouded coasts of the Queen Charlotte Islands where
the comnander, Juan P t e z , required a l l of h i s officers t o a s s i s t i n a
f u t i l e search f o r a safe port.
The mrgeon, Pedro Castan, made a
c o r r e c t diagnosis but f o r treatment bled Martznez twice thereby
weakening him so much that he could not stand h i s watches.
Three days
l a t e r , Castan extracted the troublesome molar and Martznez recovered. 6
Years l a t e r during the 1789 voyage t o occupy Nootka Sound aboard
the frigate- Santiago, the sangrador, Jacinto de l a Mota f e l l ill with a
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
severg head cold a f t e r weeks of f r i g i d squalls.
Rather than t r e a t h i s
ailment with large draughts of f i e r y mezcal and aauardiente ( a rough
liquor d i s t i l l e d from sugarcane) issued by Martlnez who was i n conmand,
Mota bled himself copiously; since he showed no signs of recovery, he
r e p e a t e d t h e treatment u n t i l he weakened and died.7
Lacking a
replacement, Martcnez pronnted artilleryman Juan Gallardo t o sangrador
when the soldier declared that he had worked f o r ten years a t the Royal
Hospital of Manila.8
Gallardo did not indicate the nature of h i s
e a r l i e r hospital employment, i f he enjoyed medical training, o r had been
involved i n some s e p a r a t e occupation.
On o t h e r occasions,
the
appointment of medical o f f i c e r s l e f t similar doubts about training and
competence.
In 1792, during preparations f o r the expedition of the
and Mexicana t o circumnavigate Vancouver Island, Dionisio Alcala
Galiano obtained a bloodletter from a group of Spanish criminals
sentenced t o lengthy terms i n the Philippine Islands.
With some
forethought, Alcala Galiano took the precaution of collecting a s many
medical books a s he could finds9
From the 1774 voyage, medical problems played a significant role i n
preventing the f u l l attainment of objectives.
Juan P6rez and h i s crew
suffered from scurvy, dysentery, and a number of i l l n e s s e s related t o
the f r i g i d conditions of the north Pacific.
attacks of pains i n t h e i r bones,
Not a man aboard escaped
s w e r e headaches,
colds and other
I
troubles with t h e i r noses and throats.''
The cold weather and heavy
seas exhausted the seamen and the surgeon ran out of medicines f o r
treating scurvy.
Unable t o find a secure port f o r the replenishment of
water supplies and f o r the collection of greens, the crew had t o face a
monotonous d i e t of s a l t meat chased with short rations of rancid water.
Marttnez caamented that i n a crew inexperienced with northern latitudes,
t h e s a l t y food combined w i t h t h e cold c l i m a t e produced
fermentation of the blood."''
l'...
a
While t h i s f i r s t single ship expedition
suffered plain bad luck i n its search f o r suitable harbours along the
Christon I. Archer
exposed coastline, the loss of health was a major force i n blunting the
daring and ambition of both officers and seamen. 12
Since Pdrez f a i l e d t o reach 60 degrees latitude where reports
l o c a t e d t h e Russian p o s t s , Viceroy Bucareli dispatched a second
expedition i n 1775.
Certain important lessons had been learned; t h i s
time two vessels rather than only one sailed into northern waters under
the conmand of Bruno de Hezeta and Juan Francisco de l a Bodega y
Quadra.
Unfortunately, almost nothing was done t o correct medical
deficiencies from the previous voyage or t o make available adequate
clothing t o protect the crews from the climate.
Aboard the small escort
schooner Sonora, Bodega's men suffered from constant inundations f tom
seas that washed over the decks and l e f t no corner dry.
The schooner
had no surgeon or sangrador and sailors from the f r i g a t e Santiago
refused t o transfer t o Sonora unless ordered there f o r punishment.13
To
make matters rvorse, Bodega l o s t s i x men i n an Indian attack on the coast
of present day Washington State a s he sought t o obtain fresh water.
Eventually, he broke consort with Hezeta t o achieve high latitude, but
harsh conditions and lack of heavy clothing marred what was a heroic
effort.
The seamen shared what clothing was available and pressed into
service some old coats that were t o have been given t o the Indians.
By
the end of August, 1775, no officer or seaman was f r e e from some degree
of scurvy.
Seven victims could
wt
move their legs or stand up because
of severe swelling i n t h e i r knees and joints, and a l l of them suffered
from ghastly sores i n t h e i r mouths.
This l e f t only two sailors per
watch t o handle the rudder and to s e t o r trim sails.
The second
o f f f i c e r , Francisco Antonio Maurelle was certain that the contagion
originated aboard the f r i g a t e , but he had no medical officer t o confirm
h i s theory or medicines f o r the sick.
On one occasion, a great sea
broke over the l i t t l e schooner tearing off r a i l i n g s , lamps, and other
equipment.
By the time the Bodega made it back t o Monterey, California,
only one seaman was strong enough t o manage the rudder and the two
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
officers had to work the s a i l s . 14
Given the circumstances, it i s remarkable that Bodega and Mourelle
discovered Bucareli Bay, Prince of Wales Island, and f u l f i l l e d most of
their viceregal instructions.
It was a quite different story aboard the
Santiago where scurvy devastated the crew and crushed the resolve of the
officers t o complete their original mission.
On August 2nd a t just over
49 degrees latitude, the surgeon Juan ~onza'lezreported that 28 seamen
were prostrate i n their beds and another 19 while s t i l l functioning
a f t e r a fashion were severely ill with scurvy.
Of the few healthy men
remaining, mst were very recent recruits into the naval service who
posssessed better resistance t o i l l n e s s , but were the l e a s t dextrous i n
climbing masts and i n setting sails.15
Well before t h i s date, the
officers had voted i n councils to abandon the expedition-arguing
with a
growing sense of urgency t h a t i n case of a sudden squall there were to6
few mariners t o trim the ship.
For some t h e , Hezeta resisted h i s
subordinates but f a i l i n g health, deaths of scurvy victims, and h i s own
belief that he lacked sufficient men t o operate the vessel or t o weigh
anchor i n some isolated port caused him to turn for Nonterey and fresh
provisions. 16
While the experiences with scurvy and cold weather exposure should
have provoked reforms i n subsequent voyages, both naval officers and
l
Mexican p o l i t i c a l authorities tended to invoke divine providence rather
than t o make available heavy clothing and
anti scorbutic^.'^
Despite the
f a c t that the 1779 expedition t o Alaska waters under Ignacio de Arteaga
and Juan Francisco de l a Bodega y Quadra with the f r i g a t e s Princesa and
F a v o r i t a was a g r e a t success and dismissed f e a r s of a Russian
encroachment along the Spanish-claimed coastline, there were very few
medical advances.
During the voyage, regular auctions aboard the
frigates distributed the meager possessions of seamen who perished.
Even with a speedy voyage northward t o Bucareli Bay, the conrmanders had
t o establish a provisional hospital tent ashore for about 20 scurvy and
Christon I. Archer
dysentery cases of both ships.
Two seamen, Manuel ~om&guezand Felipe
Sanauria of Rincesa died i n the tent and were buried on the isolated
beach.18
Bodega attempted t o keep h i s 107 officers and crew members
well dressed and dry t o preserve them from sickness, but Arteaga's 98
men came close t o a disease disaster even though the officers exercised
similar care.
Almost everyone aboard f e l l gravely ill t o a sudden
attack of an i l l n e s s thought for a short while to be plague.
The
surgeon of Favorita , Mariano ~uiiez de Esquivel , reported that victims
who survived what appeared to be the very worst ravages of the ailment
were actually a t greatest r i s k t o t h e i r lives.
Despite Esquivel's
intervent ions, several seamen perished. l9 There was no indication of
any s c i e n t i f i c study of the disease which may well have resulted from
food poisoning either from spoiled provisions or from f i s h o r shellfish
provided by the Indians.
The naive or ignorant attitudes expressed toward scurvy i n the 1779
expedition underscored a mst dangerous ignorance of how to deal with
the disease and of recent advances i n the s t a t e of research on the
subject i n Europe.
While crewmen suffered the agonies of advancing
scurvy and some died, Princesa's
surgeon Juan ~ a r c c awent about the
Bucareli Bay region cataloguing medicinal herbs and other useful
plants.
He discovered fennel, sorrel, tw v a r i e t i e s of wild celery,
nettles,
alder, celandine, and wormwood.20
Remarkably, however, no
manuscript source i n t h i s well documented voyage refers t o any e f f o r t to
make p r a c t i c a l use of these plants t o t r e a t scurvy or simply to
supplement the d i e t of the crews.
Indeed, Princesass second officer,
Fernando Quirih, believed that seven scurvy deaths and ten victims
incapable of duty w u l d pass the disease t o the remaining healthy men.
Quirds saw no means available t o prevent the devastation of a sickness
"so contagious and rapid"; he noted i n h i s journal that scurvy simply
could not be prevented i n long voyages. 21
It i s clear that the marine authorities and officers i n Mexico
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
lacked access t o recently discovered medical knowledge on how t o protect
the health of seamen against scurvy and i l l n e s s e s resulting from the
c h i l l i n g cold of the North Pacific.
A glance a t the l i s t s of provisions
carried by the 1779 vessels underscores these facts.
Princesa was well
supplied with b i s c u i t , jerked beef, beans, and grain, but the only
antiscorbutics l i s t e d were small quantities of onions and g a r l i c and s i x
jars of syrup t h a t might have been citrus."
Aboard Favorita, a furious
Northeasterly gale overtuned the surgeon's chest s p i l l i n g many of the
medicines and ingredients considered e s s e n t i a l t o protect health during
the voyage.
The contents of the chest were thrown about with the t o t a l
loss of extracts, o i l s , and syrups needed t o t r e a t coughs, colds and
other ailments anticipated i n the North ~ a c i f i c . ' ~ Without the fresh
fish,
s h e l l f i s h , and other food items supplied by the Indians of
~ : 1779 voyage might well have become another medical
Bucareli ~ a the
d i s a s t e r and p o l i t i c a l failure.
The Arteaga-Bodega y Quadra voyage followed James Cook by a year
and marked the end of Spanish explorations f o r almost a decade.
a g a i n s t B r i t a i n , administrative reforms,
viceroys,
and o t h e r f a c t o r s i n t e r v e n e d .
publication of Cook's
journal
I n t h e meantime,
the
i n 1784 informed the world about the
potential wealth t o be gained from exploitidg the trans-Pacific
I
War
the sudden deaths of two
sea
o t t e r f u r trade. By 1785 and 1786, English comnercial voyages from
London, India, and Asian ports presented new threats t o Spain's tenuous
claims t o North Pacific sovereignty.
Mexican a u t h o r i t i e s were unaware
of these events, but the voyage of the Comte de l a Pdrouse and new
rumours of Russian encroachments toward California impelled Spain t o
renew northern explorations.
From the medical point of view, the hiatus of ten years was more
than beneficial.
The 1788 voyage t o Alaska and a s f a r west a s the
Aleutian island of Unalaska corm~anded by Estdban Josd Martl'nez and
Gonzalo L6pez de Haro with the f r i g a t e Princesa and the supply vessel
194
Christon I. Archer
San Carlos , underscored remarkable advances i n Spanish marine health
care.
Mexico had caught up w i t h Europe i n t h e application of
anti-scurvy
p r e v e n t a t i v e s and i n t h e application of other steps
necessary to ensure the health of seamen.
Viceroy Manuel Antonio Fldrez
(1787-17891, a former marine officer himself, made certain that there
could be no repetition of the scurvy outbreaks in 1779 and i n previous
expeditions.24
In 1788, Martinez's ships carried a f u l l inventory of
medicines plus the t r e a t i s e on scurvy by the Portuguese physician
Ribeiro Sanches recommending the use of oranges and lemons and outlining
methods f o r preserving c i t r u s juices f o r use on ocean voyages.25
Also,
Fl6rez gave ~ a r t f n e za sumary of Captain Cook's methods f o r maintaining
good shipboard health which was gleaned from the published journal. 26
C l e a n l i n e s s and s a n i t a t i o n received very high priorities.
Fldrez
stressed the need t o expose clothing, sea chests, and other items to the
sun's rays f o r one o r two days a t a time.
The holds and between decks
were t o be swept regularly, washed down with vinegar diluted i n hot
water, and f i n a l l y sanitized by burning a l i t t l e gunpowder.
Whenever
the weather permitted, the conmenders were t o open hatches t o permit the
circulation of fresh a i r .
While Fldrez was quite aware of the need t o
economize a s much a s possible, he ordered o f f i c i a l s t o distribute
adequate heavy clothing and footwear t o the crews. 27
Fortunately, Est6ban Marthez was a devoted student of Jams Cook
and an o f f i c e r dedicated t o improving conditions f o r h i s crewmen.
Not
only did he implement Flbrez's instructions, but he expanded upon them
wherever possible t o introduce even more stringent regulations designed
t o banish disease through improved sanitation and additions t o the d i e t
of seamen.
Weather permitting, each afternoon he ordered the hatches
shut and the galleys and holds scrubbed with vinegar before fumigations
with a mixture of burning sulphur, gunpowder, and vinegar.
Sulphur
disinfected storage rooms which were sprinkled with a mixture of water,
vinegar, and a l i t t l e lime juice.
As a direct prophylactic against
Spanish Mar it inae Expeditions
scurvy, Martfnez added a mixture of sulphur, vinegar and b i t t e r lemon to
the casks containing the daily water supply consumed by crew h e r s .
Unfortunately, there is no indication in the documents just how much
juice was added.
t o seamen:
Finally, he distributed special cold weather clothing
the marines who did not receive adequate protection were
given three yards of heavy cloth from the Indian trade goods so that
they could make overgarments .28
A f t e r f i v e months of e x p l o r a t i o n i n f r i g i d Alaskan waters,
~ a r t & e z , s two crews suffered a t o t a l of only nine light cases of
scurvy.
A t Unalaska Island, they were sent ashore t o recuperate among
the Russian traders who gave up t h e i r own beds t o a s s i s t the Spaniards.
Martfnez watched over t h e sick, forced them t o e a t b i t t e r grass
harvested on the island, and made certain that they exercised and did
not sleep too n u ~ h . Throughout
~ ~
the voyage, he made every e f f o r t t o
have h i s men catch f i s h and t o cut wild celery, grass, o r other edible
The r e s u l t s were excellent; the ships returned t o
Mexiw with the crews i n perfect health. 30
greens f o r salads.
As is well known, the information collected by the 1788 expedition
on perceived Russian plans precipitated the 1789 Spanish occupation of
Nootka Sound.
Not only did the Russians claim t o be poised f o r a
southward movement, but the Spaniards gathered information on the
I
rapidly expanding a c t i v i t i e s of other foreign f u r traders.
Despite h i s
apparent successes, there was one major cloud over Martfnez.
While
cruising Alaska waters, he engaged i n a series of rather obnoxious petty
clashes and quarrels with L6pez de Haro and several other officers who
accused him of drunkeness, foul language unbef i t t i n g an officer, and
arbitrary behavior.
In f a c t , however, alcohol was probably only one
f a c t o r in a condition that suggested incipient mental instability.
Lacking any other experienced captain f o r the 1789 mission t o occupy
Nootka Sound, Viceroy Fldrez took a gamble.
Martlnez received the
copload that i n a short time propelled him t o infamy i n the British
Christon I. Archer
world for detaining, English merchant ships and precipitating the Nootka
Sound Controversy that edged Britain and Spain t o the brink of war.
The 1789 voyage took place amidst an atmosphere of confusion and
haste over w h a t Martfnez should do i f he found foreigners i n possession
Viceroy Flbrez, now a sick man himself, had t o take
of Nootka Sound.
action without waiting for royal assent for h i s plan.
fle knew that h i s
d e c i s i o n could w e l l p r e c i p i t a t e a major diplomatic incident and
attempted t o w r i t e an i n s t r u c t i o n f o r M a r t h e z t h a t would be
conciliatory rather than ~ i o l e n t . No matter what the viceroy declared
i n h i s written document, Mart&ez was not prepared f o r the pressures he
would encounter.
Having da~onstratedunusual oscillation of mood and
depression during the previous voyage, he found himself i n 1789 beset
with truly great responsibilities.
H i s f r i g a t e Princesa had undergone a
hasty and most certainly a shoddy r e f i t to prepare it f o r the return t o
the north.
The vessel was infested by a multitude of r a t s and it leaked
so badly t h a t the carpenters were kept busy plugging seams.
From the
beginning of the voyage, crew members suffered from colds and chest
ailments caused by the constant damp.
When the surgeon bled himself t o
death i n a quixotic quest t o cure h i s own head cold, Martlnez discovered
that medicines were i n short supply and often so old that they had
l i t t l e effect.
To make matters even worse, many s a i l o r s and soldiers
.
suffered f rom veneral diseases 31
The a r r i v a l a t Y u q w t (Friendly Cove), Nootka Sound, confirmed
f e a r s and increased the stresses upon Msrtfnez.
He encountered American
f u r trading vessels i n the port and quickly learned of the bustling
commerce t h a t made the Spaniards appear a s uninformed latecomers.
C l e a r l y , Martlhez had t o r e g a i n t h e i n i t i a t i v e and to give the
appearance that Spain claimed f u l l sovereignty over Nootka Sound and the
e n t i r e coastline.
However, lacking imperial approval f o r h i s plan t o
occupy t h e north, ~ l d r e zhad been irresolute i n h i s instructions.
Uarthez was now more o r l e s s on h i s own t o forge an inmediate response
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
As has been noted, during the 1788 expedition
t o the foreign traders.
he had not held up a t a l l well under pressure and criticism.
Beginning
a t Prince William Sound, he became involved i n a s e r i e s of petty
incidents with subordinates, behaved a t times i n what others interpreted
a s a wild drunken s t a t e , and exhibited clear signs of depression.
Certainly, Martrnez did not get along well with Mpez de Haro who was
much younger and a s a recent a r r i v a l from Spain looked down upon h i s
superior whose career i n the isolated Pacific service had been only
modestly successful.
Quite l i k e l y the f u l l explanation f o r Mart&ez's
behavior had t o do with n u t r i t i o n a l deficiencies accentuated by alcohol
that exacerbated h i s mental state.
A t other times i n the 1788 voyage,
he showed e x c e l l e n t judgement,
diplomacy, and good leadership. 32
Clearly,
t h e r e were c e r t a i n s i t u a t i o n s that triggered Martkez's
condition and caused him t o lose control temporarily.
Given the importance of Nootka Sound and the pressures of 1789,
Mart n e z 9 s a c t i o n s become more
representative,
comprehensible.
he had t o give the appearance of
As Spain's
strength and the
capacity t o guard Spanish sovereignty that the foreign f u r traders did
not respect.
Moreover,
there was a nagging f e a r that a Russian
expedition would arrive t o contest Spanish r u l e and t o establish a
permanent
I
settlement
.
The chief Franciscan,
Friar Severo Patero,
underscored the urgent demands upon Martinez with h i s remark, "If Spain
does not take strong steps with t h e matter (sovereignty), these coasts
and our settlements a r e i n imninent
Given the circumstances,
the Spaniards labored t o throw up temporary buildings and t o construct a
gun platform ashor@ t o bolster t h e i r presence.
Martznez detained and
then released a British trading vessel flying Portuguese colours.
When
James Colnett arrived aboard Areonaut claiming t o have orders from the
English king t o erect an establishment consisting of a stronghouse and
trading factory, the Spanish commander had l i t t l e alternative other than
t o a r r e s t h i s competitors.
If these events were not enough t o unbalance
198
Christon I. Archer
Mart&z,
he had additional pressures.
He seemed to snap when a Nootka
chief named Callicum intervened on behalf of h i s English trading
p a r t n e r s and insulted the Spaniards who had detained them.
In a
confusing incident, Callicum was shot t o death i n h i s canoe either by
Martinez in an impulsive gesture o r by a soldier who acted under his
orders.
No one took up Mart&iezYs defense or attempted t o understand
h i s position and the London press flayed him a s something akin to a
monster.
His actions did serve t o solidify Spanish intentions to remain
on the Northwest Coast.
Despite h i s other preoccupations, Martlhez and his successors i n
cammand a t Nootka maintained their concerns about the health of the
-
garrison.
By August 23, 1789, the Spaniards harvested t h e i r f i r s t crops
of lettuce, radishes, cabbages, and various herbs.34
Captain Pedro de
Alberni of the Company of Volunteers of Catalonia stationed a t Yuquot
(Friendly Cove) was t o expand these f i r s t experimental gardens planted
i n the r i c h midden s o i l t o produce a variety of vegetables for daily
consumption.35
Unfortunately, the gardens did not produce suff icient
surplus t o see the garrison through the d i f f i c u l t winter mnths.
f o r e i g n captains often praised Spanish horticulture,
present t o witness the bleaker side of post l i f e .
I
While
they were not
Scurvy, flatulent
c o l i c , bloody d i a r r h e a o r dysentery, and catarrh became chronic
companions of those who spent any l e n g t h of time a t Nootka. 36
Fortunately, the surgeons learned how t o prepare spruce o r pine-tip tea
which was administered regularly t o the protesting seamen and soldiers.
When used with o t h e r a n t i s c o r b u t i c s brought from Mexico, they
."37
experienced l ' m a ~ ~ l l o uresults
s
The medical personnel were much l e s s successful i n t h e i r treatment
of bloody diarrhea or dystentery which was also present i n the Indian
population and appears t o have been an endemic and dangerous indigenous
disease.38
To prevent inevitable deaths, the only known cure was t o
send patients back t o the California missions where usually they
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
recovered their health quite rapidly.
After the harsh winter of 1790-91
during which five men perished out of 120 in the garrison, a t o t a l of 32
seriously ill with scurvy and bloody dysentery had t o be evacuated. 39
Considering the amount of practical experience enjoyed by the Spaniards,
it i s remarkable that they failed t o provide the seamen or garrison
force a t Nootka with better antiscorbutics and clothing adequate f o r the
northern climate.
The result was continuing sickness resulting from
poor d i e t , exposure, and mental depression amng the men who cursed
their f a t e and could not escape insufferable discomfort.
When Malaspina visited Nootka in 1791, he declared the northern
post t o be i n a c r i t i c a l s t a t e with the comnander, Francisco de Eliza,
and h i s garrison absolutely petrified by the prospect of spending
another winter on a diet of s a l t meat.
men could survive u n t i l spring.40
Eliza doubted if the weakened
The post had been overrun by a plague
of r a t s which regular smoke fumigations and the work of 44 cats could
not control.
A t least a third of stored provisions were consumed o r
destroyed by rodents .41
Malaspina's surgeons taught the garrison how t o
brew spruce beer and the visiting off icers gave the seamen and soldiers
pieces of thick flannel, canvas, and old jackets and coats a s well a s
medical supplies. 42
Duty a t Nootka exacted a heavy t o l l upon the health of any men
l
stationed there over winters.
Many suffered from exposure and men were
only too willing t o spend their own money t o purchase heavy clothing
from v i s i t i n g f u r traders.
Requests by the post comnander Rrrmon
Saavedra f o r flanuel, boots, shoes, woolen stockings, and hats either
f e l l upon deaf ears i n tkxico or produced limited quantities of inferior
goods.43 Naval authorities could m t understand complaints about food
shortages when the northern port seemed t o be r i c h i n f i s h , shellfish,
ducks, and venison.
Mexican o f f i c i a l s failed t o take into account the
seasonal nature of food resources or the f a c t that the garrison lived a
q u i t e confined l i f e close t o the establislnnent.
Periods of good
200
Christon I. Archer
relat,ions with the Indians were offset by incidents that restricted
Spanish movements and caused concerns about the defense of the
settlement.
Af t e r several winters a t Nootka, Saavedra experienced a truly
frightening malady.
In an incident during June, 1793, upon raising h i s
voice t o give a conmand, a large amount of blood issued forth from his
mouth.
The t e r r i f i e d Saavedra went t o the surgeon who bled him twice
copiously and prescribed medicines.
He did not f u l l y recover h i s health
and during the next winter, he f e l l ill again blaming h i s condition upon
the shock to h i s system of leaving his warn dwelling t o go out into the
cold.
A t the same time, he reported that h i s men suffered severely from
scurvy.44
Without constant and dynamic intervention by the senior
officers, the garrison seems t o have avoided consumption of spruce tea
o r beer.
Others a t Nootka suffered illnesses that were equally
frightening.
Following two winters in the isolated northern port,
Father Nicholas de Loera complained of pulmonary henwrrhaging that on
several occasions threatened h i s life.45
In March, 1794, Juan de l a
Bodega y Quadra paid the ultimate price for h i s years of northern duty;
he died i n Mexico City of illnesses that had weakened h i s powers of
resistance. 46
When Spain abandoned the North Pacific base a t Nootka Sound i n
I
1795, there were none t o mourn the escape from the dreary climate,
s u f f e r i n g , and deprivations.
From the medical point of view, the
Spanish rewrd of learning how t o respond t o the environment and i t s
diseases was mixed a t best.
The f i r s t expeditions suffered because the
Spaniards i n Mexiw appeared t o lack effective traditional methods on
how t o combat scurvy and because the regime did not protect the cr-n
adequately from the rigors of the northern marine climate.
With the
spread of Enlightenment s c i e n t i f i c thought and knowledge about the
English expeditions of James Cook, o f f i c e r s such a s Esteban Jose
b r t t n e z were able t o banish scurvy.
However, the continuing parsimony
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
of those who controlled expenditures prevented marine officers from
stocking adequate provisions or heavy weather clothing to guard against
exposure.
There was no strategic Northwest Passage open to easy
navigation, no resources that Spain could exploit quickly, and no
Indians anxious t o accept the message of Christianity.
Lacking these
incentives, the authorities i n Mexico City and Madrid skimped i n v i t a l
areas of concern t o those who sailed i n the expeditions and manned the
northern outpost a t Nootka Sound.
While the Spaniards suffered, their
surgeons and other observers remarked constantly upon the good health of
the Indians and the f a c t that the indigenous population did not appear
t o suffer from scurvy.47
Notwithstanding t h i s information, there were
no investigations t o determine the reasons f o r Indian good health or t o
emulate t h e i r diet.
In f a c t , the poor health care and disease tended t o
corroborate negative Spanish opinions about the North Pacific l i t t o r a l .
Blinded by t h e i r own inadequacies more than by any r e a l i t y , they were
happy t o abandon the Northwest Coast to its Indian inhabitants, the
maritime f u r traders,
the Russians, and t o other nations that were
willing t o make the conmitments t o sustain national enterprises.
NOTES
I
1.
J. de Zulueta and L. Higwras, "Health and Navigation i n the South
Seas: The Spanish Experience," i n J. Watt, E.J. Freeman and
W.F. Bynum, eds., Starvinn Sailors: The Influence of Nutrition
uwn Naval and Maritime History (London, 19811, 90.
2.
Diario del viage executado en l a fragata Santiano, a l i a s l a - N
Galicia por e l Piloto EstCban Jose Martcnez desde e l Puerto de San
Carlos de Monterey...a
descubrimiento de l a Costa hasta Los 55
grados 48 minutos...,
November 4, 1774, Archivo General de Indias,
Seville, Spain, (cited hereinafter a s AGI) Guadalajara, leg. 516.
3.
Francisco Xavier de Viana, Diario de viaie, 11 (Montwideo, 19581,
24.
202
Christon I. Archer
4.
I i o r y o Sanfelieu Ortiz, 62 mesee a bordo: l a emedicign Malas~ina
s e w e l diario del Teniente de Navio Don Antonio Tova Arredondo. 2
conmandante de l a "Atrevida". 1789-1794 (Madrid, 19431, 179.
5.
Viceroy Antonio F16rez to Minister of the Indiee Antonio Valdez,
November 26, 1788, AGI, Estado, leg. 20, ramo 34.
6.
Diario de Martlhez, November 4, 1774, AGI Guadalajara, leg. 516.
7.
Fray Francisco Miguel ~&nchez, Hietoria compuesta de todo 10
acaeeido en l a expedicibn hecha a1 puerto de Nutka, a o de 1789,
Yale University, Beinecke Library, Ms. 415.
8.
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones ~ i e n t f f i c a s , I n s t i t u t o
~ i e t d r i wde Marina, Coleccidn de Diarios v Relacionee Dara l a
historia de 10s viaies v deecubrhientoes V I , Esteban Jose Martznez
(Madrid, 19641, 56.
9.
Jose Pornh Turanzas, ed., Relaci6n del v i a i e hecho mr lae noletas
S d t i l v Mexicana en e l & de 1792 Dara r e w m c e r e l estrecho de
F a (Madrid, 19581, 8.
10.
Continuaci6n del diario que f o n d e l AlfCez graduado de Fragata,
Don Juan PCez, primer piloto del Departamento de San Blas w n l a
fragata titulado Santiago
1774, AGI, Estado, leg. 20, ramo 11.
...,
11. Diario de Mart<nez, November 4, 1774, AGI, Guadalajara, leg. 516.
12.
Diario que
Propaganda
Fragata de
Alf C e z de
ramo 10.
yo Fr. Juan Creepi, misionero del ~ p o s t d l i c oColegio de
Fide de San Fernando de Mexico f o n d del viage de l a
Su Magestad nombrada Santiago.. .mandada por su Capit& y
Fragata, Don Juan PQez.. , 1774, AGI, Estado, leg. 43,
.
13.
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones C i e n t i f i c a s , I n s t i t u t o
~ i s t 6 r i c ode Marina, ~ o l e c c i 6 nde Diarioe v Relaciones w r a l a
H i e t o r i a de Los v i a i e e v descubrimientoe, I1 A& de 1775,
~ a v e g a c i d n hecha por Don Juan Francisco de l a Bodega y
Quadra...camandante de l a goleta Somra (Madrid, 19431, 104.
14.
Navegaciih hecha por e l piloto segundo de l a Armada, Don Francisco
Antonio Maurelle en l a goleta nombrada Somra...Ano de 1775, AGI,
Estado leg. 38A, ramo 4.
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
15. *Diario del viage que hice abordo de l a fragata del Rey nombrada
Santiago desde e l Puerto de San Blas a1 nuevo descubrimiento por l a
costa de Monterey hasta e l grado 50, Padre Miguel de l a Campa,
1775, AGI, Guadalajara, leg. 516.
16.
Diario de l a navegaci6n que debe hacer con e l auxilio e l Teniente
de ~ a v i oDon Bruno de Hezeta en l a Fragata de su mando Santiago.. .y
en su conserva de l a goleta Senora. 1775, AGI, Estado, leg. 38A,
ram 11.
17.
For a good example, see Informe a S.M. en q w e l Colegio de San
Fernando de Mhico da cuenta de 10s nuevos descubrimientos hechos
en California desde 1769 hasta e l presente de 1776.. , February 26,
1776, AGI, Guadalajara, leg. 515.
.
18.
Diario d e l Teniente de Navio, y segundo Comandante de l a
~xpedicibn,Don Fernando Bernardo de Quirds y Miranda, 1779, AGI,
Estado, leg. 38A, raw 14.
19.
Navegacidn y descubrimientos hechos de orden de S.M. en l a Casts
S e p t e n t r i o n a l de California...por
e l Teniente de Navio Juan
Francisco de l a Bodega y Quadra...Comandante
de l a fragata de
S.M. Nuestra S e k r a de 10s Remedies, a l i a s La Favorita, Ano de
1779, AGI, Estado, leg. 38A, ram 15.
20.
Diario de Navegacion que con e l favor de ~ 1 6 sy de su ~antl/ssima
Madre principia a hacer Juan Pantoja y Arriaga, Segundo Piloto de
l a Fragata de S.M. Nwstra Senora d e l Rosario, a l i a s
Princess,
AGI, Estado, leg. 38B.
21.
Diario de ~uir68,1779, AGI, Estado, leg. 38A, r w 15.
22.
Estado en q w sale a navegar l a Fragata de S.M. La Princeea...a
exploracionee de l a s Costae Septentrionales de l a California,
mandada pot e l Teniente de ~ a v f oDon Ignacio Arteaga, 1779, AGI,
BstaQ, leg. 38B.
23.
Juan Riobo, "An Account of the Voyage made by the Frigates
"Princeraw and "Favorita" i n the Year 1779 from San Blas t o
Northweetern Alaska," !&holic Historical Review IV: 2 (July,
1918), 222.
24.
1nstntcci6n q w debe observar e l Teniente de Fragata Jog6 Camacho,
del Departamento de San Blas,
piloto primer0 de 10s del &ro
November, 1787, Biblioteca National, Mhico, Caja Fwrte.
204
I
Christon I. Archer
25.
'J. de Zulueta and L. Higueras, "Health and Navigation," i n Starvinq
Sailors (London, 19811, 94.
26.
Fldrez t o . Josd Camacho, November 27, 1787, Biblioteca Nacional,
Mhico, Caja Fuerte.
28.
Diario de l a ~avegacign
...q ue executd e l A l f h e z de ~ a v i oDon
EstBan Josd Martfnez, Comandante de l a Fragata Princesa y paquebot
San Carloe, 1788, AGI, Mexico, leg. 1529; and Diario de ~avegacidn
que.. .va a egecutar e l Piloto de l a Real Armada, Don Antonio
Serantes sobre l a fragata de S.C.M. La Princesa, 1788, Biblioteca
Nacional, Mxico, Caja Fuerte.
30.
Fl6rez to ValdBs, no. 672, November 24, 1978, Biblioteca Nacional,
Mkico, Caja Fuerte, b. 1683.
31.
Diario de Estdban Josd h r t h e z , 1789 (Madrid, 19641, 53.
32.
For d e t a i l s see Gonzalo L&z de Haro t o Flbrez, San Blas, October
28, 1788, Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico, Caja Fuerte; and J a m s Watt,
"Some Consequences of Nutritional Disorders i n Eighteenth Century
British Circumnavigations," i n Starvim Sailors (London, 19811, 63.
Watt provides a most interesting comparison with Captain Philip
Carteret.
33.
Letter of Fray Swero Patero, July 13, 1789, Beinecke Library, Yale
University, Me. 621.
34. Diario de Ert6ban Jog6 Martfnez, 1789 (Madrid, 19641, 108.
35.
Noticias de l a semillas que se da en Nootka, Museo Naval, Madrid,
vol. 330. While mst vegetables did very well, tomatoes, corn and
eame other crops did not ripen.
36.
Diario & l a s cosas particulares que he notado e l tiempo que he
eetado en Wolca, Jacinto Cacrmano, 1791, Archivo General de l a
Nacion, &ico (Cited hereinafter a s AGN), Hietoria vol. 69.
38.
Caracter, v i d a y costumbres de 10s I n d i o s de N o b , y sus
k d i a c i o n e s ; eegun 10 que he observaQ y l a s noticias que he
podido adquirir , Jacinto Caamano, AGN, Hietoria, vol. 69.
Spanish Maritime Expeditions
205
39.
Diario de l a s cosas, Jacinto Camfano, 1791, AGN, R i s t o r i a vol. 69;
and Diario de Juan Pantoja, b s e o Naval, Madrid, vol. 331.
40.
Francisco de Eliza t o Viceroy Conde de Rivillagigedo, October 10,
1791, AGN, Historia, vol. 69.
41.
I r i s Higbie Wilson, ed., Noticias de Nutka bv Jose Mariano ~loziiio
( S e a t t l e , 1970). 76; lorenzo Sanfelieu Ortiz, 62 meses abordo
(Madrid, 1943), 163; and Eliza t o Revillagigedo, n.d., 1791, AGN,
Historia, vol. 69.
42.
Lorenzo Sanfelieu Ortiz, 62 meses abordo (Madrid, 19431, 164-165.
43.
~ d Antanio
n
Saavedra t o Revillagigedo,
1791, AGN, Historia, vol. 69.
44.
Saavedra t o Revillagigedo, Nootka Sound, June 15, 1794, AGN,
Historia, vol. 71.
45.
Nicolas de Loera t o Juan Rancisco de l a Bodega y w d r a , San Blas,
March 31, 1793, AGN, Rovincias Internas, vol. 3.
46.
Revillagigedo t o Antanio Valdbs, March 31, 1794, &sea
Madrid, vol. 2305.
47.
Aviso a 10s aavegantea sobre conaervaci6n de e salud, h s e o Naval,
Madrid, vol. 402, f o l i o 158.
Nootka Sound, May 26,
Naval,