University of Calgary Press

Transcription

University of Calgary Press
www.uofcpress.com
THE LAND HAS CHANGED
History, Society and Gender in Colonial Eastern Nigeria
Chima J. Korieh
ISBN 978-1-55238-545-6
THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic
version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through
any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please
support this open access publication by requesting that your
university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing
a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at
[email protected]
Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open
access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot
be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists
and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover
image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork
cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific
work without breaching the artist’s copyright.
COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence.
This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly
attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain
in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal
academic scholarship without our express permission. If you want to reuse or distribute the work, you
must inform its new audience of the licence terms of this work. For more information, see details of
the Creative Commons licence at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/
UNDER THE CREATIVE
COMMONS LICENCE YOU MAY:
UNDER THE CREATIVE COMMONS LICENCE YOU
MAY NOT:
• read and store this document
free of charge;
• distribute it for personal use
free of charge;
• print sections of the work for
personal use;
• read or perform parts of the
work in a context where no
financial transactions take
place.
• gain financially from the work in any way;
• sell the work or seek monies in relation to the distribution
of the work;
• use the work in any commercial activity of any kind;
• profit a third party indirectly via use or distribution of the work;
• distribute in or through a commercial body (with the exception
of academic usage within educational institutions such as
schools and universities);
• reproduce, distribute, or store the cover image outside of its
function as a cover of this work;
• alter or build on the work outside of normal academic
scholarship.
Acknowledgement: We acknowledge the wording around open
access used by Australian publisher, re.press, and thank them
for giving us permission to adapt their wording to our policy
http://www.re-press.org/content/view/17/33/
noTes
�
f o rewo rd
1
A. G. Hopkins, An Economic History of
West Africa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 168–69.
2
See, for example, Thurstan Shaw, Igbo
Ukwu: An Account of Archaeological
Discoveries in Eastern Nigeria, 2 vols.
(London, [1970], M. A. Onwuejogwu,
“The Dawn of Igbo Civilization,” Odinani
[1971]).
3
Victor Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeastern
Nigeria (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1965), 22.
4
G. I. Jones, The Trading States of the Oil
Rivers [1963], 13.
5
Robert Stevenson, Population and Political
Systems in Tropical Africa [1968], 190.
6
Ibid., 192.
7
Korieh, “Introduction,” 2.
8
Ibid., 13.
6
For an analysis of the oil palm trade in Nigeria, see, for example, Eno J. Usoro, The
Nigerian Oil Palm Industry: Government
Policy and Export Production, 1906–1965
(Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press,
1974); and O. N. Njoku, “Trading with
the Metropolis: An Unequal Exchange,”
in Britain and Nigeria: Exploitation or
Development, ed. Toyin Falola, 124–41
(London: Zed Books, 1987).
7
Igbo culture and ecological areas can be
broadly categorized as follows: Western
or Delta Igbo (Asaba, Ika, Ndokwa);
Northwestern (north and south Niger
flood plain: Onitsha, Idemili, Aguata,
Nri, Awka [Anambra]; Northern [Awgu,
Enugu, Nsukka, Abakaliki: Enugu State
and part of Ebonyi State]; Central [Orlu,
Owerri, Nkwere, Ideato, and Mbano,
Mbaise, Etiti, Okigwe: Imo State]; Southwest [Ohaji, Egbema, Oguta, Ndoni, and
Ikwerre: part of Imo and Rivers States]:
South [Ngwa, Asa, Etche, Ukwa: Abia
State]; and Eastern [Umuahia-Ikwuano,
Bende, Ohafia, Afikpo, Aro: part of Abia
and Ebonyi States]). Taken from Ogbu U.
Kalu, “Osondu: Patterns of Igbo Quest for
Jesus Power,” unpublished paper.
8
In the settler colonies of southern and
eastern Africa, where Africans competed
with capitalist agriculture, the labour of
African men and the subsistence production of African women also helped to
subsidize the state, capitalist agriculture,
mining, and industry. See, for example,
Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South
African Peasantry (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1979).
9
However, the pace of agricultural transformation varied widely from the cash
crop producing regions of West Africa to
southern and eastern African societies,
where farmers faced more direct demands
inTroduCTion: perspeCTives,
seT Ting, sourCes
1
Interview with Grace Chidomere,
Umuchieze, Mbaise, 13 December 1998.
2
Interview with Chief Francis Enweremadu,
Mbutu, Mbaise, 2 January 2000.
3
Interview with Comfort Anabalam,
4
National Archive of Nigeria, Enugu
(NAE), ABADIST, 14/1/873, “A. Jamola, to
the District Officer, Aba,” 21 July 1943.
5
Cited in Elizabeth Isichei, A History of
Nigeria (London: Longman Group, 1983),
400.
283
on their lands and labour from European
settlers. The different colonial experiences
account for the varied nature of African
agricultural transformation, the farmers’
responses, and the effects of the decline in
the agricultural economy. For an account
of the process of agricultural change in
Africa, see, for example, H. J. W. Mutsaers,
Peasants, Farmers and Scientists: A Chronicle of Tropical Agricultural Science in the
Twentieth Century New York: Springer,
2007); W. J. Barber, “The Movement into
the World Economy,” in Economic Transition in Africa, ed. M. J. Herskovits and M.
Harwitz, 299–29 (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1964); Sara
Berry, No Condition is Permanent: The
Social Dynamics of Agrarian Change in
Sub-Saharan Africa (Madison: University
of Wisconsin Press, 1993); W. R. Duggan,
An Economic Analysis of Southern African
Agriculture (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1986);
Anthony G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1973); Martin A. Klein,
ed., Peasants in Africa: Historical and
Contemporary Perspectives (London: Sage,
1980); David Siddle and Kenneth Swindell,
Rural Change in Tropical Africa: From Colonies to Nation States (Cambridge, MA: B.
Blackwell, 1990); J. Tosh, “The Cash Crop
Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal,” African Affairs 79
(1980): 79–94.
10
284
In 1985, for example, an estimated 10
million Africans left their homes and
fields because they were unable to support
themselves. An additional 20 million were
reported to be at risk of debilitating hunger. See Lloyd Timberlake, Africa in Crisis:
The Causes, the Cures of Environmental
Bankruptcy (London: Earthscan, 1985).
Numerous World Bank reports since 1981
have indicated an overall pattern of severe
economic deterioration and stagnation
manifested in food security problems and
low levels of growth in the agricultural
subsector. See especially World Bank, Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for Action (Washington,
DC: World Bank, 1981); Towards Sustainable Development in Sub-Saharan Africa:
A Joint Program of Action (Washington,
DC: World Bank, 1984); Sub-Saharan
Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Development (Washington, DC: World Bank,
1989). Studies of agricultural sustainability include Abe Goldman, “Threats
to Sustainability in African Agriculture:
Searching for Appropriate Paradigms,”
Human Ecology 23, no. 3 (1995): 291–334.
See also G. K. Douglass, “The Meaning of
Agricultural Sustainability,” in Agricultural Sustainability in a Changing World
Order, ed. G. K. Douglas, 3–29 (Boulder,
CO: Westview, 1994); George J. S. Dei,
“Sustainable Development in the African
Context: Revisiting Some Theoretical and
Methodological Issues,” African Development 18, no. 2 (1993): 97–110; and C. K.
Eicher, Sustainable Institutions for African
Agricultural Development, International
Service for National Agricultural Research (ISNAR), Working Paper no. 19
(The Hague: ISNAR, 1989).
11
Studies of agricultural change in Nigeria
have focused on how state actions transformed rural agricultural economies and
threatened agricultural sustainability. See,
for example, Jerome C. Wells, Agricultural
Policy and Economic Growth in Nigeria,
1962–1968 (Ibadan, Nigeria: Oxford University Press, 1974); Food and Agricultural
Organisation, Agricultural Development in
Nigeria, 1965–1980 (Rome: FAO, 1966).
12
There is also an argument that the economic reforms driven by the IMF and the
World Bank in Africa over the last decades
have exacerbated the pace of agricultural
and economic decline. For the implications of structural adjustment programs
(SAPs) on African agriculture, see S. Commander, ed., SAP and Agriculture: Theory
and Practice in Africa and Latin America
(London: Overseas Development Institute,
1989). See also Christina H. Gladwin, ed.,
Structural Adjustment and African Women
Farmers (Gainesville: University of Florida
Press, 1991); and Commonwealth Secretariat, Engendering Adjustment for the
1990s: Report of a Commonwealth Expert
Group on Structural Adjustment (London:
Commonwealth Secretariat, 1989).
13
There appears to be a consensus on the
decline in the level of agricultural production, although there is less agreement
T h e l a n d h a s Ch a n g ed
on exactly what are the causes and what
should be the remedies. Furthermore,
critics seeking general explanatory models
of the nature of agricultural crisis have
reproduced this error. The current ubiquitous use of the word “crisis” in explaining
the decline in African agriculture is not
without uses, but it needs the addition of
specific local details to avoid over-generalization. The general “crisis” thesis has
led to distortions in the description of the
nature of the agrarian crisis and sustainability because the discourse has not been
adequately grounded in the social structures and everyday life of the studied societies. An in-depth understanding of the
varied nature of the African agricultural
crisis calls for an exploration of regional
variations and experiences. For a general
review of the literature on the African agricultural crisis, see Sara Berry, “The Food
Crisis and Agrarian Change in Africa: A
Review Essay,” African Studies Review 27,
no. 2 (1984): 59.
14
of African Political Economy 68 (1996):
169–95.
15
See, for example, FAO, Regional Food Plan
for Africa (Rome: FAO, 1980); World Bank,
World Development Report (Washington,
DC: World Bank, 1978); and World Bank,
World Development Report (Washington,
DC: World Bank, 1980).
16
For more on this debate, see Berry, “The
Food Crisis,” No Condition Is Permanent,
10–6; Lofchie and Commins, “Food Deficit and Agricultural Policies in Tropical
Africa,” 1–25.
17
See, for example, Bade Onimode, Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria:
The Dialectics of Mass Poverty (London:
Zed Books, 1982). On agriculture and
commodity production, see, for example,
A. Faloyan, Agriculture and Economic
Development in Nigeria: A Prescription for
the Nigerian Green Revolution (New York:
Vantage Press, 1983); J. O. Ahazuem and
Toyin Falola, “Production for the Metropolis: Agriculture and Forest Products,” in
Britain and Nigeria: Exploitation or Development, ed. Toyin Falola, 80–90 (London:
Zed Books, 1987); Bade Onimode, Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria:
The Dialectics of Mass Poverty (London:
Zed Books, 1982). See also O. N. Njoku,
“Trading with the Metropolis”; Hopkins,
Economic History; Rodney, How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa; E. A. Brett, Colonialism and Underdevelopment in East
Africa: The Politics of Economic Change
(London: Heinemann, 1974); G. Kay, The
Political Economy of Colonialism in Ghana
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1972); I. W. Zartman, ed., The Political
Economy of Nigeria (New York: Praeger,
1983). For the relationship between peasant
agriculture and the government at federal
and state levels during the colonial era and
the first four years of independence, see
Gerald Helleiner, Peasant Agriculture, Government and Economic Growth in Nigeria
(Homewood, IL: R. D. Irwin, 1966). See
also D. Rimmer, “The Economic Imprint
of Colonialism and Domestic Food Supplies in British Tropical Africa,” in Imperialism, Colonialism and Hunger: East
and Central Africa, ed. Robert I. Rotberg,
noTes
285
See Berry, “The Food Crisis.” Berry extends
her argument for a need to reconceptualise African agrarian discourse in No
Condition is Permanent, especially, 10–16.
See also M. F. Lofchie and S. K. Commins,
“Food Deficit and Agricultural Policies
in Tropical Africa,” Journal of Modern
African Studies 20, no. 1 (1982): 1–25. See
also M. F. Lofchie, “The Decline of African Agriculture,” in Drought and Hunger
in Africa: Denying Famine a Future, ed.
Michael H. Glantz, 85–110 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987); J.
Hinderink and J. J. Sterkenburg, “Agricultural Policy and Production in Africa:
The Aims, the Methods, and the Means,”
Journal of Modern African Studies 21, no.
1 (1983): 1–23; Michael Watts and Thomas
Bassett, “Crisis and Change in African
Agriculture: A Comparative Study of the
Ivory Coast and Nigeria,” African Studies
Review 28, no. 4 (December, 1986):3–27;
R. Baker, “Linking and Sinking: Economic
Externalities and the Persistence of Destitution and Famine in Africa,” in Drought
and Hunger in Africa, ed. M. H. Glantz,
149–70 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). See also Ray Bush, “The
Politics of Food and Starvation,” Review
Scott’s ideas on gender in Fifty Key Thinkers on History (London: Routledge, 2000),
279–80.
141–65 (Lanham: MD: Lexington Books,
1984).
18
Cited in Huss-Ashmore, “Perspectives in
African Food Crisis,” 12.
19
Levi and Havinden, Economics of African
Agriculture, 129–30. See also Ayodeji Olukoju, “The Faulkner ‘Blueprint’ and the
Evolution of Agricultural Policy in InterWar Colonial Nigeria,” in The Foundations
of Nigeria: Essays in Honor of Toyin Falola,
ed. Adebayo Oyebade, 403–22 (Trenton,
NJ: Africa World Press, 2003).
20
27
Michael Watts, Sillent Violence: Food,
Famine and Peasantry in Northern Nigeria
(Berkeley: University of California Press,
1983), xxiii.
See A. V. Chayanov, The Theory of Peasant Economy (Homewood, IL: R.D. Irwin,
1966). On the evolution of peasant societies
in parts of Europe, see, for example, Peter
Hoppenbrouwers, Jan Luiten van Zanden,
and J. Luiten van Zanden, ed., Peasants
into Farmers? The Transformation of Rural
Economy and Society in the Low Countries
(Middle Ages–19th Century) in Light of
the Brenner Debate (Turnhout: Brepols,
2001).
28
21
Sara Berry, “The Food Crisis and Agrarian
Change in Africa: A Review Essay,” African Studies Review 27, no. 2 (1984), 61.
See Sara Berry, Cocoa, Custom and SocioEconomic Change in Rural Western Nigeria
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975).
29
22
Robert E. Clute, “The Role of Agriculture
in African Development,” African Studies
Review 25, no. 4 (December 1982): 3. See
also Chima J. Korieh, “Food Production
and the Food Crisis in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in Africa, Vol. 5: Contemporary Africa,
ed. Toyin Falola, 391–416 (Durham, NC:
Carolina Academic Press, 2003); Chima
J. Korieh, “Agriculture,” in Africa, Vol. 5:
Contemporary Africa, ed. Toyin Falola,
417–36 (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic
Press, 2003).
See Polly Hill, The Migrant Cocoa-farmers
of Southern Ghana: A Study in Rural Capitalism (Hamburg: LIT, James Currey with
the IAI, 1997).
30
See Johannes Lagemann, Traditional
Farming Systems in Eastern Nigeria (Munich and New York: Weltforum Verlag
Humanities Press, 1977). For other differentiations, see Onigu Christine Okali and
C. Otite, ed., Readings in Nigerian Rural
Society and Rural Economy (Ibadan, Nigeria: Heinemann Educational Books, 1990);
and D. W. Norman, Economic Analysis of
Agricultural Production and Labor Utilization among the Hausa in the North of
Nigeria, African Rural Employment Paper
no. 4 (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1973).
31
See Martin, Palm Oil and Protest.
32
For a general discussion of the development of agriculture in the post-colonial
era, see Jerome C. Wells, Agricultural
Policy and Economic Growth in Nigeria,
1962–1968 (Ibadan, Nigeria: Oxford University Press, 1974); and Tom Forrest, “Agricultural Policies in Nigeria, 1970–78,”
in Rural Development in Tropical Africa,
ed. J. Heyer, P. Roberts, and G. Williams,
222–58 (London: Macmillan, 1981).
33
For a social history of the civil war, see
Axel Harneit-Sievers, Jones O. Ahazuem,
and Sydney Emezue, A Social History of
the Nigeria Civil War: Perspectives from
23
Clute, “The Role of Agriculture,” 2–3.
24
Ibid.
25
Ester Boserup, Women’s Role in Economic
Development (London: Allen & Unwin,
1970).
26
286
The discussion should (arguably) centre on
gender because its relational nature would
lead to a critical examination of economic,
social, and political processes. This is
crucial in examining agricultural change,
since men and women are defined in terms
of one another in the organization of production. For a clear articulation of this
position, see Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender:
A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,”
in Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the
Politics of History (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1988). See also Marnie
Hughes-Warrington’s fine articulation of
Below (Enugu, Nigeria: Jemezie Associates, 1997).
34
By a “food-reserve-deficit” area, I mean
an area without the capacity to produce
enough for reserve during one farming
season. Parts of Igboland, which were
food-reserve-deficit areas, depended
largely on food produced in other regions.
35
On the development of the palm oil industry, see Eno J. Usoro, The Nigerian Oil
Palm Industry: Government Policy and Export Production, 1906–1965 (Ibadan, Nigeria: University of Ibadan Press, 1974). For
developments in the period after the abolition of the slave trade, see Martin Lynn,
Commerce and Economic Change in West
Africa: The Palm Oil Trade in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002); Susan Martin,
Palm Oil and Protest: An Economic History
of the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria,
1800–1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and Allister E. Hinds,
“Government Policy and the Nigerian
Palm Oil Export Industry, 1939–49,” Journal of African History 38 (1997): 459–78.
36
37
For a good introduction to feminist analyses, see Rosemarie Tong, Feminist Thought:
A More Comprehensive Introduction, 2nd
ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998).
For studies of gender in the context of
colonialism and imperialism, see, for
example, Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants,
Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the
History of Zimbabwe, 1870–1939 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Nancy J.
Hafkin and Edna Bay, Women in Africa:
Studies in Social and Economic Change
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
1976); and Chima J. Korieh, “The Invisible
Farmer? Women, Gender, and Colonial
Agricultural Policy in the Igbo Region of
Nigeria, c. 1913–1954,” African Economic
History 29 (2001): 117–62.
See the following works by Jane I. Guyer:
Family and Farm in Southern Cameroon
(Boston: Boston University Africa Studies Centre, 1984); “Naturalism in Models
of African Production,” Man 19 (1984):
355–73; “Multiplication of Labor: Historical Methods in the Study of Gender and
Agricultural Change in Modern Africa,”
Current Anthropology 29 (1988): 247–72;
and “Female Farming in Anthropology
and African History,” in Gender at the
Crossroads of Knowledge: Feminist Anthropology in the Postmodern Era, ed. M.
di Leonardo, 257–77 (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1991).
38
Oyeronke Oyewumi, The Invention of
Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourse (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), 121. See
also Helen Callaway, Gender, Culture and
Empire: European Women in Colonial Nigeria (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1987); Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret
Strobel, ed., Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992);
and Malia B. Formes, “Beyond Complicity
versus Resistance: Recent Work on Gender
and European Imperialism,” Journal of Social History (Spring 1995): 629–41.
39
See, for example, Jean Allman, Susan Geiger, and Nakanyike Musisi, ed., Women in
African Colonial Histories (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 2002); Margot
Lovett, “Gender Relations, Class Formation and the Colonial State in Africa,”
in Women and the State in Africa, ed.
Jane Parpart and Kathleen Staudt, 23–46
(Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1989); and
Mona Etienne, “Women and Men, Cloth
and Colonization: The Transformation of
Production-Distribution Relations among
the Baule (Ivory Coast),” Cahiers d’Etudes
Africaines 17 (1977): 41–63.
40
See Northcote. W. Thomas, Anthropological Report on the Ibo Speaking Peoples of
Nigeria, Vol. 1 (London: Harrison and
Sons, 1913–1914), 97. See also Elizabeth
Isichei, A History of the Igbo People (London: Macmillan, 1976), 27, 79; John Iliffe,
The African Poor: A History (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987), 92.
41
Barry Floyd, Eastern Nigeria: A Geographical Review (London: MacMillan, 1969),
57.
42
For a description of rural poverty among
the Igbo by the late nineteenth century, see
Iliffe, The African Poor, 82–94.
43
See George, Journal, 21 January 1866,
CMS CA3/O. 18/23; F. M. Denis, Journal,
noTes
287
17 November 1908, CMS: UP 4/F2; T. J.
Dennis, Journal, March 1907, CMS: UP
89/F1, cited in Iliffe, African Poor, 82.
44
See Anthony O’Connor, Poverty in Africa:
A Geographical Approach (London: Pinter,
1991), 4. See also Goldman, “Population
Growth.”
45
G.E.K. Ofomata, ed., A Survey of the Igbo
Nation (Onitsha, Nigeria: Africana First
Publishers, 2002), especially Part 2.
46
Usoro, The Nigerian Oil Palm Industry.
47
Susan M. Martin, “Farming, Cooking, and
Palm Processing in the Ngwa Region of
Southeastern Nigeria, 1900–1930,” Journal
of African History 25, no. 4 (1984): 411–27.
48
Gloria Chuku, Igbo Women and Economic
Transformation in Southeastern Nigeria,
1900–1960 (New York: Routledge, 2005).
49
Nwando Achebe, Farmers, Traders, Warriors, and Kings: Female Power and Authority in Northern Igboland, 1900–1960
(Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2005).
50
For dependency theory, see, for example,
Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Washington DC: Howard
University Press, 1984); Giovanni Arrighi
and John S. Sane, Essays on the Political
Economy of Africa (New York: Monthly
Review Press, 1973); and Emmanuel Arghiri, Unequal Exchange: A Study of the
Imperialism of Trade, trans. B. Pearce
(New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972).
For Nigeria, see Bade Onimode, Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria: The
Dialectics of Mass Poverty (London: Zed
Books, 1982); A. Faloyan, Agriculture and
Economic Development in Nigeria: A Prescription for the Nigerian Green Revolution
(New York: Vantage Press, 1983); and J. O.
Ahazuem and Toyin Falola, “Production
for the Metropolis: Agriculture and Forest
Products,” in Britain and Nigeria: Exploitation or Development, ed. Toyin Falola,
80–90 (London: Zed Books, 1987). For
similar analysis of other parts of Africa,
see E. A. Brett, Colonialism and Underdevelopment in East Africa: The Politics of
Economic Change (London: Heinemann,
1974); and G. Kay, The Political Economy
of Colonialism in Ghana (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1972). On
288
the relationship between peasants and the
government, see Gerald Helleiner, Peasant
Agriculture, Government and Economic
Growth in Nigeria (Homewood, IL: R. D.
Irwin, 1966). See also D. Rimmer, “The
Economic Imprint of Colonialism and
Domestic Food Supplies in British Tropical Africa,” in Imperialism, Colonialism
and Hunger: East and Central Africa, ed.
Robert I. Rotberg, 141–65 (MA: Lexington
Books, 1984).
51
See T. Shanin, Peasants and Peasant Societies (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1976);
Bundy, Rise and Fall, 4; and Deborah Bryceson, Chrstobal Kay, and Jos Mooji, ed.
Disappearing Peasantries? Rural Labor in
Africa, Asia and Latin America (London:
Intermediate Technology Publications,
2000). See also L. A. Fallers, “Are African
Cultivators to be called ‘Peasants’?” Current Anthropology 2, no. 2 (1961): 108–10;
and John S. Saul and Roger Woods, “African Peasantries,” in Peasants and Peasant Societies, ed. Theodor Shanin, 103–14
(Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1971).
See also Terence Ranger, “Growing from
the Roots: Reflections on Peasant Research
in Central and Southern Africa,” Journal
of Southern African Studies 5, no. 1 (1978):
99–133; and Martin A. Klein, ed. Peasants
in Africa: Historical and Contemporary
Perspectives (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage,
1980), 9–14.
52
See Paul Thompson, “Historians and
Oral History,” in The Voice of the Past:
Oral History (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1988). Reproduced in The Oral History Reader, ed. Robert Perks and Alistair
Thomson, 21–28 (London: Routledge,
1998).
53
For the use of life histories and oral narratives, see Susan Geiger, Tanu Women:
Gender and Culture in the Making of
Tanganyika Nationalism, 1955–1965
(Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann; Oxford:
James Currey, 1997), 15–19. For the connections between fieldwork experience
and the resulting ethnography, see Judith
Okely, “Anthropology and Autobiography:
Participatory Experience and Embodied
Knowledge,” in Anthropology and Autobiography, ed. Judith Okely and Helen Callaway, ASA Monographs 29, 1–28 (London
and New York: Routledge, 1992). See also
Juliana Flinn, Leslie Marshall, and Jocelyn
Armstrong, ed., Fieldwork and Families:
Constructing New Models for Ethnographic
Research (Honolulu, HI: University of
Hawai’i Press, 1998), 5–6. See George E.
Marcus and Michael M. J. Fischer, Anthropology and Cultural Critique: An Experimental Movement in the Human Sciences
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1986), for a discussion of ethnography’s
alliance of observation with involvement
in the daily life and experiences of local
people.
54
55
For the use of life histories in historical
reconstruction and the problems of interpretation and representation, see Geiger,
Tanu Women, 16. See also Kathleen Barry,
“Biography and the Search for Women’s
Subjectivity,” Women’s Studies International Forum 12, no. 6 (1989): 561–77.
Studying one’s own society has been an
issue elaborately discussed by anthropologists. See, for example, Donald Messerschmidt, Anthropologist at Home in North
America: Methods and Issues in the Study
of One’s Own Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Akemi
Kikumura, “Family Life Histories: A Collaborative Venture,” in The Oral History
Reader, ed. Perks and Thomson, 140–44;
and R. Merton, “Insiders and Outsiders: A
Chapter in the Sociology of Knowledge,”
American Journal of Sociology 78 (1972):
9–47. For support of insider research, see
Winston, 1965); and G. K. Nukunya, Kinship and Marriage among the Anlo Ewe
(New York: Humanities Press, 1969).
56
For a discussion of this, see Enya P. FloresMeiser, “Field Experience in Three Societies,” in Fieldwork: The Human Experience,
ed. Robert Lawless et al., 49–61 (New York:
Gordon and Breach, 1983).
57
Ndaywel E. Nziem, “African Historians
and Africanist Historians,” in Profile of a
Historiography, B. Jewsiewicki and D. Newbury, ed., 20–27 (Boulder, CO: Sage, 1986).
While this view assumes the unity of African perspective, the fundamental problem
of academic literature, Jewsiewicki argues,
however, lies in the question of where and
by whom it is produced as well as where
and by whom it is read. See Bogumil
Jewsiewicki, “African Historical Studies,
Academic Knowledge as ‘Usable Past’: A
Radical Scholarship,” African Studies Review 32, no. 3 (1989): 9.
58
Richard Wright, “Introduction: Blueprint
for Negro Writing,” in The Black Aesthetics, ed. Addison Gayle, Jr., 315–26 (New
York: Doubleday, 1972).
59
Obioma Nnaemeka, ed., “Introduction,”
in Sisterhood, Feminisms and Power: From
Africa to the Diaspora, ed. Obioma Nnaemeka, 2 (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press,
1998).
60
Samuel Raphael, “Introduction,” in Village
Life and Labour (London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1975).
61
For useful comments on credibility of oral
accounts, see Jan M. Vansina, Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology,
trans. H. M. Wright (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1961), first published
in 1961 as De la tradition orale: Essai de
méthode historique and Oral Tradition as
History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985).
62
Hoopes, Oral History, 15. For comments
on the problematic nature of text and archived materials, see also Ruth Finnegan,
Oral Traditions and the Verbal Arts: A
Guide to Research Practice (London: Routledge, 1992), 82.
63
John Rae, “Commentary,” 175. Quoted in
Hoopes, Oral History, 15.
64
Thomas Spear, Mountain Farmers: Moral
Economies of Land and Agricultural Development in Arusha and Meru (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1997), 11.
noTes
289
1
“ we h av e a lways b een
fa r mer s”: so Cie T y a nd
eCo n omy aT The Close
o f The nine TeenTh
Cen Tury
1
M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard, eds.,
African Political Systems (London: Oxford
University Press, 1940), 5–6.
2
M. G. Smith, “On Segmentary Lineage
Systems,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 86, part 2 (July–Dec.,
1956): 39–80. See also Aidan W. Southall,
Alur Society (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1956); and Paula Brown,
“Patterns of Authority in West Africa,”
Africa 21, no. 4 (October 1951): 261–78.
3
See A. E. Afigbo, “The Indigenous Political
Systems of the Igbo,” Tarikh 4, no. 2 (1973):
12–23; M. A. Onwuejeogwu, “Evolutionary
Trends in the History of the Development
of the Igbo Civilization in the Culture
Theater of Igboland in Southern Nigeria”
(1987 Ahiajoku Lecture) Owerri, Nigeria:
Ministry of Information and Culture,
1987).
4
Afigbo, “The Indigenous,” 15. See also
Raphael C. Njoku, “Neoliberal Globalism
in Microcosm: A Study of the Precolonial Igbo of Eastern Nigeria,” Mbari: The
International Journal of Igbo Studies 1,
no. 1 (2008): 46–68; Simon Ottenberg,
Leadership and Authority in an African
Society: The Afikpo Village Groups (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1971);
G. I. Jones, “Ibo Age Organization, with
Special Reference to the Cross River and
North-Eastern Ibo,” Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute 92, part 1 and 2
(1962): 191–21; and Richard N. Henderson, The King in Every Man: Evolutionary
Trends in Onitsha Ibo Society and Culture
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1972).
5
290
NAE, ONPROF, 8/1/4702, “Anthropological Report on Onitsha Province,” by C. K.
Meek, 1931. See also Ikenna Nzimiro,
Studies in Igbo Political Systems: Chieftaincy and Politics in Four Niger States
(London: Frank Cass, 1972).
6
Unlike grains, tubers left no archaeological
evidence. For an excellent analysis of plant
and crop domestication in Igboland, see
Okigbo, Plant and Food. See also John E.
Njoku, The Igbos of Nigeria: Ancient Rites,
Change and Survival (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990). For more analysis
on the evolution of Igbo agriculture, see L.
C. Okere, The Anthropology of Food in Rural Igboland, Nigeria: Socioeconomic and
Cultural Aspects of Food and Food Habit in
Rural Igboland (Lanham, MD: University
Press of America, 1983), 29–50.
7
See Bede N. Okigbo, Plants and Food in
Igbo Culture and Civilization: 1980 Ahiajoku Lecture (Owerri: Ministry of Information and Culture, 1980), 11.
8
Okigbo, Plants and Food. See also Echeruo,
“Aro and Nri: Lessons,” 206.
9
This is confirmed in a 1966 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) study. See Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations,
Agricultural Development in Nigeria,
1965–1980 (Rome: Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, 1966),
397. For more on Igbo food habits and
caloric intakes, see Anita Whitney, Marketing of Staple Foods in Eastern Nigeria
(East Lansing: Michigan State University,
1968).
10
W. B. Morgan, “The Influence of European
Contacts on the Landscape of Southern
Nigeria,” Geographical Journal 125, no. 1
(1959): 53.
11
See Adiele Afigbo, Ropes of Sand: Studies
in Igbo History and Culture (Ibadan, Nigeria: University Press in Association with
Oxford University Press, 1981), 126.
12
Ibid., 126.
13
Ibid., 125–26. See also J. E. Flint, Nigeria
and Ghana (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1966), 63.
14
Cocoyam, known as a woman’s crop, is
ritualized as yam and controlled by similar taboos.
15
Interview with Nwanyiafo Obasi, Umunomo, Mbaise, 25 July 1999.
16
See W. B. Morgan, “Farming Practice, Settlement Pattern and Population Density
in Eastern Nigeria,” Geographical Journal
121, no. 3 (September 1955): 330.
25
Archibald John Monteith’s memoir was
written by Reverend Joseph Horsfield
Kummer in 1853. Kummer served the
Moravian Mission in Jamaica and this
account was edited by Vernon H. Nelson
from the manuscript in the Archives of the
Moravian Church, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. See “Archibald John Monteith: Native Helper and Assistant in the Jamaica
Mission at New Carmel,” Transactions of
the Monrovian Historical Society 21, no. 1
(1966): 30. See also Maureen Warner-Lewis, Archibald Monteath: Igbo, Jamaican,
Moravian, Jamaican, Moravian (Kingston:
University of the West Indies Press, 2007).
17
G. I. Jones, From Slaves to Palm Oil: Slave
Trade and Palm Oil Trade in the Bight of
Biafra (Cambridge: African Studies Center, 1989), 1.
18
Ibid., 3.
19
On indigenous trading networks, see
David Northrup, Trade Without Rulers:
Precolonial Economic Development in
Southeastern Nigeria (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1978).
20
Duarte Pacheco Pereira, cited in David
Northrup, “The Growth of Trade among
the Igbo before 1800,” Journal of African
History 13, no. 2 (1972): 220.
26
For pre-colonial exchange relations, see
Northrup, Trade Without Rulers. See also
Northrup, “The Growth of Trade,” 217–36.
See also Hermann Koler, Einige Notizen
über Bonny (Göttingen, 1840), trans. Uche
Isichei, in Igbo Worlds: An Anthology of
Oral Histories and Historical Descriptions,
ed. Elizabeth Isichei, 14–17 (Philadelphia:
Institute for the Study of Human Issues,
1978).
Extracts from Koler, Einige Notizen über
Bonny, in Isichei, Igbo Worlds, 14–17. Yam
is the common name applied to about 500
species of the genus Dioscorea of the Dioscoreaceae family. Tubers vary in size and
shape, averaging 3–8 lb., but sometimes
reaching more than 60 lb.
27
C.M.S Archives, CA3/010, W. E. Carew,
Journal, January 1866. Cited in Isichei,
Igbo Worlds, 210.
28
“Mr. John Grazilhier’s voyage from Bandy
to New Calabar,” in John Barbot, A Description of the Coasts of North and South
Guinea (Vol. V in Churchill’s Voyages and
Travels) (London, 1746), 380–81. Cited in
Isichei, Igbo Worlds, 10.
F.O. 403/233, Harcourt, Report on the
Aquette Expedition, 29 February 1896–29
March 1896, cited in Isichei, Igbo Worlds,
211.
29
S. R. Smith, “Journey to Nsugbe and Nteje,
1897,” Niger and Yoruba Notes (1898),
82–83, cited in Isichie, Igbo Worlds, 202.
30
Onwuka Njoku, Economic History of
Nigeria: 19th and 20th Centuries (Enugu,
Nigeria: Magnet, 2001), 9.
31
C.O. 520/31, “Political Report on the Eza
Patrol,” encl. in Egerton to Lyttelton, 16
July 1905, cited in Isichei, Igbo Worlds,
242.
32
Western Equatorial Africa Diocesan
Magazine, 1904, 29ff., cited in Isichei,
Igbo Worlds, 207–8. Cassava is a perennial
woody shrub with an edible root, which
grows in tropical and subtropical environment.
33
Morgan, “The Influence,” 52.
34
Allison, The Interesting Narrative, 39.
35
Winston, 1965), 30.
noTes
291
21
22
23
24
According to his autobiography, written in
1789, Olaudah Equiano (c. 1745–1797) was
born in Igboland. He was kidnapped and
sold into slavery when he was eleven years
old. His involvement in the movement to
abolish the slave trade led him to write and
publish The Interesting Narrative of the Life
of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa,
the African (1789). There is heated debate
today over Equiano’s nativity raised by
Vincent Carretta in Equiano, the African:
Biography of a Self-Made Man (University
of Georgia Press, 2005). For a contrary
view see, Chima J. Korieh, ed., “Introduction,” in Olaudah Equiano and the Igbo
World: History, Society, and Atlantic Diaspora Connections, 1–20 (Trenton: Africa
World Press, 2008).
Equiano, The Interesting Narrative, 39.
36
37
See Barry Floyd, Eastern Nigeria: A Geographical Review. New York: Frederick C.
Prager, 1969.
38
Morgan, “The Influence,” 52. Population
pressure and land scarcity have fundamentally influenced Igbo agriculture
where the characteristically poor soil continued to deteriorate rapidly with frequent
cultivation. For the impact of soil type
on agricultural productivity in Eastern
Nigeria, see, for example, G. Lekwa, “The
Characteristics and Classification of Genetic Sequences of Soil in the Coastal Plain
Sands of Eastern Nigeria” (PhD dissertation, Michigan State University, 1979).
See also R. K. Udo, “Pattern of Population
Distribution and Settlement in Eastern
Nigeria,” Nigerian Geographical Journal 6,
no. 1 (1963): 75.
39
40
The Biafra hinterland was a major source
of slaves during the Atlantic trade. For
an analysis of Igbo participation in the
slave trade see, for example, Ugo Nwokeji,
“The Biafran Frontier: Trade, Slaves and
Aro Society, c.1750–1905,” (PhD thesis,
University of Toronto, 1998). On the
transition from slave trade to commodity trade, see Robin Law, From Slavery to
‘Legitimate’ Commerce: The Commercial
Transition in Nineteenth century West
Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1995); and Martin Lynn, Commerce
and Economic Change in West Africa: The
Palm Oil Trade in the Nineteenth Century
1997). For an analysis of the gender implication of the transitions, see, for example,
Martin, “Slaves, Igbo Women.”
41
ONPROF, 7/15/135, “World Agricultural
Census,” Resident, Onitsha to District Officer Awgu, 16 January 1929.
42
See the works of Margaret M. Green, Land
Tenure in an Ibo Village in South-Eastern
Nigeria. Monographs on Social Anthropology (London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology no. 6) (London: Berg, 1941); and J. Harris, “Human
Relationships to the Land in Southern Nigeria,” Rural Sociology 7 (1942): 89–92. See
also Abe Goldman, “Population Growth
292
and Agricultural Change in Imo State,
South-eastern Nigeria,” in Population
Growth and Agricultural Change in Africa,
ed. B. L. Turner II, R. Kates, and G. Hyden,
250–301 (Gainesville, FL: University of
Florida Press, 1993).
43
David R. Smock and Audrey C. Smock,
Cultural and Political Aspects of Rural
Transformation: A Case Study of Eastern
Nigeria (New York: Praeger, 1972), 21. This
high population density is reflected in the
1991 population census. An important
demographic characteristic is the high
female population ration in the region,
which is on the average 10,000 more than
the male population in most areas. The
demographic composition has gender
and development implications including
access to resources and contribution to
agricultural production. See Federal Office of Statistics “1991 Population of States
by Local Government Areas,” Digest of
Statistics, December 1994.
44
Rhodes House Oxford (hereafter RH),
Mss. Afr. s. 823 (1), J. R. Mackie Papers on
Nigerian Agriculture.
45
W. B. Morgan and J. C. Pugh, West Africa
(London: Methuen, 1969), 322–23.
46
Ibid.
47
Sylvia Leith-Ross, African Women: A
Study of the Igbo of Nigeria (London: Faber
and Faber, 1939), 48.
48
William Allan distinguishes between
obligatory and voluntary shifting cultivation. Voluntary shifting cultivation is
found where land is plentiful in relation
to population. Here populations could
move to new areas without the restrictions
imposed by the need to allow cultivated
land to regenerate. See William Allan, The
African Husbandman (New York: Barnes
& Noble, 1965), 6–7.
49
See Morgan and Pugh, West Africa, 322.
50
Shifting cultivators could also rate the fertility of a piece of land and its suitability
for a particular crop by the vegetation that
covers it and by the physical characteristics of the soil. For a discussion of the
ecological basis of soil and agricultural
systems, see Allan, The African Husbandman, 3–19.
51
Interview
with
Mbagwu
Korieh,
52
For a study of the impact of fallow on the
soil, see B. T. Kang, G.F. Wilson, and T.
L. Lawson, Alley Cropping: A Stable Alternative to Shifting Cultivation (Ibadan,
Nigeria: International Institute of Tropical Agriculture, 1984), 22. See also O. A.
Opara-Nadi, “Soil Management Practices
and Agricultural Sustainability in Traditional Farming Systems,” in Agriculture
and Modernity in Nigeria: A Historical
and Contemporary Survey of the Igbo
Experience, ed. Jude C. Aguwa and U.D.
Anyanwu, 86–104 (New York: Triantlantic
Books, 1998).
53
B. N. Okigbo, “Plant and Agroforestry in
Land Use Systems of West Africa,” in Plant
Research in Agroforestry, ed. P. A. Huxley,
25–41 (Nairobi: International Council for
Research in Agroforestry, 1993).
54
It is likely that by the end of the eighteenth
century most parts of Igboland and neighbouring areas were so well inhabited that
founding new communities became nearly
impossible. The development of a more
permanent agricultural practice, therefore, became inevitable.
55
J. W. Wallace “Agriculture in Abakaliki
and Afikpo,” Farm and Forest 2 (1941):
89–95, cited in Morgan and Pugh, West
Africa, 69; Forde and Jones, The Ibo and
Ibibio, 14.
56
Anthony G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa (London: Longman,
1973), 38.
57
Ibid., 35.
58
See, for example, C. Meillassoux, “Essai d’interpretation du phénomène
économique dans les sociétés tradinonelles
d’auto-subsistence,” Cahiers d’études africaines 4 (1960): 38–67. See also Emmanuel
Terray “L’Organisation sociale des Dida
de Côte-d’Ivoire,” Annales de l’Université
d’Abidjan, Serie F, vol. I, part 2.
59
On patriarchal mode of production and its
relevance in stateless societies in pre-colonial Africa, see Jeanne Koopman Henn,
“The Material Basis of Sexism: A Mode of
Production Analysis with African Examples” (Boston University Working papers/
African Studies Center, no. 119, Boston,
MA: African Studies Center, 1986).
60
For more on African modes of production,
see Wim van Binsbergen and Peter Geschiere, eds., Old Modes of Production and
Capitalist Encroachment: Anthropological
Explorations in Africa (London: Routledge
and Kegan Paul, 1985).
61
For the classification of land among the
Igbo, see S.N.C. Obi, The Ibo Law of Property (London: Butterworth, 1963).
62
In reality, the notion of individual ownership is quite alien to Igbo indigenous
culture. Land is assumed to belong to the
community, lineage, the ancestors and the
generations yet unborn. For the models
of communal tenure, see, for example,
John M. Cohen, “Land Tenure and Rural
Development in Africa,” in Agricultural
Development in Africa, ed. R. H. Bates and
M. F. Lofchie, 349–99 (New York: Preager,
1980); Horoshi Akabane, “Traditional Patterns of Land Occupancy in Black Africa,”
Developing Economies 8 (1970): 161–79;
William Allan, The African Husbandman
(New York: Barnes & Noble, 1965), 360–74;
and Frank Mifsud, Customary Land Law
in Africa (Rome: Food and Agricultural
Organization, 1967).
63
NAE, OWDIST, 9/15/2, file no. 4/29, “Rural Land Policy,” District Officer, Owerri to
Resident, Owerri Province, Port Harcourt,
May 1929.
64
NAE, CALPROF, 14/7/1698, file no.
E/2994/12 “Land Tenure in the Aba District” District Commissioner, Aba District
to the Provincial Commissioner, Eastern
Province, October 1912. See also NAE,
CALPROF, 14/7/1698, file no. E/2994/12
“Report on Land Tenure” Acting District
Commissioner, Orlu to H.P.C Calabar,
November, 1912.
65
W. B. Morgan, “Farming Practice, Settlement Pattern and Population Density in
Eastern Nigeria,” Geographical Journal
121, no. 3 (1955): 326.
66
The importance of age in determining
gender and social relations is important
in many Nigerian communities. For the
case of the Yoruba of southeastern Nigeria,
see Oyeronke Oyewumi, “Mothers Not
noTes
293
Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourse” (PhD dissertation,
University of California at Berkeley, 1993),
2. See also Onaiwu Ogbomo, When Men
and Women Mattered: A History of Gender Relations among the Owan of Nigeria
(Rochester, NY: University of Rochester
Press, 1997), 2–6; and Karen Sacks, Sisters
and Wives: The Past and Future of Sexual
Equality (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1982).
67
68
69
294
The patrilineal systems of many Igbo communities allowed men a high degree of authority in decision-making about land, but
not necessarily in agricultural production.
For an assessment of the impact of patriarchy on land ownership, see, for example,
Uchendu, The Igbo, 22; Thomas, Ibo, vol.
1, chap. 10, cited in Iliffe, African Poor, 92.
On gender relations and land in African
agriculture, see Jean Davison, “Land and
Women and Agricultural Production:
The Context,” in Agriculture, Women and
Land: The African Experience, ed. Jean Davison, 1–32 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press,
1988). See also Simi Afonja, “Changing
Mode of Production and the Sexual Division of Labour among the Yoruba,” in
Women’s Work, ed. Eleanor Leacock and
Helen I. Safa, 122–35 (South Hadley, MA:
Bergin and Garvey, 1986). For an analysis
of gender differences in control over resources and labour at the household level,
see Ann Whitehead, “‘I’m Hungry, Mum’:
The Politics of Domestic Budgeting,” in Of
Marriage and the Market, ed. K. Young,
C. Wolkowitz and R. McCullagh, 88–111
(London: CSE Books, 1981).
Davison, “Land, Women and Agricultural Production,” 2. Chubb described
land among the Igbo as the fons et erigo
(fountain and origin) of human morality,
productivity, and fertility and therefore,
to that extent, the principal legal sanction.
See Chubb, Ibo Land Tenure, 6–7. See also
Uchendu, The Igbo, 22.
In traditional Igbo society, a variety of factors including initiation into adulthood,
age, and marriage determined one’s status
as an adult, but they also determined when
one became economically independent.
70
Interview
with
Mbagwu
Korieh,
71
The Igbo week calendar is made up of eight
days. The major market days in the week
are Orie, Afo, Nkwo, and Eke with four
minor market days on the same nomenclature.
72
The Ofo is the symbol of authority in Igbo
society and each lineage head remained
the custodian of the Ofo until he died. See
Anyanwu, “Igbo Family Life,” 147–48.
73
Interview with Eleazer Ihediwa, Owerrinta, Isiala Ngwa, 24 July 1998. See also John
Oriji, History of the Ngwa People, 64–67.
74
Interview with Comfort Anabalam,
Umuchieze, Mbaise 13 December 1998.
On Isusu in Igbo socio-political economy,
see Anthony I. Nwabughuoghu, “The Isusu: An Institution for Capital Formation
among the Ngwo Igbo: Its Origins and
Development,” Africa 54 (1984): 46-58.
75
Interview with Ugwuanya Nwosu, Owerri,
20 December 1998.
76
See Don C. Ohadike, Anioma: A Social
History of the Western Igbo People, (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1994) and
‘“When Slaves Left, Owners Wept’: Entrepreneurs and Emancipation among the
Igbo People,” in Slavery and Colonial Rule
in Africa: Studies in Slave and Post-Slave
Societies and Cultures, ed. Suzanne Miers
and Martin A. Klein, 189–207 (London:
Routledge, 1999). See also Carolyn Brown,
“Testing the Boundaries of Marginality:
Twentieth-Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern
Igboland 1920–29,” Journal of African History 37, no. 11 (1996): 51–80.
77
See Afigbo, Ropes of Sand, 130.
78
20 December 1998.
79
David van Nyendael, “A Description of
Rio Formosa, or the River of Benin,” cited
in G. Ugo Nwokeji, “African Conceptions
of Gender and the Slave Traffic,” William
and Mary Quarterly 58, no. 1 (2001): 15.
80
William Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London,
1705), 344.
81
Denis de Cardi, “A Voyage to Congo,” A
Collection of Voyages and Travels, 4 vols.
(London, 1704), 1–622, 629, 630–31.
82
Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper
Guinea Coast 1545–1800 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 103.
83
Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, African
Women: A Modern History, translated by
Beth Gillian Raps (Boulder, CO: Westview
Press, 1997), 11–12.
84
Hopkins, An Economic History, 21.
85
On African farming systems and division
of labour, see Baumann, “The Division of
Work,” 328.
86
Allison, The Interesting Narrative, 39.
87
Basden, Niger Ibos, 93.
88
Interview with Chief Theophilus Onyema,
Umuorlu, Isu, 5 January 2000.
89
Interview with Luke Osunwoke, Umuorlu,
Isu, 5 January 2000.
90
Harris, “Paper on Economic,” 12, Anyanwu, Igbo Family Life, 137.
91
Chuku, “Igbo Women,” 39.
92
Alexander Falconbridge, An Account of
the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa
(London, 1788), 21.
93
Cited in Onwuejeogwu, “Evolutionary
Trends,” 59.
94
Basden, Niger Ibos, 389–90, 394.
95
The Church Missionary Intelligencer, August 1891, 573, cited in Isichei, Igbo Worlds,
256.
96
Interview
with
Linus
Anabalam,
Umuchieze, Mbaise, 13 and 14 December
1998.
97
Emmanuel Nlenanya Onwu, “Ụzo Ndu an
Eziokwu: Towards an Understanding of
Igbo Traditional Religious Life and Philosophy,” 2002 Ahiajoku Lecture (Owerri,
Nigeria: Ministry of Information, 2002).
98
RH, Mss. Afr. s. 1000, Extract from Edward Morris Falk Papers.
99
M. Angulu Onwuejeogwu, Afa Symbolism
and Phenomenology in Nri Kingdom and
Hegemony: An African Philosophy of Social
Action (Benin City: Ethiope Publishing
Corporation, 1997), 7–9.
100 Kenneth O. Dike and Felicia Ekejiuba, The
Aro of Southeastern Nigeria, 1650–1980:
A Study of Socio-economic Formation and
Transformation in Nigeria (Ibadan, Nigeria: University Press Limited, 1990), 109.
101 Echeruo, “Aro and Nri: Lessons,” 200–1.
102 Ibid.
103 Interview with Agu Elija Ukaeme, Umunomo Mbaise, 3 August 1999.
104 Interview with Nze James Eboh, Obowo,
Etiti, 2 January 2000.
105 Telephone interview with Johnston Njoku,
Glassboro, New Jersey, 2 February 2007.
See also Johnston Njoku, “Transformations in Marriage, Gender, and Class System Resulting from Atlantic Trades and
Colonialism in the Bight of Biafra,” paper
presented at the 4th International Conference of the Igbo Studies Association, Howard University, 31 March to 1 April 2006.
106 See Chinua Achebe, Things Fall Apart
(New York: Anchor, 1994).
107 Ibid., 28.
108 Ibid.
109 Phanuel Egejuru, The Seed Yams Have
Been Eaten (Ibadan, Nigeria: Heinemann,
1993).
110 Ibid., 74.
111 For more analysis, see Obioma Nnaemeka,
“Fighting on All Fronts: Gendered Spaces,
Ethnic Boundaries, and the Nigeria Civil
War,” Dialectical Anthropology 22 (1997):
247–48.
112 Achebe, Things Fall Apart, 16, 33–34.
113 NAE, OWDIST, 4/13/70, file no. 91/27,
“Cultivation of Crops, Owerri District,”
District Officer to Resident Owerri Province, June 1928.
114 Onwuejeogwu, “Evolutionary Trends,”
60.
115 Basden, Niger Ibos, 389–94.
116 During my field interviews, people talked
about the growing of yams as if it were
synonymous with farming.
117 Morgan, “The Influence,” 52.
118 Basden, Niger Ibos, 389.
noTes
295
119 Onwuejeogwu, “Evolutionary Trends,”
58.
120 Cited in Onwu, Ụzo Ndu.
121 Onwuejeogwu, “Evolutionary Trends,” 59.
122 Interview with Chief Theophilus Onyema,
Umuorlu, Isu, 5 January 2000.
123 Isichei, A History of the Igbo, 10.
124 Adiele E. Afigbo, “Trade and Trade Routes
in Nineteenth Century Nsukka,” Journal
of the Historical Society of Nigeria 7, no.
1 (1973): 77–90; Adiele E. Afigbo, “The
Nineteenth Century Crisis of the Aro
Slaving Oligarchy of Southeastern Nigeria,” Nigeria Magazine 110–12 (1974):
66–73; G. I. Jones, “Who are the Aro?”, The
Nigerian Field 8, no. 3 (1939): 100–3; and
G. I. Jones “Native and Trade Currencies
in Southern Nigeria during the Eighteenth
and Nineteenth Centuries,” Africa 28, 1
(1958): 43–54.
125 Ukwu I. Ukwu, “The Development of
Trade and Marketing in Iboland,” Journal
of the Historical Society of Nigeria 3, no. 4
(1967): 650.
126 On Nri civilization, see Thurstan Shaw,
Igbo-Ukwu: An Account of Archeological Discoveries in Eastern Nigeria, vol.
1 (Evanston: Northwestern University
Press, 1970), 268–84; and Onwuejeogwu,
Afa Symbolism. On the Aro, see Dike and
Ekejiuba, The Aro .
127 Ukwu, “The Development of Trade,” 650.
128 Ibid.
David Eltis and David Richardson, “West
Africa and the Transatlantic Slave Trade:
New Evidence on Long Run Trends,” Slavery and Abolition 18, no. 1 (1997): 16–35.
See Douglas B. Chambers, ‘“My Own Nation’: Igbo Exiles in the Diaspora,” Slavery
and Abolition 18, no. 1 (1997): 72–97. For
African export figures for 1470s–1699,
see Paul E. Lovejoy, “The Volume of the
Atlantic Slave Trade: A Synthesis,” Journal
of African History 23 (1982): 478–81. For
1700–1809, see David Richardson, “Slave
Exports from West and West-Central Africa, 1700–1810: New Estimates of Volume
and Distribution,” Journal of African History 30, no. 1 (1989): 1–22.
135 Chambers, ‘“My Own Nation,” 75–7.
136 Birgit Muller, “Commodities as Currencies: The Integration of Overseas Trade
into the Internal Trading Structure of
the Igbo of South-East Nigeria,” Cahiers
d’études africaines 97, 25, no. 1 (1985): 65.
138 For the link between the slave trade and
the local agrarian economy, see, for example, Martin, “Slaves, Igbo Women and
Oil Palm.”
139 John Barbot, A Description of the Coasts of
North and South Guinea (London, 1746),
465, cited in Jones, From Slaves, 39.
140 Jones, From Slaves, 41.
141 Calculated from Eltis et al., eds. The TransAtlantic Slave Trade.
129 Ibid., 651–55. See also Dike and Ekejiuba,
The Aro.
142 Alexander Falconbridge, An Account of
the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa
(London, 1788), 21.
130 Ibid.
143 Barbot, A Description, 379–80.
131 See Eltis and Richardson, “West Africa,”
16–35.
144 Ibid., 465.
132 See David Eltis et al., eds. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM
1999).
133 Ibid.
134 David Eltis and David Richardson estimated that about one in seven Africans
shipped to the New World during the
whole era of the transatlantic slave trade
originated from the Bight of Biafra. See
296
146 Okigbo, “Towards a Reconstruction,” 10.
147 See Robin Law, “The Historiography of
the Commercial Transition in Nineteenth
Century West Africa,” in African Historiography: Essays in Honour of Jacob Ade
Ajayi, ed. Toyin Falola, 91–115 (Hawlow,
1993); Martin A. Klein, “Social and Economic Factors in the Muslim Revolution
in Senegambia,” Journal of African History
13 (1972): 414–41; David Eltis, Economic
Growth and the Ending of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1987); and Ralph A. Austen, “The
Abolition of the Overseas Slave Trade: A
Distorted Theme in West African History,”
Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria
5, no. 2 (1970): 257–74. See also Chima J.
Korieh, “The Nineteenth Century Commercial Transition in West Africa: The
Case of the Biafra Hinterland,” Canadian
Journal of African Studies 34, no. 3 (2000):
588–615.
149 See, for example, Anyanwu, “Igbo Family
Life,” 260; Dike, Trade and Politics, 49; and
A. J. Latham, Old Calabar 1600–1891: The
Impact of the International Economy upon
a Traditional Society (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1973).
150 American Memory, “Evidence of Capt, the
Hon J. Denman, to the Select Committee on
West Coast of Africa, 1942,” http://memory.loc.gov/ll/llst/014/0100/01780107.gif,
[accessed 19 February 2006].
151 Law, “The Historiography,” 91–115.
The Aftermath of Slavery: Transitions and
Transformations in Southeastern Nigeria,
ed. Chima J. Korieh and Femi J. Kolapo,
228–47 (Trenton: African World Press,
2007).
164 Waibinte Wariboko, “New Calabar Middlemen, Her Majesty’s Consuls, and British Traders in the Niger Delta During the
Era of New Imperialism,” in Aftermath of
Slavery: Transitions and Transformations
in Southeastern Nigeria, ed. Chima J. Korieh and Femi J. Kolapo, 17–40 (Trenton:
Africa World Press, 2007).
165 See Hopkins, An Economic History, 216.
For more analysis, see Law, From Slave
Trade, 1995; and Lovejoy and Richardson,
“Initial Crisis of Adaptation,” in Law,
From Slave Trade, 1995. See also Martin
A. Klein, “The Development of Slavery in
West Africa,” paper delivered at the Harriet Tubman Seminar, York University,
1996.
166 Martin, “Slaves, Igbo Women,” 182.
167 Ibid.
168 Ibid.
153 Parliamentary papers 1842 XI pt. 1, appendix and index no. 7, 232, cited in Anyanwu, “Igbo Family Life,” 260.
154 Kathleen M. Baker, Agricultural Change
in Nigeria: Case Studies in the Developing
World (London: John Murray, 1989), 3.
155 Dike, Trade and Politics, 101.
156 Walter I. Ofonagoro, Trade and Imperialism in Southern Nigeria 1881–1889 (New
York: Nok Publishers, 1979), 319.
169 See Stone, “Women, Work and Marriage,”
16.
171 Adolphe Burdo, The Niger and the Benueh:
Travels in Central Africa (London: Richard
Bentley and Sons, 1880), 134.
172 Cited in Mba, Nigeria Women, 48.
173 Raymond Gore Clough, Oil Rivers Trader
(London: C. Hurst, 1972), 41–42.
174 Ibid., 41–42.
157 H. L. Gallwey, “Journeys in the Benin
Country, West Africa,” Geographical Journal 1, no. 2 (1893): 122–30.
175 Henderson, The King, 230–43. See also
Mba, Nigeria Women, 49.
158 New York Times, 29 March 1863, 8.
177 Ibid., 48.
159 Isichei, The Ibo People, 67; Anyanwu, “Igbo
Family Life,” 260.
178 NAE, RIPROOF, 8/5/661, file no. OWN
630/17, “Trade Prices at up Country Markets,” D. O. Okigwi to Resident Owerri
Province, Port Harcourt, 29 November
1917.
161 Echeruo, “Aro and Nri: Lessons,” 207–8.
162 Ibid., 206–7.
176 Mba, Nigeria Women, 32.
163 Dike and Ekejiuba, The Aro, 3. See also Michael J. C. Echeruo, “Aro and Nri: Lessons
of Nineteenth Century Igbo History,” in
noTes
297
2
PA x b ritAn n i c A a nd
The d e v elo pmenT o f
agri CulTure
1
New York Times, 12 April 1903.
2
Ibid.
3
For new perspectives on British imperialism, see P. J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins,
British Imperialism, 1688–2000, 2nd ed.
(Harlow, England: Longman, 2001).
4
Report by The Hon. W.G.A. Ormsby-Gore
(Parliamentary Under-Secretary for State
for the Colonies) on his Visit to West Africa during the year 1926 (London: HMO,
1926), 77.
5
The works of Robinson and Gallagher have
given prominence to the notion of formal
and informal empire. See J. Gallagher and
R. E. Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free
Trade,” Economic History Review 6, no.
1(1953): 1–15. See also C. R. Fay, Imperial
Economy and its Place in the Foundation
of Economic Doctrine, 1600–1932 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1934).
6
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1873, Robert B. Broocks
Papers.
7
London Gazette 5 June 1885, 2581. Cited
in J. C. Anene, “The Foundation of British Rule in Nigeria (1885–1891),” Journal
of Historical Society of Nigeria 1, no. 4
(1959): 253–62. Named after palm oil, the
major export product from the region, the
protectorate originally also included territories like Benin and Itsekiri, which later
became part of Western Nigeria.
8
See U.O.A. Esse, “Introduction,” Catalogue
of the Correspondence and Papers of the
Niger Coast Protectorate (CSO 3/1/1–3/5/1,
1894–1999) (Enugu: National Archives of
Nigeria, 1988).
9
On the political and economic developments in this period, see J. E. Flint, Sir
George Goldie and the Making of Nigeria
(London: Oxford University Press, 1960);
E. J. Alagoa, The Small Brave City State: A
History of Nembe-Brass (Ibadan, Nigeria:
University of Ibadan Press, 1964); S.J.S.
Cookey, King Jaja of the Niger Delta: His
Life and Times 1829–1889 (New York: Nok
Publishers, 1974); Walter I. Ofonagoro,
298
Trade and Imperialism in Southern Nigeria
1881–1889 (New York: Nok Publishers,
1979); Obare Ikime, The Fall of Nigeria: The
British Conquest (Ibadan, Nigeria: Heinemann, 1982); J. C. Anene, Southern Nigeria in Transition 1885–1906 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1966); J.U.J.
Asiegbu, Nigeria and its British Invaders 1851–1920 (New York: Nok Publishers, 1984); H. Galway, “The Rising of the
Brassmen,” Journal of African Society 34
(1935): 144–62; C. Gertzel, “Relations
between Africans and European Traders
in the Niger Delta, 1880–1896,” Journal
of African History 3 (1962): 361–66; J.U.J.
Asiegbu, “Some Notes on Afro-European
Relations and British Consular Roles in
the Niger Delta in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Niger Delta Studies 1, no.
2 (1971): 101–16; and Waibinte Wariboko,
“New Calabar Middlemen, Her Majesty’s
Consuls, and British Traders in the Niger
Delta during the Era of New Imperialism,”
in The Aftermath of Slavery: Transitions
and Transformations in Southeastern Nigeria, ed. Chima J. Korieh and Femi J. Kolapo, 17–40 (Trenton: Africa World Press,
2006).
10
Wariboko, “New Calabar Middlemen,”
28.
11
Ibid., 33.
12
Alagoa, The Small Brave, 116.
13
Ukwu, “The Development of Trade,” 656.
14
In this period eight British commercial
companies, British & Continental African
Company Limited, Couper Johnstone &
Company, Hatton & Cookson, John Holt
& Company, Liverpool African Company,
Richard & William King, Smith & Douglas
Limited, Taylor Laughland & Company,
and Thomas Harrison & Company united
in 1889 to form the African Association
Limited, but their claim to charter similar
to the Royal Niger Company charter to
administer the Oil Rivers was refused.
15
Other military expeditions include the
Douglas Expedition (ogu Douglas), Ahiara
Expedition, 1905.
16
On Aro commercial activities, see, for example, Adiele Afigbo, “The Eclipse of the
Aro Trading Oligarchy of Southeastern
Nigeria, 1901–1927,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 4, no. 1 (1971): 3–24;
and Adiele Afigbo, “The Aro Expedition
of 1901–1902: An Episode in the British
Occupation of Iboland,” ODU: A Journal
of West African Studies 7 (1972): 3–25.
17
Don C. Ohadike’s The Ekumeku Movement:
Western Igbo Resistance to the British Conquest of Nigeria, 1883–1914 (Athens, OH:
Ohio University Press, 1991). See also Don
C. Ohadike, Sacred Drums of Liberation:
Religions and Music of Resistance in Africa
and the Diaspora (Trenton: Africa World
Press, 2007) for resistance movements
from in Africa and the African Diaspora
through religion and music.
18
See Ohadike, The Ekumeku Movement.
19
See Felix K. Ekechi, “Portrait of a Colonizer: H. M. Douglas in Colonial Nigeria,
1897–1920,” African Studies Review 26,
no. 1 (March 1983): 25–50. See also Felix
K. Ekechi, “Episodes of Igbo Resistance
to European Imperialism, 1860–1960,”
in Olaudah Equiano and the Igbo World:
History, Society, and Atlantic Diaspora
Connections, ed. Chima J. Korieh, 229–53
(Trenton: Africa World Press, 2009).
20
The term “indirect rule” is a misnomer.
The formulation of policy and its implementation were vested on the few British
personnel in the territories. For the application of “indirect rule” system in Eastern
Nigeria, see Adiele E. Afigbo, Warrant
Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria, 1891–1929 (New York: Humanities
Press, 1972). See also Frederick Lugard,
The Dual Mandate in Tropical Africa
(London: W. Blackwood, 1926), for the
articulation of the indirect rule policy. See
also Michael Crowder, West Africa under
Colonial Rule (Evanston: Northwestern
University Press, 1968); and Michael
Crowder, Colonial West Africa: Collected
Essays (London: Frank Cass, 1978).
21
Lugard, Dual Mandate, 193.
22
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1073, “Extract from a circular from the secretary, Northern Provinces Kaduna, to all Residents, Northern
Provinces,” 23 November 1928.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
25
Chima J. Korieh, “Islam and Politics in
Nigeria: Historical Perspectives,” in Religion, History and Politics in Nigeria: Essays
in Honour of Ogbu U. Kalu, ed. Chima J.
Korieh and G. Ugo Nwokeji, 109–24 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America,
2005).
26
Although some Muslim intellectuals like
Aminu Kano served as a voice of dissent
and dissatisfaction with the Anglo-Fulani
hegemonic collaboration, the ruling class
collaborated with the British largely to
preserve their own authority and privileges.
27
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1073, “Extract from a circular from the secretary.”
28
Ibid.
29
For an analysis of indirect rule in Western Nigeria, see, J. A. Atanda, The New
Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule and Change in
Western Nigeria 1894–1934 (New York:
Humanities Press, 1973).
30
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1073, “Extract from a circular from the secretary.”
31
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1551, J.G.C. Allen Papers,
“Nigerian Panorama, 1926–1966.”
32
Lugard, Dual Mandate, 193.
33
Lugard was also committed to containing
the expansion of Islam to non-Muslim
groups. Lugard did not want non-Muslim groups to be forcibly placed “under
Moslem rule (which in practice means
their conversion to the Moslem faith) even
though that rule may be more advanced
and intelligent than anything they are as
yet capable of evolving themselves.” See
Muhammad S. Umar, Islam and Colonialism: Intellectual Responses of Muslims of
Northern Nigeria to British Colonial Rule
(Leiden: Brill, 2006), 34.
34
Walter Elliot, “The Parliamentary Visit
to Nigeria,” Journal of the Royal African
Society 27, no. 107 (1928): 215–16. Based
on an address delivered by Major Walter
Eliot, M.C., M.P. (Under- Secretary of
State for Scotland; Chairman of the Research Grants Committee of the Empire
Marketing Board and Chairman of the
Delegation of the Empire Parliamentary
Association which visited Nigeria 1927–
noTes
299
28), at a Dinner of the African Society on
13 March 1928.
59
papers
35
R H, Mss Afr. s. 1551, J.G.C. Allen Papers.
60
Ibid.
36
On the policy of indirect rule in Eastern
Nigeria, see Adiele Afigbo, The Warrant
Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Eastern Nigeria
1891–1929 (Ibadan, Nigeria: Longman,
1972).
61
Ibid.
62
C.O. 520/26, Egerton to C.O. (Confidential), November 5, 1904.
63
C.O. 520/14, Moor to C.O. No. 183, April
17, 1902.
64
Kannan K. Nair, Politics and Society in
South Eastern Nigeria, 1841–1906: A Study
of Power, Diplomacy, and Commerce in
Old Calabar (London: Frank Cass, 1972),
39.
65
See Kenneth O. Dike, Trade and Politics in
the Niger Delta, 1830–1885 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), 4.
66
On agricultural change in Africa, see, for
example, W. J. Barber, “The Movement
into the World Economy,” in Economic
Transition in Africa, ed. M. J. Herskovits
and M. Harwitz, 299–329 (Evanston, IL:
Northwestern University Press, 1961);
Sara Berry, No Condition is Permanent:
The Social Dynamics of Agrarian Change
in Sub-Sahara Africa (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993); Hopkins,
An Economic History; Martin A. Klein,
ed., Peasants in Africa: Historical and
Contemporary Perspectives (London: Sage,
1980); J. Tosh, “The Cash Crop Revolution
in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Appraisal,” African Affairs 79, no. 314 (1980):
79–94.
67
Several attempts were made to introduce
the production of cotton in the region.
Such attempts were frustrated by a combination of factors, including the lack of
interest on the part of farmers, and the unsatisfactory soil conditions in many parts
of Igboland.
68
121, no. 3 (1955): 331.
69
R. E. Dennett, “Agricultural Progress in
Nigeria,” Journal of the Royal African Society 18, no. 72 (1919): 266.
70
Dennett, “Agricultural Progress,” 267.
37
RH, Mss Afr. s. 2288/2, Alex J. Braham
papers.
38
Report by The Hon. W. G. A. OrmsbyGore, 115.
39
Ibid.
40
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1000 (1), Edward Morris
Falk papers.
41
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1873, Robert B. Broocks,
papers.
42
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
44
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1551, J.G.C. Allen Papers.
45
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1881. . A.F. B. Bridges papers.
46
47
See also Enyeribe Onuoha, The Land and
People of Umuchieze (Owerri, Nigeria: Augustus Publishers, 2003), 17–21.
48
49
Ibid.
50
Ibid.
51
Interview with Onyegbule Korieh, Ihitteafoukwu, Mbaise, 17 December 1998.
52
RH, Mss Afr. s. 546, “Reminiscences of Sir
F. Bernard Carr—Administrative Officer,
Nigeria 1919–1949,” Carr Frederick Bernard papers.
53
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1924, A.E. Cooks papers.
54
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1000 (1), Edward Morris
Falk papers.
55
RH, MSS Afr. s. 1551, J.G.C. Allen Papers.
56
papers.
57
58
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1520, Sylvia Leith–Ross
papers.
300
71
Fredrick. D. Lugard, The Rise of our East
African Empire, Vol. 1.1, The Years of
Adventure 1858–1898 (London: Collins,
1893), 381.
72
Ekechi, “Portrait of a Colonizer,” 40.
73
CO 520/31, W. Egerton, “Overland journey – Lagos to Calabar, via Ibadan, March
9–April 18, 1905,” 29.
81
Nigeria, Annual Report on the Agricultural
Department, 1932, 29.
82
Report by The Hon. W.G.A. Ormsby-Gore,
107.
83
See Meredith, “Government and the Decline,” 311. See also Hopkins, An Economic
History, 210–16; Usoro, The Nigeria Oil
Palm Industry, 36–40; D. K. Fliedhouse,
Unilever Overseas (London: Croom Helm,
1978), ch. 9; and Berry, Fathers Work, 23.
84
F. M. Dyke was struck by the high degree
of skill and knowledge shown by the native farmers in the care of their palm. See
Report on the Oil Palm Industry in British
West Africa, cited in Usoro, The Nigeria
Oil Palm Industry, 37.
85
For example, in 1910, W. H. Johnson,
Director, Department of Agriculture,
Southern Nigeria described the methods
employed by the native agriculturalists
as “extremely crude,” employing only “a
short-handled hoe and the cutlass.” For
the analysis of the production systems in
Eastern Nigeria, see Usoro, The Nigeria
Oil Palm Industry; Susan Martin, “Igbo
Women and Palm Oil”; and John Oriji, “A
Study of the Slave Trade and Palm Produce
among the Ngwa Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria,” Cahiers d’études africanes 91(1983):
311–28.
86
RH, Mss. Afr. s. 823 (4), J. R. Mackie Papers.
87
Elliot, “The Parliamentary Visit,” 205–18.
88
Ibid., 216–17.
89
The Nigeria Handbook (Lagos: Government Printer, 1927), 255–56.
90
Nigeria, The Nigeria Handbook, 1929, 246.
91
See J. E. Gray, “Native Methods of Preparing Palm Oil,” in Second Annual Bulletin of
the Agricultural Department for 1923/1924
(Lagos: Government Printer, 1925), 29. See
also Helleiner, Peasant Agriculture, 5.
noTes
301
74
NAE, OWDIST 6/2/6, “Report on the
Export Products of Owerri Province, Nigeria,” 3/11/14.
75
Address by Governor Hugh Clifford, to
the Nigerian Council (Lagos, December,
1920), cited in Usoro, The Nigeria Oil Palm
Industry, 186–7. See also Fredrick Lugard,
“British Policy in Nigeria,” Africa 10, no. 4
(1937): 385. Lugard discussed the difficulty
of acquiring land for plantation development because of the Igbo land tenure system. See also Usoro, The Nigeria Oil Palm
Industry, 390.
76
Made by Native Peasants and by Foreign
Enterprise (London: Oxford University
Press, 1946), 133; and O. N. Njoku, “Oil
Palm Syndrome in Nigeria: Government
Policy and Indigenous Response, 1918–
1939,” Calabar Historical Journal 2, no. 1
(1978): 84.
For the attempts by Lever to establish
plantations in West Africa, see David
Meredith, “Government and the Decline
of the Nigerian Oil-Palm Export Industry,
1919–1939,” Journal of African History 25
(1984): 311–29. See also Nworah K. Dike,
“The Politics of Lever’s West African Concession, 1907–13,” International Journal
of African Historical Studies 5 (1972):
248–64.
77
West Africa, 26 July 1924.
78
Ibid.
79
Ibid.
80
See Fredrick Lugard, “British Policy in
Nigeria,” Africa 11, no. 4 (1937): 384; K. M.
Buchanan and J. C. Pugh, Land and People
in Nigeria (London: University of London Press, 1958), 103. See also NAE, CSE
1/861102. Smith Buchannan, Commissioner of Lands, Lagos. Memorandum on
the existing methods of Government control of Crown and other lands in Southern
Nigeria for the W & ALC. 1892: 11; NAE,
CSE 6607/Cv. Lt. Col. Roweg, “Confidential Report on Land Questions in Southern
Nigeria: NAE, CSO 583/146. File no. 6990
and 6991: “West African Lands Committee Question.” See also: Alan Pim, Colonial
Agricultural Production: The Contribution
92
Ibid.
93
I.E.S. Amdii, “Revenue Generating Capacity of the Nigerian Customs and Excise:
1875–1960,” in 100 Years of the Nigerian
Customs and Excise: 1891–1991, ed. I.E.S.
Amdii, 12–47 (Zaria, Nigeria: Ahmadu
Bello University Press, 1991).
94
See Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, 26.
95
Ibid.
96
See, for example, J. E. Gray, “Native Methods of Preparing Palm Oil,” First Annual
Bulletin of the Agricultural Department
(Lagos, 1922); and O. T. Faulker and C.
J. Lewis, “Native Methods of Preparing
Palm Oil – II,” Second Annual Bulletin of
the Agricultural Department (Lagos, 1923),
6–10.
97
Usoro, The Nigeria Oil Palm Industry.
98
Interview with Christina Marizu, Nguru,
25 December 1999.
99
Clough, Oil Rivers Trader, 38.
100 RH, Mss Afr. s. 1000, Edward Morris Falk
papers.
101 Clough, Oil Rivers Trader, 51–52.
102 Echeruo, “Aro and Nri,” 240.
103 RH, Mss Afr. s. 1924, A. E. Cooks papers.
104 Ibid.
105 Interview with Eugenia Otuonye,
Umuchieze, 23 December 1998.
106 RH, Mss Afr. s. 1924, A. E. Cooks papers.
107 Isichei, A History of the Ibo People, 67.
108 Gerald D. Hursh et al., ed., Innovation in
Eastern Nigeria: Success and Failure of
Agricultural Programs in 71 Villages of
Eastern Nigeria (East Lansing: Michigan
State University, 1968), 193–94.
109 CO 583/193/8, ‘Palm Oil Industry.’
110 Nigeria, Annual Report on the Agricultural
111 RH, Mss Afr. s. 546, Frederick Bernard
Carr paper.
112 Interview with F. Enweremadu, Mbutu
Mbaise, 2 January 2000.
113 Nigeria, Report on the Agricultural Department, 1912, 23.
302
114 RH, Mss Afr. s. 546, Frederick Bernard
Carr paper.
115 Ibid.
116 W. B. Morgan, “Farming Practice, Settlement Pattern and Population Density in
121, no. 3 (1955): 332.
117 CO 583/193/8, “Palm oil Industry.”
118 Ibid.
119 Spear, Mountain Farmers, 1997.
120 Interview with Onyegbule Korieh, Mbaise,
17 December 1998.
121 RH, Mss Afr. s. 1873, Robert Bernard
Broocks Papers.
papers.
123 Ibid.
124 Ikem Stanley Okoye, “‘Biafran’ Historicity: Ife, Okrika, and Architectural Representation,” in The Aftermath of Slavery, ed.
Chima J. Korieh and F. J. Kolapo, 158–96
(Trenton: Africa World Press, 2007).
125 Nigeria, Report in the Agricultural Department, 1912, 23–24.
papers.
127 Nigeria, First Annual Bulletin of the Agricultural Department (Lagos: Government
Printer, 1922), 11.
128 Report by The Hon. W.G.A. Ormsby-Gore,
77.
129 The Nigeria Handbook (Lagos: Government Printer, 1927), 140.
130 Nigeria, Annual Report in the Agriculture
Department: Southern Provinces for the
Year, 1918 (1919), 20.
131 Ibid., 20.
132 Nigeria, Annual Report in the Agriculture
Department: Southern Provinces for the
Year, 1919, 18.
133 See NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/397, file nos.
851; NAE, AHODIST, 14/1/465, relating to
pawning of persons as security for debts.
134 Interview with Linus Anabalam, Mbaise,
13 December 1998.
135 Iliffe, The African Poor, 92.
136 See J. S. Harris, “Some Aspects of the Economics of Sixteen Ibo Individuals,” Africa
14 (1943–4): 302–35.
149 Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Washington: Howard University Press, 1974).
137 S. N. Nwabara, Iboland: A Century of
Contact with Britain, 1860–1960 (Atlantic
Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1978),
15. See also C. K. Meek, Land and Authority in a Nigeria Tribe: A Study in Indirect
Rule (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1970),
1.
150 Barron S. Hal, Mixed Harvest: The Second
Great Transformation in the Rural North,
1870–1930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of
North Carolina Press, 1997), 15.
138 Meek, Land and Authority, 15–16.
3
gend er a nd Co lo ni a l
agri CulTur a l p o l i C y
1
See Adiele E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chiefs:
Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria,
1891–1929 (London: Longman, 1972). See
also C. K. Meek, Law and Authority in a
Nigerian Tribe: A Study in Indirect Rule
(London: Oxford University Press, 1937).
On the decline in the status of women in
Africa under colonialism, see, for example,
Jane Parpart, “Women and the State in Africa,” in The Precarious Balance: State and
Society in Africa, ed. Donald Rothchild
and Naomi Chazan, 208–15 (Boulder,
CO: Westview Press, 1988); Jane Parpart
and Kathleen A. Staudt, eds., Women and
the State in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynn Rienner Publishers, 1989); Hafkin and Bay,
eds., Women in Africa; and Claire Robertson and Iris Berger, Women and Class in
Africa (New York: Africana Publishing,
1986). For the case of Igboland, see Nina
Mba’s Nigerian Women Mobilized.
2
The recognition of difference and diversity
is a common trend running through the
writings of African feminist scholars. See,
for example, Obioma Nnaemeka, ed., Sisterhood, Feminism and Power: From Africa
to the Diaspora (Trenton, NJ: Africa World
Press, 1998). For the work of a culturally
sensitive writer, see, for example, Chilla
Bulbeck, Re-orientating Western Feminism: Women’s Diversity in a Postcolonial
World (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1998).
3
See Igor Kopytoff, “Women’s Roles and
Existential Identities,” in African Gender
Studies: A Reader, ed. Oyeronke Oyewumi,
127–44 (New York: Palgave Macmillan,
2005).
noTes
303
139 Green, Ibo Village Affairs, 43.
140 Takes, “Socio-Economic Factors,” 6.
141 Udo, Geographical Regions, 83. See also
W. B. Morgan and J. C. Pugh, West Africa
(London: Methuen, 1969), 9.
142 Udo, Geographical Regions, 83.
143 Philip Raikes, “Modernisation and Adjustment in African Peasant Agriculture,”
in Disappearing Peasantries? Rural Labour
in Africa, Asia and Latin America, ed.
Deborah Bryceson, Cristobal Kay, and Jos
Mooij, 79 (London: Intermediate Technology Publications, 2000).
145 Freund, The Making of Modern Africa, 98.
146 Interview with Eleazer Ihediwa. See also J.
Tosh, “The Cash Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal,”
African Affairs 79, no. 314 (1980): 79–94;
and J. Heyer, P. Roberts, and G. Williams,
ed., Rural Development in Tropical Africa (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1981),
168–92.
147 Some scholars see the capitalist transformation of African colonial economies
as clearly determined by the colonizing
power rather than “natural” developments
within indigenous communities. See Clive
Y. Thomas, The Rise of the Authoritarian
State in Peripheral Societies (New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1984), 10–19.
148 Geoffrey B. Kay, The Political Economy
of Colonialism in Ghana: A Collection
of Documents and Statistics 1900–1960
1972), 331. See also Berry, No Condition is
Permanent, 1993.
4
See, for example, NAE, OWDIST, 4/13/70,
file no. 91/27, “Cultivation of Crops, Owerri District,” District Officer to Resident
Owerri Province, June 1928. The District
Officer acknowledged that statistics were
not available for women’s crops.
5
Cited in Dennett, “Agricultural Progress,”
266–67.
6
See NAE, CALPROF, 14/8/712, file no.
E/1019/13, “Report on travelling and
agricultural instructional work,” Superintendent of Agriculture, Eastern Province,
Calabar, 1913.
7
8
NAE, CALPROF, 14/8/711, file no. 1018/13,
The Quarterly Report of the Agricultural
Department, 1918. See also Superintendent
of Agriculture, Eastern Province, “Report
on the Progress of Pupils attached to the
Agricultural Department.”
Nigeria, First Annual Bulletin of the Agricultural Department (Lagos: Government
Printer, 1922), 17.
9
Chuku, “The Changing Role,” 150.
10
NAE, ONDIST, 12/1/578, “Instruction for
Farmers’ Sons,” H. G. Poynter to superintendents of agriculture, 14 December
1933.
11
12
13
14
15
Nigeria, Report on the Agricultural Department, 1934 (Lagos: Government Printer,
1935), 26.
NAE, ONDIST, 12/1/578, “Instruction for
Farmers’ Sons.” District officer, Nsukka
Division to Resident, Onitsha Province, 3
February 1934.
NAE, ONDIST, 12/1/578, “Instruction
for Farmers’ Sons,” B. C. Stone, District
officer, Onitsha to Superintendent of Agriculture, Onitsha, 13 February 1934.
NAE, ONDIST, 12/1/578, “Instruction
for Farmers’ Sons,” B. W. Walter, District
officer, Udi Division to Superintendent of
Agriculture, Onitsha, 6 February 1934.
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1779. Norman Herington
papers.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid.
304
19
NAE, EKETDIST, 1/2/50, file no. 499, “Cooperative Agricultural Settlements for Nigeria, Registrar of Co-operative Societies
to the Chief Secretary to the Government,”
Lagos, April 1940.
20
NAE, EKETDIST, 1/2/50, “Cooperative
Agricultural Settlements.”
21
Interview with Eneremadu, Mbutu, 2
January 2000.
22
NAE, EKETDIST, 1/2/50, “Cooperative
23
NAE, RIVPROF, 8/5/661, “Cooperative
Agricultural Settlements for Nigeria,”
Registrar of Cooperatives Societies to
Chief Secretary to the Government, Lagos,
1940.
24
NAE, RIVPROF, 8/5/661, “Cooperative
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid.
29
Ibid.
30
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1975, Michael Mann,
“Community Development in Okigwi
Division,” n.d., c. 1950–53.
31
Ibid.
32
Ibid.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid.
35
Eastern Region, Annual Report on the Department of Agriculture (Eastern Region),
1952/53, 2.
36
Ibid.
37
Ibid.
38
Ibid.
39
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1779, Norman Herington
papers.
40
Ibid.
41
This was the situation in most of the colonial territories. See, for example, Janice
Jiggins, Gender-Related Impacts and the
Work of the International Agricultural
Centres, CGIAR Study Paper 17 (1986),
1–2.
Kathleen M. Baker, Agricultural Change
in Nigeria: Case Studies in the Developing
World (London: John Murray, 1989), 49.
42
RH, Mss Afr. s. 862 Swaisland H. Eastern
Nigeria papers.
43
Ibid.
44
See Richard Goodridge, “Women and
Plantation in Western Cameroon Since
1900,” in Engendering History: Caribbean Women in Historical Perspective, ed.
Verene Shepherd, Bridget Brereton, and
Barbara Bailey, 394 (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 1995).
45
Eastern Region, Annual Report of the Agricultural Department, 1952–53, 1.
46
Eastern Region, Annual Report of the Agricultural Department, 1956–57, 3.
47
See Eastern Region, Annual Report, Agriculture Division, 1958/59.
48
NAE, ARODIV, 19/1/18, “Quarterly Reports, Aro District,” Agricultural Station
Arochukwu to Agricultural Officer, Abak,
19 December 1952.
62
Usoro, The Nigerian Oil Palm Industry, 93.
63
Morgan, “Farming Practice,” 332.
64
Ibid.
65
Ibid., 330.
For report from various agricultural divisions, see NAE, LD 51-ESIALA, 27/1/53,
“Matter relating to agricultural loans.”
66
Ibid., 331.
67
Eastern Nigeria, Agricultural Division Annual Report, 1959/1960 (Enugu: Government Printer, 1961), 41–42.
68
Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 75.
69
Martin, Palm Oil and Protest, 1988. See
also Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized.
70
See Ukaegbu, “Production,” 233. See also
71
NAE, CALPROF 7/1/2339, file no. 4577,
“Restlessness among the Annang Women.” District Officer Opobo to The Senior
Resident, Calabar Province, 27 February
1952. For the threat on the traditional
rights of women with the introduction
of new technology, see Margery Perham,
ed., Native Economies of Nigeria (London:
Faber and Faber, 1946), 229.
72
NAE, CALPROF, 7/1/2339, file no. 4577,
“Agenda from Annag Women Association to be discussed with ADO, Opobo, 2
September, 1952,” E. S. James, Assistant
District Officer to the District Officer, 10
February 1952.
73
Margaret M. Green, Igbo Village Affairs:
Chiefly with Reference to the Village of Umueke Agbaja (London: Frank Cass, 1964).
noTes
305
49
50
Ibid.
51
See C. K. Laurent, Investment in Nigerian Tree Crops: Smallholder Production
(Ibadan: NISER, University of Ibadan,
1968), 2 and 11, Rigobert Oladiran Ladipo,
“Nigeria and Ivory Coast: Commercial
and Export Crops since 1960,” in African
Agriculture: The Critical Choice: Studies in
African Political Economy, ed. Hamid Ait
Amara and Bernard Founou-Tchuigoua,
101–20 (London: Zed Books, 1990).
52
Allan McPhee, The Economic Revolution in
British West Africa (London: Frank Cass),
8.
53
Ibid. See also NAE, ONPROF, 1-1-111144,
“Report on Oil Palm Survey, Ibo, Ibibio
and Cross River Areas,” by A.F.B. Bridges,
1938; Imperial Institute Handbook, The
Agricultural and Forest Products of British
West Africa (London, 1922).
54
55
Nigeria, Second Annual Bulletin of the Agricultural Department, 1923. See also Gray,
“Native Methods of Preparing Palm Oil,”
29.
56
57
Baker, Agricultural Change, 22.
58
See George Dei, “Sustainable Development
in the African Context: Revisiting Some
Theoretical and Methodological Issues,”
African Development 18, no. 2 (1993),
97–110.
59
Department 1938, 27–30.
60
See Anyanwu, The Igbo Family Life, 200.
61
A.F.B. Bridges, “Reports on Oil Palm Survey, Ibo, Ibibio and Cross River Areas,”
1938.
See Lugard, The Dual Mandate, 268–69.
74
Interview with Christopher Chidomere,
Mbaise, 13 December 1998.
75
Susan Martin, “Slaves, Igbo Women and
Oil Palm,” in From Slavery to ‘Legitimate’
Commerce: The Commercial Transition in
Nineteenth Century West Africa, ed. Robin
Law, 182 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
76
For a useful critique of the broad and
generalized framework on understanding
the role of gender in economic change,
see Margaret P. Stone, “Women, Work
and Marriage: A Restudy of the Nigerian
Kofyar” (PhD dissertation, Department
of Anthropology, University of Arizona,
1988), 16.
77
See, for example, Ukaegbu, “Production
in the Nigerian,” 31–36. Susan Martin
extended Ukaegbu’s argument in the following articles, “Gender and Innovation,”
411–22, and “Igbo Women and Palm oil,”
180.
78
Ukaegbu, “Production in the Nigerian,”
31–36.
79
Sara Berry, Cocoa, Custom, and Socioeconomic Change in Rural Western Nigeria
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975). Polly
Hill’s study of the development of rural
capitalism in Ghana may also be noted.
These changes in the direction of capitalist
societies were largely driven by the market
rather than ideology, although they ultimately transformed social structures including gender. See also Polly Hill, The Migrant Cocoa-farmers of Southern Ghana: A
Study in Rural Capitalism (Hamburg: LIT,
James Currey with the IAI, 1997).
80
NAE, MINLOC, 6/1/175-EP 8840a, “Intelligence Report on Ekwereazu and Ahiara
Clans,” 24.
81
A. M. Iheaturu, interview with Andrew
Anyanwu, aged 80, Ogbe Ahiara, 30 August 1972 and 16 December 1972, transcribed in Isichei, Igbo Worlds, 81.
82
306
NAE, RIVPROF, 8/5/661, file no. OW
630/17, “Trade Prices at Up Country
Markets, 1917,” D. O. Okigwe to Resident
Owerri Province, Port Harcourt.
83
See Felicia Ekejuba’s biographical sketch
of Omu Okwei, “Omu Okwei – The Merchant Queen of Ossomari: A Biographical
Sketch,” Journal of the Historical Society
of Nigeria 3, no. 4 (1967): 633–46. See
Leith Ross, African Woman, wherein
Ruth is described as “the veritable Amazon among traders,” 343.
84
85
Ibid.
86
Interview with Eliazer Ihediwa, Owerrenta, 24 July 1999.
87
Interview with Linus Anabalam, Mbaise,
13 December 1998.
88
89
Interview with E. Ihediwa, Owerrenta, 24
July 1999.
90
Interview with Serah Emenike, Owerri, 22
December 1999.
91
Interview with Francis Eneremadu, 31
December 1999.
92
Interview with Christiana Marizu, Nguru
93
Women in various parts of the Eastern Region protested men’s participation in what
they regarded as women’s spheres and often asked colonial officials to intervene on
their behalf.
94
Klein, Peasants in Africa, 20.
95
Hart, The Political Economy, 97–98.
96
121, no. 3 (Sept. 1955): 330.
97
See Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized,
112–14.
98
See Eastern Region: Annual Report for the
Department of Agriculture for 1953/54.
99
Federation of Nigeria, Annual Abstract
of Statistics, 1960 (Lagos: Federal Government Printer, 1960), 4. See also H. I.
Ajaegbu, Urban and Rural Development in
Nigeria (London: Heinemann, 1976), 32.
4
1
Institutions of the Igbo,” Canadian Journal of African Studies 6, no. 11 (1972): 178.
pe a sa nT s, d epressi o n ,
a nd rur a l re vo lT s
12
Commission of Inquiry, 96.
13
Leith-Ross, African Women.
14
See, for example, Margery Perham, Native
Administration in Nigeria (London: Oxford University Press, 1937), 214; Harry A.
Gailey, The Road to Aba: A Study of British
Administrative Policy in Eastern Nigeria
(London: University of London Press,
1970); James S. Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960); and U. C.
Onwuteaka, “The Aba Riot of 1929 and its
Relation to the System of ‘Indirect Rule,’”
Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social
Studies 7 (1965): 273–82. For a general
anthropological overview of Igbo Women,
see Sylvia Leith-Ross, African Women
(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965).
15
For feminist perspectives, see, for example,
Susan Rogers, “Anti-Colonial Protest in
Africa: A Female Strategy Reconsidered,”
Heresies 9, no. 3 (1980): 22–25. See also
Hanna Judith Lynne, “Dance, Protest, and
Women’s Wars: Cases from Nigeria and
the United States,” in Women and Social
Protest, ed. Guida West and Rhoda Lois
Blumberg, 333–45 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1990). For more feminist
perspectives and analysis of the 1929 women’s protest, see Caroline Ifeka-Moller,
“Female Militancy and Colonial Revolt,”
127–57; Shirley Ardener, “Sexual Insult
and Female Militancy,” Man 8 (1973):
422–40; and Sylvia Tamale, “Taking the
Beast by its Horns: Formal Resistance to
Women’s Oppression in Africa,” African
Development 21, no. 4 (1996): 5–21.
16
See Van Allen, “Sitting on a Man,” for further explanation of the act of “sitting on
a man.” See also Judith Van Allen, “‘Aba
Riots’ or Igbo ‘Women’s War’? Ideology,
Stratification, and Invisibility of Women,”
in Women in Africa: Studies in Social
and Economic Change, ed. Nancy Hafkin
and Edna Bay, 59–86 (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1976); Caroline IfekaMoller, “Female Militancy and Colonial
Revolt: The Women’s War of 1929, Eastern
Nigeria” in Perceiving Women, ed. Shirley
Ardener, 128–32 (New York: John Wiley
noTes
307
James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987),
xvii.
2
Ibid.
3
James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of
Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in
Southeast Asia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977).
4
Goran Hyden, No Shortcut to Progress:
African Development Management in Perspective (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1983), 128.
5
Paul Richards, “To Fight or to Farm?
Agrarian Dimensions of the Mano River
Conflicts (Liberia and Sierra Leone),” African Affairs 104, no. 417 (2005): 571–90.
6
Osumaka Likaka, “Rural Protest: The Mbole against the Belgian Rule, 1894–1959,”
International Journal of African Historical
Studies 27, no. 3 (1994): 589–617.
7
On the emergence of “peasant intellectuals,” to use Feierman’s phrase, see Steven
Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals: Anthropology and History in Tanzania (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 18.
8
On social movements and the link to
economic crisis in rural Africa, see for,
example, David M. Rosen, “The Peasant
Context of Feminist Revolt in West Africa,” Anthropological Quarterly 56, no. 1
(Jan. 1983): 35–43.
9
NAE, UMPROF, 1/5/2, file no. C.53/929,
vol. I, part 2, Resident Owerri to Secretary
Southern Provinces, March 1930.
10
Ibid.
11
This was often carried out on a man who
abuses his wife or commits other serious
offences against the women of a village
of the community. See Judith Van Allen, “‘Aba Riots’ or ‘Igbo Women’s War’?
Ideology, Stratification, and Invisibility
of Women,” in The Black Woman CrossCulturally, ed. F.C. Steady, 60 (Cambridge,
MA: Schenkman, 1981); and “Sitting on a
Man: Colonialism and the Lost Political
& Sons, 1975); and Nina Mba, “Heroines
of the Women’s War,” in Nigerian Women
in Historical Perspective, ed. B. Awe, 75–88
(Ibadan: Sankore/Bookcraft 1992).
17
Nkiru Nzegwu, “Confronting Racism:
Toward the Formation of a Female-Identified Consciousness,” Canadian Journal for
Women and the Law 7, no. 1 (1994): 30.
18
Ibid., 20. See also Ifeka-Moller, “Female
Militancy and Colonial Revolt,” 128–32.
19
Aba Commission of Inquiry, 19.
20
NAE, AWDIST, 2/1/57, file no. 62/1925,
“Anti-Government Propaganda in Abakiliki,” District Officer Awgu to Senior Resident, Onithsa, 12 March 1926. See also
NAE, ONPROF, 7/12/92, file no. 391/1925,
J. C. Iwenofu to District Officer, Awgu, 3
November 1925.
21
See NAE, AWDIST, 2/1/57, file no. 62/1925
and NAE, OMPROF, 7/12/92, file no.
391/1925, “Reports on Women’s Disturbances.” See also Report of the Aba Commission of Inquiry, “Memorandum as
to the Origins and Causes of the Recent
Disturbances in the Owerri and Calabar
Provinces,” Appendix III (1), 11–12.
30
Interview with Eleazer Ihediwa, Owerrenta, 24 July 1999.
31
See, for example, I. D. Talbott, Agricultural
Innovation in Colonial Africa: Kenya and
the Great Depression (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1990).
32
Raymond Gore Clough, Oil Rivers Trader
(London: C. Hurst, 1972), 97.
33
Ibid.
34
This is usually a piece of paper issued to oil
sellers, which they used to exchange their
oil for various goods in European trading
factories. Clough, Oil Rivers, 99.
35
Ibid.
36
For example, the United States Department of Agriculture created the Farm
Security Administration (FSA) in 1937.
The FSA and its predecessor, the Resettlement Administration (RA) were New Deal
programs designed to assist poor farmers
who suffered from the Dust Bowl and the
Great Depression.
37
For more details, see Morgan, “Farming
Practice,” 332.
38
Basden, Niger Ibos, 337.
22
Aba Commission of Inquiry, 19.
39
Ibid.
23
NAE, ONPROF, 7/12/92, file no. 391/1925,
“Bands of Women Dancers Preaching
Ideas of Desirable Reforms,” Senior Resident, Onitsha Province to District Officer,
Awka, 9 November 1925.
40
Interview with Linus Anabalam, Mbaise,
13 December 1998.
41
See Commission of Inquiry, Appendix III
(1), 37. Figures obtained from the Supervising agent of the United African Company,
Limited (Opobo).
42
Clough, Oil Rivers Trader, 98.
43
NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/5, file no. C53/1929,
“Women Movement Aba, Bende,” E. S.
Wright to District Officer, Umuahia, 2
January 1930. NB: Mbawsi price 1d per
measure more than Umuahia; Uzuakoli price – 1 pence per measure less than
Umuahia.
44
See Notes of Evidence.
45
NAE, UMPROF, 1/5/3, cited in Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 75.
46
NAE, MINLOC, 6/1/175-EP 8840A, “Intelligence Report on Ekwerazu and Ahiara
Clans, Owerri Division,” by G. I. Stockley,
Assistant District Officer.
24
See NAE, CSE, 3.17.15, file no. B 1544,
(1925–1926), AW 80 Q, AW 2/1/57., AntiGovernment Propaganda Women Dancers (1925). See also AWDIST, 2/1/56, AW
80, (1919–1920).
25
NAE, OWDIST, 4/13/70, file no. 91/27,
“Assessment Report, 1927.” “Assessment
Report,” District Officer Owerri to the
Resident Owerri Province June 1928.
26
NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/2, file no. C53/929,
vol. 1, part 2, “Women’s Movements – Aba
Patrol.”
27
See Commission of Inquiry Notes of Evidence, and Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 74.
28
29
Ibid., 54.
308
47
NAE, MINLOC, 6/1/215, file no. EP
10595A, “Intelligence Report on Obowo
and Ihitte Clans.”
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid., 173.
58
Report by The Hon. W.G.A. Ormsby-Gore,
115.
59
See Commission of Inquiry, 193.
60
PRO, CO, 583/159/12, “Introduction of
Direct Taxation in Southern Provinces
– Petition Regarding.”
61
Ibid.
62
Ibid.
63
PRO, CO, 589/159/12, “Deputy Governor
Baddeley to CMS Amery, Secretary of
State for Colonies,” 16 April 1928.
64
PRO, CO, 589/159/12, “Native Revenue
Amendment Ordinance,” W. Buchanan
Smith, Resident Onitsha Province to Secretary of Southern Provinces, 20 January
1928.
Alice L. Conklin, A Mission to Civilize:
The Republican Idea of Empire in France
and West Africa, 1895–1930 (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 1997), 144.
65
Ibid.
66
PRO, CO, 589/159/12, W. Buchanan Smith,
Resident Onitsha Province to Secretary of
Southern Provinces, 20 January 1928.
52
RH, Mss Afr. s. 16, S. M. Jacob, “Report
on the Taxation and Economics of Nigeria
1934.”
67
PRO, CO, 589/159/12, Resident, Ogoja
Province to Secretary Southern Provinces.
53
Taxation was often seen as the only
method of compelling Africans to enter
the cash economy through employment or
producing for the market. See Leslie Raymond Buell, The Native Problem in Africa,
vol. 1 (New York: Macmillan, 1928), 331.
Cited in Mathew Forstater, “Taxation: A
Secret of Colonial Capitalist (So-Called)
Primitive Accumulation” (Center for Full
Employment and Price Stability Working
Paper No. 25, May 2003), 8–9.
68
PRO, CO, 589/159/12, “Petition by Ezzi
Chiefs Against taxation,” R.H.J. Sasse to
Secretary, Southern Provinces, Lagos, 11
March 1928.
69
Ibid.
70
PRO, CO, 583/159/12, “Introduction of
Direct Taxation.”
71
RH, Mss Afr. S. 1924, “District Officer:
Memoir,” A. E. Cooks papers.
72
PRO, CO, 589/159/12, “Native Revenue
Amendment Ordinance,” W. Buchanan
Smith, Resident Onitsha Province to Secretary of Southern Provinces, 20 January
1928.
73
74
Ibid., 8.
75
During the 1926 tax assessment, the people of Oloko and Ayabe had been told that
the counting of persons was simply part of
the census. Then taxation was introduced
in 1928. On this occasion, the women felt
noTes
309
48
NAE, MINLOC, 6/1/175-EP 8840A, “Intelligence Report.”
49
NAE, MINLOC, 6/1/215-EP 10595A, “Intelligence Report on the Obowo and Ihitte
Clans,” by N.A.P.G. MacKenzie, 1933.
50
Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa
(Essex, England: Longman Press, 1981),
333–34; Rodney, How Europe, 165. On
the French experience, see Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “French Colonization
in Africa to 1920: Administration and
Economic Development,” in Colonialism
in Africa, 1870–1914, vol. 1: The History
and Politics of Colonialism, 1870–1914,
ed. L. H. Gann and P. Duignan, 170–71
1969).
51
54
55
F. D. Lugard, “Lugards Political Memoranda: Taxation, Memo No. 5” [1906, 1918], in
The Principles of Native Administration in
Nigeria: Selected Documents, 1900–1947,
ed. A. H. M. Kirk-Greene, 118, 132 (London: Oxford University Press, 1965).
F. D. Lugard, “Lugard’s Political Testimony,” [1922], in The Principles of Native Administration in Nigeria: Selected
Documents, 1900–1947, ed. A. H. M. KirkGreene, 129–30 (London: Oxford University Press, 1965b).
that the authorities could not be trusted.
See Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 76.
disturbances,” the Resident, Owerri Province to the Honourable, the Secretary,
Southern Provinces, 12 February 1930.
76
The Commission of Inquiry acknowledged
this view. See Commission of Inquiry, 96.
98
Ibid.
77
99
Notes of Evidence, 98.
78
100 Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals, 103.
79
80
81
82
83
84
Adiele Afigbo, “Revolution and Reaction
in Eastern Nigeria, 1900–1929,” Journal
of the Historical Society of Nigeria 3, no. 3
(1966): 553.
85
Ibid.
86
PRO, CO, 583/176, “Native Unrest.”
87
RH, Mss Afr. s. 16, S. M. Jacob, “Report
on the Taxation and Economics of Nigeria
1934.”
88
Ibid.
89
West Africa, “The Disturbances in S. E.
Nigeria,” 11 October 1930.
90
On Ghana, see, for example, Stanley Shaloff, “The Income Tax, Indirect Rule, and
the Depression: The Gold Coast Riots of
1931,” Cahiers d’études africaines 14, no.
54 (1974): 359–75. See also B. Jewsiewicki,
“The Great Depression and the Making of
the Colonial Economic System in the Belgian Congo,” African Economic History 4
(Autumn, 1977): 153–76.
101 Notes of Evidence, 57. The evidence by
administrative officers, police officers,
missionaries, and others of many years’
experience in the area indicates that local officials were very corrupt. This was
not an issue for women alone. Many male
witnesses strongly raised the issue of corruption by the native courts and warrant
chiefs.
102 PRO, CO, 583/176, “Native Unrest,” Correspondence arising out of the Report of
the Aba Commission.
Papers,
104 NAE, UMPROF, 1/5/1, “Women’s Movement, Aba.”
105 NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/2, file no. C. 53/929,
vol. 1, part 2, “Women’s Movement – Aba
Patrol.” J. Cook. A.D.O., Bende to the Resident Owerri Province, 28 November 1929.
106 Clough, Oil Rivers, 110–11.
107 Van Allen, “Sitting on a Man,” 174.
108 NAE UMPROF, 1/5/21, file no. C.53/929,
vol. XXI. “Women’s Movement.”
109 Ibid.
110 PRO, CO, 583/176/9 “Native Unrest in
Calabar and Owerri Provinces: Correspondence Arising from, 1930.”
111 Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals, 3.
112 Notes of Evidence, 57.
91
92
Ibid., Appendix III (1), 32.
93
Nwanyeruwa of Oloko, Notes of Evidence,
24–30.
113 NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/11, file no. C.
53/1929, vol. X, “Disturbances – South
Eastern Province,” The District Officer,
Owerri to the Resident, Owerri Province,
21 February 1930.
94
Ibid.
Onuoha, The Land and People, 18.
114 Commission of Inquiry, 260.
95
96
97
NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/11, file no. C.
53/1929/vol. X, “Assault on Customary
heads and Court members during recent
310
115 PRO, CO, 583/176, “Native Unrest.”
116 Commission of Inquiry, 19.
117 Interview with Onyegbule Korieh. Ihitteafoukwu, Mbaise, 17 December 1998.
118 Clifton E. Marsh, “A Socio-Historical
Analysis of the Labor Revolt of 1878 in
the Danish West Indies,” Phylon 42, no. 4
(1981): 335–45.
119 See Report of the Commission of enquiry
appointed to inquire into the disturbance
in the Calabar and Owerri Provinces,
December 1929 (Sessional Paper No. 28),
hereafter (Commission of Inquiry). See also
Notes of Evidence Taken in the Calabar
and Owerri Provinces on the Disturbance
1930, 8 vols. Minutes of Evidence Taken at
Owerri 1930, Minutes of Evidence Taken at
Opobo 1930.
120 NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/11, file no.
C.53/1929/vol. X, “List of Chiefs suspended during the recent Disturbances,”
District Officer Owerri to The Resident,
Owerri Province, 24 April 1930.
121 Ibid.
135 PRO, CO, 583/193/8, “Palm Oil Industry,”
E. Beddington to Governor of Nigeria, 17
May 1933.
136 PRO, CO, 583/242/22, “Disturbance in
Okigwi,” Colonial Governor to Secretary
of State for the Colonies, 26 January 1939.
137 PRO, CO, 583/242/22, “Disturbance in
Okigwi.”
138 Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 98.
139 Ibid., 99.
140 Ibid., 107.
141 Interview with Chief Francis Eneremadu.
142 NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/4, file no. C 53/1929/
vol. 26.
5
The seCo nd wo rl d wa r ,
The rur a l eCo n omy,
a nd a fri C a ns
125 Ibid.
1
RH, Mss Afr. s. 546, F. B. Carr papers.
126 Ibid.
2
Ibid.
127 NAE, UMPROF, 1/5/24, file no. C. 53/1929,
vol. 26, “Situation: Owerri Province,” C.
H. Ward, A.C.P, Okpala, 22 January 1931.
3
Ibid.
4
See NAE, OP 122II-ONDIST, 12/1/90,
Matters relating to the effects and implications of war conditions on Nigeria. See also
Nigeria, Annual Report of the Agricultural
Department, especially 1939/1940.
5
Department, 1938.
6
RH, Afr. s. 546, F. B Carr papers.
7
See NAE, ABADIST, 1/2/908, file no.
1642/11, “Memos by D.O. Aba to Ngwa
Native Authority, 1940–44,” Sir F. Stockdale, Report of the Mission Appointed to
Enquire into the Production and Transport
of Vegetable Oils and Oil Seeds Produced
in the West African Colonies (London:
H.M.S.O., 1947), Appendix X and XI. See
also Michael Crowder, West Africa Under
Colonial Rule (London: Hutchinson, 1973),
490–98.
8
NAE, EKETDIST, 1/2/50, file no. 499,
“Food Production in Nigeria, 1935–1951,”
7.
noTes
311
122 Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 96.
123 Oriji, “Igbo Women.”
124 RH, Mss Afr. s. 546, F.B Carr papers.
128 RH, Mss Afr. s. 546, F. B. Carr papers.
129 Ibid.
130 Ibid.
131 See NAE, UMUPROF, 1/5/4, file no. C
53/1929/vol. 26, Women Movement, Aba
Patrol Report to SSP Part II 1/3/30, Resident Owerri to Secretary, Southern Provinces, 14 November 1930. The residents
report were based on confidential memos
from reports on the recent unrest in the
Orlu District of the Okigwi Division by the
District Officer, Mr. Homfray; by the acting Resident, Mr. Cochrane; by the Deputy
Superintending Inspector of Produce Mr.
Sabiston.
132 Ibid.
133 Ibid.
134 Ibid.
9
Department, 1938.
10
RH, Afr. s. 546, F. B. Carr papers.
11
Nwabughuogu, “British War-Time Demands,” 8–9.
12
NAE, ABADIST, 1/26/907, file no. 1642,
“Palm Produce Production,” Chief Secretary to the Government.
13
Ibid.
14
Ibid.
15
NAE, CSE, 1/85/9929, file no. 19947,
“Conference of Production Drive Team,”
L. T. Chubb to Deputy Controller of Palm
Produce, Umuahia, 17 October 1943.
29
Ibid.
30
David Anderson and David Throup, “Africans and Agricultural Production in
Colonial Kenya: The Myth of the War as
a Watershed,” Journal of African History
26 (1985): 327. I have addressed aspects of
the impact of the war on Nigerian urban
population. See Chima J. Korieh, “Urban
Food Supply and Vulnerability in Nigeria
during the Second World War,” in Nigeria
Cities, ed. Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm,
127–52 (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press,
2003).
31
“Palm Produce Production,” and P. L.
Allpress to Resident, Owerri Province, 4
October 1945.
32
Legislative Council Debates, 13 March
1944, 89, cited in Esse, “The Second World
War,” 176.
16
RH, Afr. s. 546, F. B. Carr papers.
17
Department Report, 1938, 2.
18
33
19
FAO, Year Book of Agriculture Statistics,
Trade, vol. VII, part 2, 1954 (Rome, 1955),
170–71.
See NAE, OBUDIST, 4/1/309, file no. OB
699/vol. II, “Produce Drive: Kernel and
Rubber Return Prosecutions.”
34
20
See K. Brandt, The German Fats Plan and
the Economic Setting (Food Research Institute: Stanford University, 1938), 221–71.
See also Nzeribe, Economic Development,
44.
NAE, OBUDIST, 4/1/309, file no. OB 699/
vol. II, “Prosecution under palm kernels
and rubber Regulation.” The cases here
were from December 1943 to July 1944.
35
West African Pilot, “Our War Production,”
23 February 1942.
36
Deborah Bryceson, “Household, Hoe and
Nation: Development Politics of the Nyerere Era,” in Tanzania after Nyerere, ed.
Michael Hodd, 39 (London and New York:
Pinter, 1989).
21
Nzeribe, Economic Development, 44–54.
22
23
Ibid.
24
37
25
RH, Mss. Afr. s. 823 (4), J. R. Mackie Papers.
Department, 1939–40, 1.
38
26
NAE, CSE, 1/85/8621, file no. 18038/70,
vol. II, “Production, Onitsha Province,”
Kernels Production Officer to Deputy
Controller of Kernels, Eastern Zone, 14
June 1943.
NAE, ONDIST, 12/1/90, file no. OP 122 II,
and Nigeria, Report of the Agricultural Department, 1939–1940, 1. See also Bernard
Bourdillon, Legislative Council Debate,
4 December 1939 (Lagos: Government
Printer, 1940), 4–13. See also Legislative
Council Debates, 17 March 1941, 11.
27
Interview with Eleazer Ihediwa Owerrenta, 24 July 1999, aged c. 71.
39
NAE, EKETDIST, 1/2/50, “Food Production in Nigeria, 1935–1951.”
28
NAE, ONDIST, 12.1/104, file no. OP 130,
“Palm oil Production,” Resident Onitsha
Province to The Secretary, Eastern Provinces, Enugu, 25 November 1939.
40
NAE, RIVPROF, 8/5/430, “Policy of the
Agricultural
Department,”
Circular
Memo D. A. 14/252, J.R. Mackie to the
Chief Secretary to the Government, 26
October 1939.
312
41
Department, 1938. See also Bernard Bourdillon, “Legislative Council Debate, 4 Dec.
1939” (Lagos, 1940), 4–13, “Legislative
Council Debates, 17 March 1941,” (Lagos,
1942), 11. See also Ayodeji Olukoju, “The
Faulkner ‘Blueprint’ and the Evolution of
Agricultural Policy in Inter-War Colonial
Nigeria,” in The Foundations of Nigeria:
Essays in Honor of Toyin Falola, ed. Adebayo Oyebade, 403–22 (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2003).
42
“Palm Produce Production,” J.A.G. McCall, Controller of Oil Palm Production,
Owerri Province to District Officers,
Owerri Province, 3/2/44; Ogoja Province:
Annual Report, 1943, 8.
43
Esse, “The Second World War,” 157–58.
44
Nigeria, Annual Reports on the Agricultural Department, 1940, 1, 46–47.
45
RH, Mss Afr. s. 1779, Norman Herington
papers.
46
Esse, “The Second World War,” 175.
47
48
NAE, EKETDIST, 1/2/50, file no. 499,
“Food Production,” Memo: Agricultural Officer Abak to D.O. Calabar, 12 July
1940.
49
NAE, ONDIST, 42/1/1264, file no. OP.
1865/vol. VI, “Annual Report, Onitsha
Province,” 1943, 65.
50
J. S. Harris, “Some Aspects of the Economics of Sixteen Ibo Individuals,” Africa 14
(1944): 303.
51
NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/872 file no. 1647.
52
NAE, ONDIST, 12//92, file OP IV, “Food
Control,” S.A.S. Leslie, Nigerian Secretariat, Lagos, 22 April 1941.
53
Ibid.
54
NAE, ABADIST, 1/26/958, J.V. Dewhurst
to the Resident, Owerri Province, Port
Harcourt, 12 August 1943.
55
NAE, AIDIST, 2/1/433, file no. IK: 401/18,
“Food Control,” The Acting District Officer, Ikom to the District Officer, Abakiliki,
18 June 1945.
56
NAE, AIDIST, 2/1/433, file no. AB: 1373/11,
“Memo” to District Officer, Abakiliki Division to C. N. C. Igbeagu, 1945.
57
NAE AIDIST, 2/1/433, file no. OG:
2920/140, “Food Control,” P. M. Riley,
Resident Ogoja Province to District Officers.
58
NAE, AIDIST, 2/1/433, “Nigerian General
Defence regulation Order: Gari and Yams,”
Resident Onitsha Province to District Officer and other Competent Authorities, 16
May 1945.
59
NAE, AIDIST, 2/1/433, “Nigerian General
Defence.” For cassava restrictions, see also
NAE, AID 2/1/433, OG: 2513/1265, “Nigeria General Defence Regulations: Order,”
P. M. Riley, Resident Ogoja Province to
District Officers, 26 June 1945.
60
West African Pilot, 23 February 1944.
61
vol. IV, “Gari Control,” The Nigerian Police, Aba to District Officer, Aba, 13 May
1944.
62
National Archives Ibadan (hereafter NAI)
CSO, 26, file no. 36378. Cited in Wale Oyemakinde, “The Pullen Marketing Scheme:
A Trial in Food Price Control in Nigeria,
1941–1947,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 6, no. 4 (1973): 413.
63
For more on food control during the
Second World War, see Akanmu Adebayo, “The Fulani, Dairy Resources, and
Colonial Animal Products Development
Programs,” in Nigeria in the Twentieth
Century, ed. Toyin Falola, 201–24 (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2002);
and Toyin Falola, “‘Salt is Gold’: The Management of Salt Scarcity in Nigeria During
World War II,” Canadian Journal of African Studies 26, no. 3 (1992): 417.
64
65
vol. IV, Clerk of Omuma Native Court to
District Officer Aba Division, 11 November 1944.
66
Calabar Provincial Office: 7/1/1329, “Unrest among the Women of Ikot Ekpene,”
cited in Mba, Nigeria Women Mobilized,
103.
noTes
313
67
NAE, ONDIST, 13/1/2, file no. EP OPC
122, vol. VII, “Food Control,” Onitsha
Rice and Gari Traders to Resident Onitsha
Province, 1 July 1942.
68
NAE, ONDIST, 13/1/2, file no. EP OPC
122, vol. VII, “Doninic Ezenwa and 20
others representing garri market traders
to Resident Onitsha Province,” 17 July
1942.
69
See, for example, Michael Crowder, “World
War II and Africa: Introduction,” Journal
of African History 26 (1985): 287–88;
Killingray and Rathbone, ed., Africa and
the Second World War. For Nigeria, see
Toyin Falola, “Cassava Starch for Export
in Nigeria during the Second World War,”
Journal of African Economic History 18
(1989): 73–98; Falola, “Salt is Gold,” 417;
and A. Olorunfemi, “Effects of War-Time
Trade Control on Nigerian Cocoa Traders
and Producers, 1939–1945: A Case Study
of the Hazards of a Dependent Economy,”
International Journal of African Historical
Studies 13, no. 4 (1980): 672–87.
70
314
Many aspects of the Second World War
as a potent force for economic, social, and
political change in Africa have been the
subject of detailed monographs and articles. See, for example, Michael Crowder,
“World War II and Africa: Introduction,”
Journal of African History 26 (1985): 287–
88; David Killingray and Richard Rathbone, ed., Africa and the Second World
War (London: Macmillan, 1986). Most
of the early literature, however, focused
on the impact of the war on nationalism,
as well as local contribution of personnel
to the war effort. See, for example, F.A.S.
Clark, “The Development of the West African Forces in the Second World War,”
Army Quarterly (1947): 58–72; Michael
Crowder, “The Second World War: Prelude
to Decolonization in Africa,” in History
of West Africa, II, ed. J. F. Ade Ajayi and
M. Crowder (London: Longman, 1974);
Trevor R. Kerslake, Time and the Hour:
Nigeria, East Africa, and the Second World
War (London: Radcliffe Press, 1997); and
G. O. Olusanya, The Second World War
and Politics in Nigeria, 1939–1945 (Lagos:
University of Lagos Press, 1973). Exceptions include Toyin Falola’s detailed account of the salt crisis during World War
II and the response of the colonial authorities in Nigeria to what they saw a potential
source of discontent and anti-colonial sentiment. See Toyin Falola, “Cassava Starch
for Export in Nigeria during the Second
World War,” Journal of African Economic
History 18 (1989): 73–98; and A. Olorunfemi, “Effects of War-Time Trade Control
on Nigerian Cocoa Traders and Producers,
1939–1945: A Case Study of the Hazards
of a Dependent Economy,” International
Journal of African Historical Studies 13,
no. 4 (1980): 672–87.
71
“Gari Control,” O. O. Muoma to District
Officer, Aba, 1 July 1943.
72
Ibid., J. O. Okorocha to District Officer,
Aba, 7 July 1943.
73
NAE, AIDIST, 2/1/433, 450, “G. I. Udeh to
District Officer, Abakiliki,” 19 May 1945.
74
Ibid.
75
NAE, ABADIST, 1/26/958, file no. 668, J.
E. Akajiofo to District Officer, Aba, 1 September 1943.
76
“Application for Grant Export of Yams under Permit,” E. M. Eze, Trader to District
Officer Aba, 13 August 1943.
77
Ibid.
78
NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/873, file no 1646,
“Gari Control,” A. Jamola to D.O., Aba
District, 21 July 1943.
79
“Gari: Control” David H. Kubiri to D.O.,
Aba, 5 July 1943.
80
The League represented the majority of
unions, ethnic groups and communities
in Aba Township. See NAE, ABADIST,
1/26/958, file no. 668, “Foodstuffs: Yams,
Plantains, Cocoyams, etc, Requested Prohibition of Railment or Exportation of in
Future,” Honorary Secretary, Aba Community League to the District Officer, Aba,
2 August 1943.
81
On employment and average rates of wages for various districts in Eastern Nigeria,
see, for example, NAE, RIVPROF 9/1/135,
“Annual Report on the Social and Economic Progress of the People of Nigeria,”
for various years.
82
NAE, RIVPROF, 9/1/135, file no. Ow:
1636, “Annual Report on the Social and
Economic Progress of the People of Nigeria for the Year 1933,” District Officer,
Okigwi to Resident, Owerri Province, 5
December 1933.
99
83
NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/873, file no. 1646, “A
Resolution,” Gari Traders association, Aba
to the Resident, Owerri Province, 29 July
1943.
84
Ibid.
101 See, for instance, British Central Office of
Information, Constitutional Development
in the Commonwealth: United Kingdom
Dependencies (London: British Central
Office of Information, 1955), Part 1.
85
Ibid.
102 See Shenton, “Nigerian Agriculture,” 48.
86
“Unauthorised Markets outside the Township,” Secretary Aba Community League
to District Officer, Aba, 2 August 1943.
87
vol. IV, “Export of gari to the North by gari
traders will stop on 1 September,” Nigerian Eastern Mail Press Representative to
the District Officer, Aba, 29 August 1944.
103 On British policy in the post-war period,
see, for example, S.A.H. Haqqi, The Colonial Policy of the Labor Government,
1945–51 (Aligarh: Muslim University,
1960), 128; and David Goldsworthy, Colonial Issues in British Politics 1945–1961
(London: Oxford University Press, 1971),
12.
88
Harris, “Some Aspects of the Economics,”
303.
89
Ibid.
104 NAE, ONDIST, 12/1/1737, file no. OP
2611, “Credit Facilities for farmers, peasant industries and demobilized soldiers,”
L. T. Chubb, to the Chief Secretary to the
Government, Lagos, 12 October 1945.
90
vol. IV, “Gari Control,” District Traffic Superintendent, Port Harcourt to the Local
Authority, Aba, 15 July 1944.
105 See NAE, C.S.E., 1/85/8584, file no.
18038/38, vol. VII, “Secretary, Eastern
Provinces to Deputy Controller of Motor
Transport, Aba,” October, 1946.
91
Ibid.
92
See NAE, AIDIST, 2/1/433, “Food Control.”
93
NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/875, file no. 1646
vol. IV, “Gari Control,” H.L.M. Butcher to
The Councils and Court Clerks, Aba Division, 2 September, 1944.
94
Ibid.
106 There was the 1929 Women’s War in Eastern Nigeria, the West African cocoa holdups and riots in the West Indies. See Rod
Alence, “Colonial Government, Social
Conflict and State Involvement in Africa’s
Open Economies: The Origins of the Ghana Cocoa Marketing Boards, 1939–46,”
Journal of African History 42 (2001): 398.
95
vol. IV, “Gari Control.”
96
vol. IV, “Gari Control.”
97
“Gari: Control of,” S.O. Enyiomah and
others to District Officer, Aba, 28 June
1943.
98
Ibid.
“Gari: Control of,” Agnes Garuba to District Officer Aba, 22 July 1943.
100 NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/872, file no. 1646,
“Gari: Control of,” C. O. Muoma to District Officer, Aba, 11 July 1943.
107 Ibid. See also J. M. Lee and Martin Petter,
The Colonial Office, War and Development
Planning: Organisation and the Planning
of a Metropolitan Initiative, 1939–45 (London: Maurice Temple Smith, 1982); and D.
J. Morgan, The Official History of Colonial
Development, vol. 1: The Origins of British
Aid Policy, 1924–45 (Atlantic Highlands,
NJ: Humanities Press, 1980).
108 Alence, “Colonial Government,” 398. See
also David Meredith, “The Colonial Office,
British Business Interests and the Reform
of Cocoa Marketing in West Africa, 1937–
noTes
315
45,” Journal of African History 29 (1988):
285–300; David Fieldhouse, “War and the
Origin of the Gold Coast Cocoa Marketing
Board, 1939–40,” in Imperialism, the State
and the Third World, ed. Michael Twaddle,
153–82 (London: British Academic Press,
1992); and David Fieldhouse, Merchant
Capital and Economic Decolonisation: The
United African Company, 1929–87 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
117 Wells, Agricultural Policy, 40, Note 5. See
also Statement of Future Marketing of
West African Cocoa (London, 1946), 8. See
also Oil Palm Produce Marketing Board,
“Statement of the Policy Proposed for the
Future Marketing of Nigerian Oils, Oil
seeds and Cotton,” Sessional Paper, No.
18 of 1948 and Nigeria Oil Palm Produce
Marketing Board, First Annual Report
1949 (Lagos, 1950), 5.
109 For studies of the Marketing Boards,
see, for example, H.M.A. Onitiri and D.
Olatunbosun, ed., The Marketing Board
System: Proceedings of an International
Conference (Ibadan, Nigeria: Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research,
1974); P. T. Bauer, “Statistics of Statutory Marketing in West Africa, 1939–51,”
Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 117
(1954): 1–30; and G. K. Helleiner, “The
Fiscal Role of the Marketing Boards in Nigerian Economic Development, 1947–61,”
Economic Journal 74 (1964): 582–610.
118 See P. T. Bauer, “Origins of the Statutory
Export Monopolies of British West Africa,” The Business History Review (September, 1954): 197-213. See also Usoro, The
Nigerian Oil Palm Industry, 111.
110 See Laws of Nigeria, 1948–9 (Supplement),
237–86, cited in H. A. Oluwasanmi, Agriculture and Nigerian Economic Development (Ibadan and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), 160.
111 On the role of the Marketing Boards, see
Nigeria, Handbook of Commerce and Industry in Nigeria (Lagos, n.d.), 112.
112 For the conditions for approval as a buying agent, see, for example, Nigeria Cocoa
Marketing Board, Annual Report, 1947–48
(Lagos, 1949) 30; Eastern Regional Marketing Board, Annual Report, 1958, 93–5;
Nigeria Groundnut Marketing Board,
Annual Report, 1949–50, 29; and Northern Regional Marketing Board, Annual
Report, 1954–55, 86–87.
113 NAE, ABADIST, 1/26/908, file no. 1642/
vol. II, “Secretary, Eastern Province to
Resident, Owerri Province,” 17 October
1945.
114 Oluwasanmi, Agriculture and Nigerian
Economic Development, 163.
115 Ibid., 164.
116 See Eastern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria Marketing Board Annual Report, 1960, 18. See
also Oluwasanmi, Agriculture and Nigerian Economic Development, 166.
316
119 See Usoro, The Nigerian Oil Palm Industry,
74.
120 See, for example, C.E.F. Beer, The Politics
of Peasant Groups in Western Nigeria
(Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1976),
chap. 2; Nigeria, Annual Report of the
Registrar of Co-operative Societies, 1950/51
(Lagos: Government Printer, 1952), 3–4.
121 Interview with Gilbert Uzor, Umunomo,
Mbaise, 22 July 2000.
122 Interview
with
Linus
Anabalam,
umuchieze. Mbaise, 14 December 1998.
123 See also NAE, MINLOC, 6/1/215, file no.
EP 10595A. N.A.P.G. MacKenzie ADO,
“Intelligence Report of Obowo and Ihitte
Clans, Okigwe Division, Owerri Province.”
124 Interview with Anex Ibeh, Umunomo,
125 Interview with Michael Iheaguta,
umuchieze, Mbaise, 2 August 1998.
126 Throughout African, the populations
of major cities increased substantially.
Freund, The Making of Contemporary
Africa, 169–170. See also Marvin Miracle,
Maize in Tropical Africa (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), 34–35.
127 NAE, C.S.E., 1/85/8584, fine no. 18038/38,
vol. VII, Resident, Onitsha Province to The
Secretary, Eastern Provinces, 18 November 1945.
128 Interview with Chief Francis Eneremadu,
129 For the study of rate of migration in Igboland, see, for example, Ikenna Nzimiro,
“A Study of Mobility among the Ibos of
Southern Nigeria,” International Journal
of Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1 (1965):
117–30.
130 Interview with Serah Emenike, Owerri, 22
December 1998.
131 Interview with Christina Marizu, Nguru,
132 Interview with Chief Francis Eneremadu,
6
1
The a fri C a n el iTe,
agr a ri a n re vo luTi o n ,
a nd so Ci o - p o l iTi C a l
Ch a n ge, 195 4– 80
The 1954 Lyttelton Constitution introduced a federal system of government
in Nigeria. On the role of the Eastern
Region government in agriculture from
this period, see Nigeria, Annual Report on
the Department of Agriculture (Central),
1953–1954 (Lagos: Government Printer),
1. See also Eastern Region, Annual Report: Department of Agriculture, 1954–55
(Enugu: Government Printer, 1955), 1.
2
Food and Agricultural Organization, Agricultural Development in Nigeria, 3.
3
For the implementation of this policy in
the Eastern Region, see Annual Report
of Agriculture, 1954–55. See also Eastern Nigeria, Development Programme,
1958–1962, Official Document No. 2 of
1959 (Enugu: Government Printer, 1959);
and Report of the Economic Mission, 1961:
Led by Dr. the Hon. M. I. Okpara, Premier,
Eastern Nigeria, Official Document No.
5 of 1962 (Enugu: Government Printer,
1962), 3–8.
4
The ERDB replaced the Eastern Regional
Production Development Board (ERPDB),
which had coordinated the production
and marketing of palm produce since
1949. For the operation of the ERPDB, see
Nigeria Oil Palm Produce Marketing Or-
dinance (No. 12 of 1949), revised in 1954.
See also Toyin Falola, Economic Reforms
and Modernization in Nigeria (Kent, OH:
Kent State University Press, 2004), 122.
5
Eastern Region, Annual Report on the Department of Agriculture, 1952–53, 2.
6
Ibid., 1.
7
Eastern Region, Annual Report for the Department of Agriculture, 1954–55, 8.
8
Usoro, The Nigerian Oil Palm Industry, 88,
90.
9
Uchendu, The Igbo, and Mba, Nigeria
Women, 75.
10
Eastern Nigeria, Agricultural Division Annual Report, 1959/1960, 41–42.
11
Usoro, The Nigeria Oil Palm, 88.
12
Eastern Region, Fifth Annual Report of
the Eastern Regional Production Board
1953/54 (Enugu, 1954), Appendix III.
13
The Eastern Outlook and Cameroon Star,
“Oil Mill Production Reaches All-time
High,” 18 February 1954.
14
Eastern Region, Annual Report, Agriculture Division, 1956–59, 11–12.
15
Eastern Region, Annual Report of the
Eastern Regional Production Development Boards, 1949/50, 4; Eastern Region,
Annual Report of the Eastern Regional
Production Development Boards, 1951/52,
Part 1, 13–15; Eastern Region, Annual
Report of the Eastern Regional Production
Development Boards, 1952/53, 4; and Eastern Region, Annual Report of the Eastern
Regional Production Development Boards,
1953/54, 13.
16
See, for example, A. I. Nwabughuogu, “Oil
Mills Riots in Eastern Nigeria, 148–51: A
Study in Indigenous Reaction to Technological Innovation,” African Development:
A Quarterly Journal of the Council for the
Development of Economic and Social Research in Africa 7, no. 4 (1982): 66–84.
17
See Martin, “Gender, Oil palm and Protest.”
18
Mba, Nigeria Women Mobilized, 106.
19
Interview with Chief Eneremadu.
noTes
317
20
A. Martin, The Oil Palm Economy of the
Ibibio Farmer (Ibadan: Oxford University
Press, 1956), 12.
33
21
S. I. Orewa, “Designing Agricultural
Development Projects for the Small Scale
Farmers: Some Lessons from the World
Bank Assistance Small Holder Oil Palm
Development Scheme in Nigeria,” Journal
of Applied Sciences 8, no. 2 (2008): 295.
34
Floyd, Eastern Nigeria, 221–222.
35
Ibid.
36
See M. K. Mba, The First Three Years: A Report of the Eastern Nigeria Six-Year Development Plan (Enugu: Government Printer
1965), 9. Cited in Floyd, Eastern Nigeria,
223.
37
Floyd, Eastern Nigeria, 219.
38
NAE, RIVPROF, 8/5/661, Registrar of Cooperatives Societies to Chief Secretary.
39
D. Elson, ed., Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester and New York:
Manchester University Press, 1995), 9.
40
Interview with Zebulon Ofurum, aged 68
years, Emeabiam, 28 May 2001.
41
22
23
Nigeria, National Development Plan:
Progress Report 1964 (Lagos, 1964), 63. See
also Malcolm J. Purvis, Report on a Survey
of the Oil Palm Rehabilitation Scheme in
Eastern Nigeria – 1967 (CSNRD, Report
No. 10, 1968), 2, for a review of the agricultural programs in the region.
See Eastern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria Development Plan, 1962–1968: Official Document No. 8 (Enugu: Government Printer,
1962).
Interview with former employee of the
Emeabiam Rubber Estate.
24
Purvis, Report on a Survey, 2.
42
Ibid.
25
Hursh et al., Innovation in Eastern Nigeria,
22.
43
Ibid.
44
Floyd, Eastern Nigeria, 216–17.
26
Interview with Philip S. Njoku, Nguru,
Mbaise, 12 January 2000.
45
27
See Eastern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria
Development Plan, 1962–1968 (Enugu:
Government Printer, 1962), 2. See also
Eastern Nigeria, Development Programme,
1958–1962: Eastern Region Official Document No. 2 of 1959 (Enugu: Government
Printer, 1959), 12. See also Purvis, Report
on a Survey, 16.
Ibid., 213. For a historical analysis of the
development of plantation in the region,
see R. K. Udo, “Sixty Years of Plantation
Agriculture in Southern Nigeria, 1902–
1962,” Economic Geography 12 (1965):
356–68.
46
See “The Agricultural Sample Survey for
1963–1964,” cited in Hursh et al., Innovation, 19.
28
The Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation (ENDC) managed many commercial enterprises, such as cold stores, a
soft drink factory, the Obudu cattle ranch,
the state owned Progress Hotels, in addition to the government’s large agricultural
projects. See Eastern Nigeria, The E.N.D.C.
in the First Decade, 1955–1964 (Enugu:
ENPC), n.d.
29
30
Ibid.
31
For the location of different plantations,
their sizes and labourers, see ibid., 219–
20.
32
See, for example, Gyasi “State Expropriation.”
318
47
48
Ibid.
49
Interview with Philip Njoku, Nguru, 12
January 2000.
50
Eastern Nigeria, Report of the Economic
Mission, 1.
51
Government Press Conference, ENIS Bulletin No. E2,200 (Enugu, January, 1961).
Cited in Barry Floyd and Monica Adinde,
“Farm Settlements in Eastern Nigeria: A
Geographical Appraisal,” Economic Geography 43, no. 3 (1967): 189–230.
52
See, Nigerian Spokesman, 10 April 1964.
53
Eastern Nigeria, Agricultural Extension
Newsletter (Enugu: Government Printer,
1963).
54
Eastern Nigeria, Report of the Economic
Mission, 6.
55
Ibid.
60
56
For the Israeli model, see, for example, T.
C. Yusev, The Economics of Farm Settlements in Israel (New York: Express Printers, 1963); and F. C. Gorman, Social Relations in Israeli Farm Settlements (Tel-Aviv:
Zester and Rox, 1957).
On Israeli technical assistance, see Moshe
Schwartz and A. Paul Hare, Foreign Experts and Unsustainable Development:
Transferring Israeli Technology to Zambia,
Nigeria and Nepal (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2000).
61
Floyd, Eastern Nigeria, 219. For details of
acreage planted and locations, see NAE,
ESIALA, 64/1/1, “Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation Agricultural and
Plantations Division Situation Report,”
1963.
62
Eastern Nigeria, Development of Agriculture in Eastern Nigeria (Enugu: Eastern
Nigeria Printing Corporation, 1965), 5. For
details of the crops grown in each settlement and the number of settlers, see H. I.
Ajaegbu, Urban and Rural Development in
Nigeria (London: Heinemann, 1976), 65.
63
64
See Eastern Nigeria, The First Three Years:
A Report of the Eastern Nigeria Six-Year
Development Plan (Enugu: Government
Printer, 1965),
65
See, for example, T. C. Yusev, The Economics of Farm Settlements in Israel (New
York: Express Printers Inc., 1963); and
F. C. Gorman, Social Relations in Israeli
Farm Settlements (Tel-Aviv: Zester and
Rox, 1957). See also Schwartz and Hare,
Foreign Experts and Unsustainable Development, 6.
66
NAE, ESIALA, 64/1/1, “Eastern Nigeria
Development Corporation,” 196. Major
critics of the settlement scheme included
the opposition party in the Eastern Nigeria
House of Assembly (The Action Group).
See Daily Express, 10 November 1962.
67
The change of environment imposed a
lot of psychological strain on the settlers.
J.C.U. Eme, “Sociological Problems Connected with Farm Settlement Schemes”,
Technical Bulletin, No. 4 (1963): 61. See
also Njaka Imelda, “Socio-Psychological
Problems in the Farm Settlements” (paper
presented at the Conference of Agricultural Officers, Abakiliki, 8 September
1964), 6–9, See Floyd and Adinde, “Farm
Settlements,” 223.
noTes
319
57
58
59
Similar schemes had been established
in the Western Region in 1959 to demonstrate that by careful planning, farms
could be operated by young people to
provide a comfortable standard of living
comparable with or even higher than that
gained by persons of the same status in
other forms of employment. For a review
of the Western Nigeria experiment, see O.
Okediji, “Some Socio-cultural Problems
in the Western Nigeria land Settlement
Scheme: A Case Study,” Nigerian Journal
of Economic and Social Studies (1966):
301–10; W. Roider, Farm Settlements for
Socio-Economic Development: The Western Nigeria Case (Munich: Weltforum,
1971); and O. F. Ayadi and C. O. Falusi,
“The Social and Financial Implications
of Farm Settlements in Nigeria,” Journal
of Asian and African Studies 31, nos. 3–4
(1994): 191–206.
For some of the foreign interests and international bodies, including the Food
and Agricultural Organization, interested
in the agricultural development of the
Eastern Region, see Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report of the Agricultural Division,
1960–1962, 3.
The USAID provided a heavy equipment
advisor; the U.K. also provided technical
assistance in the form of soil surveyor and
an analytical chemist. Japan also provided
such technical support. See Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report, Agricultural Division,
1963–1964, Official Document No. 2 of
1966 (Enugu: Government Printer, 1966),
1–2. See also Eastern Nigeria, The First
Three Years: A Report of the Eastern Nigeria Six-Year Development Plan (Enugu:
Government Printer, 1965); and First
Progress Report, Eastern Nigeria Development Plan, Ministry of Planning Official
Document No. 15 of 1964 (Enugu, Nigeria:
Government Printer, 1964).
68
Caleb O. Okoro, “The Uzouwani Farm Settlement and Socio-Economic Development
in the Anambra Basin, 1961–1971,”(M.A.
thesis, Department of History, University
of Nigeria, 1986), 44.
69
Floyd and Adinde, “Farm Settlements,”
223.
70
Okoro, “The Uzouwani Farm Settlement,”
45.
71
Ibid. , 4.
72
Eugene Nwana, “Ohaji Farm Settlement: A
Flash in the Pan,” in Schwartz and Hare,
Foreign Experts, 115.
Ghana (Copenhagen: Third World Observer, 1993), 7.
89
Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report, Agricultural Division, 1963–1964, 2.
90
A. Kolawole, “Agricultural Stagnation,
Food Crisis and Rural Poverty in Nigeria”
(paper presented at the Ahmadu Bello
University seminar series, 1984).
91
On the role of the marketing board, see
Nigeria, Handbook of Commerce and Industry in Nigeria (Lagos, [not dated]), 122;
Gerald K. Helleiner, “The Fiscal Role of the
Marketing Boards in Nigerian Economic
Development, 1947–61,” Economic Journal
74, no. 295 (1964): 582–610; and H.M.A.
Onitiri and D. Olatunbosun, ed., The
Marketing Board System: Proceedings of an
International Conference (Ibadan, Nigeria:
Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic
Research, 1974). See also Martin, Palm oil
and Protest, 124.
92
See Eastern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria Development Plan, 1962–1968: Official Document No. 8 (Enugu: Government Printer,
1962).
73
74
Ibid.
75
193.
76
29.
77
See “Eastern Nigeria Farm Settlement
Scheme,” Agricultural Bulletin No. 2 (n.d.),
10.
78
Ibid., 3.
79
Nwana, “Ohaji Farm Settlement,” 110.
93
80
43.
94
81
H. I. Ajaegbu, Urban and Rural Development in Nigeria (London: Heinemann,
1976), 65.
Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report, Agriculture Division, 1963–64. Official Document
No. 2, 1966 (Enugu: Government Printer
1966), 10.
95
Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report, Agriculture Division, 1963–64. See Table 3, 11.
96
Hursh, Innovation, 213.
97
Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report, Agriculture Division, 1963–64, 13.
98
Ibid.
99
82
For estimates of percentages of population
and area experiencing pressure on land,
see ibid., 15.
83
84
11.
85
See NAE, ESIALA, 64/1/1 for details of
these amenities completed by December
1963.
For the quantity of gari export to Northern Nigeria between 1959 and 1963, see
Eastern Nigeria, Annual Report, Agriculture Division, 1963–64, Table 5, 13.
86
193.
100 Interview with Sarah Emenike, Owerri, 22
December 1998.
87
101 Eastern Nigeria, Programme of Work, 59.
88
For discussion on mode of production
in the African context, see, for example,
Bowlig Simon, Peasant Production and
Market Relations: A Case Study of Western
102 Eastern Nigeria, “Programme of Work,”
Technical Bulletin 12 (Enugu: Agriculture
Division, Ministry of Agriculture, 1966),
59.
320
103 Interview with Onyegbule Korieh, Mbaise,
17 December 1998.
104 Purvis, Report on a Survey, 16.
105 Interview with Sybilia Nwosu, c. 85 years,
Nguru, Mbaise, 12 December 1998.
106 On agricultural policy, see Jerome C. Wells,
Agricultural Policy and Growth in Nigeria,
1962–1968 (Ibadan: Oxford University
Press, 1974). On economic planning, see
Peter B. Clark, “Economic Planning for a
Country in Transition: Nigeria,” in Planning Economic Development, ed. Everett E.
Hagen, 252-93 (Homewood, IL: Richard
D. Irwin, 1963).
107 Interview with Amarahiaugwu Korieh,
108 Interview with Onyegbule Korieh,
109 Interview with Alpelda Korie, Umuchieze,
110 Interview with Grace Chidomere,
111 Interview with Susan Iwuagwu, Umunomo, Mbaise, 31 July 1999.
112 For historical studies of the Biafra-Nigeria
Civil War, see Mok Chiu Yu and Lynn
Arnold, ed., Nigeria-Biafra: A Reading
into the Problems and Peculiarities of the
Conflict (Adelaide: Adelaide University
Quaker Society, 1968); Frederick Forsyth,
The Making of an African Legend: The
Biafra Story (New York: Penguin Books,
1977); and Herbert Gold, Biafra Goodbye
(San Francisco: Twowindows Press 1970).
113 W. T. Morrill, “Immigrants and Associations: The Ibo in the Twentieth Century
Calabar,” Comparative Studies in Society
and History 5, no. 4 (July 1963): 425.
114 NAE, OWDIST, 4/13/70, file no. 91/27,
115 Globe and Mail, 2 October 1968.
116 PRO, FCO, 65/384, “Intelligence Memorandum,” CIA Food Crisis in Eastern
Nigeria.
117 Ibid.
118 See Reuben N. Ogbudinkpa, The Economics of the Nigeria Civil War and its Prospects for National Development (Enugu,
Nigeria: Fourth Dimension, 2002), 58. See
also Zdenek Cervenka, The Nigerian Civil
War 1969–70 (Frankfurt am Main: Bernard and Graefe Verlag für Wehrwesen,
1971), 73.
119 Time, 23 August, 1968.
120 Ibid.
121 The Committee for Peace in Nigeria
(CPN) was established because of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70). The Committee, which acted as an independent body
and was headed by Lord Fenner Brockway,
was active from 1968. Members included
leading political figures in Britain, representatives from the missionary societies
working in Nigeria, former members of
the Colonial Service in Nigeria, business
representatives, and Africans from both
the federal and the Biafran sides of the
conflict.
122 PRO, FCO, 65/384, “Intelligence Memorandum.”
123 Ibid.
124 Ibid.
125 Ibid.
126 Globe and Mail, 2 October 1968.
127 PRO, FCO, 65/384, “Memorandum.”
128 Martin A. Klein, correspondence, 28 December 2006.
129 American Jewish Committee Archive,
“Biafran Issues and Background for July
25 Meeting,” Marc H. Tanenbaum to Morris B. Abram, 22 July 1968, http://www.
ajcarchives.org/AJCArchive/DigitalArchive.aspx, accessed 28 June 2006.
130 American Jewish Committee, “Biafran Issues.”
132 Interview with Mbagwu Korieh, 18 December 1998.
133 Interview with Jonah Okere, Umuekwune,
Ngor Okpala, 12 December 1999.
134 Interview with Francis Ihuoma, aged 78,
noTes
321
135 E. Wayne Nafziger, “The Economic Impact of the Nigerian Civil War,” Journal
of Modern African Studies 10, no. 2 (1972):
241.
153 Interview with Comfort Anabalam,
136 Ibid., 240.
155 Interview with Nwadinma Agwu at
Ishiagu, 29 October 2007, transcribed in
Ihediwa, “The Role of Women.”
137 Ibid., 241. See also Nigeria, Annual Abstract of Statistics 1967, 3.
138 Hursh et al., Innovation in Eastern Nigeria,
213.
139 PRO, FCO, 65/384, “Intelligence Memorandum.”
140 Ibid.
141 Ibid.
142 Interview with Iwuagwu, Chilaka, Umunomo, Mbaise, 31 July 1999.
143 PRO, FCO, 65/384.
144 For government priority in agriculture before the war, see Eastern Nigeria Economic
Development Plan 1962–1968, Official
Document No. 8 (Enugu: Government
Printer, 1962), 8.
145 For the activities of the BDC, see NAE,
ESIALA, 63/1/70-SEC/217, vol. 1, “Emergency Food Production,” Director, Food
Production Directorate to the Chairman,
BDC, 5 February 1968.
146 NAE, ESIALA, 63/1/70, file no. SEC/217,
vol. 1, “Emergency Food Production.”
147 Interview with Maria Gold Egbunike,
65 years, transcribed in Azuka Nzegwu,
“These Women are Brave: Biafra War/Nigeria Civil War, 1967–1970.” http://www.
westafricareview.com/war/vol2.2/biafra/
student.htm, accessed 31 January 2003.
148 Interview with Ezenwanyi Anichebe,
Eziowelle town Anambra State, 22 October 2007, transcribed in Chimee N.
Ihediwa, “The Role of Women in Post War
Economic Transformation of Igboland,
1970–1985,” (unpublished paper).
150 Ibid.
151 Interview with Amarahiaugwu Korieh, 65
year, Mbaise, 13 December 1998.
152 Oruene Taiwo Olaleye, Nation Builders:
Women of Nigeria (London: International
Report, Women and Society, 1985), 5.
322
156 Interview with Edna Okoye, Akanogu
Umudunu Village Abagana, 26 June 2006,
transcribed in Ihediwa, “The Role of
Women.”
157 Interview with Margaret Nwanevu, Amumara Mbaise, 30 October 2007, transcribed
in Ihediwa, “The Role of Women.”
158 Interview with Chinyere Iroha, Uvuru,
Mbaise, 30 October 2007, transcribed in
Ihediwa, “The Role of Women.”
159 Iyegha, Agricultural Crisis, 35. See also
Federal Office of Statistics, Review of External Trade (Lagos, 1979), 83.
160 Peter Kilby, “What Oil Wealth Did to Nigeria,” Wall Street Journal, 25 November
1981.
161 Central Intelligence Agency, “Intelligence
Memorandum,” and “Nigeria: The War’s
Economic Legacy,” 10 May 1971.
162 Central Intelligence Agency, “Intelligence
Memorandum,” 10.
163 Andrew Okolie, “Oil Revenues, International Credits and Food in Nigeria, 1970–
1992,” (PhD thesis, Sociology Department,
University of Toronto, 1995), 98. See also
Watts and Lubeck, “The Popular Classes,”
107–8.
164 Joyce Kolko, Restructuring the World
Economy (New York: Pantheon, 1988), 37.
165 The estimates of oil revenue have not been
consistent from different sources. This
is a problem associated with much of the
official data from Nigeria. On petroleum
production and revenue from 1973 to
1979, see International Financial Statistics
33, no. 12 (1980): 288. See also Myer, “This
Is Not Your Land,” note 4, 136.
166 Peter Kilby, “What Oil Wealth Did to Nigeria,” Wall Street Journal, 25 November
1981.
167 Watts and Lubeck, “The Popular Classes,”
108.
168 Ibid.
169 Myers, “This Is Not Your Land,” 94.
170 For further discussion, see, for example,
Siyanbola, Structure of the Nigeria Economy (London, 1979), 27. See also Angaye
Gesiye, “Petroleum and the Political Economy of Nigeria,” in The Nigerian Economy:
A Political Economy Approach, Nigerian
Economic Society (London: Longman,
1986), 50–69.
171 Berry, No Condition, 77.
172 Julius O. Ihonvbere and Timothy M. Shaw,
Towards a Political Economy of Nigeria:
Petroleum Policy at the (Semi)-Periphery
(Aldershot: Avebury, 1982), 7.
173 On the paradox of poverty amidst plenty,
see Nicholas Shaxson, Poisoned Wells: The
Dirty Politics of African Oil (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). See also HansOtto Sano, The Political Economy of Food
in Nigeria, 1960–1982: A Discussion on
Peasants, State, and World Economy (Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African
Studies, 1983), 2.
174 See Andrew C. Okolie, “Oil Revenues,
International Credits and Food in Nigeria,
1970–1992” (PhD thesis, Department of
Sociology, University of Toronto, 1995).
On food out and imports between 1970
and 1977, see various issues of Nigeria
Quarterly Economic Review published by
the Federal Office of Statistics. On food
output from 1971–79, see Federal Office
of Statistics, Nigeria Quarterly Economic
Review (Lagos: FOS, 1980). See also T.
Forrest, “Agricultural Policies in Nigeria
1900–1978,” in Rural Development in
Tropical Africa, ed. G. Williams et al.,
222–58 (London: Macmillan, 1981); and
Siyanbola, Structure, 27.
175 Iyegha, Agricultural Crisis, 37; O. Awoyemi, “Character of Nigerian Agriculture,”
Central Bank Bullion 6, no. 4 (1983): 2,cited in T. S. B. Aribisala, “Nigeria’s Green
Revolution: Achievements, Problem and
Prospects,” NISER Distinguished Lecture
Series, 8.
176 Nigeria, The Shagari Administration, 7.
177 See Morgan and Solarz, “Agricultural Crisis,” 59.
178 See Government of East Central State of
Nigeria, Report of Rural Economic Survey
of the East Central State of Nigeria (Enugu:
Government Printer, 1977), 41.
179 Watts, Silent Violence, 467.
180 Federal Office of Statistics, Annual Abstract of Statistics (Lagos, 1986), 15.
181 Discussion with Alban Onyesoh, aged c.
39, Umuchieze, Mbaise, December 1998.
183 Watts, Silent Violence, 467, 486.
184 There emerged absentee farmers, who
hired labour to work on rented farms.
185 Federal Office of Statistics, Annual Abstract of Statistics (Lagos 1961), 141.
186 Ibid., 20.
187 Interview with Uzodinma Ibekwe, Nguru,
189 For some treatment of the boom and
bust period in Nigeria and the impact on
farmers, see, for example, Michael Watts,
ed., State, Oil and Agriculture in Nigeria
(Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California), 19.
190 Watts, Silent Violence, 483.
191 See Nigeria, Third National Development
Plan.
192 This argument is borne out in my research
and oral interviews with rural farmers.
Many rural farmers consistently argued
that political officials who were not farmers often controlled the sale and distribution of fertilizers.
193 See Oguntoyinbo, “The Changing Trends,”
9.
194 On the Land Use Act, see, for example,
Myers, “This Is Not Your Land,” 29; Ega
L. Alegwu, “Implications of the 1978 Land
Use Act for Agricultural Development in
Nigeria,” Issues in Development 1, no. 2
(1985): 40–50; and Fabiyi Yakubu, “Land
Tenure Reform in Nigeria: Implications of
the Land Use Decree (Act) for Agricultural
Development,” Ife Journal of Agriculture 1,
no. 2 (1979): 235–57.
noTes
323
195 The Land Use Decree gave the federal and
state governments power to take over any
land within their jurisdiction without
compensation. The decree has been extensively used to alienate land in areas close to
the urban centres.
196 See Myers, “This Is Not Your Land,” 29.
In this period, there was interest in agricultural investment by foreign capital. In
1978, the federal commissioner for agriculture informed a Dutch delegation that
the Land Use Decree would help the government to acquire land for foreign investors. See Watts and Lubeck, “The Popular
Classes,” 123.
197 Imo State, Briefs on Imo State (Owerri,
Nigeria: Government Printer, 1984), 13.
198 Imo State, Government White paper on
the Report of the Judicial Commission of
Inquiry into the ADC, Owerri (Owerri:
Government Printer, 1980), 17.
African countries, see, for example, Robin
Palmer and Neil Parsons, ed., The Root
of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern
Africa (London, 1981), 412–13.
208 See Nigeria, Third National Development
Plan, 1975–80.
209 Imo State of Nigeria, ISADAP after Three
Years. Information Bulletin No. 4 (n.d.), 2.
7
o n The b rink :
agri CulTur a l Crisis
a nd rur a l surv i va l
1
Some studies on agricultural sustainability include, Abe Goldman, “Threats
to Sustainability in African Agriculture:
Searching for Appropriate Paradigms,”
Human Ecology 23, 3 (1995): 291–334.
See also G. K. Douglass, “The Meaning of
Agricultural Sustainability,” in Agricultural Sustainability in a Changing World
Order, ed. G. K. Douglass, 3–29 (Boulder,
CO: Westview, 1994); George J. S. Dei,
“Sustainable Development in the African
Context: Revisiting Some Theoretical and
Methodological Issues,” African Development 18, no. 2 (1993): 97–110, and C. K.
Eicher, Sustainable Institutions for African
Agricultural Development, International
Service for National Agricultural Research (ISNAR), Working Paper No. 19
(The Hague, 1989).
2
The term agricultural crisis is used here to
describe the manifestation of low agricultural productivity, food insecurity and a
decreasing farming population as experiences in central Igboland. The term is useful in explaining trends in the agricultural
history of the region in terms of productivity and farming population. For a review
of the literature seeking to establish the
causes and potential remedies for agricultural decline, see Sara Berry, “The Food
Crisis and Agrarian Change in Africa: A
Review Essay,” African Studies Review 27,
no. 2 (1984): 59–112. On internal-external
factors of African agrarian problems, see
M. F. Lofchie and S. K. Commins, “Food
Deficit and Agricultural Policies in Tropical
199 Gavin Williams, “The World Bank and the
Peasant Problems,” in Rural Development
in Tropical Africa, ed. Judith Heyer, Pepe
Roberts, and Gavin Williams, 25 (London,
1981).
200 Imo State of Nigeria, Government White
Paper, 23.
201 Ibid., 24.
202 Ibid.
203 On the Green Revolution, see Adekunle
Folayan, Agriculture and Economic Development in Nigeria: A Prescription for
the Nigerian Green Revolution (New York:
Vantage Press, 1983); and Peter Lawrence,
“The Political Economy of the ‘Green
Revolution’ in Africa,” Review of African
Political Economy 15, no. 42 (1988): 59–75.
204 See Federal Republic of Nigeria, Fourth
National Development Plan, 1981–1985,
88.
205 E. A. Bamisaiye, “Solving the Food Crisis
in Africa: The Role of Higher Education,”
Journal of African Studies 11, no. 4 (1985):
182–88.
206 See Berry, No Condition is Permanent,
182.
207 Gains were limited. For a review of irrigated rice farming schemes in five West
324
Africa,” Journal of Modern African Studies
20, no. 1 (1982): 1–25. See also M. F. Lofchie, “The Decline of African Agriculture,”
in Drought and Hunger in Africa: Denying
Famine a Future, ed. Michael H. Glantz,
85–110 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1987). For a Nigerian case study, see
Iyegha, Agricultural Crisis in Africa, 1988.
See also Ray Bush, “The Politics of Food
and Starvation,” Review of African Political
Economy 68 (1996): 169–95.
3
See also Angaye Gesiye, “Petroleum and
the Political Economy of Nigeria,” in The
Nigerian Economy: A Political Economy
Approach, ed. J. A. Ajayi et al., 50–69
(London: Longman, 1986).
17
Bongo Adi, “Determinants of Agricultural
and non-Agricultural Livelihood Strategies in Rural Communities: Evidence from
Eastern Nigeria,” Project Muse 93, 93–109,
accessed 30 January 2008.
18
Interview with Nwanyiafo Obasi, Umunomo, Mbaise.
19
Adi, “Determinants,” 95.
20
Interview with Eugenia Otuonye,
21
For more on the spread and impact of cassava, see, for example, H. Rosling, Cassava
Toxicity and Food Security: A Review of
Health Effects of Cyanide Exposure from
Cassava and of Ways to Prevent the Effects
(Ibadan, Nigeria: IITA-UNICEF Program
on Household Food Security and Nutrition, 1987), 29. See also: E. O. Onabanjo,
A Selected Bibliography on Cassava (Lagos:
Institute of Industrial Research, 1979); S.
A. Agboola, “Introduction and Spread of
Cassava in Western Nigeria,” Nigeria Journal of Economic and Social Studies 10, no.
3 (1968): 369–85; and E. C. Anumihe, “The
Role of Cassava in Ensuring Small Farm
Household Food Security in Imo State.”
(PhD thesis, Imo State University, 1998),
7.
22
Ottenberg, Farmers and Townspeople,
162–63.
23
Martin, Palm Oil and Protest.
24
Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria, 13.
25
George, Journal, 11 March 1863, CMS
C.A3/O.18/20, cited in Iliffe, The African
Poor, 92.
26
22 December 2000.
27
Don C. Ohadike, “The Influenza Pandemic of 1918–19 and “The Spread of Cassava
Cultivation on the Lower Niger: A Case
Study of Historical Linkages,” Journal of
African History 22 (1981): 379–91. See also
Ohadike, Anioma: A Social History of the
Western Igbo People (Athens, OH: Ohio
University Press, 1994), 198–207.
noTes
325
See Brad David Jokisch, “Landscape of
Remittance: Migration and Agricultural
Change in the Highlands of south-central
Ecuador” (PhD dissertation, Clark University, 1998), 100.
4
Federal Office of Statistics, Poverty and
Agricultural Sector in Nigeria (Abuja, Nigeria: Federal Office of Statistics, 1999).
5
Ibid., 7.
6
Raluca Iorgulescu Polimeni and John M.
Polimeni, “Structural Adjustment and
the Igbo Extended Family,” International
Journal of the Humanities 5, no. 5 (n.d.):
77–82.
7
Interview with Eugenia Otuonye,
8
Interview with Isidore Korieh, Umuchieze,
Mbaise, 5 May 2008.
9
Imo State of Nigeria, ISADAP After Three
Years. Information Bulletin No. 4 (n.d.), 1.
10
Ibid., 2–3.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid., 2.
13
Ibid., 3–5.
14
See, Ngobiri C. Chioma, “The Problems
and Prospects of Women in Agriculture: A
Case Study of Women farmers in Orlu Local Government Area,” (Research Project
PGD, Agricultural Economics and Extension, Imo State University, 1998).
15
See Government of East Central State of
Nigeria, “Report of Rural Economic Survey of the East Central State of Nigeria,”
(Enugu, Nigeria: Government Printer,
1977), 41.
16
For further discussion, see, for example,
F. A. Olaloku, Structure of the Nigeria
Economy (London: Macmillan, 1979), 27.
28
W.G.A. Ormsby-Gore, “Some Contrasts
in Nigeria,” Geographical Journal 69, no. 6
(1927): 504.
29
30
Interview with Luke Osunwoke, Umuorlu,
Isu, 7 January 2000.
31
32
For quantity of gari export to northern
Nigeria, see NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/875, file
no. 1646, vol. IV, “Gari Control,” District
Officer Aba, to the Senior Resident, Port
Harcourt, 20 July 1942.
33
Simon Ottenberg, Farmers and Townspeople in a Changing Nigeria: Abakiliki during
Colonial Times (1905–1960) (Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 2005), 162–63.
34
35
Phoebe V. Ottenberg, “The Changing
Economic Position of Women Among the
Afikpo Ibo,” in Continuity and Change in
African Cultures, ed. William Russell Bascom and Melvin J. Herskovits (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1956), 214.
36
Ibid., 215.
37
Ibid.
38
NAE, CSE, 3.17.15., B 1544, (1925–1926);
NAE, AW 80 Q, AW 2/1/57, Anti-Government Propaganda Women Dancers
(1925).
39
Interview with Robert Ibeh, Umucieze
Mbaise, 28 July 1999.
40
Interview
with
Linus
Anabalam,
41
W. P. Falcon, W. O. Jones, and S. R. Pearson, The Cassava Economy of Java (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984),
20.
42
43
Ibid.
44
See particularly the works of M. M. Green,
Land Tenure in an Ibo Village in Southeastern Nigeria. Monographs on Social Anthropology 6 (London: LSE Monographs
on Social Anthropology, 1941); and J.
Harris, “Human Relationships to the Land
326
in Southern Nigeria,” Rural Sociology 7
(1942): 89–92.
45
See Abe Goldman, “Population Growth
and Agricultural Change in Imo State,
Southeastern Nigeria,” in Population
Growth and Agricultural Change in Africa,
ed. B. L. Turner II, Goran Hyden, and
Robert W. Kates, 250–301 (Gainesville,
FL: University of Florida Press, 1993). For
contemporary population estimates, see
Government of Nigeria, “1991 Population Census” (Lagos: National Population
Commission, 1991).
46
See George, Journal, 21 January 1866,
CMS CA3/O, 18/23; F. M. Denis, Journal,
17 November 1908, CMS: UP 4/F2; T. J.
Dennis, Journal, March 1907, CMS: UP
89/F1, cited in Iliffe, African Poor, 82.
47
See N. W. Thomas, Anthropological Report
on the Ibo Speaking Peoples of Nigeria, vol.
1 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1913–14),
97; Elizabeth Isichei, A History of the Igbo
People (London: Macmillan, 1976), 27, 79;
and Iliffe, African Poor, 92.
48
Dike, Trade and Politics, 28.
49
Simon Ottenberg, “Ibo Receptivity to
Change,” in Continuity and Change in
African Cultures, ed. William R. Bascom
and Melville J. Herskovitz, 140 (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1959). See
also Dmitri Van Den Barsselaar, “Imagining Home: Migration and the Igbo Village
in Colonial Nigeria,” Journal of African
History 46 (2005): 57.
50
R. K. Udo, “The Migrant Tenant Farmer
of Eastern Nigeria,” Africa: Journal of the
International African Institute 34, no. 4
(Oct. 1964): 326–39.
51
Mss. Afr. s. 1520, Sylvia Leith-Ross papers.
52
Interviews with Oboko Ude of Amata,
aged c. 80 years, 20 August 1977; Ezenta
Okpo of Ezioha, aged c. 90 years, 26 August 1977, transcribed in Ude Emmanuel
N. “Agriculture and Trade in Mgbowo,
1850–1950” (B.A. History project, University of Nigeria, 1978), 3–4.
53
Nzimiro, “A Study of Mobility,” 124.
54
For the early kinds of migration in response to population pressures, see John
N. Oriji, Traditions of Igbo Origin: A Study
of Pre-Colonial Population Movements in
Africa (New York: Peter Lang, 1990).
66
Azuka A. Dike, “Urban Migrants and Rural Development,” African Studies Review
25, no. 4 (1982): 86.
See, Davidson, West Africa, 125–26; and
Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea
Coast, 253.
67
See Goldman, “Population Growth.”
68
56
Huss-Ashmore, Perspectives, 11.
Stanley Diamond, Nigeria: Model of a Colonial Failure (New York, 1967), 44.
57
69
58
Official provincial estimates per square
mile recorded by Forde and Jones were
as follows: Onitsha (1921) 306, (1931) 224;
Owerri (1921) 268, (1931) 154. It is obvious
that these official figures are unreliable.
The population dynamics would suggest
that the population density for 1931 would
have been relatively higher than the density for 1921. Despite this negative growth,
which cannot be explained, contemporary
estimates suggest that most of the Igbo territory experienced very high densities. See
Daryll Forde and G. I. Jones, The Ibo and
Ibibio Speaking Peoples of Southeastern
Nigeria (London: International African
Institute, 1950), 10–13.
See Nigeria, Official Gazette (FGP
71/52007/2,500(OL24): 2006 National
Population census.
70
Ikenna Nzimiro, “A Study of Mobility
among the Ibos of Southern Nigeria,” International Journal of Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1 (1965): 123–24.
71
Walter Ofonagoro, Trade and Imperialism
in Southern Nigeria, 1881–1960 (New York:
Nok, 1979), 109.
72
See, for example, Eicher and Liedholm,
Growth and Development, 78.
73
Hogendorn, Nigerian Groundnut Export,
18–21.
74
G. I. Jones, From Slaves to Palm Oil: Slave
Trade and Palm Oil Trade in the Bight of
Biafra (Cambridge: African Studies Center, 1989), 104–5.
75
Jones, From Slaves to Palm Oil, 104.
76
RH, Mss Afr s 1520, Sylvia Leith-Ross papers.
77
Harris, “Some Aspects of the Economics
of 16 Ibo individuals,” Africa 14 (1944):
302–35.
78
Interview
with
Linus
Anabalam,
55
59
See Onwuejeogwu, Evolutionary Trends,
21.
60
David R. Smock and Audrey C. Smock,
Cultural and Political Aspects of Rural
Transformation: A Case Study of Eastern
Nigeria (New York: Praeger, 1972), 21.
61
For current population estimates, see Nigeria: 1991 Population of States by Local
Government Areas (Lagos: Federal Office
of Statistics, 1994).
62
See Charles A. P. Takes, “Socio-Economic
Factors Affecting the Productivity of
Agriculture in Okigwi Division (Eastern
Nigeria): Preliminary Report” (Ibadan,
Nigeria: Nigerian Institute of Social and
Economic Research, 1963), 6.
79
RH, Mss. Afr. S. 1428, 16. Transcript of
interview with J. B. Davies, CMB OBE of
the United African Company, on 9 March
1971, interviewed by Dr. Collin Newbury,
University Lecturer in Commonwealth
Studies at Oxford University.
63
Interviews with Theophilus Onyema,
Umuorlu, Isu, 5 January 2000, and Luke
Osunwoke, Umuorlu, Isu, 7 January 2000.
80
64
R. K. Udo, “Influence of Migrations on the
Changing Cultural Map of West Africa,”
Ikenga: A Journal of African Studies 1, no.
29 (1972): 50.
Van Den Barsselaar, “Imagining Home,”
58. See also G.E.K. Ofomata, Nigeria in
Maps: Eastern States (Benin City: Ethiope,
1975), 64–6.
81
See Isichei, A History of the Igbo People,
210.
Elizabeth Isichei, A History of Nigeria
(London: Longman, 1983).
82
65
The region was a former German colony
until World War I. On 4 February 1916,
the English and the French shared the
noTes
327
Cameroon territory that they had just
forcefully gained from the Germans.
83
Interview with Linus Anabalam, 12 December 1999.
84
NAE, CADIST, 3/3/840, Denis Ugwu and
others to the Senior District Officer, Calabar, 4 June 1949.
85
NAE, CADIST, 3/3/686, I. Uchendu and
others to District Officer, Calabar, 17 February 1949.
86
Report of the Commission of Enquiry into
the Affairs (Appointment and Promotion)
of the Formers ENDC Plantations from
May 1967 to 5 November 1968 (Calabar:
Ministry of Home Affairs and Information, 1969), 6.
87
Ibid.
88
Van Den Barsselaar, “Imagining Home,”
58. See also Ofomata, Nigeria in Maps,
64–66.
89
Gerald K. Kleis, “Confrontation and
Incorporation: Igbo Ethnicity in Cameroon,” African Studies Review 23, no. 3
(1980): 91.
90
On the labour migration to Fernando Po,
see, for example, PRO, CO 554/127/5, “Labour for Fernado Po.”
91
See Nigeria, Annual Report of the Department of Labor for the Year 1944.
92
See Anthony Oham, “Labor Migration
from Southeastern Nigeria to Spanish
Fernando Po, 1900–1968,” (MA thesis,
Department of History, Central Michigan
University, 2007).
93
RH, Mss. Afr. s. 2033 (1) Robinson, W. A.
Lt.-Col, Memoir, 20.
94
See Oham, “Labor Migration,” 33.
95
Loise, interviewed by Anthony Ohams, 30
December 2005.
96
Interview
with
Alban
Onyesoh,
97
Interview with Onyegbule Korieh,
98
Interview with Alban Eluwa, Umuchieze,
99
The expression ‘dry’ means lack of resources. Interview with Onyegbule Korieh,
100 RH, Mss. Afr. s. 1428, 17, transcript of
interview with J. B. Davies, CMB OBE of
the United African Company on 9 March
1971; interviewed by Dr Collin Newbury,
University Lecturer in Commonwealth
Studies at Oxford University.
101 Victor Bong Amaazee, “The ‘Igbo Scare’
in British Cameroons,” Journal of African
History 30 (1990): 281.
102 “Inside Contemporary Cameroon Politics,” available from avadocs.indymedia.
org/pub/Main/JusticeMbuh/ICCPC1.doc.
[accessed 16 February 2008].
103 RH, Mss. Afr. s. 2033, W. A. Robinson papers.
104 Jones, From Slaves to Palm Oil, 107.
105 U. D. Anyanwu, “The Aftermath of the Atlantic Slave Trade: Two Settlement Patterns
in Southeastern Nigeria,” in The Aftermath
of Slavery: Transitions and Transformation
in Southeastern Nigeria, ed. Chima J. Korieh and Femi J. Kolapo, 59–74 (Trenton:
Africa World Press, 2007).
106 Interview with Jane Elizabeth Obasi,
Umunomo, Mbaise, 30 July 1999.
107 Egejuru, The Seed Yams, 219.
108 Interview
with
Linus
Anabalam,
109 For the role of female income and wage
work in household sustainability, see Janice Jiggins, Gender-Related Impacts and
the Work of the International Agricultural
Research Centers. CGIAR Study Paper No.
17 (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1986),
51; and FAO, “Special Problems of Female
Heads of Households in Agriculture and
Rural Development in Asia and the Pacific,” (Bangkok: FAO, 1985).
110 Interview with Jonas Onwukwe, aged c.
70, Umunkwo-Emeabiam, May 2001.
112 Interview
with
Linus
Anabalam,
113 Interview with Eugenia Otuonye,
328
115 Uchendu, The Igbo, 30.
Co n Clusi o n
1
Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts
made this argument in the case of cotton
producing areas. See Allen Isaacman and
Richard Roberts, Cotton, Colonialism,
and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa
(Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 2.
2
NAE, ABADIST, 14/1/872.
3
Ibid.
4
NAE, ABADIST, 1/26/958.
noTes
329

University of Calgary Press

Transcription

Similar documents

LETTER TO THE CHIEF OF ARMY STAFF NIGERIAN ARMY REQUESTING OFFICIALLY FOR THE SERVICES OF TWO MILITARY PERSONNEL IN OSUN STATE, NIGERIA By Professor (Grandmaster) Adefioye Sunday Adewumi

A UK Based Diaspora Led Development Agency Working In Nigeria

to read more.

Chevron Agbami - FMC Technologies

The True Face of 2Face Idibia

United Way in Africa - United Way Conferences Site

Financial secrecy, society and vested interests Abacha: the

S.S.S I Assignment

OIL AND MISSED OPPORTUNITIES IN NIGERIA (Part I)

Nigeria