Issue 2 What are the factors affecting the people`s pluralistic sense

Transcription

Issue 2
What are the factors affecting the people’s
pluralistic sense of identity in Hong Kong?
110
Key Point a
Local consciousness and identity
111
Core Module II
Issue 2 – What are the factors affecting the people’s pluralistic sense of identity in Hong Kong?
Key Point a – Local consciousness and identity
Teachers’ References
Scholars generally agree that there was a gradual rise in Hong Kong identity and local
consciousness after the 1967 riots. Under the leadership of Governor Sir MacLehose,
the British-Hong Kong government began responding to social needs. A series of
social policies, such as a ten-year housing scheme, nine-year free and universal
education and the development of new towns, was introduced. The government also
offered cultural programmes, like the Hong Kong Festival and Film Festivals, to
enrich community life. These efforts promoted local consciousness, and, together with
rapid economic development, helped the generation born in the 1970s to gradually
develop a sense of belonging to the territory. There is a feeling that “Hong Kong is
our home” and that we are “Hongkongese”.
Sze Man-hung argues that the experience of colonial rule has produced certain
characteristics in the lifestyle and values of Hong Kong people. They accept
multi-cultural values, demand a high degree of freedom in society and government
non-intervention in people’s lives and beliefs.
In his article, “Hongkongese’ and ‘Chinese’: The identity of Hong Kong Chinese
1985-1995”, Lau Siu-kai made reference to factors affecting the formation of identity
among Hong Kong people before the territory’s return to Chinese rule:
•
Since 1949 there was a barrier between Hong Kong and the mainland, preventing
the free movement of people. Hong Kong Chinese became isolated and unaffected
by the social and cultural changes on the mainland.
•
Development in Hong Kong differs from that in the mainland of China: Hong
Kong practises a capitalist system while the mainland implements a socialist
system. The gap in economic development between the two societies is critical in
the formation of identity of Hong Kong people.
•
Hong Kong rapidly transformed itself into an active member of the international
economy and underwent a considerable degree of westernization. The mainland,
on the other hand, was an introverted and closed society before the era of opening
and reform.
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Core Module II
•
The emphasis on the rule of law and human rights by the British-Hong Kong
government was very different from the experience on the mainland.
•
Most mainland Chinese came to Hong Kong to escape political and social turmoil
and to seek economic opportunities. People in Hong Kong had a strong sentiment
against the socialist regime on the mainland, and this sentiment naturally became a
core element of the identity of Hong Kong people.
•
The wide disparity in the levels of development and living standards between
Hong Kong and the mainland generated a sense of superiority among the Hong
Kong Chinese, influencing their views of themselves and of others (especially
mainland Chinese).
•
The dialect of the Hong Kong Chinese is Cantonese which has become the
foundation of the eventual formation of a distinctive popular culture. This special
local culture is highly a significant in moulding the identity of Hong Kong
Chinese.
Lau Siu-kai said that the June 4 Incident, which occurred in 1989 in Beijing where the
Chinese government used the military to disperse demonstrating students, was a
tremendous political and emotional shock if the Hong Kong Chinese. They resorted to
various ways to express their support to the demonstrating students in Beijing and
their dissatisfaction with the Chinese government. The most impressive was a
spontaneous demonstration of more than one million people. Lau believed that the
Hong Kong Chinese gained a common experience through this incident which further
enhanced their sense of identity as “Hongkongese”.
Both Sze Man-hung and Lai Siu-kai agree that a unique set of values and way of life,
formed under the rule of the British-Hong Kong government, is instrumental in the
formation of a sense of identity and local consciousness of Hong Kong people.
Adapted from:
Lau Siu-kai. “Hongkongese or Chinese: The Problem of Identity on the eve of Resumption of Chinese
Sovereignty over Hong Kong”. In Lau Siu-kai (ed), Social Development and Political change in
Hong Kong, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2000, pp.255-284.
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Core Module II
In the 1970s, nearly half of Hong Kong’s population lived in public housing estates
where a new generation grew up. Small living space, public toilets and bathrooms,
football pitches or vacant grounds in the estates and mutual help among neighbours
make up their collective memory, and public housing estates have become the symbol
of their identity.
In addition, the food culture, consisting of Cantonese restaurants and cha chaan ting
(tea meal cafeteria)*, provides a marked contribution to identity and local
consciousness. Cha chaan ting (tea meal cafeteria) are unique to the city, and the
cheap and delicious food they provide has become a symbol of Hong Kong culture to
the international community. As far as entertainment is concerned, as Hong Kong in
the 1970s was not affluent, mass entertainment consisted of no more than watching
television, movies and Cantonese pop songs. Open night spots that provided both food
and entertainment, such as Tai Tat Tei in Sheung Wan, became very popular at that
time. The food culture and local entertainment reflected the lifestyle of Hong Kong
people and deepened their sense of identity and local consciousness.
However, the Hong Kong identity applies only to the majority of Hong Kong Chinese
and not the whole of society. Hong Kong is a pluralist and tolerant society. In addition
to the mainstream community, there are other social groups such as ethnic minorities,
indigenous people in the New Territories and newly arrived migrants from the
mainland. They live in Hong Kong and integrate into mainstream society while
maintaining their own cultures and identities.
* The term is coined in Wu, David Y. H. (2001). “Chinese Café in Hong Kong”. In David Y. H. Wu and
Tan Chee-beng (eds), Changing Chinese Foodways in Asia. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press,
2001, pp.71-80.
114
Core Module II
Supplementary material
Sam Hui and his Iron Tower Soaring Above the Horizon:
Sze Man-hung has pointed out that students who grew up in the 1970s must have been
familiar with the song Iron Tower Soaring Above the Horizon. He said, “As our
parents are endeavouring to build a home, the next generation began to take root in
Hong Kong. Even university students, who have visited other more developed places,
felt that ‘the gleam from Honolulu beaches is not as bright as the gleam from fishing
boats in Hong Kong’. They felt they “didn’t have to demand one more glance; they
only need to sing one more song on the way home.’ What we missed was not our
homeland on the mainland but Hong Kong where we grew up. The new generation
has begun to establish its own identity and recognize Hong Kong as home.”
Citation from:
史文鴻。〈許冠傑榮休與其時代的終結〉，《社會文化批判》。香港：次文化有限公司，1993，頁
131。
115
Core Module II
Suggested Learning Objectives
Suggested questions
for enquiry
Learning objectives
Remarks
What has given rise to local
consciousness and
identity? How is the
formation of local
identity related to
social and economic
development in Hong Kong?
[2 – 3 periods]
Understand the meaning of
For details of Sam Hui’s
identity and local consciousness; Iron Tower Soars Above
Analyze the transformation of the Horizon, refer to
Hong Kong people from a
“Supplementary
“post-war rootless generation” to materials” or Sze
a generation proud of being
Man-hung’s Criticisms on
“Hongkongese”;
Society and Culture.
Analyze the relationship
between the formation of local
identity and the social and
economic development in Hong
Kong.
What is the
connection between
people’s sense of
identity and Hong
Kong’s way of life?
[1 – 2 periods]
Analyze the relationship
between Hong Kong people’s
sense of identity and their
lifestyle by studying the local
food culture and housing.
-
116
Point out that lifestyle not
only refers to food habits
and housing but also to
clothing and
transportation. The values
of Hong Kong people –
speed, cheap but
high-quality products and
services – contribute to
lifestyle and sense of
identity.
Core Module II
Suggested questions
for enquiry
How do different
social groups, such as
new arrivals,
indigenous people in
the New Territories,
and ethnic minorities,
develop their sense of
identity?
[1 – 2 periods]
Learning objectives
Remarks
Understand how different social Point out that Hong Kong
groups develop their sense of
is a pluralist and
identity in Hong Kong: newly
international metropolis.
arrived migrants try hard to
We do not describe it as
integrate into mainstream
having a single culture.
society, hoping to become
We respect people from
“Hongkongese” as soon as
different cultures and
possible by learning local
backgrounds.
culture and customs. Ethnic
minorities have different
cultures, lifestyles, customs and
religions from local Chinese.
While they work hard, they also
try to maintain their own
cultures and identities. The New
Territories has undergone a
unique development since 1898.
In terms of social and economic
development and the legal
system, the area is different from
Hong Kong Island and
Kowloon. Some scholars
described the New Territories
before 1997 as “a borrowed
place, a borrowed time”.
Indigenous people have another
view on their own identity. They
tend to regard themselves as
“Chinese” and try to preserve
their traditions and heritage.
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Core Module II
Suggested questions for enquiry:
What has given rise to local consciousness and identity? How is the formation of
local identity related to social and economic development in Hong Kong?
Source 1
Source:
Department of History, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Source 2
A “sense of identity” is a complicated concept. It can include the whole nation,
race, culture and society. Ideology refers to our pattern of understanding the
outside world, which includes social phenomena, interpersonal relationships and
human behaviour. It also determines values and standards, like attitudes,
inclinations and will, basic beliefs, etc … Local consciousness began to develop
at the end of the 1960s and blossomed in the next two decades. It refers to the
collective experience of the post-war generation, born and grew up in Hong
Kong, forging a common lifestyle.
Summarized from:
史文鴻。
〈
「身分認同」是甚麼？〉
，載於《東方日報》
，2002 年 10 月 16 日。
吳俊雄、張志偉。
〈本地意識：引言〉
。出自吳俊雄、張志偉編，
《閱讀香港普及文化 1970-2000》。
香港：牛津大學出版社，2002，頁 655。
孟浪秋、遵文。
〈談文化批判〉
《閱讀香港普及文化 1970-2000》
。香港：
牛津大學出版社，2002，頁 39。
118
Core Module II
Source 3
Intentionally arousing Hong Kong people’s local consciousness and sense of
belonging was not part of the colonial government’s ruling strategy. For a long
time, Hong Kong people lived in a situation where their identity was unknown to
them. They only had very vague ideas about Hong Kong and the mainland of
China. It was not until a series of disturbances, including a run on banks by a
panicky public in 1965, the disturbance caused by Star Ferry fare rise in 1966 and
the riots in 1967, that the government suddenly woke up. The younger generation
was shocked. We cannot escape our ties to Hong Kong. What sort of place is
Hong Kong? What should we do? Who are we?
Citation from:
小思（盧瑋鑾）。＜愛恨之間﹝一﹞＞，
《香港故事：個人回憶與文學思考》。香港：牛津大學出
版社，1996，頁 62。
119
Core Module II
Source 4
In the 1950s many mainland Chinese migrated to Hong Kong to escape war and
political instability on the mainland. They regarded themselves as “guests” while
making a living in Hong Kong and did not have any sense of belonging to the
territory.
After a series of riots in 1967, the government introduced new policies, such as
public housing schemes, nine-year free and universal education and cultural
activities (e.g. Hong Kong Festival), to enrich the material and spiritual life of
Hong Kong people. In the 1970s the political situation on the mainland, together
with rapid economic growth in Hong Kong, exerted a great impact on the
generation who were born and grew up here and enabled them to nurture a sense
of belonging as “Hongkongese”.
Both the government and the community gave full play to “local consciousness”
and “Hong Kong is our home”, advocating the Hong Kong spirit of “helping one
another” and encouraging people to co-operate to build a prosperous and clean
society. At that time, Hong Kong society was stable and unaffected by the social
and economic changes on the mainland. Rapid economic development, coupled
with a fast expansion of Cantonese-based mass culture, soon fostered an active
local consciousness and sense of identity among the local Chinese.
Summarized from:
谷淑美。《香港文化 — 從本地研究探索「香港人」的身分意象和政治定位》。香港：香港理工
大學，1999。
馬傑偉。
〈再造香港 — 電視建構的香港記憶〉
。出自劉青峰、關小春編，
《轉化中的香港：身分
與秩序的再尋求》。香港：香港中文大學中國文化研究所，1998，頁 221 至 235。
Lau Siu-kai. “Hongkongese or Chinese: The Problem of Identity on the eve of Resumption of Chinese
Sovereignty over Hong Kong”. In Lau Siu-kai (ed.), Social Development and Political Change in
Hong Kong. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2000, pp. 255-284.
120
Core Module II
Source 5
This line graph shows the gross domestic product (GDP) of Hong Kong in
1975-2000.
HK$ Million (based on the then market value)
1,400,000
1,200,000
1,000,000
800,000
600,000
400,000
200,000
0
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
Year
2000
Reference:
Census and Statistics Department. Hong Kong Annual Digest of Statistics. Hong Kong: Printing
Department, 1982-2000.
Source 6
Hong Kong born
Non-Hong Kong born
Year
Total
population
Number
%
Number
%
1961
3,129,648
1,486,646
47.50
1,643,002
52.50
1966
3,708,920
1,996,640
53.83
1,712,280
46.17
1971
3,936,630
2,218,910
56.37
1,717,720
43.63
1976
4,312,710
2,541,730
58.94
1,770,980
41.60
Reference:
Census Commission. Report of the Census 1961. Hong Kong: Census Commission, 1962.
Census and Statistics Department. Report of the By-Census 1966, Volume II; Hong Kong Population
and Housing Census 1971 Main Report; Hong Kong By-Census 1976 Main Report, Volume II.
Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department, 1967, 1972, 1977.
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Core Module II
Source 7
In 1940 Hong Kong’s population was just over 1.5 million; by the end of World
War II in 1945 the population shrank to only one-third of that figure. But by the
end of 1946 the population returned to pre-war levels and grew rapidly. During
the following decade, a million people crossed the border from the mainland of
China, bringing the total population to 2.5 million in the mid-1950s.
Citation from:
Blyth, Sally and Ian Wotherspoon. Hong Kong Remembers. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press,
1996, p.3.
Source 8
The following is the English version of lyrics of the song, Iron Tower Soaring
Above the Horizon, the first Cantonese song sung by Sam Hui in 1974.
The Iron Tower soars above the horizon
Smiling faces can no longer be seen
The Fuji Mountain towers to the sky
Tourists’ laughter can no longer be heard
The Statue of Liberty stands in the distant mist
Embraces not the scenery far away
How could the gleam from Honolulu beaches be as good as the
gleam from fishing boats in Hong Kong?
Heads bowed and ask:
When and where and what appearance?
Echoes heard and say:
This time this place and this appearance.
Why more demands for one more glance?
Let’s sing a song on the way home.
Citation from:
許冠傑 — 知音網裡尋，<http://www.geocities.com/samhuiwun/index.html> [下載日期：2003 年 3
月 21 日]。
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Core Module II
Source 9
My parents view Hong Kong from a different perspective. They came here as
refugees from Shanghai in 1949 … They always view Hong Kong as a transient
place … They still have a house in their home village on the mainland. They will
never relinquish the house, although they have never returned to the village. At
the back of their minds, the mainland – that particular village – is their ultimate
home … I am the second generation of Hong Kong, was born and brought up
here. I consider Hong Kong as my home … The fruit of prosperity created by the
diligence of people who came to Hong Kong in former years is now harvested
and enjoyed by our generation … There is a wide gap in the relationship with the
mainland between our generation and our parents. I’ve never considered myself a
Chinese and like me, many people regard themselves as Hongkongese … We
have a sense of belonging to Hong Kong and we think we are Hongkongese. We
also hope to participate in the government. We grew up here and are Hong
Kong’s second generation.
Citation from:
Blyth, Sally and Ian Wotherspoon. “Anna Wu: Government by whom?”, Hong Kong Remembers.
Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 159-161.
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Core Module II
Source 10
This table shows the number of registered voters and the turnout rate in the 1998
and 2000 Legislative Council Elections (data of Election Committee elections not
included) and the 1999 District Councils Election.
Legislative Council elections
Year
1998
2000
Category
Number of
registered
voters
Turnout rate
Number
%
Geographical
constituencies
2,795,371
1,489,705
53.29
Functional
constituencies
122,537
77,813
63.50
Geographical
constituencies
3,055,378
1,331,080
43.57
Functional
constituencies
163,026
92,112
56.50
1999 District Councils Election
Number of registered
voters
Turnout rate
Number
%
2,832,524
816,503
35.82
Reference:
Electoral Affairs Commission website: Legislative Council Elections. Report of the 1998 Legislative
Council Elections – Appendix X, <http://www.info.gov.hk/info/dix-e.doc> [accessed 21 March
2003].
Electoral Affairs Commission website: Legislative Council Elections. Report of the 2000 Legislative
Council Elections – Appendix XIV,
<http://www.info.gov.hk/eac/pdf/legco/2000/en/e14_appendix_xiv.doc>
[accessed
21
March
2003].
Electoral Affairs Commission website: District Councils Election. Report of the 1999 District Councils
Election – Appendix III, < http://www.info.gov.hk/eac/en/distco/report99_appendix_3.htm>
[accessed 21 March 2003].
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Core Module II
Questions for discussion:
•
What is the significance of the identity document shown Source 1 to a person
living here? (Hints: Students can think about the rights and duties of Hong Kong
people who have and who do not have such a document.)
•
Why was Hong Kong people’s identity and local consciousness not formed in the
1950s and 1960s?
•
What happened in Hong Kong in the late 1960s? How did these events contribute
to the formation of identity and local consciousness?
•
Describe the changes in the economy and population structure of Hong Kong
since the 1970s? How did these changes help Hong Kong people’s identity and
local consciousness?
•
What are the characteristics of being a “Hongkongese” in the 1970s and 1980s?
•
In what way does Iron Tower Soaring Above the Horizon express the sense of
belonging to and feeling for Hong Kong of the generation who were born and
grown up here?
•
What differences did Anna Wu find between herself and her parents? Why did she
think in this manner have this thought?
•
What happens when Hong Kong people begin to participate in community affairs?
(Hints: Students can think about the relationship between community participation
and people’s sense of belonging and feeling for the territory.)
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Core Module II
Suggested question for enquiry:
What is the connection between people’s sense of identity and Hong Kong’s way of
life?
Source 1
The public housing estates shown in the following pictures were built in the 1960s
(left) and the 1970s respectively.
Source:
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Core Module II
Source 2
Public housing estates are an important source of collective memory for you and
me. Even if you do not live in public housing estate, you must have several
relatives who live there. In the 1970s almost half of Hong Kong’s population
lived in public housing and every iron gate hid a more or less similar growing
experience in the estate.
Derek Chan, who is now in his thirties, lives in a seven-storey resettlement
building in Wong Tai Sin in the 1970s. “Although the eight of us lived in a small
flat of 200 or 300 square feet, we didn’t feel confined because we could always
go out with our friends or say hello to neighbours. We could even play in the
vacant lot in front of the building,” he said. Steven Leung, also in his thirties,
lived in Lam Tin Estate. He said, “The building I lived in was connected to
another building. This was very convenient for me to play with my friends and
there was a lot of space to play hide-and-seek.”
Citation from:
香港電台電視部。〈集體回憶
–
70
年代：我們的遊樂場〉，
<http://www.rthk.org.hk/rthk/tv/seventies/20020526.html> [下載日期：2003 年 3 月 21 日]。
Source 3
Source:
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Core Module II
Source 4
“Yum Cha” (going to Cantonese restaurants) is indispensable in the daily life of
Hong Kong people. Whether it is for family gathering, friends’ meetings,
business or a simple lunch, “yum cha” immediately springs into our mind …
“Yum cha” is not only an eating custom, it is also practically a cultural behaviour
which constructs a collective sense of identity … Hong Kong’s lifestyle and food
culture are not only imitated in Taiwan and mainland China. Hong Kong-style
“yum cha” is also very popular in places like Canada, the USA, Australia and
Britain where emigrants from Hong Kong settle. To Hong Kong emigrants, yum
cha each week is similar to church-going or a clan gathering and helps strengthen
their sense of identity.
Citation from:
譚少薇。
〈飲茶與香港身分認同〉
《閱讀香港普及文化 1970-2000》
。香
港：牛津大學出版社，2002，頁 400 至 405。
Source 5
Source:
128
Core Module II
Source 6
Cha chaan ting (tea meal cafeteria) are 100% made-in-Hong-Kong
establishments and are places with the most popular appeal. In fact, they are a
manifestation of the spiritual dispositions and values of Hong Kong people:
speed, flexibility, variety and popular prices.
As early as 1946 there were teahouses. This was believed to be the beginning of
cha chaan ting. At that time some Chinese liked to drink “western tea” (i.e. tea
and coffee). However, prices in a western-style restaurant were relatively high, so
cha chaan ting came into existence. The menu of Cha chaan ting usually
includes a mixture of Chinese and western foods and the coffee and tea served
there are not inferior to western-style restaurants. New drinks are invented, such
as yin yeung, a mixture of tea and coffee.
Summarized from:
吳昊。
〈茶餐廳與下午茶〉
，《飲食香江》
。香港：博益出版集團有限公司，2001，頁 80。
《大公報》，2003 年 3 月 3 日。
Source 7
In the past, people liked to go to Tai Tat Tei in Sheung Wan after dinner. Tai Tat
Tei is a local term, meaning “a large piece of land”. Many actors and performers
went there, giving performances such as kung fu shows, singing or story telling.
Many cooked food hawkers also sold their food in the area. With little evening
entertainment at that time, people always went to Tai Tat Tei to relax. In addition,
the flourishing industries increased the spending power of workers. People loved
to have some entertainment in the evening and took night snack. This open lot
encompassed eating, drinking and entertainment and gave rise to a special “Tai
Tat Tei culture”. Later the place was exalted as a “commoners’ nightclub” by
intellectuals.
Citation from:
吳昊。
〈大眾食堂，大牌檔〉
，
《飲食香江》
。香港：博益出版集團有限公司，2001，頁 103 至 105。
129
Core Module II
Source 8
The Chinese University of Hong Kong conducted a territory-wide social
indicators survey during the period of May to September 1997. The following
table shows the results of a section of the survey.
Whether Hong Kong Chinese keep Hong Kong’s way of life outside the
territory.
Statement
Never/ Sometimes Often/ DK/NA/RA Number of
Seldom
(%)
Always
(%)
respondents
(%)
(%)
Go to Chinatown or
Chinese restaurants to
have meals or yum cha
10.7
39.3
45.3
4.8
563
Buy Hong Kong
newspapers or
magazines
22.2
21.5
51.8
4.5
562
Watch Hong Kong
movies or video
tapes/VCDs of Hong
Kong TV programmes
25.7
26.2
43.4
4.8
565
Have the feeling that
living in Hong Kong is
still better even if we
face the issue of 1997
5.7
13.7
69.1
11.5
563
Note: DK/NA/RA = Don’t know/ No answer/ Refuse to answer.
Adapted from:
Leung Sai-wing. “Social Construction of Hong Kong Identity”. In Lau Siu-kai, Lee Ming-kwan, Wan
Po-san and Wong Siu-lun (eds.), Indicators of Social Development: Hong Kong 1997. Hong Kong:
Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999, p.129.
130
Core Module II
•
How do people who grew up in public housing estates in the 1970s and 1980s
view their experience of growing up? How has this particular experience helped
build their sense of identity?
•
Why are cha chaan ting (tea meal cafeteria) and the food they provide so popular
in Hong Kong?
•
Are Cantonese restaurants a big part of Hong Kong people’s way of life? Why or
why not?
•
In what ways do cha chaan ting (tea meal cafeteria) and the food culture
contribute to Hong Kong people’s sense of identity?
•
How did the place described in Source 7 reflect Hong Kong people’s lives in the
1970s and 1980s?
•
Describe Hong Kong people’s way of life today in a way which reflects their
sense of identity? (Hints: Students can think in terms of clothing, eating, living
and transportation in today’s Hong Kong.)
131
Core Module II
Suggested question for enquiry:
How do different social groups, such as new arrivals, indigenous people in the New
Territories, and ethnic minorities develop their sense of identity?
Source 1
A group of Tanka fishermen, who live on Kau Sai island off Sai Kung, do not
identify themselves as part of an “imagined” community of Hong Kong. They
only recognize that they belong to a “concrete” community in Kai Sai, saying that
some of the customs in the community are very “Chinese”. But this only means
that there are identical areas between their customs and Chinese customs and does
not imply that they recognize themselves as members of the Chinese community.
Even though they have moved to the urban area, their ethnic identity remains
unchanged.
Summarized from:
Ward, Barbara E. Through Other Eyes: Essays in Understanding ‘Conscious Models’ - Mostly in Hong
Kong. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1985.
Hung Ho-fung. Rethinking the Hong Kong Cultural Identity. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute of
Asia-Pacific Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.
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Core Module II
Source 2
Tang Shing-sze, elder of the Tang clan in Ping Shan, Yuen Long, opened up the
ancestral house of his father and grandfather for free visits by the public. The
exhibits include eating and drinking utensils, containers, cooking utensils, clothes
and ancestral tablets. Most were labelled with Chinese explanations. The label of
one of the main ancestral cabinets read, “At first glance, the Chinese are very
respectful of their ancestors and gods, so their ancestral tablets are put in a
supreme position … The centre of the middle hall stands the most elegant and
solemn carved wooden altar, ancestral tablets and a table on which stands the
incense burners. Such an arrangement is no different from others in our country
and presents the most important local custom – ‘filial piety’.” Mr Tang’s
interpretation, refers to “Chinese” instead of “Hongkongese” and “our country”
refers to “China” …
Citation from:
任海。〈看的辯證：展覽櫥中的香港〉
。出自劉青峰、關小春編，
《轉化中的香港：身分與秩序的
再尋求》。香港：香港中文大學中國文化研究所，1998，頁 209 至 210。
133
Core Module II
Source 3
The following is an extract of a broadcast “Letter from Hong Kong” by Patrick
Ho, Secretary for Home Affairs, on Radio Television Hong Kong on 19 October
2002.
… You are the descendant of indigenous people in the New Territories. You grew
up in a village and must have profound understanding of the lifestyle of the
indigenous population. Your family has a strong concept of the clan and put
particular emphasis on filial piety and respect for the elderly. Your neighbours
show the spirit of mutual help fully. You also value your cultural tradition, which
is reflected in the preservation of many relics in rural areas today, such as study
halls and walled villages. These relics are not only our cultural treasures but also
our collective memory and bear witnesses to history. In addition, many traditional
customs, which have declined, survive in the villages and allow Hong Kong
people, especially the younger generation, to acquaint themselves with Chinese
cultural traditions that date back to ancient times, hence strengthening their
identity as Chinese. …
Citation from:
香港特別行政區政府網頁 — 新聞公報，
〈民政事務局局長在「香港家書」電台節目發言全文〉，
2002 年 10 月 19 日，<http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/200210/19/1019085.htm> [下載日期：
2003 年 3 月 21 日]。
134
Core Module II
Source 4
This table shows Hong Kong’s population by ethnicity in 2001.
Ethnicity
Number
Chinese
6,364,439
Filipino
142,556
Indonesian
50,494
British
18,909
Indian
18,543
Thai
14,342
Japanese
14,180
Nepalese
12,564
Pakistani
11,017
Others
61,435
Total population:
6,708,389
Reference:
Census and Statistic Department website — Main Tables of the 2001 Population [online],
<http://www.info.gov.hk/censtatd/eng/hkstat/fas/01c/cd0052001_index.html> [accessed 21 March
2003].
135
Core Module II
Source 5
Source:
Source 6
Source:
136
Core Module II
Source 7
Advani, a 43-year-old Pakistani, settled in Hong Kong with his family in 1972 ...
He said, “I have never considered taking a local Chinese woman as my bride
because there are differences in physical appearance and religion between
Chinese and Pakistanis … Normally, Chinese women don’t like Pakistanis,
saying we are ugly and smelly.” Most of Advani’s friends are Pakistanis and rely
on the mosque as the means to maintain their friendship. Advani said, “If I have
problems, such as finding a job, I would seek help from my friends in the
mosque. I do have some local Chinese friends, but I won’t ask them for help.”
But he also said, “I met some Hong Kong people in my home country and I said
hello to them, even though I don’t know them. They asked me how I can speak
Cantonese. I excitedly told them that I am a Hongkongese.”
Citation from:
李劍明。
〈少數族裔都是香港人〉
。出自林瑞含編，
《香港邊緣勞工口述》
。香港：樂施會，2002，
頁 74 至 84。
Source 8
Hong Kong is a pluralistic society, but you can still find different kinds of
discrimination. You might notice that some Chinese people call foreigners
“Gwailou” and Indians “Ah Tsai”. Mohamed Alli Din, a Hong Kong-born Indian,
feels he is marginalized and considered an “outsider” because of his skin colour.
He said ignorance often sows the seed of racism.
Note: “Gwailou” means 鬼佬 and “Ah Tsai” means 阿差.
Summarized from:
Hong Kong iMail, 16 March 2001.
《新報》，2003 年 3 月 19 日。
137
Core Module II
Source 9
Lachman Narain, an Indian, said, “I want my grandchildren to live in a place
where laws will not be changed at a whim. If Hong Kong is a viable place, they
would continue to stay here. In Hong Kong we enjoy freedom. If we can continue
to run our business here and remain a member of the international community in
Hong Kong, we will stay here.”
Citation from:
Barbara Sue White. Turbans and Traders: Hong Kong’s Indian Communities. Hong Kong: Oxford
University Press, 1994, p. 231.
Source 10
This diagram shows the number of new arrivals from the mainland in 1991, 1996
and 2001.
300000
266,577
Number
250000
200000
150000
143,944
169,319
100000
50000
0
1991
1996
2001
Year
Reference:
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government of the People’s Republic of China. Report
of the Task Force on Population Policy. Hong Kong: Printing Department, 2003, p. 18.
138
Core Module II
Source 11
Ms Bai migrated to Hong Kong from the mainland in July 1995. She said, “The
moment I crossed the Lo Wu checkpoint, I became very excited about my new
identity as a Hong Kong resident.” But not long after she settled in Hong Kong,
she faced discrimination and various other problems, such as finding a school,
dealing with differences in culture and lifestyle, and social integration. She said,
“I started small, deliberately making myself a real ‘Hongkongese’. I paid close
attention to the conversations and behavior of local people… If I don’t say
anything, no one knows that I am a new arrival…When I meet new friends; I will
tell them I came from the mainland. I no longer feel ashamed of the identity of
being a ‘new arrival’. On the contrary, I’m very proud of myself.”
Citation from:
白秀妍。〈我是香港人〉。出自歐陽素華等編，《再植根苗：我是香港人文集》。香港：香港聖公
會福利協會、新移民服務網絡計劃，1999，頁 56 至 58。
Source 12
Responding to the question, “Do you think newly arrived migrants can truly
become a Hongkongese?”, Ms Kwok, a teacher at Delia Memorial School, said,
“I think whether you come from the mainland to Hong Kong or from Hong Kong
to the United States, the most important thing is to open your heart and accept
new things. But acceptance of new things does not mean assimilation. After you
have accepted new things, you should preserve your own values and discard bad
habits in the new environment. You shouldn’t swim with the tide and blindly
follow what others do.”
Citation from:
黃嘉文。〈敞開心扉：訪問新移民老師〉。出自歐陽素華等編，《再植根苗：我是香港人文集》。
香港：香港聖公會福利協會、新移民服務網絡計劃，1999，頁 110。
139
Core Module II
•
How do indigenous people in the New Territories view their identity? In what
ways do they establish their sense of identity?
•
Where is the building shown in Source 5? Do you know who go there? Why do
they go there?
•
What difficulties do ethnic minorities in HK face daily? (Hints: Students can think
about language, economic problems, cultural habits, education and social
integration.) How do they deal with these problems?
•
How do ethnic minorities view their identity?
•
What problems do new arrivals from the mainland of China face in daily life?
(Hints: Students can think about language, economic problems, cultural habits,
education and social integration.) How do they deal with these problems?
•
How do new arrivals view their identity?
•
In what ways can we help ethnic minorities and new arrivals to integrate into our
society and promote communication with local people?
140

Issue 2 What are the factors affecting the people`s pluralistic sense

Transcription

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