Shapes and Uses of Greek Vases (7th– 4th centuries BC)

Shapes and Uses of Greek Vases
(7th– 4th centuries B.C.)
Edited by
Athena Tsingarida
ÉTUDES D’ARCHÉOLOGIE 3
Éditeur
CReA-Patrimoine
© Centre de Recherches en Archéologie et Patrimoine (CReA‑Patrimoine)
Université libre de Bruxelles
50, av. F.D. Roosevelt / CP 175
B-1050 Bruxelles
[email protected]
ISBN : 9789077723852
Impression : Le Livre Timperman
Couverture
Stamnos signed Smikros egrapsen. Side B, man and youth filling a dinos (inv. A717)
© Musées royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Bruxelles
Études d’archéologie 3
Études d’Archéologie Classique de l'ULB 4
Vases for heroes and gods:
early red-figure parade cups and large-scaled phialai
Athena Tsin ga rid a
by the Penthesilea Painter from a grave at Spina2.
The article discusses the workshops, the distinctive
features of these vases, and their use.
Introduction
The1 term of “parade cup” was first used by
E. Haspels for a fragmentary large-scaled kylix from
the Acropolis (1) (fig.1), attributed by Beazley to
Euphronios. In her study, Miss Haspels grouped
aroud this cup, several others, most of them, large
scaled with an elaborate figured-decoration. While
Haspels based herself mainly on style and subject
defined as “style de parade” and “thème de parade”
to identify the “parade cup”, I would like to take into
account the work of the potter first and therefore the
size of the vessel as a distinctive feature for defining
this class of material. In doing so, the paper focuses
on the known red-figure cups with a diameter
(without handles) larger than 35 cm. This size limit
is based on the figures published by T. Seki in his
study Untersuchungen zum Verhätltnis von Gefässform
und Malerei, 1985, where it clearly appears that cups
of a diameter larger than 35 cm are rare among the
surviving Attic material, and may be considered as
“parade” products (fig. 2-3).
1. Athens, National Museum Acr. Coll. 15214,
Divine assembly (©Athens, National Museum)
Following their size, two red-figure phialai,
ca 40 cm, have been added to the group. They were
produced (as I hope to show) in the ambit of the
same workshop, and were, most probably intended
for a similar use in a Greek context.
The workshops
The study of the potters’ and vase-painters’ work
shows that large-scaled cups and phialai were
made in the ambit of two important Late Archaic
workshops.
This paper takes into account red-figure vases
produced between ca. 525-480 B.C.1, since according
to the material evidence, the production of parade
cups and phialai in clay is mainly developed during
this period, while there are only very few known
examples dated to the Classical period, among which
one should mention the famous cup decorated
Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina T.18 CVP, ARV2 882,
35; see N Alfieri, “Grande kylix del Pittore di Pentesilea
con ciclo Teseico dalle necropoli di Spina”, Rivista
dell’Instituto nazionale d’Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte 8
(1959), 57-110.
2
A catalogue of the vases is added at the end of the article.
The bold number into brackets in the text refers to the
entry in the catalogue.
1
185
III. Shapes and Uses
80
70
60
15-18 cm
19-26 cm
50
27-34 cm
35-56 cm
40
30
20
10
0
15
16 17 18
19 20 21
22 23 24
25 26 27
28 29 30
31 32 33
34 35 36
37 38 39
40 41 42
43 44 46
52 56
2. Production of red-figure cups during the Late Archaic-Classical period according to their diameter (after
T. Seki, Untersuchungen zum Verhätltnis von Gefässform und Malerei, Berlin, 1985, completed by the author)
30
28
25
20
cups
phialai
15
10
5
5
0
2
ca 525-480
1
ca 480-450
ca 425-400
3. Total numbers of known Attic red-figure large-scaled cups and phialai (6th-5th century B.C.)
186
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
Workshop A: Kachrylion and Euxitheos potters
(ca 525-500)
The earlier generation of red-figure “parade cups”,
dated roughly to the last quarter of the 6th century,
may be attributed to two main potters: Kachrylion
and Euxitheos.
We only know two Type B cups of our class signed by
Euxitheos epoisen and by Oltos egrapsen (2-3) (fig. 4).
Following the similitude in shape, H. Bloesch added
a third large-scaled cup to this group (4)3. These cups
display a foot with a convex edge and two ridges on
the join between foot and stem; their ring foot is
narrow and articulated.
The potter Kachrylion made most late 6thcentury “parade cups”. Two bear his signature,
one fragmentary from Marzabotto (5), and the
famous Geryon cup, also signed by Euphronios (6)
(fig. 5-6), while three others have been attributed
to the potter by Bloesch (7-9)4. All have a foot with
an accentuated chamber and a slightly convex edge.
Although extremely fragmentary to allow an analysis
of its shape, a cup signed by Euthymides (10) was
probably made in the workshop of Kachrylion since
it is decorated with coral red, a rare technique,
usually attributed to this potter5. The large-scaled
cup from the Acropolis (1), bearing the signature of
Euphronios painter (fig.1), probably belongs to the
same workshop. The foot is missing but the profile
of the cup is very close to that signed by Kachrylion
and Euphronios in Munich.
a
b
Three other cups are related to this group. Their
foot is slightly different, with an edge concave at
the top and rounded at the bottom. Although they
are signed by or attributed to Chelis or Evergides
potters (11-14) (fig. 7)6, they may be associated
to the Kachrylion workshop. Their profile is close
to a class of smaller cups, signed by Kachrylion7,
3
FAS, 44, n° 2-4.
4
FAS, 45, n° 11-12.
c
4a-c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2264
a. Achilleus and Antilochus setting out
b. Fighting over the body of Patroklos
c. Medaillon, warrior (©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Preussischer Kulturbesitz Antikensammlung)
B. Cohen, The Colors of Clay. Special Techniques in
Athenian Vases, Los Angeles, 2006, 44-53 with earlier
bibliography; Robertson also attributes this cup to the
potter Kachrylion, AVPCA, 40.
5
two cups in Paris, Musée du Louvre G36 and G38, signed
by Kachrylion, ARV2 114, 1-2 (CVA Musée du Louvre
19, 27; 30). In his study, Bloesch already puts a part
the Chelis cup (Louvre G15 cat n°?) and relates it with
Kachrylion, FAS, 50; also CVA Musée du Louvre 19, 40.
Chelis: Paris, Musée du Louvre G15 (signed); Munich,
Antikensammlung 2619a, FAS, 50; Evergides: London,
The British Museum E10, FAS, 52, n°10.
6
7
For close profiles with Kachrylion cups, see for instance
187
III. Shapes and Uses
Euxitheos worked8. In the case of the large-scaled
cups, stylistic patterns common between vase-painters
who worked with both potters further confirm this
association. According to Beazley, the Thalia Painter
who decorated a cup by Kachrylion, also shared the
painting of the figured decoration of a cup with
Oltos9, suggesting a close proximity between vasepainters who worked for Euxitheos (Oltos) and
Kachrylion (the Thalia Painter). The companionship
between mature Oltos, who decorated “parade cups”
made by Euxitheos, and early Euphronios, who
decorated the Geryon cup by Kachrylion is also well
attested. The floral patterns used on the Tarquinia
cup by Oltos (2) find parallels on that of Munich
by Euphronios (6). A cup, now lost, former in the
N. des Vergers collection, attributed to Oltos, was
directly inspired by the subject and composition of
the Geryon cup by Euphronios (fig. 9)10. Another
large-scaled cup, also attributed to Oltos by Beazley,
is not assigned to a potter yet (14). Although it bears
the kalos name Memnon, usually associated with
the Chelis-Kachrylion workshop, it is also linked
in style and composition with the Euphronios’
workshop. The composition, Herakles and the sons
of Eurystheus, and the meander pattern adorning
the lower part of the cup, remind those on a cup in
London, signed by Euphronios potter and attributed
to the painter Onesimos (fig. 10)11.
5. Munich, Antikensammlung 2620, foot with
Kachrylion signature (© Munich, Antikensammlung)
6. Munich, Antikensammlung 2620, Face A :
Herakles and Geryon (© Munich, Antikensammlung)
Workshop B: Euphronios and Kleophrades potters
(500-480)
The second generation of these cups is produced
within the ambit of Euphronios’ workshop, where
Euphronios and Kleophrades potters occur as the
main poietes of such vases. To this group, must be
added one surviving example signed by Brygos:
Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 570, 578, 580. Its
fragmentary state does not allow the reconstruction of
the diameter. Although it bears the signature of Brygos
epoiesen on the edge of the foot, Beazley considered it
apart in the production of the potter. It is a “very early”
7. Munich, Antikensammlung 2619a, Face A :
Peleus and Thetis (© Munich, Antikensammlung)
and both Chelis and Evergides are known to have
worked with this potter (fig. 8a-d). These vases
form a distinctive group of “parade cups” since
they display the smaller diameter of the group (ca.
35‑37 cm), while the truly monumental surviving
examples of ca. 39‑43 cm seem to be directly potted
by Kachrylion or Euxytheos.
8
Links between Kachrylion and Euxitheos have
been acknowledged. Robertson suggested to see
in Kachrylion the owner of the workshop where
AVPCA, 21.
Paris, Cab. Méd. 335 (signed by Chelis epoiesen): “The
outside pictures are by the Thalia Painter.., but the inside
picture may be by Oltos …”, ARV2 67, 8.
9
A. Bruhn, Oltos and early red-figure Vase-painting,
Copenhague 1953, 69, n° 71.
10
11
188
London, The British Museum E44; ARV2 318-319, 2.
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
a
b
c
d
8a-d. Profiles of cups : a. Tarquinia RC 6848 (Euxitheos potter), b. Paris, Louvre G15 (Chelis
potter), c. Paris, Louvre G38 (Kachrylion potter), d. Munich 2620 (Kachrylion potter) (1/4)
work, which he connects with the style of Douris12.
Kleophrades seems to have taken over the production
of these special vessels from Kachrylion. He signed an
important number of parade cups (15-20) (fig. 13a),
made in a shape close to that of Kachrylion’s first
group (5-9): all vessels are provided with a foot with
a chamfer and a slightly convex edge (fig. 15a-e)13.
Their figured-decoration is either signed by Douris
(early phase) (17-20) (fig. 11-13a-b), or attributed
to the Kleophrades Painter (15-16). To this group
also probably belong two fragmentary cups (21-22),
one bearing part of a signature in egrapsen, both
attributed to the painter Douris (fig. 14a-b)14.
9. Lost, coll. Noël des Vergers, Herakles
and Geryon, (drawing after W. Klein,
Euphronios, Prague, 1887, 81)
We know of three cups, dated to the Late Archaic
period, signed by Euphronios potter and decorated
by Onesimos. Two are of Type B (23-24), while a
third one of monumental scale is of Type C (25).
Only one of the Type B cups still have its original
foot (23), the other was restored in antiquity (24)15.
It displays a foot with a convex bottom and concave
edge16, distinctive of the so-called grossen Euphronios
Schale, studied by Bloesch17. As regards the Type C,
Workshop A
Kachrylion
Euxitheos
Euphronios (early)
Pezzino Group
Thalia P.
Oltos (mature)
Poseidon P.
12
ARV 399.
13
FAS, 58.
14
Douris, n° 36-37, pl. 147-150.
2
10. The “Kachrylion-Euxytheos” Workshop
Paris, Musée du Louvre G104: E. Pottier, Vases antiques
du Louvre, vol. 2, Paris, 1901, 155: “pied mince refait en
partie et base refaite.”
15
16
Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 79.AE.17
17
FAS, 72; for the “Medea Cup”, M. Ohly-Dumm, “Medeas
Widderzauber auf einer Schale aus der Werkstatt des
Euphronios”, J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), 17-18.
189
III. Shapes and Uses
b
a
c
11a-c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2283
a. interior, Nike and warrior, chariot race
b. ext. fr. wrestling
c. ext. part, athletes in the palaestra
(©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Antikensammlung)
190
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
b
c
a
12a-c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2284
a. interior zone, fr. chariot race
b-c. fr. exterior, athletes
(©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Antikensammlung)
a
b
13a-b. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 83.AE.217
a. Foot and exterior with Kleophrades (signature)
b. Herakles and the sons of Eurythios, wrestling or boxing, Kleophrades (potter), Douris (painter)
(© The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, California, Attic red-figure kylix, ca. 500-480 B.C.)
191
III. Shapes and Uses
it is probably significant that Kachrylion provides
us with the earliest known examples in red-figure18.
Among them, a cup from the Acropolis displays a foot
very close in profile to that adopted by the Euphronios/
Onesimos cup (25): the edge is slightly concave on the
top and the moulding of the stem follows an almost
vertical line19. Similarity between foots profiles by
Kachrylion and Kleophrades also suggests that the
latter follow in the footsteps of the elder potter in the
making of red-figured large-scaled vessels (fig. 15a-d).
Four Attic monumental phialai with a red-figure
decoration are known to me20. One, from the
sanctuary of Pyrgi in Etruria (26), has been recently
attributed to Onesimos21, and another, also from
an Etruscan sanctuary, is signed by Douris (27).
The second bears the rest of an epoietes signature
which, following the suggestion of M. Robertson,
might be completed with the name Smikros22. It
is acknowledged that, during the last quarter of
the sixth century, Smikros, works as a vase-painter
with Euphronios, Euthymides, Phintias and other
companions, and forms part of the so-called
Pionner Group23. Members of this Group, such as
Phintias or Sosias, and also probably Euthymides,
occasionally attempt to make pots. If it is Smikros
who indeed shaped this phiale, we may assume that
the “imitator of Euphronios”, as Beazley called him
for his painting, tried to copy the leading potter that
became Euphronios later in his career. He undertook
an exceptional and large-scaled shape, close to the
a
18
FAS, 119, n° 1-3.
Athens, National Museum, Acr. Coll. A 201b, FAS
119, n° 4, pl. 33,1.
19
Two are in the Getty collection, and have been attributed
to the Foundry Painter by Robertson, 1991, 93. They
are still unpublished and have not been included in the
list, since their fragmentary state does not seem to allow a
precise reconstruction of the diameter.
20
See D. Williams, CVA London, The British Museum 9,
23; earlier publications attributed it to the Brygos Painter,
M.P. Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus récentes
fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and related Pottery,
Copenhague 1988, 18-20 although she points out a
similar palmette border with the Medea cup by Onesimos,
18; she was followed by Robertson, 1991, 94.
21
b
14a-b. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 90.AE.36
a. Departure of Triptolemos, b.: Chariot race (interior
zone); b. Achilleus and Troilos, Battle with Athena, Douris
(painter); (© The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles,
California, Attic red-figure kylix, ca. 500-480 B.C.)
22
Robertson, 1991, 95-96.
On the wide meaning to be given to this “workshop”, see
M.C. Robertson, “The Pioneers in context”, Euphronios
und seine Zeit, Berlin 1992, 136-137.
23
192
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
Workshop B
Euphronios
Kleophrades
---kros
a
b
Douris
Brygos
Kleophrades P.
Douris (early)
Onesimos
c
d
16. “Euphronios-Kleophrades” Workshop
15a-e. Profiles of cups
a. Munich 2620 (Kachrylion potter); b. Berlin,
Antikensammlung F2283 or F2284 (Kleophrades potter);
c. Paris , Cab. Méd. 535 (Kleophrades potter); d. Malibu, J.
Paul Getty Museum 83.AE.217 (Kleophrades potter) (1/3)
Why are they elaborate vessels?
The size but also other features such as the presence
of signatures, special techniques, composition,
iconography, style and antique restorations help
making these vases exceptional pieces.
cups of his fellow potter, which was decorated by
Douris, a painter associated with Euphronios’
workshop in his early years.
Eighteen out of the twenty-seven known vessels bear
a signature (1-3, 5-6, 10-11, 15, 17-21, 23-25, 27).
Among the unsigned pieces, three are large-scaled but
too fragmentary to provide any evidence of signature
(16, 22, 25), while six others (11-14) must be set
apart in the group: they display a distinctive potter’s
work and a less elaborate decoration and iconography.
The meaning of epoiesen signatures is still in dispute,
and reasons which account for the presence or
absence of a signature are also under discussion27. In
his seminal article on Potter and Painter in Ancient
Athens, J.-D. Beazley considers that no one reason
may explain the occurrence of a signature28. Recently,
D.Viviers proposed to see in the signed pieces, vases
The use of the Panaitios kalos name both by
Kleophrades and Euphronios further suggests that
they set in the same workshop. This name is often
associated with the favourite painter of Euphronios
potter, Onesimos, but also occurs on a large-scaled
cup made by Kleophrades and decorated by early
Douris (17). And indeed, the extant large-scaled
vessels (cups and phialai) associated with Douris,
belong to his early period, when the painter worked on
vases potted by either Euphronios or Kleophrades24.
Already long ago, Beazley had noticed a connection
between the styles of the young “Panaitios Painter”
(often identified to Onesimos) and the young
Douris, also suggesting that both painters eventually
worked together in the same workshop (fig. 16)25.
the potter’s work, see F. Villard, “Euphronios vers 500”,
in: M. Gygielman, M. Iozzo, F. Nicosia, P. Zamarchi
Grassi (ed.), Euphronios, Atti del Seminario Internazionale
di Studi, Arezzo 27-28 Maggio 1990, Firenze 1992, 24
and note 10, with bibliography.
According to the material evidence, the production
of early red-figure large-scaled cups and phialai takes
place, develops and spreads through the two leading
cups’ workshops of the Late Archaic and Early
Classical periods: that of Kachrylion (Euxytheos)
and Euphronios (Kleophrades)26.
24
See most recently with earlier literature, D. Viviers,
“Signer une œuvre en Grèce ancienne: pourquoi? Pour
qui?”, in: J. de La Genière (ed.), Les clients de la céramique
grecque, Actes du Colloque de l’Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres, Paris, 30-31 Janvier 2004, Paris 2006 [Cahiers
du Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum France 1], 141-154.
27
Douris, 60-61.
J.-D. Beazley, Attic Red-figured Vases in American
Museums, Cambridge (Mass.), 1918, 97.
25
26
“Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens”, in: D.C.Kurtz
(ed), Greek Vases. Lectures by J.D. Beazley, Oxford 1989, 54.
28
About the links between Kachrylion and Euphronios for
193
III. Shapes and Uses
paid in advance. In this case, the signature would
attest a special commission, made either by the
consumer (in the local market), or by a purchaser
who may be the merchant (for overseas market)29.
On parade cups and large-scaled phialai, signatures
probably also reflect the desire to do one credit for
the difficult task of making and/or decorating such
elaborate vessels. The location of several of these
signatures, set on the edge of the foot, recalls that of
statues’ bases, and further enhances the monumental
aspect of the shape30.
Special techniques of decoration occur on several
examples adding to the colourful and exceptional
appearance of the vessel. Use of coral-red has been
already noticed on the Munich and Boston cups. This
technique requires a skilled potter able to deal with
the complex firing process, and it is therefore limited
to few Attic workshops31. On a cup decorated by
Euphronios and another by the Thalia Painter (1, 9),
added clay is also applied on objects and figures. It
is covered either in black-glaze, or, in the Acropolis’
cup, with gold applied on Thetis’ locks and bracelet,
and Hephaistos’ phiale (1) (fig. 1). Details in added
clay (especially hair locks) are generally associated
with vases attributed to the Andokides Painter,
Euphronios and his circle. The occurrence of such
device is a workshop hallmark rather than a feature
linked with large-scaled cups or phialai. It however
enhances, especially with added gold, a chiselled
jewel-like appearance, participating to an elaborate
decoration32.
Kleophrades (17-8, 21-22) (fig. 11a, 12a, 14a). Zone
cups are rare in Attic vase-painting. They are known
from a few black-figured “jumbo cups” dated to the
second half of the sixth century33, and seem to be
closely associated with the workshop of Euphronios
and Kleophrades for the red-figure examples.
According to T. Seki, it is probably Kleophrades who
adapted the scheme to red-figure34. Such spectacular
compositions, covering both the interior and exterior
of the vase, are also seen on the two phialai. While
the latter shape usually bears decoration in the tondo
and its surrounding areas, the two outsized examples
also display a rich picture on the outside.
Many of the depicted subjects on these vessels are
either novel in whole or in part, or rare. Theseus
under the sea (24)35 and the slaughter of the suitors
by Odysseus (26)36 consist of the first known
representations of these episodes. The scene with
Medea rejuvenating the ram in the cauldron is the
earliest occurrence of the magic box in Medea’s
hands (23)37.
The Assembly of Gods is uncommon in black-figure
and even rarer in red-figure (fig. 1)38. We know only
of eight examples in the latter technique, and five of
them occur in our catalogue (1-2, 7, 10, 27). A few
of them are even unusual depictions. One is part of
the Birth of Athena (7), a subject barely known in
red-figure. The composition on the Tarquinia cup
(2) departs from the canonical assembly of gods
since three main divinities (Hera, Demeter and
Composition is often crowded on the largest
examples. A zone of decoration may occur in the
interior, around the tondo, on several large-scaled
cups made in the workshop of Euphronios and
33
See N. Malagardis in this volume, 253-289.
T. Seki, Untersuchungen zum Verhätltnis von Gefässform
und Malerei attischer Schalen, Berlin,1985, 77.
34
J. Neils, The Youthful Deeds of Theseus, Rome, 1987,
59: “a show piece”.
35
D. Viviers, “Signer une œuvre en Grèce ancienne:
pourquoi? Pour qui?”, in: J. de La Genière (ed.),
Les clients de la céramique grecque, Actes du Colloque de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 30-31
Janvier 2004, Paris 2006 [Cahiers du Corpus Vasorum
Antiquorum France 1], 150-154.
29
M.P. Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus récentes
fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and related Pottery,
Copenhague 1988, 21; M. Halm-Tisserant, “Autour
du supplice de Mélanthios: la pénalité au chant XXII de
l’Odyssée”, Ktema 20 (1995), 292.
36
For the location of signatures on the edge of red-figure
cups, H. R. Immerwahr, “The signature of Pamphaios”,
AJA 88 (1984), 344-345.
30
M. Ohly-Dumm, “Medeas Widderzauber auf einer
Schale aus der Werkstatt des Euphronios”, J. Paul Getty
Museum Journal 9 (1981), 18.
37
B. Cohen, The Colors of Clay. Special Techniques in
Athenian Vases, Los Angeles, 2006, 44-53.
31
Thirty-five entries appear on the Beazley Archive
Database for both black and red-figure vases. H. Knell,
Die Darstellung der Götterversammlung in der attischen
Kunst des VI. Und V. Jahrunderts v. Chr.: eine Untersuchung
zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des “Daseinsbildes”, Köln,
1965.
38
B. Cohen, “Bubbles = Baubles, rangles and beads:
added clay in Athenian Vase-painting and its significance”,
in: Cl. Marconi (ed.), Greek Vases: Images, Contexts and
Controverseries, Boston, 2004, 55-71.
32
194
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
Poseidon) are missing, while Hestia and Ganymedes
make their first known appearance in the group39.
eyelashes, shadows of glaze, and, in the case of the
Kleophrades Painter and Douris, faired hair44.
Frequently shown heroic or epic themes such as the
Sack of Troy and the Deeds of Theseus or Herakles
vary from common representations. The Sack of
Troy painted by Onesimos is charged with a wide
range of moods and scenes (25), and the tondo
presents an astonishing composition with the Death
of Priam40. One of the two cups by the Kleophrades
Painter in the Cabinet des Médailles, is decorated
with the Deeds of Theseus (16). Following Beazley41,
we may observe that although the general motive
of the wrestling between Theseus and Kerkyon
in the tondo is the usual one, the stage of process
varies on this cup. Kerkyon, seen from behind, is
left from the ground while on other contemporary
representations he is still firm on his feet. On the
outside, the treatment of Theseus and the Bull is
unique: the hero lies on his back under the bull.
Regarding the potter’work, the production of such
huge shapes is complex. Large-scaled phialai were
shaped in two parts, the omphalos apart and than
joined to the rest45, while both phialai and cups,
almost impossible to manipulate, make the process
of potting and firing even more difficult.
Vases for heroes and gods?
M. Robertson wrote about the size of the phialai: “far
too large for the human hand… surely intended to
demonstrate that they were for the use not for men
but of heroes and gods”46. This must be also valid
for the parade-cups. The size, shape (in the case of
the phialai), special techniques, the elaborate style,
and the often uncommon iconography, suggest a
dedicatory purpose rather than a domestic use.
Scenes from everyday life appear only on few cups.
Among them, the chariot races on the interior zones
of three cups (17-18, 21) (fig. 11, 12, 14a) belong to
the very few known examples of the subject in redfigure, while this contest usually decorates blackfigure vases dated to the second half of the sixth
century42. In a similar way, the crude erotic scene by
the Thalia Painter is unique among contemporary
scenes (9).
They were, indeed, initially made “for heroes and
gods”. Large drinking vessels are often attributes of
heroes in literary sources: Herakles47 and Nestor48
are associated with them. But is it possible to relate
parade cups and monumental phialai with a specific
religious practice?
This might be the Theoxenia, also named Heroxenia
or Xenia49, during which ancient Greeks directly
entertain a divine guest, hero or god. The practice
As regards style, figures are carefully executed, and
occasionally bear details, such as eyelashes, hair,
jewels or patterns on cloths or stools, that may
be enhanced with added colour or dilute glaze43.
Vase-painters such as Oltos or Douris who are not
generally interested in lavishly detailed figures, draw
The injured Amazon (Xanthippe) on the fragmentary
cup in Paris Cabinet des Médailles, by the Kleophrades
Painter, J.D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Painter, Mainz,
1974, 9; the dilute glaze to suggest shadow on the
abdomen of a figure on a cup signed by Kachrylion (8)
(unatributed), or the head of Dionysos on the phiale by
Douris (28).
44
Gl. Ferrari, I Vasi attici a figure rosse del periodo archaico,
Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Tarquinia, Rome, 1988, 26.
39
T. Schreiber, Athenian Vase Construction. A Potter’s
Analysis, Malibu (Ca),1999, 216-217.
45
D. Williams, “Onesimos and the Iliupersis”, GV Getty
Museum 5 (1991), 49-61, more specially for the tondo,
50-52.
40
46
AVPCA, 85-86.
Atheneus, Deipnosophists XI. 469d: “the hero
(Herakles) delighted in large cups” (μεγάλοις ἔχαιρε
ποτηρίοις ὁ ἥρως).
J.-D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Paainter, Mainz 1974,
11-12.
47
41
For this subject, see E. Manakidou, Παραστάσεις με
άρματα (8ος εως 5ος αι. π. Χ.), Thessoliniki 1994, 38
and note 24 where she mentions two other red-figure
examples on large shapes.
42
48
Iliad XI. 637
About the different names adopted in literary sources for
the ritual, see ThesCRA II, 2004, 225, s.v. “Les Théoxénies”
[L. Bruit, F. Lissarrague]; and M. H. Jameson,
“Theoxenia” in: R. Hägg (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice
from the Epigraphical Evidence, Stockholm, 1994, 36.
49
E.g. the dead warrior on (3) (Berlin, Antikenmuseum
F2264, by Oltos); Dionysos on the phiale by Douris,
(27).
43
195
III. Shapes and Uses
is attested for several divinities, such as Apollo,
Dionysos, Zeus or Athena, and heroes, such as
Herakles and the Dioskouroi50. A lead plaquette
from Selinous, dated to ca. 450 B.C., provides us
with details about the preparation of the ceremony:
been used for a ritual dinning. Among the objects, it
mentions a κύμβιον (small cup), phialai and kylikes
“θηρικλείας”56. This adjective is occasionally used to
describe a krater, but generally refers to a drinking
vessel, the Therikleion (θηρίκλειον)57, a meaning
followed in the Agora inscription since it is associated
with kylikes58. Although it is often difficult to
identify a shape in the archaeological record through
literary descriptions, in the case of the Therikleia,
most ancient sources acknowledge the largescaled size of the vases described under this term59.
“…(let it him set out) both a table and a couch, and
let him put on (them) a pure cloth, crown of olive
and honey mixed in new cups (ἐν καιναῖς ποτερίδες)
(my bold), cakes and meat…”51
The terms used to describe the vessels suggest that
they were new, probably especially made for the
ceremony, and small, ποτηρίδιον being a diminutive
form of ποτήριον52. The tablet from Selinous
mentions meat, cakes and honey as part of the
offerings, and what may be understood as miniature
shapes is used to contain honey53. But Herodotus
suggests that wine was also involved during the
ceremony and focuses on the large size of the craters
where the beverage is mixed:
The few extant scenes, recognized as Theoxenia on
Attic vase-painting, usually depict the Dioskouroi as
the main recipients of this ceremony60. These images
do not provide us with further information about
the vases used for the ritual since they barely set
goods and vessels on the depicted tables. A scene on
56
See Atheneus, Deipnosophists XI. 467; 470e-472 for
a list of authors and different meanings. For a discussion
on Therikles and Therikleian, see Pauly-Wissova V.2, s.v.
“Therikles”, col. 2367-2369; most recently D. Gill,
“Classical Greek fictile imitations of previous metal
vases”, in: D. Gill, M. Vickers (ed), Pots and Pans, A
Colloquium on precious Metals and Ceramics in the Muslim,
Chinese and Graeco-Roman Worlds, Oxford, 1985, 19-25
(although I do not agree with the hypothesis of a shape,
initially made in metalware).
57
“He added other offerings, two large craters one in
gold another in silver… (the silver one) contains
600 amphorae (my bold), we know that because the
Delphians mixed wine and water in it during the
feast of the Theophany”54.
In this case, we are far from the small ποτερίδιον.
A further allusion to large-sized drinking vases,
combined with smaller vessels, may be found in an
inscription from the Agora, dated to 328/7 B.C.55.
The marble dedicated to an anonymous hero lists the
contents of the shrine and the items which may have
50
S. Rotroff, “An anonymous hero in the Athenian
Agora”, Hesperia (1978), 200-201.
58
Euboulos, The Dicers [= Atheneus, Deipn. XI.471d],
Menander, The Inspired Woman [Kock iii.65; =
Atheneus, Deipn. XI. 472b]; Theophilus, The Daughters
of Proteus [Kock ii.476; = Atheneus, Deipn. XI. 472d]
59
For the recipients see M. H. Jameson, ibid., 54-55.
K. Schauenburg, “Theoxenien aur einer
schwarzfigurigen Olpe”, Mélanges Mansel, Ankara, 1974,
101-107; H. A. Shapiro, “Cult warfare. The Dioskouroi
between Sparta and Athens”, in: R. Hägg (ed.), Ancient
Greek Hero Cults. Proceedings of the 5th International
Seminar on ancient Greek Cult, organized by the Department
of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, Göttenburg
University 21-23.04.1995, Stockholm, 1999, 100101. A red-figure calyx-crater, attributed to the Niobid
Painter, must be added to the list. It was discovered in
rescue excavations in Lamia. On one side it shows Apollo,
Artemis and Letô performing a libation, on the other the
Dioskouroi taking part to a Theoxenia, see A. Stamoudi,
in: Ο δρόμος είχε την δική του ιστορία. Αρχαία ευρήματα
από τις ανασκαφές στην Φθιωτίδα κατά μήκος της Νέας
Εθνικής Οδού και του αγωγού φυσικού αερίου, Lamia
2002, 38-39. I would like to thank K. Rhomiopoulou
and V. Sabetai for telling me about this important vase.
60
Translated in M. H. Jameson, D.R. Jordan, R.D.
Kotansky, A Lex Sacra from Selinous, Durham (North
Carolina, 1993), 14-15; for further literary sources on
Theoxenia see also, G. Ekroth, The sacrificial Ritual of
Greek Hero-cults, Liège 2002, 177-179.
51
52
LSJ, s.v. ποτήριον
For an interpretation of the ritual followed in the Lex
Sacra, M. H. Jameson, D.R. Jordan, R.D. Kotansky, A
Lex Sacra from Selinous, Durham, North Carolina, 1993;
St. Georgoudi, “Ancêtres de Sélinonte et d’ailleurs: le cas
des Tripatores”, Les pierres de l’Offrande, autour de l’œuvre
de Chr. W. Clairmont, Zurich, 2001, 253.
53
54
Lines 19-21.
Herodotos I. 51
S. Rotroff, “An anonymous hero in the Athenian
Agora”, Hesperia (1978), 196-209.
55
196
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
a tondo of a cup, now lost, may, however, further
confirms the literary evidence for the use of largescaled drinking vessels (phialai or cups) during the
ritual of Theoxenia (fig. 17)61. A woman stands
in front of a table and bears an oinochoe and a
metallic phiale. The phiale, a shape primary used for
libation, suggests a religious context. On this cup,
it is not associated with an altar as it generally does,
but with a table. This combination might points
to the preparation of a divine entertainment: the
Theoxenia. In this case, the size of the vase also draws
the attention: the phiale is large-scaled, much larger
than the figure’s hand, who holds it from beneath in.
Concluding remarks
I hope to have shown that parade cups and largescaled phialai were used during a specific Greek
religious practice. A question is however pending
regarding the finding spots of the vases. From those
with a known provenance, several come from the
Athenian Acropolis (5), but a significant number was
found outside Greece, in Etruria (12). This figure
rises the difficult question of how Attic pottery was
perceived and used by the Etruscans. It is not the
subject of the article to discuss such a complex issue
but I want to present briefly the evidence related
with the vases studied here62.
According to the material, parade cups and largescaled phialai help asserting the status of the
Etruscan owner, especially in a funerary context
where most of the vases come from. It is certainly one
of the function played by two cups, studied in this
article, which come from a tomb in Vulci (17‑18)
(fig. 12‑13). Described by Beazley as “replicas”63,
they were produced and exported as a pair from
the Kerameikos. Both were potted by Kleophrades,
who also signed them, and both were decorated
with the same scenes (chariot races and athletes)
by Douris who signed at least one. Yet the reasons
of producing and trading two complementary
pieces to the Etruscans are not fully understood yet.
Athletic contests and chariot races may recall the
funerary games organized by the wealthy and often
represented on funerary wall-paintings in Etruria.
The trader who carried the transaction out with the
Athenian workshop probably knew that these scenes
would appeal the Etruscan consumer.
17. Lost, once Joy de Bammevile, attributed to Douris
The monumental cup signed by both Oltos and
Euxitheos was discovered in a grave in Tarquinia
(2). It bears a puzzling Etruscan graffito on the foot,
translated as a dedication to the Dioskouroi. The
occurrence in a funerary context of a vase dedicated
to a divinity was understood as an offering to the
chthonian and revitalizing function of the Dioskouroi
This subject was expanded in a lecture delivered in the
University of Oxford at the Graduate Seminars Series,
entitled “Reception and uses of large-scaled drinking
cups in Etruria”, 28th October 2008. It will be published
in a collective volume, edited by Th. Mannack, R.R.R.
Smith and D. Williams, forthcoming.
62
Drawing of a cup, once Jolly de Bammeville collection,
attributed to Douris, ARV2 429, 25.
61
63
197
J.-D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, 1.
III. Shapes and Uses
in Greek and Etruscan religion64. G. Colonna who
studied the vase in its context further associated
the cult of the Dioskouroi with the practise of the
lectisternium, a ritual close to the Greek Theoxenia,
applied in a funerary context by the Etruscans65!
The allusion to the twin horsemen and to a ridding
ephebic context may be further seen on the second
red-figured cup discovered in the same grave. It is
entirely decorated with young ridders on the tondo
and the outside66.
At least three vases, two phialai and a cup (26-27,
25), were dedicated to divinities. A phiale, now
in Rome, bears the rest of an Etruscan graffito,
“VT”, probably part of the name Suthil, a divinity
often associated with grave-goods67. Another redfigure phiale, decorated with the slaughter of the
pretendants by Odysseus, was discovered in a votive
deposit at the sanctuary of Pyrgi, where, among other
divinities, was venerated Suris, an Etruscan form of
the Apollo Soranus. The deposit was located in a zone
that yielded a significant number of Attic imports,
reflecting the important role of Greek artefacts in
this harbour of Caere68. The cup with the Iliupersis
by Onesimos, also had an Etruscan inscription in
Caeretan alphabet, addressed to Heracles69. It was
demonstrated that the vase came from a sanctuary,
close to Caere, where the hero was honoured70.
Parade cups and large-scaled phialai were vases for
heroes and gods in a Greek context, where they were,
most probably, made for the ritual of Theoxenia.
Such elaborate and outstanding products of
monumental size also appeal the Etruscan clientele,
who purchased them for a conspicuous display of
range status in tombs and sanctuaries, where they
may occasionally have adopted functions close
to those in Greek contexts. As far as the nature of
the evidence allows, it is important to study the
uses according to the distribution map. Our class
of vases whereas distributed in Athens or overseas
seem therefore bound to different readings and
functions, defined by local purchasers according to
their cultural, social and religious needs, which must
be still further understood.
G. Colonna, “Il dokanon, il culto dei Dioscuri e gli
aspetti ellenizzati della religione dei morti nell’Etruria
tardo-arcaica” in: L. Bacchielli, M. Bonanno
Aravantinos (ed.), Scritti di Antichità in memoria di
Sandro Stucchi, Rome 1996, 174-177.
64
M. Paola Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus
récentes fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and Related
Pottery, Copenhague, 1987, 17-24.
Ibid., 177-179, a similar reading is proposed for the
scene on the Tomb of Letto Funebre in Tarquinia. This
practice was compared to a symposium in honour either
to the Dioskouroi or to the deceased, to whom a cult may
be rendered.
68
65
For the graffito, see J. Heurgon, “Graffites étrusques
au J.Paul Getty Museum”, GV J. Paul Getty Museum 4
(1989), 181-186; M. Martelli, “Dedica Ceretana a
Hercle”, Archeologica Classica 43 (1991), 613-619.
69
Tarquinia, Museo Archeologico Nazionale RC 5292,
ARV2 85-86; Gl. Ferrari, I vasi attici a figure rosse del
periodo arcaico, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Tarquinia
Rome, 1988, pl. XI-XIII.
66
67
Euphronios epoiesen: un dono d’eccezione ad Ercole Cerite,
Exhibition Museo Nazionale Etrusco di Villa Giulia, Rome,
1999.
70
Robertson, 1991, 86-87.
198
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
A: Herakles fighting Geryon
B: Youth leading a rattle
Euphronios (signature), Kachrylion (signature)
ARV2 16-17, 17; FAS, 45, 13; Euphronios, peintre à
Athènes au VIe s. av. J.-Chr., Paris, 1991
Catalogue
Parade cups
1. Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Acropolis
Coll. 15214
Provenance: Athenian Acropolis
D: ca. 44,5 cm
I: Part of a head
A-B: Divine assembly, the wedding of Thetis and
Peleus
Euphronios (signature)
ARV2 17, 18; Euphronios, peintre à Athènes au VIe s.
av. J.-Chr., Paris, 1991, 191-194, n° 44.
7. London, The British Museum E15
Provenance: Vulci
D: 40,6 cm
I: Komast
A: Assembly of gods, birth of Athena
B: Peleus and Thetis
Kachrylion (Bloesch), the Poseidon Painter (Beazley)
ARV2 136, 1; FAS, 45
8. London, The British Museum E13
Provenance: Vulci
D: 35,3 cm
I: Eros
A: Odysseus and Ajax
B: Achilleus and Troilos
Kachrylion (signature), unattributed
ARV2 109; FAS, 45, 12
2. Tarquinia, Museo Nazionale di Archeologia RC 6848
Provenance: Monterozzi, Tarquinia
D: 52 cm
I: Warrior
A: Deities in Olympus
B: Dionysos mounting chariot with satyrs and
maenads
Oltos (signature), Euxitheos (signature)
ARV2 60, 66; FAS, 44, 3; Gl. Ferrari, I Vasi attici
a figure rosse del periodo arcaico, Museo Nazionale di
Tarquinia, Rome, 1988, 23-29.
9. Berlin, Antikensammlung V.1.3251 & Florence,
Museo Archeologico 1B58
Provenance: Vulci
D: 37,3 cm
I: Erotic scene
A-B: Erotic scenes
Kachrylion (Bloesch), the Thalia Painter (Beazley)
ARV2 113, 7; FAS, 45, 11
3. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2264
Provenance: Vulci
D: 38,2 cm
I: Warrior with trompet
A: Achilleus and Antilochus setting out
B: Fighting over the body of Patroklos
Oltos (signature), Euxitheos (signature)
ARV2 60, 64; FAS, 44, 4; CVA Berlin 1 (ex-DDR 3),
pl. 1-3.
10. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 10.203 & Florence,
Museo Archeologico 7B2, Naples, Museo Archeologico,
Ast. Coll. 121, London, The British Museum 1952.12-2.7
Provenance: “Italy” (Beazley)
D: unknown
Coral red
A-B: Assembly of gods
Kachrylion ?, Euthymides (signature)
ARV2 29, 19
4. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Stg 5
Provenance: “Etruria” (Beazley)
D: 42,5 cm
I: Two naked women
A: Dionysos with satyrs and maenads
B: Komos
Euxitheos (Bloesch), Pezzino Group (Beazley)
ARV2 32, 4; FAS, 44, 2.
11. Paris, Musée du Louvre G15 (MN150 & N3303)
+Paris, Cab. Méd., fr.
Provenance: Vulci
D: 35,8 cm
I: Young athlete
A: Athletes
B: Two youths leading horses
Chelis (signature), the Evergides Painter (Beazley)
ARV2 91,51; FAS, 50; CVA Louvre 19, 40-41
5. Marzabotto, location unknown
Provenance: Marzabotto
D: unknown
Kachrylion (signature)
ARV2 108, 18; FAS, 46, 14; J.C. Hoppin, A Handbook
of Attic red-figures Vases: signed or attributed to the
various Masters of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.,
Washington, 1919, vol. 1, 176, n° 19.
12. Munich, Antikensammlung 2619a
Provenance: Vulci
D: 40,5 cm
I: Silen
A: Peleus and Thetis
B: Komos
Chelis (Bloesch), the Epeleios Painter (Beazley)
ARV2 146, 2; FAS, 50
6. Munich, Antikensammlung F2620
Provenance: Vulci
D: 42,8 cm
Coral red
I: Ridder
199
III. Shapes and Uses
D. von Bothmer, “Amasis Amasidos”, J. Paul Getty
Museum Journal 9 (1981), 1-4.
13. London, The British Museum E10
Provenance: Vulci
D: 37,2 cm
I: Sphinx
A-B: Troy, Ajax and Achilleus playing under the
handles
Evergides (Bloesch), the Evergides Painter (Beazley)
ARV2 90, 33; FAS, 52,10
20. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 83.AE.217
Provenance: unknown
D: ca. 36,2 cm
I: Man standing with youth seated
A: Herakles and the sons of Eurytos. Archey
contest.
B: Wrestling or boxing.
Kleophrades (signature), Douris (signature)
Douris, n° 38
14. Paris, Musée du Louvre G17
Provenance: “Etruria”
D: 44 cm
I: Youth with lyra
A: Herakles and Eurystheus
B: Odysseus on a chariot with Hermes
Potter unattributed, Oltos (Beazley)
ARV2 62, 83; CVA Musée du Louvre 10, pl. 5-6
21. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 90.AE.36
Provenance: unknown
D: ca. 35,5 cm
I: Departure of Triptolemos
Interior zone: Chariot race
A: Achilleus and Troilos
B: Battle with Athena
Rest of signature “eg]ra[psen”, Douris (BuitronOliver,)
Douris, n° 36
15. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 535, 699 (+ other
fragments)
Provenance: Tarquinia
D: ca. 50 cm
I: Young warrior arming
A: Herakles fighting Amazons
B: Amazons hastening to help their queen
Kleophrades (signature), the Kleophrades Painter
(Beazley)
ARV2 191, 103 & 104; J.-D. Beazley, The
Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, n° 91, 9-10.
22. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 87.AE.43
Provenance: unknown
D: unknown
I: Crest
Interior zone: Athletes
A: komos
Douris (Buitron-Oliver)
Douris, n° 37
16. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 536, 647 (+ other
fragments)
Provenance: Tarquinia
D: ca. 50 cm
I: Theseus and Kerkyon
A-B: The Deeds of Theseus
Kleophrades (signature ?), The Kleophrades Painter
(Beazley)
ARV2 191, 103 & 104; J.-D. Beazley, The
Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, n° 92, 11-13.
23. Malibu, J.Paul Getty Museum 79.AE.17
Provenance: unknown
D: ca. 53 cm
I: Medea and the rejuvanating ram
A-B: Amazonomachy
Euphronios (signature), Onesimos (Ohly-Dumm)
M. Ohly-Dumm, “Medeas Widderzauber auf einer
Schale aus der Werkstatt des Euphronios”, J. Paul
Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), 5-22.
17. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2283 & Rome, Museo
Vaticano, Astarita Coll. 134
Provenance: Vulci
D: ca. 50 cm
I: Nike
Interior zone: Chariot race
A-B: Athletes
Kleophrades (signature), Douris (signature)
ARV2 429, 21 & 104; Douris, n° 34
24. Paris, Musée du Louvre G104
Provenance: Caere
D: 39,9 cm
I: Theseus and Amphitrite
A-B: The Deeds of Theseus
Euphronios (signature), Onesimos (Beazley)
ARV2 318, 1; FAS, 71, 5; Euphronios, peintre à Athènes
au VIe s. av. J.-Chr., Paris, 1991, n° 55, 214-218.
18. Berlin, Antikensammlun F2284
Provenance: Vulci
D: ca. 50 cm
Interior zone: Chariot race
A-B: Athletes
Kleophrades (signature), Douris (signature)
ARV2 429, 22; Douris, n° 35
25. Rome, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia (ex-Getty
83.AE.362)
Provenance: Caere
D: 46,5 cm
I: The death of Priam
Interior zone: The Sack of Troy
A: Patroklos leading Briseis from Achilleus to
Agamemnon
B: Duel between a Greek and a Troyan ?
Euphronios (signature), Onesimos (Williams)
19. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 80.AE.54
Fr. of foot with rest of signature on the edge
Kleophrades (signature)
200
A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s
Acknowledgements
D. Williams, “Onesimos and the Iliupersis”, Greek
Vases at the J. Paul Getty Museum 5 (1991), 41-64.
I would like to thank Annie Verbanck-Piérard
(Musée royal de Mariemont and ULB) for discussing
with me “Theoxenia matters”, and V. PirenneDelforges (Université de Liège) for providing me
with “religious” bibliography. Many thanks to the
many colleagues and friends who helped me for
obtaining the illustrations of this article: N. Kaltsa
E. Stassinopoulou, G. Kavvadias, Chr. Andronidaki,
E. Zozi (Athens, National Museum), Ursula Kästner
(Berlin, Antikensammlung), Kenneth Lapatin
(Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum).
The participants in the congress “Shapes and uses”
made invaluable comments and questions which
help me in the writing of this paper.
Phialai
26. Pyrgi, Excavations (inventory number unknown)
Provenance: Pyrgi (Etruria)
D: ca. 41,5 cm
Interior zone: Symposion
A-B: the slaughter of the pretendants by Odysseus
M.P. Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus
récentes fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and related
Pottery, Amsterdam, 1987, 17-24.
27. Roma, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia (ex-Getty
81.AE.213)
Provenance: Etruria
D: ca. 42 cm
Interior zone: Herakles and the sons of Eurytos
A: Men fighting
B: Assembly of gods
Smi]kro[s (restitution by Robertson), Douris
(signature)
Robertson, 1991, 75-98.
Abbreviations
AVPCA = M.C. Robertson, The Art of Vase-painting in
Classical Athens, Cambridge, 1992
Douris = D. Buitron-Oliver, Douris, A Master-painter of
Athenian red-figure Vases, Mainz, 1993
Robertson, 1991 = M. Robertson, “A phiale by
Douris”, GV in the J. Paul Getty Museum 5 (1991), 73-98.
201
Abbreviations
ABL = E. Haspels, Attic Black-Figured Lekythoi, Paris, 1936
ABV = J.D. Beazley, Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters, Oxford, 1956
Add 2 = T.H. Carpenter et al., Beazley Addenda 2 , Oxford, 1989
Agora 12 = B.A. Sparkes et L. Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery of the 4 th, 5 th, and 6 th, Centuries B.C.,
Princeton, 1997 [The Athenian Agora 12]
Agora 21 = M. Lang, Graffiti and Dipinti, Princeton, 1976 [The Athenian Agora 21].
Agora 23 = M.B. Moore, Mary S. Pease Philippides, Attic Black-Figured Pottery, Princeton, 1986 [The
Athenian Agora 23]
Agora 29 = S.Rottroff, Hellenistic Pottery : Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Table Ware and Related
Material, Princeton 1997 [The Athenian Agora 29]
Agora 30 = M.B. Moore, Attic Red-Figured and White-Ground Pottery, Princeton, 1997 [The Athenian Agora
30]
Amasis Papers = Papers on the Amasis Painter and his World, The J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, 1987
Amasis Painter = D. von Bothmer, The Amasis Painter and his World, Malibu and New York, 1985
APP = J. H. Oakley, W. D. E. Coulson, O. Palagia (ed.), Athenian Potters and Painters, The Conference
Proceedings, Oxford, 1997 [Oxbow Monograph 67]
ARV 2 = J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters 2 , Oxford, 1963.
AWL = D. C. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi, Patterns and Painters, Oxford, 1975
Barch = Beazley Archive Database, online resource : http: /www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/BeazleyAdmin/Script2/Pottery.htm
FAS = H. Bloesch, Formen attischer Schalen, Bern, 1940
Gericke 1970 = H. Gericke, Gefäßdarstellungen auf griechischen Vasen, Berlin, 1970
Graef, Langlotz = B. Graef, E. Langlotz, Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen I-IV, Berlin,
1914-1933
Kreuzer 1998 = B. Kreuzer, Die attisch schwarzfigurige Keramik aus dem Heraion von Samos, Bonn,
1998 [Samos 22]
Kunst der Schale = K. Vierneisel, B. Kaeser (ed.), Kunst der Schale – Kultur des Trinkens. Ausstellungskatalog
Antikensammlungen München, München, 1990
Le vase grec = P. Rouillard, A. Verbanck (ed.), Le vase grec et ses destins, Musée royal de Mariemont,
23-28 septembre 2003, Munich, 2003
Para = J. D. Beazley, Paralipomena, Additions to Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters and to Attic Red-Figure
Vase-Painters 2 , Oxford, 1971
Payne NC = H. Payne, Necrocorinthia : a Study of Corinthian Art in the Archaic Period, Oxford, 1931
Periplous = G. R. Tsetskhladze, A. J. N. W. Prag, A. M. Snodgrass (ed.), Periplous. Papers on Classical
Art and Archaeology presented to Sir John Boardman, London, 2000
Tosto, Nikosthenes = V. Tosto, The Black-figure Pottery signed Nikosthenes epoiesen, Amsterdam, 1999
[Allard Pierson Series 11]
9
Contents
Foreword 7
Abbreviations
9
Introduction
11
I.Production: Workshops and Potters
15
Athena Tsingarida
Francine Blondé
The exaleiptron in Attica and Boeotia: Early black figure workshops reconsidered
Bettina Kreuzer
17
Die Botkin-Klasse Heide Mommsen
31
Les ateliers de potiers : le témoignage des doubleens amphorae
Cécile Jubier-Galinier
47
Attic red-figured Type D pyxides
John H. Oakley
59
II.Containers, Capacities and Uses 77
Maße, Form und Funktion. Die attisch-schwarzfigurigen Halsamphoren
Martin Bentz
79
Some Practical Aspects of Attic Black-figured Olpai and Oinochoai
Andrew J. Clark
89
Kleine Trinkschalen für Mellepheben?
Elke Böhr
111
Calculating vessel capacities : A new web-based solution
Laurent Engels, Laurent Bavay & Athena Tsingarida
129
III.Shapes and Uses
135
Les pithoi à reliefs de l'atelier d'Aphrati. Fonction et statut d'une production orientalisante
Thomas Brisart
137
Sacrificial and profane use of Greek hydriai
Elisabeth Trinkl
153
Suction dippers: many shapes, many names and a few tricks
Eurydice Kefalidou
173
Vases for heroes and gods : early red-figure parade cups and large-scaled phialai
Athena Tsingarida
185
An unpublished dimidiating animal-head cup in the Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels
Susanna Sarti
203
5
IV.Images and Shapes: Iconography andUses
213
Un Dionysos pour les morts à Athènes à la fin de l'archaïsme :
à propos des lécythes attiques à figures noires trouvés à Athènes en contexte funéraire
Marie-Christine Villanueva-Puig
215
Black-figure albastra by the Diosphos and Emporion Painters : specific subjects for specific uses?
Eleni Hatzivassiliou
225
Vases grecs : à vos marques
François Lissarrague
237
V. Shapes in Contexts
251
A propos d’une coupe de Sellada : les coupes de prestige archaïques attiques reconsidérées Quelques réflexions concernant leur usage
Nassi Malagardis
253
Marker vase or burnt offering? The clay loutrophoros in context
Victoria Sabetai
291
Parfumer les morts. Usages et contenu des balsamaires hellénistiques en contexte funéraire
Natacha Massar
307
The daily grind of ancient Greece: mortars and mortaria between symbol and reality
Alexandra Villing
319
VI. The Greek Vase and its Purchasers
335
Les amateurs des scènes érotiques de l'archaïsme récent
Juliette de La Genière
337
Greek shapes among the Lydians: retentions, divergences and developments
Stravos A. Paspalas
347
Le vase grec entre statut et fonction : le cas de la péninsule Ibérique
Pierre Rouillard
365
Conclusions
377
About the Authors
381
François Villard
6