The Information Paradigm and the Bairro of Recife: an urbanistic
Transcription
The Information Paradigm and the Bairro of Recife: an urbanistic
The Information Paradigm and the Bairro of Recife: an urbanistic reflection on the Porto Digital [Digital Port] Development Plan. Profª Msc. Manuella Marianna Andrade (FAU/UFAL) In the year 2000 the Porto Digital was launched as the result of cooperation between Governments, Universities, and Companies from the information technology and communication sectors. The creation of the Porto Digital emerged not only from the traditions of the State of Pernambuco, but also from substantial data which identified the growing emergence of companies linked to the area of Information Technology (IT), above all micro and small-scale companies (PORTO DIGITAL/CONDEPE, 2000). The explanation which most clearly presents the business orientation of the Porto Digital is from Ivo Theis (2002, p.84) when, according to data from ANPROTEC1, he conceptualises technological parks as “areas generally linked to some centre of teaching and research, with the infrastructure necessary for the installation of companies based on technological research and development”. Technological parks are more commonly associated with small companies which direct their resources to technological research and development. According to Theis (2002, p.84): Business incubators are encouraging and flexible environments which favour the appearance and growth of new businesses. In addition to advice on the technical and commercial management of the business, an incubator offers shared infrastructure and services, such as: physical space, meeting rooms, telephone, fax, internet access, computing support, etc. Business incubators, managed by government bodies, universities, business associations, and foundations, are catalysts for the process of developing and consolidating innovative businesses in competitive markets. By making intense use of professional and practical knowledge, the principal objectives of a business incubator are concentrated in the production of innovative businesses and in the creation of an entrepreneurial culture. The Porto Digital is a technological park which intends to stimulate the emergence of strategic economic spaces, dimensioned for a regional economy, which are capable of inserting that economy in the globalised capitalist economy. For this the Porto Digital presents itself as “a revolutionary project [...] which involves the creation of a technological city, by starting with the urban renewal of the original site of the city of Recife: the Bairro of Recife” (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001, p.01). One of the products of this ‘revolutionary project’ is the Porto Digital Development Plan, presented in November 2001. The objective of the plan was to propose and discuss urban interventions which could create a favourable environment for the capture of investments and for obtaining the support of public and private agents interested in the Porto Digital. The defining concept of the “urban dimension of the newly planned city” is that of integrated urban renovation, which aims to institute real partnerships in its business platform, and emphasise the potential of transforming the Bairro of Recife into a “world class environment” (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001). The proposal of the present work is to present some thoughts, from an urbanistic perspective, on this new social2 actor, through an analysis of its Development Plan. This approach was driven by the observation that, in thirty years of preoccupation with the preservation of the Bairro of Recife, three plans have been prepared – the Plan for the Preservation of Historic Sites (1979), covered various historic sites of the metropolitan region of Recife, establishing general rules for preservation; the Plan for the Rehabilitation of the Centre of Recife (1986) covered the whole of the historic central area of Recife, and focused on meeting social needs; and the Plan for the Revitalisation of the Bairro of Recife (1992) which incorporated an entrepreneurial perspective based on the economic potential of the historic and artistic 1 The Brazilian national experience, in relation to the development of technology, began around 1980 with the incentive of CNPq – the National Council for the Development of Science and Technology – to stimulate greater contact between academia and industry with the Program of Technological Innovation. This program resulted in the creation of 13 study nuclei, known as Technological Innovation Nuclei, in both universities and other institutions. Following this the Program for the Creation of Technological Parks was created. In 1987 this resulted in the identification of 16 undertakings focused on this concept, and at the end of the same year led to the creation of the National Association of Entities which Promote Advanced Technological Businesses – ANPROTEC (THEIS, 2002). 2 State Decree No. 23.212 of 20/04/2001 named the management of the Porto Digital as a non-profit making Private Law Civil Society, qualified as a social organisation, which today is known as the Third Sector. The businesses of the Third Sector are a major economic force. Maintained by public funds or by the generation of their own income, they have an elevated potential for the generation of jobs, ranging from voluntary work to professional employment, and mix elements of both mutual support and competitiveness. patrimony of the bairro – with this last plan being transformed, in 1997, into Law No. 16.290, with the title of Specific Plan for the Revitalisation of Special Zone 09 for the Preservation of the Historico-Cultural Patrimony of the Bairro of Recife. Four years after that law was promulgated yet another plan for the Bairro of Recife emerged, prepared this time by an actor with an economic profile. In principal it is possible to affirm that there is an explicit relationship between the Plan for the Revitalisation of the Bairro of Recife (1992) and the Porto Digital Development Plan (2001). However, the ‘revolutionary’ character of the latter displays a certain ambition, which is natural when talking of business, as well as a certain pretension even though it proposes to be “open and subject to the adjustments inherent in the process of discussing a Plan” (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001, p.01). As such, reflecting on this plan require us to think why planning actions are always “discarded” and, principally, what is the power that a development plan drawn up by a socio-economic actor has in the transformation of the urban space? General overview of the process of preservation Before we turn to the reflection itself, it is worth making a succinct presentation of the above government plans for the Bairro of Recife, because between them there are common components which remain present even though the individual plans follow different directions. Plan for the Preservation of Historic Sites – PPHS (1979) In the 1970s Brazilian preservation policy began to reflect on the understanding of the city from the perspective of its urban history. This represented an amplification of the traditional interpretation of national heritage as works of art, passing from considering not only the stylistic value to considering also the documental and historical value. As a result of this the selective process now also considers the sociohistorical value (MOTA, 2000, p.265), which makes possible other forms of valuing cultural artefacts. It is within this change of spirit with respect to the national cultural heritage that the creation of the metropolitan policy responsible for the formulation of the first Plan for the Preservation of Historic Sites (PPHS)3 took place in Recife in 1979. In this plan preservation was the instrumental base for the promotion of socioeconomic development. Based on basic principles of preservation brought from international meetings4, the PPHS (1979) formulated its own understanding of the term Historic Site, defining it as the whole environmental context, characterised by its urban layout or by individual buildings, and representative of man in time and space. It recognises the historic site not only as a cultural artefact, but also as an economic and urban good, taking into consideration formal and urban, historic and socioeconomic aspects of the environments to be preserved. It also understands preservation as an active instrument capable of revitalising areas, and preserving the original appearance, while at the same time allowing the introduction new more dynamic activities. The Bairro of Recife was recognised as an historic site in Decree No. 11.692/80, which created the Sector for Rigorous Preservation (SRP), which covered an area composed of monuments, houses, and their surroundings from the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries; and the Sector for Environmental Preservation, which covered the transitional area between the SRP and the rest of the Bairro. Even with these efforts of the city government in favour of the preservation of the Bairro of Recife, the urban decentralisation of economic activities, a phenomenon from which cities throughout the country were suffering, provoked the failure of the intention to form a financial centre in the area. With this the Bairro continued to provide only those activities which met the needs of port services, thereby becoming a sort of “central periphery” (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998). 3 The PPHS covered nine municipalities of the metropolitan region of Recife and provided only a superficial solution for some of the problems of preservation. None the less it advanced in terms of protection policy by instituting the preservation zones. 4 Centred on the principles of the Venice Charter (1964) which covers the understanding of the concepts of monuments and preservation; on the Norms of Quito (1967) which sought to conciliate preservation with the transformations associated with rapid urban growth, delimiting for the first time the effect of legislation on areas of preservation in zones of rigorous protection, zones of protection or respect, and zones for the protection of the urban landscape; followed by the meeting in Brasilia (1970), the PPHS met an undelayable need for the State and Municipality to provide support for Federal action in relation to the preservation of cultural heritage. Figure 01: Map of Preservation Zones and Sectors in the Bairro of Recife, PPHS / Decree No. 11.692/80. Source: RECIFE, 1980. Figure scanned by the author. Plan for the Rehabilitation of the Centre of Recife – PRCR (1986) The second plan involved in the process of preserving the Bairro of Recife coincided with the political opening of the Country. In 1986, the mayor Jarbas Vasconcelos prepared an orientation document which aimed to intervene in the process of degradation of the central area of the city, called A Strategy to Revitalise the Centre of Recife5. The document reflects a posture of political support for social causes, with special commitment to low income groups for having supported the mayor in the elections (ZANCHETI, 1993, p.103). The specific treatment of the Bairro of Recife in the document is in the creation of an agile management office linked to the body responsible for urbanisation work in the city (URB-Recife). The Technical Office of the Bairro prepared strategic proposals based on Italian experiences, especially those in Bologna6. These proposals brought to the plan for the Bairro of Recife the importance of social aspects, and the need for the permanence of the social classes which already occupied the area, as primordial factors for its conservation. The enthusiasm for Bologna’s socially oriented conservation policy reinforced, in the Bairro, a preoccupation with preserving the memory of its inhabitants and users, in addition to involving them in the process of preparing proposals. However, focusing the actions of the Plan on the less favoured social groups did not revert the process of degradation in the Bairro. The social posture did not motivate the financial institutions needed to promote the rehabilitation of the Bairro, failed to raise resources, and distanced those agents capable of altering the stagnant situation of its urban functions (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACREDA, 1998). Plan for the Revitalisation of the Bairro of Recife – PRBR (1992) The change in the state government, in 1991, led to a new economic policy which was strategically designed to increment tourism. Incorporating an entrepreneurial vision, the new plan for the preservation of the historic site of the Bairro of Recife introduced the concept of Urban Revitalisation, based on a type of creative partnership between government and private agents. The aim was to encourage the creation of a new economic base, which incorporated elements from both capitalist production and the cultural sphere 5 The strategic objectives and the prepared proposals cover the whole of the central area, which is considered historic and is made up of the bairros: Recife, Santo Antonio, São José, Boa Vista and Santo Amaro. These objectives were structured round a preoccupation with creating a better urban environment, by providing infrastructure, guaranteeing urban circulation, promoting relaxation and leisure, rehabilitating the buildings and installing equipment for collective use. The action strategies can be divided into groups of short and medium term strategies, according to the spaces in which they are to be applied, and into groups of normative actions which, supported by legal prerogatives for urban control, involve the charging of taxes. The limited practicality of these proposals prevented their complete implementation. 6 Already in the 1970s Bologna was going through a moment of political reflection on the need to have a global vision of the problems of its historic centre in order to recuperate it. The discussion started from a critical analysis which saw the nature of the development and territorial ordering of the urban space as the principal cause of the destruction of the historic centre and its social marginalisation. This discussion made clear the impossibility of carrying out an autonomous policy for the historic centre, because of the fact that aspects of the conservation and valuation of the historic spaces were bound to natural phenomena of the social economy. The policy for the conservation of the historic centre of Bologna was strongly characterised by a preoccupation with social duty, and acted politically in this sense because it was believed that the lower social classes were the centre’s source of vitality (CERVALATTI, P.; SCANNAVINI, R., 1976). which were relevant to urban spaces of historic and cultural importance. Normally these are central urban areas, which have the potential to be turned into effective tourist attractions. Requested by the government of the State of Pernambuco, the Plan for the Revitalisation of the Bairro of Recife7 aimed to transform the Bairro into an attractive centre for foreign and national tourists. The economic reality, which had already been identified as one of the great problems of the Bairro in the Plan for Rehabilitation (1986), was taken up again, as an urban question, by the Plan for Revitalisation (1992). The recognition of this economic reality and of the importance of the urban activities of the Bairro of Recife permitted the team which prepared the Plan to reaffirm the economic potential of the area, and the associated potential of the city. The idea was to transform the Bairro into a regional Pole of excellence8 and, consequently, stimulate the process of urban revaluation through the revitalisation of the Bairro: The characteristics of the Bairro of Recife as a geographically central area, with a building stock of historico-cultural importance, many underused buildings, and above all a quality urban environment, could, if recuperated, be factors capable of inducing an alteration in the actual tendencies in the occupation of its space (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998, p.21). The PRBR (1992) had, as its basic premise, changes in the uses, and density of occupation, of the land of the Bairro of Recife, with a view to obtaining greater integration of the local economy with the urban economy of Recife, through the preservation and revaluation of the natural and constructed heritage of the Bairro. With a commitment to introduce novelties, but maintaining a balanced relationship between the present and the past, the plan envisaged the renewal of the economy, through the possibility of attracting new activities of regional, national or international scope, with activities related to advanced technological processes being one of the priorities. The four principal objectives reflected this intention to associate the urban-historic context of the area with the “new planning”, with a view to: (i) conserving the urban patrimony; (ii) transforming the economy by creating a concentration of the activities of retailing9, tourism10, culture and leisure11 and modern services centres12; (iii) turning the Bairro into a space of leisure and diversion and promoting the concentration of people in the area; and (iv) with this turning the centre into a tourist attraction (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998). Considering the current legislation and its need for reform, the plan considered the Bairro of Recife as being composed of three Urban Intervention Sectors, based on the distribution of activities, on the urban and environmental infrastructure and on the pattern of land use. 7 The Plan for the Revitalisation of the Bairro of Recife was prepared by the companies: URBANA: planejamento e projetos, Borsói Arquitetos Associados e Multi Programação Visual. 8 The idea of creating a regional pole of excellence was conceived, initially, from an analysis of the economic potential of the city of Recife as a strong metropolitan representative of the activities of commerce and sub-contracted services, highlighting especially the specialised services strongly represented in the city in technical areas such as: health, engineering, information technology, and culture. As such the pole of excellence highlighted technical and professional specialisation, focusing on modern personal and business services, based on new technologies and microelectronics. The ability of the city of Recife to supply qualified people, research centres and universities directed towards the modern tendency of service provision, associated with the socio-cultural character of its artistic, architectural, end environmental expressions, resulted in the identification of the Bairro of Recife as a privileged ‘locus’ for the location of the central, modern and dynamic activities of the city. The intention was to redefine the land use of the bairro on a basis of modern business and personal services, tourism, culture and leisure (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998). 9 Retailing contributed by revitalising the space as a major centre for shopping, making the “space of the urban spectacle” the “space of consumption”. Retailing activities: shops of hand made goods, supermarkets, convenience shops, boutiques, food markets, restaurants, bookshops, second-hand bookshops, jewellery shops, pharmacies, stationers, art galleries, antique shops, gift shops, etc. 10 In association with retailing, the Bairro of Recife, as a space of national level historical value, can be linked to the question of providing support to the tourist as a source of economic circulation of financial capital. Tourist activities: hotels, guest houses, marine passenger terminal, airline and transport companies, tourist information centres, post offices, travel and exchange agencies, night-time bars, show bars, and nightclubs, etc. 11 The activities of culture and leisure linked to the perspective of obtaining economic results from culture, both material and immaterial, which is amply represented in Recife as a regional centre of cultural production. Cultural activities: in terms of production – production companies, studios, ateliers, art schools, publishers, cultural representatives, etc. In terms of consumption – cinemas, theatres, exhibition spaces, libraries, event spaces, show houses, aquariums, planetariums. 12 Modern services envisages the incorporation of science and technology based activities in the Bairro, as a result of a special characteristic of the city of Recife as a nationally recognised technological pole. Modern service activities: headquarters of major companies and corporations, headquarters of foundations, class associations, banks, financial companies, brokers, centres of information and communication, offices of selfemployed professionals, etc. In order to provide a cycle of everyday activities, and also as a fundamental strategic component, the plan foresees the provision of housing and its support activities: schools, crèches, bakeries, grocers, supermarkets, pharmacies, laundries, betting shops, first aid posts, emergency clinics, etc. Figure 02: Sectors for Urban Intervention – Revitalisation Plan 1992. Source: ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA (orgs.), 1998. Figure scanned by the author. The Renewal Sector [orange] “is the area which offers the possibility of the transformation of its urban environment, by the creation of a new situation, whether with respect to use, or with respect to the pattern of occupation and construction” (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACREDA, 1998, p.30). This sector is at the “core of the new occupation proposal”, because it foresees the greatest changes, such as an increase in the maximum number of floors permitted, and in the occupation of the strip of land alongside the River Capibaribe. The plan foresees urban uses such as retailing, traditional services, housing, wholesaling and industry, which are already characteristic of the area. The structural projects which fall in this sector are the Pilar Multiuse Centre13; Apartments in old warehouses14; and the Memory Trail15. The Consolidation Sector [white] “is an area with stable use – institutional – and has a regular pattern of occupation of lots and buildings” (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACREDA, 1998, p.30). A projected reduction in port activities would permit the use of these areas in strategic urban projects for the reintegration of the urban fabric. And the Revitalisation Sector [red] “is the area which offers conditions for intervention to improve the type of use and the environmental quality of the area, by using the existing urban structure and buildings, and by highlighting the qualities of the urban landscape” (ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998, p.30). The definition of land use follows the activities already, occasionally, present in the area, with emphasis on modern services, retailing and housing. Within the group modern services, the plan highlights production, cultural, leisure and touristic services as the most appropriate for the urban area. Within this area we find the following structural projects: the Centre for cultural activities, leisure and business of the Bom Jesus Pole16; the Marine Passenger Terminal17; the Alfândega Cultural and Shopping Centre18; Aquarium19; and “Water Front”20. 13 Consists of the use of a significant area for the creation of a centre of support for Port activities such as: commerce, services and housing, with a view to the physical and social recuperation of a degraded area. 14 The transformation of part of the stock of obsolete warehouses into small and midsize apartments, associated with food-related activities, and complementing the renovation of Pilar. 15 Follows the old route which linked Olinda to the Bairro, highlighting the physical and visual aspect of the urban fabric and its marks. The trail passes through the region of revitalisation demarcated by the plan. 16 An urban space with a collection of both daytime and night-time activities, which guarantee a permanent flux of people, creating a space for the concentration of activities in Rua Bom Jesus associated with the renovation of the Praça do Arsenal. 17 Located in Warehouse 11 of the Port, it is connected with the entertainment quarter in the Bom Jesus Pole, and will provide for other activities directly related to the activity of the terminal. 18 An events space which will provide a modern cultural leisure centre, attractive to residents and tourists. 19 With the intention of stimulating contemplative leisure, the plan foresees an aquarium with the aquatic fauna and flora of the region, in addition to a library, an exposition room and a bar. 20 A permanent transformation of a number of the Port warehouses into an area of leisure and retailing, incorporating the sea view into the urban landscape. Figure 03: Spatial Organisation of Activities – Revitalisation Plan (1992) Source: ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998. Figure scanned by the author. Figure 04: Structural Projects – Revitalisation Plan (1992) Source: ZANCHETI, MARINHO, LACERDA, 1998. Figure scanned by the author. Between the years 1995 and 1996, the Assessoria de Urbanização Popular [approximately: Social Urbanisation Support Group] – ARRUAR – following the guidelines of the Master Plan for the City of Recife and the Law for the Use and Occupation of the Land, and as requested by the mayor Jarbas Vasconcelos, revised the PRBR (1992) to prepare detailed plans to implement the Plan, with a view to its transformation into Law. Emphasising the urban question, these detailed plans introduced changes in the composition of the intervention sectors. The PRBR (1992) considered the Port area as a consolidation sector, while the ARRUAR revision considered it as a sector for controlled intervention. There were similar changes in the delimitation of the other sectors. The name of the revitalisation sector was also changed, to be known as the sector for Controlled Intervention. The naming suggested for the revision of the PRBR (1992) was maintained after the approval of Law No. 16.290/1997. However between the revision and the approval of the law there were modifications to the geographical extents of the intervention sectors, with a reduction in the area of the renovation sector and an increase in the controlled intervention sector. Within this panorama of plans for the Bairro of Recife, the recycling of the posts of governor and mayor between Roberto Magalhães (governor 1983-1986; mayor 1997-1999), Jarbas Vasconcelos (mayor 1986-1988; 1993-1996; governor 1999-2006), and Joaquim Rodrigues (mayor 1983-1985; 1989-1990; governor 1991-1995), is notable. This is especially so when one realises that Jarbas Vasconcelos is the political actor most involved in the actions related to the Bairro. He was responsible for the 1985 plan which had a more social approach; for the revision of the 1992 plan which displayed a more urban awareness, but which was sanctioned in the mandate of Roberto Magalhães; and was the governor who instituted the Porto Digital in Decree No. 23.212/2001. Even with the discussion of tourism and modern services removed from the revision of the PRBR (1992) in favour of the urban question itself, whether with respect to the set of existing buildings or with respect to the composition of its landscape, and the absence in Law No. 16.290/97 of uses destined to technological activities, the political actions of Vasconcelos did not fail to recognise the Porto Digital as an economic opportunity for the Bairro of Recife. Even though Law No. 16.290 defined a model of regulation with urban preoccupations and proposals which did not tie itself to defined uses, but rather to parameters of occupation appropriate to the times, Vasconcelos and the Porto Digital identified it as strategic opportunity to lever the revival of the economy of the Bairro of Recife, by dynamising its activities, and elevating it to be a space of reference in Information Technology. In addition this would be the first example of urban revitalisation in Brazil, and possibly in the world, in which the principal focus would be on the insertion of the regional digital economy in the globalised capitalist economy, and not necessarily on the spectacularisation of the culture. Figure 05: Map used in the Development Plan to demonstrate the current legislation and its requirements for the Bairro of Recife. Source: PORTO DIGITAL, 2001. The Information Paradigm and the Porto Digital Development Plan Implicitly or explicitly all the plans for the Bairro of Recife saw the economic factor as an essential element. It is well known that in the PRBR (1992) modern technological services were already considered among the possible activities which could be allies for the economic development of the area. The Porto Digital, with the support of the current political powers, foresaw in the current reality and the reigning legislation the possibility of the effective installation of its activities in the Bairro of Recife. To this end a Porto Digital Development Plan - PDDP (2001) was prepared, because its implantation in the Bairro would require the urban spaces to be adapted for the activities of the digital community. It was at this time that the Porto Digital outgrew its limits as a “company” and presented itself as an “urban manager”, driving force, and catalyst of the new technological city. It can be seen that it is in fact necessary for the Porto Digital to attract partners and investors. However, what is questionable is the appropriation of the Bairro of Recife for the delimitation of its “initial territory”, to use a term from the PDDP (2001), just as it is questionable for it to define the kind of city which should be produced, on the basis of the uses and mobility it needs to develop. It is as if the whole Bairro has to “turn” around the Porto Digital! The Porto Digital, in the role of its Management Nucleus becomes a real estate agent, which, using the PDDP as a base, and negotiates between the partners and the owners of the buildings with respect to the renovation of those buildings for the installation of a new digitally oriented activity. As the PDDP (2001) seeks to make the urban reality of the Bairro more viable, it consequently seeks its gradual requalification, starting from the principle of making the historic site adequate to the needs of Information Technology, giving preference to (i) the use of empty or underused groups of buildings for the installation of anchor equipment; (ii) an improvement in the quality of the urban space, leisure areas, rapidity of access and circulation; (iii) a mix of uses which are attractive for users, businessmen and workers; (iv) shared management alternatives for urban questions; and (v) the projection of scenarios for Information Technology beyond the limits of the Bairro. The proposal is presented in 3 stages. The vision of the Future and What city does the Porto Digital need to be able to develop? consider the legal parameters which exist in Law No. 16.290/1997. The third proposal, Porto Digital 2010-2015, is supported by the Strategic Metropolis project of FIDEM21 to extrapolate the limits of “its city”, by using part of the area of the Port of Recife which is defined as a Sector of Controlled Intervention in the law cited above. Associated with these proposals is Station Recife which proposes the implantation of three interpretative circuits of the Bairro to “increment the development strategy of the Porto Digital and add value to the strategy of regional development” (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001, n. pag.). This proposal represents a more detailed evolution of the Cultural Trail proposed by the PRBR (1992). At this first moment of reflection we find we are faced with a conflict, a fruit of modernity, which is very well put by Rogers (2001, p.22) when he says: “Opening oneself to changes always brings uncertainties and risk. The power to transform and change the world [...] defines our condition of being modern. The anxiousness which drives us is counterbalanced by the consciousness of our capacity to destroy. To be modern, therefore, is to live this life of paradox” *translated from a portuguese translation]. At the present time we are witnessing the exacerbation of modernity. If in modernity the paradigm was originally that of the machine, of industry, today that has changed to that of the Internet, the digital environment. Technological evolution is a fact, but the spirit which pervades the above quote is constant. This new social actor, which proposes change at all spatial scales, has the power and is conscious of the need to transform without destroying, but by innovating. For the observer this brings uncertainty, because changes bring risks, and in the end every transformation requires some destruction. And it is in this life of paradoxes that reflection allows us to contest the form in which the urban space is appropriated by the PDDP and at the same time imagine what could, or can, bring more dynamism and a new urban character to the revitalisation of the Bairro of Recife. The vision of the Future (1st stage) Within the perimeter of the first stage, right in the centre of the Bairro of Recife, the PDDP (2001) presented the area as an opportunity for the conversion of use through the increase in the built area made possible by the flexibility of the warehouses and the low cost of the land, in addition to the potential for verticalisation in the renovation sector which the law allowed. The main equipments foreseen for this area are: a university centre; a business training centre; a centre for business incubators; and work centres for start-ups and for Information Technology companies. The spatial distribution of the first stage of the PDDP (2001) foresaw a number of anchor projects: Incubanet (networks of technically based business incubators); ITBC (Information Technology Business Center – a business centre for companies associated with Softex-Recife); CESAR (Centre for the Study of Advanced Systems of Recife); SECTMA (Secretariat of Science, Technology, and the Environment of the Government of the State of Pernambuco), all of which were implemented. Among such projects there also 21 Foundation for the Municipal Development of Pernambuco [Fundação de Desenvolvimento Municipal de Pernambuco]. existed the New Captaincy for Information Technology, which consists of a university complex where the building of the Captaincy of the Port currently exists. The installation of this complex has been expected since 2001 but up to now has not been implemented. This seems to be the great problem, and a fruit of what could be considered the urbanistic pretention of the Porto Digital, in that it defines uses on the scale of street blocks or groups of buildings without considering their actual owners or their intentions to change, sell, rent or lease. Another example of this sort is the existence of the Pilar Factory where the PDDP (2001) foresees the installation of work centres for Information Technology companies. The attitude of the PDDP (2001) can be compared to that of an urban scale real estate agent: it presents its client with the product, its potential for the use of space and for strategic locations at the local, metropolitan, and regional scales, its cultural and leisure added value, and finally proposes the best localisation for the client’s undertaking. Figure 06: The initial territory of the Porto Digital and the uses foreseen for the development of its activities. Source: PORTO DIGITAL, 2001. What is the city that the Porto Digital needs to be able to develop? (2nd stage) The second stage of the proposal proposes “uses which can bring dynamism to the technological city”, with a view to supplying varied alternatives and a good quality of life to its residents and users (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001). This foresees housing; temporary accommodation; supporting commerce and services; and leisure, culture and entertainment. With respect to housing the PDDP (2001) foresees the expansion of the actions of BID/Monumenta (a Federal government heritage restoration project) in the southern part of the Bairro, with studios and units of 1 or 2 bedrooms. In a similar way it adopts the proposal for the community of Pilar which was developed by the Prefeitura of Recife, but amplifies the supply of housing by taking advantage of the legal framework of the municipality, proposing, for two blocks, buildings of up to 12 floors with an Information Technology work centre on the ground floor, parking and apartments. In order to provide temporary accommodation the proposals foresee the conversion of the building Votorantim into a block of small apartments, the conversion of Warehouse 11 into a design hotel, and the provision of a hostel. The activities of commerce and services follow the logic of the undertakings in the Alfândega Pole, and aim to reinforce the axis from Alfândega-Rua da Moeda to Warehouse 13 which would be a commercial complex which would complement the activities of the Pole. Two other localities with potential for commerce and services are also identified: one in Rua do Apolo and Rua da Guia which does not have the exact activities identified; while the other is the conversion of a building near Pilar Church into a supermarket. Finally the proposals locate a business centre with a shopping centre for Information Technology commerce and services in Av. Martin Luther King, which, according to the current legislation, would be permitted to construct up to 12 floors (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001). With respect to leisure, culture and entertainment, the PDDP (2001) reiterates the proposals of the PRBR (1992) and those of the Technical Office of the Bairro of Recife (1993-96) for continuous leisure circuits, with services for the provision of food, tourist information, contemplation and social interaction, as well as a jogging track, sports courts, cycling tracks and roads for local traffic. Figure 07: The initial territory of the Porto Digital, showing the distribution of the activities necessary for the technological city and the functioning of the Porto Digital. Source: PORTO DIGITAL, 2001. In this second stage of the proposals one can identify the incorporation of the ideas of the earlier plans, of actions which have already been implemented, and of the current legislation. It is as if the financial investment scenario existing in the Bairro was the determining driver for the installation of the Porto Digital. If there was no history of success, even if at a slow pace, of preservation and investments in the Bairro of Recife, the Porto Digital would find another strategic location for its activities. Because of this it is necessary to recognise that the association Bairro of Recife-Porto Digital was not by chance. All the apparatus of preservation, the combined historic, cultural, economic and financial values, and principally the current legislation, which has a character more encouraging than restrictive, allow the Bairro to be seen by the Porto Digital as the best strategic location within the city of Recife. None of the discussion about localisation and viability, and none of the proposals would exist if the current planning for the Bairro was out of date. In fact the city that the Porto Digital needs was already in construction before it existed, in the shape of the Bom Jesus Pole and the Alfândega Pole. However, the Alfândega Pole and the Bom Jesus Pole are urban-historic spaces which are hostages of the urban revitalisation paradigm produced by urban capitalism, and identified by theoreticians such as Harvey (2000) and Jameson (1997) as the usurpation of modernity in favour of the corporativism of power (capital) and the imperialism of culture (consumption). In this system the cultural logic of advanced capitalism, which transposes the capitalism of the market by incorporating the expansion of culture into the sphere of merchandise (cultural production = merchandise production), has repercussions in urban planning in two ways: the “collage city” which acts in the urban sphere in a pluralist and organic way, abandoning modernist zonings; and “urban revitalisation”, as a substitute for “urban renovation”. This new form of revitalisation led to a change in the paradigm of urban planning, abandoning conventional planning, which determines land use, for an entrepreneurial form of planning, which encourages urban growth, as if the city was a machine for the production of wealth (HALL, 1995). Paola Berenstein and Lílian Fessler (2001) identify three cultural-economic phases: the culture industry, the spectacularisation of culture, and the process of globalisation. The culture industry depends on mass cultural consumption, the artistic values of which are diversion and entertainment. The spectacularisation of culture is a product of the culture industry in which the accumulated capital transforms itself in images, alienating the society from its earlier values, making the world more proletarian, and in which the merchandising of the spectacle defines social life (DEBORD, 1997). Finally, the process of globalisation is the means for inserting the spaces of the cities into the flow of international finance. Financial capital directs and determines the production of the constructed environment, and is responsible for: the transfiguration of the culture into cultural consumption; the overvaluing of the historical; the emergence of the heritage industry; the spectacularisation of urban life and the dissemination of the processes of revitalisation of decadent urban areas, in order to stimulate an increase in the financial value of the historic urban space. This whole set of ideas, although they are superficially explained here, point to the clear recognition of the superiority of the functioning of the culture of consumption, as driven by financial capital, for the economic development of the Bairro of Recife since 1992. It is exactly against this tendency, although still associated with the logic of globalisation itself, that the Porto Digital presents a new scenario. Its functioning in the urban environment of the Bairro of Recife materialises in the static constructed stock of buildings, as a dynamic flux of capital for the physical transformation of the architectonic environment in places devoted to the consumption of Information and Communication Technology, and not only to cultural consumption – whether material or immaterial. It is necessary to recognise that this is its great differential, because it seeks to avoid an environment planned purely for cultural consumption, as was formulated by the PRBR (1992). The PDDP (2001) recognises and absorbs cultural consumption as a characteristic of current society, but does not use it as the basis for development. The Porto Digital ties itself to a recent aspect of culture: digital culture, which belongs to nowhere and to everywhere at the same time. It also has a potential to generate a level of consumption which is infinitely greater than the cultural consumption highlighted above. Paradoxically, the two forms of consumption pervade the PDDP. However, cultural consumption, which has a local scale, makes use of values associated with the urban space - especially those with touristic potential, and requires a person to be physically present to enjoy the consumption, is not the central focus of the Porto Digital. The consumption in which the Porto Digital it is interested is on a global scale, and requires an urban environment to develop its economic activity, attend to distant clients, and develop products which can be consumed anywhere. What the two forms of consumption have in common is the urban space of the Bairro of Recife, but while the first creates scenarios, the second develops a work environment. However, it is even more interesting to note that the two do not cancel each other out, or exist separately in the technological city, as at the end of the day both are a part of contemporary society. Porto Digital 2010-2015 (3rd stage) Finally, the third stage of the proposal involves a move into the area of the traditional Port of the Bairro of Recife, proposing new uses. Currently half of the area is used by the port administration and the other half is leased by companies. This proposed move is supported by FIDEM which inserted the Porto Digital into the Strategic Metropolis project as a component which could be of interest for the occupation of unused areas, with the port region itself being an area which that project highlighted as unused. With this the PDDP (2001) proposes that the infrastructure of “its technological city” be completed by providing a continuation of the leisure area, with sports courts and a pedestrianised area, a business centre, a Data Centre, a Marine technology centre, another hotel complex and the largest housing and commerce area. The proposal completes the Stations circuit, by expanding the system of mobility and planning for parking. Figure 08: Porto Digital 2010-2015. Source: PORTO DIGITAL, 2001 In a wider reflection on this subject one could link the Porto Digital to the process of transformation of industrial, mechanised, society into the Society of Knowledge or the Society of Information, which in a general sense involves the economic ascension of the activities of information production and services. Since the industrial revolution the development, and technological application, of science has always determined its productivity. However, in the last 30 years the level of technological development, especially in terms of information technology and communications, required and produced a much more refined level of knowledge, based on an economy in which the greatest production costs stemmed from the contribution of intellectual work, in comparison to all the other phases of production. The society of knowledge is a fruit of technological evolution and is, necessarily, linked to globalisation, where this is understood to be the emergence of a global capitalist economic market, which is integrated, although hierarchical with respect to direct external investments, and incorporates new information technologies. This reality produces a national innovation system22 which combines “technical and institutional factors which favour innovative activities, promote gains in productivity and accelerate the process of the accumulation of capital in a given national economic space” (THEIS, 2002, p.79). Given this the Porto Digital can be considered a global phenomenon, capable of dynamising the regional economy, by focusing on the local and regional scale. The regional scope of the Porto Digital is present in the fact that it reflects a characteristic of the State of Pernambuco as an information technology development pole, which allows it to bring existing regional companies together in its enterprise. But the Porto Digital, with its Development Plan, is also seen as a local development strategy, inserted in a worldwide picture of economic restructuring, which is marked by the decentralisation of production and the re-centralisation of the flows of capital, merchandise and information. In this way the Porto Digital becomes one of the representatives of the urban economy of Recife as it seeks to insert itself, as a connection node, into the global network of cities. Jordi Borja and Manuel Castells (1998) present three hierarchic urban levels of a polycentric network, in which one can consider the relationship between the local and the global as a consequence of the processes of urban transformation. The first level is composed of the main metropolitan areas of the world, because of their concentration of quality, power, capital, and above all international finance. The second level is represented by the great world cities, which are directly linked to global management; while the third level encompasses the new markets, which interact with the world economy as regional centres. It is at this third level that a future scenario foresees the concrete and significant insertion of Recife into the world network of globalised cities. However, it is important to make clear that Borja and Castells do not believe in the maintenance of this hierarchy, because of the level of competition which the hierarchy itself creates. Instead they believe that the connections between cities will emerge in the form of networks, and not pyramids. The global city is a network of urban nodes at distinct levels and with distinct functions which extends over the whole planet and which functions as the nerve centre of the new economy, in an interactive system of variable geometry to which companies and cities must constantly and flexibly adapt themselves (BORJA & CASTELLS, 1998, p.43) [translated from a portuguese translation]. Given that the global city functions through networks, which signifies the collapse of the current hierarchy, it is very unlikely that Recife will manage to locate itself in the network of global cities as a strong representative of the international financial flows which characterise the Global Cities: great metropolises which concentrate international financial flows, and are representatives of the highest level of production of specialised services, giving them global control of economic operations (SASSEN, 1998). However, it cannot be denied or neglected that the Porto Digital, along with the other actions for the revitalisation of 22 With respect to the conceptual theory of the transition of Industrial Society to the Knowledge Society, Ivan Theis (2002) uses neosmithian, neoschumpeterian, and neomarxist approaches to the Theory of Regulation - making more use of the latter two, to propose that as much from the neomarxist perspective as from the neoschumpeterian the technological parks and business incubators can be considered global phenomena, associated with the technological paradigm change. From the neomarxist point of view this change involves alterations in both the organisation of work, and the productive processes, while from the neoschumpeterian point of view this new paradigm involves the formation of a national innovation system. the Bairro of Recife can be considered an urban, economic, strategic and local, preface for the development of Recife and its admission into a globalised market. The broader intention of inserting Recife into the network of global cities will, in accordance with the presumptions of the global cities paradigm, depend on the local urban context. This involves factors inherent to the Bairro of Recife such as: accessibility; the central localisation in relation to the urban road network; the concentration of the financial market; the quality of life (which the PDDP intends to improve within the space of the Bairro); its specific nature as an historic centre which is being revitalised and its urban marketing. Similarly, other internal factors, which are not specifically linked to the physical context, such as: the determination of the state political actors to develop the Porto Digital project; the vocation of the city as a centre of information technology knowledge; the implementation of the digital infrastructure; the availability of a workforce which already works with information; and the existence of direct links between the local and the global23, are and were crucial for the implantation of the Porto Digital in the Bairro of Recife. In a particular way the urban space of the Bairro of Recife brings together two strong paradigms which have been widespread since the 1970s: information technology and the revitalisation of the historic centre. This interaction means that the Bairro of Recife is the only example, on the national scale, which incorporates various urban phenomena such as: revitalisation, computerisation, and urban spectacularisation and “culturisation” - which can all be connected together with great ease as they are all part of the desired local development. Beyond all of which has been presented so far there is another challenge to be considered: the symbolic transformation of the place. This is because, as the plan itself admits “there are few people who can imagine themselves living in the Bairro of Recife or owners who can imagine earning money from their buildings on the basis of undertakings which convert whole blocks into centres for business incubators or groups of Information Technology Companies” (PORTO DIGITAL, 2001, n. pag.). Even in the face of this paradox, the Porto Digital is slowly consolidating itself. However, of its persuasive, pretentious, and occasionally coherent, Development Plan proposed within the context of an ambitious vision of the future of the digital economy, very few of the changes planned in the physical space, at street block scale, or in the quality of the environment, have been implemented. The spatial reality of the Bairro of Recife remains true to tradition: it is slowly transforming itself. The Porto Digital Development Plan does not have the strength to bring immediate transformation to the urban environment. It depends on the actions of political actors to fulfil its proposals for improvements in mobility and in the quality of the urban space, or in terms or social housing. The tax exemptions incorporated in Law No. 16.290 were not, alone, sufficient to bring investments to the Bairro on the scale proposed by the PDDP. 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