FOOD, FOSSIL FUELS AND FILTHY FINANCE 191 OXFAM BRIEFING PAPER 17 OCTOBER 2014

191 OXFAM BRIEFING PAPER
17 OCTOBER 2014
Open pit mining at Jaenschwalde, Germany. Photo: Christian Mang/Greenpeace
FOOD, FOSSIL FUELS AND
FILTHY FINANCE
Climate change is already making people hungry, and the use of fossil fuels
is largely to blame, representing the single biggest source of greenhouse
gas emissions globally. On current trends, the world will be 4–6ºC hotter by
the end of the century, exceeding 2ºC within the lifetimes of most people
reading this report. This will cause untold human devastation and
exacerbate poverty and hunger. Despite some steps in the right direction to
tackle climate change, a ‘toxic triangle’ of political inertia, financial
short-termism and vested fossil fuel interests blocks the transition that is
needed. To help break this, governments must commit to phase out fossil
fuel emissions by early in the second half of this century, with rich
countries leading the way.
www.oxfam.org
SUMMARY
The world produces enough food to feed everyone. But every day more
than 800 million people go to bed hungry. This is a scandal – and climate
change is set to make things even worse.
Fossil fuels are the single biggest driver of climate change; if the world is to
avoid exceeding dangerous global warming of 2°C, up to 80 percent of
known fossil fuel reserves need to stay in the ground.1 In the absence of
an unprecedented change in the global use of fossil fuels, there is a
serious risk that the world is on track for a 4–6 degree temperature rise by
the end of the century, exceeding even the „worst case scenarios‟ outlined
by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).2 This could
put up to 400 million people across some of the poorest countries at risk of
severe food and water shortages by the middle of the century,3 with 25
million more malnourished children – the equivalent of all of the
under-fives in the USA and Canada combined.4 It also poses major
economic and business risks as the impacts of climate change start to be
felt across rich and poor countries alike – damaging property, limiting
agricultural production and reducing labour productivity. Unilever has said
that it loses €300m ($415m) each year due to extreme weather events
such as flooding and extreme cold.5 Continued demand for fossil fuels will
also be accompanied by increasing – and costly – impacts on health and
local communities.
Avoiding these devastating impacts means a rapid and urgent transition to
low-carbon economies globally. Governments around the world are
beginning to wake up to this reality – President Obama recently
announced new rules to cut emissions from power plants by 30 percent by
2030; the European Union is currently negotiating a „climate and energy
package‟ with new emission reductions targets for 2030; China has
recently hinted at „absolute carbon caps‟ after 2016. These are positive
steps in the right direction, but they fall far short of what is needed –
especially from rich and historically high-emitting countries which have the
greatest capacity to act, and which must demonstrate far greater ambition
if developing countries are to follow suit.6 Recent moves by large historic
emitters including Canada, Russia, Japan and Australia to renege on
existing commitments and to embrace the dirtiest and riskiest of fossil
fuels – from coal to tar sands and fracking – send all the wrong signals to
the rest of the world. And while higher emitting developing countries
cannot be held to the same bar as rich nations, long-term carbon-intensive
development is also incompatible with keeping global warming below 2°C
and risks locking these countries into an over-reliance on fossil fuels.
In the absence of robust climate legislation, finance continues to flow
unabated into the fossil fuel industry. At the current rate of capital
expenditure, the next decade will see over $6 trillion allocated to
developing the fossil fuel industry.7 In 2012 alone, fossil fuel companies
spent $674bn on exploration and development projects.8 This private
finance is facilitated by public finance, incentives and tax breaks – with an
estimated $1.9 trillion of subsidies oiling the wheels of the fossil fuel sector
2
Without change in the
global use of fossil fuels,
there is a serious risk
that the world is on track
for a 4–6 degree
temperature rise by the
end of the century,
exceeding even the
‘worst case scenarios’
outlined by the IPCC.
Unilever has said that it
loses €300m ($415m)
each year due to
extreme weather events
such as flooding and
extreme cold.
The next decade will see
over $6 trillion allocated
to developing the fossil
fuel industry at the
current rate of capital
expenditure. In 2012
fossil fuel companies
spent $674bn on
exploration and
development projects.
globally every year, including the costs of paying for its widespread
damage.9 In this context, fossil fuel interests therefore spend millions of
dollars every year lobbying to defend their bottom line, given that they
have so much to lose from ambitious climate regulation. In 2013, fossil fuel
industries spent an estimated $213m lobbying US and EU decision
makers – well in excess of half a million dollars every day and totalling $4m
a week. In the US alone, the estimated yearly bill for lobbying activities by
fossil fuel interests amounts to $160m – the same amount that the
government in Nepal has estimated is needed for crucial adaptation
actions that currently remain unfunded.
$160m is the estimated
yearly bill for lobbying
activities by fossil fuel
interests in the US – the
same amount that the
government in Nepal
estimates is needed for
crucial climate change.
This „toxic triangle‟ of political inertia, financial short-termism and vested
fossil fuel interests stands in the way of the transition needed. The lack of
necessary government ambition to shift away from fossil fuels results in
continued investment by the global financial sector based on an
assumption that fossil fuels are here to stay – buoyed by the rhetoric of the
fossil fuel industry itself. This is despite the fact that a low-carbon future is
both desirable and possible, North and South, with sustainable low-carbon
technologies rapidly decreasing in cost and beginning to compete with
dirty energy. Decentralized sustainable renewable energy also offers
significant opportunities to provide more suitable and less costly energy
access for the poorest and most marginalized communities. Governments
globally could tip the balance in favour of a low-carbon future and send the
right signals to unleash the finance for this transition through committing to
phase out fossil fuel emissions by early in the second half of this century.
Rich countries can and must act first and fastest, urgently transitioning
their economies away from fossil fuels due to their historic responsibility
for climate change and their greater capacity to act. This in turn, alongside
provision of international climate finance where appropriate, will help to
unlock the necessary ambition from richer developing countries with
rapidly increasing emissions which are currently heavily investing in fossil
fuels and will also need to move concertedly towards low-carbon pathways
in the coming decade if warming is to stay below 2°C. As their economies
grow they will have increasing capacity to make these investments,
building on the positive moves they have already made in this direction.
Poorer developing countries – whose contribution to climate change is
often negligible and whose capacity to transition is lower – will inevitably
have to move more slowly, especially as fossil fuels can play an important
role in immediate social and economic needs. Where possible, these
countries should also start to seize the low-carbon opportunities that do
exist – and the benefits of which in some cases surpass fossil fuels – and
rich nations should support them with public funds.
3
1 FOSSIL FUELS, HUNGER
AND CLIMATE CHANGE
Emissions from the extraction and use of fossil fuels are the single biggest
driver of climate change, which is already devastating livelihoods and
making poor people hungry. Fossil fuel usage across sectors accounts
for over 80 percent of global carbon dioxide emissions, and around 65
percent of all greenhouse gas emissions.10 In 2012, coal burning was
responsible for 43 percent of total global C02 emissions from fuel
combustion, with oil, gas and gas flaring accounting for 33, 18, and 0.6
percent, respectively.11 According to the IPCC, known global fossil fuel
reserves amount to around 4,000 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide (GtCO2),
of which only around 1,000 GtCO2 can be burned if there is to be more
than a 66 percent chance of keeping warming below the 2ºC target
agreed by governments through the UN Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC).
Figure 1: Fossil fuel reserves
Fossil fuel reserves
3,863 GtCO2
Oil 982 GtCO2
Gas 690 GtCO2
Coal 2,191 GtCO2
2ºC budget
1,050 GtCO2
Sources: Fossil Fuel Reserves: IPCC (2011); Carbon budget: IPCC (2013)
Figure adapted from European Climate Foundation
http://www.europeanclimate.org/documents/nocoal2c.pdf
Other analysts suggest that if the world is to avoid exceeding the 2°C
target, up to 80 percent of known fossil fuel reserves therefore need to stay
in the ground,12 including at least three-quarters of the world‟s coal (see
Figure 1). Yet research from the Tyndall Centre commissioned by Oxfam
shows that, in the absence of an unprecedented change in the global use
of fossil fuels, the world is on track for a 4–6ºC temperature rise by the end
of the 21st century, which is an even higher temperature rise than the
worst-case scenario outlined by the IPCC.13
This is because current emissions are tracking at or slightly above the
IPCC worst-case scenario. Indeed some studies point to emissions
exceeding those projected in the IPCC worst-case scenarios by 2–4 times
by 2100.14 Without a comprehensive international framework to limit
emissions to 2°C – let alone the 1.5ºC demanded by more than 100
countries at the UNFCCC – economic growth will likely continue to be
based on fossil fuels in both rich and poor countries, and incentives for
increasingly energy-intensive extraction will only increase. Current trends
already indicate that exceeding the IPCC worst-case scenario is a distinct
possibility: including the dash for 'unconventional' fossil fuel sources; the
4
If the world is to avoid
exceeding dangerous
global warming of 2°C,
up to 80 percent of
known fossil fuel
reserves need to stay in
the ground.
continued high demand for fossil fuels including highly carbon-intensive
coal; and sustained high energy prices which make such fossil fuel
recovery economically viable.
Box 1: Tyndall Centre research – a scenario of up to six degrees is a
distinct possibility
The Tyndall Centre suggests that many of the conditions that would push
emissions beyond the IPCC's worst-case scenario are transpiring:
1. Sufficient affordable fossil fuels
Multiple studies suggest that there are sufficient fossil fuel resources to
exceed the emission pathway in the upper end of the IPCC scenario, with
coal the most carbon-intensive and in many cases most easily recoverable.
Yet the recent boom in unconventional oil and gas (tar sands and fracking)
has further increased confidence in the possibility of resources being
converted to reserves, and consistently high energy prices would justify the
increasingly complicated and expensive technologies needed to recover
them.
2. Increasing demand
There is a strong likelihood of global economic growth resulting in increased
demand for fossil fuels, especially if China‟s rapid growth is mirrored across
other developing nations and there is no concerted action to penalize
carbon-intensive sectors/products and incentivize more efficient and cleaner
alternatives.
3. Persistently weak controls
The international community has thus far failed to even curtail the increase in
the rate of emissions growth and no country has so far successfully reduced
the carbon intensity of consumption.
Source: K. Anderson and D. Calverley (2014). Avoiding dangerous climate change: choosing
the science of the possible over the politics of the impossible. A report commissioned by Oxfam
and undertaken by Tyndall Centre researchers.
Impact on food and hunger
Under the IPCC‟s worst scenario of emissions growth – a scenario the
Tyndall Centre suggests we are currently at risk of exceeding – global
temperature increases would be likely to exceed 2ºC by 2046;15 within the
lifetimes of most people reading this report. Importantly, average
temperature rises are not even across the globe, with surface temperature
increases significantly higher in Africa than some other regions.16 A
temperature rise of 2ºC would have widespread human impacts and pose
serious challenges for development, including people‟s ability to grow and
access food. These „hunger costs‟ of fossil fuels are set to be among the
most savage impacts of climate change for millions of people globally.
Under the IPCC’s worst
scenario of emissions
growth – a scenario the
Tyndall Centre suggests
we are currently at risk
of exceeding – global
temperature increases
would be likely to
exceed 2ºC by 2046.
5
Up to 400 million people across some of the world‟s poorest countries may
face severe reductions in both water and food supplies by 2060 under a
high-emissions scenario.17 There could be 25 million more malnourished
children under the age of five in 2050, compared with a world without
climate change – that is the equivalent of all of the under-fives in the USA
and Canada combined.18
Studies have shown that the impacts of emission trajectories even at lower
levels than the IPCC worst-case scenario could have a significant impact
on growing season temperatures, and that farming communities in the
majority of African countries will be dealing with temperatures beyond their
experience to date for more than half their crop area by 2050.19 The IPCC
has suggested that, even with adaptation measures, we could see
decreases in agricultural yield of up to 2 percent per decade for the rest of
the century, with the risk of even more severe impacts increasing after
2050.20
Studies addressing the range of possible experiences under the IPCC
worst-case scenario predict mean yield reductions in maize and beans of
24 percent and 71 percent respectively in sub-Saharan Africa by the end
of the century. Scientists have warned that such substantial climatic
changes could overwhelm hundreds of millions of small-scale farmers,
many of whom are already very highly vulnerable.21 In addition, 90 percent
of people globally engaged in fishing are employed in small-scale
fisheries, many in poorer countries where this valuable protein source
contributes substantially to food security. With a temperature increase of
2ºC, by 2055 there may be a drop of 40–60 percent in yields for fisheries in
tropical latitudes. Furthermore, coral reefs provide food and other
resources to approximately 500 million people, and the IPCC finds that
ocean acidification will have a negative impact on coral reefs under all
emissions scenarios, reducing the availability of fish.22
Crucially, these decreases will take place within a context of persisting
hunger, a significantly rising global population, and changing global diets –
which together are expected to lead to a rise in demand for food by 14
percent per decade.23 These changes will hit poorer communities harder,
because many of the regions most vulnerable to climate change are
among the poorest. Exacerbating this, poor communities‟ ability to
withstand shocks and „bounce back‟ is reduced by non-climatic factors,
such as poverty, lack of social safety nets and poor housing. Importantly,
food price rises caused by climate shocks will also hit poorer countries and
communities harder, as they spend a much higher proportion of their
income on food; for example citizens in Cameroon spend over 40 percent
of their income on food, while US citizens spend under 10 percent.24
Oxfam research has documented how poorer families respond to food
price rises – eating too little and substituting cheaper foods, therefore often
missing vital nutrients.25
6
Up to 400 million people
in the world’s poorest
countries may face
severe reductions in
both water and food
supplies by 2060 under
a high-emissions
scenario
By 2050 there could be
25 million more
malnourished children
under the age of five,
compared with a world
without climate change.
That is the equivalent of
all of the under-fives in
the USA and Canada
combined.
Local temperature rises
above 1ºC could lead to
decreases in agricultural
yield of up to 2 percent
per decade for the rest
of the century, according
to the IPCC.
By 2055, with a
temperature increase of
2ºC, there could be a
drop of 40–60 percent in
yields for fisheries in
tropical latitudes.
Economic impact and business risk
The economic impacts of climate change – and the associated risks to
business – are also likely to be wide-reaching. A recent analysis of the
economic impacts of climate change in the US has found that, if carbon
emissions continue on the current path, by 2050 between $66bn and
$106bn of existing US coastal property will likely be below sea level
nationwide, increasing to $238–507bn by 2100. This means that some
homes with 30 year mortgages in Virginia, North Carolina, New Jersey,
Alabama, Florida and Louisiana could be under water before the mortgage
is paid off. The report also predicts that, as extreme heat spreads across the
middle of the US by the end of the century, some states in the southeast, the
lower Great Plains, and the Midwest risk up to a 50–70 percent loss in
average annual crop yields (corn, soy, cotton, and wheat).26
Findings are similarly devastating for other regions – on current trends
economic impacts in the Pacific region would amount to 12.7 percent of
annual GDP by the end of the century, whereas adaptation costs in a
scenario in which greenhouse gas (GHG) concentrations are stabilized
below 450ppm would amount to only 0.54 percent of GDP.27 In Africa
economic costs would rise to over 10 percent of regional GDP by the end
of the century under business-as-usual emission scenarios.28
These kinds of findings have huge implications for business. For example,
large food and beverage companies will struggle to adapt to a rapidly
changing climate, and are already experiencing negative impacts. In
March 2014, General Mills CEO Ken Powell said that in the previous fiscal
quarter, extreme weather had dampened sales and cost his company the
equivalent of 3–4 percent of annual production, „which hasn’t happened in
a long time to us, think decades‟.29 Unilever has said that it loses €300m
($415m) each year due to extreme weather events such as flooding and
extreme cold.30
The potential scale of climate change impacts could negatively affect
access to insurance by individuals and industry. Insurance firm Lloyd‟s of
London has warned that the cost of natural catastrophes has grown by
$870bn in real terms since 1980.31 AIG, one of the world‟s largest
insurance companies, has suggested that a failure to mitigate climate
change will undermine the ability of large numbers of consumers and
businesses to secure private insurance, particularly in high-risk
geographic areas.32
Under these circumstances, governments are likely to become insurers of
last resort, necessarily providing support for those unable to secure private
insurance, and paying for losses incurred from extreme weather events
that exceed the willingness or capacity of the insurance industry to pay.
This scenario has already begun to manifest in areas such as South
Florida. US government exposure to losses in hurricane-exposed states
rose to a record $885bn in 2011. Similarly, most crops in the USA are
insured against extreme weather events, with the federal government
heavily subsidizing premiums and claims, leading to additional burdens on
taxpayers.33
If carbon emissions
continue on their current
path, between $66bn
and $106bn of existing
US coastal property will
likely be below sea level
nationwide by 2050,
increasing to
$238–507bn by 2100.
On current trends,
economic impacts in the
Pacific region would
amount to 12.7 percent
of annual GDP by the
end of the century.
In Africa, economic
costs would rise to over
10 percent of regional
GDP by the end of the
century under
business-as-usual
emission scenarios.
In March 2014, General
Mills CEO Ken Powell
said that in the previous
fiscal quarter, extreme
weather had dampened
sales and cost his
company the equivalent
of 3–4 percent of annual
production, ‘which
hasn’t happened in a
long time to us, think
decades’.
7
As a result, Standard & Poor‟s, one of the two big global credit rating
agencies, has observed that climate change is likely to have a significant
impact on countries‟ credit-worthiness. As lower income countries are
typically more vulnerable to climate change, this stands to exacerbate
inequality further, as poorer countries find it harder – and more expensive
– to access credit.34
Health impacts
Even if fossil fuels had no role in driving climate change, the immediate
impacts of burning fossil fuels on public health alone should provide strong
incentives to embrace alternatives.
The World Health Organization (WHO) has estimated that outdoor air
pollution in both cities and rural areas caused 3.7 million premature deaths
in 2012. Around 88 percent of those deaths were in low- and
middle-income countries. Emissions from coal power plants and from
fuel-based transport constitute significant sources of this air pollution.35
A 2013 study by the Heath and Environment Alliance (HEAL) estimated
that emissions from coal power stations in Europe cause more than
18,000 premature deaths and lead to four million lost working days each
year.36 The health cost was calculated at €43bn per year.37 Another study
put total estimated deaths at 22,000 in 2010,38 with a total loss of 240,000
life years due to premature deaths.39 A 2012 World Bank report has stated
that the air pollution in Kosovo – major sources of which are coal and
lignite burning – results every year in 835 early deaths, 310 new cases of
chronic bronchitis, 22,900 new cases of respiratory diseases among
children and 11,600 emergency hospital visits.
Emissions from coal
power stations in
Europe cause more than
18,000 premature
deaths and lead to four
million lost working days
each year according to
2013 estimates from the
Heath and Environment
Alliance. The health cost
was calculated at €43bn
per year.
Findings are similarly staggering in China, where studies estimate that in
2011 coal power plants could have contributed to an estimated
quarter-of-a-million premature deaths.40 Analysis focusing on India found
that, in 2011–12, coal plants contributed to 85–115,000 deaths, and the
costs of related health impacts amounted to $3.3–4.6bn.41 Most recently,
the New Climate Economy Report suggested that health costs of air
pollution in the 15 largest CO2 emitting countries averaged over 4 percent
of GDP.42
Loss of land and livelihoods
Furthermore, fossil fuel extraction frequently leads to widespread
community displacement and negatively affects people‟s ability to grow
and access food due to the loss of agricultural land.
In Bangladesh. UN experts and civil society organizations have warned
that the Phulbari coal mine could immediately displace up to 130,000
people, with up to 220,000 potentially affected by the negative impacts on
irrigation channels and wells.43 The project would destroy around 12,000
hectares of productive agricultural land which provides rice and wheat for
the rest of the country, and it could destroy waterways supporting 1,000
fisheries and nearly 50,000 fruit trees.44
8
Analysis focusing on
India found that in
2011–12, coal plants
contributed to
85–115,000 deaths and
the costs of related
health impacts
amounted to
$3.3–4.6bn.
In Mozambique, thousands of local people have experienced sustained
disruption in accessing food, water and work as a result of the coal mining
company operations of Rio Tinto and Vale.45 And in Kosovo the planned
expansion of a lignite coal-based power plant will forcefully displace more
than 7,000 people living on 26 agricultural settlements spread over 16 km2,
leading to increased food insecurity and the loss of common land and
resources.46 The Cerrejon open-pit coal mine in Colombia is the largest of
its kind in Latin America and the ninth largest producer of thermal coal
globally, exporting heavily to the US and Europe. It extends over 69,000
hectares on land of the indigenous Wayuu and Afro-Colombian
communities,47 many of whom have been forced to relocate from their
ancestral lands and whose food security has been compromised as a
result.48,49
Box 2: South Africa: Witbank
The impact of a century‟s worth of large-scale coal mining and burning in the
Mpumalanga Highveld Region (Witbank) has devastated local air, water and
soil quality. Coal has detrimentally affected the respiratory health of the
population.
Thabang Makua calls Witbank, his home town, „Hell‟. Thabang complains
that while the area is known to be an air-pollution high priority, new coal
mining and coal-fired power station applications are still being accepted by
the government. These new plants will burn poor quality coal, as high-quality
supplies have been depleted.
Similarly, local resident Tshepo Vilane explains how the community of
Witbank is grossly affected by respiratory disease such as asthma,
tuberculosis and cancer. Witbank residents are afraid to take a stand and
risk losing their jobs in the polluting industries and mines.
Thabang also writes of how the government is failing to react to the problem
of acid mine drainage, which has destroyed the drinking water supply of his
community and which flows freely through the local neighbourhood.
Thabang is one of the many individuals across South Africa linking up with
environmental justice organizations such as groundWork and Earthlife
Africa, to oppose the construction of new coal-fired power stations and new
coal mines.
Source: Earthlife Johannesburg, „Toxic air leads local activists to resist coal in South Africa‟
9
2 GLOBAL CLIMATE
REGIME: RHETORIC VS
ACTION
At the Copenhagen Climate Summit in 2009, all countries committed to
limit global temperature rise to 2ºC. To this end the „Durban Platform‟ in
2011 committed all countries to adopt a new agreement in Paris in 2015,
with legal force and applicable to all countries for the post-2020 period.
Key countries and regional blocs have also made proposals – the EU is
discussing a proposal of 40 percent cuts in carbon emissions by 2030, with
the potential to rise further in the context of an international agreement.50
In June 2014 US President Barack Obama unveiled policies to cut „climate
pollution‟ in the US, which would see carbon emissions in the power sector
drop 30 percent on 2005 levels by 2030.51 There have also recently been
discussions in China on an „absolute carbon cap‟ after 2016.52
These commitments and proposals all demonstrate that the international
community is beginning to wake up to the reality of climate change and
adopt the necessary rhetoric. Yet carbon emission reduction offers on the
table so far are not significant enough to advance the necessary transition,
and thereby shift private and public finance accordingly. The 2010
„Cancun Pledges‟ are the most recent global commitments, and the IPCC
has confirmed that the carbon emission reduction targets within these
pledges are not consistent with emission trajectories that would keep
global warming below 2ºC.53, 54
Some climate experts – including eminent climate scientist Kevin
Anderson – suggest that to have a likely chance of reducing global
warming to 2ºC while taking equity into account requires rich industrialized
countries (i.e. Annex 1) to embark on carbon emission reductions of at
least 10 percent per annum – starting immediately. This rate of emission
reduction would require a target in excess of an 80 percent carbon
emission reduction by 2030 – in effect, a phase-out of fossil fuel emissions
by that point.55
Despite this, a number of countries which must move first and fastest are
instead guilty of reneging on existing commitments or promoting energy
policies which increase emissions. In 2011 Canada officially withdrew from
the Kyoto Protocol – its emissions having risen by around one-third since
1990. Canada has since been aggressively pursuing tar sands extraction
– one of the most carbon-intensive fossil fuels56 – increasing production
from 700,000 barrels a day in 2000, to more than 1.7 million barrels a day
in 2013.57 Australia has also moved backwards, through repealing the
national carbon tax58 which was designed to incentivize emission
reductions in a country with among the world‟s highest per capita carbon
emissions.59
10
Some scientists suggest
that limiting global
warming to 2ºC while
taking equity into
account requires rich
industrialized countries
to embark on carbon
emission reductions of
at least 10 percent per
annum – starting
immediately.
Canada officially
withdrew from the Kyoto
Protocol in 2011 – its
emissions having risen
by around one-third
since 1990.
Ambition by rich developed nations is crucial, not just because they
account for a significant portion of historic global emissions and have a
greater capacity to act. It is imperative due to the signal it sends to the rest
of the world that a low-carbon future is a political priority – leveraging
ambition from others and especially from higher-emitting and rapidly
growing developing countries whose emissions are increasing. Carbon
emission projections from the EIA suggest that on current trends,
non-OECD countries will account for 94 percent of the total global increase
in carbon emissions from 2010 to 2040, with 49 percent of that increase
coming from China.60
While per capita emissions from consumption in these countries remain far
below their OECD equivalents, it is clear that to keep warming below 2ºC,
relatively richer and higher-emitting developing nations will need to play
their role in reducing business-as-usual emissions in the future. While
adhering to the principle of equity naturally means that poorer developing
countries especially will move more slowly while prioritizing immediate
social and economic needs, Anderson‟s analysis suggests that even if rich
nations‟ emissions were to peak today, developing countries‟ collective
emissions would need to peak as early as 2025, and fossil fuel emissions
phased out globally by 2050, with the more responsible and capable
countries moving faster than others.61
On current trends,
non-OECD countries
could account for 94
percent of the total
global increase in
carbon emissions from
2010 to 2040, with 49
percent of that increase
coming from China.
11
3 FILTHY FINANCE AND
POLLUTER POWER
Despite global rhetoric on climate change, the failure to properly regulate
carbon emissions through ambitious climate and financial policy means
that money continues to flow into the fossil fuel industry from both private
investors and the public purse. The scale of the sums involved means that
the fossil fuel industry has a lot to lose from any regulatory framework that
would fundamentally shift the status quo – so it spends millions of dollars
trying to block action.
FILTHY FINANCE
In 2012, the Carbon Tracker Initiative released an influential report
mapping the carbon reserves held by companies listed on the world's
major stock exchanges.62 The report discovered that only one-fifth of
carbon reserves currently held by companies listed on stock exchanges
can ever be burned if the world is to keep global warming below 2ºC.
The quantity of money invested in fossil fuels is significant. As of 31
December 2013, shares in the 10 largest fossil fuel companies (by market
capitalization) were worth a total of $1.8 trillion (see Table 1), and shares
in the largest 50 fossil fuel companies were worth a total of $3.78 trillion.63
Taking a snapshot of the shareholders in May 2014, as well as tracking
bank loans and bond underwriting deals since the start of 2013, reveals
the scale of recent financial flows: HSBC, JP Morgan and Deutsche Bank
alone have financial interests in Shell to the tune of almost $6.4bn, while
Morgan Stanley, BNP Paribas and HSBC have financial interests in BP to
the tune of over $3.6bn.64 Large institutional investors BlackRock and
Legal & General together have among the largest stake in Shell and BP –
together owning nearly $39bn in shares across both companies.65 In short,
financial investors have large amounts of money tied up in the assumption
that the world‟s heavy reliance on fossil fuels is here to stay.
12
Only one-fifth of carbon
reserves currently held
by companies listed on
stock exchanges can
ever be burned if the
world is to keep global
warming below 2ºC.
Table 1: Fossil fuel giants: value of shares as of 31 December 2013
Company (nationality)
Value of shares
ExxonMobil (US)
$442.1bn
Chevron (US)
$240.2bn
Royal Dutch Shell (UK and Netherlands)
$233.8bn
PetroChina (China)
$229.4bn
BP (UK)
$150.7bn
TOTAL (France)
$145.9bn
Schlumberger (US)
$118.7bn
Gazprom (Russia)
$99.2bn
Petrobras (Brazil)
$91.0bn
Sinopec (China)
$88.2bn
Total
$1.8 trillion
Source: http://cdn.ihs.com/www/energy50/IHS-Energy-50-Final-2014.pdf
Climate risk and carbon bubbles
The Carbon Tracker Initiative‟s estimates of reserves and associated
global warming make it clear that financial actors – including asset
managers and thereby ordinary people with savings – are currently
funding runaway climate change. Besides ethical concerns, the economic
and business risks of climate change referenced in this paper – such as
climate-induced losses in the food and beverage industries – should
present significant concern to investors. Furthermore, governments will
increasingly be responsible for picking up the bill for climate change, which
in turn affects sovereign credit-worthiness. As investors buy enormous
quantities of debt issued by governments all over the world, they should
have a financial interest in their economic health.
These climate risks may be compounded by how governments begin to
react as climate impacts become apparent, through introducing
regulations to limit carbon emissions. While such regulations are currently
not being introduced fast enough, it is likely that governments will begin to
act more decisively once climate impacts become more severe. If this
happens, many of the carbon reserves currently held by listed companies
– in which many investors hold a stake – may no longer be able to be
burned and could thus become worthless „stranded assets‟. Similarly, the
vast amounts of capital invested over the years in long-term projects, such
as finding and developing carbon reserves, may then be viewed as
„wasted capital‟ that could have been invested elsewhere – for example in
sustainable, renewable alternatives. At the current rate of capital
expenditure, the next decade will see over $6 trillion allocated to such
long-term carbon projects.66
13
A crucial observation is that investors will be losers either way: if climate
regulation is not sufficient, they will lose out due to the impact of runaway
climate change on other investments. If it is introduced – albeit potentially
too late to keep warming below 2ºC, but in a last ditch attempt to deal with
the climate problem – then they risk owning heaps of worthless assets,
having wasted valuable capital that could have been invested more
fruitfully elsewhere. The IEA has estimated that a global energy policy
scenario that limits carbon emissions to 450ppm could potentially strand
$300bn of fossil fuel assets.67 This situation has also been referred to as a
dangerous „carbon bubble‟ that will inevitably burst.
A global energy policy
scenario that limits
carbon emissions to
450ppm could
potentially strand
$300bn of fossil fuel
assets, according to IEA
estimates.
Some investors are beginning to question the long-term economic viability
of heavily investing in fossil fuel exploration and development. In 2013, for
example, the 100 institutional investors in the Investor Network on Climate
Risk, which collectively holds assets worth $11 trillion, came together to
ask 34 companies in the oil, gas, mining and utilities sectors to review their
assets at risk in light of the potential impact of climate change regulation.68
Some asset managers are also withdrawing from fossil fuels. In 2013
Norwegian pension fund, Storebrand, decided to divest from 19 fossil fuel
companies on the basis that they will be „worthless financially‟ in the
future.69 Swedish pension fund, AP4, decided to reduce investments in
carbon-intensive companies, clearly stating that „this sustainable
approach isn’t about charity, but about enhancing returns‟.70 Meanwhile,
the Dutch ASN Bank has formally set itself a goal of achieving net carbon
neutrality in all its investments by 2030.71 To mark the UN Climate
Leaders‟ Summit in September 2014 there were also a number of
announcements from investors to divest from fossil fuels72 – including a
commitment from the Rockefeller Brothers Fund – and the launch of a joint
initiative by UNEP and a number of large institutional investors to
decarbonize $100bn in investments by 2015.73
However, aside from these „pioneers‟, too many financial actors have not
voiced any significant concerns about capital being invested in this way. In
2012 alone, fossil fuel companies spent $674bn on fossil fuel exploration
and development projects74 on the assumption that they will generate a
stable income stream in the future. This is largely because capital markets
have a chronic problem with short-termism. If an investor is only planning
to hold an asset for a year, a month, a day, or sometimes even just a
fraction of a second, then they have no incentive to take into account risks,
such as those posed by climate change – or climate regulation – that are
likely only to be fully felt years or decades from now. By contrast, the fossil
fuel industry is highly profitable now and – with incentives in the industry as
they currently stand – making good returns in the short term is the primary
motivation.
The extent to which the financial sector can take action is also limited by
the considerable size and importance of the fossil fuel industry across the
world. This also means that so-called „passive investors‟ can barely avoid
fossil fuels in their portfolio. Rather than carefully selecting stocks, passive
investment involves buying the major components of a stock, bond or
commodities index, such as the FTSE100. Energy and utilities companies
are the largest sector in the FTSE100, comprising 22 percent of the
14
In 2012, fossil fuel
companies spent
$674bn on fossil fuel
exploration and
development projects on
the assumption that they
will generate a stable
income stream in the
future.
index,75 and are the third-largest sector in both the US S&P 500 and the
S&P's Global 100.76 So, by default, a large chunk of the money passively
invested in stock market indices is invested in fossil fuel companies. This
is why BlackRock is so heavily invested in Shell – the former is the largest
provider of passive investment funds globally. This also means that
individuals‟ pensions are also flowing into fossil fuels – for example some
56 percent of UK pension assets are invested in passive strategies.77
In April 2014 a series of fossil-free indices was co-launched by FTSE and
BlackRock – which in theory will help passive investors to avoid
high-carbon assets – though there is still a long way to go before the
estimated 11 percent ($7.3 trillion) of global assets currently invested in
passive strategies are effectively decarbonized.
Financial regulation
The volume of investment in fossil fuels is not only due to investor
short-sightedness and the „routines‟ of the financial sector. It is also
influenced by the financial „rules of the game‟. Currently governments and
regulators around the world are reneging on their duty to promote
long-term financial stability and introduce policies and incentives that
would drive capital towards social, economic and environmental „goods‟
rather than „bads‟.
On a global level, the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BCBS),
which is comprised of members from central banks and financial
regulators from 27 countries, is in charge of setting the so-called Basel
Accords: rules specifying how much capital banks must hold aside in case
of things going wrong. The amount of capital required varies according to
the riskiness of the assets held by a bank. This helps to discourage big risk
taking, as very risky assets become much more expensive to hold than
less risky ones. Despite a revision of the rules in recent years in light of the
global financial crisis, the BCBS did not consider assessing the climate
risk inherent in carbon intensive assets. This is despite the fact that it has a
mandate to ensure banking stability, which could be threatened by both
climate change and climate regulation.
Rules governing listing requirements on stock exchanges often also fail to
take into account climate risks to the extent needed. For example, while
the UK government has ambitious climate commitments, the London
Stock Exchange alone has listed fossil fuel reserves that, if burned, would
mean that the UK would exceed its carbon budget (for now until 2050) ten
times over. Yet „assessment of climate risk‟ and 'disclosure of carbon
reserves' do not feature among listing requirements. As such, many stock
exchanges are profiting from the fees charged for listing assets that are
fuelling climate change.
There is also confusion in some jurisdictions surrounding so-called
„fiduciary duty‟, i.e. the legal obligations companies are under when acting
in the financial interests of others. This has led many investors to reject
seemingly „social and environmental‟ considerations when making
investment decisions. However, a recent consultation by the UK Law
Commission concluded that trustees could take into account ethical,
15
environmental or social governance issues if they are „financially
material‟.78 Taking into account the fact that both climate change and
increasing climate regulation pose financially material risks to
investments, it seems that there is more scope for broader climate risks to
be factored into investment decisions.
Public financing
Governments are failing in their responsibility to regulate to steer
investment away from risky fossil fuels and avoid a carbon bubble
destabilizing the financial market. But worse – they are also actively
incentivizing the wrong kind of investment through a range of subsidies,
tax breaks and incentives that support the industry.
The IEA estimated that, in 2012, fossil fuels globally enjoyed more than
five times the subsidies than the renewable energy sector.79 The IMF has
estimated that, in 2011, pre-tax subsidies for petroleum products,
electricity, natural gas and coal reached $480bn. Factoring in the failure to
tax the „negative externalities‟ of fossil fuels – including social, health,
environmental and climate impacts – and reduced rates of VAT, the total
figure rose to a staggering $1.9 trillion.80 Fossil fuel subsidies can be for
both producers and consumers and are highest per capita in countries
which have the greatest historic responsibility to tackle climate change,
and the greatest financial capacity to transform their economies –
including the USA, Russia, Canada and Australia. While consumption
subsidies can be an important buffer for poorer communities against rising
energy costs, production subsidies go directly to the fossil fuel and energy
industry and help to „de-risk‟ fossil fuel investment. They come in a variety
of forms, from direct loans and grants to financial guarantees, spending on
supportive infrastructure, as well as generous tax breaks.
Table 2: Post-tax fossil fuel subsidies in a sample of the world’s largest
economies
Country
Most recent (2011)
estimate of total fossil
fuel subsidies
Equivalent subsidy
per person
Subsidy as
% of GDP
US
$517bn
$1,660
3%
Australia
$25bn
$1,111
2%
Russia
$119bn
$836
6%
Canada
$26bn
$769
2%
Japan
$46bn
$360
1%
Germany
$22bn
$266
1%
China
$280bn
$208
4%
UK
$11bn
$176
0%
France
$5bn
$72
0%
India
$84bn
$69
4%
Source: World Bank data and http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2013/012813.pdf
16
In 2012, fossil fuels
enjoyed more than five
times the subsidies
globally than the
renewable energy
sector.
A recent report by Oil Change International shows how in 2013 the federal
and state governments in the US handed out $21.6bn in subsidies for oil,
gas and coal exploration.81 This included $117m spent on waterway and
harbour transport for coal,82 the leasing of federal land in certain regions to
coal companies at below market rates,83 and loan guarantees for domestic
coal projects.84 In Poland, coal power generators receive generous
amounts of EU Emission Trading System allowances for free.85
Federal and state
governments in the US
handed out $21.6bn in
subsidies for oil, gas and
coal exploration in 2013.
Tax breaks for the fossil fuel industry are widespread. The UK government
awarded tax breaks to new oil and gas fields between 2012 and 2013
worth a total of £1.952bn over five years.86 These tax breaks coincided
with record levels of investment in the development of new North Sea
fields, with a spokesperson for the industry claiming that the incentives
had „commercialised what would have been uncommercial projects‟.87 In
the last budget, Chancellor George Osborne promised that the
government would review the whole oil and gas tax regime to „make sure it
is fit for the purpose of extracting every drop of oil we can‟.88 The UK is
designing similar tax incentives to kick-start investment into the nascent
shale gas industry – the favourable tax regime will be more generous than
those in the US and the rest of Europe.89 In Canada, to help stimulate
investment into tar sands, the government foregoes about $0.3bn a year in
tax revenues by allowing tar sands producers to quickly write off the cost of
their investment for income tax purposes.90
Governments also use public funds to de-risk investment in other ways.
For example, Export Credit Agencies in rich countries give financial
guarantees to domestic companies to shield them from the risks involved
in investing or exporting abroad. Between 2007 and 2013, national export
credit agencies from OECD countries provided at least $32bn for coal
projects abroad – over 60 percent of total public support for coal over this
period. Japan and Korea gave the most export credits for coal plants, with
Germany and France the leading European providers.91 The US
Export-Import Bank provided $22.2bn worth of loans and loan guarantees
to overseas fossil fuels projects between 2009 and 2013.92
National export credit
agencies from OECD
countries provided at
least $32bn for coal
projects abroad
between 2007 and
2013.
While production subsidies that directly support the fossil fuel industry are
particularly problematic due to the knock-on effect this also has on private
investment, consumer subsidies can also be a blunt and unsustainable
tool for reducing energy bills. The European Commission estimates that
the price of Europe‟s oil and gas will only increase in coming decades – as
bills go up, the pressure to maintain or increase consumer subsidies will
only intensify, thereby potentially wasting valuable public funds that could
instead be invested in efficiency measures and reducing fossil fuel
dependence.93 Improving energy efficiency by 40 percent by 2030 would
save households and industry over €239bn annually on energy bills –
amounting to €300 per household by 2030.94
17
Fossil fuel subsidies are particularly problematic in developed countries,
which shoulder the greatest responsibility to advance a low-carbon future.
But they also have questionable benefits in developing countries, where
there can be significant benefit leakage to higher income groups, with
some studies suggesting that the top income quintile captures six times
more in subsidies than the bottom.95 An IMF paper found that, in low- and
middle-income countries, 61, 54 and 42 percent of gasoline, liquefied
petroleum gas and diesel subsidies, respectively, went to the top quintile
income group, with only 3, 4 and 7 percent respectively going to the
bottom quintile.96 Only kerosene subsidies did not disproportionately
benefit richer quintiles. While large numbers of poor people do benefit from
fuel subsidies through lower transport costs and food costs in particular,
there are often better ways to use scarce public money to benefit the
poorest. Too often fossil fuel subsidies far exceed subsidies in other
sectors that have much stronger pro-poor benefits – in Egypt, Indonesia,
Pakistan and Venezuela, the fossil fuel industry already enjoys twice as
much support as public health systems.97
Despite the importance of fossil fuel subsidy reform and shifting public
finance to clean energy, and despite some positive trends, international
financial institutions (IFIs) are still investing heavily in supporting fossil
fuels in developing countries. The World Bank Group provided an
estimated $3bn of funding for fossil fuels in 2012.98 Though its lending to
clean energy has increased between 2008 and 2013 – while lending to
fossil fuels has proportionately decreased – the World Bank Group still
consistently lends more to the fossil fuels sector than to clean energy
projects. In 2013, 42 percent of the IFC's funding went to fossil fuel
projects compared with 29 percent for clean energy;99 and 49 percent of
IBRD‟s funding went to fossil fuel projects compared with 33 percent for
clean energy. As a global standard setter for development finance,
particularly through its own findings on the overall development benefits of
financing low-carbon energy,100 the World Bank Group has the
responsibility to ensure that these numbers change.
Table 3: Proportion of World Bank Group energy lending going to clean
energy and fossil fuel projects
Lending to
clean energy
projects
Lending to
fossil fuel
projects
Other (including large
hydropower and
transmission and
distribution)
2008
11%
46%
43%
2009
16%
45%
39%
2010
20%
59%
21%
2011
19%
23%
58%
2012
30%
39%
31%
2013
24%
39%
37%
Source:
http://priceofoil.org/content/uploads/2013/10/OCI-World-Bank-Energy-Lending-Oct-2013-Final.pdf
18
In low- and
middle-income
countries, 61, 54 and 42
percent of gasoline,
liquefied petroleum gas
and diesel subsidies
respectively went to the
top quintile income
group – with only 3, 4
and 7 percent
respectively going to the
bottom quintile.
The World Bank Group
provided an estimated
$3bn of funding for fossil
fuels in 2012.
In certain circumstances – in the poorest countries where there are limited
alternatives – public finance for fossil fuel development will be important
for immediate social and economic needs. Overall, however, tackling both
production and consumption subsidies for fossil fuels is crucial, as the
opportunity costs are high. In rich and high-emitting countries, reforming
subsidies is especially important in efforts to kick-start a transition,
because government intervention in markets often acts as a signifier to the
private sector as to the direction of future policy. Investors are less likely
divest from fossil fuels and invest in renewables while governments
consistently show greater support for the former than the latter.
Box 3: Pro-poor fossil fuel subsidy reform
Fossil fuel subsidy reform in poorer countries must be embarked upon
carefully, as the poorest people who benefit from subsidies are likely to lack
other important social safety nets, and so the removal of already limited
benefits can lead to further hardship and social unrest. In many countries the
public are often understandably sceptical that – once removed – fuel
subsidies will be necessarily be replaced by other policies that will benefit
them, and their rapid removal can lead to significant increases in poverty.
Poor management of fossil fuel subsidy reform has led to protests and riots
in Bolivia (2010), Nigeria (2012), Cameroon (2008), Venezuela (1989) and
101
Yemen (2005).
In Bolivia, the overnight removal of $150m of annual subsidies in 2010
resulted in an instant price increase of over 80 percent, resulting in strikes
102
and demonstrations.
As a result of the public outcry, the subsidies were
reinstated. In Nigeria, the abrupt and poorly communicated end to subsidies
in 2012 led to the doubling of gas prices; protests and riots erupted. In both
cases the government was forced to reinstitute the subsidy.
By contrast, Iran‟s „targeted subsidies reform‟, which was initiated in 2010,
was more successful. The government slashed its massive $50–60bn of
indirect subsidies and, in parallel, compensated households facing rising
costs to the tune of $30bn. Enterprises were also provided with $10–15bn of
103
investment in energy efficiency measures.
POLLUTER POWER: VESTED INTERESTS
The vast sums of finance flowing into the fossil fuel industry from both
private and public coffers – despite the considerable financial risks and the
significant opportunity costs of public money being used in this way – are
in turn determined by the widespread influence that fossil fuel industry has
on the decision making process, in a concerted effort to defend its bottom
line.
It is unsurprising that such interests are keen to protect the status quo, as
they know that climate regulation would hit them hardest. In April 2014, the
Carbon Accountability Institute published an ambitious study illustrating
how 90 corporate entities or „Carbon Majors‟ are responsible for two-thirds
of the greenhouse gases emitted since the beginning of the industrial era
(see Figure 2).104
19
Figure 2: Cumulative emissions of top 20 investor and state-owned
entities
60,000
50,000
40,000
30,000
20,000
10,000
Cumulative MtCO2e
0
Source: R. Heede (2014) „Carbon Majors: Accounting for carbon and methane emissions
1854-2010, Methods & Results Report‟, Climate Mitigation Services,
http://carbonmajors.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/MRR-9.1-Apr14R.pdf
In 2013 the combined profit of the top five publicly traded oil companies
(Exxon, BP, Shell, Chevron and ConocoPhillips) was $93bn.105 The
salaries of the CEOs of the five largest oil companies came to $95.8m in
2012. They have a lot to lose – and therefore significant motivation and
enough financial clout to pay for expensive PR campaigns and lobbying
services in an effort to undermine climate legislation which threatens their
business.
Early in 2014, one of the top 20 companies in this ranking – Peabody
Energy – teamed up with the world‟s largest PR firm, Burson-Marsteller, to
launch a campaign extolling the virtues of coal in alleviating global energy
poverty.106 Yet not only are the poverty reduction benefits of coal
contested, but the campaign came in response to government proposals
to curtail emissions from coal power plants within the US, which play no
role in delivering global energy access for the poor and on the contrary,
drive climate change which threatens poor people‟s livelihoods globally.
Peabody‟s implication that regulation to reduce its emissions in the US
amounts to an assault on efforts to reduce global energy poverty
represents a determined effort at „poverty washing‟, to distract the public
from its true motivations.
20
In 2013, the combined
profit of the top five
publicly traded oil
companies (Exxon, BP,
Shell, Chevron and
ConocoPhillips) was
$93bn. The salaries of
the CEOs of the five
largest oil companies
alone came to $95.8m in
2012.
Peabody is not alone in spending money in this way. The combined spend
of the fossil fuel industry on lobbying in the US and the EU amounts to
$213m per year – well in excess of half a million dollars every day and
totalling $4m a week. At the EU level, this industry and its respective trade
associations spend at least €44m every year on lobbying activities –
around €120,000 per day.107 In the US in 2013, the oil, gas and coal
industries spent almost $157m on lobbying108 – over $430,000 per day, or
$24,000 per hour.109 By comparison, the entire alternative energy sector in
the US spent the same amount on lobbying in one year as just the top two
spending oil giants.110
These figures are sobering when contrasted with the financial capacity of
those who stand to lose the most from the continued burning of fossil fuels
and their contribution to devastating climate change. For example, the
estimated costs of funding one negotiator from every developing country
to attend one two-week session of the global climate change
negotiations111 is the same amount that the fossil fuel industry across the
EU and US spend on lobbying in just two days.112 And while the industry
continues to spend significant amounts of money on efforts to stall the
action needed, the Nepalese government still cannot raise the $160m per
year needed for crucial adaptation interventions – an amount equivalent to
the annual lobbying by US oil, gas and coal interests.113
The combined spend of
the fossil fuel industry on
lobbying in the US and
the EU amounts to
$213m per year – well in
excess of half a million
dollars every day and
totalling $4m a week.
The Nepalese
government still cannot
raise the $160m per
year needed for crucial
adaptation interventions
– an amount equivalent
to the annual lobbying
by US oil, gas and coal
interests.
The negotiations around the „EU 2030 package‟ illustrate the influence of
corporate and vested interests in decision making. The Commission‟s
proposals for the 2030 climate and energy package, released in January
2014, recommend a 40 percent emissions reduction target; far short of the
minimum 55 percent reductions needed if the EU is to contribute its fair
share globally to reducing carbon emissions and keep the global
temperature rise below 2ºC. Despite a wide range of experts and civil
society organizations pointing to the need for at least 55 percent cuts, the
Commission‟s proposals bear a closer resemblance to the position
advocated by BusinessEurope – one of the most powerful business
lobbies in the EU – for an overall target of 40 percent.
Sometimes lobbying activities are even given a helping hand by
governments. For example, the Canadian government uses its diplomatic
arm to further the interests of the tar sands industry. It has set up a
„Pan-European Oil Sands Team‟ which organizes government lobbying
against the implementation of EU regulation aimed at gradually reducing
the carbon intensity of transport fuels used within Europe, as part of the
effort to hit emissions reductions targets.114 This legislation seeks to label
tar sands-derived fuel as a dirty fuel in accordance with its larger carbon
footprint, the effect of which would be to discourage its future import into
the EU market.
According to strategy documents obtained under freedom of information
laws, the dedicated lobby team is based in Canadian diplomatic missions
abroad, and organizes activities such as site visits to Canadian tar sand for
European politicians. The team coordinates closely with key private
investors like Shell, Statoil and Total. A similar government-sponsored
advocacy strategy is in place for the USA, backed by a $90m budget line in
2012. 115
21
The UK government has similarly put its influence and resources behind
companies invested in the tar sands industry. The UK Trade and
Investment office that opened recently in Calgary – the Canadian tar
sands „capital‟ – is there exclusively to help British companies with an
interest in the tar sands business – primarily Shell and BP. The UKTI office
is even hosted in the building of a tar sands company, Suncor.116 In
Brussels, the UK government has played a key role in undermining the
Fuel Quality Directive, supporting the Canadian government and
Shell/BP‟s position. 117
Media reports and documents obtained under freedom of information
show that the UK government failed to vote in favour of the proposals,
instead putting forward alternatives which they admit would cause a
delay.118 Several years after it was supposed to take effect, the legislation
continues to be stalled, and it now looks like the safeguards on
increasingly polluting fuels may never be applied – meaning there is
nothing to stop the fuel being pumped in Europe‟s petrol stations from
getting dirtier rather than cleaner. In June 2014, the first shipment of tar
sands arrived on European shores.
These asymmetries of power, money and influence skew climate change
policies to disproportionately take account of a small minority of vested
interests, rather than reflect the need to protect the developmental
prospects of some of the world‟s poorest countries and most vulnerable
people. This partly accounts for why climate regulation consistently falls
short of what is needed – those with more money have more power, and
therefore more access to decision makers.
22
4 WHY A LOW-CARBON
TRANSITION IS POSSIBLE
AND DESIRABLE
The tragedy in the failure to tackle climate change concertedly and shift
private and public finance in the right direction lies foremost in the fact that
the poorest and most vulnerable will be the first to feel the devastating
consequences – not least in their ability to grow and access food and
water. However, it is also a tragic failing to embrace one of the greatest
opportunities to build and finance a cleaner, fairer global energy system
that better serves the needs of people and planet.
The IPCC has recently estimated that it would cost an average of 0.06
percent of global GDP per year to the end of the century to fund a low
carbon transition. Recent studies by the World Bank have sought to bust
the myth that tackling climate change would stall the global economy. On
the contrary, a combination of climate regulations and incentives in the
transport and energy efficiency sectors alone could deliver 30 percent of
the total emission reductions needed by 2030 to keep below 2ºC warming,
as well as resulting in an estimated $1.8–2.6 trillion boost to GDP over the
same period.119
The IEA has also pointed to the considerable benefits of acting now. In a
ground-breaking report in May 2014, it stated that it would cost $44 trillion
to secure a clean energy future globally by 2050, which accounts for only a
small portion of global GDP, with costs ultimately offset by over $115
trillion in fuel savings.120 It has also stated that energy efficiency measures
can represent approximately 44 percent of global GHG mitigation
requirements by 2035, which would provide, on average, a one percent
increase in global GDP.121 Importantly, the IEA has made clear that, for
every year of delay, the costs of decarbonization increase due to high
carbon „lock-in‟. For every $1 of investment in cleaner technology that is
avoided in the power sector before 2020, an additional $4.30 would need
to be spent after 2020 to compensate for the increased emissions.122
Low-carbon and renewable energy sources can also enhance energy
security by improving indigenous energy supplies, thereby reducing
dependence on imported fossil fuels and providing flexibility of energy
supply beyond existing and often inadequate grid infrastructures.123 For
example, India faces massive challenges in producing energy to meet
what will constitute a doubling in demand over the next decade – both for
industrial growth and to meet the needs of the 300 million Indians who
currently lack access to energy. While fossil fuels are understandably
currently playing a significant role in this energy expansion, the IEA
suggests that relying solely on coal and gas for electricity generation will
require a massive and costly increase in fossil fuel imports to meet
demand in the future.124
A combination of climate
regulations and
incentives in the
transport and energy
efficiency sectors could
deliver 30 percent of the
total emission
reductions needed by
2030 to keep below 2ºC
warming, and result in
an estimated $1.8–2.6
trillion boost to GDP.
It would cost $44 trillion
to secure a clean energy
future globally by 2050,
which accounts for only
a small portion of global
GDP.
For every $1 of
investment in cleaner
technology avoided in
the power sector before
2020, an additional
$4.30 would need to be
spent after 2020 to
compensate for the
increased emissions.
23
Reducing total energy demand also contributes to energy security while
avoiding carbon emissions and cutting household bills. The EU, for
example, imports considerable amounts of fossil fuel energy, covering
over 50 percent of its energy supply, with Russia accounting for the largest
share of imports.125 In 2013, the EU spent €400bn on importing fossil
fuels,126 equivalent to €790 per person.127 For oil and gas imports alone,
Russian energy giants received the equivalent of about €250 per EU
citizen in 2013.128 Studies show that improving energy efficiency in the EU
by 40 percent by 2030 could save households and industry over €239bn
annually on energy bills. Each household would enjoy an average saving
of over €300 every year by 2030.129
Importantly, opportunities also exist in Russia itself for a low-carbon
transition. Russia possesses unique geothermal resources for the
production of electricity, provision of district heating systems for industrial
and agricultural needs, which are located throughout almost the whole of
the country. According to a 2010 academic study, more than 45 percent of
total energy resources are used for heat supply of cities, settlements and
industrial complexes and up to 30 percent of those energy resources could
be met using geothermal heat.130
Box 4: Improving energy security and creating jobs in Germany
Solar and wind provided around 31 percent of Germany‟s electricity
generation in the first half of 2014, and a new solar record was set in June
2014 as solar generated over half the country‟s total electricity for part of a
day. Based on current trends, by 2020, solar and wind may account for 50
131
percent of the country‟s electricity generation.
Wind and solar have driven down electricity costs by 32 percent since
132
2010. The initial deployment costs have also fallen as installed system
133
prices for solar plummeted by 66 percent from 2006 to mid-2012.
Meanwhile, in contrast, 9 out of 10 European coal and gas plants are losing
134
money.
Supportive legislation has incentivized the transition: the
Renewable Energy Act guarantees priority grid access to all electricity
generated from renewables.
Renewable energy costs are also becoming more competitive with fossil
fuels globally. Solar energy generation costs have dropped massively over
the past 25 years,135 and solar panel installation reached record highs in
2013, as costs remained low.136 Market analysts are suggesting that this
trend will begin to challenge fossil fuel dominance within the next decade:
McKinsey has suggested that projected price decreases over coming
years will put solar power „within striking distance‟ of coal. Even Saudi
Arabia is embracing solar power generation – investing more than $100bn
in 41 gigawatts of capacity; enough to cover 30 percent of its power needs
by 2030.137 These changing market dynamics partly account for the fact
that 2013 was the first year in which China invested more in renewable
energy than the whole of Europe – investing $56bn to Europe‟s $48bn.138
24
Improving energy
efficiency in the EU by
40 percent by 2030
could save households
and industry over
€239bn annually. Each
household would enjoy
an average saving of
over €300 every year.
Box 5: Unstoppable solar
Across Australia more than 1.2 million rooftop solar systems are producing
over 3 gigawatts of energy from rooftop solar. In Queensland alone, more
than 350,000 buildings are generating electricity from solar at almost no
cost, and others are catching on. In fact nearly 4,000 households per month
139
are seeking permission to fix panels onto their roofs. Some analysts are
suggesting that Australian households will invest $30bn of their own money
140
into solar in coming decades, regardless of national energy policy.
In the US over the last decade, solar technology, especially photovoltaic
solar, has experienced rapid growth, accounting for 30 percent of new
141
renewable energy capacity. American homes, hospitals and other
buildings, from Arizona and Hawaii to California, are generating increasingly
142
large proportions of solar energy from the rooftops. Analysis suggests that
more than half of all US homebuilders are expected to offer solar energy
systems as an option in new single-family homes by 2016.
JOBS AND EMPLOYMENT
The economic benefits from the increased employment created by an
energy transition are considerable. UNEP has estimated that the solar and
wind energy sectors globally could create 6.3 million and 2.1 million jobs
respectively, by 2030. The European Commission estimates that even a
modest 30 percent renewable-energy target flanked with energy efficiency
measures would create 568,000 additional jobs in the EU by 2030. In the
US, a combination of public investment and tax incentives for green
buildings could also generate close to one million jobs.143
Even a modest 30
percent
renewable-energy
target, with energy
efficiency measures,
could create 568,000
additional jobs in the EU
by 2030.
Analysis has long shown that renewables are often more „job-intensive‟
than fossil fuels.144 Distributed off-grid technologies require large
manufacturing bases for the components, as well as sales, installation and
maintenance, all of which are highly labour intensive. Some studies show
that in the US, three times as many jobs could be created by renewable
energy than by fossil fuels145 and that for every $1m invested in the US,
solar and wind energy create 14 and 13 jobs compared with just 5 and 7
for natural gas and coal, respectively.146 According to the Solar
Foundation, the industry created almost 14,000 new jobs in the US
between 2011 and 2012.147 In Germany, there are now in excess of
400,000 workers in the clean energy industry – exceeding the number in
the dirty fossil fuel industry they have replaced.148
In the US, 3 times as
many jobs could be
created by renewable
energy than by fossil
fuels, according to some
studies.
China is the largest employer in the renewable energy sector. In 2013, an
estimated 1.6 million people were employed in the Chinese solar
photovoltaic value chain.149 In Bangladesh, in the last decade, the number
of solar systems has soared from 25,000 to 2.8 million, resulting in
114,000 jobs during 2013.150
In 2013, an estimated
1.6 million people were
employed in Chinese
solar photovoltaic value
chain.
By contrast, fossil fuel projects are by and large highly mechanized
following construction, requiring little actual labour. Claims that the
American Keystone XL pipeline would create 20,000 jobs were vastly
exaggerated, with a recent State Department review placing the real
25
number of jobs at just 35.151 Furthermore, a review by the Democratic
Natural Resources Committee in the US found that, despite
generating $546bn in profits between 2005 and 2010, ExxonMobil,
Chevron, Shell, and BP combined reduced their US workforce by 11,200
over the same period.152
ENERGY ACCESS
Currently 1.3 billion people globally have no access to electricity and are
among the poorest and most marginalized. In sub-Saharan Africa, 70
percent of the population have no access to electricity, which means that
30 percent of health facilities have no energy access, 50 percent of
vaccines are ruined due to lack of refrigeration, and 65 percent of schools
have no electricity source.153
Energy is central to sustainable development and poverty reduction efforts
as it affects social, economic and environmental aspects of life. Energy
supports agricultural productivity, access to water, essential services
delivery including health and education, and livelihoods.154 Energy use will
need to triple if sub-Saharan Africa is to achieve universal energy access –
and given the often negligible carbon emissions of countries in this region,
African countries may need to make use of fossil fuels for immediate social
and economic needs.
Yet in some situations, opportunities exist in developing countries to
leap-frog carbon-intensive energy provision and build their development
on renewable sources of energy wherever they can – especially if aided by
the required climate finance from richer nations. Advancing low carbon
development is particularly important in an energy-insecure world, where
continued reliance on increasingly expensive imported fossil fuels puts
huge pressure on already constrained government and household
budgets. Importantly, expanding energy access through renewable and
decentralized technologies can be both cheaper and more suitable –
especially for reaching marginalized areas.
Analysis has shown that powering a hospital costs less than half as much
through solar PV than through diesel power generators, and that schools
can save as much as 60 percent on energy bills through switching from
diesel to wind power.155 Renewables can also provide a more reliable and
less costly energy source for productive uses such as farming and
agriculture – for example, by reducing reliance on diesel generators for
water pumping that are expensive and prone to breakdown. Many African
countries are already beginning to seize these opportunities – growth in
off-grid solar has provided 2.5 million homes with electricity in Kenya.
26
70% of the population of
sub-Saharan Africa
have no access to
electricity: so 30% of
health facilities have no
energy access; 50% of
vaccines are ruined due
to lack of refrigeration;
and 65% of schools
have no electricity
source.
Powering a hospital can
cost less than half as
much by solar PV than
diesel power
generators, and schools
can save as much as
60% on energy bills
through switching from
diesel to wind power.
Box 6: Solar for water in Kenya
In partnership with Oxfam, three villages across Wajir County (Batalu,
Abakore and Arbajahan) in Kenya switched from diesel to solar-powered
water pumping systems in 2013. The largest of these is capable of pumping
150 cubic metres of water per day (equivalent to 20 litres of
water/person/day for a population of 7,500). Preliminary analysis indicates
that the investment cost of upgrading to solar in each of these villages will
have paid for itself in fuel savings alone in two to three years.
The reduction in the cost of solar panels makes it a much more attractive
power source for the large pumps prevalent across Wajir (5–15KW).
Oxfam‟s pilot work has demonstrated that the cost benefits are indisputable.
The villages are now saving between 475,000 and 1.825 million Kenyan
Shillings on fuel every year. These cost savings are even more significant
when factoring in the much higher operation and maintenance costs of diesel
generators, which are prone to breakdown and require qualified mechanics
to repair.
Source: Oxfam Kenya
While fossil fuel-based power generation can be an option to improve
energy access in urban areas, including for poorer communities, it is far
less suitable for rural energy provision. Extending centralized grid
infrastructure into rural areas is both logistically difficult and extremely
costly to establish and maintain – and therefore often not prioritized by the
government. For example, South Africa generates most of its energy
through centralized coal-fired power facilities, which are less likely to reach
marginalized areas.156 As a result, even though upper-income households
constitute only 10.9 percent of the population, they account for 34.4
percent of electricity usage as they are more likely to live in urban,
grid-connected areas. Conversely, low-income households constitute 24.9
percent of the population but account for just 2.4 percent of energy
consumption, as they are more likely to be in areas that traditional
grid-based systems do not reach (see Figure 3).
Although upper-income
households constitute
only 10.9% of the
population, they account
for 34.4% of electricity
usage as they are more
likely to live in urban,
grid-connected areas.
Figure 3: Electricity use in South Africa by household income groups
Percentage of electricty use
Percentage of population
Upper
income
11%
Lower
income
2%
Middle
income
63%
Upper
income
35%
Lower
income
25%
Middle
income
64%
Source: Adapted from http://www.erc.uct.ac.za/Research/publications/12Tait-Winkler-Emissions.pdf
27
To reach many of the rural communities that currently lack access to
energy, decentralized off-grid and mini-grid renewable energy
technologies are both more affordable and more practical. The IEA has
estimated that, in order to provide for the 1.3 billion people globally
currently lacking access to energy, approximately 65 percent of electricity
needs will need to come from renewable energy sources such as solar,
wind, biomass and micro-hydro.157 Recent analysis by the Sierra Club
further suggests that the significant cost benefits of off-grid clean energy
can be enhanced even further by utilizing the current energy efficiency
technologies available – leading to 50–85 percent less energy input,
thereby dramatically reducing capital expenditure and in turn creating a
$12bn annual market by 2030.158
The combination of increased affordability and better suitability of
renewables – especially for rural areas – accounts for recent efforts by
developing country governments to use renewables to enhance energy
access. For example, Peru is aiming to raise the national electrification
rate from 87 to 95 percent, and as part of this drive issued a tender for
500,000 photovoltaic systems in 2013.159 This trend of pledges for solar
expansion is also evident in India where around 400 million people lack
access to electricity. Prime Minister Narenda Modi is pledging to harness
solar power to enable every home to run at least one light bulb by 2019.160
In terms of actual implementation, Bangladesh is now home to a huge 2.9
million off-grid solar home systems,161 and every single month the country
pumps out 80,000 new installations. The World Bank has loaned the
Bangladesh government $78m to install an additional 480,000 solar home
systems for areas without grid access to electricity.162
28
In order to provide for
the 1.3 billion people
globally currently lacking
access to energy,
around 65% of electricity
needs will need to come
from renewable energy
sources such as solar,
wind, biomass and
micro-hydro.
CONCLUSION AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
If fossil fuel use globally continues unabated, severe climate change
impacts on the poorest people will be unavoidable. Despite apparent
global aspirations to keep global warming below 2ºC – and associated
commitments from a range of countries – so far this has not been sufficient
to achieve the necessary financial shift away from fossil fuels and into
clean energy alternatives. Progress has been further hampered by
ongoing public subsidies and tax breaks which „de-risk‟ fossil fuel
investment, as well as consistent lobbying by the fossil fuel industry to
block climate legislation and protect its bottom line. This „toxic triangle‟ of
political inertia, financial short-termism and vested fossil fuel interests
must be broken if the world is to seize the multiple opportunities – in rich
and poor countries alike – for a low-carbon transition.
Rich developed nations must move first and fastest to rapidly reduce
emissions and shift away from fossil fuels. With the most significant
historic responsibility for climate change and the greatest capacity to act,
they have no excuse for any further delay. However, even with the rapid
and required moves by rich countries, the reality of the limited remaining
„atmospheric space‟ and the risk this poses to the poorest people globally
means that developing countries must also be part of collective efforts –
with the highest emitting countries and richer among them moving faster.
Those countries with relatively lower responsibility for emissions, and less
capacity to pay, must be assisted financially in any transition, while
retaining a fair share of carbon space to exploit fossil fuels where
necessary for immediate social and economic needs. To this end,
governments globally must agree a fair, equitable and legally binding deal
in Paris in 2015, and rich country governments must urgently scale up
global public climate finance – in the first instance, to meet the existing
commitment to provide $100bn per year by 2020 – to help poorer countries
mitigate and adapt to climate change, and put in place ambitious
commitments for post-2020 climate finance in Paris in 2015.
29
RECOMMENDATIONS
To avoid climate catastrophe and harness finance for a clean energy
future, Oxfam proposes that governments must:
• Commit to a long-term global goal of phasing out fossil fuel emissions –
and phasing in sustainable, renewable alternatives, by early in the
second half of this century, with rich developed countries leading the
way and providing the necessary support to developing countries to
follow.
• Shift public finance away from fossil fuels, by embarking on reforms that
shift public investment from the fossil fuel industry to energy efficiency
and sustainable renewables, ensuring protections are in place for the
poorest people;
• Mandate the fossil fuel and energy-intensive industries to disclose all
spending on lobbying activities, and introduce full transparency and
disclosure of any interaction between public institutions and those
lobbying on behalf of these industries (where such requirements do not
exist already);
• Commit to making global finance work for a low-carbon future, by
reviewing climate risk in the financial system, and through introducing
regulations and incentives to shift finance away from fossil fuels and
into sustainable alternatives.
Governments cannot act alone; the private sector – and specifically
companies and investors – must also step up by taking the following
actions:
• Companies must disclose the carbon emissions embedded in their
operations and across their supply chains so that investors can better
assess climate risk;
• Oil, gas and mining companies must fully comply with laws in the US
and EU that require disclosure of payments from these companies to
host governments for the extraction of these resources;
• Companies whose future viability is threatened by climate change –
such as the food and beverage industries – should call for ambitious
global action to tackle climate change, call on governments to shift
conditions that favour the fossil fuel industry, and challenge companies
benefiting from the status quo including the fossil fuel industry and its
lobbyists;
• Investors must commit to factoring climate risk in all investments –
including risks posed by both climate change and climate legislation –
challenging those companies that are pursuing costly high-carbon
strategies;
• Investors should shift finance out of fossil fuels, committing to a
timetable to phase out carbon-intensive investments and redistribute
funds to low-carbon development, starting with dirtiest fossil fuels – coal
and unconventional fossil fuels;
30
• The fossil fuel and energy-intensive industries should plan to radically
change and diversify their business models to embrace a low-carbon
future and stop funding efforts to undermine climate legislation.
31
NOTES
All links were last accessed in July 2014 unless otherwise specified
1
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Carbon: Wasted capital and stranded assets‟,
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2
K. Anderson and D. Calverley (2014) „Avoiding dangerous climate change: choosing the
science of the possible over the politics of the impossible‟. A report commissioned by
Oxfam and undertaken by Tyndall Centre researchers.
Much of the analysis relies on research within: K. Anderson and A. Bows (2011) „Beyond
dangerous climate change: emission pathways for a new world‟, Philosophical
Transactions of the Royal Society A, 369, 20–44, DOI:10.1098/rsta.2010.0290.
3
M. New et al. (2011) „Migration and Global Environmental Change: The possible impacts
of high levels of climate change in 2060 and implications for migration‟, UK Government
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G.C. Nelson, M.W. Rosegrant, J. Koo, R. Robertson, T. Sulser, T. Zhu, C. Ringler, S.
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5
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6
Rich countries for the purposes of this paper refer to Annex 1 countries as defined by the
UN Framework Convention on Climate Change
http://unfccc.int/parties_and_observers/parties/annex_i/items/2774.php
7
J. Leaton (2013) „Unburnable Carbon 2013: Wasted Capital and Stranded Assets, p5,
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Carbon Tracker Initiative and The Grantham Research Institute, LSE, op. cit.
9
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Implications‟, http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2013/012813.pdf
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11 International Energy Agency (IEA) (2012) „CO2 Emissions from Fuel Combustion:
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12 Carbon Tracker Initiative and The Grantham Research Institute, LSE, op. cit.
13 K. Anderson and D. Calverley op. cit.
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16 World Bank (2013) „What Climate Change Means for Africa, Asia and the Coastal Poor‟,
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a-asia-coastal-poor
17 K. Anderson and D. Calverley op. cit.; Prof Kevin Anderson, Dr John Broderick and Dr
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18 G.C. Nelson, et al. (2009) op. cit.
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19 M.B. Burke, D.B. Lobell and L. Guarino (2009) „Shifts in African crop climates by 2050,
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20 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, (2014) „Working Group II, Assessment
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22 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change op. cit. p. 7.
23 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change op cit, p 3
24 The Economist (2013b) „Thought for food‟, 12 March,
http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2013/03/daily-chart-5
25 N. Hossian, R. King and A. Kelbert (2013) „Squeezed: Life in a Time of Food Price
Volatility, Year 1 results‟, Oxfam research report,
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tility-year-1-results-292412
26 Risky Business Project(2014) „Risky Business: The Economic Risks of Climate Change
in the United States – Executive summary‟,
http://riskybusiness.org/report/overview/executive-summary
27 The Economics of Climate Change in the Pacific „,
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28 Christian Aid (2009) „The Economic Cost of Climate Change in Africa‟,
http://www.christianaid.org.uk/images/economic-cost-of-climate-change-in-africa.pdf
29 M. Reilly and N. Halter (2014) „General Mills blames winter for lower sales‟, the
Minneapolis/St. Paul Business Journal, 19 March,
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30 S. Yeo (2014) op. cit.
31 T. Maynard (2014) „Extreme weather is a reality – the insurance industry must adapt‟,
Guardian Professional, January 31,
http://www.theguardian.com/sustainable-business/extreme-weather-insurance-industryclimate-change
32 AIG (2013) „Climate Change: A Call for Weatherproofing the Insurance Industry‟,
http://www.aig.com/Chartis/internet/US/en/IPG percent20Real percent20Estate
percent20Climate percent20Change percent20Paper_tcm3171-488915.pdf
33 Ibid.
34 S&P Capital IQ (2014) „Climate Change Is A Global Mega-Trend For Sovereign Risk‟,
https://www.globalcreditportal.com/ratingsdirect/renderArticle.do?articleId=1318252&Sct
ArtId=236925
35 The World Health Organization‟s Factsheet on Air Quality and Health
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs313/en/
36 Health and Environment Alliance and Bankwatch (2013) „How coal power plants make us
sick – Romanian version of HEAL report launched today‟, 9 December 2013,
http://www.env-health.org/IMG/pdf/press_release_09_12_2013_final_lm_jh.pdf
37 Iibid.
38 L. Myllyvirta (2013) „Silent Killers: Why Europe Must Replace Coal Power with Green
Energy‟,
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/Global/international/publications/climate/2013/S
ilent-Killers.pdf
39 Ibid.
40 C. Ottery (2013) „Interactive Map: Health impact of China‟s coal plants mapped‟,
Energydesk, Greenpeace, 12 December 2013,
http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/newsdesk/energy/data/interactive-health-impact-chinas-c
oal-plants-mapped
41 D. Goenka and S. Guttikunda (2013) „Coal Kills: An Assessment of Death and Disease
caused by India‟s Dirtiest Energy Source‟, Mumbai: Conservation Action Trust, Urban
Emissions and Greenpeace India,
http://www.greenpeace.org/india/Global/india/report/Coal_Kills.pdf
42 http://newclimateeconomy.report/overview/
„
43
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=41398#.U8-dH2RDsm8
44 Ibid.
45 Human Rights Watch (2013) „What is a House without Food?
33
Mozambique‟s Coal Mining Boom and Resettlements‟,
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/mozambique0513_Upload_0.pdf
46 Theodore Downing (2014) „Does the Kosovo Power Project‟s Proposed Forced
Displacement of Kosovars Comply with International Involuntary Resettlement
Standards?‟,
http://action.sierraclub.org/site/DocServer/Final_Draft_Downing_Involuntary_Resettleme
nt_at_KPP_Repo.pdf?docID=15541
47 E.ON (2011) „Counter-Motions and Electoral Proposals for the E.ON 2011 Annual
Shareholders Meeting‟, p. 2,
http://www.eon.com/content/dam/eon-com/en/downloads/e/EON_Counter_motion_Elect
ion_Proposal__2011.pdf
48 D. Rømer Adamsen, A.S. Pulsen, M. Urban Swart (2010) „The Curse of Coal: Our coal
consumption causes diseases, pollution, and poverty in Colombia.‟, Danwatch,
http://www.multiwatch.ch/cm_data/100505_danwatch_cerrejon.pdf
49 Many of these communities have received inadequate compensation for resettlement.
World Development Movement (2013) „The Cerrejón Mine: Coal Exploitation in
Colombia‟, Campaign briefing,
http://www.wdm.org.uk/sites/default/files/cerrejon_media_briefing.pdf
50 European Commission 2030 Framework for Climate and Energy Policies
http://ec.europa.eu/clima/policies/2030/index_en.htm
51 Tom McCarthy (2014) „Obama says carbon pollution caps will “protect health of
vulnerable” – as it happened‟, the Guardian, 2 June,
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52 Kathy Chen And Stian Reklev (2014) „China plans absolute CO2 cap from 2016„,
Reuters, 3 June,
http://uk.reuters.com/article/2014/06/03/china-climatechange-idUKT9N0NH02W201406
03
53 IPCC (2014) „Summary for Policymakers‟, in O. Edenhofer, R. Pichs-Madruga, Y.
Sokona, E. Farahani, S. Kadner, K. Seyboth, A. Adler, I. Baum, S. Brunner, P.
Eickemeier, B. Kriemann, J. Savolainen, S. Schlömer, C. von Stechow, T. Zwickel and
J.C. Minx (eds.) Climate Change 2014, Mitigation of Climate Change: Contribution of
Working Group III to the Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p13,
http://report.mitigation2014.org/spm/ipcc_wg3_ar5_summary-for-policymakers_approve
d.pdf
54 Ibid.
55 Anderson and Caverley, op. cit.
56 Research commissioned by the European Commission found that oil derived from tar
sands is 23% more carbon intensive than conventional oil.
Transport and Environment (2013) „A Fact-Finding Trip to the Core of the Fuel Quality
Directive‟,
http://www.transportenvironment.org/sites/te/files/publications/Tarsands_briefing_T%26
E_final.pdf
57 Rachel Nuwer (2013) „Oil Sands Mining Uses Up Almost as Much Energy as It Produces„,
Inside Climate News, 19 February,
http://insideclimatenews.org/news/20130219/oil-sands-mining-tar-sands-alberta-canada
-energy-return-on-investment-eroi-natural-gas-in-situ-dilbit-bitumen
58 Lenore Taylor (2014) „Australia kills off carbon tax‟ the Guardian, 17 July,
http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2014/jul/17/australia-kills-off-carbon-tax
59 World Bank Data on CO2 Emissions,
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/EN.ATM.CO2E.PC?display=map
60 International energy Outlook (2014) „U.S. Energy Information Administration‟,
http://www.eia.gov/forecasts/ieo/pdf/0484(2013).pdf
61 K. Anderson and A. Bows (2011) „Beyond dangerous climate change: emission pathways
for a new world‟, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A, 369, 20–44,
DOI:10.1098/rsta.2010.0290.
62 James Leaton (2012) „Unburnable Carbon – Are the World‟s Financial Markets Carrying a
Carbon Bubble?‟,
http://www.carbontracker.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Unburnable-Carbon-Full-rev2
-1.pdf
63 IHS energy 50 – The Definitive Annual Ranking of the World‟s Largest Listed Energy
Companies, January 2014,
http://cdn.ihs.com/www/energy50/IHS-Energy-50-Final-2014.pdf
64 Oxfam‟s calculations are based on data collected via Reuters' Thomson One financial
database in May 2014, using the combined figures for equity ownership (as of May 2014),
as well as bond underwriting and arranging/participating in loans since the beginning of
34
2013. Data for each parent company also includes all subsidiary data, where it is
available. For bank loans, 'arrangers' are assumed to put forward 40 per cent of the total
loan amount, with other participants assumed to provide the remaining 60 per cent. For
underwriting, 'bookrunners' are assumed to put forward three-quarters of the financing,
with other participants providing the remaining quarter.
The exact figures are: $6.397bn and $3.634bn.
65 Data from Reuters‟ Thomson One database, taken in May 2014 – see previous note.
66 Leaton (2013) „Unburnable Carbon 2013: Wasted Capital and Stranded Assets, p5,
http://carbontracker.live.kiln.it/Unburnable-Carbon-2-Web-Version.pdf
67 International Energy Agency – World Energy Investment Outlook 2014 Factsheet:
Fossil Fuels
http://www.worldenergyoutlook.org/media/weowebsite/2014/weio/WEIO2014FactSheet2
FossilFuels.pdf
68 F and C Investments (2013) „Responsible Investment Report 2013‟,
www.fandc.com/documents/responsible-investment-report-2013/
69 A. Blackburne (2013) „Norwegian pension fund divests from ”financially worthless” fossil
fuel firms‟, Blue & Green Tomorrow, 5 July,
http://blueandgreentomorrow.com/2013/07/05/norwegian-pension-fund-divests-from-fina
ncially-worthless-fossil-fuels/
70 S. Rundell (2013) „AP4 retreats from carbon‟, Top1000funds.com, 11 October,
http://www.top1000funds.com/profile/2013/10/11/ap4-retreats-from-carbon/
See also Fjärde AP-Fonden (2013) „AP4 investing in lower emissions in emerging
markets‟,
http://www.mynewsdesk.com/se/fjarde_ap-fonden/pressreleases/ap4-investing-in-loweremissions-in-emerging-markets-914131
71 ASN Bank (2013) „Our Vision on Climate Change, A Liveable Planet for Everyone‟.
72 John Schwartz (2014) „Rockerfellers, Heirs to an Oil Fortune, will Divest Charity of Fossil
Fuels‟
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/22/us/heirs-to-an-oil-fortune-join-the-divestment-drive.
html?_r=1
73 UNEP New Centre, „United Nations and Leading Investors launch Coalition to
decarbonize Institutional Investment Worldwide at UN Summit
http://www.unep.org/newscentre/Default.aspx?DocumentID=2796&ArticleID=10991&l=e
n
74 J Leaton (2013) op. cit.
75 FTSE Data as of 31 July 2014,
http://www.ftse.com/Analytics/FactSheets/Home/DownloadSingleIssue?issueName=UK
X
76 S&P Data as of 3 July 2014,
http://us.spindices.com/
77 R. Revesz (2013) „Why Pension Funds Won‟t Allocate 90 Percent To Passives‟,
ETF.com, 27
November, http://europe.etf.com/blog/9450-why-pension-funds-wont-allocate-90-perce
nt-to-passives.html
78 The Law Commission‟s Fiduciary Duties of Investment Intermediaries,
http://lawcommission.justice.gov.uk/areas/fiduciary_duties.htm
79 IEA (2013) „World Energy Outlook 2013 Factsheet: How will global energy markets
evolve to 2035?‟, http://www.iea.org/media/files/WEO2013_factsheets.pdf
80 IMF (2013) „Energy Subsidy Reform: Lessons and Implications‟,
http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2013/012813.pdf
81 Shakuntala Makhijani, with assistance and contributions from Stephen Kretzmann and
Elizabeth Bast (2014) „Cashing in on All of the Above: U.S. Fossil Fuel Production
Subsidies under Obama‟,
http://priceofoil.org/content/uploads/2014/07/OCI_US_FF_Subsidies_Final_Screen.pdf
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
84 Ibid.
85 http://www.argusmedia.com/pages/NewsBody.aspx?id=899088&menu=yes
86 Friends of the Earth (2013) „UK Fossil Fuel Tax Breaks, 2012/13‟,
http://www.foe.co.uk/sites/default/files/downloads/uk_fossil_fuel_tax_breaks.pdf
87 Guy Chazan, (2013) „Record investment planned for North Sea‟, Financial Times, 12
April, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/be4f240a-a2bf-11e2-bd45-00144feabdc0.html
35
88 Business Green „Budget 2014: Osborne's carbon price freeze sparks green investment
fears‟,
http://www.businessgreen.com/bg/news/2335174/budget-2014-osbornes-carbon-price-fr
eeze-sparks-green-investment-fears
89 Guy Chazan (2013) „Autumn Statement 2013: Tax break to boost shale gas delivery‟,
Financial Times, 5 December,
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/782b65ac-5da8-11e3-95bd-00144feabdc0.html#axzz38QKsR
Coz and
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/264650/P
U1580__final_.pdf
90 See the Federal Government‟s „Accelerated Capital Cost Allowance‟,
http://www.oecd.org/site/tadffss/CAN.pdf, and can‟t find date oecd
Canada: InventoryoOf Estimated Budgetary Support and Tax Expenditures for
Fossil-Fuels,
http://www.oecd.org/site/tadffss/CANdata.xls
91 Steven Herz (2014) @Ecologists stop “back door” financing for new coal power stations!‟,
The Ecologist, 11 June,
http://www.theecologist.org/blogs_and_comments/commentators/2432729/stop_back_d
oor_financing_for_new_coal_power_stations.html
92 Shakuntala Mmakhijani with Stephen Kretzmann and Elizabeth Bast, op.cit.
93 European Commission (2013) „EU Energy, Transport and GHG Emissions - Trends to
2050-Reference Scenario 2013‟, p.17
http://ec.europa.eu/transport/media/publications/doc/trends-to-2050-update-2013.pdf
European Commission (2014) „Commission Staff Working Document – In-depth Study
of European Energy Security European Commission June 2014‟, p.201,
http://ec.europa.eu/energy/doc/20140528_energy_security_study.pdf
94 T. Boβmann, W. Eichhammer and R. Elsland (2012) ‟Concrete Paths of the European
Union to the 2ºC Scenario:Achieving the Climate Protection Targets of the EU by 2050
through Structural Change, Energy Savings and Energy Efficiency Technologies‟,
Fraunhofer Institute for Systems and Innovation Research ISI,
http://www.isi.fraunhofer.de/isi-wAssets/docs/e/de/publikationen/Begleitbericht_Contribu
tion-to-climate-protection_final.pdf
95 J. Arze del Granado, D. Coady and R. Gillingham (2010) „The Unequal Benefits of Fuel
Subsidies: A Review of Evidence for Developing Countries‟, IMF Working Paper,
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2010/wp10202.pdf
96 IMF (2013) „Energy Subsidy Reform: Lessons and Implications‟,
http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2013/012813.pdf
97 S. Whitley (2013) „Time to Change the Game: Fossil Fuel Subsidies and Climate‟,
Overseas Development Institute,
http://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8668.pdf
98 Ibid.
99 http://www.shiftthesubsidies.org/
100
ClimateWorks Foundation and the World Bank Group (2014) „Climate-Smart
Development: Adding up the benefits of actions that help build prosperity, end poverty
and combat climate change, Executive Summary‟,
http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2014/06/2
0/000456286_20140620101332/Rendered/PDF/889080WP0v20Bo00Development0Su
mmary.pdf
101 IMF (2013) op. cit.
102 World Economic Forum (2013) „Lessons Drawn from Reforms of Energy Subsidies‟,
http://www3.weforum.org/docs/GAC13/WEF_GAC13_LessonsReformsEnergySubsidies
_Report.pdf
103 D. Guillaume, R. Zytek and M. Reza Farzin (2011) „Iran – The Chronicles of the Subsidy
Reform‟, IMF Working Paper, http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2011/wp11167.pdf
104 R. Heede (2014) „Carbon Majors: Accounting for Carbon and Methane Emissions
1854-2010, Methods and Results Report‟, Climate Mitigation Services,
http://www.climateaccountability.org/pdf/MRR percent209.1 percent20Apr14R.pdf
105 D.J. Weiss and M. Peterson (2014) „With only $93 billion in profits, the big five oil
companies demand to keep tax breaks‟, Center for American Progress,
http://americanprogress.org/issues/green/news/2014/02/10/83879/with-only-93-billion-in
-profits-the-big-five-oil-companies-demand-to-keep-tax-breaks/
106 Peabody Energy (n.d.) „Advocating Coal‟s Role in Alleviating Energy Poverty to World
Energy Ministers‟,
http://www.peabodyenergy.com/content/491/Advocating-Coals-Role-Alleviating-EnergyPoverty-to-the-Worlds-Energy-Ministers
107 This figure is based on Oxfam‟s own research using the EU transparency register and its
search tools to determine the total declared spending from the fossil fuel industry. It is a
36
conservative estimate based on the figures available, which only give an indication of the
scale of spending, as declaring them to the European Transparency Register is voluntary.
This includes downstream industries such as refineries, distributors, pipeline companies,
and fuel oil dealers, and their sectoral trade associations. This is likely to underestimate
total lobby expenditure, as – due to the register‟s voluntary nature – there are many gaps,
and where companies do report, there are different interpretations of what constitutes
lobbying. The overall total includes companies‟ declared spending, and trade association
spending (but not consultancy spending, as it is assumed that the rules are followed and
this is already covered in company declarations). Business associations that cover many
different sectors (e.g. CBI, Business Europe) have not been included as there is no
breakdown of their spending by policy area. Not all companies have reported figures for
the 2013–14 financial year, so the figure for the latest reported year has been taken.
Where companies have only reported figures for part of the financial year, the equivalent
yearly spend has been calculated, and where figures have been expressed in a bracket,
the top-end of the bracket has been taken.
http://ec.europa.eu/transparencyregister/info/homePage.do
108 The exact figure is $156,673,386.
109 Information from the Centre for Responsive politics (based on Senate Office of Public
Records filings). Figures for the upstream and downstream oil and gas industry are
available here: http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=E01&year=2013,
and figures for the coal mining industry are available here:
http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/induscode.php?id=E1210&year=2013
110 In the US, the top two spending oil giants spent more than the entire alternative energy
sector combined. Exxon and Chevron spent $24m between them in 2013, whereas the
whole alternative energy sector spent $21.7m on lobbying in the same year. Source:
http://www.opensecrets.org/industries/lobbying.php?ind=E1500http://www.opensecrets.
org/lobby/induscode.php?id=E1500&year=2013Oxfam calculations.
111 The estimated costs to fund one negotiator from every developing country to attend one
two-week session of the climate negotiations comes to a total of €950,000.
112 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (2013) „Conference of the Parties:
Programme budget for the biennium 2014–2015‟,
http://unfccc.int/resource/docs/2013/cop19/eng/l07.pdf
„Developing‟ country means those countries with a per capita GDP below $7,500 in 2007
(with a higher ceiling of $14,000 for small-island developing states).
113 E. Gogoi (2014) „Flooding in Nepal: will the economy survive the deluge?‟, Guardian
Professional, 16 June,
http://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2014/jun/16/nep
al-climate-change-economic-research
114 The EU Fuel Quality Directive, http://ec.europa.eu/environment/air/transport/fuel.htm
115 Background documents at
http://climateactionnetwork.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/2011-05-24-Pan-EuropeanOil-Sands-Team-Backgrounder.pdf
and Climate Action Network Canada (2012) „Dirty Oil Diplomacy: The Canadian
government‟s global push to sell the tar sands‟,
http://climateactionnetwork.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/CAN_Dirty_Oil_Diplomacy.p
df
116 Doing Business in Canada – Useful Links
http://www.canada.doingbusinessguide.co.uk/resources-useful-links/
117 Damien Carrington (2011) „UK secretly helping Canada push its oil sands project‟ the
Guardian, 27 November,
http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/nov/27/canada-oil-sands-uk-backing
and Lorna Howarth (2013) „Leaked papers show UK government will backtrack on tar
sands extraction being classified as highly polluting‟ The Ecologist, 17
May,http://www.theecologist.org/News/news_analysis/1928187/leaked_papers_show_u
k_government_will_backtrack_on_tar_sands_extraction_being_classified_as_highly_pol
luting.html
118
http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2013/may/15/uk-signals-support-eu-import-tar
-sands and http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/sites/files/gpuk/FCO-eGram.pdf
119 ClimateWorks Foundation and the World Bank Group (2014) „Climate-Smart
Development: Adding up the benefits of actions that help build prosperity, end poverty
and combat climate change, Executive Summary‟,
http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2014/06/2
0/000456286_20140620101332/Rendered/PDF/889080WP0v20Bo00Development0Su
mmary.pdf
120 IEA (2014) „Energy Technology Perspectives 2014: Harnessing Electricity‟s Potential,
Executive Summary‟, http://www.iea.org/Textbase/npsum/ETP2014SUM.pdf
121 L. Ryan and N. Campbell (2012) „Spreading the Net: The Multiple Benefits of Energy
Efficiency Improvements‟, International Energy Agency Insights Paper,
http://www.iea.org/publications/insights/insightpublications/Spreading_the_Net.pdf
37
122 IEA (2011) „The world is locking itself into an unsustainable energy future which would
have far-reaching consequences, IEA warns in its latest World Energy Outlook‟, 9
November,
http://www.iea.org/newsroomandevents/pressreleases/2011/november/name,20318,en.
html
123 A. Bowen and S. Fankhauser (2011) „Low-Carbon development for the Least Developed
Countries‟, World Economics 12(1):145–62, esp. p.148,
http://www.lse.ac.uk/GranthamInstitute/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/low-carbon-develop
ment_Bower-Fankhauser.pdf
124 IEA (2014) op. cit.
125 European commission (2014), op.cit.
126 Ibid.
Only a small percentage of this was biomass.
127 The latest Eurostat population figure is 506 million: Eurostat (2014) Population on 1
January„,
http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/table.do?tab=table&language=en&pcode=tps0000
1&tableSelection=1&footnotes=yes&labeling=labels&plugin=1
128 Total oil imports from Russia in 2013 amounted to $122 billion. European Commission
(2014b) ‗Energy: Market observatory and Statistics, EU Crude oil imports‟,
http://ec.europa.eu/energy/observatory/oil/import_export_en.htm Using the average US
Federal Reserve exchange rate for 2013, and with an EU population of 506 million, this
works out at about €182 per capita. Total gas imports from Russia amounted to 41
percent of the overall 2013 €87 billion import bill, European Commission (2014), op. cit..
This works out at about €70 per person. Total = €252 per person for 2013
129 Frauenhofer Institute, op. cit.
130 О. Povarov, V. Svalova, (n.d.) „Geothermal Development in Russia: Country Update
Report 2005–2009, 2010‟,
http://www.geothermal-energy.org/pdf/IGAstandard/WGC/2010/0145.pdf
O Povarov, A.Nikolski, G Tomarov (n.d.) „Geothermal Resources for Local Heat and
Power Supply in Russia‟,
http://www.geothermal-energy.org/pdf/IGAstandard/EGC/szeged/O-4-06.pdf
P. Bezrukikh et al, Reference book of resources of renewable energy sources in Russia
and local types of fuel / indicators by territories, Moscow, IAC Energy, 2007 – 272 p. (in
Russian).
131 Marek Strzelecki and Julia Mengewein (2014) „Merkel‟s Green Push sinks German coal
profits: energy‟, Bloomberg, 14 March,
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-03-14/merkel-s-green-push-blows-away-germancoal-power-profits-energy.html
132 Craig Morris and Martin Pehnt (2012) „Energy Transition The German Energiewende‟,
http://energytransition.de/wp-content/themes/boell/pdf/en/German-Energy-Transition_en
_Key-Findings.pdf
133 Ibid.
134 Strzelecki and Mengewein, op.cit.
135 G. Parkinson (2014) „Solar‟s Insane Cost Drop‟, Clean Technica, 16 April,
http://cleantechnica.com/2014/04/16/solars-dramatic-cost-fall-may-herald-energy-price-d
eflation/
136 Frankfurt School-UNEP Centre (2014) „Global Trends in Renewable Energy Investment
2014‟, http://fs-unep-centre.org/system/files/globaltrendsreport2014.pdf
137 A. Evans-Pritchard (2014) „Global solar dominance in sight as science trumps fossil
fuels‟, The Telegraph, 9 April,
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/ambroseevans_pritchard/10755598/Global
-solar-dominance-in-sight-as-science-trumps-fossil-fuels.html
138 Frankfurt School-UNEP Centre, op. cit.
139 Giles Parkinson (2014) „Energy prices crash as Queensland solar takes hold’,
Renew Economy, 2 July,
http://reneweconomy.com.au/2014/energy-prices-crash-as-queensland-solar-takes-hold
-21256
140 Giles Parkinson (2014) „Abbot modellers tip householders to invest $30bn in solar‟,
Renew Economy, 25 June,
http://reneweconomy.com.au/2014/abbott-modellers-tip-households-to-invest-30bn-in-s
olar-35627
141 Greenpeace (2012) „Energy Revolution‟,
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/publications/Campaign-reports/Climate-Rep
orts/Energy-Revolution-2012/
142 Chris Martin, Mark Chediak and Ken Wells (2013) „Why the U.S. Power Grid's Days Are
38
Numbered‟, Business Week, 22
August,http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2013-08-22/homegrown-green-energy-ismaking-power-utilities-irrelevant#r=hpf-s
Bloomberg (2013) „Utility grid model sees tenuous future on solar Growth‟, 22 August,
http://www.bloomberg.com/infographics/2013-08-22/utility-grid-model-sees-tenuous-futu
re-on-solar-growth.html
143 International Renewable Energy Agency (2014) Renewable Energy and Jobs: Annual
Review 2014‟,
http://www.irena.org/menu/index.aspx?mnu=Subcat&PriMenuID=36&CatID=141&Subc
atID=415
144 D.M. Kammen, K. Japadia and M. Fripp (2004) „Putting Renewables to Work: How Many
Jobs Can the Clean Energy Industry Generate?‟, RAEL Report, Berkeley: University of
California, revised edition,
http://rael.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/very-old-site/renewables.jobs.2006.pdf
145 Union of Concerned Scientists (2013) „Benefits of Renewable Energy Use‟,
http://www.ucsusa.org/clean_energy/our-energy-choices/renewable-energy/public-benef
its-of-renewable.html
146 See infographic at
http://cleantechnica.com/2013/03/20/over-3-times-more-green-jobs-per-million-than-foss
il-fuel-or-nuclear-jobs/
147 The Solar Foundation (2012) „National Solar Jobs Census 2012‟, landing page,
http://thesolarfoundation.org/research/national-solar-jobs-census-2012
148 J. Sandry (2013) „Clean Energy is Creating Millions of Jobs – New Age of Energy
Campaign‟, Mosaic Blog,
https://joinmosaic.com/blog/clean-energy-creating-millions-jobs-new-age-energy-campai
gn/
149 IRENA (2014) „Renewable Energy and Jobs, Annual Review 2014‟,
http://www.irena.org/Publications/rejobs-annual-review-2014.pdf
150 Ibid.
151 Forbes (2013) „Pipe Dreams: How Many Jobs Will Be Created By Keystone XL?‟,
Forbes,10 May,
http://www.forbes.com/sites/energysource/2013/05/10/pipe-dreams-how-many-jobs-willbe-created-by-keystone-xl/
152 Natural Resources Committee Democrats (2011) „Profits and Pink Slips: How Big Oil
and Gas Companies Are Not Creating U.S. Jobs or Paying Their Fair Share‟, landing
page,
http://democrats.naturalresources.house.gov/reports/profits-and-pink-slips-how-big-oil-a
nd-gas-companies-are-not-creating-us-jobs-or-paying
153 Green Alliance, The Low Carbon Energy Lift: Powering Faster Development in
Sub-Saharan Africa http://www.green-alliance.org.uk/lowcarbonenergylift.php
154 UNDP Sustainable Energy Video,
http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/ourwork/environmentandenergy/focus_area
s/sustainable-energy.html
155 Green Alliance, op. cit. http://www.green-alliance.org.uk/lowcarbonenergylift.php
156 Greenpeace „True Cost of Coal in South Africa: Paying the Price of Coal Addiction‟,
http://www.greenpeace.org/africa/Global/africa/publications/coal/TrueCostOfCoal.pdf
157 IEA (2013) „World Energy Outlook 2013‟, landing page,
http://www.worldenergyoutlook.org/publications/weo-2013/
158 Stewart Craine, Evan Mills and Justin Guay (2014) „Clean Energy Services for all:
Financing Universal Electrification‟,
„http://action.sierraclub.org/site/DocServer/0747_Clean_Energy_Services_Report_03_w
eb.pdf?docID=15922,
159 IRENA (2014) „Peru Renewables Readiness Assessment 2014‟, p.XII,
http://www.irena.org/DocumentDownloads/Publications/RRA_Peru.pdf
160 Rakteem Katakey and Debjit Chakraborty (2014) „Modi to use solar to bring power to
every home by 2019‟ Bloomberg, 19 May,
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-05-19/modi-to-use-solar-to-bring-power-to-everyhome-by-2019.html
161 IDCOL (2014) „Expression of Interest : Scaling up Renewable Energy Program under
Climate Investment Funds‟,
https://www.climateinvestmentfunds.org/cif/sites/climateinvestmentfunds.org/files/Bangl
adesh_EOI.pdf
162 World Bank (2014) „Bangladesh Receives $78.4 Million to Install an Additional 480,000
Solar Home Systems‟, World Bank, 30 June 2014,
http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2014/06/30/bangladesh-receives-usd78-million-to-install-an-additional-480000-solar-home-systems
39
© Oxfam International October 2014
This paper was written by Hannah Stoddart, with Joseph Zacune and Lydia Prieg.
Oxfam acknowledges the assistance of Kiri Hanks, Andrey Rakhmanov, and
Sasanka Thilakisiri in its production. It is part of a series of papers written to inform
public debate on development and humanitarian policy issues.
For further information on the issues raised in this paper please e-mail
[email protected]
This publication is copyright but the text may be used free of charge for the
purposes of advocacy, campaigning, education, and research, provided that the
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[email protected].
The information in this publication is correct at the time of going to press.
Published by Oxfam GB for Oxfam International under ISBN 978-1-78077-739-9
in October 2014.
Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY, UK.
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