Bloodthirsty Firing Squads

Transcription

Bloodthirsty
Firing
Squads
Bloodthirsty
Firing Squads
Jamil Mohammadi
Translated into English by
A. Ernesto
Copyright © 2012 by … Press
All rights reserved; no part of this
book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilized in any form,
without permission in writing from
the publisher.
First published in English 2012
Bloodthirsty Firing Squads
Jamil Mohammadi
Translated into English by A. Ernesto.
Includes index and the pictures of
an execution by forces of the
Islamic Republic of Iran.
Cover photo: Sylvia
Cover design: Emily
ISBN
To the ones whatever they want,
want for all.
Acknowledgement
This book does not have a convoluted narrative of its own; however,
I would like to thank a few friends of mine who reminded me their
own noteworthy offers in translating it into English. Paying attention
to such remarkable notes, they will deserve recognition for their
talents. As mentioning their names might render them difficulties, it
is better to remain unknown.
CONTENTS
Acknowledgement
6
Preface
9
Introduction: Kurdistan, Rising Tension and Backgrounds
of Sociopolitical Activities
11
Bloodthirsty Firing Squad
A Prologue
To My Daughter, Sana
Talking about Love
Introduction
Sanandaj Garrison
August 19th, 1979 Khomeini’s Calling for Attacking Kurdistan
Transferring from Sanandaj Garrison
Airport of Sanandaj
Investigation
House of Detention
Show Trials
Fusillade
Setting Free from Prison
Talks to Families Experienced Such A Tragedy
Endnotes
Flash points
Name Index
Subject Index
47
49
52
55
60
73
87
93
102
105
109
117
125
137
142
146
157
162
Preface
This autobiography consists of a short significant historical wartime
episode, in Kurdistan, Iran, in which not only many innocent people
were executed, but also thousands of them became homeless and
their properties were ruined to the ground. The autobiographer
narrates the most crucial moments in which people were all
anxiously adrift. He has also elaborated on his co-prisoners’
remarkable animate expectations to see another morning again, but
their hopes were shattered in their astonishment; in fact, they found
no opportunity to taste the joys of freedom once more.
However, Mohammadi’s report reflects many dimensions of the
episode that make it possible for everyone to observe the scene in
details. The report fulfills the needs for a transparent overview of the
catastrophe which encompasses both the way they were captured and
were put on trial. The autobiographer himself was one of the
prisoners who experienced the mentioned event. Furthermore,
narrating an account of his experience, he has been able to draw a
picture and tell the world his co-prisoners were a few innocent
individuals who waited for everything except death.
Aside from the mentioned narration by the autobiographer, you are
represented an introduction mostly on the background caused raising
tension in Kurdistan by me as the translator of the mentioned
autobiography. Doubtlessly, such a tension, in the area, is to be
10 Bloodthirsty Firing Squads
studied in different views with distinct approaches and also
according to various historical, social and political attitudes.
Although, the points you are represented lack a profound elaboration
on the nature of the howness of confrontation with the Islamic
Republic and provide a short glance of the case, it is enough to draw
a picture for those who want to have a preliminary figure.
I have confined the scope of my elaboration on a gap the Islamic
Republic was too powerless to rule over the area and the
revolutionists found an opportunity to take actions fit for the
occasion. Considering such remarks, the readers are provided a
background to a condition both prevailed in the area at that time and
led a movement which influenced the next steps and opened new
ways to people to have an interaction to bring in line real activities.
In fact, the point is to be elaborating on such a condition through
which people experienced real freedom accompany with their real
strugglers.
A. Ernesto
Introduction:
Kurdistan: Rising Tension and Backgrounds of
Sociopolitical Activities
Preliminary Remarks
The thematic focus of this short but elaborative note is on the
backgrounds caused rising tension and its consequences in
Kurdistan, Iran. Whatness of such a tension, doubtlessly, goes back
to both geographical position and the socioeconomic condition in
which people were obliged to take actions against their will on one
hand and howness of it depends on potential rate decisive enough to
influence political orientations on the other. A great number of
historical backgrounds, the de facto propounding of resurgence of
liberation movement, anticipating a future based on such an
evaluation, and, the foremost strategy among them, public assistance
acted as a flag to attract the Islamic Republic’s attention to establish
its specific plundering contacts with; namely, to occupy it.
Methods of accomplishing such relationships depended on the
interaction each side expected; accordingly, this not long
interpretation elaborates on an interval between the downfall of the
royal family and ruling of the Islamic Republic as its ensuing
successor in Kurdistan. Especially important is the way the regime
could stabilize itself in Iran; Kurdistan, in which political
circumstance was different from any other parts of the country, got a
particular importance for the new rulers. Having planned to occupy
it, Kurdistan was raided by the regime and it could conquer such a
remarkable territory consequently.
To oppose the enemy a Resistance Movement appeared. Such a
resistance is divided into two main phases according to two kinds of
confrontations with the occupiers: the First Resistance Movement
and the Second Resistance Movement. In comparison with
elaborating and clarifying the dire and melodious consequences, the
interval between the two mentioned movements has remained
untold. Correspondingly, this paper seeks to argue that how these
movements were promoted to such a degree that the interval between
them is reckoned as a starting point from which Kurdistan found
itself dissimilar to any other stages. To put planks over such an
argument, the part played by the lefts1 on one hand and the part
played by the people on the other are highlighted; the most important
point is the fact that such a confrontation was not specific to
intellectuals, rather ordinary people showed their best in a
cooperative effort accompany with their real leaders.
Confrontation against the tyrant regime gave raise to such a
condition that struggling was not limited to armed struggle, rather it
upgraded to other sociopolitical circumstances of its pattern is rare in
the world. To bring such a particularity to light requires a
1
In view of the fact that the term left is now a wide-ranging
spectrum to many radical movements, political circles, forces and
matters, it should be pointed out that in the present study it refers to
all political forces, presented in Kurdistan, with radical social
democratic viewpoint, progressive socialist world view or
communistic attitudes.
Introduction 13
reinvestigation of the interval between the two mentioned
movements; oddly enough to be elaborated on is a collective effort
by the masses.
Notwithstanding the fact that Eastern Kurdistan geographically and
historically has experienced different stages in different periods of
time, this elaboration is specific to the part people sought to have
their own ways of life. Such an elaboration needs to consider both
the facts and the howness of interaction analysis of social mobility,
political measures and competitions; internal and external factors
would be elaborated as far as possible. However, it was impossible
for me to elude the political entanglements; accordingly elaborating
on the historical backgrounds opens a view to what the readers are
represented.
Historical Backgrounds
As it was mentioned earlier, geographical position and the
socioeconomic condition led the Islamic Republic of Iran to take
various kinds of measure of plundering toward Kurdistan located on
the eastern bordering areas of the country. In the light of presented
circumstances, such a mentioned area, with its particular historical
backgrounds of struggling for political independence and autonomy
by various political leanings and orientations, was going to
experience new social conditions that the nouveau regime sought to
nip every struggle in the bud. The most important point is the fact
that such an attempt is a historical approach among the Kurds.
Consequently, the dynamics of constituent parts of society such as
social and political institutions and communities led it to take
measures fit for the occasions.
None of the previous regimes had taken socioeconomic conditions
into their considerations. Consequently, Kurdistan had not
experienced such breakthroughs. A form of feudalism was felt then
and relics of such a feudal system were playing its part as a
stronghold on one hand and glittering of modernization was
bewildering everyone on the other. Nonetheless, urban developments
were growing up; urban growth had become a forced take-off. In the
meantime, the governors were imposed such a process and a growing
trend toward modernization was challenging every socio-economic
formation. Society was paving the way for modern capitalism;
threshold of construction of modern social realities.
Neither now nor at that time is this nation compared with industrial
and developing nations; however, a comparative approach is possible
if one would take such an approach. Whatever it is and wherever it
has been located, it has its own social stratification; modernization
gave rise such a stratification to a higher level. In spite of the fact
that Kurdish people have been undergoing unpleasant conditions and
have been suffered pain by national oppression, the low class, and
the overwhelming majority of people suffered by a doubled
oppression: national oppression and class oppression.
Social stratification was the most binding and central concern of
the society when the new government got the power in Iran. Social
inequality, the hidden basis of the entire social structure, in such a
historical period and in a rather different context, indicates the
Introduction 15
mentioned class distinction and manifests, or, better to say shows
clearly, class antagonism. Inequality in distribution of capital among
both the whole society and the capitalists at such a moment of truth
led the low class to share a more serious revolutionary movement.
Therefore, a national movement and a working class struggle were
raised both to improve the geographical fatalism and create the
means for promotion of equity and social justice.
Condition of existence led the lefts to take measures in an
impressive display of stamina. The unusual status had them take two
kinds of interactions: confrontation with problematic situational
contexts and battle against repressive state of apparatuses of the
despotic regime. Every element, optional or compulsory, led people
to be responsible for such a civil defense. That is why Kurdistan
experienced a glorious period full of energy to do what they wished
and see future opening before them although it was closed later. A
great effort was made by them to attain the best as far as possible. To
be successful, ordinary people relied on their leaders and paved the
way for the most important political forces. Public patronage and
responsible citizenry caused the lefts to find themselves in a
trustworthy condition although it was somehow tensive.
Such an enthusiastic socialistic presence let the lefts to have their
own ways of struggling significantly, although everything seemed
new and none of them had experienced such a process before. In
reality, they had found themselves in front of a historical movement
and an accomplished fact was going to challenge them; how they
could face with the problems and what their programs would be
seemed complex. They knew nothing about the degree of their
difficulties; difficulty factors were unidentified; and no one knew to
what extent difficulty levels would arise. To bring such alienation to
light requires a reinvestigation of the movement, its phases, and
strategic methods taken by the lefts.
Strategic Approaches Taken by the Lefts in Kurdistan
The time people encounter something unexpected or experience an
unforeseen condition for the first time, it is impossible for them to
understand such an anomaly. Consequently, it takes time both to fall
into the habit and accept such unusualness despite the fact that they
are forced to take a fatalistic course of action they are alien to. Being
trapped in such circumstances, there is no way to do anything; they
have no one to give them aid; in a nutshell, they are sent nothing
from anybody unless they themselves must take actions. In this case,
everything seems dark, and gloomy; a bitter pill to swallow.
Fraught and dangerous situation arises when one is not so strong to
prevail over the state of affairs he or she has been prevailed over
whether they are natural or unnatural. The setting we are provided
for is optional to some extent on one hand and compulsory within
limits on the other hand. Social inequalities, class intervals, and
consequently class attitude and consciousness in such a capitalistic
society recall us to recognize which class we are belonging to; the
high one or the low one. That is why Marx argued that no one is so
free to determine his or her social relations:
Introduction 17
In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into
definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely
relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the
development of their material forces of production.2
Paying particular attention to such an undeniable comment,
something important is uncovered; class distinctions and their
relationship to the means of production on the basis of them men are
powerless the time they experience existence and consequently have
no way to do except resigning themselves to their fate be it desirable
or undesirable. Thus, contrary to our will we enter into some social
relations in which we appear powerless to take any action. These
relations identify whether we belong to the high or the low class; that
is the division of people in a society according to their social status.
Therefore, at birth, a condition stretches itself upon our life which
exists out of our control. Being a member of the high class or the low
class is the cause which leads us to take a course fatalistically. As a
result, our options will be so limited to the part whose taking differs
from person to person although our behavior will be influenced by
the social actions or actions in progress. What the opportunities
would be then and change this course depends on both the condition
we are chained in and the possibility of conscious practice we might
provide for; accordingly, chain gangs will collect in an army among
the lower classes. Consequently, bitterness is the only shadow these
chain gangs carry with themselves forever unless something
incredible such as occurring a revolution, declining of a period or
2
K. Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,
1859, trans. S.W. Ryazanskaya, On-Line Version: Marx.org 1993
(Preface, 1993), Marxists.org 1999, p. 4.
sovereignty would alter this particularity which leads us to
understand social origins and orientations. At this phase, new-borns
have no options and they are led by societal forces eventually.
Nevertheless, the problem remains a riddle if we do not elaborate
on such a problem. Drawing upon such a social fission, labor
division, mental and manual, between the high and the low is the
most distinguished character which creates two different roads; one
to the fortune, the other to the poverty. Those who stand on the lucky
station do everything: they have the right to exploit the others - the
working class - be the owners of everything; in short, they have the
power of monopolization, such as damaging people’s property. Their
ownership, their state and any other existing pillar founded by them
paves the way to take the road to live by exploiting the others; dos
and don’ts have no meaning for them, they are free to go
everywhere, to behave so and so. These owners of the state, although
are in minority, hide and swell up in a lurking figurative place called
‘government’. That is why the low class is encircled with dos and
don’ts. They limit themselves not to do everything and are born,
innately, with the suffering that makes them honorable.
Among the masterpieces written by great authors from the high
class you always face to these detestable phrases ‘the nobles,’ ‘the
full-blooded,’ and so many other words and phrases specific to the
high class doctrines, but what about the toilers who are responsible
for satisfying the society and carry this duty on their shoulders? This
unlucky majority is just a tool for providing the high class
prosperity. They are not full-blooded and have inferior quality just
the same; what a melodious utterance!
Introduction 19
Class distinctions are specific to modern societies factually where
people are divided into two classes. If there should be expressed a
historical viewpoint about such an interaction, it must be indicated
that, without any hesitation, such economic and social inequality is
the outcome of a long process whose origin goes back to the time
people experienced private property by the accumulation of surplus
value for the first time. Accordingly, governments are the twins of
private property from the very beginning; in fact, they are protectors
of such injustices. Regarding such a problem and representing further
inquiry Marx and Engels argued:
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class
struggle: Freeman and slave, patrician and plebian, lord and serf,
guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time
ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in
the common ruin of the contending classes.3
By taking both a historical approach and a modernistic viewpoint,
such an outlook is outstanding an attitude according to which we can
pay more attention to class conflict as far as possible. Socioeconomic
structures lead us not to forget about the base and superstructures for
which the governments play an important role; as producing surplus
value led societies to maintain such relations for ages, governments
got more and more power. They are now so absolute that their
downfalls seem almost impossible and taking any action against
3
K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto, 1847, third
edition, Pathfinder Press, 2008, p. 30-31.
them is catastrophic. Nevertheless, nowadays they are crashed
whenever people find it impossible to live unless they must take
actions against governments to provide a situation in which they can
live. In fact, governments are systematic patterns with which
capitalists are provided more and more backgrounds both to gain
extra wealth by exploiting overwhelming majority of people in favor
of their welfare and reduce them to poverty in order that their
distinction must be showed as their absolute advantage.
Governments have always been either at capitalists’ beck and call
or in the service of minority. Not being satisfied with exploiting the
workmen and plundering national assets, capitalists have always led
military expeditions to the other countries to sack their cities and
towns. They trample everything down and people are trampled down
whomever, whenever and wherever they are. In such cases, national
bourgeoisie accompany with their local self-governments have to
surrender and share the interests unless they are crashed as far as
possible. Their covetousness has no limits; what a melodious
benevolence for which people are trampled down as far as possible!
Functions of governments lay ahead difficult conditions internally
and externally. Certainly, people suffer from many unknown events;
if they are from the occupying countries, their wealth is spent on war
guarantee on one hand and under the pretext of defending national
security their children are killed and injured on the other hand; if
they are from the occupied countries, both their wealth are plundered
and their children are killed and injured under the pretext of
defending national prestige. What a chaotic world for which the
upper class and its agents have the right to do everything!
Introduction 21
The Lefts, Their Identity and the Part They Played in Kurdistan
Representing such a clarification must have reflected the interaction
between capital and its disciples in facing the majority of people up
to now. Kinds of interactions the communists must take depends on
the social structures on one hand and howness of protesting against
social conditions on the other: that how far these nations have been
deprived of social life; that what the factors are which distinguishes
the whatness of their struggles from the others. Elaborating on such
an interaction, Marx and Engels enlightened an important
consideration:
… the communists everywhere support every revolutionary
movement against the existing social and political order of things.4
Such a highly significant declaration reveals an all-embraced theory
according to which communists have to play their part in the best
possible way. The existing social and political order of things paves
the ways to the workmen, workwomen and the poor remain
miserable; therefore, any attempt or activity trying to challenge such
an order is pioneering. The backgrounds on which revolutionary
movements appear and pave the way for the future generation to find
themselves in a more acceptable circumstance are rare; they will
appear just the time the socioeconomic conditions led them be
created. Such backgrounds themselves are the outcome of many
socioeconomic and political factors that leads the society to
experience another circumstances thoroughly different from the
4
K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto, 1847, third
edition, Pathfinder press, 2008, p. 73.
former. Especially important is the way the communists find
themselves as promoters of standards of living; if capitalists are
stranglehold, the communists are pathfinder; that is why Marx and
Engels urged that communists have to play their part as the
supporters of revolutionary movements.
The ruling class exploits any condition and loses neither the
opportunities nor the abilities it owns. Therefore, any movement that
challenges its existence must be led consciously. It is possible for the
oppressed to take part into any revolutionary movement to acquire a
better condition. Advancing of any socioeconomic condition
depends on the howness of those who work hard not the minor
oppressor who just have the necessary skills to exploit the others by
using their governments. Taking part into any revolutionary
movement must supply the proletariat with fresh elements of
enlightenment and progress.
Considering such an interaction, the left forces in Iran and
Kurdistan participated in the revolution, in 1979, by which the
imperial system fell eventually and the mullahs got the power as its
succeeder. Having led a government, they called it Islamic Republic
of Iran. This new state began suppressing any sign of freedom from
the very outset; left and right political forces were prohibited and
their members and adherents were imprisoned and most of them
either were executed or ruined savagely throughout the country.
Any sign of egalitarianism was suppressed and range of firing
squads and massacring people were so high that its describing is
almost impossible; in fact, people were crashed under the feet of
Introduction 23
such gods of death. The Islamic Republic introduced itself as God’s
nuncio on earth and let itself do whatever it found it prudent. This
regime and its godchildren sang their song on earth so godlike that as
if they were angels of death on an inferior world. What hospitality to
strangers these dancers of death exhibited to extend their kindness to
humanity!
1. The Birth of Resistance Movement, Its Nature and Identity
Kurdistan, in which revolutionary activities still was warm, was
attacked severely. Most of the cities were bombarded and hundreds
of people were executed periodically. To counter the enemies, a
resistance movement was formed and every political force
participated in it. This movement soon established itself as an allembracing movement. In fact, such a movement was a compound of
all the left forces and there was observed no right-of-center party or
any right political forces. The only political right winger force, in the
zone, was Moftizada, his followers and agents who played a negative
role; they were the direct self-employments of the Islamic Republic;
his party stalwarts were known as betrayers to Kurdistan and its
nation. No catch-all party presented in such an all-embracing
movement.
The above mentioned movement provided its elements and its
particular culture to prevent any hostilities and control the
sociopolitical orders. Repressing any chaotic condition and fit
everything for the occasion, on which normalized procedure would
be provided, necessitated a well-matured platform called such a
movement. As you are introduced to its function, you find it more
important than any other scattered activities. This movement
provided a unique and unit figure, of the presented activists, whose
experience rarely is found in the history of humanity. Factually,
elimination of national and class oppression and providing an
egalitarian socioeconomic structure to the area became the identity
the mentioned movement took up.
In the present study, according to timings of confrontation, the
mentioned resistance is divided into two main phases: the First
Resistance Movement and the Second Resistance Movement. Such
kind of resistance led the movement to experience different phases;
although, each one of them had its particularity, many elements and
strategies ties them as a body on one hand and the backgrounds led
them to experience different situations on the other: the first one
could bring about a condition upon which the second one rose. The
first one made the regime to have talks with people and grant many
authorities to them while the second one was retaking what it had
lost. The first one made available possibilities with which people
could feel freedom and being the self while the second one was
bloody and Kurdistan experienced such a darkness that its sample is
just found near its mates. However, the first resistance provided a
background upon which the second one had people and strugglers
take ways through which they continue their struggles thoroughly
different from what they had experienced at that time. And from the
time to this very day, it has been going on and both the condition and
political forces has experienced such different changes and forms
Introduction 25
that recognizing their first forms and condition is almost impossible;
nevertheless, the flams of the resistance never got extinguished.
Representing such an explanatory, I will elaborate on the howness
and whatness of the resistances with a historical perspective
especially the interval between them in the coming interpretation.
Since the political climate was not suppressed yet, it was
impossible for the Islamic Republic of Iran to attack Kurdistan
easily; as a result, the regime was compelled to have talks with both
the present political forces and the prominent figures in Kurdistan.
Not to miss such a valuable opportunity, a board was founded to
represent such talks to the government at the time; consequently,
Kurdish People’s Representative Corps was formed. Members of the
mentioned board were either great independent figures such as
Sheikh Ezadin or the leaders and spokesmen of few political
organizations.
The above mentioned board did its best as far as possible;
however, since the political process was overshadowed by rapid
changing, the more such a board tried to get a good result, the more
it was retreated. Therefore, talks reached to a deadlock. The most
important point was that the government wanted to use the
opportunity and concentrate its armored units to carry out a raid to
Kurdistan. Whatever quantity and quality of such a Representative
Corps was, might not seem so important; rather, its strategic
approaches and the positive effect it left was vital: that struggles
were represented collectively; that people found their move as a unit
action; that every organization had to refer to it to coordinate its
activities with the others; that the government understood struggles
in Kurdistan as a unit body; that the government found Kurdistan’s
struggle something different from the others; and finally, that the
interaction by the two sides caused people not to rely on
government’s vows, rather to rely on their abilities and their
representatives.
Another prominent occurrence should be mentioned is the great
number of people who put their lives on the line. From the very
beginning of resistance to the bureaucratic controls by the Islamic
Republic so many people were executed and most of their properties
were razed to the ground. Furthermore, so many other people were
killed as their cities and towns were bombarded; for example, in
Newroz of 1979, New Year’s Day in Iran, called Gory New Year in
which such a national occasion is celebrated, Sanandaj was
bombarded; in fact, it was destroyed; using fighter planes, artilleries,
mortars and heavy machine-guns by the regime, 4oo townspeople
were killed and thousands of them were injured.
The first presence of the Regime in Kurdistan was bloody in a
large scale: In Pawa seventeen, in Sanandaj eleven, in Mariwan nine,
in Saqize 22 people were executed by Khalkhali the executioner.
Based on a preplanned measure, the regime’s agents killed many
people in five villages between Mahabad and Shno. So many civilian
and innocent people were butchered there: in Qallatan fifty, in Qarna
seventy six, in Inderqash and Wesookan fifty three, and in Sofyan
forty seven. According to the same policy Khalkhali had adopted,
Introduction 27
two years later fifty nine other people were executed in Mahabad.5
The range of such a murdering was so high that Himen, the great
Kurdish poet composed such a crime into a quatrain:
Greenish and reddish bloody body is
Wailing and weeping yellow blossom;
Had you wish to see Kurd’s modern season,
Just barely enough to see Qallatans6
Committing such measuring by Islamic Republic is not enough
with which anyone could understand how far it was and is
bloodthirsty. If it had some show trials at its beginning, it is possible
for everyone to see how many people were executed, later on,
without any questioning among whom is seen Aladdin Rahmati, a
thirteen-year old paralyzed boy, who was put in front of a tree and
was shot about sixty bullets just because of the fact that he was the
brother of a revolutionist in a village called Navarra near Sanadaj.
Furthermore, many houses and so many vital interests were ruined
by different warlike hostilities.
5
There is a book that has recorded a small part of such a massacring
particularly the carnage in the mentioned villages; this book is not
narrative; rather, it has just recorded such heart rending incidents:
Hawre Bakhawan, Hawrenamea for History of Kurdistan and the
Kurds. Hawler, Sardam, 1999, p. 284-289.
6
Almost all of Himn’s works particularly The Pain of Parting have
been republished recently; nevertheless, his most sensational
political poems have been omitted from his poetical works.
The interval between the two mentioned Resistance Movements is
a gap in which Kurdistan experienced a new circumstance; in reality,
alongside of such ruining by the occupiers, Kurdistan experienced an
extraordinary circumstance of which I can refer to establishing
District Communities with which people could experience new
living in comfort in the first instance; the Representative Board of
District Communities played its role as the main board to all
Communities which was coordinating all of them. Most of the
members, almost in all the districts, were the young. They were
provided opportunities in which they could find themselves as
entrepreneurs to influence people’s conditions of live. The range of
their duties was various; running affairs, teaching and training
people were almost the backgrounds they had themselves perform.
Organizing the historical marching of people from Sanandaj to
Mariwan was a great pace for which people devotedly showed their
best: almost about 4000 people marched such a 125 kilometer long
distance for about fifteen days. This campaign was led to other
political dimensions of which, in Marwiwan, almost all of the city’s
residents left the city and dwelled in about fifteen kilometer far from
the city. In other cities, such as Saqez and Bana, people began
marching to join such a momentous and strategic move and they
walked all the way enthusiastically to halt the Islamic Republic’s
attack to Kurdistan. People in Kamiaran, Diwandara and villages
played their role as providers of their provisions as far as they could.
Since such a departure could compel military expedition to
Kurdistan for, at least, a short time, it was successful. Foad
Mostafasoltani as the initiator and the leader of this historical
Introduction 29
marching did whatever he could. Covering the necessities for such a
monumental long marching with such a partisanship and securing
them doubtlessly was an incomparable historical record. An allembracing popular support promoted it to such a degree that it could
be compared with great attempts all around the world although it
happened in a bordering area whose population never will be
contrasted with wide geographical lands such as China.
Such a marching was unparalleled although it was copied from the
great marching led by Mao Zedong. In China, the Communist Party
began marching on October 1934 and finished it at the same month
in 1935; about 100/000 people took part into such a campaign; when
they arrived at their destination only 20/000 of them were alive.
Surly, experiencing such an audacious move, in Kurdistan especially
against a ferocious regime, was innovative. It is a source of pride for
real strugglers. Developing such an unforgettable and many other
innovative strategies made Foad stand as a charismatic figure in the
history of struggling against tyrants.
As Foad Mostafasoltani’s struggle was so prominent and he could
organize both such a historical marching and led the two Resistance
Movements in such a limited bordering area, he was known as
Kurdistan’s Guevara; it was the name of Ernesto Che Guevara,
Argentine Marxist and the revolutionary guerilla theorist. Foad,
Kurdistan’s Guevara, is a well seeming address; however, I, that am
writing such a note on such a historical campaign, call him Foad,
Modern Spartacus7; as it is known Spartacus was a Roman slave and
gladiator born in Thrace. So many common points are seen between
them; from rebelling against exploiters to their activities who led
their fate be sealed as saviors of the oppressed. They both put their
lives on the line; they both wanted nothing for themselves; they
stood on a road specific to the poor, to the ones who had nothing
except their labor power and whatever they had they granted it to the
oppressed.
Recognizing similar attitudes and worldviews between these two
prominent figures, Foad Mostafasoltani8 and Spartacus, the
7
Spartacus was a prominent Roman slave and gladiator. He is
known as leader of the historic insurrection of Roman slaves known
as the Third Servile War, or Gladiators' War. Marcus Licinius
Crassus pursued Spartacus to Lucania, where the rebel army was
destroyed and Spartacus was killed in battle. By crucifying his
followers, the insurrection came to an end. He was the most
prominent figure marched almost throughout the old Rome.
8
Foad, a prominent communist leader, formed the main left party in
Kurdistan known as Komala. He is known as the founder of Rural
Guilds, the initiator and leader of historical marching from Sanadaj
to Mariwan, and so many other initiative activities. He was
showered with bullets by Chamran, the chief commander of the
regime, in a helicopter just few days after the great marching. His
four brothers also were executed one after another at the same
month.
If commanders such as Tran Hung Dao are evaluated historically
with criteria that he could defeat the invading forces by the Mongols
in 1280s in Vietnam, Foad could compel the Islamic Republic to
pull-back its forces at least as far as he was alive; Tran Hung Ado
used war techniques while Foad relied on the armless masses.
Doubtlessly, if he was not shot by Chamran, neither the Resistance
Introduction 31
oppressed are led to find the links with which they are put in a chain
from the old civilization to the modern capitalistic societies. More
important is the fact that they both led unforgettable historical
marching with which they could announce how the oppressed are
great if they found any opportunities to breathe freely. Without any
hesitation, there are other common point of views and approaches
among the two mentioned leaders and Mao Zedong in China. Great
extraordinary practice is specific to unusually excellent men and
women.
Attendance of many different forces at such a unique struggle,
without exposing to any danger in Kurdistan, is something glorying.
The democratic climate was so trustworthy that almost all the parties
and political forces, in Iran, with different and their specific
viewpoints got ready in Kurdistan and had their own domiciles. They
were active as far as possible. There was not observed any sign of
nondemocratic atmosphere; in fact, democratic participation had
upgraded to its height. The only heartrending incident could be
mentioned is the nondemocratic interaction by Kurdistan Democratic
Party and its integrationist viewpoint according to which it attacked
on the domicile of Peikar Organization (i.e. struggle) in Bokan; as
the result of such an interaction four members of the mentioned
organization were killed. Such a conflict led a long civil war in
Kurdistan between Komala and Democratic Party. In fact, it was a
starting point for such wars.
Movement was standing on its hind legs nor his brothers and so
many other innocent people and strugglers were butchered in
Kurdistan.
Of the most unique occurrence I can refer to is a moderate
behaving with Moftizada, the mullah, whose followers lived in peace
although they were the direct agents of the Regime. A few of them
were killed as far as Sanandaj was attacked at the first days of
attacking Kurdistan. During such an extraordinary opportunity in
which people lived in peace, they were attacking whoever they were
finding unfriendly with themselves. As the revolutionary climate was
still hot, they let themselves to plunder everyone’s home and
property they called them the spy for the former regime. Among
those who were plundered most were innocent; Moftizada’s agents
got such liquid assets by plundering people on one hand and being
granted so much money by the Islamic Republic that they were
rolling in money and most of them became factory owners and
power brokers. The government let them be everything; even a few
of them became the office holders at the first days of ruling of the
Islamic republic there.
The most ridiculous behavior by them was happened the time they
decided to Islamize people in Sanadaj. Alongside the endeavors to
bring about stabilization by people, there must be narrated a
laughingstock by Moftizada whose agents had been gathered in Jamé
Mosque for many remarkable days; whoever was passing by was
attacked firstly and then they were dropped into the pool there in
order to be baptized. Committing such a bizarre manner by
Moftizada’s followers, I thought of the time Saint John the Baptist
was baptizing people to believe the Christ for the first time for about
two thousand years ago. However, there are seen many distinguished
differences between these two kinds of baptizing: John was baptizing
Introduction 33
those ones who voluntarily accepted to be Christian while
Moftizada’s followers forced them to accept their ideas; John
committed no insults, while Moftizada’s followers insulted anyone
was passing by; John did not beat anyone while Moftizada’s
followers were beating people as far as they could and they were
thrown into the pool finally. Moftizada’s agents played their
negative role as far as they could.
As the regime felt that it was powerful enough, it challenged them
at once and arrested Moftizada himself; finally, he died pitifully.
Moftizada was the kingpin for the regime and he was used as they
wished. Taking a paper from his pocket at one of his lectures in
Azadi Square in Sanandaj, he announced that the paper was a
document according to which Kurdistan could announce its
autonomy. From the time he was called jash9; a direct spy and a
representative for the Ayatollahs. The jash, as you are getting more
and more familiar with was ascribed to the followers of him. In a
word, they led the regime to occupy wherever the Kurds lived and
capture whoever they called pagan; they were the most important
self-force for the occupiers in the area.
Certainly, the growing trend toward any social alteration needs
both time and amenities accompany with particular manpower. In
comparison with such backgrounds and lacking of such time and
amenities, a hard working attempt was down in which the addicts
9
Jash is a title for local people who serve the government against
his or her fellow countrymen. Inasmuch as the first step was taken
by Moftizade to share his forces into the government, his adherents
and agents were bestowed the title ‘jash’.
were given an opportunity to recognize themselves again and most
of them did so and began a living with which they could feel life in
close. Later on, the time the movement was led to its climax, a wide
range of most of those who succeeded to leave their addict, played
their role as far as they could and many of them found themselves as
new members for many socioeconomic activities.
Many poor people were given plats of lands and they were built
new houses and new amenities freely. Retaking of almost two years
pay days of the workmen and granting it to them was a starting point
for everybody to have confidence to what they were going to do.
Many labors and non-rich people found opportunities to feel they
were human. They were behaved like the others and there were not
seen any differences between them and the affluent people. A
remarkable numbers of them participated in the protests against the
regime. Over the same period, dispossession of property from great
landlords and distributing their lands among the peasants and
villagers gave rise to a tradition all over the area; to be carried out
such a plan, Rural Guilds were formed. The founder of such Guilds
was also Foad Mostafasoltani.
The great unforgettable thirty days sit-in in Sanandaj and the 4
days hunger strike accompany with few walkouts by the workmen
was a strategic move by people against murdering four civilians by
the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution, the most
important organized system for suppressing any uprising in Iran;
Such an initiative strategy was a paragon of honesty. Partaking of
common people in Kurdistan’s struggle is a peerless model.
Introduction 35
Women played their best and shoulder to shoulder with men took
part in every activities and one of them Faride Qoreishi was elected
as a member of the Representative Board of District Communities of
Sanandaj; it was a starting point to the women to recognize
themselves as human and leave the old fashion religious view
according to which they were half-men and men’s servants. A great
number of them joined to the armed forces and played their best.
During their struggle many of them either were executed by the
Islamic Republic Regime or they themselves put their lives on the
line by taking part in the armed fighting.
The political circumstance provided a unique situation upon which
many meetings and conferences were carried on and so many great
leaders and state officials participated in, of which I can refer to few
lectures by both the left and right leaders and the state officials;
Sheikh Ezadin Husseini who was introduced as the leader of Kurds
at that time, Dr. Abdurrahman Qasemloo the general secretary for
Kurdistan Democratic Party, Talleqani, the Ayatollah, the direct
Islamic Republic representative, Behrooz Suleimani the leaders of
the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas in Kurdistan,
Foad Mostafasoltani the leader of Toilers’ Revolutionary
Organization, and so many other clear-sighted people. Among such
lecturers was Talleqani, the Ayatollah, who insulted people publicly
and severely; something important should be mentioned is that he
pointed it out that everywhere he has been put in jail during ruling of
the former regime, he had had a communist co-prisoner.
The most important point that must not be neglected is the
presence of common people who played their best. The movement
was not specific to the intellectuals; people from any classes took
part in it actively. Both the poor and the rich, except a few affluent
landlords and capitalists, found the movement as theirs. That was
why so many of them either were executed by the regime or they
themselves put their lives on the line on one hand and the movement
endured so remarkable time on the other hand.
2. The Movement and Its Standing on the Hind Legs
As far as the Islamic Republic of Iran felt that it was powerful
enough, it attacked Kurdistan both by air and land immediately and
many innocent people were killed and so many houses and buildings
were ruined. It was the starting point to the second resistance
movement. City after city was occupied. Massacring people was so
high that it is beyond conception and causes everyone to faint. By
the side of such massacring, the Islamic Republic made attempts to
assassinate great and real leaders of Kurdistan of whom I can refer to
Dr. Abdurrahman Qasemloo, Sadiq Sharafkandi, Sedigh Kamanger
and Gholame Keshawarz.
The functions of such a bloodthirsty capitalistic government laid
ahead difficult conditions internally and externally on one hand and
the problems it left on the other hand. Eventually, the regime could
occupy Kurdistan and all the forces had to leave cities. To find new
strategies and new ways they found guerrilla warfare as something
ideal. Until this minute, the movement has experienced many other
phases and many new organizations were established upon fission of
their first forms and most of them have taken different approaches.
Introduction 37
However, it is now alive and gasps for breath with a more moderate
and political attitude; armed struggle has been almost laid aside and
there are seen few political demises, on a relatively minor scales,
among powerless political forces and hopeless individuals. Many
great intellectual individuals committed suicide as they could see no
way to feel freedom as well.
Civil Disruptions
The two mentioned Resistance Movements paved the way for both a
liberating movement and the civil disruptions. What you were
represented was a glance over both participating people to promote
their struggle to a higher degree on one hand, and the responsibility
political forces staged it as a play to led such a great campaign
against occupier forces on the other. To be fulfill what such a glance
represents, there is no way to escape from the fact that it led the
political forces to embroil in a civil war. A war between opposing
groups within such a bordering area broke out; consequently,
factional strife became an inevitable interaction.
Remaining as subalternate groups, undermining few organizations
and elimination of few inefficient political forces and recruiting most
of their qualified members by the more powerful ones led most of
them to find themselves into two prominent organizations: Kurdistan
Democratic Party-Iran and Toiler’s Revolutionary Organization
Known as Komala. Each one of them had its particular policy;
therefore, their platforms were completely different from each other.
Kurdistan Democratic Party, with a conservative platform and a
social democratic viewpoint, whose great prominent leaders,
Qasemloo and Sharafkandi, were assassinated during negotiation
with Iran’s official representatives has always been making efforts to
share in the government no matter what the Islamic Republic’s
output and the part it played in the area was. Such an illusion about
the then government, defending the great feudal and landholders in
the area against peasants’ uprising and declaring war against Komala
from the very outset to be the only powerful influential political
party with a unique strategy encountered it with a challengeable
strategic approach. In fact, the policy it represented was completely
different from its social democratic viewpoint. However, many great
figures such as Ghani Bloorian, Jalil Gadani, Himen and the others
left such a party to have their own ways and lives. Democratic Party
was subjected to schism and there are now two powerful
organizations.
Komala, although, had allocated its main activities to a particular
purpose, i.e. to upgrade toilers and workers’ standards of living or at
least bring opportunities about through which they could recognize
their identities and conditions in order to have a consciously
struggling against the oppressors, it relatively engaged a national
attempt to obtain national community needs; hence many other
political parties, all over the country, joined Komala to found the
Communist Party of Iran in 1983.
Such a dual state, in Kurdistan, gave rise a civil war between the
two mentioned Parties and their strategy, national liberation, almost
was forgotten; as the result of such a national egoism hundreds of the
Introduction 39
two parties’ partisans and pishmargs were killed and hundreds of
them were wounded. However, Komala was also subjected to schism
and there are diversities among them now, with their own
organization planning almost taking two approaches to play their
own parts: one with a national mission approach and the other one
with a proletarian ideology or a socialistic approach.
The war between komala and Democratic Party caused them to
forget about their main struggling against the Islamic Republic of
Iran. It caused people to lose their enthusiasm or became unwilling
to support none of them. Furthermore, there were observed many
dire consequences: many pishmargas and some great figures, from
the two embroiled sides, either committed suicide or left their armed
struggles and a great numbers of them surrendered to the occupation
forces. Dire consequences of such a civil war are still felt these days
although few new organizations, influenced by national struggles in
Turkey, led themselves to be propounded near the end of the last
decade.
Instead of Conclusion
What you were represented was an analytical enumerating
similarities between the two mentioned resistance movements,
analyzing their backgrounds and a brief elaboration on the civil wars
in Kurdistan. Impossible for one to find any differences between
these phases, the only remarkable point should be mentioned is that
the first resistance movement could force the regime to have an
ignominious retreat while the second one, although, was much more
stronger the regime could occupy Kurdistan and preserve the
outcomes it achieved since the time it could occupy such a new
territory. To better view such a unique integration between the first
resistance movement and the second one, it is enough to have a look
on the ways they perfected each other. In fact, they resembled to two
phases for which one was a prelude to the other; one was necessary
and the other was probable.
Finding a way through which one might experience happiness does
not seem so difficult and finding a way through which we might feel
pleasure without tasting any bitterness appears impossible. However,
difficulty stretches over us out of our control since we are not so
powerful to challenge every condition freely. Free will and
determinism remain meaningless the time we do pay our attention to
the real world and real pains people are suffering from. Killing of
people be optional or constrained goes beyond due bounds;
exploitation of man is overcharging; oppressing people is unjust;
economic inequality and social inequality are the result of unjust
distribution of wealth; and, in a word, the governments are the real
protectors of such mentioned inequalities; why? What the whatness
is according to which people are attacked; what the necessity is that
compels them to raid everywhere they wish; who are such strangers
that are going to grab everything; are we innocent people deserving
such a cruelty? How chaotic living is in such a world in which
people are eating people; and what a civilized people are such ones
who are satisfied with nothing except everything! Accordingly, the
relationship between sadness and happiness must seem ridiculous if
we do not pay our attention to alteration of circumstances. Such a
Introduction 41
chaotic world will experience happiness if we just recognize both
our ability and the dos and don’ts we are familiar to. The part played
by the lefts, in such a historical period, is not forgotten since it was a
starting point both to those who were eager to experience equality
and to those who wanted nothing for themselves.
The Final Remarks
What the author has represented is related to the first resistance
movement began in August 19, 1979 and ended in November 11,
1979. He has narrated a short but significant historical wartime
episode in which not only many people were executed, but also
thousands of people became homeless. The actual damage people
experienced in Kurdistan is not forgettable; it has been resided in
their minds. I think there is living nobody with tendencies of
forgetting such a heartrending occurrence. It is forgotten just the
moment new generations will be born whose socioeconomic of their
lives will be totally different from their ancestors if they would be
able to forget about such a historical shock.
Although, the text is a simple narration of a complex event, it has
been retold in such a way that its complexity seems obvious; and it is
the most prominent characteristic of the text. Probably, there must be
found some unusualness the way he has selected to write his notes
down. However, he has narrated everything so truthfully that even
the details are deserved making films. Choosing a simple language,
writing everything in details, and his specific kind of encountering
with what he experienced is praiseworthy.
Written in Persian, the source book includes a Kurdish translation
of a poem by Petrous Dorian an Armenian poet. I do not know which
language it has been composed first and which language it has been
translated from either; therefore, I made a decision not to translate it
into English. Translating historical and sociological texts or other
literary works such as stories or novels are absolutely different from
translating poetry. Nowadays, even the most loyal translators of
poetry are considered treacherous, since poetry is almost something
untranslatable; its harmonious unity is problematic. Elaborating on
translating the works of great Iranian poets such as Hafiz and Sa’di,
Nazim Hikmet said: “translating poetry is identical to killing a
nightingale.” The gist of the point is that nightingales like skylarks
are too small to kill; they are almost meatless; nevertheless, their
songs are very beautiful and they can sing gracefully. Listening to
their songs is much more delightful than having a piece of
insignificant meat of them. Such an important remark must have
reflected the howness of translating poetry.
Considering such an important point, I crossed over from
translating the mentioned poem; instead of such a gross mistake, I
selected a poem composed by Jalal Malaksha a Kurdish poet whose
most of works are epical and antagonistic. I hope I have not
stumbled over its rhythm, rhyme and especially its music; whatever
it is, is better than rendering any text translated not from the source
language. However, as Robert Frost, American lyric poet mentions
correctly, “poetry is a way of taking life by the throat.”
Jamil Mohammadi, the autobiographer of this historical narration,
was born in Sananadaj. The time he found himself under the
Introduction 43
necessity of struggling for the poor, he left his usual life. Having
accepted to be a struggler, he has lived all his life in struggle to
social inequality and economic inequality; concisely, he is true to the
best of his knowledge. What you are going to read is only a drop in
the ocean of his experiences that led him to remain faithful and abide
by his words.
As I found narrating such a historical occurrence important and it
will, certainly, open new windows through which people are seeking
their real fortune on one hand and others will be able to understand
Kurdish people and their problems, I made a decision to translate it
into English. Translating such historical texts will help representing
a wide-ranging schema of which everyone tries to elaborate on it
unhesitatingly.
In view of the fact I found extra comments necessary to be added
to the text, I had to provide the readers some additional information;
therefore, I have allocated the footnotes to the mentioned facts.
Furthermore, all of the endnotes are the authors’ such
considerations.10 A bracket, including numbers, above the reference
words and topics, (), calls the readers’ attention to the endnotes.
A. Ernesto
10
As I understand, neither the report by the author nor such a short
historical elaboration by me is enough to turn a page over bloody
pages people suffered in Kurdistan. In a particular attempt,
according to a methodological perspective, I will try to provide the
readers with an elaborative historical investigation into the
mentioned Resistance Movements, their influences and the gap
between them in a more delineative manner almost all over the area;
that is why the readers have not been provided for any conclusions.
Bloodthirsty Firing Squad
A Prologue
Anyone who is going to have a look on at this note, he or she might
have been brought a question up according to which what the
necessity is I am going to narrate such a dreadful historical account.
Has the Islamic Republic of Iran committed no crime if its
interaction must be narrated as Bloodthirsty Firing Squad?11
Taking place in secret, some pictures or movies of the scene of
some specific crimes have been brought about many social
movements accompany with global support, during the history.
Throughout the process of unjust war of Vietnam, the picture of a
young girl could unveil the face of modern civilization; a starting
point for pulling an imperialistic government back. In the USA, the
movie of punishing a young Negro by the police could cause a
public movement in most of the states for months.
11
This autobiography was originally entitled as Registered into
History by the writer. I thought that it might be something attractive
for those who experienced such a tragedy while it might not be
clearly discernible for the ones who know nothing about it; as a
result, I changed the title to Bloodthirsty Firing Squads. Moreover,
the writer himself has not provided any indexes; therefore, what the
readers are represented, whether the name index or subject index,
has been attached to the text by me as the translator.
Kurd’s problem is one of the intricate questions of the four Middle
East countries in which this nation, against its will, has been divided
into pieces; it - from chemical bombarding, Anfaling,12 mass
massacring, decamping, exiling, prisoning, wandering, forcing
conversion, to depriving them the most primary rights - has been the
victim of these countries’ extortion for many years.
I chose the name Registered into History for this incident since it
has caused a universal reaction and also it will be relying on by
future generations with which they would condemn Islamic Republic
some time. In the meantime, this note includes the pictures that could
cause a great effect at that time and could question the ruling of these
murderers of the history that today is a problem in the Middle East.
12
Anfal, a verse of the Koran, is referred to an organized crime
against Kurdish people by Ba'th regime in Iraq; in fact, it was a
religiously justified massacring innocent people in the area. As they
say, about 182000 people were killed in such a catastrophic incident
during the 1980s.
To My Daughter, Sana
It was a very beautiful day of the summer; a pleasant warm weather.
Such days are rare in Sweden, so one must pass it in the best possible
way. My daughter, her Lebanese friend, who was at the same age
and lived in our neighborhood, and I had an appointment to go
swimming. We had made every necessary recreational facility and
set off for the seaside. After a minute, we began listening to an
Arabic song. Sana was crooning a song and striking gently on her
laps simultaneously; it was pleasant and I was singing it accompany
with her. In the meantime, it was a pleasure of me that Sana was so
glad and cheerful. In a sudden, she put the CD player off and told
me: “turn the snog we were listening to yesterday on!” I did not
know which song. “Turn the ‘it’s evening’ dad,” she said. It was a
heart-rending song, so I thought it is a pity if I put this song on for
her in such an exceptional day and I changed the topic she was
speaking about. We listened to another cheerful song until we saw
ourselves in the seaside. After parking the car, Sana and her friend
started flying towards the lake as two birds and did not wait for me.
Prior to my arrival, they changed their cloths and jumped into the
water. They were swimming, and their joyfulness was a pleasure of
me. Returning back to the seaside, we were sitting down and were
having the lunch. I had already dressed a short sleeve shirt and I
understood that my daughter had stared at the wound print I had on
my arm. I knew she was going to ask the same question as she had
asked about so many times. “Why don’t you say what this wound
is,” she asked. I knew retelling such a catastrophe for her in such an
age and such a day in which we were going to be happy was not so
wisely. I promised to retell the event for her in a favorable condition,
but did not mention to a specific date. Kissing my daughter, I asked
them to go swimming together, and then we jumped into the water.
Playing in the water was pleasing and delightful. Sana was springing
the water on me; sometimes, she was moving out of sight and I have
to find her immediately. After swimming for a time, both of us got
tired and got back to the seaside.
After that day, I made a decision to fulfill my promise and retell
the catastrophe. The wound on my arm was a factual narrative on the
body of Kurdish people; especially, people from Sanandaj. I must
make it known not only to Sana but also to my people and people in
the world. Although the wound has been healed up physically, it will
be cured neither on my soul and spirit nor on people’s, because of
the adventurous history they have been experiencing every moment.
It would be cured just the time I make them appear in the justice
house of people in which I will produce witnesses against the
governors and their ignorant superstitious supporters.
A few days ago, I was surfing the internet as usual. My attention
was paid to a piece of information indicating granting a prize to a
photographer who had taken the picture of executing people in
Sanandaj’s airport in 1979. This execution had been issued by
Khomeini and had a remarkable reaction. Looking at the pictures, I
To My Daughter 51
began weeping in my loneliness. The innocent faces of the people,
with whom I was in prison, were visualized in front of my eyes. I
reproached myself: “why don’t I say something? Why don’t I reveal
what I observed?” Therefore, I made a decision to put my memories
beside these pictures and retell the event for my daughter as I had
promised her.
Talking about Love13
Would you like
To talk about love?
Do wait, let me inspect
One might eavesdrop us
Behind the door!
Gesture is the language of love,
If we just trust each other’s eyes
No treacherous Beker will know
Where our rendezvous is.
My dear, do not walk barefoot
This ground is pregnant with scorpion
13
Jalal Malaksha, the Jingle of Captive Words’ Chain, first edition,
Sanadaj, Hazhar and Partewbayan Publication, 2004, p.p. 132-133.
Talking about Love 53
If you want to sleep, were a kapanick14
Snakes are plentiful in droughty years.
My dear do not lose my hand!
Do not shake each hand
There are a lot of sleeves
In which snakes are looping.
My dear do not stand before that window
The gloom will darken your dress
Be careful of your speech
The wind blows abruptly
Speech is light, the wind will carry it!
My dear, do not look at that sky!
The moon has been captured long ago
By a demonic cloud
My dear, it is night, a dark night,
14
Kapanick, a kind of dress-like clothes, was made of felt. Men
used to wear it in mountainous areas of Kurdistan.
Bring a light
We should find
How many shining stars
Have been buried this night.
Do not call me pessimist
I have been suffered a lot,
Scorpions stung me
I know the sting of snakes
Its poison has made me unconscious!
Behold, all my body
Is the traces of wounds,
The blister of my wrist
Is the vestige of handcuff’s fang.
And my wrinkly forehead
Is the trace of the plough of the time
Do not call me pessimist.
Introduction
During the history, particularly in this era within which capital has
been expanded over the world, in countries that nondemocratic antihumanistic governments are on the throne, each form of love of
freedom is replied by violence and harshness. These days, governors
are going not only to suppress but also to defeat love of freedom and
devote it to their near and far pot-companion.
The governments who are planning not to observe the civil rights
and impose such a deprivation on people as something traditional
with their deceitful implements are going to put their measures in a
favorable light and degrade humanistic democratic voice.
In Iran, a country whose rulers not only are leaning over black gold
but also its assistants and helpers take pleasure in such a costly table,
peoples’ life has been wrecked and there has remained neither
freedom nor humanity and human right. Half of its people, i.e.
women, are deprived of the most primary rights. They are treated
according to the middle ages laws. Letting them to be showed off
half of their face, they are going to satisfy them.
From the very beginning of their government, these ignorant rulers
and producers of reactionary virus in the territory accompany with
Islamic countries have equipped themselves to raze the city to the
ground and call for action to provide further bloodshed. In the
meantime, reactionary forces in the Islamized countries came to
existence; they are going to be an alternative in these countries and
lead every movement to detour and colorize it with religious.
Simultaneously, modern liberating movements, during the few past
decades, appeared to form national states and many countries were
added to the geographical plans all over the world; countries whose
populations are not more than a few hundred thousand. They made
themselves known as nations and had announced either to join to
Europe or to be independent.
Kurdish people, whose struggling background is more than several
centuries, have been a nation, particularly, conflicting for its
trampled rights in different ways during the past century. It is
standing in its commencement to show itself as a nation up and is
looking forward to be known officially by other nations and
international organizations. Nevertheless, apart from Southern
Kurdistan with a specific condition, the repressive governments in
which this nation has been divided into pieces are refusing to grant
them the rights they have been deprived of; in fact their rights have
been trampled by such central governments. In such countries,
people are forced to leave off their humanitarian wishes; the right of
autonomy. In fact, Kurdish people are going to obtain a position,
from which, entering into partnership with authorities from the
ruling nation. Not only has right of this nation trampled, but their
struggles also have been defeated under the pretext of separatism and
territorial integrity.
Introduction 57
Islamic Republic Regime had not experienced a few days of its
authority yet that started a bloodbath in Sanandaj called 1979s New
Year; Newroz15. It imposed an unwanted war on Kurdish people and
massacred crowds of them.
In the same year, in order to suppress Kurdish people, i.e. exactly
on August 19th in 1979, Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking
Kurdistan was issued again. The aim was to retake democratic
achievements for which people had put their lives on the line and
tried to protect it unsparingly. In the meantime, it attacked on every
symbol of democracy and freedom in Iran.
These memories narrate this historical profile, namely, the time
Khomeini issued his command for attacking Kurdistan in which tens
of Kurdish contestants were executed by Khalkhali the executioner,16
the Islamic Republic government official. During carrying out this
raid to Kurdistan, campaign against it was called Kurdish People
15
According to solar year, Newroz, the national festival of Iran or
the new year’s day, is a popular occasion and is celebrated in the
first few days of the new year.
16
Renewing of such old fashioned words and idioms, the
executioner, in modern languages, doubtlessly, indicates the revival
of Middle Ages in such areas; a black humor specific to modern men
in contemporary societies. If Jean-Paul Sartre “hated the victims
who respected their executioners,” I hate modern men who still
subsist on others’ poverty and helplessness. However, revival of
such words and expressions are not limited to the mentioned one,
rather the mullah, the Imam, the Ayatollah, the jash and so on were
reused in discourse analysis and daily dialogues.
Resistance Movement. It was going to protect itself from repressive
forces. During the 24 day armed fighting, as the result of this
massacring decree in spring of 1980, to confirm his Imam, Banisadr,
president of the time, addressed the army and ordered not to take
their shoes off unless the riot is suppressed in Kurdistan.
This note narrates a few examples of the crime committed by the
Islamic Republic Regime through the mullahs in Kurdistan. It is
published to disclose the felonious actions of plunderers. As the very
witness, I intended that not to consign to oblivion the crime of this
period.
The pictures of this period at the time the Islamic Republic reached
the apogee of its power is a document by which nondemocratic
policy and its action against humanitarianism will be a fact to be
represented at international proper authorities by future generations.
These remembrances are the memoirs of people stood as cypress, as
men of iron whom were shot and executed. Observing their pictures,
surely, would stir everyone’s conscience.
This note runs short of enough information about the mentioned
period naturally; absence of perfection. I accept any reminding or
notification willingly. I hope these personal observations and
experiences would be a starting point for narrating remembrances by
those during the power of Islamic Republic suffered a lot and also be
a source for future historians.
I hope this attempt would not miss the target to which I am going
to write these remembrances to have more reflection through the
pictures, in which both at that time and last year, published by a
Introduction 59
photographer, Jahangir Razmi, completely. As somebody imprisoned
in one ward accompany with eight other people whom were
executed later on, I will narrate what we experienced. Meanwhile,
the impression associated, at that historical time, with political
organizations and the individuals are narrated.
With due attention to the importance of this event all over the
world, some questions might be set forth for discussion by future
generations. Therefore, I willingly announce any cooperating with
anyone who is going to make a film about the process of the prison
and execution.
Sanandaj Garrison
At the time I entered into one of the room of a hospital at the infantry
division in Sanandaj, passing glance of a young man who stretched
himself out on a bed took into my consideration; a young man whose
color tended to be yellow, with fair haired stuck on his forehead and
sweat on his face. At a glance, I felt that he was sick. Seeing me, a
sign of happiness blew on his face. He was returning his head back
toward me occasionally and had a friendly glance, as if he had seen
an acquaintance or a companion in conversation. Laying his hand on
his chest, a bearded man was standing above his head. Controlling
every movement, this man was guarding him as black as thunder. I,
later on, understood that, coming to Kurdistan to help Islamic
Republic, this guard was a member for Lebanese Amal Movement.(1)
By delivering me to the medical staff, accompany with a primary
dossier - a fabricated case against me had been prepared in the
former domicile of Association for Defending Freedom And
Revolution(2) occupying by the Army of the Guardians known as
Black Garments(3) - the state officials who had brought me there left
us alone.
Because of the injury I had on my arm which was hung on my
neck, I sat down on a bed and waited. I was plunged into my
Sanandaj Garrison 61
thoughts, thinking of the time I was arrested and also the moment
they put the barrel of a gun into my mouth.
I heard a Kurdish voice in Sanandaji dialect. It was telling that “I
know you; you were our neighbor.”
It was the sound of the young man I spoke of him before; I did not
recognize him. I thought for a moment; I knew all the children lived
in our neighborhood! Why do I not know him? I looked at him more
and more; a good-looking young man whose sedate face attracted
my attention very much; he was about 20. I, on my own, was
searched for the family he belonged to. He started speaking again. I
thought that since the guard knew neither Persian nor Kurdish, there
was an opportunity to have a conversation with him freely. I was
assured that we can talk to each other easily; however, since he had
not introduced himself, I must be more careful. I did not know why
he was there yet. But I guessed that he might have been suffered to
the same fate as I had.
“I failed to place you. Can I’ve your name please?” I asked.
“I’m Ahsan. We were neighbors to each other; we went to Tehran
many years ago; as soon as you entered to the room, I recognized
you; I remember you.”
“So, introduce yourself.”
“I’m from the Nahid.”
“Oh, I got it now.”
The Nahid were famous and influential. They were a respectful
family in the area. Our alley was named after them; our house was in
this quarter too. The family’s father was a civil servant for the
registration of vital statistics, who had died in a car crash during a
mission to Boridar, in Zhawaro.(4) The family were scattered over the
region after this tragic incident, but their house had remained as a
place where they would come once in a while to stay in. I
remembered Ahsan’s face when he was still a youth; however, he
had experienced some changes in the body. I remembered his
younger brother, Shahryar, accompany with one another going
around; he was two years younger than Ahsan.
“Well, what’s the news about your brothers and sisters: Abedin,
Abdullah, Zabih, Hassan, Mozzafar, Shahryar and your sisters Rafat
and the other one that I don’t remember her name?”17
It was an unexpected case. They had gone to Tehran many years
ago; at that time, Ahsan was about ten or twelve. Now he was a
handsome young man.
“What are you doing here?”
“I’m injured too, my foot had been shot. It’s impossible for me to
walk, the bullet has hit into my leg.”
A blanket had covered his leg.
17
Here, the autobiographer goes beyond the case and mentions to an
interview by VOA with their other political activist sister, Roya
Nahid. In order not to be interrupted his accounts of the case, I
thought such a hint will suffice to get the point.
I was assured that he had a condition as I had and it was a base for
our confidence. His condition was the same as I had; both of us were
wounded and captive, but it was impossible for me to walk. Our chat
was usual, a speech from everywhere, we were speaking about the
family members in detail. He was eager for speaking and it was
evident he had a conversation with nobody for a long time. The only
people coming into the hospital were the staff and the individuals
from Amal Movement. I, later on, understood that they were
guarding and shifting from time to time. Their appearance were not
so different, every one of them had the same beard, coat and trousers
with the same color. Doubtlessly, they were armed, but their guns
were not observable.
We were speaking when a medical assistant entered the room;
addressing me, he asked me to go out with him. I said good-by to
Ahsan and set out behind the medical assistant. I did not know if I
would come back to Ahsan or not. Do they move me to another
place? It was the obsession I had in the mind. The environment of
the hospital was completely military and the people passing by
armed with weapons and dressed with military uniforms.
We passed the corridor and entered a small room; going back to a
desk and taking a paper out, he wrote my characteristics down.
“We’re going,” he said, “to have your photograph taken to see how
it’s been broken. The movement of your wrist and arm shows that its
nerve sustains an injury. Apparently, a doctor’s going to observe it;
therefore, we must prepare the photograph as soon as possible.”
Mentioning this point, he got busy with the case. Nothing more than
these points passed between us.
Tolerating a miserable ache, process of taking the photograph was
done. I was returned back to the previous room by his Guiding. As
finding a companion in conversation, in such a condition, was a gift,
it was a pleasure for me to see Ahsan again. I had no doubt that we
could have casual talks with one another without a touch of anxiety.
I told him about taking the photograph and also some scattered
points about the time I was a soldier at that Garrison. I spoke of the
time I had got acquainted with Hussein, an adherent of Organization
of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas. Listening to such notes, Ahsan
got cheerful too. Sometimes, the staff dropped in to see how the
condition was. They might be eager to know who the new one was
whose hand had got injured. Of course, this was the guess I had
developed because they had nothing to do except being curious.
The time was about 8 or 9 at night that the supper was brought.
Since my fate was ambiguous and did not know what was going to
be happened, I had to have something although I had no good
appetite; however, out of necessity I had some to be energetic. With
due attention to the point I had passed the military service at this
Garrison, it was probable to run as I wish.
At this moment, two nurses came in one of whom I knew; she was
a tenant at our home many years ago. By seeing me, she was taken
aback, but she ruled herself over immediately. The guard did not
take notice of the case; she, accompany with another woman, had
brought me some painkilling pills. The time she stood nearby, I told
her: “I’ll give you the phone number, call my family please and tell
them that their son’s here.” I heard no answer; it was evident that she
had been frightened. Since I had no doubt that she knew me, I did
not tell her who I am and her first reaction revealed this point. To
prevent her from encountering any problem, I would rather stop any
unnecessary remarks; moreover, there was not enough space to have
extra explanations. I heard no answer, as if she was going such
familiarity remain in secret and it was better her colleague remain
uninformed of the case. Under the pretext of arranging the bed on
which I had laid down, she came nearer and told me slowly: “Write,
I’ll come back to take it.”
I had neither a pen nor a piece of paper. After a while, I spent a
time at ease. Inasmuch as she might come back as soon as possible, I
had to write something down promptly, so I had a glance at the
wardrobe. I guessed that there must be both a pen and a piece of
paper. I was so thoughtful that I had forgotten the pain I had. Under
the pretext of the pain on my hand, I came down the bed and began
walking. I pretended that the ache was too much. Coming and going
for many times, I went near the wardrobe. I opened it; there were so
many pieces of paper. By now, half of the problem had been solved
and I had to find a pen; therefore, I searched my pockets with the
right hand. There is no need to be mentioned that searching the left
pockets was very harmful and I had to search them with the healthy
hand which was not shot. I thought of the time, before I was shot,
accompany with Ashraf Rahimi, a friend of mine, were busy with
drawing the form of a shoulder belt. I wished I could find a pen!
Ahsan understood that I was searching for something.
“What are you searching for?” he asked.
“Alas, I want a pen,” I replied.
All of a sudden, my hand touched a pen I had with myself; I was so
surprised. I told to Ahsan that I found the item. To have confidence,
I waited for a moment because everything should seem usual. I
returned back to the bed and stretched myself down, and then I lift
my trousers up carefully. I took the piece of the paper to write
something on openly. I received no reaction from the guar although
he saw what I was doing. On the average, this scene, descried above,
took an hour. As I was assuring nothing unusual would occur ever
since, I made the mind up to note my phone number down to give it
to the old acquainted nurse by all means. Now I had both a pen and a
piece of paper and it was strengthening me to deliver the note to the
nurse. From the time she had told me that she would come to take
the note back, it was impossible for me to think about something
else; meanwhile, I was careful not to cause a problem. Eventually, I
note the phone number down, and then I slipped it into the pocket of
my shirt. And now I was ready to give it to her as soon as she would
come back.
Ahsan and I began speaking again: “well, tell me what the problem
with you is. Why are you injured and where?” I asked.
“Jamil Yaxchali, Shahryar my brother and I were arrested in
Qetewin. We made a decision to run away and we did that;
nevertheless, we were shot and I was injured. I neither do know
anything of them nor where they are,” he replied.
We were speaking about this case that the one who had taken the
photograph of my hand came in and asked me to go with him. It was
the second time I was leaving the room. I followed him until we
entered a relatively big room. A heavy-set military got busy with
talking to a grey hair well-matured man there. Next to them, another
bearded young man with Esfahani dialect was standing and listening
to them who had put white garments; later on, I understood that he
was a doctor. As we entered the room, the well-matured man
introduced himself as a doctor and put the ready photos in front of a
fluorescent and explained that my left arm was hit by a bullet and
there were seen five pieces of small bones. Observing my hand, he
noticed that its nerve sustains a loss, and then he put my wrist on a
desk. He asked me to lift my hand up which was inclined toward the
bottom; I could not do that, because it was impossible for me to hold
it. Addressing the two men, he explained that my hand must not
move anymore; furthermore, it must be taken onto a latticed wiry
plate otherwise it would not return to the usual state. He did not talk
to me; it was evident that he was brought here contrary to his will.
Hearing these explanations, without asking any question or a special
order, they addressed the one who had brought me there to return me
back. Taking me to the same room, he explained that “he was Dr.
Hoseinzade, a specialist in the city.” I had heard of him, but had
never seen him at close.
I came back to Ahsan by leading of the man who had brought me
there. Coming back, I noticed the lamps were off and a lamp with an
insignificant light was on. I saw the guard again, who, had put his
hands on his chest, but he was sitting down on a chair near to Ahsan.
Waiting for me, Ahsan still was kept awake. I just could say that a
doctor observed my hand and ordered that my hand must have been
taken onto a latticed wiry plate otherwise it would not return to the
usual state. It was impossible to talk any longer because the lamps
were extinguished and we had to remain silence.
From now on, I lay down on the bed, but it was impossible to go to
sleep. The whole tragic occurrence of the day appeared in front of
my eyes as a movie; I remembered every moments of the scene,
especially the time I was gone to Kellane(7) in which a lot people
looked at me incredulously. I remember it no more weather it took
me a long time or not until I could go to sleep.
Hearing the noise of cleaning of the floor by cleaners, I woke up.
At this moment, the acquainted woman, who wanted to change the
night shift, came to us and under the pretext of tidying my bed up
came near. I found an opportunity to give her the phone number I
had noted it down before and I did that. She took it among her
fingers, then got busy with tidying the bed up without paying any
extra attention and went out.
After having breakfast, a doctor, on duty of the day, responsible for
visiting the patients came in; having observed the medical dossier I
was prepared, he gave necessary instructions. The time he left us, I
tried to have a look on it, but unfortunately it was impossible for me
to understand such notes. It was just a case added to the dossier I was
held.
An hour later, I was asked to follow somebody. We were crossing
the corridor that an extremely furious man of the army, with an
automatic weapon, insulting heaven and earth passed us; I saw traces
of tears on his face. Having used Esfahani dialect, the one I was
following told me that “a few of his close friends have been killed
and their bodies have been brought to the garrison back by a
helicopter.” I, later on, understood that people and political forces in
Kurdistan have been imposed a battle in which tens of the
occupation forces were killed in a battlefield in Saqez; it was the
starting point for confronting the invaders of Kurdistan.
I followed him into a relatively big room; resembling to a
warehouse, it was both dark and full of medical devices. There was
another one who asked me to sit on a chair. Having prepared a
vessel, they wet the plaster band and bandaged my forearm and
upper arm with; now it was like a right angle. I thought of the
doctor’s order and the way they behaved me! They were doing the
orders they were given anyhow. Although, they were committing
something contradictory to the doctor’s order, I remained silence.
Furthermore, since I was a captive, it was impossible to protest. It
took about half an hour; when they hung my hand on my neck with a
turban I tried to carry it, they asked me to go back to the room. The
time I was going to come out, I was reminded of the therapy issued
by the doctor who had observed me in the morning of that day.
During the time I was returning to the room back, I listened to the
sound of a helicopter landing near the hospital. I thought that it
might have the injuries back to the garrison dispatched to fight
against pishmargs18 and people. At the moment, I remembered that
some of our friends and acquaintances were busy with preparing
themselves to stick out and continue their combat outside of the city.
Heavy traffic of the armed militaries around the hospital was seen
openly. It was both against the rule and the international customs;
trampling the human laws from the very beginning. I was thinking
about such a crime when I returned back to Ahsan. I told him what I
had observed. Having been worried about me, he said nothing.
“Well, tell me why they’d plastered your hand. According to their
remarks, your arm must have been taken onto a latticed wiry plate,”
he said.
“The doctor had ordered to plaster it this morning,” I replied.
We remembered our childhood; we spoke about our playmates
lived in our neighborhood. He had forgotten some of them, so I
helped him to remember them with mentioning a few signs. We were
speaking about such memories that I was informed to be visited by
my family.
I expected to visit one of my family members, but there was no
news of them. I saw two of my aunts whose faces were not only
18
The word pishmarga is a signifier for armed local people taking
part into irregular guerrilla warfare; in fact, armed resistances
against occupying enemy forces are led by such forces. It might be
considered as an equivalent to partisan join to fight enemies
occupying their countries.
scraped but also relics of blood were observed on their faces.
Observing me with such a plastered body held from the neck up,
they began wailing and kicking up a row; they embraced me and
wept a lot anyhow. Their weeping anguished me a lot, so I tried to
calm them down; then I asked about my mother. They said to me,
“the whole members of the family have been gathered at your
father’s home.” They also said: “a woman, without introducing
herself, had made a phone call this morning, saying you’re wounded
and you’re at the garrison hospital; that’s why we came here
immediately. We waited for a long time to be permitted to have a
visit, and we’re here now. Contending them to both visit you and be
assured of your healthy was so difficult and we suffered a lot.” Since
I was alive, they were happy. They had heard of the executions in
Pawa by the new government and were afraid of the same fate, in
case I will be involved in, as they got into difficulty.
Describing the process I was arrested, I tried to comfort them
somehow. I mentioned that I was returning back to Dadane, the
village I was a teacher in, to organize the summer reexamination in
which I was arrested. When they kept calm I explained that Ahsan,
the Nahid’s son, with whom we were neighbors to each other, is
imprisoned with me and they can have a call to inform his family. As
I was alive and they could visit me, they got happy and said goodbye
to me; our visiting took about half an hour on the average.
Coming back to Ahsan, I gave an account for the whole episode,
and that they would reflect his imprisoning to his family.
Since I was very tired and had not proper sleeping the night before,
after having lunch, I got asleep. Our sleeping did not take a long time
that we were awake by brawling noises from somebody whose
friends have been killed; later on, we understood that he had
expressed his annoyance of the event by this way. Many people
gathered around to prevent him from entering into other parts of the
hospital. Later on, we understood that he was going to enter the
room we were hospitalizing in; it was evident because there were not
any other people whose conditions seem like us to take vengeance
for.
Talking of the past remembrances and also speaking of our family
members one by one, that day was ended. During the conversation,
something considerable highlighted; removing from Sanandaj to
Tehran and entering into Polytechnic University, Ahsan had been
getting his major to be a chemical engineer and his brother Shahryar
had studied medical. Concerning to a mission by the Organization of
Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas, Ahsan had come back to Kurdistan.
August 19th, 1979 Khomeini’s Calling for Attacking Kurdistan 73
August 19th 1979, Khomeini’s Calling for Attacking Kurdistan(8)
Due to the trust were found in us, Ahsan let himself ask about the
way I had been arrested and I explained it gratefully. Since he was
not in Sanandaj for a long time, I described everything in detail for
him.
We were some friends and most of us either knew one another or
were close friends. By following the sample figures who knew
nothing except achieving people’s interest, we became some activists
both full of revolutionary motive and perceptive recognition
identifying rights of laborers without having enough knowledge of
political organizations for many years. A few months ago, before the
revolution,19 we found ourselves as adherents of a force belonged to
a Collective Unity with a distinctive characteristic; Combatant
Compatriots, the members of Komala who did not announce their
organization yet. Before the revolution, not only have we found
ourselves in this Collective Unity, but we also did not refuse any
attempt to do in this way and did every duty most willingly.
After the uprising,20 during which the Islamic Republic of Iran
could dominate itself as the new governor, a particular democratic
19
20
For more information about the mentioned revolution see p. 20.
It refers to the above mentioned revolution.
arena appeared in Kurdistan. The left forces and especially Komala
played a great part to create such an arena. Most of the political
forces had established their own domiciles and in comparison with
reactionary forces they were defending the revolution and freedom;
to protect the rights of hard working people, they prioritized such an
attempt out of their countless affairs. They organized themselves in
an association known as Association for Defending Freedom and
Revolution.
Lacking of a popular rule and deficiency of confidence in
Moftizade, a mullah who had some followers in Sanandaj, and as
well as the presence of many agents gathered around Safdari the
mullah, people had trusted in political organizations and
personalities gathered around them; therefore, their problems could
be solved by referring to them. It was a starting point over which the
City Community of Sanandaj was elected, a pivot around which a
popular sovereignty aroused.
We were sent on a duty to go to Bakhchala village by Association
for Defending Freedom and Revolution whose most of members
were Komalaie21; some adherents of Line Three whose political
orientations toward a special group were not highlighted yet
accompanied us as well. We started our duty to go there accompany
with some of our friends, Newrooz Ganji, Takesh, and someone else
from the village asked us to solve their problems.
21
Adjective here, the word Komalaie, as a signifier, refers to adherents or
members of Komala.
In view of the fact that Newrooz Ganci and Takesh were teachers
in Galwakhi areas and were familiar with the situation, Association
had sent them on such a duty as authorities out. Kamal Qhotbi,
Hamid Sha’bani, two other members from the Line Three of whom I
must not mention their names because of security cases, and I were
sent on a mission to go to the village accompany with the one
mentioned above to divide the feudal lands among people. As we
started our mission, I saw Teiub Rohalahi and some other friends
coming back from such a mission. I must mention, at that time,
Komala had not declared its presence yet and in other parts of
Kurdistan it was known as Democratic Associations.
It was about 10 o’clock when we left the Associations’ headquarter
to go to Diwandare in a van. The van had no tent, the city was usual,
the people were busy with their daily affairs, and there was no sign
of terror when we got out of the city.
Newrooz, who knew most feudalists of the area, was well known
there and people loved him a lot; before the revolution, accompany
with Khaled Babahajyan, they had a conflict with Yedolla
Qezllwllakh, the Khan22. Newrooz told us: “entering to Bakhchala
village, we must divide into houses and then we will gather around
to confer with one another on the condition. We have to consider the
22
According to most encyclopedias, Khan is a medieval title used
by Mongol and Turkish rulers; in fact, in some Muslim countries, it
was a specific title for rulers and landlords. With regard to the fact
that, centuries ago, Kurdistan has been divided into many countries,
such as Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Russia, it had remained
undeveloped and feudalism had found its system on the threshold of
modern societies.
circumstances to see what people have in their mind and we must
defend the voice of the peasants.”
We got into Bakhchala at noon and we were divided into houses as
it was appointed before. Hamid Sha’bani and I went to one of our
old acquaintances’ home. He had lived there and we do not know
this. We saw each other in accident and he did not fail to place me;
he insisted that we must be his guest anyhow. He was a friend of my
father and was very happy as he had seen us. His house was as
simple as any houses in the villages. He had a few children one of
whom had the same name as I had; Jamil. He himself told us that “he
had imitated the name I had.” The time we were eating our lunch, we
got more information about the lands we were going to divide it
among people. Having had the lunch, all of us gathered in a place
appointed before and soon after we started going toward the lands
must be divided. Since we must know their ideas about dividing the
lands, we consulted villagers the time we got near the lands.
Moments later, we saw some people coming toward us; they asked
us to have the news the radio had broadcasted that day.
Listening to the radio at two o’clock, people in the village had
heard that women and Muslim children had been taken as hostages
by communists and counter revolutionists in Jamé Mosque in
Sanandaj. They had come to inform us such an important piece of
news.
Speaking with people, Newrooz cut his talk. He had a meeting
with us. With due attention to the fact that many people were
executed in Pawa the day before, we found it very important and it
was a familiar case to attack on people. As we were in contact with
many certain forces, we got the idea to go back to Sanandaj without
taking any action about the lands. Explaining the importance and
necessity of the case to people, we reminded them that the
Association will take every necessary action later; thus, we started
going back to Sanandaj. It was the time in which Khomeini’s famous
calling for attacking Kurdistan was issued.
Returning back to Sanandaj, we saw Abdullah Baban passed us, in
a car, going to Diwandere. Having not been so far away, we saw
Keihan Farzad, in a green car, accompanied by Sa’ed Wetendoost in
the same path; they were both in contact with Komala. We felt that it
was a serious case, so to be more assured of the case, by changing
the path, we followed them with the same velocity. We were hopeful
to see Keihan to be informed of the condition; in this manner, we
could have been aware of every new necessary tactics. It was
impossible to get them, so we returned to Sanandaj back and entered
into the city doubtfully: stopping at the entrance of the city, we tried
to have a contact with those who were going to leave the city. We
were armed; therefore, we must enter the city carefully otherwise we
had to enter it by taking the deviated paths. Now that we were
informed of almost everything, taking the rout Sanandaj-Diwandare,
we found ourselves near the city; it was possible for the occupation
forces to take any entrance and exit ramps up; therefore, we entered
the city by passing the rout Feizabad. Predicting any possibility, we
tried not to be created any unnecessary case; therefore, we acted with
a grain of salt.
Inasmuch as the city was devoid of ordinary condition and seemed
more tranquil than ever, we did not take the upward slop of the road.
The evening was going to provide itself upon the city that we arrived
at the ring road toward the Sheikh Salam Takie. Not going further,
we found ourselves in the triple ways of Sheikhan. Here, we
understood that some armed activists of the city, Selah Rash and
Yedolla Golchini, Wria Nazeri, and so on gathered together going to
go out of the city. As we knew some of them, we went nearer and
began talking of the condition. Some of them had made their
decision to go out of the city.
Owing to the fact that we were in contact with a proletarian
organization and we must continue our activities under any
condition, I separated from my friends while I put the gun, Yossi,
into the turban I had with myself; accordingly, I did not go back to
our house. The condition was so complex that distinguishing
between secret and public activity was not possible.
I went to one of my family’s house. Having concealed my gun in a
place, I stayed there that night. There was seen not any considerable
alteration in the condition; neither regime nor Moftizade’s agents
could gain controlling of the city yet. Distressing piece of one’s
mind, sound of opening fire from automatic firearms was heard
every now and then. The thing caused that night to be different from
the others, was Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking Kurdistan; it
had caused the city submerge into a terror.
Discussing with children until the midnight, that night was passed.
We elaborated on Khomeini’s issued calling; that what would its
consequence be. Not sleeping on the bed, I was thinking about what
we should do; where I should hide; and when the condition would
feel its usual state. I remembered that I had to go back to Dadane, the
village I was a teacher in, to schedule the summer reexamination;
consequently, I decided to go to Dadane.
In addition to these activities mentioned above, in accompany with
several other friends from Chem Shar (the villages surrounding the
city), of whom many were members of the Association, we were
assisting people to establish their own elected associations; we
somehow were successful and in some cases we had gotten the point.
However, our attempt to establish elected associations of the
villages, as a body, remained unsuccessful. We intended to have a
model of the Rural Guilds as our friends had established them in
Mariwan. There, bringing such gilds into existence raised the
necessity to be formed armed groups to protect the obtained
achievements. In fact, Rural Guilds were some organized unions
against the feudalists.
As my eyes felt the sunshine, I woke up. Having had breakfast, I
must do what I had decided the night before. Lanes by lanes and
district by district, I found myself over the Molla Weisi Bridge near
our house. It was about 10 when I got there. I saw Ali Sobatian on a
motorcycle. He was so glad, as he could have met me. He asked me
about any new pieces of news both about the condition and our
friends. In spite of the fact that we did not know what the latest news
was, we began speaking. At this moment, we saw Behrooz
Shadimoghadam who had arrived here through lanes too; he had left
his place of life as I had. Closing to us, we asked him about our
friends. By this way, we understood that his close friends, Farhad
Amaneti and Abdullah Hooshiaryan had left the city the day before.
Later on, during the fight between Komala and Democratic Party,
Ferhad Amaneti, known as Salah, was suffered martyrdom and
Abdullah Hooshiaryan gave up his life while bombarding camps of
Komala in Southern Kurdistan, Bote, by Ba’th Regime.
To find a way to go out of the city, I asked Ali to glean pieces of
information. Immediately, he left us toward Hasanabad Road to
detect exits if there was any. As he had a motorcycle, he came back
in a few minutes and told us that Hasanabad Road was not closed
then. Therefore, it was possible for everybody to leave the city.
Getting on Ali’s motorcycle pillion, I told goodbye to Behrooz. We
moved toward Kellane via Hasanabad Street. Having passed
Hasanabad village, we found ourselves, near Dare Heyer, going to
Marabzan. The time I found myself in Marabzan, I told him that he
could go back then. He insisted that he could escort me as soon as
possible, but I found it unnecessary.
Taking a deviated path, I was going to find myself in Kellane.
Passing fields after fields, I got to a cottage; one of my acquaintances
was living there. It took me a quarter to go there. They wondered for
a moment and I explained, going to Kellane, I found it pleasurable if
I visit my friends first. I visited Ashref Rehimi from Malakshan that
had come there, too, before. Both of us had been taking part into
some sessions with one another. Having had the lunch, we had a
dialog on the condition. Ashref knew nothing of our friends too. We
began speaking with the youths used to live there.
We were busy with speaking when we saw Hasan Rahimi,
accompany with a laborer from Takie village that were going to
Kellane; he was both an adherent of Komala and a teacher teaching
in Takhte village. He gave up his life during the 24 day armed
fighting in Sanandaj. They came to us, as we asked them to have a
rest. We especially spoke of Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking
Kurdistan; however, each one had his own ideas.
They explained that as they had not found it suitable for staying
into the city, they had to remain on the heights of mount Abidar the
night before; they were going to Takhte village as well. Having a rest
for a short time, they said goodbye to us to take the way through
Kellane.
I had decided to go to Dadane when the evening was going to have
its shadow on the lands. The weather was warm, so I and Ashref
chose the back of the cottage to sit not only under its shadow
developed by the walls, but also to provide a conversation about the
condition. We found a paper and were busy with drawing the form of
a shoulder belt. I told him about a gun, M 1, I had bought few days
before. We were both imagining its shape and drawing it on the
paper. We predicted that if the condition did not experience any
alterations, we might use every possibility.
At that moment, we heard a noise from an automobile going by
fast. We thought that it was the noise of a minibus going to Kellane
to carry fruits and vegetables to cottages; therefore, we did not move
and stayed there to continue our discussion. The noise was coming
nearer and nearer, so we got curious about it and moved to see the
automobile. We climbed a position on which it was seen. It was
impossible for us to predict such a condition we experienced later.
Our guess did not take the point; it was not the villages’ rather
somewhere else. However, it stopped near us, about 50 or 100
meters. Many armed people with black garments got off it
immediately.
Observing that condition, we guessed that they have been brought
there by one of Moftizade’s agents, Haji Abdolali. As the mentioned
agent, during the time Kurdistan was ruled by people, after the
revolution, had been put on trial as someone famous for treacherous,
in the Mosque of Kellane, he knew us very well. We could just say it
was a plan by Abdolali and we began to run away.
The cottage we had placed there was more elevated than the road
and there was also a steam made it possible for us to run away along
the bank of it. Loudly, they announced ‘stop’ repeatedly, but we had
made our decision. Finally, they began shooting with no
intermission. All of the passengers of the minibus were guardians;
they began shooting us. As we were going out of sight, we saw a
farmer taken his children under his protection and yelling again and
again: “you’re burning my donkey too.” Taking a detour after a
while, we found ourselves in a valley taking us toward Marabzan.
Since Ashraf outpaced me, he had gone ahead about 50 meters; he
almost was at the end of the valley. Gasping for breath and very
tired, I was following him. Going up and down my left hand, I felt a
pain in it; I also felt I could control my hand no more and it got
heavy either. I was completely both tired and out of breath; escaping
became something impossible. I had a look where Ashraf was
running; he left the valley and got out of the gun reach. He had
rescued and it was the source of happiness although I was in pain.
Out of breath, I fell down while my hand was still warm although its
ache was tolerable. A guardian got ready on my head in a moment.
He began insulting in yelling: “such and such, communist” and, so
on.
In spite of the fact that I was so tired, I answered: “I’m a teacher;
I’m going to the village I’m teaching in.”
He put the barrel of a gun into my mouth and threatened he was
going to kill me. He did so, so many times. Some other guardians
came closer. He repeated his threatening. A friend of the mentioned
guardian stopped him not to do so. “Where is your friend? What was
happened to him? Where is your gun?” They asked me repeatedly.
They knew that Ashraf had left the valley and it was impossible for
them to catch him; they also knew that we were armless.
Taking my hand, they got my body stand. After that they led me
toward the minibus. During the route, they were threatening and
insulting me alternately. My body had been got sweaty. As I got
close to the minibus, I felt I was thirsty; therefore, I told I must drink
some water. One of them cried that not to give me water. They got
some water from the cottage I was in for a short time. I just wetted
my lips and they splashed a little water on my face. Finally, I was
entered into the minibus; shouting God is great, God is great, they
were priding themselves as if they had gotten a great achievement.
They wanted me to sit on the back seat of the minibus. Having had
gathered one by one of their forces, they left Kellane while were
shouting God is great slogan and chanted God.
Hear, I noticed that all of them had been putting black garments. I
remembered the day of martyrdom of Imam Hossein, an anniversary
in which, they are putting such garments.
Entering to Kellane village, we saw that a lot of people had been
gathered before the tea shop. I remembered some of our friends such
as Meroof, Habiballa, Jalal and Abbas Gaweli who came from there.
Habiballa’s home was just beside of the tea shop. The bus had a stop
there. The people knew me and showed their fellow-feeling toward
me with their glancing. I asked them to give me some water again;
consequently, they had people to bring me some water. Somebody
brought me the water into a muddy bowl right away and gave it to
me from the window of the minibus. Drinking the water, one of them
pointed out not to drink so much and grabbed it. They had a short
stop, and then they left the village to go back to the city. Crossing
the river and getting on the top of the village, the sunset was going to
have its shadow on the land.
The minibus was going to Kanimshkan that I suddenly
remembered the paper we were busy with drawing the form of a
shoulder belt which was in my pocket then. There were also a few
announcements in my trousers pocket I have to hide or disappear
them as I wished. I was sitting on the back seat next to the window,
but the papers were in the left. I put my hand into the pocket and cut
them into pieces and let them remain there until I would find an
opportunity to disappear them. The road was dirt and its bump
caused me to suffer the pain on the arm where I was injured. It was
almost getting dark when we crossed Kanimshkan. The SanandajKellane automobiles were surveyed by them. A motorcyclist was
going to Kellane; as soon as he understood that there was a
temporary roadblock, he did not stop and left them very quickly
although he was shot.
It was dark entirely when the minibus arrived in Hasenabad
village. The people, standing on the road, took notice of my
capturing. Having had a short stop, the minibus began moving.
Taking the opportunity, I was throwing some of the torn papers, once
in a while, out of the window of which the wind had a play with.
The minibus arrived in Sanandaj. I was considering the rout to see
where I had been taking: having passed the Taj Street through
Hasenabad Road, I found myself in Shashom Bahman Avenue. The
minibus continued its way toward the Association of Defending
Freedom and Revolution and entered into its yard. It was full of
guardians with black garments. One of them asked me to be gotten
off. I followed him, and then I was led toward the great lounge. I was
asked to sit on a sofa. A question was asked immediately as well:
“what my name was.” The guard noted my name down and got
away. Until the time he came back, I was spoken sarcastically by
most of them. In a standing posture, one of them, who was a
coquettish from Tehran, sit on my lap down and insulted me
abusively. I pretended that my hand was aching severely; by this
way I was left. Comparing these occupiers with our friends had been
settling there till two days ago, I found how grateful they were; and
how intimately they were behaving oddly. Everything was coming
and going in front of my eyes, as if I was watching a movie.
Half of an hour later, without paying any attention to my injury,
someone came back with a folder and asked me to follow him. He
led me toward a squad car. As I got on, I noticed that two armed
guards were sitting on the back seats and, also the driver and the one
who led me there were sitting in the front seats; they were both
armed and had the folder with themselves which was a sign of
forming a file for me. Through Wakel and Mardokh Street,
Kamanger Bridge, and Asle Cahar Avenue the car arrived at Army
the 28 or Sanandaj garrison as it was called. Entering into the Army
Garrison, they showed an index card and went in. They did not know
where the hospital was. I that had served soldiering there few years
ago showed them the place. Having arrived at the hospital, they
delivered me to the offices. The incident was so.
In this manner, I explained the whole capturing incident to Ahsan.
It was the second night Ahasan and I was serving our first days of
prisoning. As the space was militarized, an unknown fate pulling us
toward itself and any movement seemed impossible. Outside the
hospital, nobody knew Ahsan had been arrested during those two
days in which he was prisoned there. That night was over anyhow.
Transferring from Sanandaj Garrison
We waked up with the noise of cleaning of the floor by cleaners as
usual. Having had breakfast, a few people who hand not dressed
military uniform entered the room and asked us to set out accompany
with them. Since Ahsan was not able to move, a few people brought
him a stretcher and they had him lay on it. They also asked me to go
with them. We came into contact with some other people, who had
put on the same dress as their colleagues, waiting for us in the
corridor we were crossing. They also escorted us to go out of the
hospital. Finding ourselves outside of the hospital, we noticed that a
white squad car and a military ambulance have been parked near the
entrance door. I noticed the sign of the Red Crescent on the
ambulance. Ahsan was carried into the ambulance and I was asked to
sit next to him. A few armed people with ordinary garments were
sitting on the back seats. There were both a sign of panic and a terror
on their faces. Finally, the ambulance set out and had a few unusual
rips until it got outside of the garrison. It was evident that it had been
gotten into difficulty. The squad car also set out and pursued the
ambulance whose driver had dressed military uniform. We had no
information about the people in the squad car. The ambulance had a
short stop.
We left the garrison anyhow. We had not gone out of sight that the
ambulance stopped once more. It was evident that it has been broken
down. The man in charge, in the squad car, opened the door
terrifyingly and made us get off. Ahsan was gotten off by them and I
got off as well. There was a scene in which a few of the passengers
of the squad car came out and took the street cover to take control of
the position just prior to our getting off; the rest of the passengers
were hung around the ambulance. They had switched their wireless
sets up and their sounds were heard everywhere. Another squad car
full of guardians got there in a few minute and they had us sit on its
back seats. It was impossible for Ahsan to sit and his shot plastery
leg was stretched out just like that.
The condition seemed too unusual. I imagined the time in which
the revolutionists of the city were arriving and were rescuing us.
They had got into panic at the moment the ambulance could move no
more. The intimidated condition and paleness of their faces was
evident as if they were waiting to be attacked instantly.
At this moment, another squad car got there. Radio conversations
on their wirelesses indicated that they were in contact with other
automobiles. Disputing on the route, they made their decision to go
through Mardokh Street. I and Ahsan were hearing all of their words.
They were afraid of passing by Aqazaman, an old district almost in
the center of the city. One of them, speaking on the radio, disagreed
with making such a decision.
I was sitting on the left and Ahsan on the right. We were delighted
in the phobia they have been involved in and did not hide our feeling
Transferring from Sanandaj Garrison 89
toward such an anxiety; their panic was a sign of their misery.
Exactly, until the moment the cars began moving, few of the
passengers taken the street cover to take control of the position
remained stretching down. As soon as the automobiles moved, they
came back to their first position. The three cars were driving toward
the city and the one we had been sitting in was in the middle.
The space in the back of the car was not so wide; therefore, painful
consequence of each puddle was seen on Ahsan’s face. After a few
minute, we found ourselves at the beginning of Shapoor Avenue
known as Asle Chahar district. At that time, most of the people
settled there were from some villages around the city of which I can
name some: Nawara, Garmash and, Isyabad; in fact, they were some
migrators from these places.
We were crossing the downward slope of the avenue that I saw my
aunt’s husband, Shokrolla, walking on the sidewalk. As soon as he
saw me in the car, he was much wondered. I noticed that he was
watching the car to see where it was going. As we arrived near to
Ostandary, I saw my uncle’s son, Fakhra Rahmati, who was going to
Asle Chahar. He had understood that three cars full of armed people
were going by. As he had seen Shokrolla, he had found that I was in
one of the cars.
Later on, I understood that Fakhra had been turning about and had
chased the cars to see where we were taken. There were many people
over Kamanger Bridge, where peasants were gathering on. He had
asked them where the cars were going. He had taken Mardokh Street
up by their ushering.
As I mentioned before, the people in escorting cars were in contact
with the ones in the car we were carried in by their wirelesses. We
were hearing their conversations whenever something was talked
about. During the route on the streets from Wakel Street and Eghbal
Square to Shashom Bahman Avenue, state of their communications
was unusual. At this point, we heard that someone with a van was
chasing them. I guessed that it might be Fakhra who was going to
knew where we were taken to.
Passing by the old Police Headquarters, we saw that their fears got
more and more and they announced the van was still chasing them. It
was impossible for us to see the van because we were both in the
middle and visionless. “Reducing its speed in Sharifabad
intersection, the van had come to a standstill,” they announced later.
The route was taken again until we found ourselves in front of the
old Gendarmerie Club that after the revolution had become a
domicile of Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution.
After the famous calling for attacking Kurdistan by Khomeini, the
Black Garments had occupied there. Turning toward the left and
entering to the yard of the Association, they reported that the van had
gone back. I knew that it was impossible for Fakhra to abandon the
chase. Later on, he described that he had gone to Taj Street to find an
opportunity to come to know the conclusion. As soon as they had
entered into the place the Black Garments lived in, he had left the
chase off.
Entering to the yard, we saw many armed people with black
garments. They were busy talking group by group around the pool.
There were some others lying down. I understood that they were the
Transferring from Sanandaj Garrison 91
same group I and Ashraf were shot by their firing during which I was
both injured and captured. Since the noise was so high, it seemed a
central base for gathering and distributing.
We were waited almost for a quarter. Looking forward to finding
where we were going, I thought of those who cost their life on
freedom and people’s right in such a place; those who had decided to
campaign against cruelty among whom I remembered Sedigh
Kamangar, Naseh Mardokh, Mozzafar Mohammadi, Jamil
Mardokhi, Shoeib Zakaryai and Eioob Nabawi.
I also remembered the time we took this place cover of which
Moftizade’s agents had decide to attack whose act was replied by
resistance of the young.
I started to recall an accident in which nine friends of us were
killed; they were a medical team that the Association had them help
Torkaman Sahra’s people; they were going to express their
immediate sympathy for the catastrophe they had been suffered.
Scarifying devotees of this territory is still a sign of sympathizing of
them with us who just wanted to obtain the rights they had been
deprived. Organizing the historical marching of people from
Sanandaj to Mariwan, a campaign by revolutionary strugglers
against capturing many revolutionists in our local area was a starting
point for us to share other people’s fate.
I visualized this and many other memories as the pictures of a
movie. It was a symbol of those did not lack of moral fiber to create
necessary changes in our society.
I was thinking about such a condition that one of them came back.
He had some papers, some cotton and two handkerchiefs with
himself. He told us that we were going to be blindfolded. They put
the cotton on our eyes and fastened them with the handkerchiefs.
After a moment the car set out. I did not understand why our eyes
were blindfolded. I thought that they had been making us ready to be
setting out to the executing range.
Airport of Sanandaj
The car, we were carried in, came out of the Association yard. I had
the route in mind to perceive where we were taken to. It turned
toward the left. It was evident that it was traversing the Kermanshah
road. Stopping a few minutes later, the car switched off somewhere.
It was too much noisy. They had me take the handkerchief
blindfolded my eyes and I did it. I found myself near the police
station, located on Kermanshah road, not far from the airport. It was
also militarized completely. Many cars had been waiting to be
surveyed in line. Those who had gotten us to be moved spoke to the
Guardians settled there and we were led toward the airport.
I got off on the airport and began walking behind the guard made
me chase him. Many others brought a stretcher and had Ahsan lay on
it, and then he was brought to the aerodrome building. Entering to
the entrance door and leading to a direction, we were asked to go
down the stairs. As a result, we found ourselves in an almost small
2×3 room. Since the direction was too narrow, it was impossible for
Ahsan to be moved lying down the stretcher. Consequently, he was
taken to the upper place anyhow. Later on, Ahsan told me that he
was taken there aided by few guardians. This room was one of the
control tower rooms which was empty. They brought a few blanket
belonging to the army and covered the room with. Lying down on a
blanket on the upper part, Ahsan was using the blankets both as a
pillow and a resting place for his leg. Guarding also became
something fashionable. Considering the condition, I realized that
Ahsan needed the turban urgently; therefore, I gave it to him which
had hung my hand from the neck. It is possible for everyone to have
a look on the scene of the execution, on page 138-149, in which
Ahsan’s eyes had been fasten with the same turban lying down the
stretcher to be shot.
We were alone now and it was possible for us to have a long talk
with each other. Few hours later, an agent of the regime, Abdolla
Yara, who knew both me and my uncle, came to us and told me that
the whole members of my family had been gathering together out of
the airport; he had been asked to have a talk with me anyhow. It was
evident he was able to do nothing; furthermore, he was unreliable. In
view of the fact that he was an agent of the regime, I did not send a
massage for my family by him and he left us consequently. There
was no doubt that Fakhre had done well; by following us, he had
found the place out we had been putting in jail there. We
contemplated the place we were put in. We were near the control
place of the airport on the second floor. It was possible to see a part
of the band of the airport.
Having described the process I was arrested in, I was looking
forward to hear from Ahsan, that how had he been arrested.
Therefore, everything was brought the space about to hear from him.
As far as I remember, he described the process in this manner: “we
used to live in Tehran. Now, the whole members of the family are
Airport of Sanandaj 95
living there. After dwelling there and obtaining a diploma, I chose
the Polytechnic University to be graduated from. I got acquainted
with a few supporters of the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai
Guerrillas. After the revolution, this friendship became something
earnest and I was accepted as a member of them. As I was a Kurd, I
was sent on a duty to Kurdistan by the parent organization and
became a member for its Kurdish branch. I took part in a conflict
between peasants and feudalists in a region located between Saqiz
and Diwandara; the feudalists were going to repress the struggle
during which their lands have been divided among the peasants.
During campaign against feudalists many Guilds and Organizations
participated in that anti-feudal movement; they consisted of Rural
Guilds from Mariwan and Diwandara, Associations from Saqiz and
Bokan, Equalitarian Society and our Organization. During the
campaign, many landowners were killed and the rest ran away;
furthermore, two people from other Kurdish political organizations,
Yahia Khatooni from Toilers’ Revolutionary Organization and
Sayyid Rashid from Equalitarian Society gave their life up. Besides,
a pioneer from Iraqi Kurdistan Patriot Union gave his life up.23
23
Paying particular attention to the broad-based scale of the political
organizations attended in Kurdistan, it is possible for everyone to see
how great the presence of them in such a periodical point was.
Undoubtedly, each one of them had their own particular names and
titles. Owing to the fact that during those decades Kurdistan
experienced various conditions inevitably, the mentioned
organizations were affected by such conditions and it is easy for
everyone to observe how they were subjected to such changes;
undergoing radical changes, many of them have been died, divided,
Few days after the fight, Jamil Yaxchali, my brother Shahryar a
medical junior student come to visit me in Kurdistan and another one
from Kermanshah, and I moved from Mariwan to Sanandaj.
Inspecting the car belonging to Organization of Iranian People’s
Fedai Guerrillas by gendarmerie post, they found many hidden
weapons and some documents in it. Consequently, we were arrested
as anti-regime forces. The one from Kermanshah escaped
immediately and saved himself from capturing. As soon as he got
free from captivity, they assembled and prevailed over us. They
imprisoned us into a room seemed somewhere specific for jailing as
if we were kept temporarily. Having arrested someone else before
us, he was recalled to somewhere else after a short time and they had
him leave there. Most of the armed guards settled there were jash.
Since they had discovered many weapons and documents, a great
danger was threatening us at that time and it was possible for
governmental forces to use them against us. We had to do something
as early as possible unless they could turn us over Army of the
Guardians. We asked for each other’s opinion about escaping and
finally we came to this idea that there was no way except running
away.
be it optional or non-optional, and the new ones arose. In fact, the
problem is schism and separatism whether ideological or mere
political strategic approaches. Consequently, rehabilitation of them
has come alongside new names and titles. Finding their old
fashioned names are almost impossible and finding their new ones
are easier if one can have theirs. Such a problematic issue led me to
find suitable equivalents for them, although I could find some by
surfing the internet.
Having gone to be transferred, we carried our decision out. We
found ourselves at a channel, formed by water pressure in the
vicinity of the place, when we crossed the post on a hill. We were
shot by the guards, but were not hit with the bullet. As we had
considered the route before, we moved separating from each other in
a spiral curve. They shouted at us to stop many a time, but we had
made our decision. I was shot and wounded on the leg just where the
channel was parting into ways. I tried to draw myself near my
friends and I did so for a few steps, although it was impossible for
me to move any longer. They were unaware of the injury I had
received to my leg yet. Those who were chasing us were not so close
to the place we had gotten there; as a result, we were under the
volley of their bullets. Jamil and Shahryar took notice of my absence
finally. They came back immediately and tried to help me running
away. I had received the bullet on the leg. Having hung my hands
over their shoulders, they were going to do something, but I was
helpless to walk anymore. Consequently, they changed the route of
the channel. We were pacing up and down and it was getting us
tired. We were under the volley of their bullets continually. As we
got away from them, we found ourselves in a region covered with
trees and there was a plot of flat land among the trees. There had
been putting some piles of clover to be dried. We spoke to the person
working on the land to conceal us. Hearing the sound of the
shooting, he got into a panic and had doubts whether he could help
us or not. The jash and the guardians had got closer. I asked Jamil
and Shahryar to leave me alone and find somewhere to conceal, but
they heard me no longer. They decided to conceal me under a pile of
the clover for they were not able to carry me any longer while the
jash had got closer more than few minutes ago. The one working on
the land was terrified seriously. After hiding me under a pile of
clover and some other cut grasses, my friends concealed themselves
among the trees in the vicinity of the mentioned land so that nothing
remain hidden under their eyes to see what would happen next.
The jash got there and the owner of the land was called by one of
them to show himself up. Being afraid of the condition, it was
evident he had hidden himself from them. After all, he came out and
introduced himself to them while my friends were observing the
scene without hearing any word from them. Having spoken to the
owner of the land, they began looking for us everywhere. Knowing
the fact that we were armless, they were asking us to be surrendered
openly. I was both motionless and in pain under the clover. The
warm was intolerable too; especially, the pain on my leg was
tormented. The jash were busy with turning the piles of clover when
they find me under one of them. Having observed the scene in which
I was captured, Jamil and Shahryar came out of their hidden place
and gave themselves up. They could escape from the perilous
situation and save themselves from that dilemma, but they did not do
so. It was evident that they did not want to leave alone. They tied
their hands with string and returned us to the gendarmerie post.
Immediately, they transferred us to Sanandaj. I was brought to the
garrison hospital to receive medical treatment and I do not know
where my friends are right now; this annoys me a lot so that I feel I
have been gripped by my guilty conscience.”
After I spoke affably to him, I mentioned that you have faced with
such a condition in any case and you must not reproach yourself
because it was possible for you to do nothing anyhow. He did not
notice to this point and remained dreadfully upset on one hand and
considered himself someone sinful seriously on the other; how
highly he must have had esteem for his friends who had hazarded
their lives for him! We were talking to each other that they brought
Jamil and Shahryar to the room we had imprisoned there.
That scene remains something unforgettable. Remembering such a
state after twenty eight years, it still tormenting; how Jamil and the
two brothers embraced each other eagerly! How they were staring at
each other’s eyes once in a while! How they were embracing each
other’s again and again submerging in kissing as if seeing one
another seemed something incredible! Visiting once more in a
sudden was an unbelievable dream for every one of them.
They did not recognize me. Jamil Yaxchali was from Sanandaj, but
I did not know him. Having introduced to each other by Ahsan, we
spoke to one another about different subjects. Consequently, we got
in contact with each other more heartily. We told of everything: past
time and our childhood. Some memories were restored for Shahryar
and he spoke of them little by little. Both Jamil and Shahryar were so
glad, since they could see their friends, Ahsan, again.
They spoke both the howness of the process in which they had
been captured and their transferring to gendarmerie prison in
Sanandaj; they also mentioned to their detention there. During those
few days, Jamil could meet his family in cooperation with a friend of
their family. His family had made an attempt to set him at liberty,
but their attempt had remained unsuccessful.
At that time, they brought us some papers and we were asked to
write both the howness of our capturing and our biography. They
began busy with the papers and I wrote the adventure of myself
irrelevant to their dossier and I delivered it afterward.
Having transferred Jamil and Shahryar to our room, a young guard
with both a stubble beard and a guardian garment was coming
occasionally to have an argument with us. He was saying: “what
Kurdish people are searching for; they are counterrevolutionary and
separatists; and they are going to separate from Iran to form their
own independent government.” He behaved us dishonestly;
furthermore, he was insulting Kurdish girls and women. Showing
our opposition and protest against his behavior, we made him to talk
with us as a man if he has any word to say; finally, he was persuaded
to have a discussion rather than insulting. We defended Kurdish
campaign against his ideas in accordance with a particular view we
were analyzing every phenomenon at that time. Whenever we were
involving in discussion, it took us almost half an hour. We were
making him to listen to our reasons whenever we were reacting his
point of view. We had no idea what he was searching for, but the
effects of our argumentations were observable at later process during
which we were tried by Khalkhali’s show trials, i.e., our discussions
were reflected in our dossiers.
Elapsing that day was the same as captives, during which we spoke
of different topics such as people’s campaign in Iran especially
Kurdistan. We not only remembered our childhood in our district
near to Molla Weisi Bridge, but also we recalled the years we
experienced them in accompany with our friends Takesh Bekas and
Newrooz Ganci. Waiting to see what would happen to us, that
afternoon and the night got along.
Investigation
The next day in the morning, we were informed that a mullah, using
the title Dr., called Hashtroodi, the Ayatollah, had come to Sanandaj.
He had dressed like a mullah with a turban around his body from
other parts of the country to investigate the arrested people, or to
bring a condition about another reactionary mullah to kill some other
innocent people. We had no information of the job he was busy with;
his social status, his personality or character. It was quite likely that
he must have been an important agent of the Islamic Republic
Regime.
They took Jamil and Shahryar to the ground floor of the building to
be investigated. When they came back, they were speaking about
their answers to the investigator. I and Ahsan had to go to be
investigated too. Since coming and going back through the stairs was
difficult for Ahsan, jailers decided to take us to a room on the same
ground floor we were jailed there anyhow. We were informed of the
case by those who were in contact with us.
Jamil, Shahryar and I were gone down first, and then Ahsan was
brought there. The room was relatively small as if it was specific to
the guardians; accordingly, there was a guard in front of the door.
The door of the room was open and we could see the guard. The first
Investigation 103
observable things which attracted our attention were the weapons
and military equipment hung from the wall. It was possible for us to
guess different probabilities. Did they show the weapons to test our
reaction with or it was just showing their carelessness? However, it
was hesitating. At the moment, they brought Ahsan to be
investigated; after a short time, he was sent back. Presence of
weapons and military equipment had occupied our mind; therefore,
we had a glance at them once in a while. It was Jamil and Shahryar’s
turn again. They have been taking one by one and again. Their
dossier was not apart from each other; consequently, they were
taking one of them into the room while the other one was being
brought back.
There was found an opportunity in which we could gather together
for a few minute. It was my turn and I was ready to go to Hashtroodi.
Ahsan said: “it is possible for us to use the weapons and save
ourselves in a running fight.” We spoke of a possibility according to
which it was possible for them to have laid a trap for us.
Furthermore, we reviewed the condition; in view of the fact that I
and Ahsan were injured, we came to this idea that it was impossible
for us to do something. Such an action would set their face against us
definitely. Even, it was impossible for us to go out of the room we
were in. In the meantime, we were not assured of using the
mentioned weapons, so our outlook to do something remained
doubtful. Besides, we were so powerless to take a manoeuvre; we
had been killed certainly if we have taken such an action.
We had got involving a debate that the guards came to us. They
asked us quickly to be ready to go to the upper room; finally, they
led us to the previous room. We asked that what has happened. They
explained that there has been taking place a demonstration, in the
city, in which people both had attacked the governmental offices and
had broken the glass of many banks. Later on, we heard that the
crowd had shouted setting liberty of the prisoners and were going to
attack the airport. During the demonstration, some of the
demonstrators had been arrested. There was a tumult of shots and
yells through the corridor; in addition, the traffic of the guardians
seemed unusual. It was a sign of their terror of which they had lost
their tranquility extremely. I was not investigated. They had just the
papers on which I had written down some notes on the howness of
my capturing. Dr. Hashtroodi had gone back to Tehran by an
airplane at the same time. We did not see him to be investigated
anymore. The cause of his absence could be guessed easily:
frightening of the movement by people. I did not encounter to him
directly; I had seen him with his garment specific to mullahs without
putting his turban, the time we were taken to the room located lower
than the place in which they were going us to be investigated.
In the control tower room, debating was begun once more. Each
one spoke of the way we had been investigated while every one of us
endeavored to adopt a realistic attitude to their self-contradictions
without having any desire. In view of the fact that I was unaware of
the detail, I said nothing. After a while, each one was thinking of the
dark fate was waiting to us compulsorily. Talking of scattered
matters for a long time, that day was ended too.
House of Detention
They informed us to make ourselves ready at about seven or eight
o’clock. They were going to change the room we were imprisoned
there. At first, a few armed guardians surrounded us, and then they
brought me, Jamil Yaxchali and Shahryar Nahid down from the
neighboring room and, finally, they led us out of the building. It was
getting dark already, so the weather was not well lit. We passed an
area specific to both the parking and the building. They did not
explain where we were going to. They carried us to a separate
building in the airplane compound. Going through the entrance door,
we found ourselves inside the building. In the corridor, they asked us
to go to a room whose door was metallic. There was a lid on the door
through which they were getting into contact with the people inside.
As they opened the door, we met some other arrested people there.
The room was relatively dim and there were just a few small
windows. It was the house of detention in which arrested people
were kept into two separate rooms. However, we were gone to one
of them. As we entered the room, we were accepted by the prisoners
in a friendly manner. After greetings and meetings, every one of us
expressed his happiness. They had arrested an elderly man with his
son. He seemed older than anyone else in the room; therefore, he
was called dad by the others. He was arrested because of his son;
otherwise he was free from any charges. He had asked the guardians
to assist his son and they had accepted his wish. It was him that was
comforting all of us and played his role as a father for those arrested
in.
We were glad inasmuch as we had joined them. Now, grand total
of the arrested was ten. We were waiting for Ahsan that few minutes
later he was joined to us. As a result, there was eleven people right
then. I saw Naser Selimi there, who, had been captured in a district
of the city, Jorabad; he had been accused of taking part into a fight
against the guardians in which his hands has been wounded, whereas
it was not correct. He himself explained that his hand had been
wounded in their kitchen. Hearing his points, I felt he had been made
a heavy file for. He did not speak too much. I had heard of him by
his friends in Mariwan. Although, I had been told of him, there was
no any relationship between us yet. As soon as he saw me, he was
very glad and we exchanged greetings with one another.
I knew few others such as Attaolla Zandi a talented political
activist. He had a doctrine on problems in Kurdistan with a historical
sociopolitical attitude. He was said that he had been a member for
Revolutionary Committee of Democratic Party in previous years.
Moreover, Ata, Sasan Partway and Asghar Mobaseri had been
arrested on the road to Sanandaj-Kamyaran near the Gawshan tunnel
few days before. They were accused of carrying grenades and
mortar-shell. They had been kept for a few days there. The time they
called to pray in the evening, I noticed that three of our co-prisoners
began busy with saying their prayers. Saying one’s prayers at that
time was not so astonishing neither for me nor the others;
accordingly, it might be expedient to comfort their anxiety and it
House of Detention 107
could be guessed easily since their accusations was not so light.
Later on, Ata enlightened such an action. Among all of us, Sasan
was not behaving so friendly toward the others and he was alone
most of the time.
Another young man was seen among the prisoners. He was about
eighteen whose name was Mozzafar; he was accused of having a
gun. He said: “they accuse me of having shot to the guardians while
I don’t have the slightest idea and I’m sure they’re framing me.”
As I mentioned before, there was another room, full of arrested
people, in the vicinity of ours. Since we were newcomers, we did not
know whom they were. Asghar said: “among them, I knew two:
Najmadin Golparwar from our district and Yedolla Foolladi who has
been arrested during the demonstration.”
A terrifying and horrible circumstance enveloping everyone for
fear of which they had kept silence. To break such a condition, I
recommended Ata for arranging a program in which we could both
sing and recite poetry. It was received gladly by him; therefore, we
put it up for discussion. Having welcomed by our co-prisoners, each
one began singing songs or reciting poems. Singing practicable
poetry or songs in chorus, all of us experienced new emotionally
feelings. We did this to improve morale of people ignorant of their
fate of whom we were their members. Everyone took his part and let
go whatever he remembered; they began reciting poems and singing
songs from both Iranian and Kurdish poets to great famous voices
from Iraqi Kurdistan such as Alimardan, Tahir Tewfiq, Refiq Chalac
and so on. The famous Kurdish song, Bloody Flower, and famous
Persian anthem, the Auspicious Springs, by Keramatolla Daneshyan
were sung. The song of dawn bird in Persian, as well as Blond Hair,
Pale Lip and, Incarnadined Face composed by Qanè and Goran
decorated our last prisoning nights.
Show Trials
Having sung and recited poems, the arrested people were being gone
to be put on trial. Those who were summoned to their so called court
were coming back to us after a while. At this moment, they were
speaking of being tried. This so called show trials were not
compatible with any common or uncommon laws. There was neither
a judge and a prosecuting attorney nor a defense attorney and a
recording officer. It would be even neither contrast nor compare with
any other military court happen in wartimes in which the injured
people are put on trial when they are recovered. It is also possible for
no one to adopt such an action neither to human rights nor
international laws.
According to his Imam’s decree, a mullah had decided to
intimidate Kurdish people by taking severe measure. After
massacring people in Pawa, they were going to commit the same
crime again by suppressing and moving people back in other cities of
Kurdistan on one hand, and taking their freedom away and setting
them against death squad on the other.
The first ones, i.e. Ata Zandi, Sasan Partway and Asghar Mobaseri
were being summoned one after another constantly; bringing and
carrying them for several times, they were touched more and more.
Ata told me personally that there was a mullah sought excuses in the
investigation. Then, Ahsan and Shahryar Nahi and Jamil Yaxchali
were taken in turn. Investigative procedures were continued. It was
about after ten. It was possible for no one to go to sleep. Everybody
was waited to see whether their friends will return back; moreover,
they paid particular attention to see what the details of the
investigative procedures would be.
Mozzafar Rahimi was gone to Khalkhali. The time he came back
to us was quiet, but he was retelling the thing he was accused of. He
was objecting to what they were going to impose him as someone
shooting the guardians.
Many a time, Naser Selimi was gone to Khalkhali. The time he
came back, he was very angry. He said: “they are persisting I had
been injured in an armed struggle; furthermore, they are relying on
the words of those arrested at our home.” The condition was so
unusual and full of intimidation of which no one was free from.
The time struck one after the midnight when I was called. I was
brought toward the aerodrome building when I came out of the house
of detention. When I was carrying, I noticed that other prisoners
were also taking to Khalkhali in this manner. When I got into the
corridor, it was very noisy. A great number of armed people were
coming and going. I was led to a room. As soon as I went in, I
encountered a tall man with a white garment wearing dark
spectacles.
The mentioned tall man put my dossier on the desk in front of him.
Having turned its pages over first, he addressed the people there and
Show Trials 111
said: “it lacks of investigative foliates.” They expressed their
unawareness of the case. He gave me a page and asked me to write
the way I was arrested in. While I started to write, I understand that
the next room was crowded. I saw a mullah talking to Sasan Partway
when I looked around to see what was going on. I remembered Ata’s
words about a mullah sought excuses in the investigations.
In the meantime I was writing my biography, I mentioned that I
was going to Dadane in which I was a teacher and I had to organize
the summer reexamination. In the middle of the way, I encountered
with the guardians’ car; eventually I began running away. In addition
to the fact that I was shot, extra problems brought me to a heel of
which I was both injured and arrested. I wrote these notes down on
the paper and then I delivered it to them.
“What did you do with your gun?” I was asked by the investigator.
I expressed my unawareness of the case. Moreover, I explained that I
am a teacher and it is possible for you to ask whether I am right or
not. He asked: “where did the other armed people run away you were
accompanied by?” I denied the accusation anyhow.
He did not ask any question about Ashraf Rahimi from
Malaksahan village. I was being questioned by him according to the
Black Garments’ reports, and I either was denying or expressing my
unawareness of the case. I remembered the time I must have been
investigated by Hashtroodi during which the investigation remained
unfinished; for the reason there was not any paper or file on the issue
to have been signed by him. Therefore, the file was incomplete. By
such questioning and making everything available, they were going
to send me to Khalkhali. He told me that you have been talking of
Kurdish people’s right. I answered: “yes, you’re right. I spoke to one
of your local authorities who was insulting Kurdish people and I just
protested against his words.” I could elude his question anyhow.
There was a page in the file from the council of the Dadane village
in which they had declared that I had been going to hold the summer
reexamination. He pointed this case out and said that there was such
a letter in the file. Having influenced during the meeting I had with
my aunts in the garrison, my family had to take an immediate action
to add such an attachment to the file I was made for. The one spoke
to me ordered to return me back to the house of detention. Thus, they
did not send me to Khalkhali incidentally.
They returned me to the house of detention again. Ata was
wandered when I narrated the whole process of questioning to him. I
was waiting to be called again as the time was going by. If I had
evaluated such questioning as an investigating attempt, I must have
gone to Khalkhali. However, I was called no more. I myself had an
opinion according to which lacking of investigative foliates should
be signed by Hashtroodi on the file and also presence of the letter
from council of the village I was teaching in, was a great help not to
be gone to Khalkhali. Now that I am breathing at a later time more
far from that occasion, it is still more difficult to believe I am alive;
how incredible living again is; and how harmful living in perilous
situation is.
A surprising terror had prevailed over us and it was being
increased as the dim light of the room was leading any ray of hope
toward a deteriorated condition as much again. Having been a dad
Show Trials 113
for all of us, the father, assisting his son, was making an effort to
comfort every one; mentioning to Ahsan in tears was saying: “he’d
to be either confined to bed or hospitalized in a specific sanitary
place whereas taken captive with both an injured thigh and a
plastered leg.” I will never forget his nice fatherly and friendly
visage strengthening us to be more powerful. Similar to his intimate
behavior, he was wearing plain cloths. He had put on a white meshy
hat conforming to his white beard. The condition seemed more
difficult: it was possible for no one to go to sleep; everyone was
coming and going; furthermore, whoever was going out to the toilet,
the door was opening and closing constantly. As a result, if there was
any to go to sleep, he was deprived of his privilege.
At about three o’clock, after the midnight, the door of the house of
detention was opened and two other people came in: Habibolla
Biglari and dervish Isa Pirwali. I did not know them very well
anyhow.
There was said that they had been confined in a prison in
Kermanshah. Since they had to be moved to somewhere else, they
had been told to make ready themselves. Consequently, they had
been transferred to Sanandaj then. They said: “we’re expecting that
our car must be attacked on the way from Kermanshah to Sanandaj;
we’re expected to be rescued.” In the meantime, they spoke of the
guards’ horror in the car. They also mentioned that they were not
aware of the place they were going to be transferred. “We didn’t
know we’re in Sanandaj until we saw you here,” they said. All of us
gathered around them. They told us of their ordinary co-prisoners
and also the bad condition they had to live in.
Speaking of a mullah putting everyone on trial, we, too, explained
that from nine o’clock to later hours, our co-prisoners had been
under examining one by one.
Since some of our room-mates were so tired, they went to sleep;
nevertheless, due to the fact that they looked so worry, most of them
remained napless. The faint sign of twilight was going to lurk
beyond the darkness whereas taking and going our co-prisoners to
Khalkhali had not finished yet. The other co-prisoners next to our
room had involved the same fate as we did; in fact, they were
experiencing our crucial moment. We were unaware of the howness
and whatness of their questionings. We just were listening to
opening and closing of their door which was indicating that
investigation had not finished yet. As all of us were tired, each one
stretched his hands out; in fact, no stamina remained for anybody to
think anymore and we got asleep eventually.
We got up in the morning at eight. The time we had breakfast, the
show trial was not finished yet. Naser Selimi was taken to Khalkhali
again; returning back, he was cursing any sign of inequities angrily.
To put Habibolla Biglari on trial, he was taken to Khalkhali. He
was entirely quiet, when he came back to us. Having absolutely
accused of murdering Shater Mamad over the same period, Isa
Pirwali, was worried exceedingly; he was taken to Khalkhali for
several times. Denying such an action, he had expressed his
unawareness of the case. The time he came back for the last time, it
was impossible for him to speak no longer. Trying to comfort him,
Naser Selimi sat beside him; they began speaking with each other.
Show Trials 115
Both of them got involved in the same condition as they griped with;
furthermore, they were getting on in years and their words was not
trustworthy for the regime’s agents.
Naser came to me and said: “I’m sure Isa Pirwali has been asked to
collaborate with the enemy.” I was so surprised by such an
expression. I replied: “how have you concluded such an idea? He
must not be accused of anything.” He had perceived such an idea
during the brief talking he had with Pirwali. He said: “I’m gonna
have a speech with him again.” As a result he went back to Pirwali.
They were busy with talking that Naser addressed the arrested
people and said: “Pirwali is gonna have a word with you.” Everyone
got quiet to see what he was going to say. In a gloomy voice but in
tears, he began speaking:
“I’ve been accused of murdering Shater Mamad; substantially, I
knew nothing about him. I’ve been investigated again and again on
the issue. They’re gonna impose such an accusation on me. I’ll
neither accept nor take any responsibility for doing so. The last time
I was taken to be investigated again, I was demanded to cooperate
with them. They asked me to provide them with necessary
information about you and retell them what I hear from you. I’m not
disloyal to my compatriots. You’re like either my brothers or my
children. More important is that I won’t fall any guys to rescue my
life. They told me that if I inform them they’ll release me, but I’ll
commit no treason to you.”
There was no body not to be flabbergasted by delivering his
speech. There was also seen not any movement; absence or lacking
of any voice prevailed over us for a few minutes. Dervish Isa Pirwali
was worry and anxious; it was pressing his both life and soul. The
circumstance was completely depressing, especially the time Pirwali
was taken for the last time. There was found nobody not to be
touched by the accident; everyone was anxious about his fate
because he was not only responsible to his family, but also was
irrelevant to any political movement. Coming back, without any
introductory words, he said: “I was taken to the mullah you were
speaking about; he repeated what the others had pointed out. These
criminals have mercy to nobody, and they have mercy for my
children either. They’re not going to believe I’ve not played any role
in murdering of Shater Mamad.”
From eight to twelve Ahsan and his friends were taken to
Khalkhali again; however, the atmosphere wan not apprehensive and
everyone had found comfort in a corner busy with talking.
Fusillade
In the afternoon, at about one o’clock, in which the circumstance of
the house of detention was still prevailed with silence and each one
suffered from insomnia, the anxiety had risen from the show trial
converting the space more wearisome. Our co-prisoners were busy
talking to one another. The silence was broke with opening of the
door at about two or three o’clock. A guardian appeared in the
middle of the door. Unfolding a paper, he asked us to pay our
attention to what he is going to declare. Accordingly, we remained
silent to see what was going to announce. He said: whoever I call, he
has to make himself ready:
1. Ahsan Nahid
2. Shahryar Nahid
3. Jamil Yaxchali
4. Mozzafar Rahimi
5. Attaolla Zandi
6. Asghar Mobaseri
7. Isa Pirwali
8. Naser Selimi
Doubtlessly, something was going to be happen, for whenever they
summoned us, we were being called up one by one. Nevertheless,
they called us collectively this time. Our co-prisoners were asked to
follow the guardians. Consequently, they were busy with making
themselves ready and making efforts to move. Having put their shoes
on, the guardian pointed out strictly that everyone has to put their
shoes on. The circumstance was altered considerably and everyone
was going to put his shoes on; finally, they were led out.
During the time they had locked us up, both in the hospital and in
the house of detention, in prison, we were unaware of executing
other innocent people in other cities of Kurdistan except Pawa. In
fact, during the past two days, we were not in contact with the
outside on the one hand, and it was forbidden, both for me, Ahsan,
Shahryar, and Jamil, to visit our family on the other hand. We heard
from nobody if they have met anyone else. Do they take our coprisoners to have a meeting with their family? Why eight people?
Why collectively? All of those people, whom were called, were
waited to be free and go out of the house of detention one by one.
Unable to move among them was Ahsan; having hung his hand on
the necks of Jamil and Shahryar, he stood on his healthy foot first
and then moved with the aid of them. As I had lived with Ahsan for
a few nights and I was worried about him, without any hesitation, I
asked them: “where’re they being carried?” The guardian who had
declared the paper, answered: “to Kermanshah.” His answer was
questionable because Isa and Habiballa Pirwali had been transferred
here directly from Kermansha about twelve hours before.
Fusillade 119
A perilous silence prevailed over those whose names were absent
on the list and remained at the house of detention. The mournful
space of the empty prison had surrounded our loneliness. Nobody
was talking to somebody. Of course, there were not anyone except
Habibolla Biglari and his son, Sasan Partway and I. At about half an
hour later, an ear-splitting noise of a helicopter was heard closed to
the house of detention. It was so closed that its noise not only was
reflected in our room but also was shaking it harshly. Having cut off
the noise, coming and going of the government officials, in the
corridor, reached into its highest level. Everything was indicating an
unusual condition following a new intimidation. We were informed
of nothing; having missed our friends a lot, we began to ponder. This
situation was calling the day Ahsan and his friends were taken to
Hashtroodi; during the investigation, he had showed a clean pair of
heels. No news of the case, we did not know where our friends were
taken to; nevertheless, an overwhelming sense of catastrophe was
going on and so forth.
After a while, somebody who had made a stand against entering to
the house of detention was pushed in and the door was closed
simultaneously. He was a brawny man. As he looked us, I
recognized him right away. I knew him from the time he was at high
school; Mohammad Hussein Wahdani a famous wrestler. Since the
room we were kept in has been vacated, it was filling again by
entering some newcomers. Looked panicky, he began kicking up a
row by striking the door with the fist and continually was pointing
out that he was innocent. Shouting and swearing in an unusual
manner, he was saying: “I’m innocent; you must free me; I’ve
committed no sin.” We had no idea why he was so panicky and what
the reason was that he was insisting to be free in such a way. He was
notified for several times, but he did not hear of it and incessantly
protesting about his case. His state looked like someone weeping.
Catching the bar of the lid on the door, he had a look on us once in a
while and without interchanging any word he was returning to the
door again and with a more powerful yelling: “I’m innocent.” He
continued such a manner, until they came and took him away. In the
meantime he became our co-prisoner, he did not leave the door and
told us no word. May be he was informed of the outside. He tried to
do his best to free from such a condition, of which our friends got
involved, unless he would encounter the same fate as our friends. It
was a motive not to stop perhaps he would be saved. As one ought to
do something, he was possibly not going to involve the same fate as
we did. I remembered that his brother, Yadullah Wahdani a
policeman, took part in suppressing popular uprising in Sanandaj; he
was attributed of killing Mr. Daqhiqh who was running a
confectioner’s shop. It could be considered as a factor struck terror
into his heart.
All of us were getting along with a silence full of anxiety. A
profound grief has seized us by the collar. Through the lid on the
door, I was called to go out in such a condition. We had no news of
our friends yet. I put my shoes on in such a way that as if they were a
pair of slippers; I was looking forward to go out anyhow. A guard
opened the door and I followed him. I had not gotten away from the
room yet that I saw my father weeping. They were going to lead him
into a room. He had come there to meet me. I was led to the same
Fusillade 121
room in which we might have visited each other. As soon as we
found ourselves in the room, we greeted one another with warm
embraces. I began sobbing as he was sobbing sympathetically. He
embraced me in such a way that I had never experienced such a
kindly behavior by him. I understood that it was a sign to
comprehend what was going to be happening outside of that dark
place. He was well-informed of everything, particularly the
executions.
“I told you not to go to the village. You were going to have your
eyes be damaged. What a misery you were going to experience in
order to help the others!” He pointed these words out. He looked at
me as if I had been born newly. Impossible for him to see me again,
he was speaking to me with the same manner I mentioned before. A
guard was looking after us to see what our conversations would be.
He was listening to us; I later on understood that we were not on the
same wavelength. After a while, he felt tranquility and began
pointing some important clues out perhaps I could find them out. I
perceived his hints and took notice that many people have been put
to death; in the meantime, few others have been looking the scene of
executing not very far from the airport. At that time, I realized that
our friends had experienced death squad finally. I showed no
reaction. Eventually, he mentioned that many of our close relatives
were waited, for hours, near the police station to have a visit with
me; and that they have not been permitted coming in anyhow. He
continued: “having pleaded a lot, I found an opportunity to come in.
They are so worry about you.” He wanted me to understand that they
have been either looking the scene or gaining the news of execution.
Having left us, our friends had not been transferred to Kermanshah
rather they had been gone to the executing range and were executed
right then accompany with three other people imprisoned next to our
ward; it became evident hours later: 1. Genral Khosro Nyazmandi, 2.
Yadullah Foolladi, and 3. Syrous Manoocheri were the three other
people executed accompany with our co-prisoners.
Visiting time rushed soon. Being grief-stricken, I came back to the
ward and explained the whole event for our remaining co-prisoners;
in addition, I expressed my own interpretation. Having heard such a
terrifying incident, they became anxious and could say nothing for a
long time. A heavy silence struck the circumstance accordingly. I
thought of the moments we were busy with singing and reciting
poetry the night before.24
Something important not to be neglected is that Mohammad
Hussein Wahdani had understood such a terrifying occurrence; that
was why he was so chaotic and distressed. The suffocating
atmosphere has weaved the ward as well. The rest of us had nothing
to interchange with one another; in the same way, the faint light of
the space had increased twofold so that it became something
intolerable.
24
Here, the writer himself has begun reading and singing the poems
and songs they were singing the night before the day his coprisoners had their last songs together. Nevertheless, I came to this
idea that translating such musical and poetical feelings is almost
impossible for the writer is reading and singing them in a
stammering way and his voice is entirely emotionally.
Fusillade 123
The old man accompany with his son were set free on the same
day, on the condition that he had to prevent his son not take part in
any political activities.
Three days were passed without paying any attention to the wound
I had on my hand. There was neither a doctor nor a medical assistant.
If there were any, we will be assisted by none of them. The only
injured one among us was I.
On the third day, I was looked through the lid on the upper part of
the door once more and I was asked to make myself ready to be gone
out. I had no idea where I was gone, or what my fate will be. As I
left the ward, I was told to put my own shoes on. Recalling of our
friends and caring for them prevailed over me in a sudden.
Crossing the corridor, I entered into a room. My father and my
aunt’s husband were waited there. The guardian, who had fixed his
eyes on us, during our first meeting, was standing next to them.
I took notice of carrying a title deed, by them, belonging to one of
my family with which I could gain my freedom. It was evident that
my father has been asked to do so, during the visiting time, few days
before. Therefore, I was going to be freed on bail. It was impossible
for me to believe my life is being saved from a perilous situation
easily. The council of the Dadane village had confirmed the claim,
based on organizing the summer reexamination there, I had
represented before. From the outbreak of Iranian revolution to
summer vacation, I had not suspended teaching students thereafter
except on holidays in which I was going back to Sanandaj. At that
time, neither regime could rule over Kurdistan nor could its agents.
The only possibilities were these factors with which I could gain
freedom and catch a deep breath eventually.
Setting Free from Prison
Having set me free from prison, my father, some other relatives who
were waiting outside of the airport, and I moved toward the city
accompany with one another. Entering to the city, we found it
helpless with no clamorous agitation as it used to be after the
revolution as if both people and the city had been captive by such
barbaric enemies. We got off the car in front of our house. As the
door was opened, we saw many people had been gathered in. My
mother embraced me warmly in tears as soon as I entered into the
yard. Asking her to be patient and happy, I said: “I’m safe and you
must be very glad.” She answered: “I’m so glad, but you, the young,
are unable to understand us. Look my son, you can have your ideas,
but you have to consider us.” It was her belief and she persuaded me
to keep my own ideas not on the price of neglecting their feelings
although she was not ignorant to the fact that the way we must pave
for was not at the door rather it was both lengthy and risky.
Those who had come, to see me, let me be alone after few hours.
Suffering from such insomnia, and hearing how my close friends had
been executed in such a fraught situation on one hand, and narrating
what an exhausting condition we had experienced to the visitors on
the other hand, I felt I had to have a rest. Taking a pillow under my
injured hand, I went to sleep. A close friend of mine came to see me
when the sun had not disappeared yet. He was aware of everything
specifically the condition prevailing all over the cities in Kurdistan
particularly Sanadaj. We spoke of the role played by regime’s agents
in the zone. “Moftizade’s agents were prevented to take part in the
funeral ceremonies of the executed people; moreover, these
mercenaries are brought at bay day by day,” he mentioned, “using
these agents as far as they provide for governors, the regime throws
them away as rubbish subsequently just as facial tissues. It’s possible
for us to see such examples in the history. These’re respectful neither
in the court of the governors, nor in the people’s heart.” He spoke of
another massacring in Pawa, in which seven other innocent people
have been executed. Carrying out a raid, Kurdistan was occupied by
the repressive forces basically.
In the meanwhile, outcry sound of numbers of people staged a
demonstration over the Molla Weisi Bridge was heard; it was within
walking distance of our house as I mentioned before. Easily to
observe what was up, we claimed to the housetop at once. Opening
fire on them, the demonstrators were pacing over the bridge.
Marching of demonstrators collapsed as soon as they were fired by
supporters of the ignorance. Trying to save from any aggression or
capturing, people taking the public protest were scattered into the
districts nearby such as Razan the alley, and Aqazaman the
alleyway. The guardians’ cars, which were on demonstrators to be
tracked, savagely attacked on them. Many of them escaped through a
newly-covered river nearby. They opened fire on people just
opposite to our house. Somebody was fired with a gun; he was
approached by a woman immediately. Finding him injured, she
Setting Free from Prison 127
asked if there was anyone to help. In view of the fact that people
were under fire, he remained helpless. At this moment, the guardians
got there. We were watching the whole scene at close. Later on, we
were informed that the injured one was Mansoor Alagheman
Bahrami.
In order to brand such a crime to others and pretend that the bullets
were not shot by them, they pretended that the shooting had been
taken place from the newly-building house which was of ours. At
that time, we were busy with building a new house in front of our old
one. As far as my father heard such a claim, he run at them quickly
and asked them to come and have a look into the house, in spite of
the fact that he knew I might encounter a new problem. He told them
manifestly: “it’s my house.” He was so angry that he paid no
attention to the condition in which I might be trapped again.
Hearing both my father’s remarks and groundless statements by
the guardians, my friend thought of a way through which he could
possibly rescue himself. It was evident that if they could enter into
our home, he was being encountered a perilous situation for he was
relatively someone famous. He jumped immediately over a short
wall beside our neighbor’s. Crossing this alley and passing that lane,
he rescued himself from danger anyhow. As the guardians found it
difficult to ascribe their crime to us, they get into contact with an
emergency service for an immediate attempt; besides, the weather
was getting dark slowly and the guardians lacked the dare to stay
anymore. After a few minutes, an ambulance got there and took the
body of Mansoor. Unfortunately, he died in the hospital and his
corpse was delivered to his family. Panicky and frightened, they left
there without any delaying and mentioned no more of the place from
which the gun had been fired.
We came back into the room too. My mother and father were
worried and thought of a way to seek a remedy. We have been
exposed to danger and possibility of happening another accident was
threatening us, especially they had heard of another execution in
Mariwan during which many other revolutionists had received
several bullet wounds, as if death squad had seized every activist by
the collar.
My parents were going to hide such a new crime in case I will be
deeply affected by grief. Among the new executed was a well-known
face Hussein Pirkhezrani whom I knew very well. Having had
supper, I saw then that nine other innocent people had been
condemned to death in Mariwan by Khalkhali the executioner.
Hearing such a tragic piece of news, I burst into tears; it reminded
me of Pirkhezran’s family and some other friends there. I had always
held them dear. At this point, my mother said: “we were informed of
such a case, but due to friendship ties you had with Pirkhezrani, we
remained silence. We were not going to disturb you my son.”
Hussein Pirkhezrani was a teacher who was teaching in villages; a
symbol of crusade against corruption. Validity among people, loving
of toilers, and devoted to the proletariat was some of his prominent
features; his particularity had caused me to respect him a lot. I never
forget the day he had passed an examination to enter the university
and consulted me if he remained a teacher or he was supposed to
gain higher education. “It’s impossible for me to break off relations
with people and I believe that teaching serves greater effect to
human societies and working class,” he pointed these remarks out
simultaneously.
Martial law had developed itself upon the city. Coming and going
was specific to the Islamic Guardians moving dreaded. Sound of
shooting was heard everywhere. However, nobody came to see me
after the supper. In fact, coming out of home was jeopardizing. A
perilous condition had prevailed over the city after the execution in
the airport. Public protest in the whole areas of the city was going on
until getting dark.
Having consulted my parents, I decided to go to Tehran and have
my injured hand be cured. My hand’s nerve had sustained an injury
and it was calling an earnest medical treatment. As a consequence, I
started on a journey to Tehran the next day. Having got there, I
stayed at one of my family’s home who had spent most of his life in
such a metropolis. He led me to go to a doctor anyhow; having
observed my hand, he suggested me to call on an orthopedist. He had
understood that I was from Sanandaj; furthermore, he showed his
sympathetic feelings toward our locality, particularly the movement
raising there. He asked me some questions about the new condition.
He was eager to know more about Imam’s decree; Khomeini’s
famous calling for attacking Kurdistan. He also asked about people’s
reaction in the area and I explain whatever I felt was necessary
either. Having examined essentially various observations, he
introduced me to an orthopedic center in which was many different
amenities specific to the injured. There, a system was ordered for me
with which I could move my hand in any direction.
The time I was in Tehran, I stayed on a house of a friend: Reza
Weise, the martyr. He was an old friend who helped me as far as he
could. Karim Nazari came to Reza at the same days. As
physiotherapy was necessary for me to be cured, Karim helped me to
have it for several times. One day, I went to Tehran University to see
whatever I have heard of it at close.
The circumstance of Tehran University and its vicinity seemed
democratic. The regime could neither suppress political sphere nor
prevail his ominous sovereignty. Each political force had its own
seat and the sound of revolutionary anthem was heard everywhere,
especially the bookshops. New left and right political forces had
propounded their existence of which I have heard nothing; Forqan
Group, and so on. Association for the Kurds Resident in the Center
had allocated a place of their own as some other new forces had done
so. Some photos of Kurdistan had ornamented both the bookshops
and newsstands. In addition, some photos of Newrooz in 1979, and
Lale Mohammad from Mariwan were seen among the photos.
Playing by the side of bombs and cartridge cases of mortar-shell,
Kurdish children were reflected on a prominent profile. Cassettes by
Shivan Perwer from Kurdistan were heard too. There were also some
books exhibited among which was seen Kurd’s History, Torkaman
Sahra’s People struggling, and some other scientific philosophical
Marxist texts. In every corner, many people had crowded in groups
busy with talking on different issues. That circumstance recalled me
our own arguments, in different districts, in Sanandaj, in which many
people from everywhere were coming and taking part in such
extraordinary debates.
I started going to a square famous for its name Esfand Twenty
Fourth Square. In front of a newsstand, I saw the photo of Foad
Mostafasoltani, printed beside the main headline of Keihan
Newspaper, according to which he had passed away. I felt quite
enervated by such a shocking story. In order to see what the fact was,
I sat by the side of the street nearby and began reading the story.
Reading the news, I was crying simultaneously. I had never seen him
at close, but I have heard a lot about his abilities in both forming and
leading many guilds and organizations: Rural Guilds to confront
with feudalists, taking part into a Panel for Delegating Kurdish
People, leading the historical marching from Sanandaj to Mariwan,
and also founding and leading the Kurdistan Toilers’ Revolutionary
Organization known as Komala (i.e. the Populace). Here, I found
this point out that Kurdish people had lost one of their greatest
leaders; someone kind, responsible and prominent.
After a few days, I was delivered the system I had been made for,
by the orthopedic center, with which I could move my hand and
returned back to Sanandaj. The time I found myself in the city I was
grown in, I heard that the Islamic Republic had extorted money from
the families whose children were executed, in the airport; if they had
refused the blackmail, the corpses of their children had not been
delivered to them. By committing such an abominable interaction, it
had showed its savagery characteristic more and more.
As compared with one or two weeks ago, the circumstance of the
city had experienced remarkable alterations. There was some
sporadic fighting every days and nights during which the regime’s
agents were attacked. The leaders of such guerrilla warfare were the
young revolutionists. By organizing communications networks and
coordinating operations all over the districts, they could bring the
regime at bay. Resisting and protesting against occupiers was
increasing days after days. Such civil unrest was both kept on and
spread from the beginning to late Aban.
As the result of struggling by people in the fall of the same year, it
was possible for political forces to come back to the cities and begin
their activities once more. It is an unforgettable day in my life.
Turning the signals of different cars and vehicles up, people
expressed their happiness; the pishmargs from different political
parties and organizations had come back and there was held a great
celebration; blowing the horns was being heard everywhere. The
circumstance had experienced a perceptible alteration; people whose
children had lived far away, now they could embrace them easily. In
fact, they welcomed the grand moments they were anticipating
months ago. Later on, Kamal Ghotbi accompany with some other
friends said to me that they were looking forward not to see me
again. They had accepted the idea that I would be executed just as
our friends experienced such a kind of dying.
Such a major upheaval had brought a new condition about.
However, political parties had not prevailed over the city yet. Some
wicked ones were going to make use of such a gap; they were
extorting money, commodity and other goods from people at the
egresses and entrances of the cities. Such extortionists were detected
and arrested by people finally and Komala provided a public court in
which they were put on trial openly.
In order to be guaranteed the security of the area, new strategies
were provided of which I can name creating armed forces which was
followed by establishing domiciles in every district; they covered
every movement, particularly guarding, holding sessions, giving
lectures and relieving operations. The forces needed for doing such
measures were local people especially the young in each district.
Paying particular attention to priority of necessities in every district
was the most important duties such forces had to do. The political
circumstances necessitated a condition in which drug addicts were
made a golden opportunity to break their habits out.
Struggling against local reactionaries was another action to be
taken of which I can refer to is the disarmament of Spahe Rizgary
(i.e. liberating corps). Moftizade’s agents had been isolated and
people paid no attention to them anymore. Unemployed Workmen
Syndicates were established by proletarian activists. Establishing
Women’s Organization was another action taken at that period. Of
some other initiatives, I can refer to, are reconstructing the House of
the Teachers and Students’ Communities. People’s protests,
specifically market-men’s against presence of the Army of the
Guardians on a place in the center of the city known as the Clubhouse of the Army of the Guardians, establishing District
Communities and their main board known as the Representative
Group of District Communities are some other initiatives at this
incumbency.
These and so many other attempts were to be performed as our
responsibilities. As a result, both activists and revolutionists, who
had a share in carrying such duties out at any above mentioned
backgrounds, are anxiously waited to pay their particular attentions
to narrate and describe whatever they saw or experienced.
Accounting for, narrating or any other attempts such as writing and
authoring both the events and analyzing the situation is necessary.
To have such an important duty, anyone of us must express his or
her attitudes. Explaining the howness and whatness of such
significant or momentous events is the principle none of us could
neglect it. Whoever goes back to such a period and represents
whatever they are aware of, they enjoy their attempt whenever their
outlook seemed impressionable.
Owing to the fact that I was in contact with some of our
anonymous friends in Kellane and our activities were allocate to the
region in the suburbs of our city Sanandaj, we established a
Proletarian Formation; Iraj Farzad was appointed as somebody in the
charge of it. Activities among the proletariat became something
basic. Having issued a notification, we both announced our new
strategic approach and introduced our new organization known as
Workman Outcry. The Gawelies, Habiballa, Meroof, Abbas, Jalal,
Nabi Maktoobi, and the martyr Jalal Kelanai were some of the
founders of such a proletarian formation.
To put our strategies in practice, we rented a house in Abasabad
district. We were coming and going there as occasion was arisen.
Having got into contact with many workmen all over the area, we
thought of broadening such an activity in some other cities and
towns. In fact, we were going to found the Labor Unions in
Kurdistan. According to our decision, we had to pick other ones’
experiences through contact with some other proletarian circles of
which I can refer to Reza Moghadam who came to us accompany
with another workman in the Oil Refinery. We met them at another
home we had in Sharifabad. There, we spoke of proletarian activities
and also strategic moves we had both practiced and considered them.
Having discussed a detailed account of each other’s activities, they
promised to introduce both our proletarian formation and its
activities through their journals.
During one of the 24 day-war in Sanandaj, I was going to the house
we had in Abasabad in order to follow up our routine activities.
Crossing this alley and passing that lane, I found myself on the
Siroos Street. I was hit a bullet on the leg near the crossroad there.
That day, I had put on a soldiering pair of boots. As far as I felt pain
in my leg I walked few steps limpingly to find a safe place through
the district in which the Jewish lived. The lane I went in was called
the Jewish Lane. Since my boots were full of blood, I put them out.
The bullet had not hit the anklebone fortunately.
In the meantime, a patrol car specific to the Representative Group
of District Communities was crossing that lane on a mission.
Ardeshir Nasrolla Beigi was one of its passengers. The patrol car
was stopped as soon as they saw me and took me to a hospital lane
by lane. After shooting photographs and observing my leg, they were
assured that it was a flesh wound; therefore, I was not threatened by
such an occurrence. A few people helped me to come back to our
home. At those days, I was treated medically by a group of
revolutionary women caring injurers. I was dressing a wound most
of the time; however, it got better as the last days of fighting were to
be finished.
In order to prevent another massacring by Islamic Republic,
pishmargs and revolutionists decided to leave the city and continue
their activities outside of it in the spring of 1980.
During the time we were active in the suburbs of our city known as
Chem Shar, our friends continued their activities; in accompany with
them we had established the proletarian formation as it was
mentioned before. Not only I had a look on the issues were being
published in the Workman Outcry, our journals, but also I jot down a
few ideas at each side of its margins. Its publication was faced with
problems one time within its particular period of time; as a result, we
had it published on waxen papers, in a small village known as
Halwan, and brought it back to the city.
Talks to Families Experienced Such a Tragedy
Particularly important is a talk to the families whose children gave
their lives up during such a tragic massacre. Among those who drank
such bitter calamities were Ahsan and Shahryar Nahid; addressing
their mother, Mrs Monir, there is a short note to the martyrs:
Dear mothers and fathers, your children were sacrificed in such a
condition that astonished us by such an imaginable degree; having
them put into jails, they were set against death squad or died because
of their humanitarian motives. The cacophonous firing by the
regime’s agents is still rattling our people’s ears. They committed
such an incredible crime that our people have no way except seeking
a remedy by which these reactionary fossils must meet a court to
answer their merciless behaviors back.
Our alert intelligent young would make an official complaint
eventually to bring forward such documents and pictures with which
the Islamic Republic of Iran must be run over by roaring of people.
The historical garbage truck is the only vehicle they had to be
thrown away with. It is the only way on which people can experience
catastrophe no more.
Neither those days nor these ones, in which the Islamic Republic
has been getting on in years, for almost twenty eight, I have never
accepted we have been put on trial. Imam’s decree was massacring.
His decree is the best document with which it would be possible for
people to disclose an important fact: attacking people from the very
beginning of their domination. The Islamic Republic put fifty eight
people to death within a week.
I emphasize on the term massacre. This massacring was political
and we were charged politically.
Therefore, the blanket indictment must reflect such content.
According to his Imam’s decree, a mullah had decided and wanted to
defame Kurdish people. The people, who had made their decision to
gain their deprived primary rights, had to do so as they wished,
although they were repressed in the end. In such courts taken by the
officials, the accused had no right to ask whom they were and what
they were going to do in Kurdistan! Here, is my home; we are a
nation too; especially important is the fact that we have the right to
designate our autonomy; accordingly, if there is a gun, it is because
of both defending us and protecting defenseless people in such a
chaotic world. People, here, have been struggling for either existence
or the rights they have been deprived of. It is impossible for the
accused to explain why military expedition to such a land with such
guns, cannons, armies, guardians, mobilizers, and the jashes; besides
whatever the cause is, according to which I have to be rightless to
carry a gun with which I can protect my people, is not clear. If I
carry such equipment I am counter-revolutionist! What a bizarre
world! You and your butcher knife have occupied our territory to kill
any sign of democracy and freedom; you were going to put turbans
around the girls and women’s bodies, and deprive them the right
Talks to Families Experienced Such A Tragedy 139
according to which they could wear freely; you also imprisoned
them at their homes; you had them accept being half-men as long as
their lifetime would lost; in a word, you came not to give us
prosperity, but to suppress any colors and circumstances you did not
like.
It is not possible for the accused to express how long they might
live somewhere other than their home; being away from their homes
to earn a living has been making a habit among Kurdish people.
Home life for the working men and women is just a dream. The
accused should remain wordless and not to ask what you are doing
here which is so far from your homeland. We, notwithstanding, are
sinful and you are sinless! We are either imprisoned or put into death
on one hand and are exiled as you wish on the other. What a bizarre
world! The accused cannot say you killed many people in Pawa
many years ago; they were just opposed to your presence in
Kurdistan.
It was you who ruined Sanandaj in spring of 1980 and called for
more action not to stop further bloodshed. You put people in
mourning instead of granting them happiness specific to Nowrooz
celebration. Nobody has the right to announce you did whatever your
agents presented to you. You even deceived them eventually,
although they have paved the way for you to occupy Kurdistan. They
played the most important part in the area, as your both secret and
public agents, the time Moftizada announced he had the right of
Kurdistan’s autonomy in his pockets. You are freeholders; absolute
title is yours while we are oppressed by your authority. What a
chaotic world! There was nobody to enforce you to take your real
position: the dock in a law court. It was you who equipped
themselves to raze the city to the ground and call for action to
provide further bloodshed. The position I am standing on is not
mine, rather it is yours and your ‘collaborators’. You committed a
crime. I tried as far as I could to grant my people whatever they must
have. There are not only these questions but also many others you
have to answer the time you are passed the sentence on your crimes.
Ahsan and Jamil could defend themselves and express that their
organization and some other Kurdish left political forces guarded the
laborers in some regions around Saqez, called Khorkhora, while you
were defending private landlords. It was possible for Shahryar to say
that he had come to Kurdistan to see his brother. Ata and his friends
who had found themselves contradictory to Mohammad’s Pure
Islam, could express that their aim had been reinforcing the
oppressed’ movements against social inequalities. If Isa Pirwali were
permitted to express something, doubtlessly he would have said: “are
you going to buy me? Am I being asked to be treacherous to my
people and trip them up? I had not committed such sins I’m scribed.”
It was possible for Mozzafar to explain he had been accused of
something he had never thought of. All of them could have their own
defense attorneys. They could say their courts were not recognizable.
They could have the words according to them they were protectors
of their nations; they could tell that they were going to designate
their autonomy as the others have theirs.
In order to hold the executed dear, I bring up this proposal to
Kurdish artists and sculptors to think about sculpting statues, images
and sculptures of such dear ones who were executed by Islamic
Talks to Families Experienced Such A Tragedy 141
executioners; such forms must carry messages of peace and freedom.
They must be replaced the old ones rapidly who are the sign of
hopelessness and disappointments. Let us give no opportunity to
people throughout the world to forget about such crimes. People
tolerated such inequities to have a democratic condition in which
they could get a fresh breath of air. What a chaotic world in which
people are massacred because of having their own life!
As the last and final words I must say, I am going to publish these
memories in the form of a pamphlet.25
25
In his final notes, the writer has expressed his appreciation of
some of his friends who have helped him in editing his notes;
however, he demonstrates his acknowledging in the following way:
“I am very grateful to the friends helped me sincerely. I also express
my thanks to Sabir Sheikhalislami and Kak Rasool Muhammadi
who reminded me the insufficiencies I must provide for eagerly.”
Nevertheless, acknowledging people is something valuable.
As the final remark, I have to point out that the writer himself has
provided some endnotes both about his close friends, colleagues, be
alive or not, and a few important consideration, particularly
Khomeini’s decree to attacking Kurdistan. There is also a number of
enumerating particularities of few of the regions he had live in and
few tables including the name of some of those who were killed or
executed. Notwithstanding the fact that base and superstructure of
the society has been experiencing new features and modern activistic
role and activity coefficients have been promoting indicators of
social changes and structural changes continually, the author’s short
notes on the case remains insufficient and somehow old fashioned;
therefore, I avoided translating with his final short endnotes.
However, some of his notes are worthy of remarks.
Endnotes
1. Amal is known as Lebanese Amal Movement. Imam Moosa Sadr
went to Lebanon in 1974 and organized a movement known as Amal
there; in fact, Amal is a branch of such a movement. The time they
formed such a party, Sheikh Hassan Nasrolla, the then leader of
Hezbollah, was a young man; he was thought to play such a role as
we see nowadays. The time Moosa Sadr went to Libya in 1978, he
was dropped from sight and an important condition was brought
about; this is the key point he was called Imam, the absent. Nabi Beri
became the replacement for his absent leader while he was not as
mighty as Moosa Sadr on one hand, and did not establish any
communication with Khomeini on the other hand. In spite of such a
condition, Hezbollah was formed in 1982 and Sheikh Hassan
Nasrolla was introduced as its leader. Subsequently, he announced
the Islamic Republic there; however, due to the condition of that
time, he suspended such an action.
2. Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution was
founded by many activists known as Adherents of Line Three. In
fact, the main founders of it underwent radical changes and formed
Komala soon afterwards. Eioob Nabawi, Hussein Pirkhezrani,
Jamil Mardokhi, Mozzafar Mohammadi, Naseh Mardokh, Sedigh
Kamangar, Shoeib Zakaryai, and many other famous ones were the
main characters of such an organization, as a left force, whose
activities consisted of both defending the toilers’ rights and
Endnotes 143
confronting reactionary religious parties. During the time, this
association was active in the city, people referred to them to solve
their problems. Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran and Organization
of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas were not members for it rather
they were active on their own.
3. The Black Garments was a title specific to the members of Army
of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution putting black cloths
garments on. They earned such an epithet as they appeared with such
covers.
4. Zhawaro is an area in the south and south-west of Sanandaj
whose people are busy with gardening; furthermore, most of them
are seasonal workers.
5. Ashraf Rahimi was a close friend of mine. We had nodding and
passing acquaintance with one another before the uprising in Iran in
1979. He joined Komala during the second popular movement.
Being an outstanding face, he was selected as a political commander
for a battalion. He was shot with a mortar-shell in a village around
Bana known as Brnjan; consequently, he died in the early parts of
1986.
7. Kellane is a village in the suburbs of Sanandaj. It was part of an
area in which revolutionary activities was being guided by Sa’ed
Wetendoost, one of the leaders of Komala. His influence on people
was so prominent that during a short time many workmen and toilers
gathered around him and most of them were recruited as members of
their organization of whom I can name the Gawelies.
8. Khomeini’s decree to attacking Kurdistan is his famous calling
according to which Kurdistan had to be occupied as soon as possible.
Such a rushed announcement was made addressing the regime’s
organized military units and its agents, in the region, not to stop
committing atrocities against civilians. He announced hastily:
Go to Sanadaj right away. Here is a decree for all the forces and
military troops: I was informed that servicemen and their organs
have been encircled in Sanandaj at once. There was added if they
should not be assisted within half an hour, their guns are stolen. I
was also informed that our women have been taken as hostages in
Jamé Mosque by Kurdistan Democratic Party. There is an emphatic
order to the forces according to it they must notify the garrisons to
move to Sanandj to crack the rebels down. Wherever the
Revolutionary Guardians are, they have to move, in an overacted
way, by aerial equipment and suppress the rebels. Lateness, even
though an hour, is being chased. I want people to be alert and take
care to inform us if there was any committing disobeying. I am
looking forward to hear from the forces gathering in a form of
general mobilization.
That is all26
Moosawi Khomeini 1979/08/19
Khalkhali the executioner was sent on a mission to Kurdistan to carry
such a decree out. Many people were set against death squads, in
almost all the cities, in Kurdistan.
26
Keihan Newspaper, 1979, 08, 20, p. 3.
Endnotes 145
9. Fakhra Rahmati was a pishmarg for Komala. He shot himself
after having a sixteen hour hand-to-hand fighting against the Jash
and the guards. He was attacked in a village known as Neware. This
village is now famous for experiencing such a battle. His little
brother, Aladdin, a thirteen-year old boy, was executed at the same
day by the Islamic Republic forces. He was put in front of a tree and
was shot about sixty bullets. Fakhra was composed many poems and
proses; such epic works are well known nowadays and some of them
are considered as national anthems.
Flash Point
Iranian photographer Jahangir Razmi, left, took 70 pictures of an
execution in Kurdistan on Aug. 27, 1979. One picture (No. 20,
below) won the Pulitzer Prize. It was, however, awarded to an
unnamed photographer -- the only anonymous recipient in the 90year history of the award. Mr. Razmi preserved 27 of the photos on a
contact sheet and stowed it away in his home. Below are those
photos -- made public for the first time. (See related article)27
27
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
Flash Points 147
Flash Points 149
Flash Points 151
Flash Points 153
Flash Points 155
Name Index
Abdolali, Haji, 82
Amaneti, Ferhad, (Selah) (D.
1985), 80
Babahajyan, Khaled (D. 1982),
75
Baban, Abdullah, 77
Bahrami, Mansoor Alaghemand,
127
Crassus, Marcus Licinius (115?53 BC): Roman politician, 30
Daneshyan, Keramatolla (19461973), 108
Dao, Tran Hung (1229-1300):
Vietnamese military strategist
who defeated two Mongol
invasions, 30
Daqhiqh, 120
Banisadr, Abbolhasan (1933-):
president of the time, 58
Dorian, Petrous: Armenian poet,
42
Bekas, Takesh (D. 1986), 100
Engels, Fredrick (1820-1895),
19, 21-22
Biglari, Habibolla, 113, 114, 119
Bloorian, Ghani (1925-2010): a
prominent figure and one of the
founders of Democratic Party of
Kurdistan-Iran, 38
Chalac,
Refiq:
famous
playwright, lyricist and lyrist,
107
Farzad, Iraj, 134
Farzad, Keihan, 77
Foolladi, Yadullah (D. 1979),
107, 122
Frost,
Robert
(1874-1963):
American poet, 42
Gadani, Jalil, 38
Ganci, Newrooz (D. 1980), 75,
101
Himen
(Mohammad
Amin
Shekholislami Mokri) (19211986): Kurdish classical poet and
writer, 27, 38
Ghotbi, Kamal, 132
Hooshiaryan, Abdullah, 80
Golchini, Ali (Selahe Rash) (D.
1980), 78
Hoseinzade, Dr., 67
Golchini, Yedolla, 78
Golparwar, Najmadin, 107
Goran, Abdulla Soleman (19041962): the father of modern
Kurdish poetry and the composer
of Bloody Flower and Blond Hair
and Pale Lip, 108
Guevara, Ernesto Che (19281967): Latin American guerrilla
leader and revolutionary theorist,
29-30
Hafiz, Khwajah Shams al-Din
Muhammad Ibn-e Muhammad
(1325-1389): Persian poet, 42
Hashtroodi,
Ayatollah:
an
important agent for the Islamic
Republic of Iran, 102, 103, 104,
111, 112, 119
Husseini, Sheikh Ezadin (19222010): national leader and
spokesman of few political
organizations, 35
John the Baptist, Saint (born 1st
century BC): a Nazarite from
birth, he went into the country
around Jordan River, at about 30,
preaching penance to prepare for
the imminent coming of the
Messiah, 32-33
Kamangar, Sedigh (D. 1984), 91,
142
Khalkhali, the executioner (19272004): the Islamic Republic
government official, his show
trials, 26, 57, 100, 110, 112, 114,
116, 128, 144
Khatooni, Yahia, 95
Name Index 159
Khomeini, Ayatollah Sayyid
Ruholla al-Musavi (1900-1989):
religious leader of the Islamic
Republic of Iran 1979-1989, his
famous calling for attacking
Kurdistan Known as his decree,
50 57, 73, 77, 78, 81, 90, 129,
141, 144
figure and first direct agent of the
Islamic Republic of Iran, 23, 32,
33, 139
Malaksha, Jalal (1950-): wellknown epical poet, 42, 52-54
Mostafasoltani, Foad (19481979): a scholar of great renown
formed and led Rural Guilds and
Toilers’
Revolutionary
Organization known as Komala,
30, 34, 35, 13; led the historical
marching from Sanandaj to
Mariwan, 28-31; member of a
Panel for Delegating Kurdish
People,
131;
Kurdistan’s
Guevara, 29; modern Spartacus,
30
Mamad, Shater, 114, 115, 116
Manoocheri, Syrous (D. 1979),
122
Mardan,
Ali
(1904-1981):
famous vocalist, 107
Mardokh, Naseh (D. 1988), 91,
142
Mardokhi, Jamil, 91, 142
Marx, Karl (1918-1883), 16-17,
19, 21-22
Mobaseri, Asghar (D. 1979),
106, 109, 117
Moftizada,
Mullah
Ahmad
(1933-1993): religious political
Moghadam, Reza, 135
Mohammad, Lale, 130
Mohammadi, Mozzafar, 91, 142
Nabawi, Eioob (1948-1984), 91,
142
Nahid, Ahsan (D. 1979), 61, 6272, 73, 86, 87, 88, 93, 103, 110,
116, 117, 118, 119, 137, 140
Nahid, Monir, 137-140
Nahid, Shahryar (D. 1979), 62,
66, 72, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102,
103, 105, 110, 117, 118, 137, 140
secretary of the Democratic Party
of Kurdistan-Iran (1971-1989),
35, 36, 38
Nasrolla Beigi, Ardeshir, 135
Qezllwllakh, Yedolla khan, 75
Nazari, Karim, 130
Qoreishi, Faride, 35
Nazeri, Wria, 78
Rahimi,
Ashraf
Malakshan
(1960-1986), 65, 111, 143
Nazim Hikmet
Turkish poet, 42
(1902-1963):
Nyazmandi, General
(D.1979), 122
Rahimi, Hasan, 81
Khosro
Rahimi, Mozzafar (D. 1979),
110, 117
Partway, Sasan, 106, 109, 111,
119
Rahmati, Aladdin (1968-1981),
27, 145
Perwer, Shivan (1955-): famous
for his national anthems, 130
Rahmati, Fakhra (1954-1981),
89, 90, 145
Pirkhezrani, Hussein (19501979): a symbol of crusade
against corruption, 128, 142
Rashid, Sayyid, 95
Pirwali, dervish Isa (D. 1979),
113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 140
Razmi, Jahangir (1947-), the
photographer of the execution in
Sananadaj, 58-59, 146-56
Rohalahi, Teiub (D. 1983), 75
Qanè, Mohammad (1898-1965),
108
Qasemloo, Abdulrahman (19301989): left activist and general
Sa’di, Sheikh Muslihud-din Khan
(1207-1291): Persian poet, 42
Safdari, mullah, 74
Name Index 161
Sana, 49-51
Sartre, Jean-Paul (1905-1980):
French philosopher and dramatist
novelist, 57
Selimi, Naser (D. 1979), 106,
110, 114, 118
Talleqani,
Ayatollah
Seid
Mahmoud (1911-1979): direct
Islamic Republic representative
in Kurdistan, 35
Tewfiq, Tahir (1922-1987):
famous classical vocalist, 107
Sha’bani, Hamid, 75, 76
Wahdani, Mohammad Hussein,
119, 122
Shadimoghadam, Behrooz, 79
Wahdani, Yadullah, 120
Sharafkandi, Sadiq (1938-1992):
left activist and general secretary
of the Democratic Party of
Kurdistan-Iran (1989-1992), 36,
38
Weise, Reza, 130
Shokrolla, 89
Yaxchali, Jamil (D. 1979), 66,
96, 99, 105, 110, 117
Wetendoost, Sa’ed, 77, 143
Yara, Abdolla, 94
Sobatian, Ali, 79
Zakaryai, Shoeib, 91, 142
Spartacus (D. 71 BC), Roman
slave and gladiator led the great
historic insurrection of the slaves,
30-31
Suleimani, Behrooz: leaders of
the Organization of Iranian
People’s Fedai Guerrillas in
Kurdistan, 35
Zandi, Attaolla (D. 1979): an
activist pioneer and a member for
Revolutionary Committee of
Democratic Party, 106, 109, 117
Zedong,
foremost
leader,
Mao
(1893-1976):
Chinese Communist
29-31
Subject Index
alienation, 16
capitalistic society, 16
anti-feudal movement, 95
catch all party, 23
armed conflict, 12, 37
chemical bombarding, 48
armed forces, 35, 133
Chinese Communist Party, 29; its
great marching led by Mao, 29
armed struggle, 12, 37
Army of the Guardians of the
Islamic Revolution, 34, 60, 98,
133, 143
circumstance, 13, 16, 21, 28, 40,
76, 132, 139
city community of sanandaj 74,
Association
for
Defending
Freedom and Revolution, 60, 74,
90, 142; its Komalaie members
74,
civil defense, 15
Association for the Kurds
Resident in the Center, 130
class antagonism, 15
autonomy, 13, 33, 56, 138, 140
class attitude and consciousness,
16
base and superstructure, 19, 141
Ba'th regime, 48
civil disruption, 37-39
civil wars, 31, 37, 38, 39,
class attitude, 16
class conflict, 19
Subject Index 163
class consciousness, 16
economic inequality, 19, 40, 43
class distinction, 15, 17, 19
egalitarianism, 22
class interval, 16
Equalitarian Society, 95
class oppression, 14, 24
execution, 26-7
class struggle, 15, 19
exploitation of man, 40
Collective Unity, 73
exploitation, 18, 20, 22, 40
Combatant Compatriots, 73
exploiter, 30
Communist Party of Iran: see also
Toiler’s
Revolutionary
Organization
factional strife, 37
communists, 21-22
feudalism, 14, 75; and its relics 14
compulsion, 15-16
feudalist, 79, 95, 131
conscious practice, 17
firing squads, 22
democratic climate, 31
Forqan Group, 130
democratic participation, 31
fortune, 18
determinism, 40
free will, 40
developing nations, 14
geographical fatalism, 15
distribution of wealth, 40
geographical position, 11, 13
District Communities, 28, 35, 133
government, 18, 19-20, 22, 40,
47, 55, 100; and plundering
feudal, 38
national assets 20, 25, 26, 32, 33,
36, 71
guerrilla warfare, 36, 70, 131
high class, 17, 18, their doctrine,
18
historical approach, 13, 19
historical backgrounds, 11, 13-15
historical
marching
from
Sanandaj to Mariwan, 28-31
House of Detention, 105, 110,
112, 117
human laws, 70
human rights, 109
imperial system, 22
imperialistic government, 47
industrial nations, 14
inequality, 15
international laws, 109
investigative, 110
Iraqi Kurdistan Patriot Union, 95
Islamic Republic of Iran: its
government, 22; its bloody
appearance as God’s nuncio, 23,
26; attack to Kurdistan, 25, 36; its
bureaucratic control, 26; attempts
to compel its military expedition
to Kurdistan, 28
Islamizing people and baptizing
them in Sanandaj, 32-33
Jash, 33, 57, 96, 145
Keihan Newspaper, 131, 144
Kermanshah’s prison, 113
Kurdish people, 14, 25, 48, 50,
56, 57, 100, 109, 112, 131, 138,
139; and their Resistance
Movement, 57-8; and Kurdish
People’s Representative Corps, 25
Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran:
its conservative platform, 38; its
social democracy viewpoint 38;
engaging into a civil war see also
civil wars; divisions in 38;
negotiation with Iran’s officials
38; prominent figures 38;
subjecting to schism see also
schism
Subject Index 165
labor division, 18
minor oppressor, 22
Labor Unions, 134
minority, 18, 20
Lebanese Amal Movement, 60,
142
modern capitalism, 14
modern societies, 19, 75
lefts:
confrontation
with
problematic situational contexts,
15; their strategic approaches, 16;
their identity, 21-22; battle against
state of apparatuses of the
despotic regime, 15; in front of a
historical movement, 15; the part
they played in the revolution of
1979, 22
liberation movement, 11, 37, 56
Line Three, 74, 75, 142
local self-government, 20
low class, 14, 15, 17, 18; the
toilers, 18
majority, 14, 18, 20
martial law, 129
massacre, 22, 36, 57, 109, 137,
138, 141
means of production, 17
modernistic viewpoint, 19
modernization, 14
monopolization, 18
national bourgeoisie, 20
national egoism, 38
national liberation, 38
national mission, 39
national movement, 15
national oppression, 14
national prestige, 20
Newroz of 1979, New Year’s Day
in Iran, called Gory New Year,
26, 57
occupied countries, 20
occupying countries, 20
oppression, 40
proletariat, 22, 134
oppressor and oppressed, 19
public assistance, 11
option, 16, 17-18, 40, 96
public patronage, 15
Organization of Iranian People’s
Fedai Guerrillas, 35, 95, 96
reactionaries, 133,
Registered into History, 47, 48
Peikar Organization, 31
plunder, 11, 13, 20, 32
political assassination, 36, 38
political circumstance, 11, 35, 133
political forces, 15, 22, 23, 24, 25,
31, 37, 69, 130, 132, 140
political independence, 13
popular sovereignty, 74
poverty, 18, 20, 57
private landlords, 140
private property, 19
Representative Board of District
Communities, 28, 35
Resistance Movements, 23; its
phases, 12, 24; its nature and
identity, 23-24; the interval
between them, 25-36; similarities
between them, 24-39; integration
between them, 40
responsible citizenry, 15
revolution of 1979, 22, 73
Revolutionary Committee
Democratic Party, 106
of
revolutionary movement, 15, 21,
22
proletarian activist, 133
proletarian formation 134, 135,
136; its journal, 136
proletarian ideology, 39
revolutionary
society, 19
reconstitution
of
Subject Index 167
revolutionists, 10, 91, 128, 133,
136
social origin and orientation, 18
social production, 17
royal family, 11
social relations, 16, 17
Rural Guilds, 30, 34, 79, 95, 131
social status, 17
Sanandaj garrison, 60, 87
social stratification, 14
Sanandaj: its airport 50, 93, 104;
its Jamé Mosque, 32, 76, 144;
sporadic fighting in, 131; and the
24 day armed fighting during
which 400 townspeople were
killed, 26
schism, 38, 39, 96
separatism, 56, 96
show trials, 27, 100, 109
social action, 17
social and political order of
things, 21
socialistic approach, 39
societal forces, 18
socioeconomic
factors, 21
and
socioeconomic condition, 13, 14,
21-22
socioeconomic structure, 19, 24
sociopolitical circumstances, 12
Spahe Rizgary, 133
state, 18, 22
social fission, 18
subalternate groups, 37
social inequality, 14, 16, 19, 40,
43
suicide, 37, 39
surplus value, 19
social justice, 15
territorial integrity, 56
social movement, 47
political
the Organization of Iranian
People’s Fedai Guerrillas, 35, 64,
72, 95-6, 143
Torkaman Sahra, 91, 130
thirty days sit-in, 34
Unemployed
Syndicates, 133
Toiler’s
Revolutionary
Organization known as Komala,
30, 31, 37, 38, 39, 73, 74, 75, 77,
80, 81, 131, 132, 142; its first
presence
as
Democratic
Associations 75; its combatant
compatriots, 73; providing a
public court for extortionists 132;
its adherents, 74, see also
Collective Unity and Line Three;
engaging in an armed struggle
with Democratic Party see also
civil wars; establishment of
Communist Party of Iran, 38;
tragic massacre, 137
upper class, 20
urban development, 14
urban growth, 14
Vietnam, 30, 47
Workman Outcry, 134
Workmen

Bloodthirsty Firing Squads

Transcription

Similar documents

Kurdistan on the map in 1072

Faculty of Engineering and Applied Science The University of Duhok

Sponsored Students and Partnership Opportunities in Iraq

THE REVIEW KURDISTAN REGION OF IRAQ

olinnews 2015 6-3-15

Typology of Kurdistani Style Mosques in Iran

the Media paRadox in iRaqi KuRdistan

Supreme Leader Meets with Laborers of MAPNA Group

View / as PDF

Corporate Fact Sheet

- Madrasah Al