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Media Research Paper
Commissioned by
Media Council of Tanzania
Effectiveness of Escalating Media
Pluralism and Diversity in Promoting
Social Accountability in Tanzania
Research Report, 2014
PROF MARTIN MHANDO (LEAD RESEARCHER)
MR NGALIMECHA NGAHYOMA
DR SAMWILU MWAFFISI
MS FARIDA NYAMACHUMBE
Media Research Paper - 2014
Effectiveness of Escalating Media
Pluralism and Diversity in Promoting
Social Accountability in Tanzania
© Media Council of Tanzania (MCT)
2015
ISBN 978-9987-710-53-9
ii
Media council of Tanzania (McT)
Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abbreviations ...............................................................................
v
Acknowledgements ....................................................................... vi
Research Team .............................................................................. vii
Abstract ............................................................................................
viiiIntroduction
Introduction: A Conceptual Note on Social Accountability of
Journalists in Tanzania .................................................................
1.1 Background to the Problem ................................................
1.2 Statement of the Problem ...................................................
1.3 Objectives of the Study .......................................................
1.4 Research Questions .............................................................
1.5 Significance of the study .....................................................
1.6 Social Accountability ...........................................................
1.7 Delimitations and Limitations ............................................
1.8 Conceptual Frameworks ...................................................
Chapter Two
Literature Review: Right to Freedom of Expression ................
2.1 Introduction ..........................................................................
2.2 Right to Freedom of Expression ........................................
2.3 Pluralism, Diversity and Democracy ...............................
2.4 Limitations to Freedom of Expression ..............................
2.5 Social Accountability ............................................................
2.6 Media Self regulation in Africa .........................................
2.7 The Tanzanian Context .......................................................
2.8 Knowledge Gap ...................................................................
Chapter Three
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Research Design and Methodology .........................................
3.1 Purpose of the research ......................................................
3.2 Research design
...............................................................
3.3 Data collection (including ethical considerations) ..........
3.4 Analytic approach ...............................................................
3.5 Location of the Study ...........................................................
3.6 Population of the Study ......................................................
3.7 Sample and Sampling Techniques ....................................
3.8 Case studies and Testimonies .............................................
3.9 Ethical Considerations ........................................................
3.10 Data Analysis ........................................................................
3.11 Evaluation Design ................................................................
3.12 ConclusionConclusion ........................................................
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Media ReseaRch PaPeR - 2014
iii
Chapter One
Contents
Chapter Four
Presentation, Analysis and Discussions of the
Research Findings
.......................................................................
4.1. Introduction ........................................................................
4.2. Quantitative Content Analyses ..........................................
4.3. Key Questions, Interviewees, Responses and Analysis ...
Chapter Five
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Conclusions, Implications and Recommendations ..................
1. Summary ......................................................................................
2. Research Findings ......................................................................
3. Implications ..................................................................................
4. Recommendations .....................................................................
5. Conclusions .................................................................................
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References ........................................................................................
69
Appendices ........................................................................................
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iv
Contents
BBC
CCM
CCTV
CHADEMA
CNN
CSO
DC
DW
FGD
GEMSAT
ICCPR
IPP- Media
MCT
MISATAN
MCL
NGO
RTD
TAFICO
TAMWA
TANU
TBC
TGNP
TMF
UDHR
UKAWA
UN
ZBC
ZBC
British Broadcasting Corporation
Chama Cha Mapinduzi
Central China Television
Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo
Cable News Network
Civil society organisation
District Commissioner
Deutsche Welle
Focus Group Discussion
Gender and Media Southern African Tanzania
International Convention on Civil and Political Rights
Independent Press and Publications Media
Media Council of Tanzania
Media Institute of Southern Africa- (Tanzania
Chapter)
Mwananchi Communications Limited
Non-Governmental Organisation
Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam
Tanzania Fishing Company
Tanzania Media Women Association
Tanganyika African National Union
Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation
Tanzania Gender Networking Programme
Tanzania Media Fund
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Umoja ya Katiba ya Wananchi
United Nations
Zanzibar Broadcasting Corporation
Zanzibar Broadcasting Commission
v
Abbreviations
Contents
Acknowledgements
This study would not have been possible without the passionate
support of many media persons in Tanzania. As individuals and in
groups they all heeded our call for meetings and interviews in order
to contribute to the success of this research. Veterans of the media
and novices alike all readily gave us their time, and for that we are
grateful.
We are especially grateful to the Media Council of Tanzania (MCT)
for funding this important study into the deregulated media in
Tanzania and its effectivenessas a tool for social accountability.
We would like to thank the supervisor of this project, John Mireny
for his insightful comments, helping us improve the initial research
proposal. We owe a debt of gratitude to Prof Mwajabu Possi for her
comments and invaluable input without which the report would
have been much the poorer. We are also indebted to our families and
employers for allowing us to spend time to conduct this study.
We hasten to add that we are responsible for any shortcomings in
the research.
vi
By Prof Martin Mhando (Lead Researcher), Mr Ngalimecha Ngahyoma, Dr. Samwilu Mwaffisi & Ms. Farida Nyamachumbe
Research Team
Over the period of 8 weeks of the research, we collaborated
closely, enabling us to meet and exchange experiences about what
we were unearthing as regards journalism in Tanzania in the last 20
years of media deregulation. Mr Ngahyoma was seminal in setting
up the team’s communication with the Media Council of Tanzania
and offering his Institute’s offices for meetings. Dr Mwafisi played
the devil’s advocate prodding us to wake up when we were sleeping
on the job as it were, especially when we were not giving due
diligence to the required methodological rigour. Ms Nyamachumbe
was our logistics person and astitute in her observations.
All the four of us participated in conducting the interviews with
Mwafisi and Ngahyoma visiting Dodoma and Arusha while Ms
Nyamachumbe and Mhando went to Mwanza and Zanzibar. We all
congregated in Dar es Salaam for the largest Focus Groups
Discussion and meetings with Key Informants in the sprawling city.
Allan Iwasa of Mulipex Data Analysts and Research Consultants, Dar
es Salaam performed the statistical data entry and the initial analyses
of the quantitative data.
As lead researcher I take full responsibility for the analyses and
the final look and arguments of the study.
Associate Prof Martin Mhando,
Zanzibar, November 2014
vii
The four key members of the research team included the following
people: Mr Ngalimecha Ngahyoma, Director of the Institute of Arts
and Mass Communication (IAMCO) Dar es Salaam. Dr Samwilu
Mwafisi, Lecturer, Open University, Tanzania, Ms Farida
Nyamachumbe, Director, Jicho Communicative Zanzibar and Prof
Martin Mhando, Research Fellow, Murdoch University, Western
Australia (Lead Researcher).
Enhancing Visibility and Portrayal of Women in Tanzanian Media
Abstract
It is a truism that the media plays a critical role in promoting social
accountability. In many countries, independent media is the leading
force in informing/educating citizens, monitoring government
performance and exposing misdeeds. Over the last 20 years Tanzania
media has seen growth at the local level, thus providing an important
channel for ordinary citizens to voice their opinions and discuss
public issues.
To the extent to which media is independent and ownership is
pluralistic it becomes an important factor contributing to the
accountability of a political system. By providing a forum for a
plurality of actors to establish who should be held accountable, what
they should be held accountable for, and how they should be held
accountable,the media reframe actions once deemed acceptable as
unacceptable and for which public authorities could henceforth be
held accountable. In this way the media becomes an uncoerced
expression of social demands.
There is therefore a need to ascertain the effectiveness of media
pluralism and diversity in promoting social accountability and selfregulation in Tanzania.
1
At the time of signing this research contract the University of Iringa was still a constituent college
of Tumaini University (IUCo).
viii
Chapter
1
1. Introduction: Social Accountability
and Journalism in Tanzania
1.1 Background to the Problem
Prior to 1992 under the politics of the one party state in Tanzania,
the practice of journalism had a very different approach and played
a substantively different role in society. In many ways it was an
alternative journalism that was expected to play a different role to
that being practiced today. It was still regarded as a socially
accountable practice of journalism, albeit one with a relatively narrow
diversity of views, but one that tried to keep the reporting accurate
and as far as possible, fair. Under the ideological premises of oneparty politics, the term “free press” would indeed be a contradiction.
Ghallagher (2002) argues that the media has become a force for
development both as a source of information as well as a forum for
participation in discussions on public issues. It has become an active
platform for the participation of people who would otherwise be left
out of the processes of development, thus becoming a prerequisite
for citizens to exercise their rights. In that way, we have witnessed
the growth of the power of the media due to its diversity and plurality as well as the increased media participation and commercialisation.
With the growing market-oriented economy it has been argued
that the media’s first responsibility is to the consumers and
shareholders, and with increasing competition among providers, the
degree of the media’s commercialization increases. However,
processes of commercialization often collide with issues of social
responsibility because as any business, private media would use
business principles, and profit maximization would become the
1
ultimate goal. This then could change the quality of what is
communicated, since the type of information that the media provides
could also reflect its presumed responsibility and accountability.
While social accountability is the premised aim of the media
worldwide, it is especially so to developing countries where
development is a central social objective. (Domatob and Hall 1983: 9;
Talabi 2013:35-40). Tanzania is no different.
Statistics show that by 1992, there were only 5 newspapers and
only one radio operating in Tanzania. However, by 2013 that there
were over 700 newspapers registered. There were 19 daily newspapers, 41 weeklies and another 50 being published in varied regularity
and frequency. There were 128 radio stations registered and 53 that
were operational. There were also 54 television stations registered
with 28 being on air. (Tibanyendera, 2014) It has since jumped up to
814 registered newspapers by July 2014. In the Isles the Zanzibar
Broadcasting Commission has issued over 50 radio frequencies, 20
of which are registered. (Mitawi, 2014, Zanzibar)
1.2 Statement of the Problem
During the era of the one-party system (1962-1992), mass media
in Tanzania were controlled by the ruling party and its government
(Ngasongwa, 1992). Control of the media did not only muzzle them,
it also obscured the necessity of alternative ideas and led to the suppression of the press.
Media deregulation in the early 1990s changed the media landscape in the country, making both state-owned and private media assert their editorial independence and therefore allow alternative
ideas, notions of pluralism and diversity of ideas and opinions, and
committed themselves to telling the truth. The media is now struggling to play its rightful role of being a watchdog to society.
The research aimed at examining the role of the media as a mechanism of social accountability through analyzing how the Tanzania
media contributes to the framing of the constraints to freedom of expression as unacceptable media practice.This followed the fear that
to date, no empirical research has been conducted to map the state
of media pluralism and diversity in the country and how it promotes
or not social accountability.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The main objective of this study therefore was to investigate and
ascertain the conditions for the effective performance of media
2
pluralism and diversity in Tanzania, through looking at how media
has been able to foster good governance, promote effective
development and empowerment and effectively play its watchdog
role for the society and yet remain socially responsible through selfregulation.
Specific Objectives
1. To investigate the pressure for media pluralism and diversity
in Tanzania;
2. To examine the extent of institutional support to media
pluralism and diversity;
3. To determine the public perceptions about the success and
challenge of media pluralism and diversity in Tanzania for the past
20 years and
4. To investigate the effectiveness of self-regulation in promoting
media social accountability in Tanzania
We begin from the premise that journalists in Tanzania face
increasing pressures from political influence, economic forces and a
changing media landscape. Over the last few years we have noticed
that journalism has been beset by falling professional standards thus
lowering public confidence, while an increased number of journalists
have become casualties to political and social threats. Working
conditions for journalists are said to have worsened and even
attempts at organizing labour have suffered, just as the quality of
journalism has dropped. As a result of these pressures, we have
noticed increased forms of self-censorship growing across the media
spectrum. More important are the fears that censorship is rearing its
ugly head as we continue to see the government’s exercise of punitive
powers and its inflexibility against the Freedom of Information Bill.
There are now calls for enshrining into law tenets of freedom of
information in order to defend the professional rights of journalists
and promoting journalism as a public good.
Secondly, along with the strengthening of democratic structures
in the country, it is necessary that journalism become a partner to
democracy, which can only be enhanced if media pluralism is
protected. However, over the years there has been a drop in media
accountability through unethical journalism making a case for the
need to build trust in professional practices and ethics.
3
The four specific objectives of the study can also be read as
hypothetical premises:
The third premise is that private ownership, just like political
interests, hampers the independence of the journalist and that control
in the media is being exercised in more insidious forms. There is a
need, therefore, to establish clearer rules that safeguard the
independence of the media (especially publicly owned media) from
politics, as well as from commercial pressure, through avoiding
media concentration in private hands. While online journalism has
bloomed in the country with blogs and increased social media
interaction, it has also revealed its negative outcomes.That is why the
government’s demand for online censorship needs to taken seriously
and discussed critically by the media in Tanzania.
The fourth premise recognises MCT’s monitoring role of
national-level media practice and its pluralism through ensuring that
media organisations follow professional codes of conduct, ethics and
editorial lines, and stick to the principles of editorial independence.
However, there has been concern as regards media self-regulation
with calls for the MCT to have enforcement powers, such as the
imposition of fines, removal of journalistic status or orders for
apologies to injured parties. These calls have triggered anxieties
amongst media practitioners and academics.
1.4 Research Questions
This study had as one of its aims the motive to question whether
there should be limitations to pluralism and how those limitations
could operate in Tanzania. What, if any, are their impact in the
processes of development? Is more diversity always better, and for
that matter, what criteria can be used for managing the endless regurgitation of information in the media? Indeed, it has been argued
that pluralism is relative, given that societies only pressure for pluralism and diversity to the extent to which their ideological presentments prevail.
Secondly, since pluralism – as a concept – clearly alludes to
objectivity and neutrality, what is the extent of institutional support
to media pluralism and diversity in the country? With the mushrooming of media outlets in the country, does pluralism and diversity
obscure political aspects of evaluating media performance? Does
pluralism transcend the dilemmas of quality or social responsibility
in assessing the media and its institutional structures? How true is
the argument by Jenerali Ulimwengu that “a public sphere has now
been created for healthy debates, and more people of different walks
of life are coming up to utilize it”?. (Mwafisi 2013)
Thirdly, the research was meant to determine the public
4
Media liberalization has meant that the market has been left to
become the dominant ideology of socialization. However, the market
itself is a politically inflected institution. It is not a homogenous,
unstructured, and unregulated natural entity. Therefore we ask; how,
in the Tanzanian context, is the general public prepared for the onslaught of market-driven and consumerist ideologies of contemporary media? While the marketplace model is based on competition
and freedom of choice, the public sphere approach often emphasizes
the broader defence of “principled pluralism”; it is an attempt to
serve the whole society with various political views and cultural
values. How these two differences, against which diversity is
examined, are valued, is what the research was out to map.
Finally, we were out to investigate the effectiveness of self-regulation in promoting media social accountability in Tanzania. To what
extent is the Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) effective in re-enforcing self-regulation of media houses and their journalists and in holding the media publicly accountable for accuracy, fairness and ethics
or should there be another independent and statutory regulatory authority to replace the current non-statutory regulatory authorities in
Tanzania? Ethical journalism cannot be seen as a matter of individual
conscience, but of broadly applied codes of principles for the conduct
of professional journalism through various mechanisms that have
evolved in order to enforce and develop this outlook. To what extent
have such values become mechanisms institutionalized across media
houses in Tanzania? Likewise, how have these self-regulatory systems become valued guidelines for an individual journalists and institutions to enforce desired standards in journalism? We ask; how
effective is MCT in spearheading media self-regulation?
Against this backdrop, this research goes on to assess how the
performance of the self regulation system in the last 20 years has
become an effective tool for development and good governance Here
we seek to assess its usefulness rather than to replace it. Indeed, we
ask how narrow and reactive is this conception of self-regulation and
how far does this leave space for a new approach to the media’s
performance? Finally, is there a role for a legal tool to which the selfregulatory system would be subservient?
1.5 Significance of the Study
With the liberalization of the economy in the early 1990s, which
was followed by media deregulation, the media landscape in the
5
perceptions of the success and challenges of media pluralism and
diversity in Tanzania for the past 20 years.
country conclusively changed. It allowed a new media culture where
the private media asserted their editorial independence committing
themselves to balanced and fair reporting. From that moment the
media began to assert its rightful role of being a watchdog to society.
Similarly, the establishment of the Media Council of Tanzania in 1995
ushered in the voluntary self-regulation culture in the media sector.
It is therefore opportune that research be conducted to to look into
the conditions of media pluralism and diversity in the country and
what role they play towards development and good governace.
The findings of this study will also shed light on how the media
can effectively play its role of being the watchdog of the society, yet
remain socially accountable through self-regulation. Consequently,
we hope that the role of the Media Council of Tanzania as an independent, voluntary, self-regulatory body will be enhanced while the
role of statutory regulatory authorities diminishes. The objective still
remains as that of promoting freedom of the media and ensuring the
highest professional standards and accountability in the country. By
achieving a more comprehensive understanding of what social accountability means in the media industry, we do hope that policy
makers and media stakeholders will become better equipped to formulate laws to improve the performance of the media. The general
public will also benefit from the study because it will lay the ground
that will enable the media to reinforce the public’s democratic right
to receive information, impart ideas and offer opinion.
1.6 Social Accountability
The discussion here will focus on 3 fundamental issues of the
research:what is social accountability, what are the key mechanisms
of assessing social accountability of the media and how are the factors
of quality and accessibility of information implicated? Our interest
here is specifically over the accountability of government actors
towards citizens fostered upon by the media as the watchdog of an
implicit “social compact”. The media as Mulgan (2000) argues”[is]
calling for an account … asserting rights of superior authority over
those who are accountable”. (Ackerman, 2005)
1.7 Delimitations and Limitations
While the study is generalized to apply in areas other than
Arusha, Dar es Salaam, Dodoma, Mwanza and Zanzibar these
delimitation boundaries were set to control the range of the study in
order to reduce the amount of time spent in research, since the areas
under research cover the most media saturated locations in the
6
country. Results from these areas would invariably be proficient in
delivering readings of media experiences of the country. Limited time
and the vastness of the country did not allow the researchers to travel
the width and breadth of the country for research. Therefore, the
study was only conducted in the four key media predisposed areas.
The study conceptualises accountability first in terms of the
purpose of accountability and ethical adherence to professional rules
whether as a group (company, or profession) or as an individual.
Secondly, we conceptualise social accountability in terms of the
efficiency and effectiveness of monitoring instruments and the
capacity of the media to expose wrongdoing. This framework
therefore subscribes to the above assumptions and utilises them to
engender a robust examination of the practice of journalism in
Tanzania within the theorisation of accountability.
The study also conceptualises frameworks of self regulation as a
mechanism that responds to the expressed professional
dissatisfaction with the adversorial system of the state and a rejection
of government involvement in press regulation. It frames self
regulations based on the independent and ethical adherance to public
involvement, making the media essentially accountable to the
public.These principles should be enhanced by clear roles and
responsibilities between any self regulatory body and the
independent statutory regulator. (Errington and Miragliotta, 2011,
vii)
Frameworks of media pluralism and diversity work towards
recognizing the necessity of seeing society “as a complex of
competing groups and interests, none of them predominant all of the
time.” (Gurevitch et al, 1982, p.vii) It also therefore warns against the
exclusion and marginalization of disadvantaged communities and
persons from access to the media that is conducive to public
discourse.
7
1.8 Conceptual Frameworks
8
Chapter
2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction:
There are many instruments of social accountability and often
studies have mentioned the role of the media in this. Governments
and civil society organisations view the media and other methods of
advocacy as important accountability tools even if they use more
voice than the vote in their valuation. (Jayal, 2009)
For the media to act responsibly, conditions must be created so
that it can present the truth, however fractured it may be, in a given
pluralism of voices. A key reason for this insistence is because we
seefreedom of expression in the mediaas a human right.
2.2 Right to Freedom of Expression
The right to freedom of expression and to receive information is
enshrined in international and continental protocols and
constitutional documents. In its very first session in December 14,
1946 the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 59 (1) which
states, “Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and the
touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated.”
Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
guarantees the right to freedom of expression in the following terms:
Everyone has the right to freedom of
opinion and expression; this right includes
the right to hold opinion without
interference and to seek, receive and impact
information and ideas through any media
and regardless of frontiers.
Louw (2004) suggests that the word “expression” in the phrase
9
“freedom of expression” includes either speaking or writing whether
in print or broadcast media. He therefore states that press freedom is
protected, and that the last part of the Article, “impact information
and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers,” is pertinent to
the media. Press Freedom is also protected under Article 19 (2) of the
International Covenant and Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which
is based on Article 19 of the UDHR. Article 19 (2) of the ICCPR, like
Article 19 (2) of UDHR, uses the term “freedom of expression” to
imply freedom to see, receive and impact ideas and information
through any other media” includes both print and broadcast media.
At the continental level, Article 9 (2) of the African Charter on
Human and Peoples’ Rights protects freedom of expression when it
states, “Every individual shall have the right to expression and disseminate
his opinion within the law.” The Article does not expressly, however,
cover “expression and dissemination of information” which is the
main concern of the media. However, the African Commission of
Human and Peoples’ Rights, the organ responsible for the
enforcement of the Charter, presented some principles to clear the
uncertainty surrounding Article 9 (1) of the Declaration of Principles
of Freedom of Expression in Africa which was adopted on October
2002 that makes it clear that press freedom is guaranteed under
Article 9 of the Charter.
There are very few sub-Saharan African countries whose Press
Freedom is expressly guaranteed in their constitution. These
countries include Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa and
Zimbabwe. Although the majority of the sub-Saharan African
countriesconstitutions, including Tanzanias, do not expressly
guarantee Press Freedom, this Freedom is guaranteed under general
freedom of expression clauses. For example, Louw (ibid) maintains
that although the constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania
does not expressly guarantee press freedom, the provision that
guarantees the right to “freedom of expression” refers to one’s
freedom of expression through any medium including mass media.
2.3 Pluralism, Diversity and Democracy
The European Court of Human Rights holds that imparting
information and ideas of great interest cannot be successfully
accomplished unless it is grounded on the principles of pluralism
and diversity. Freedom of expression is among the most important
rights guaranteed by international human rights treaties because of
its fundamental role in underpinning democracy. The demands of
pluralism, diversity, tolerance, and broadmindedness are integral and
10
Mendel (ibid) argues that the guarantee of freedom of expression
requires the State to not only refrain from interfering with the free
flow of information, ideas and opinion, but also create an
environment in which diverse, pluralistic media can flourish, thereby
satisfying the peoples’ right to know. Article 2 of the ICCPR places
an obligation on States to “adopt such legislative or other measures
as may be necessary to give effect to the rights recognized by the
Covenant”. Therefore, governments are under obligation to create an
environment in which a pluralistic, diverse and independent media
can flourish.
2.4 Limitations to Freedom of Expression
Hopkins (1970) observes that no society allows its mass media to
roam at will, entirely free to disseminate to a mass audience all events
and thoughts they choose. Freedom of the press always falls short of
the absolute. Consequently, the international and continental
protocols that value freedom of expression and the right to know as
among the fundamental human rights, also have restriction clauses.
UN Resolution 59 (1) warrants that the exercise of the freedom
of expression which includes media freedom should be done without
abuse and should seek facts without prejudice and spread knowledge
without malicious intent. Article 27 of the African Charter on Human
and People’s Rights provide restriction on Press Freedom by
requiring individuals to exercise protected freedom “with one regard
to the rights of others, collective security, morality and common
interest.” Section 18 (1) of the Constitution of the United Republic of
Tanzania requires that the exercise of freedom of expression should
not “jeopardize the law of the country,” and Section 30 (1) of the
constitution limits all rights and freedom guaranteed under the Bill
of Rights.
2.5 Social Accountability
Pritchard (1991, 2000) defined accountability in the media as a
process by which organizations may be obliged to be accountable to
their constituents, including audiences and readers, sponsors and advertisers, news sources, peers and regulatory authorities. Plaisance
(2000) on the other hand observed that “accountability is a manifestation of the interaction between the claims of one autonomous agent
and the set of values of another.” (Murthy, 2007, 143)
However, in our instance social accountability takes into account
11
without which there can be no democracy in society.
the role of social actors and the mode of engagement whether adversarial or collaborative, punitive or rewarding. Social accountability
therefore embraces both concepts of “answerability” as well as the
“obligation to explain” and ‘the capacity of accounting agencies to
impose sanctions on power holders who have violated their public
duties’ (Schedler 1999: 14);What media accountability foregrounds is
the capacity of the society to build and adhere to checks and balances
that enforce due process. (O’Donnell, 1999)
Tanzania’s phenomenal growth of journalism attests to a vibrant
media environment. And while there is growing media freedom,
some political and legal structures are still able to muzzle it because
of attempts to force journalists to act “responsibly”. However, no
empirical studies have largely provided evidence of this in the
Tanzanian context. Indeed, many of the discussions taking place
around the role of the media in Tanzania society have often been
couched around the language of social responsibility and not
accountability. Indeed, media social responsibility needs to be seen
differently from media social accountability as one refers to
conditions and the other to mechanisms.
Social accountability enables the media to also effectively play
their role as public watchdog. The media merit special protection
under freedom of expression because of their role in informing the
public and communicating ideas on matters of public interest. Not
only does the press have the task of imparting such information and
ideas, the public also has a right to receive them. Were it otherwise,
the press would be unable to play its vital role of a public watchdog
(Mendel, 2001).
Independent media can help to carry out two major roles: being
the watchdog over government and educating people about issues
that affect their lives since the purpose of journalism is to serve public
trust(Schiek, 2003). The relentless acquisition and independent presentation of news is the way the press achieves public trust, a concept
that trancends political systems. Journalism is not an end in itself but
only the professional means by which reporters and editors serve the
public trust (Woo, 2003). Information in journalism is understood to
be a service and not as a commodity, which means that journalists
shares responsibility for the information transmitted.
They are thus accountable not only to those controlling the
media, but ultimately to the public at large. However the journalist’s
social responsibility requires that he or she act under all circumstances in conformity with ethical consciousness (Kivikuru and Varis,
1986).
12
The European Court of Human Rights states that imparting information and ideas of general interest is grounded on the principles
of pluralism. Likewise the Inter-American Court has held that freedom of expression requires that the communication media be open
to all without discrimination or, more precisely, that there be no individuals or groups that are excluded from access to such media.
The state’s obligation to promoting freedom of expression and
freedom of the media must also be reflected in the need to promote
pluralism and to ensure equal access of all to the media. However,
the state’s obligation to promoting pluralism and the free flow of information and ideas to the public, including through the media, does
not permit it to interfere with media’s freedom of expression. For example licensing procedures should be governed by a guaranteed freedom of expression and should never be used as a vehicle for
government to control the media (Mendel, 2001).
2.6 Media Self-regulation in Africa
After the deregulation of the media in the early 1990s, African
governments tried to distance themselves from direct media control
by establishing media councils which took different forms in the different African countries. Kenya started with statutory controls and
then changed to an independent regulator before settling for a thirdmid-way between a statutory and a non-statutory council. The nonstatutory council that was established in Kenya could not fund itself
and had little effectiveness in its regulation efforts because of lack of
official backing (Obonyo and Peel, 2012).
The hybrid council is funded by the Kenyan government which
also has representation, but Obonyo and Peel observe that the government funding and representation on the council does not seem to
be dominating because it comes through the parliament and is multiparty in nature(ibid, p.139). They argue that Kenya has a council that
gets financial support from the government in a way that does not
invade professional freedom.
13
Studies conducted by the World Bank have shown that a free
media is essential for successful economic progress underlying the
strong relations between an open media and a free and effective economy. People must be informed if they are to play an active role in the
development of their country. Free and responsible media are critical
sources of information for citizens who want to choose the best leaders for their country and make sound decisions about issues in their
nation and in their individual communities (Editors, 2003).
Despite strong objections from journalists, in 1995 the Uganda
government established a media council directly under the authority
of the information ministry. However, in objection to the government’s move, 42 media outlets set up an Independent Media Council
of Uganda in 2006. Uganda, therefore, has both statutory and nonstatutory mechanisms. On the other hand, the government in Zimbabwe decided to subject the media to rigorous statutory control
(Chuma, 2011,p.271), while the South African government is now increasingly uncomfortable with the country’s media and is pushing
for statutory mechanism to set and enforce media standards (Kruger,
2009)
The 1992 constitution of Ghana provided for a National Media
Council (NMC) as control mechanism to ensure high stardards and
to sustain the quality of professional media practice. However, NMC
has not been able to control the increasing abuse of journalists and
editorial responses. Ansah (1996) observes:
“… it looked as if the editors had declared
war on journalistic ethics or decorum. There
are some of them who are so abusive that
they appear to be fit for gutters in a jungle
and the NMC was tolerating this” (Adow,
2012, p 198).
The expectation that the advent of the National Media Council
in the 1992 Constitution of Ghana would provide the mechanism for
the protection of both media freedom and the regulation of the media
as well as the protection of the rights and freedom of individuals has
not been realised (Adow 2012, p197). Adow (ibid) contends that part
of the problem is the faulty legal basis in Article 173 of the 1992 constitution which holds that subject to Article 163 of the constitution
(which spells out the functions of the NMC), “the National Media
Commission shall not exercise any control or direction over the professional functions of a person engaged in the production of newspapers or other means of communication”.
This is the contradiction that will dog the NMC in its attempt to
fulfill its mandate (Adow, ibid, p 208). A former NMC chairman
noted that the Commission could have performed better if it had the
power of enforcement. He also said that compliance with its decisions
is largely voluntary and dependent on the goodwill of parties. He
gave instances where some parties had openly stated that they would
not appear before the Commission and would not comply with its
decisions (Adow 2012, p.216).
14
The Media Council of Malawi was established in November 1996
but ceased to function around 2001-2002 because of lack of ownership
and commitment by members, as well as poor management
(Mhagama and Kanyang’wa 2012). Some stakeholders reconstituted
it in February 2007 as a non-statutory, non-profit, non-political and
self-regulating organization to promote self-discipline among its
members and to consider complaints against the media from the public. Mhagama and Kanyang’wa argue that since its establishment the
objectives of the MCM are largely unfulfilled and the major problem
facing it is finances. Membership subscriptions from institutional
members has not been sufficient to keep the secretariat running and
it does not have a fixed source of funding. Consequently, the MCM
has not been able to implement policy activities; there is limited
awareness among members of the public regarding the function of
the council and it has failed to monitor the media and enforce ethics.
Its survival is questionable (Mhagama and Kanyang’wa ibid, p 225).
Mhagama and Kanyang’wa found out in their study that there
was need for the media in Malawi to regulate itself and urged stakeholders to make efforts to reorganize the council. They feel that the
good job done by MCM remains unrecognized and unknown to
many, and those who have benefited from the council are doing little
to endorse its survival.
The Nigerian Press Council is a parastatal established by Decree
No. 85 of 1999 to ensure the maintenance of high professional standards for the Nigerian press. Iwokwagh and Akurega (2012) found
that most observers in Nigeria feel that the NPC has had relatively
little influence on the practice of journalism in Nigeria. They attribute
the ineffectiveness of the NPC to lack of competent personnel and
lack of funding but more fundamentaly to a Lagos High Court pronouncement in 2010 which declared it an illegal entity.
Decree 85 of 1999 which set up the Council is seen as oppressive,
overbearing and grossly incompatible with civilized standards of the
society. It essentially aimed at giving the government the leverage to
control, censor and muzzle the press.
However, Justice Laman of the High Court declared the Council
unconstitutional, observing that sections of the NPC Act constitute a
huge bulwark against the full expression of opinions, ideas and views
whether by the individual journalists or by the press and thus constituted a violation of the rights guaranteed under Section 39 of the
1999 Nigerian Constitution (Iwokwagh and Akurega, p.254). The
High Court nullified 17 of the 22 clauses in the NPC Act. The NPC
Executive Secretary, Bayo Atoyebi in Iwokwangh and Akurega (ibid,
15
p.256) admits that the nullification of the 17 of the 22 clauses in the
NPC Act has been hindering the Council from carrying out its full
mandate. These sentiments are echoed by the National Secretary of
Nigerian Union of Journalists when he said that “the judgment had
tied the hands of the Council thus preventing it from carrying out its
mandate.”
2.7 The Tanzanian Context
Attempts by the government of the United Republic of Tanzania
to establish a statutory media council were met with strong opposition from media practitioners and media stakeholders who ultimately succeeded on June 30, 1995 to establish the Media Council of
Tanzania.The Council began operations effectively on May 22, 1997
after official registration and upon acquiring funding from the
Swedish Embassy in Tanzania (Rioba, 2012, p.169). MCT has been
registered as a non-statutory civil body that is charged with inculcating ethical behaviour in the media thereby enforcing self-regulation
through persuasion rather than legal enforcement. But since then
how effective has the MCT been in spreading media self-regulation
in Tanzania? That is why this study attempted to find out the effectiveness of the MCT in effecting self-regulation within both the media
outlets and practising journalists in the country.
Indeed limitations on freedom of expression makes it absolutely
necessary that an obligation of social accountability be imposed on
the media. In a democracy, media organizations and the journalists
who work in them are socially accountable to their audience and to
the wider society. Therefore, although editorial independence is
relevant and important to media, it goes hand-in-hand with a unique
level of social accountability to the public in whose name they
operate.
According to Franklin et al (2005) the term “media social
accountability” has been coined to describe the variety of means and
methods which can encourage ethical conduct in the media. The
means and methods include, among others, media councils,
ombudsmen, training in ethics and readership surveys. Plaisance
(2009) observes that in the past few years some media organizations
have tried to create closer bonds with their publics by creating the
position of ombudsmen where citizens can make their viewpoints
known to the ombudsman and submit their criticism of media
houses. It is a particularly interesting method for the media to
discharge duties accountabily to the public. On the other hand, since
media corporations, private ones and those owned by trusts are also
16
accountable structurally to their shareholders, this could work
counter to public values.
Literature abound on media social accountability, diversity and
self-regulation in most developed countries but only in very few developing countries especially in Africa. The literature examined
showed that there is a serious lack of literature on media social accountability, diversity and self-regulation in Tanzania. There are neither discipline books nor chapters in books on media social
accountability and self-regulation in Tanzania. What exist are very
few published and many unpublished academic papers, and mostly
on the social responsibility of the media.
Although in his paper “Social Responsibility and the Rights of
Professional Journalists,” Gervas Moshiro (2005) does not address
himself directly to the Tanzanian situation, he acknowledges that
there is no absolute press freedom anywhere in the world because
there are society interests that do override all other considerations in
life. He points out in his paper that where press freedom is recognized there is no advance censorship of any kind but there are only
the laws protecting society rights and interests that one needs to contend with. The existence of such laws means that press freedom is
curtailed. Moshiro then goes on to point out five responsibilities that
a socially responsible journalism practice has to perform.(Moshiro,
ibid)
Jenerali Ulimwengu (2000) in his unpublished paper “The Role of
Mass Media in the Promotion of Good Governance,” observes that since
media deregulation in the early 1990s there have been extraordinary
developments that have markedly changed the way the Tanzanian
public is informed. He contends that there is so much variety and divergence of opinion in every day’s press and on various radio and
television programmes, that the government’s viewpoint is just one
of the many on display; the public has the opportunity to choose
what it reads, watches and listens to.
Gone are the days when political commentary was the preserve
of a few supposedly “qualified” individuals who, with the blessing
of the state were presumed to have the monopoly of knowledge and
wisdom. A huge space has been created for healthy debate and more
and more people are coming up to utilise it. (Ulimwengu, 2000)
Virtue (2000) in his paper “Good Governnce and the Role of Media”
argues that Tanzanian media have a great responsibility to fulfill their
17
2.8 Knowledge Gap
key role in a democracy, that of representing the people and being
watchdog of the government. He points out that Tanzanian media
have to investigate not just operations of the government but also
those of the private sector and even academia. However, he also
opines that if journalists and their media houses investigate unethical, immoral or illegal behaviour of others, they must have the highest ethical standards otherwise they would be guilty of crass
hypocrisy and run the risk of losing their credibility.
In his paper, “Do Liberalization Policies and Commercialization lead
to a Pluralistic and Diverse Broadcasting Sector that Provides Relevant and
Local Information to Audiences?” Habi Gunze (2000) laments that although it was hoped that in deregulating the broadcasting sector,
there would be concomittant diversity in the dissemination of information, which would enable the general public to make informed decisions and choices, the reality has shown that the liberalization of
the airwaves did not necessarily result in the provision of diversified
information.
The MCT Reports (2013)had accounts of success stories on adherence to self-regulation and to professional code of ethics. However, Rioba (2012) found out that although self-regulation can
empower various methods of accountability, from within the privacy
of newsrooms to the public arena, they may not necessarily be suffcient to ensure professionalism and media accountability in a young
democracy.
The majority of the respondents in Rioba’s study were of the
view that although the MCT had done its best to facilitate media selfregulation in the country, it still lacked “teeth” to bite irresponsible
media. Consequently the respondents advocated for government intervention to guarantee media accountability. However, Ulimwengu
(ibid) is strongly opposed to government intervention. He argues that
penalising publications that may have offended sensibilities in public
morals is fine but he believes that to be a matter for the law courts to
adjudicate and certainly not for politicians who might have a few
axes to grind. On the whole, literature on media social accountability,
diversity and self-regulation in Tanzania is seriously lacking. No empirical studies have so far been conducted to exclusively analyse the
impact of media social accountability, diversity and to a certain extent
self regulation in Tanzania since media deregulation took place in
early 1990s. The focus is given to the social accountability function
of the media with the purpose of understanding whether the media
are really fulfilling that role, given the eminence they enjoy in society.
This study aims to fill that knowledge gap.
18
Chapter
3
Research Design and Methodology
3.1 Introduction
The media in Tanzania is presented with a myriad of challenges
that currently inhibit the exercise of journalistic freedom, and
although there is a modicum of pluralism, political influence and
undue commercial pressures seem to affect its performance. Other
factors include the growth of new media made apparent through
technology as well as the changing media landscape based on new
business models and/or platforms. In the meantime poor
performance by journalists coupled with an unwieldy government
policy environment continues to undermine the media’s credibility,
its potential and long-term viability. It has become necessary
therefore to look at the contemporary media landscape in Tanzania
and gauge its effectiveness as a social authority. In this chapter, we
describe the approaches that we finally utilized to gather data and
undertake the general research in this project.
3.2. Research Paradigm
With the proliferation of media research paradigms, schools of
thought influencing mass media research differ considerably. From
Lowery and DeFleur (1988) to Hall (1982) to Craif (1989), Giddens
(1989) Rosengren (1989, and Kripendirff (1989), no dominant mode
transcends. It is even questionable that there is an enveloping
paradigm. Rosengren (1989) actually argues that there is no such
thing as a media research paradigm, insisting that media research
subserves sociological research as an objective and consensus based
tool.
19
According to Craig (1989) mass media research is characterised
by three key paradigms composed of empiricism, hermeneutics and
critical theory. We have nominated to use the critical theory paradigm
because, as a social science prism it utilises empirical data only as far
as it can explain some specific aspects of the media. Our aim here is
to primarily critique Tanzania’s media experience while explaining
the ideological precepts of its practice and interpret the current
phenomenon and its direction. The research is an endeavour to
understand the functions of the media and the way it meets social
obligations of informing society. The following subsection describes
the research design of the study.
3.3 Research Design
A generaling statement over the phenomenon under study could
be that it is all-pervasive in Tanzanian society. It is quite possible that
every Tanzanian could speak volubly on the subject given the
commonness of the subject- the experience of countless media outlets
in the country in the last 20 years.
However, as many have argued media access is also a culture,
and while the changes that have occurred in the nation are easily
reflected in urban environments the same can not be said for rural
areas. Can it be said that the number of media outlets in rural areas
has remained the same as it was 20 years ago? Far from it. What is
patently clear is that not everyone can speak authoritatively on the
changes that have taken place over the airwaves, newspapers and
screens in the country. This is because the social environment
underlying the change is not supported economically. While
everyone can see that there are more media outlets around, it does
not translate that people are able to access them easily or at all. Many
people in villages and even in urban areas still read the single paper
they can afford, or listen to the single radio they relate to, and never
bother to access any of the hundreds of new media outlets that give
character to the phenomenon under study.
The indicators of change, though real, cannot be easily
understood by the “common (wo)man” and this inhibits their
participation and in accessing and influencing greater change in the
media-sphere. Therefore while data collection in the research was
used as an operational tool to discover generalizable patterns of
conveyed experiences of Tanzanian journalism, the primary reason
for analysis was to explain purpose. It is this research design that we
purposely built into the whole research process from framing a
question to reporting and analysing data.
20
3.4 Research Methods and Processes
Our choice of methodology was inclined towards qualitative research since the study was attempting to get an understanding of the
phenomenon and to uncover a trend relating to how the media has
been able to to foster best practice journalism. A quantitative research
would struggle to project a usable analysis, however empirical its
data. Invariably, the research utilized both quantitative and
qualitative methods.
A decision was made early not to base the research on surveys
of the general mwananchi since the sample data would invariably
have to be huge to account for the views of the forty million plus
population of Tanzania. A decision was therefore made to utilize only
a limited sample because of convenience and due to time constraints.
We believe that any distortions in the data would not be eliminated
by simply increasing the number of respondents. The research
ostensibly depended more on qualitative research methods due to a
number of factors:
1. The research was in fact examining a range of views regarding
changes that have taken place and the nature of the phenomenon in
question, and therefore it would be necessary to focus on the diverse
perceptions of the target population.
2. We were heavily dependent on in-depth interviews of
influential, perceptive and experienced key informants and therefore
the quality of their in-context observations would play a crucial role
in determining the outcome(s) of the research.
3. In many ways, the results of the research would not be
predictive but descriptive and therefore quantitative data would not
reveal the level, extent and range of perceptions.
4. Our target respondents were reached more effectively through
interview settings and group discussions. Therefore a strictly
structured survey would not afford active engagements as well as
deliver responses beyond the initial reactions and rationales.
5. The target population was heavily implicated in the activities
of the phenomenon meaning that a suitable environment needed to
be created and developed in order to get responses beyond the selfconscious.
6. The research sought to understand the problem from the
perspectives of the target population and was therefore focused on
21
3.4 .1 Research Methodology
obtaining social-historical and culturally specific information about
the values, opinions, behaviours and social contexts of journalists. It
was imperative that qualitative methods be used to elicit information,
experiences and evidence beyond the immediate boundaries of the
study.
3.5 Location of the Study
The study was conducted in five locations, namely Dar es
Salaam, Dodoma, Zanzibar, Arusha and Mwanza. These are areas
with highest media saturation in terms of practice and access, as well
as circulation of the media. Dar es Salaam has the largest reading and
viewing population in the country eclipsing all others by wide ratios,
while Mwanza has slowly crept closer to it with increasing media
activity in access to television, community radio and print media
reach.
In a recent article by Analyst Mason on digital migration we learn
the following regarding media reach in Tanzania broadcasting:
Official estimates put the number of TV sets in
Tanzania at 6.4 million, out of around 10.3 million
households. A survey in 2010 suggested that 41% of
Tanzania's population of 46 million watch TV on a
weekly basis, although this is sharply divided between
urban and rural populations ... This urban/rural divide
is not surprising given that analogue TV signals only
reach an estimated 24% of the population, with
challenging terrain and unreliable power hindering
coverage in rural areas. Radio remains the most reliable
mass medium, reaching around 85% of people in both
urban and rural areas.(Analysys Mason, 2013)
3.6 Population of the Study
The population of the study consisted of practicing journalists,
students of journalism and mass communication in colleges and
higher learning institutions, academics in institutions offering
journalism and mass communication studies, key informants and
ordinary people.
Practising journalists were included because of their experience
on socially responsible practices of the media. Students of journalism
and mass communication were included because they learn about
media ethics and media’s social accountability and would have, at
occasions, deliberated the phenomenon during their training. Some
22
Key informants included persons with acknowledged media
repute and experience relevant to the study. Ordinary members of
the community were included for their experience on the
phenomenon as well as how they would like to access the media. The
research took place between 2nd August and 27th September, 2014,
and at times it took place concurrently at 2 locations with 2
researchers at each location. Only Dar es Salaam was served by all 4
researchers due to its importance and nature of the location.
3.7 Sample and Sampling Techniques
Use of integrated research methods has now become quite
common. Aside from ascertaining findings in order that they may be
mutually corroborated, use of mixed methods can bring together a
more comprehensive account of the area of enquiry. The research
therefore utilized both purposive and convenient sampling
techniques for the deliberate selection of individuals as well as for
the focus group discussions. The quantitative data we gathered
provided us with accounts of structures in social life while the
captured qualitative data helped explain findings generated in the
survey.
Convenience sampling was used to select practising journalists,
students of journalism and mass communication, some key
informants and ordinary people. This was in order that we would
have participants from a diverse range of media practitioners and a
balanced variety of roles in stakeholder communities. Participants
were mostly selected by the local press clubs. At each research
location, 2 researchers were deployed to conduct the questionnaire
research and conduct the interviews.
3.7.1 Data Gathering Techniques
The structured questionnaire was utilized for its quantitative
value. The questionnaire was designed to generate a sample that will
address specific research questions. The questionnaire was closed in
order to allow us to find data which can be inferred on the overall
population as statistically significant. Needless to say in open-ended
questions responses can only seen as a unique opinion while closed
23
participants were selected because they are future media
practitioners who will be required to ensure accountability and
responsibility in the media, and therefore their opinions are
important. Members of the academia were included in the study
because they teach responsible journalism practice while some of
them have had wide and long media experience.
questions would afford us ease at performing preliminary analysis.
In our case, quantitative data was clustered into four research
populations: practicing journalists, the gendered purview, those
employed by private media units and those employed by
government media houses, to give us a wide representation of the
industry.
3.7.3 Interviews
Face-to-face interviews were mostly associated with key
informants while questionnaires were administered to practicing
journalists, students and a few academics. The interviews focused on
representativeness as well as seeking out information-rich reports
from media owners, academics and media leaders. These in-depth
interviews allowed us space to engage the respondents in discussions
in order to achieve a holistic understanding of the interviewee’s point
of view or situation. These in-depth interviews were, however, also
semi structured in that similar questions were asked of all the key
informants. The purpose here was to minimise variation in the
questions posed to the interviewees in order to gather data that
would be both aggregative as well as comparative.
Over 25 Key Informants from amongst veteran media
professionals, institutions, media house owners and leaders were
identified and individually interviewed. These were deliberately
selected for the important information they could provide that could
not have been otherwise gotten. Many of these key informants have
straddled the full period of the phenomenon as well as before its
introduction. Some, like Ndimara Tegambwage, were seminal in the
formation of the Media Council of Tanzania and others like Fatma
Alloo were crucial in utilizing the freer environment to project
development journalism through their advocacy activities.
3.7.4 Focus Group Discussions
Focus Group Discussions (FDG) were used to obtain “trend data”
to bring out collective insights that could not be discernible from the
structured questionnaire. Focus groups can assist in capturing indepth feelings of individuals that are are also shared by the group
and even get some feedback. At each focus group discussion setting
we created occasions where participants spoke to some of the key
themes and in that way assist us in adding detail to the quantitative
data in the questionnaire (see the Appendix). Each Focus Group
setting had a minimum of 8 and maximum of 28 participants.
Questionnaires were also distributed to participants in the 5 research
24
To a large extent the research depended heavily on the Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) format for information. The FGD format
utilized an Executive Chair who explained the terms of the research
and later facilitated the discussion. There was a Rappoteur who took
comprehensive notes to be compared with the Chair’s notes where
necessary.
3.8 Case studies and Testimonies
There exist significant gaps in the evidence base about how
journalists facilitate accountability and the mechanisms of control
available to the government. The three cases that have been
appended have come out of the confrontation between government
and journalists and are written in such a way as to give their
contextual perspectives. The Tegeta Escrow Account case clearly
reveals how a newspaper like The Citizen has been able to hold the
government accountabble to fiscal transparency. These case studies
and testimonies offer insights, and allow exploratory, descriptive or
criticalaccounts. It is from the narratives of these confrontations that
we manage to see the trend towards the use of journalism to engage
in memory retrieval, thus adding detail to discussions of experiences.
These “stories” often come from real-life environments and therefore
can be used or read as data that explains real-life situations that may
not have been portrayed in a survey research, thus capturing history
(Zaidah, 2007). The stories become “documents” or evidence to fill
the gap in the records that might not be available in historical
literature.
3.9 Ethical Considerations
For ethical reasons, participants were informed that they could
give consent to the researchers to quote their personal experiences
by agreeing beforehand that their names can be used in the final
research documents. Likewise interviewee’s permission was sought
to record the proceedings whenever needed and in Mwanza and
Zanzibar a coordinator from the local Press Club was utilized to
facilitate discussion to enable familiarity. This project also used the
recorded verbal consent: prior to any discussion with the key
informants, they were asked to give consent to the use of their
recorded interviews, and informing them that the recordings would
25
locations to include Wananchi (10%); Media Professionals (60%);
Media Business 20%; Others 10%. The research team worked closely
with the local Press Clubs to arrange for Focus Group interviews and
generally facilitate the research programmes.
only be used for purposes of the research, and respecting the
participants’ anonymity where requested. A participating roll was
created at all focus group meetings where each participant was asked
to register before the sessions began.
3.10 Data Analysis
A number of steps were undertaken towards developing
appropriate conditions for the analysis of the collected data which
was organised into distinct patterns for individual and cumulative
examination. The steps included:
• Transcribing all the recorded interviews;
• Entering and coding the quatitative data in order to glean
emergent categories and
• Important and recurring themes in applicable categories
• Identifying the broad thematic frameworks out of the
interviews and focus groups
• Reading the transcripts and producing a map of emergent
themes;
• Making emergent connections and sub-themes within the
transcripts;
• Collating clear and detailed narratives that would provide
descriptions of experiences and professional insights to capture the
diversity of experiences and
• Evaluating and analysing the research design and content
3.11 Evaluation Design
A researchers’ roundtable was held to gauge the accuracy and
utility of this report as well as to discuss organisational, material and
systemic barriers beyond the control of the researchers. It was also
used to assess the relevance and usability of the captured data. The
researchers then sought the services of Mulipex data Ltd of Dar es
Salaam to analyze the quantitative data, which was clustered into
four research themes.
We utilised qualitative data analysis mostly as the information
obtained from participants was not mostly expressed in numerical
form but as described and discussed experiences of participants and
their interpretations.
26
Discernible variables included the number and types of existing
media in the country, work issues and editorial conditions, media
owner influence, independent or repressive environments, autonomy
of journalists, quality control and class orientation.
An examination of media institutions enabled the researchers to
get a vivid picture of types of educational institutions, professional
associations, media research institutions and regulatory
bodies.Economic factors of diversity included ownership (private or
government/public or religious) market competition, the role of
advertising and sources of revenue.These were clearly seen as factors
of influence and variation.
The legal environment also presented occasion for differentiation
in the data. A range of influences were detected in factors like the
quality of legislation, assurance of freedom of expression in the
legislative sphere, access to government information, law
enforcement performance, performance of the judiciary, government
attitudes to Freedom of Information (FOI) and Freedom of Expression
(FOE) issues, and issues of government accountability.
Finally, encounters with societal beliefs that continue to levy a
great pressure on the practice of journalism in the country were
discussed. Taboo themes, readiness to open discussion and the
communication infrastructure in society were all factors in the way
the collected data could be read.
3.12 Conclusion
We believe that the methodology behind this investigative
research on practices that make journalists accountable for the quality
of their work helped strengthen social accountability in Tanzania, as
well as assist in developing recommendations and guidelines for an
efficient media practice. Aside from being a platform for information
relevant to development in a country, the media can be a key factor
for social accountability. Through this study we hope to assist the
27
As research data the interviews presented a wealth of
information around many of the research themes. A number of
aspects became discernible from the various differentials and
variables in the data. Therefore, for the evaluation section we
focussed on analytical discussions on how local media factors
influenced social accountability. Apart from differences in gender,
age, education level, social background and professional skills of the
interviewees, other variables became clear from the content of the
interviews and discussions.
Tanzania media in eliminating practices that could harm the public
or milieu and in that way effectively uphold social responsibility and
accountability.
28
Chapter
4
Presentation, Analysis and Discussions
of the Research Findings
4.1. Introduction
This chapter aims to present, analyse and discuss the major
findings derived from the data collected through surveys and
secondary research. The data collection utilised different techniques
including questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions and
document review. The data ishere presented through contingent
tables and figures.
The principal analytical method was qualitative because while
some of the information obtained was in numerical form, most of the
discussions and interviews were based on experiences of
participants. To avoid one-sided interpretation, multiple viewpoints
have been used and utilized in its analysis in the following sections:
• Quantitative Content Analyses
• Key Questions, Interviewees, Responses and Analysis
4.2 Quantitative Content Analyses
In all the locations, the discussions were very lively, with
contributions ranging from serious queries regarding the capacity of
the media to hold the government accountable to the media’s
responsibility to society. With the preponderance of the media in
urban areas, we believe that the five centres do reflect the typical
media consumption patterns in the country. From the five study
locations, the participating focus group member distribution was as
follows: 39% of the total population of participants of the focus group
discussions came from Dar es Salaam (Table 4.1) given the dominance
of Dar es Salaam as a media hub of the country.
29
Participants in Focus Group Discussions
Region
Frequency
Percent
Dar es Salaam
37
38.5
Dodoma
10
10.4
Mwanza
18
18.8
Arusha
10
10.4
Zanzibar
19
19.8
Not identified
2
2.1
Total
96
100
Table 4.1 Participants in Focus Group Discussions
The total cohort of 96 participants was almost equally divided
between the two genders (Table 4.2). There were only so slightly more
men than women in the cluster at 51.7% men and 48.3% being
women. This parity would probably ensure that the findings were a
true reflection of the nation’s thinking. Suffice also to note that there
is possibly equal representation of gender in the journalism industry
or that equal numbers are interested in such studies. Given the
history of the low participation rate of women in previous journalism
studies, this reveals a positive trend towards the participation of
women in research activities. However, it also shows the possible
impact on both genders should a collapse of the industry take place!
Table 4.2 shows the respondents representation by gender.
Gender of
Respondent
Frequency Percent
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Male
46
47.9
51.7
51.7
Female
43
44.8
48.3
100.0
Total
89
92.7
100.0
Did Not Respond
7
7.3
Total
96
100.0
Table 4.2 - Gender distribution in the research
30
A visual display of the gender distribution is indicated in Figure
Figure 4.2 - Gender distribution in the research
The 61.5% of participants having an education level of post
secondary education reveals the increasing pace of journalism
training in the country (Table 4.3).
The majority of the participants had certificate and diploma level
of education indicating that the majority of journalists are still lagging
behind in terms of university degree level.
The increase in journalism institutions offering post secondary
training has had the effect of producing more and more of this cohort
of practitioners begging the question,“Why the seemingly low
communication skills and capability of journalists in the country?”
In many of the focus group discussions, it was agreed that low
training capacity in the mushrooming media training institutions has
led to poorly trained journalists. Graduates have poor research skills,
poor mastery of language and even when they enter the workforce
they have no wherewithal to get further training. (Eda Sanga, Dar).
Faustin Lwambali remarked on the same as follows:
Yes we do have more training institutions but they have also brought
more problems to the industry. They are not well managed, both the trainers
and trainees are not well trained, editors do not have the requisite skills; we
need to train these practitioners to increase their capacity and efficiency”
(Lwambali, Mwanza, 19/8/14)
Faustin Lwambali, a practising journalist in Mwanza, further
claimed that three other factors augmented this situation. These
31
4.2.
include the rush to get news out even when it has not been
sufficiently verified and well written, the specter of competition
among newspapers, radio and television stations, and lastly the
general ignorance of the media staff and educators towards best
practice journalism. The result has been the increase in sensationalist
media output, as a result of the competitive environment ushered by
the pluralist media scene. Figure 4.3 reveals the high levels of training
of journalists.
Level of education of respondents
Frequency
Percent
Primary Education
1
1.0
Secondary Education (Form 1 to VI)
27
28.1
Post Secondary
59
61.5
Did Not Provide
9
9.4
Total
96
100.0
Table 4. 3 - Education level of participants
Figure 4. 3 - Education level of participants
A key question of the research was with regard to participants
views towards the effectiveness of and challenges facing the industry
since the advent of pluralist and diversity media in Tanzania. The
question offered a number of factors that can account for the
phenomenon. These impact factors are perceived as being important
in enhancing accountability (Table 4.4).
Seventeen percent of the participants acknowledged the media’s
impact in educating society on social issues, while 13% regarded the
capacity to participate in the media as being the more important.
32
More interesting is the fact that the majority of the respondents,
52.1%, regarded all the four factors as being equally important in
gauging the effectiveness and influence of the changed media
environment towards social accountability. This figure denotes that
the new media culture could greatly mould the thinking process of
readers, viewers and listeners, and build public opinion.
It has increased the leaders’ sense of
accountability
Frequency Percent
5
5.2
It has uncovered many social ills
It has increased the level of
9
9.4
understanding of social issues in society
16
16.7
It has given the community opportunity
to participate in the media and air
their views
12
12.5
All the above
50
52.1
Total
92
95.8
Don’t know
4
4.2
Total
96
100.0
Impact of the media to accountability
Table 4.4 Impact of the media to accountability
Figure 4.4 Impact of the Media to Accountability
When the participants were asked if media self regulation would
be more effective in enhancing accountability in Tanzania, the
majority said that self-regulation would make the media stronger
33
(56.3.8%). Other participants (26%) said the organisations would
grow very strong while 3.3% said they would certainly become
stronger. Only 7.8% thought that self-regulation would make the
media weaker (Table 4.5). These results confirm the media practitioners’ sense of responsibility and its potential to conveying
accountability messages to all sectors of the society. This
demonstrates that self-regulation obliges journalism to take
responsible decisions which would enhance social accountability and
improve the welfare of the society as a whole, along with the media’s
own interests.
Table 4.5 provides responses to the following question: “Do you
think the media would be stronger and accountable if they were selfregulating instead of being controlled by the government?’’
Would the media be stronger and accountable if they were selfregulating?
Responses
Frequency Percent
Media will be very strong
54
56.3
Media will be strong
25
26.0
Strength will bemoderate
3
3.1
They will not be strong at all
7
7.3
I don’t know
1
1.0
Total
90
93.8
Don’t know
6
6.3
Total
96
100.0
Table 4.5. Self-regulation of the media
Figure 4.5. Self-regulation of the media
34
The results show that majority of the respondents were of the
opinion that media self-regulation will be a strong influence on
accountability.
The participants were asked to give their views on the best
solutions to the challenges of media accountability The results are
indicated in Table 4.6. The suggested solutions ranged from asking
for more freedom to stricter media laws and regulations, better
policies, more education for journalists and all of the above. Data
indicate that 28.3% wanted the government to remove all legal
impediments towards a free media, while close to it were those who
wanted stricter laws to guide the media in performing their duty
(19.6%). However, those who believe that all the factors can work
better in concert that were in the majority (47.8%). The figures reveal
the extent to which factors of a freer media- the law, policy
regulations and education all influence the perception of societal
realities and guide media interventions
Solution to Challenges of Media
Accountability
The govt to remove restrictive media laws
Frequency Percent
26
27.1
Legislate laws supporting the media
18
18.8
Develop policies for media practice
2
2.1
Journalists given skills to work effectively
2
2.1
All of the Above
44
45.8
Don’t know
4
4.2
Total
Table 4.6: Challenges facing the media towards social accountability
35
4.2.1 Best Solutions to Challenges of Media
Accountability
Figure 4.6: Challenges facing the media towards social accountability
In a number of discussions participants commented that with
pluralist policies, not only have more media outlets been allowed to
operate but also that this has increased the potential for getting even
more diverse information. However, it is the potential for community
involvement towards making the media more accountable that the
research also wanted to look at. Interaction with the media is a major
outcome of the new media environment and therefore it was
important to find out how that could be enhanced (Table 4.7). Only
6.3% thought that it was the media’s role to communicate back to the
government regarding adverse conditions affecting media
performance. A total of 27% thought the media should be facilitated
to solvesuch issues. At the same time, 16.7% thought that involving
the people in discussing media performance was even more
important. However, the majority (43.8%) considered that all the four
factors as important and should all be part of the solution for media
accountability to society.
From the discussions it was clear that the post-1992 media
conditions in Tanzania provided a new channel for the media to
communicate and interact with the people. The growth of
community media was seen as a good development even as it was
argued that its potential was being underutilized. William Lobulu
confirms that:
Community media set the agenda for its audience
and are useful as credible sources of information and
education. They also play the vital role of facilitating
social change and act as catalysts for development.
36
Doto Bulendu of Mwanza argued that some of the community
media functionaries would resort to sending their local comunity
news to outlets with a national reach because they regarded the
outlets as serving their interests better. This shows that community
media now effectively provides channels, even to political actors, to
raise the attention of the public about matters they deem important
for their own good and not necessarily to the immediate community.
Needless to say it was argued that community media contributes
to social orientation and social integration but to date they areyet to
be well utilised. (Bulendu, Mwanza, 18/8/14)
These community radios could [for example]
support the national broadcasters and thus solve the
problem of the broadcasters’ poor reach and capacity.
They only need support so they can perform
optimally as they are in the midst of the people…
However, many of the founders of these radios do
not even know what a community radio is supposed
to be! (Diallo, Mwanza, 17/08)
Community media organisations face problems similar to those
faced by the media in general – poor journalistic skills and poor
capacity to sustain their activities; to find and collect news local
reporters need to travel long distances and they don’t have the means
or resources. They survive amidst very tough conditions.
Another aspect that was dealt with in the research was to find
out how citizens can be be involved in assisting the media in
enhancing accountability in society. Table 4.7 and Figure 4.7
respectively indicate the results.
Citizens interestin enhancing media
accountability
Frequency Percent
Give the opportunity to ebatemedia
challenges
27
28.1
Media to give feedback to leadersover
social issues
6
6.3
37
However, establishment and development of the
grassroots media face challenges such as over
dependence on donor funding, strict legislations and
regulations governing their establishment and
operations.(Lobulu, 2011)
Involve citizens regarding media
performance
16
16.7
All the above
42
43.8
Don’t know
5
5.2
Total
Table 4.7: Community Involvement towards Media Accountability
Figure 4.7 Community Involvement towards Media Accountability
Responses oncommunity involvement showed that the
respondents preferred more opportunities to be given for people to
air their views through the media. This view was aired by 46.9% of
the participants. A second cohort of respondents (24%) wanted the
media to have programmes which would enable people to participate
in them (Table 4.8). Cumulative data shows that 74.7% wanted the
media to encourage people’s participation in their programmes as a
way of involving the community. Another 24% wanted the
establishment of community media outlets. The researchers wish to
point out that this is a different form of participation, since
community media are generally understood as any non-profit and
community-based media which serves a geographically based
community or group of people or public sector that have a common
interest. As discussed earlier, community media have their own
problems, seen to sometimes reflect only limited needs and purposes.
Another aspect was with regards to how citizens could be
involved with the media. Table 4.8 and Figure 4.8 resectively indicate
the findings.
38
Through takingpart inparticipatory
programmes
23
24.0
Through being given opportunity to air
grivances
45
46.9
Through having access to Community
media
23
24.0
Don’t know
5
5.2
Total
96
100.0
Table 4.8 Means of Community Involvement
Figure 4.8 Means of Community Involvement
We have seen positive and negative outcomes since media
deregulation in Tanzania. Many of those issues have had to do with
media ownership, policy environment, media legislation, media
training, etc. An overwhelming number of participants (58.3%)
agreed with the proposition that new laws guarding the freedom of
the media need to be instituted to face up tothe challenges of media
plurality(Table 4.9). This view presupposes media freedom as a
distinctive form of free expression.
A total of 25% of the participants foreground education as a tool
for change, and that it would ensure the sustainability of the industry.
They wanted both the political leadership and journalists to be
39
Ways in which citizens would be involved FrequencyPercent
in assisting the media to increase social
accontability
educated in the new enveloping environment of media freedom to
ensure editorial independence, strengthening of codes of ethics and
boost public confidence in the media.This could further create a
conducive political and economic environment for the growth of an
ethical, diverse and pluralistic media. While 7.3% called for harsher
regulatory controlof the practice, 5.2% wanted journalists to be
sanctioned for poor practice. Table 4.9 indicate the responses.
Actions towards problems encountered
in pluralist media
Frequency Percent
Bring in laws guarding media freedom
56
58.3
Develop strict guideline for media
performance
7
7.3
Sanction journalists for unethical behaviour
5
5.2
Educate Political leaders and journalists
24
25.0
Total
92
95.8
Don’t know
4
4.2
Total
96
100.0
Figure 4.9: Actions towards problems encountered towards a pluralist
media
4.2.2 Successes in Maintaining and Enhancing the
Self-regulation in Tanzania
The Media Council of Tanzania continues to battle conditions in
the country that limit media freedom, as well as develop new
conditions for the conducive performance of media practice in the
country. The self-regulatory environment in the country has been
praised as being a best practice example in the continent. Since its
formation in 1997 the Council has developed structures that have
helped it function in a non-coercive manner but levying even greater
respect with time. It’s Board of Directors, Ethics Committee and other
internal mechanisms have continued to function optimally and now
MCT claims to enjoy 100% compliance of its arbitration decisions.
(Hasina Hamadi, Zanzibar)
The research went on to look at the effectiveness of this selfregulatory situation as a way of assessing one of the major the
changes that have taken place in the 20 years of the free press in
Tanzania (Table 4.10).
40
When asked whether the MCT has been successful in
maintaining and enhancing the self-regulatory situation in the
country, many respondents agreed that it has been successful but
more efforts need to be expended. A small percentage of respondents
(14.6%) said that the council has been very successful in that effort
while the majority(71.9%), thought that more efforts needed to be
applied to enable a thriving self-regulation regime. It is instructive
to note that 6.3% feel that the MCT has not done enough while 7.3%
do not know. This calculates well with the view in Table 4.11, which
reveals that about 16.7% of the responds did not know of the MCT
and its work regarding media self-regulation. However, in general,
the data revealed that many research participants were aware of the
MCT and its work.
MCT and the maintenance of
self-regulations in Tanzania.
Frequency
Percent
It has been able so to do
14
14.6
More efforts needs to be expended
69
71.9
It hasn’t helped at all
6
6.3
Total
89
92.7
Don’t know
7
7.3
Total
96
100.0
Table 4.10: MCT’s capability to engage with the media through selfregulation
Figure 4.10: MCT’s Capability to engage with the media through selfregulation
41
Knowledge of about MCT and its duties Frequency Percent
Extent of Knowledge
I know about the MCT and its duties
9
9.4
I know to a certain extent
71
74.0
Not at all
9
9.4
Total
89
92.7
Don’t know
7
7.3
Total
96
100.0
Table 4.11: Knowledge of the public about MCT and its duties
Figure 4.11: Knowledge of the public about MCT and its duties
4.2.3 Need for Another Body other than MCT, with
Stronger Punitive Powers
It must be underlined that independent media regulatory bodies
need to be free from government interference. Within the context of
democracy any restrictions on freedom of expression would need to
be subscribed by law but they must of necessity only aim to serve a
legitimate interest of the society. Therefore the calls to either give the
MCT greater regulatory and legal clout or the proposal to form
another regulatory authority above the MCT, with powers to sanction
poor performance by the media, need to be carefully considered.
Nonetheless, on asking the research participants whether there was
42
A good example is the call for a government-supported media
regulatory authority which also calls for an “accreditation” system
in Tanzania where individual journalists could be struck out of
register when found to be in the wrong. This is not something that
should be countenanced by a media organ like MCT, which is bathed
in self-regulation. Any such moves essentially run counter to
transparency and freedom of expression under a democracy. Under
democracy, any unavoidable exceptions from freedom of expression
must be set in law. In order to maintain fearless debate of public
issues only very few types of speech offences can be criminalised.
These include words or images that would clearly and imminently
endanger the rule of law, society’s peace, or the safety of individuals,
as well as incitement to violence, calls for discrimination, or
distribution of child pornography. (Media Self- Regulation
Guidebook, 2008).
4.3 Key Questions, Interviewees, Responses and Analysis
This section presents details of responses to the key questions of
the research by the Key Informants as well as participants in Focus
Group Discussions (FGD). Indeed some of the key Informants’
interviews provide case studies experiences. Each of the 4 major
research questions responded to by some of the key informants will
be analysed here, as will comments from the focus group discussions.
4.3.1: Media Pluralism and Diversity in Promoting Social
Accountability
This was the item most responded to by the interviewees.When
the participants in the FGD in Mwanza were asked, “Do you think
the media has championed the notion of the government’s
accountability to community, to transparency and to good
governance?” The responses came back thick and fast as follows.
“The government is being held to task,” one discussant noted.
43
need for another body other than MCT or for it to have stronger
punitive powers the responses were very varied. Some of
respondents (18.8%) said the current MCT regime was doing just fine,
while 49% thought that there was a need to improve MCT’s
performance on the whole. Meanwhile, 22.9% thought that there was
a need for a free and independent body outside MCT. This view
should not be seen as anathema; any proposed punitive regulatory
termswould need to be seen to be fair and transparent, and not
insidiously instill the suppression of freedom of speech.
“This was not the case 20 years ago when what mattered was the
government’s interests,” added Mihambi. “Now we get the raw
news, there is no sieving of the news. In those days an editor was
only a PR officer of the government”.
Comparatively, the media has indeed increased its capacity to
hold government accountable from the days of the one-party state
politics. Repeatedly, Tanzania was said to be enjoying wider Press
Freedom; just look at the “utitiri”1 of media outlets. But this was also
often queried. Faustin Lwambali, at the same Mwanza FGD, noted,
“Yes, we do have more training institutions but
they have also brought more problems to the
industry. They are not well managed, both the
trainers and trainees are not well trained, editors
do not have the requisite skills.” (Lwambali,
Mwanza, 19/8/14)
“Indeed, how independent is the editor in the newsroom today?
Freedom has its limits too, especially where private owners have
political interests,” notes Calvin Jalala of Radio Free Africa in
Mwanza, adding:“What about the impact of sponsorships on the
media’s freedom or for that matter the influence of social media? All
these are challenges of the current media environment.”
The fear factor was a constant theme in the FGDs discussions.
Fear of the sacking powers of the private owners, fear of the Judiciary
which seem to be in cohort with media owners thus weakening the
media, and the fear of unionism, has continued to hold at bay the
potential for a freer media industry in the country.
Pluralism – as a concept – clearly alludes to objectivity and
neutrality and policy value, and the media has championed the
contestation of politically held concepts such as “freedom”, “access
to information”, “communication rights”, “citizenship” and many
others. These are all issues of relativism. But does pluralism
transcend the dilemmas of quality or social responsibility in assessing
media performance? Could market competition reduce diversity of
cultural views and exclude contentious issues? How are all these
differences – against which diversity is examined – constructed,
institutionalized, and operationalized in society?
In Dodoma, Paul Mwabeja of Nipashe notes that while pluralism
and diversity has given the people platforms to vent their anger, these
values are held in check by the failure of media owners to enable
1
“Utitiri” is the collective noun for fleas- referring to the multitude of media outlets in the
country.
44
“It is a need that stops journalists from holding
leaders accountable. For example, when a
District Commissioner (DC) is on a tour of his
district he takes with him journalists whom he
pays a “travel allowance”, or “mshiko”. Now,
when the DC meets the people they criticize him
and censure him for failing to serve them
diligently. On the way back, in the car, the DC
begins to instruct them on what not to write. In
that way, when a journalist writes the truth he
would invariably be cultivating amity with the
people but enmity with the government or the
media owners.” (Chidawili, Dodoma)
The same was intoned by Elesia Isabula of TBC and Christopher
Mayeye, a freelance journalist. Similarly Msulwa of TBC narrated of
the times when the TBC (then Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam (RTD)
was seen as an authoritative source with the saying “Hata Radio
imesema” (Even the Radio said so). Alas, that is not the case today!
“Corruption will not cease through giving commensurate
salaries to journalists without a return to professionalism and ethical
journalism,” he says.
Indeed Isabula agrees that at present, there is a drop in ethical
reporting. However, she notes that the society has been able to learn
a lot in the new media dispensation. The media informs the people
about local government budgets and expenditures, or about funds
that were allocated to specific projects. This has enabled the people
to hold their leaders accountable when they do not perform to the
peoples’ expectations.
Blogging continues to receive much of the negative criticism from
both media consumers and journalists. The fact that the blogs are
independently managed with no kind of oversight is contentious
internationally. It is argued that if this was under the traditional
media system, the editor would discuss with the blogger what issues
they might think are worthy and appropriate to put on social media.
They would also discuss any questions regarding policies and
boundaries. In their rush to get the “news” out first, bloggers often
do not do due diligence by verifying their sources. A case in point
45
journalists to reach rural areas and be able to serve public interests
and not the interests of the media owner. Habel Chidawili of
Mwananchi in Dodoma, describes the challenges of the enveloping
plural media scene by saying:
was the many death announcements regarding Bi Kidude who
passed away peacefully in 2013 after several bloggers had announced
her “death” prematurely many months earlier! However, the more
serious bloggers continue to increase their audiences (Michuzi,
Maggid Mjengwa, John Kitime, Jamii Forum, etc) and this trend will
grow. Gasirigwa Segiyamba of MISATAN argues that the new media
scene exposes Tanzania to the outside world.
“It has allowed people to see behind the curtain”. (Gasirigwa,
Dar es Salaam).
The media environment has also been utilized by advocacy
organs to further their work. One of those grassroot organizations is
Kivulini in Mwanza which focuses on gender based violence
alleviation in the Lake zone. Khadija Liganga is the Chair of Kivulini.
She sees the media as a core tool for the organization to reach large
numbers of people and engage them in change. “We cannot change
one person at a time. We need the media to reach the people in order
to instill community change,” she says.
Hassan Mrope, the PR officer of Kivulini, sees the current extensive radio network as being crucial in reaching rural audiences for
educational purposes. He says, “The media has assisted us in educating the people about human rights, against gender violence and
abuse of women and children in society” (Mrope, Mwanza, 17/08).
“But we also need to see change in media practice. Within this pluralist media environment we
need journalists who show purpose in their
work. With many media outlets what we see is
entertainment, entertainment, entertainment!
The people look for information but the focus of
the media is on entertainment. Maybe the
media does not know its impact thereby denigrating their own their vocation. It’s not bad to
entertain but we can’t have entertainment all
day on the radio, for God’s sake!” (Khadija,
Mwanza, 17/08)
Some interviewees have remarked that what the new conditions
have done is simply increase the number of poor journalists: journalist who merely summarise press releases, who ask the source to suggest the angle to use for a story, journalists who ask you ‘template
questions’ and never dig deeper into the news story, and journalists
who do not investigative stories’’. (Vincent, Dar, 25/08). The growth
in media outlets has been lauded as a good thing but what is grave
46
is the “pocket journalism” now prevalent in the practice. Journalists
will write about an issue only if you pay them.
“When I began working as PR officer of
Kivulini, Khadija told me that the following day
I would be interviewed at a certain studio. I
asked her how I should prepare for the interview and she said she had stopped preparing for
radio interviews. Some journalists do not research the area he or she would be interviewing
about at all. They are just smoooth talkers! They
only know how to use the faders to insert music
or dialogue.... Having many media outlets has
not meant greater professionalism.” (Mrope,
Ibid)
However, some participants also commented that unlike in the
past, they now sometimes get calls from journalists looking for news
stories from NGOs like Kivulini or TAMWA etc. This is what a
plurality of voices should mean: giving the citizen access to a variety
of views.
But more important there is a need to develop a culture of
dissent and argument, which inevitably depends on committed
media outlets and reliable information. This situation could have
been enhanced through community media provisions:
“But the problem here is that of not having a
consistent policy. If these community media
outlets were somewhat subsidized by
government so that their productivity is assured
they would have contributed to development.
But they are just left to rely on donor support
and volunteers”. (Mrisho, Mwanza)
Despite all the problems the availability of diverse media sources
has certainly helped expand the audience reach in rural areas.
47
“When I get a report on gender violence I don’t
simply jump and accept that as god’s own truth.
I have to verify it and know the causes etc. So
too should journalists. But you arrive at the studio and a journalist asks you, What shall I ask
you? laments Khadija Liganga
4.3.2. The pressures for media pluralism and diversity in
Tanzania. The extent of institutional support to
media pluralism and diversity
The new media environment in the country has come with many
demands of media ownership, commercial pressures and the demands for free press policies.The direction continues to be towards a
more deregulated environment that allows media owners greater
flexibility including cross-media ownership.These three factors have
had both positive and negative influences on the media scene. There
has been a clear drive toward a global approach to media sourcing
against what was traditionally a strict national approach. For
example, each of the free-to-air television broadcasters have
agreements with global media players like the BBC, CNN, Deutsche
Welle, CCTV, who regularly transmit their news programmes on the
local platforms. So too do we have the local radio broadcasters
building their listenership through hooking their audiences with
international broadcasters for news and other programmes. The 24hour news cycle of the global news networks is utilised profitably by
local broadcasters. These outlets schedule most of their international
news networks’ programming during the early morning hours thus
alleviating use of local staff. In that way, they also maintain their
globalised audiences. The effect has been an increase in the local
broadcasters’ reliability and credibility, and of course, competition.
Needless to say, technology has affected how news is accessed and
transmitted and the digital information world has slowly been
embraced by Tanzanian media even if not to the extent found in
developed countries.
The telephone still continues to be a major contributor to this
adaptation to digital technology as are broadband cable networks.
Having links with the global satellite cable players has influenced
audiences’ access habits as well as their demands for quality news
and other programming of local taste.
However, it is at the policy level that greater impact of the change
has been felt. Indeed,media owners’ control has given them access to
one of the key drivers of opinion formation—the good journalist.
To local journalists, this has had the positive effect of allowing
greater movement for employment across diverse media units. Many
of the journalists we interviewed have worked across a number of
privately owned media units, meaning that there is great traffic of
personnel amongst media houses. The effect is that the journalists
acquire skills for different media policy demands. Doto Bulendu sees
48
this primarily as a major outcome of the new environment. He also
sees the traffic as evidence of possibly poor working conditions
across all the media units!
David Mrisho, a lecturer with St Augustine University, Mwanza,
(Tabora Campus) sees poor pay for journalists as a major contributor
to poor performance and the unethical environment of the industry
in Tanzania.
During the 2010 elections, Salva Rweyemamu
(Communications Officer with the State House),
provided transport for the incumbent
president’s campaign. I also travelled in that
bus. The CCM Campaign Committee paid for all
the costs incurred by the embedded journalists.
Now, what do you expect? If you are facilitated
by CCM and travel with them they would
expect you to write for them. Objectivity
remains a pipedream. Remember, when you
write a negative story and they happen not to
like it, the following day they may not take you
in their bus or pay for your costs. (Mrisho,
Mwanza)
It would be logical to expect Tanzania Daima to write favourably
on Chadema and Uhuru to write favourable for Chadema. Critics do
not fret over Tanzania Daima or Uhuru. People criticize media that are
not owned by political parties but still display political bias.
The other challenge is commercial. Many of the discussants at
the focus group level felt that the current working conditions
maintained by media owners have created a sense of fear amongst
journalists. People have become extra careful as to what they say so
as not to cause problems to the media owner.
“Unajikuta mtu ukiwa studio unatayarisha
habari, kwanza unaanza kujiuliza wewe
mwenyewe, sijui hii habari nikiitoa nitamkwaza
mkuu? Sijui hii nikiitoa itakuwaje? Kwa kweli
hii inatupa shida.” (Doto, Mwanza)
49
“The environment and policy structures of work
and profession have not improved,” lamented
Doto. “The rules and policies of engagement
established during the restricted media
ownership days have not changed for the better.
Maybe for worse.” (Doto, Mwanza)
(“You are in the studio and you begin to ask yourself, will what I say
get the boss into trouble? What will happen? It stresses us endlessly.”)
This is mostly because of media owners’dependence on
advertising. The media’s almost total dependence on the advertising
dollar has meant that any controversy that might affect the “good”
name of the sponsor has direct impact on the media sustainability.
This overdependence is such that, even when the media policy and
ethics prohibits sponsored news bulletins, still most broadcasters
have sponsors attached to news bulletins!
“Now when you have some of these advertising
companies being major producers of news,
journalists have to take into account that the
advertiser is who pays his/her salary!”, warns
Doto Bulendu. “In short, our relations with
sponsors is one of economic dependence”.(Doto,
Mwanza)
Anthony Diallo bemoans the relations that the media has
developed with what he calls “holly cows”- advertisers and sponsors.
He sees no balance in the coverage of their activities as current
policies tend to lean towards serving commercial advertisers.
“I am yet to hear adverse stories about
Vodacom, Tigo or Airtel. Or for that matter,
about the breweries! Maybe they are good
managers or they exist in some heaven. The
reason is that they have become holy cows. This
should worry the media owners because if these
[sponsors] should quit or decide to set up their
own media outlets, how would these companies
pay their salaries?” (Diallo, Mwanza)
Indeed this is a policy matter. Discussants felt that while all
media do have station policies, and these maybe stipulated in the
media establishment document, not many, if any, of the employees
really know what their station policies are.
There is also a clear relationship between media performance and
financing. Most of “development” programmes are actually sourced
or produced by the sponsoring organisations themselves. The media
houses won’t produce these types of programmes since they offer no
financial rewards. This relationship between the media and finance
is dangerous. It should not be the push factor towards the media’s
performance. The media needs to be free from such pressure.
50
Further, there is need for putting in place civic education for
media practitioners. Civic leaders at all levels, in local government
as well as MPs, use the media for their campaigns. Now, when they
do not fulfill those campaign promises or development plans or any
sort of promises, the media should hold the leaders accountable.
“And this should have no relation to media funding.” (Diallo,
Mwanza).
Members of Parliament and Councillors now
know they are accountable to the people. They
now know that their performance is bound to be
reported, hence they do their best to act
dutifully. Even at village level, ordinary people
can now hold village leaders accountable. They
even have the courage to accuse their leaders if
they misuse public funds. (Mpepo, Dar).
Recently the influence of the Tanzania Media Editor’s Forum,
established to supervise media accountability has grown. However,
the institution seems bent on establishing themselves as a mediating
force between the media and the government. This stance has been
increasingly questioned by media players themselves. It became
more obvious when in August 2014 the Forum Editors met with the
Speaker of the Constituent Assembly. He was chaffed by the visit and
pronounced that the government has listened to the Forum’s pleas
for the formation of a regulatory body over and above the MCT to
oversee media self regulation in Tanzania! (Mwananchi newpaper,
10/08).
Commenting on the influence of the Editors’ Forum, Diallo, a
trained journalist and former Minister for Information in Tanzania
said, “they are a lost bunch. I don’t know what they actually do they
are a group of people who have lost direction.” Political influence
continues to levy great pressure on the viability of pluralist media
conditions in the country.
Discussions in Dodoma, for example, noted that poor
accountability is a result of the conditions of hardship affecting
journalists in Tanzania. Journalists are forced to write opinion pieces
based on who pays for their story, their visit or other necessities. This
is also the result of poor working conditions, the low salaries and
influences of commercial sponsors and politicians. They have come
to depend on bahasha (envelop) facilitation by newsmakers for their
51
Vincent Mpepo of the Open University of Tanzania )OUT)
regards accountability as a major score of deregulation in Tanzania.
sustanance. The bahasha syndrome began with desire of the
newsmakers to ensure they get positive reports of their events but
this has regressed further into demands by journalists themselves.
Another influential factor on the performance of the media
bemoaned by focus group members in Dodoma and Mwanza is the
dependence on the entertainment factor on both the radio and
television. There has been a profusion of music-based programming
that has also had some adverse effects on the quality of the
programmes and therefore the type of listening/viewing audience.
At policy level, many commented on the unpreparedness of the
journalism profession and the national political leadership for the
onset of media deregulation in 1992. The lack of a strong media policy
that protects practitioners has led to a situation where journalists
work in fear as indicated by Doto Bulendu (Mwanza):
“The government still maintains its grip on the
restrictive laws and each time we make a move
they are already planning for a stop gap. They
know how powerful the media is, so they
maintain the profession in a grip of fear so that
we have no self-confidence. Ni hofu za kimamlaka
na za kiutawala.”
He further argued that what the industry needs is to introduce
laws that would ensure working accountably. This goes all the way
to the managerial levels of the media institutions. When one can be
fired at a whim one can never work at their best.
“An editor can be appointed at 8pm in the
evening and be fired at 8am because his job
depends on the say so of the media owner. Now,
since every human being loves positions of
power, the very fear of losing it makes
journalists compliant.” (Doto, Mwanza)
The reason for working under a cloud of fear is due to the huge
reserve of trained journalist on the streets. The ploretariatizing of the
profession through the creation of a “lumpen ploretariat” around it
has indeed created a fearful workforce. With over 75% of the
workforce probably working without contracts, there could be no
worse working environment (Milili, Mwanza).
“The failure of the industry to organize its
workforce under a labour movement is indeed a
major pressure towards the maintenance of a
52
“The funny thing is that journalists would write
vehemently on pay disputes affecting teachers in
the country but they do not write about their own
repugnant work conditions.” (Tegambwage,
(Dar)
Gladness Munuo of Tamwa and Gemsa sees the impact of the
pluralist and diverse media as being mixed. On the positive side, she
gives the example of Tamwa’s focus on women issues or the
campaign against gender violence that has built new thinking in
society. Indeed, both Maria Shaba and Fatma Alloo gave the
examples of the cases of Maumba and Levina in the 1990s as seminal
moments in the history of Tanzania as regards women and the
media.2
4.3.3 Public Perceptions about the Successes and Chal
lenges of Media Puralism and Diversity in Tanzania
for the Last 20 Years.
Currently, the media boasts of more than 4,000 journalists in print
and electronic media. (Media Sustainability Index 2008). However,
they are concentrated in cities and towns, where access to media
facilities is better than in rural areas. One cannot deny the fact that
the industry is in a much better position currently than it was 20 years
ago. It is certainly better in terms of a relatively freer atmosphere
despite the many challenges.
“We can even satirise the president openly,
something that could not be fathomed under the
Nyerere regime. ... There is a higher level of
tolerance, compared to what was here before”,
adds veteran Zanzibar journalist Salim Said
Salim (Salim, Zanzibar, 2014)
The media sector continues to grow with more investors coming
2
Maumba was a child molester brought to book through TAMWA, while Levina’s was the
infamous case of a university student who committed suicide after being harassed by male
students. TAMWA took up her case against gender violence. Both cases took place in the
1980s.
53
viable, pluralist and diverse working
environment. Journalists are paid low salaries,
they don’t get paid in time and sometimes never
at all. This leads to having a workforce that
would do whatever the boss says. It is modernday serfdom!” (Salim,Zanzibar)
on board thus challenging the dominance of the early entrants and
the government. The Aga Khan Media Group now owns newspapers,
radio stations and television stations joining the Reginald Mengi-led
IPP Media which also has cross-media ownership. The Sahara Group
of companies owns a TV station (Star TV) and radio stations (Kiss
FM and Radio Free Africa) while the New Habari Corporation owns
a number of newspapers in the country. Tanzania is actually one of
the countries with the largest number of media outlets in Africa. “But
numbers are not enough”. (Eda Sanga, Dar es Salaam).
4.3.3.1 The Situation in Zanzibar
The media situation in Zanzibar remains somewhat dire.
Following the banning of Dira (edited by Salim Said Salim)and
several other refusals for permission to republish, Zanzibar’s major
media remains under the government - ZBC for the electronic media
and Zanzibar Leo for the print media. The satellite channel, Zanzibar
Satelite Cable Company, is privately owned and gets high ratings.
Radios (like Zenj FM) seem to be the preferred media in Zanzibar,
with over 25 radios registered (but with only about 10 actually
operating).This gives the general impression that there is greater
freedom of publication in the country and therefore a much more
pluralistic and diverse environment.
However, that is not the case. Back in 2007 the Speaker of the
Legislative Assembly of Zanzibar issued a decree to the effect that
the media could not report on the activities of the Assembly without
first applying and getting permission of the Speaker! This raised the
ire of veteran journalist Salim Said Salim who wrote a castigating
editorial in his paper Dira. He was summoned by the Speaker but
declined to go responding,” I am a journalist. I can not be summoned.
If you need me, make an appointment!”.
Media restrictions abound in Zanzibar, where journalists cannot
even access Hansard records. Journalists in Zanzibar have no selfconfidence, they don’t get enough exposure and most are employed
in the state machinery. (Salim, Zanzibar).“The media profession has
lost respect and has no self-respect.” (Angel Kyara, Uhuru, Dar).
The banning of Dira on 23/11/2003 was mostly due to Salim Said
Salim’s asserting of his independence. Dira wrote several pieces the
irked the government, including:
1.
54
The sale of the Mambo Msiige building in Stonetown
Zanzibar to the Hyatt Hotels chain. Salim queried the sale
and wanted to know the process of the sale, the cost price
2.
He queried the whereabouts of certain persons who have
“disappeared”. One such example is that of Kassim Hanga,
a former government minister who ran the gauntlet of the
first Karume regime. Salim wrote asking for the government
to inform Hanga’s family of his body’whereabouts or at least
issue a death certificate. Having no death certificate has
meant that family members can notget their bequest since
the law requires a death certificate for inheritance matters.
3.
He castigated the growth of nepotism in the country with a
former president’s family being allocated numerous plots of
land. However, even when these plots were repossessed no
criminal charges were laid against the former president. He
asked, “are Zanzibari jails only meant for sellers of bananas
and coconuts?”
Needless to say, all these are examples of how the media, in spite
of itself, continues to be a measure of accountability in Tanzania.
4.3.3.2
Contextualising Journalism in Tanzania
Salim argues that in general journalists in Tanzania are haunted
by the legacy of the past where leaders issued directives without
referencing any laws. Their word was, and sometimes still is, law.
But asked if the ordinary mwananchi actually sees the difference
between the past and current environments, Anthony Diallo
remarked:
“I believe they do. ... (but) can you imagine what
measure of accountability does a media owner
and editor have when we have a headline like,
Ebola hits Dar es Salaam, when the crisis is
ravaging countries in West Africa? Was the
newspaper’s purpose to unleash fear and chaos
in the country? If one were sanctioned for such
irresponsible action would they protest?”
The poor state of investigative journalism in the country is a very
good example. While one may castigate journalists for the poor
investigative reporting, one needs to also assess the risks involved:
the lack of insurance and the impermissible character of media laws
that continue to strangle media practice in the country.“Worse still,
in all this, we still lack a strong body that can protect whistle-blowers
in the country”. (Fatma Alloo, Zanzibar).
55
and the lack of an open tender for the purchase of a
government building.
Obviously national interests are implicated in the practice of the
media but these are just general perceptions of the people. Since the
1964 attempted coup in Tanzania, the socio-historical base of
information has remained political. The one party state meant that
all the pillars of the economy and politics were submerged under the
party. The 30 years of the one-party state rule (1962-1992) has
conditioned individual attitudes, curtailed critical thinking (fikara
changanuzi) and generational thinking (Mrisho, Mwanza).
Marginalised voices are only now getting space to spread out and the
media has an important role to play.
“Even though we are now able to self-criticise
and even regulate ourselves the old thinking still
survives; and if the laws and regulations that
hold the media in check do not improve this
new environment will simply be a
mockery.”(Doto, Mwanza).
Talking to the veteran journalist, Prof Lwanyantika Masha, one
gets the impression that the media has come full circle from the days
of the control of the media by the government during the Nyerere
days.
A former Tanu Publicity secretary, MP and government leader,
Masha, writes volubly about the media scene in Tanzania:
“People are still not used to a plural and diverse
media environment because they had been
oppressed for a long time. Analysis of the news
is still poor, the journalist’s depth of knowledge
is too deficient to become good educators and
indeed media practitioners have political
agendas because of the inevitable political
mission of the media.” (Masha, Mwanza).
This, he argues, is to be expected in this age of globalisation
(utandawazi). He asks: do those who finance the media have political
agendas?
This [issue] is big and I want to find the best way
to put it. Many of our media personalities have
political agendas. …Now if you are a practitioner with a political agenda in a highly politicized community, and again I am trying to put
this very carefully, (remember I am not a member of the ruling party), I can’t help but see that
there is an alliance between most of the media
56
Investigative journalism has not fared well during the period in
question. There had been good examples of investigative journalism
undertaken during the Nyerere regime.They include the memorable
Operesheni Okoa Mazao of the1970s by Ndimara Tegambage and the
Tafico scandal by Ernest Ambali. There has been a dearth of such
investigative reports in recent years. Doing investigative journalism
then was a major personal and political risk, probably much more
than it is currently. David Mrisho decries this situation, warning that
we may teach our students all the necessary skills of investigative
journalism, but in the end commitment to professional values seems
to be the final gauge.
So too are issues of public interest journalism. There are always
the question of “which public”, and “which interests?” Abdullah
Hassan Mitawi, Registrar, Zanzibar Broadcasting Commission,
argues that the government has not fully accepted the concept of
public broadcasting.
For the party in power, they see all media as being the
Opposition and therefore regard the government funded media as
government communication vehicles. “This is not correct. It’s just a
misunderstanding of the concept of public broadcasting,” he said.
“With regard to Daily News and TBC, [as well as
HabariLeo and ZBC in Zanzibar] it is necessary
that we change the attitudes of the employees to
see themselves as employees of the people and
not of the government in power or of the ruling
party. (Mrisho, Mwanza).
David Mrisho warns that policy-wise, Tanzania has reached a
very low level. Due to the poor capacity of leaders to develop
effective policies, he likens the media to the Tanzania National
Examination Board where, instead of moderating exams,he says, they
are now moderating results!
57
and the Opposition. So, objectivity in the news
gets lost. When you lose objectivity you also lose
credibility to your readers/listeners. So, I will
say there should be freedom of the press but
there should also be social responsibility. And
the aspect of the responsibility is missing.
(Masha, Mwanza).
4.3.4 The Effectiveness ofSelf-regulation in Promoting So
cial Accountability in Tanzania.
While the MCT self-regulatory activities have been praised and
are held as best-practice examples for Africa, its weakness as regards
the power to sanction media malfunction have always come under
attack. (Bintisimba, 2007)
Where the media is heavily controlled by their owners, the
prevailing state of fear has created an environment where the editor
has no say but to listen to the quirks and whims of the media owner.
There is always this palpable fear of a newspaper being closed or
banned. The media owner then utilises this fear-ridden situation to
control what gets to be written or spoken in the media. (Lwambali,
Mwanza).
Mohamed Seif Hatibu, owner of the Zanzibar Media Group and
former Minister of Information in Tanzania, questions the type of
regulations that can be sustained by individual media outlet as
follows:
How does one create their own limits and how
do we measure them? I believe that the ethics
that work are those of the cultural and social
types. The media has become such a political
platform that one of my radio’s policy is simply
to go out there and get answers.
Media self-regulation is a necessary concept because it supports
the independence of the media and independent thinking. Apart
from MCT there seems to be no other organ that displays that type
of independence. There is a need for an organization in the country
that will stand for and articulate all the issues affecting the media.
(Masha)
Ernest Ambali, a veteran journalist, argues that the MCT needs
to be empowered. The MCT, he says, affects the way the media work.
This should include the power to de-register journalists, but special
conditions should be set regarding that power as any de-registering
could also mean impacting on individual freedom of speech.
There are those like Chande Omar of Zanzibar Broadcasting
Commission who believe that the MCT has done commendable work
in self-regulation as his commission has not been receiving many
complaints against broadcasting houses. The Commission now
records all programmes that go on air allowing for assesment and
complaint checking if needed, as a form of self regulation. (Chande
58
Omar, Zanzibar)
The MCT has also been successful in developing curricular for
the training of journalists in Tanzania. (Hasina Hamadi, Zanzibar).
However, it also needs to stand for the rights of the journalists,
otherwise people will lose faith in it. (Shaabani-ZBC Dar). This might
mean setting up a new statutory organization that would have more
powers than MCT but one that will also have geographical
representation. (Kassim Mbaruk, Dar).
But others see it differently.
When you push for a free media/freedom of the
press you do not want any decrees. MCT cannot
become an instrument of regulation. ... Even
with all the media regulations the British still
needed to create a Press Council; Rwanda now
has a High Council of the Press and the US has
struggled to build what they call national press
councils along with all the media regulations. In
Jamaica, there are different government laws
regulating the media. It is not enough for
journalists to want to be free to write or
broadcast as they wish but that freedom comes
with responsibility to society. (Masha, Mwanza).
“I think what needs to happen is to give the
MCT legal powers. Currently, in the absence of
legal authority, the MCT can never force
someone to attend reconciliation councils. This
is what leads to some of the libel cases. There are
no strong laws governing the functioning of
Press Clubs, for example, and neither is the
Union of Tanzania Journalists really working.
These need looking into and be brought under
the MCT legal precepts for any success.”
(Bulendu, Mwanza).
Like other non-statutory organs in the country such as Misa-Tan,
the MCT has been instrumental in developing journalistic skills. The
Council has been able to reach a good number of media practitioners
through holding workshops on diverse subjects such as media ethics,
gender mainstreaming, the use of the Internet in communication and
giving Internet technology support to media workers. According to
Maria Shaba, MCT’s self regulation policies mean that arbitration is
being given a chance before legal pursuits. This serves to reduce the
59
red tape that government and the courts are known for (Maria Shaba,
TAMWA, Dar).
Gladness Munuo (Tamwa, Gemsa), has very high expectations
for MCT. She expects the MCT to:
• Enhance the journalists’ status in society;
• Become the accreditation body for the industry and
• Monitor the work of the whole media and not only newspapers.
Finally, Tanzanians have yet to build a culture of commenting
about and to organisations. This needs to be developed and promoted. People need to be reminded endlessly about the available opportunities to contribute their ideas to solving social problems. Media
contact details should be made available through as many media
channels as possible, and repeatedly, to encourage people to give
feedback about the media through the media.
60
Chapter
5
Conclusions, Implications and
Recommendations
"If it were left to me to decide whether we should have a government
without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter” – Thomas Jefferson
The following are summary conclusions, implications and recommendations of the study based on the reflected situation in the
country after 20 years of the phenomenon.
5.1 Summary: Rationale of the research
This study into the media’s new role of promoting social accountability finds resonance in the theorising around recent social changes
taking place in Africa with the advent of democratic rule and its pursuit of good governance. (DAC Network, 2011)
As a source of information and as a public forum, the media has
become a force for development. Tanzania was one of the very first
countries in Africa to undertake this exercise of democracy in the post
cold war era making the country a valuable learning ground for
changes that have taken place in Africa since the 1990s. The active
participation of the people in the media and their newfound power
to affect change in community has increased their desire to participate in contemporary media processes.
Introduction
As we began to analyse the role of the media and its effectiveness
in bringing about pluralism and diversity in the Tanzanian media in
support of structures of accountability, we first needed to discuss the
61
context of our discussion by describing the country’s media landscape. There are a number of factors that influence media performance, and therefore its effectiveness, in ushering a regime of
accountability and good governance in society. Four of the key
themes were:
• The Policy Environment In The Country (Q1);
• Media Ownership And The Business Environment In The
Country (Q2);
• Professional Practice And Ethics (Q3) and
• The Consuming Public And The Communication Infrastructure (Q4-MCT)
5.2 Research Findings
Through the examination of testimonies and discussions in the
focus groups and the key informants, it was clear that self-regulation
of the media would be more effective in ensuring genuine
accountability to the community through upholding media ethics.
There is clearly trust in the media itself while also acknowledging
that some sort of legal precepts need to be sutured to self-regulation
in order to guarantee freedom of expression and freedom of
information. The following were amongst the more prominent
findings of the research.
5.2.1 Challenges Facing the Media towards Social Accountability
The research wanted to look at different ways of achieving media
accountability through incentives. The incentives included removal
of restrictive laws, enactment of laws that would support media
work, developing policies to regulate media work and giving professional training to journalists. With them are efforts to change the cultures and systems that breed press intolerance and violence. The
majority of respondents considered that all the four influence factors
are important and should all be part of the solution towards making
the media accountable to society.
5.2.2 Community and Professional Involvement towards Media
Accountability
Cumulative empirical data around this question revealed that
74.7% saw the need to involve people through an interactive process
in the various media. Indeed the broadcast media has the easiest
62
However, social accountability here would involve both formal
and informal mechanisms through which the people and their
supportive organizations, such as NGOs or local government
community groups, would be able to bring government officials or
other service providers to account. Accountability here is used as a
framework to build bottom-up democratic governance and ensure
the highest professional media standards. The direct participation of
citizens in ensuring feedback and galvanizing people-power is what
distinguishes social accountability from other mechanisms of
accountability. Audiences appreciate and understand the nature of
monitoring as social accountability intervention.
5.2.3 Actions towards Problems Encountered towards a
Pluralist Media
This question dealt with issues of enforceability. Enforceability
refers to situations where, because specific expectations are not
fulfilled then consequences would be expected and executed. The
research shows that 60% of the people would like to utilize the law
to enforce compliance. This is interesting when we take into account
that in some earlier questions an expectation had been built that
incentives provide a better system of engagement and of good
governance. Indeed enforceability is a critical factor for media
organizations and practitioners.
The results also show that more people are less confident that
policy pronouncements would make individuals comply, while
education seems to be the next preferred option. Incentives here can
be associated with unsatisfactory performance and normally refer to
expectations of formal disciplinary action. In this instance since no
rewards for good performance were proposed, punitive action was
to be expected.
5.2.4 MCT’s Capability to Engage the Media through Selfregulation
Our research wished to make a specific contribution towards
addressing the capacity of the MCT in addressing the conceptual
framework of self-regulation as an essential feature of social
accountability. The aim was to shed light on the work of the Council
while assessing responsiveness of the respondents towards the
Council’s limitations or potential. The result was an affirmation of
the self-regulatory environment. We can assume that expectations
associated with accountability would be compromised if monitoring
63
means to do so given the digital facilitations of the telephone and of
course social media.
mechanisms are not effective. Despite the fact that sanctions would
be expected under a new MCT mandate where the media is culpable,
self-regulation is still regarded as the best practice option.
5.3 Implications
Important issues were raised by respondents and their
implications considered for policy responses in terms of the initial
research questions. While the government is often heard lauding the
fact that there is increased registration of media outlets in Tanzania
and that is a good measure of media freedom in the country,
“professionals and academics alike contest this saying that the
country still lags behind many others in terms of legal guarantees of
freedom of the press”. (Mzee, Hamisi, 2013, MCT).
The research has further cemented this contention by showing
that journalists feel that they would not be able to play their role
effectively without some constitutional guarantees regarding press
freedom and access to information. This is because Tanzania is yet to
have among its legal parliamentary statutes specific legal protections
of free expression in the media. As Doto Bulendu has argued,
conditions in the country still harbour a number of laws that
continue to stifle, if not regularly restrict, any serious freedom of
expression in the media. To control the media, the government can
utilize about 40 legal restrictions in their statutes.3
“Similar legislation puts restrictions on
information from the police or other security
agencies, information on the corruption of
public officials, information on the management
of public corporations and severe restrictions on
the freedom of expression granted by Article 18
of the constitution ….” (Zeise Annik, 2010)
5.3.1 Media Ownership and Business
Often it is the silent hand of the media owner that determines
the political view that a media institution will carry, supporting the
owner’s business and other political leanings. Bagdikian (1983) and
Trelford (2000) argue, that media ownership has a crucial role in
determining not only what is included in the newspaper, where it is
3
Some of these include:
• The National Security Act No 3 of 1970 allowing arrest without a warrant
• The Newspaper Act of 1976 brooks the offence of sedition by giving considerable
authority to the president, the minister in charge of the information sector and the
registrar to control, ban or prohibit publications.
• The Broadcasting Service Act No 6 of 1993 gives powers for arbitrarily intervening in
vernacular broadcast.
64
placed, but also how the chosen event is framed. (Ugangu, 2011)To
these concerns, media ownership is a key factor limiting
accountability especially when it is in cahoots with ethnicity, or
business interests or politics. (Makokha 2007, p. 284). It is especially
dangerous when any of the three are combined and worse when all
three work in unison.
For example it has been argued that the closeness of the owner
of New Habari Corporation to the ruling CCM, or for that matter the
emminence of the owner of Tanzania Daima to the Chadema Party
inherently creates compromising situations to journalists and to
regulators alike. This is not a new thing as the Murdoch press’
conservative policies are often linked to conservative politicians in
the West. A similar situation seems to be prevalent in Kenya as
discussed by Makhoka (Makokha (2007, p. 284).
Apart from private ownership, there are also issues of public and
state ownership. While the public broadcasting’s mission is public
service through radio, television and other electronic media outlets,
there are no real public broadcasters in the country. Broadcasters and
the media in Tanzania are either private or State-owned and there are
no efforts to create entities or transform the state owned media into
public funded entities through enlarging their funding base. The
party in power invariably speaks through the government owned
media as well as through their own media making use of tax-payers
money to enhance its political ideologies.
Increased private media dependence on advertising as a source
of revenue, especially on sponsorships of programmes on radio and
television, has begun to reveal the dangers of sponsorships. Telcoms,
banks, beer and beverage companies are the major sponsors of
entertainment and news programming in the country and they have
increasingly become major sources of the private media’s sustenance.
The marketing environment in the country is ridden with corruption
where marketing managers only give sponsorships where producers
are able to pay them back,on the side, some of the that sponsorship
money! Some marketing managers of the telcoms and beer
companies have become extremely wealthy, and fast, well beyond
any normal investment growth potential.
A major cry in the country has to do with the cost of newspapers,
where it is prohibitive to the general reader. With the low penetration
65
In Tanzania, media owners and the business elite often form
relations with the political class and that lethal power is often utilized
to compromise the press.
of the Internet in the country especially in rural areas, people in
villages have continued to rely entirely on the radio for their news,
information, entertainment and social engagement. Cost-effective
provision of printing through some sort of subsidy would have
changed the media landscape tremendously and enhanced the
practice of Press Freedom. Affordability creates incentives for the
poor to want access to information.
5.3.2 Professional practice and ethics
Over the last few years there have been calls to deracinate the
professional malaise affecting journalism in the country. It is an
accepted fact that journalism standards have fallen over the years. A
cursory reading of newspapers reveals poor subbing standards while
viewing television and listening to the radio immediately tells you
that the radio announcer is merely a good DJ and not a journalist and
the programme presenter is merely a recognizable face.
Questions have been raised as to the quality of training as well
as the professional standards, where it has been argued that the real
makanjanja (novices) are the subeditors and editors who allow poorly
written news articles to be published. (Wifrida Mayao, Zenj FM)
5.3.3 The consuming public and the communication infrastructure
The media landscape has produced such a large and growing
media public. However, this is mostly in urban areas, where there are
certainly more readers, television viewers and radio listeners.
Because there is interaction with the public through phoning in and
SMS interactivity, many more people are increasingly being enticed
to becoming citizen journalists. Still missing is a well-developed
infrastructure for accessing new media platforms. Indeed as the
Chande Omar has argued social media has not been given its due
importance in Tanzania. He stresses this media does complement
traditional media in journalism practice and therefore it is important
that it be legally recognised and policies developed for its enunciation
in society. (Chande Omar, Zanzibar)
5.4 Recommendations
The following recommendations are based not only on the
empirical data but also on informed observations and testimonies
about ways in which pluralism and diversity promote social
accountability.
We reccommend that policy changes be made towards access to
information including the removal of policy restrictions to media per66
formance and passing of the long awaited Bill on Media Law. Media
self-regulation can only prosper alongside some legal frameworks
guaranteeing a free media.
We recommend that in order to guard against political interference, it is preferable that MCT be made a statutory body able to enforce compliance, but only within strictly subscribed ethical
standards. There was, however, a preference towards empowering
MCT to have punitive powers.
We recommend that MCT should promote media accountability
through the voluntary establishment of a community of media practitioners that are independent of government, commercial or special
interests.
We recommend that the media instigates internal but open analysis and critique of the way the media work.The media can use “shaming”to push the media towards faster change. This can be done
through instituting programmes on radio, television and in print to
specifically deliberate and critique ethical and professional practices
of media outlets and individuals. Under democracy, the media become holders of considerable power. This watchdog function should
also involve watching over how the media itself performs truthfully,
accurately and fairly.
A major development of impact on the media scene is the collaboration between civil society and media. We recommend collaborations such as those with HakiElimu, Tamwa, and TV programmes
like The Team, Pikabom Puppet Show and UbongoKids as examples of
the broadcast media ability to engage directly and fruitfully with development issues in a creative format.
5.5 Conclusion
Media response to incidents of government misconduct,
corruption, intimidation by political figures, police violence, etc, have
often come to define the media’s role in Tanzania. Many would argue
that media debates are a form of preventive accountability. By
providing a forum for a plurality of actors to establish who should
be held accountable, what they should be held accountable for, and
how they should be held accountable, the media reframe actions once
deemed acceptable as unacceptable, and for which public authorities
67
We recommend that self-regulation should not only provide protection for media practitioners but also be able to hold individual
journalists accountable to their profession. Conversely, media selfregulation should also hold media outlets accountable to the public
could henceforth be held accountable. In this way, the media becomes
an uncoerced expression of social demands.
The focus group discussions and subsequent key informants
interviews revealed an acute awareness amongst the practitioners
and people in general about the workings of the media in the country
and its potential as a tool for accountability. Debates and
recommendations over what politicians and even journalists should
be held responsible for went beyond criminal responsibility. It has
been noted that unlike many other countries in the region and on
the continent, the Tanzanian media is yet to be too controlled by
partisan ethnic, business, regional, religious or class interests to fail
to build consensus on action that would benefit people of all
backgrounds. While these differences do exit, a modicum of national
consensus often takes place in many discussions outside partypolitical positions. In that way, we can say that here the media has
utilized their freedom of expression to set the agenda to build some
consensus towards social accountability.
68
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74
APPENDIX 1
Jicho CommunicativeMediaLtd.
PO Box 4783, Zanzibar, Tanzania.
Tel+255 (0) 657541054 / (0) 655090707
E-mail: [email protected]
YAH: UTAFITI KUCHUNGUZA UFANISI WA MFUMO
HURIA WA VYOMBO VYA HABARI VYENYE WIGO MPANA
WA MAWAZO KATIKA KUKUZA UWAJIBIKAJI KATIKA MASUALA YA KIJAMII NCHINI TANZANIA.
Ndugu Mwananchi,
Baraza la Habari Tanzania linafanya utafiti kuchunguza ufanisi
wa wingi wa vyombo vya habari na kuwepo kwa wigo mpana wa
mawazo na mchango wake katika kukuza uwajibikaji katika masuala
ya kijamii nchini Tanzania. Matokeo ya utafiti huu yatasadia kuviwezesha vyombo vya habari kutekeleza majukumu yao na kuimarisha dhana ya uwajibikaji katika jamii na hivyo kuendeleza utawala
bora, kuchochea maendeleo na kuwawezesha wananchi kujenga
jamii yenye kuwajibika.
Tafadhali tia tiki jibu moja tu
A: Eneo la Utafiti: (a) Dar es Salaam (b) Dodoma (c ) Mwanza
(d) Arusha (e) Zanzibar (Pemba/Unguja)
B: Maelezo Binafsi
JINSIA: (a) Mume
UMRI: (a) 18 -35
(b) Mke
(b)36 – 45 (c) 46 – 60 (d) 60 na zaidi
ELIMU: (a) Msingi (b) Sekondari (Fomu I-VI) (c) Elimu ya Juu
(Post Secondary)
KAZI: (a) Mwajiriwa (b) Mwajiri (c) Mstaafu (d) Mkulima (e)
75
Mvuvi (f) Mwanafunzi (g) Mjasiriamali
(h) Mama wa Nyumbani (i) Sina Kazi (i) Kujitegemea
/Ajira binafsi
C: MASWALI
Tafadhali jibu maswali yafuatayo kwa kuzungushia mduara
kwenye herufi a,b,c,d na e au kuweka alama ya v mbele ya jibu unalodhani linagusa zaidi hisia zako.
1.
Unadhani wingi wa vyombo vya habari vyenye wigo mpana
wa mawazo umesaidia kukuza uwajibikaji katika masuala ya
kijamii nchini Tanzania?
(a) Umekuza kwa kiasi kikubwa sana
(b) Umekuza kwa kiasi kikubwa
(c ) Umekuza kwa kiasi kidogo
(d) Umekuza kwa kiasi kidogo sana
(e) Sifahamu
2.
Nini maoni yako kuhusu mafanikio na changamoto zinazokabili vyombo vya habari tangu kuanzishwa kwa mfumo Huria
wa vyombo vya habari vyenye wigo mpana wa mawazo?
(a) kumesaidia kukuza uwajibikaji kwa viongozi
(b) kumefanikiwa kufichua maovu katika jamii
(c) kumesaidia kukuza uelewa wa wananchi katika masuala ya
kijamii
(d) kumesaidia kuwapa wananchi fursa ya kutoa maoni yao
kuhusu masuala mbalimbali
(e) yote hapo juu
3.
Unadhani vyombo vya habari vikijisimamia vyenyewe badala
ya serikali vinaweza kuwa na nguvu zaidi katika kukuza uwajibikaji nchini Tanzania?
(a) Vitakuwa na nguvu zaidi
(b) Vitakuwa na nguvu
(c ) Vitakuwa na nguvu kidogo
(d) Vitakuwa na nguvu kidogo sana
(e) Sifahamu
76
Nini kifanyike ili kukabiliana na changamoto zinazokabili vyombo vya habari katika kutekeleza majukumu yake kukuza
uwajibikaji?
(a)
Serikali iondoe sheria kandamizi kwa vyombo vya habari
katika kutekeleza majukumu yake
(b)
Zitungwe sheria zitakazosaidia vyombo vya habari
kutekeleza majukumu yake bila vikwazo
(c ) Ziwepo sera rasmi zitakazoongoza vyombo vya habari
katika utendaji wake wa kila siku
(d) Waandishi wa habari wapewe mafunzo kuwawezesha
kutekeleza majukumu yao ipasavyo.
(e)
5.
Vyote hapo juu
Ni kwa jinsi gani mafanikio ya vyombo vya habari katika
kukuza uwajibikaji yanaweza kulindwa?
(a)
Kwa kuwepo kwa sheria zitakazosaidia uwajibikaji kwa
vyombo vya habari kiutekelezaji
(b)
Kwa kuwepo kwa sera ya habari inayolinda utekelezaji wa
majukumu ya vyombo vya habari
(c)
Kwa ushirikishwaji wa wananchi katika kuwawajibisha
viongozi kwa kutoa habari kwa vyombo vya habari
(d) Zote hapo juu
6.
Ni kwa jinsi gani wananchi wanaweza kushirikishwa katika kuvisaidia vyombo vya habari kukuza uwajibikaji katika masuala
ya kijamii nchini Tanzania?
(a)
Kupewa nafasi zaidi ya kuelezea changamoto zinazowakabili
(b)
Vyombo vya habari kutoa mrejesho kwa viongozi kuhusu
changamoto zinazowakabili wananchi
(c)
Kuwashirikisha wananchi katika kutoa mawazo yao
kuhusu utendaji wa vyombo vya habari
(d) Yote hapo juu
77
4.
7.
Unadhani kuwepo kwa vyombo vingi vya habari vyenye wigo
mpana wa mawazo kumesaidia kukuza utawala bora, maendeleo na kuwajengea wananchi uwezo wa kuwawajibisha viongozi nchini Tanzania?
(a) Kwa kiasi kikubwa sana
(b) Kwa kiasi kikubwa
(c ) Kwa kiasi kidogo
(d) Kwa kiasi kidogo sana
(e) Sifahamu
8.
Unafahamu uwepo wa Baraza la Habari Tanzania
(a) Nafahamu
(b) Sifahamu
9.
Unafahamu majukumu ya Baraza la Habari
(a) Nayafahamu sana
(b) Nayafahamu
(c ) Nayafahamu kidogo
(d) Nayafahamu kidogo sana.
(e) Siyafahamu
10.
Una mawazo gani ya ziada kuhusu jukumu la vyombo vya habari katika kukuza uwajibikaji katika masuala ya kijamii Tanzania?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
78
DODOSO 2 KWA WAANDISHI WA HABARI
1. Je unafikiri uhuru wa vyombo vya habari unaweza kukuza
uwajibikaji katika masuala ya kijamii nchini Tanzania?
(a) UTASAIDIA SANA
(b) UTASAIDIA
(c) UTASAIDIA KIDOGO
2. Umeitikiaje mafanikio na changamoto kwa vyombo vya
habari tangu kuanzishwa kwa mfumo huria wa vyombo vya
habari vyenye wigo mpana wa mawazo katika miaka 20
iliyopita?
(a) NIMEFURAHIA SANA
(b) NIMEFURAHIA
(c) NIMEFURAHIA KIASI
(d) SIKUFURAHIA
(e) KERO TUPU
3. Ni kwa kiasi gani vyombo vya habari vikijisimamia
vyenyewe (self-regulation) na sio kuwepo kwa sheria kunaweza
kukuza uwajibikaji Tanzania?
(a) KWA KIASI KIKUBWA
(b) KWA KIASI KIDOGO
(c) HAIWEZEKANI
4. Nini kifanyike ili kukabiliana na changamoto ambazo vyombo vya habari vimekabiliana nazo tangu kuanzishwa mfumo
huria wa vyombo vya habari vyenye wigo mpana wa mawazo?
(a)
ZITUNGWE SHERIA KULINDA UHURU WA VYOMBO
VYA HABARI
(b)
KUWE NA MIONGOZO MIKALI YA UANDISHI BORA
WA HABARI
(c)
WAANDISHI WA HABARI WAWAJIBISHWE
WAANDIKAPO UONGO AU UZUSHI
79
(d) HAUTASAIDIA
(d) VIONGOZI NA WAANDISHI WOTE WAPEWE ELIMU
KUHUSU MFUMO WA HABARI HURIA
5. Ni kwa vipi mafanikio yaliyopatikaka na vyombo vya
habari tangu kuanzishwa kwa mfumo huria wa vyombo vya
habari vyenye wigo mpana wa mawazo yanaweza kuimarishwa?
(a)
KWA KUWEKO SHERIA KALI ILI KUIBANA SERIKALI
KUTOINGILIA VYOMBO VYA HABARI
(b)
KWA KUONGEZWA ELIMU ZAIDI HADI MASHULENI
KUHUSU MFUMO WA HABARI HURIA
(c)
KWA WANANCHI KUSHIRIKI ZAIDI KATIKA KUTOA
MAWAZO YAO KATIKA VYOMBO VYA HABARI
(d) KWA WAANDISHI NA VYOMBO VYA HABARI KUFUATA MAADILI NA UTAMADUNI WETU
6. Ni kwa jinsi gani wananchi wanaweza kushirikishwa
katika kuvisaidia vyombo vya habari katika jukumu lao la
kukuza uwajibikaji katika jamii?
80
(a)
KWA KUSHIRIKI KATIKA VIPINDI SHIRIKISHI
(b)
KWA KUPEWA NAFASI YA KUTOA KERO ZAO MARA
KWA MARA
(c)
KWA KUWA NA VYOMBO VYA HABARI MAHUSUSI
KWA WANANCHI (COMMUNITY MEDIA)
DODOSO 3 KWA WAANDISHI WA HABARI
1. Ongezeko la vyombo vya habari umesaidia katika
kuhamasisha uwajibikaji wa wanahabari Tanzania?
UMESAIDIA SANA
HAUJASAIDIA
UMESAIDIA KIASI
KWA KIASI KIKUBWA
HATA KIDOGO
KWA KIASI KIDOGO
3. Nini mawazo ya wananchi juu ya vyombo vya habari
tangu kuanzishwa kwa mfumo huria wa vyombo vya habari
vyenye wigo mpana wa mawazo?
VIWE VINGI ZAIDI VIPUNGUE
VILIVYO
SIJUI
VIBAKI
KAMA
4. Nini jibu la changamoto la kuvisaidia vyombo vya habari
katika jukumu lao la kukuza uwajibikaji katika jamii?
KUVIONGEZEA UHURU
SHERIA KALI
KUONGEZA ELIMU
SERA BORA
5. Tutahakikishaje kudumu kwa mfumo wa vyombo vya
habari huria na vyenye wigo mpana wa mawazo?
KUWAONGEZEA UHURU SHERIA KALI
ELIMU
SERA BORA
KUONGEZA
6. Je mfumo wa vyombo vya habari huria na vyenye wigo
mpana wa mawazo umesaidia sera za uongozi bora, maendeleo
na kujiamini katika jamii?
UMESAIDIA SANA
HAUKUSAIDIA
UMESAIDIA KIASI TU
7. Je Baraza la Habari limeweza kurasimisha vyombo vya
habari na waandishi kujisimamia wenyewe na sio tu kuogopa
sheria?
LIMEWEZA SANA
JUHUDI ZIONGEZEKE
HALIJASAIDIA HATA KIDOGO
8. Je jamii inajuwa kuwepo kwa Baraza la Habari na kazi
zake?
NDIO
HAPANA
KWA KIASI /WASTANI
81
2. Kwa kiasi gani ukuaji na ongezeko la vyombo vya habari
Tanzania umetegemea sana msukumo toka kwenye taasisi mbalimbali za ndani na nje.
9. Je kunahitajika kuweko chombo kingine huru kabisa ili
kusimamia vyombo vya habari au kilichopo kinatosha?
KILICHOPO KINATOSHA
TUNAHITAJi
HURIA
TUBORESHE MFUMO ULIOPO
CHOMBO
ASANTE KWA USHIRIKI WAKO KATIKA UTAFITI HUU
82
INTERVIEW GUIDES FOR KEY INFORMANTS
1.
How effective are media pluralism and diversity in promoting
social accountability in Tanzania?
2.
What is your perception about the success and challenges of
media pluralism and diversity in Tanzania for the last 20 years?
3.
How effective is self-regulation in promoting social accountability in Tanzania?
4.
What are the solutions to the challenges of media pluralism and
diversity that have been encountered so far?
5.
How can the successes achieved so far in media pluralism and
diversity be consolidated?
6.
Does relying mainly on self-regulation for accountability render
the media vulnerable to negative influence of private ownership
and free market interests?
7.
Although media de-regulation that took place almost 20 years
ago has increased social accountability, what other reforms are
needed in order to have more media accountability to the public?
8.
To what extent is MCT effective in re-enforcing self-regulation
of media houses and their journalists?
9.
Should there be an independent statutory regulatory authority
that would replace the current statutory regulatory authorities
in Tanzania? Why?
10.
To what extent does social accountability of the media also mean
dictating media functioning?
11.
How does the current media environment in Tanzania maintain
a synthesis between thecommercial aspects and obligations towards the society?
83
APPENDIX 2
INTERVIEW GUIDES FOR KEY INFORMANTS (Institutions)
•
What are your institution’s key indicators of quality of
pluralism and diversity?
•
What forums have you built into your system to encourage the
exchange of views?
•
How do you decide the relevant topics to disseminate
information about?
•
How do you ensure that marginalized groups are given voice?
•
How does your institution play the function of the watchdog to
observed political processes?
•
How is editorial content of the media unit linked to ownership?
Methods:
1.
Panel of media Professionals to evaluate indicators of quality
2.
Self-assessment questionnaire (supported by docs about law
and objective data)
3.
Questionnaire on opinion
4.
Statistics on size, (Radio, TV, Newspapers, Production agencies, Market research Units)
5.
In Depth Interviews (Focus groups)
6.
Data on circulation, audiences, access
84
APPENDIX 3-CASE STUDIES
Donors confirm withholding aid to Tanzania
By THE CITIZEN
Posted Wednesday, October 8 2014 at 11:10
It is now official. Development partners (DPs) have not released
even a single dollar out of the $558 million (Sh937 billion), that had
been pledged to boost Tanzania’s 2014/15 Budget.
They will only give it out upon seeing—and being satisfied
with—the outcome of the investigations into the controversial payments of Independent Power Tanzania Limited (IPTL) escrow monies
to Pan Africa Power Solutions Tanzania Limited (PAP).
The DPs chairperson and Finnish Ambassador to Tanzania, Ms
Sinikka Antila, Tuesday confirmed toThe Citizen that the money,
which was meant to support the country’s 2014/15 general budget,
had been suspended, pending the release of the IPTL probe reports.
Ms Antila said the donor community was concerned over how
the escrow monies were paid to the company that claims to have
bought 70 per cent shares of IPTL, which were held by a Malaysian
firm, Mechmar Berhad Corporation.
The donors, said the Finland ambassador, would for the time
being wait for the final CAG report before making any categorical
commitment to support the national budget.
“Budget support development partners in Tanzania take the
emerging IPTL case with the utmost seriousness and are carefully
monitoring its development as the case involves large amounts of
public funds,” she said.
“We meet with the government regularly to discuss budget support issues,” said Ms Antila.
85
Key findings
According to Ms Antila, in March 2014, firm commitments for
budget support in the financial year 2014/15, worth $558 million,
were communicated to the government with the caveat that releases
would be informed by developments in relation to the IPTL case.
She said the DP’s contribution to the budget finances stood at approximately five per cent of the national public expenditure programme.
“Development partners are now awaiting the CAG report and
information about its key findings, as well as a response from government, which will determine our decisions on further disbursements,” said the envoy.
On Sunday, Kigoma South MP David Kafulila (NCCR-Mageuzi),
told reporters that donors, especially those in EU countries, were
withholding funds meant to support the 2014/15 budget pending the
release of the two probe reports on the $250 million in escrow monies,
part of which was paid directly to Pan Africa Power Solutions Tanzania Ltd (PAP) after the company claimed it has bought 70 per cent
shares in IPTL.
“If the government fails to take serious measures against the culprits, it is obvious donors will not release funds,” he said,
Earlier this year, Mr Kafulila took the matter to Parliament following an exposure of the multibillion scandal by The Citizen newspaper.
The MP further threatened that if the government failed to release the two reports, he would move a motion of no-confidence
against either Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda— who also defended
the deal before the House—or the President.
86
Is Tanzania becoming a Mafia state?
http://www.ippmedia.com/frontend/?l=52710
24th March 2013
Whether we choose to behave like the ostrich and bury our
heads into the sand or decide to simply keep silent as if everything
is ‘kazi ya Mungu’ (act of God), the truth still remains very clear:
We have become a Mafia-state where hit men are hired to eliminate
those we see as a threat to ourselves.
Absalom Norman Kibanda, the Managing Editor of the
country’s fourth biggest media house and Tanzania Editors
Forum’s Chairperson, was attacked and tortured on March 5, this
year in what seemed to be a well-coordinated attack.
Kibanda, one of the journalists in Tanzania who have made
powerful enemies as well as friends because of journalistic style of
saying it all as it is, wasn’t aware if on that day he was on the hit
list of evil men given orders to terminate him.
The ambush and attacks against the Chairperson of the
Tanzania Editors Forum on March 5, this year at his home was
another demonstration of how Tanzania is becoming a Mafia state.
On March 10, this year, Kibanda underwent a six-hour facial
surgery in a Johannesburg Hospital but the doctors couldn’t save
his left eye that was punctured by his attackers.
Kibanda’s incident is a replica of what happened to the
Chairperson of the Tanzania Medical Association, Dr Stephen
Ulimboka, who was kidnapped, beaten and brutally tortured
before his body was dumped in a forest some 20km outside the Dar
es Salaam city in June, last year. Dr Ulimboka was the leader of the
countrywide doctors’ strike that put the government at the
crossroads for months last year, after the medics refused to work
demanding better pay and improved working conditions.
Some hours before he was kidnapped, Dr Ulimboka received a
call from a man he had earlier been in contact with who introduced
himself as a security officer from State House with the pseudo
name of Abeid.
The caller said he had a crucial message from the authorities
regarding the doctors’ strike, and the two agreed to meet at a
nearby pub.
87
By Editor
Unaware of what was about to happen that night, Dr Ulimboka
rushed to the pub to meet the so-called Abeid. The two met but, as
they talked, five armed men arrived and grabbed Dr Ulimboka and
drove him away in an unmarked vehicle. They didn’t touch Abeid
and that man is nowhere to be seen; all his mobile numbers have
since been switched off.
Abeid was an undercover man who infiltrated Dr Ulimboka’s
inner circle to gather crucial information, which helped the
kidnappers to execute their mission smoothly.
The kidnaping of Dr Ulimboka, which was a ‘covert operation’
because of the way it was planned and executed in the heart of Dar
es Salaam; it shocked many in Tanzania and succeeded in
frightening the striking doctors. Nearly nine months since this
incidence, police have made no arrests of the real culprits yet. After
the incidence, the doctors’ strike died a natural death -- because all
the doctors were terrified with what happened to their leader. This
is what Richard Belfield, the author of Hitmen and Assassinations,
termed, “Assassinate one, terrify a thousand”.
The doctors’ strike that has clouded the country for six months
suddenly vanished and services in all government hospitals
resumed with doctors requesting the government to grant them
security.
Last year, another journalist, Richard Masatu, was kidnapped,
beaten and tortured in the city of Mwanza on the southern shores
of Lake Victoria.
Massatu died some hours at Mwanza’s regional hospital and
till today, no one has been arrested in connection with his murder.
It’ is claimed that during his kidnaping, Richard Masatu was
chasing a big story in Tanzania’s second largest city of Mwanza.
Some hours before his kidnapping, he received a call from a
man who said he had a big story about the very same subject he
had been chasing for weeks. Unaware that this was just another
ploy, the excited Masatu told his friend that he was meeting a
crucial source and would join them shortly, but that was the end of
his story.
Few hours later his mutilated body was found dumped along
Nyerere Road in Mwanza city with his eyes punctured, his ribs
broken, one of his legs broken and his throat bleeding heavily.
In December, 2007 the editor and founder of the banned local
tabloid, MwanaHalisi newspaper, Saed Kubenea was attacked by
88
On the day of his ordeal, Kubenea’s attackers stormed his office
at round 9pm, and immediately poured a liquid onto his face.
According to a medical report, the liquid was subsequently
described as sulphuric acid -- the “oil of vitriol,” as medieval
alchemists call it and depending on the concentration, it can cause
waste to the human skin as quickly as in a horror movie. It is
believed that even a small drop in the eyes can destroy the cornea
and cause permanent blindness.
After the attack, Kubenea couldn’t open his eyes and his vision
ability went dark as the pain intensified. He was also flown to India
for further treatment.
Last year, police also gunned down one journalist working for
a daily Swahili tabloid in Dar es Salaam; the man was sitting at the
balcony of his house in what the Police later on claimed was
‘friendly’ fire. However, such police claims came four days of
arguments between them and the journalist’s family -- with the
former claiming that the writer was a wanted criminal who was
shot while trying to escape.
When police were given the evidence, which showed that the
man they shot wasn’t even running as they claimed, they then
changed the story and said it was a case of a mistaken identity. But,
for those who knew the inside story, the journalist was the target
after he reported some crime stories which angered some ‘big
brothers’ in society.
It’s not only journalists who have taken the hit in Tanzania.
Politicians, too, especially those seen as a thorn in the flesh of the
ruling elite have taken the hit – some of them poisoned as others
die in mysterious road accidents.
When it comes conspiracy, Tanzanians will remember how the
man who was poised to succeed Julius Nyerere and former Prime
Minister Edward Moringe Sokoinne died in a mysterious accident
on his away to Dar es Salaam on April 12, 1984.
Many Tanzanians refused to believe it was an accident, and
there are some who still call for a thorough investigation of the
89
unknown thugs who threw acid on his face. MwanaHalisi
newspaper, a local Swahili tabloid that was finally banned
indefinitely last year, after it published a detailed story about the
kidnaping and torture of Tanzania Medical Association’s leader Dr
Ulimboka, was one of the tough-talking newspapers that embarked
on watchdog journalism since 2006.
crash. Julius Nyerere did not entirely help to put the rumours to
rest. “Let’s believe it is an accident,” he said of the death of
Sokoine, one of his key allies during the war against corruption and
economic sabotage.
But his voice, eyes and cadence all suggested that he also
questioned the official explanation. Sokoine was known for his
tough stance on corrupt leaders and economic saboteurs that sent
some top leaders to prison between 1980 and 1984, and he had
clearly found enemies within and outside the ruling party.
Beyond road accidents, Tanzanian politicians and prominent
leaders have also suffered poison attacks; the biggest scandal of
such attacks was when the former Central Bank Governor, Daudi
Ballali, was poisoned in Dodoma while attending a parliamentary
session in August, 2007.
The former governor is believed to have threatened to spill the
beans after politicians from the ruling party failed to shield him
against opposition and media attacks on the $500 million two mega
scandals that rocked the bank of Tanzania involving fake external
debt payments and the inflated cost of construction of the famous
twin towers in Dar es Salaam.
At the time of his death, Ballali went to the grave with top
secrets on how billions of shillings were stolen from the Central
Bank of Tanzania to finance elections in corrupt deals, which he
was instructed to execute. That’s why when threatened to spill the
beans, he was forced to early grave.
Sometime before the end of 2011, a cabinet minister, Dr
Harrison Mwakyembe was poisoned, a situation that caused a
skin-disorder forcing the State to fly him to India’s Apollo Hospital
for further treatments.
Dr. Mwakyembe is one of the ministers who have stood firm in
fighting the mighty corrupt politicians within his ruling party since
2008 when he chaired the Parliamentary Committee to investigate
corruption in energy tender that finally led to the resignation of
Prime Minister, Edward Lowassa, and two cabinet ministers.
His report brought what President Jakaya Kikwete described as
political storm to the current regime. This report popularly known
as “Richmond saga” ended the political partnership between
President Kikwete and his former ally, Edward Lowassa, the man
who want to be the next President in 2015.
Three years after the report, the man behind it suffers
90
poisonous attack, with some security analysts believe was
imported from Russia. Dr Mwakyembe who is currently the most
powerful Minister in President Kikwete’s cabinet survived to tell
his tales.
Police quickly concluded that the murder was love affair
revenge, but it turned out, the murder, was a well- planned attack
aimed at eliminating the Police Chief who was an obstacle to
criminals including drug dealers in the country.
Whether measured by the number of the victims or their
magnitudes, these attacks simply show how Tanzania, a once
considered peaceful and democratic nation is becoming a mafia
state with hitmen and their paymasters paid to eliminate or silence
those threatening the untouchable.
In 1990s, the most notorious attack against politicians and
journalists was acid, but as time went on, the hitmen have changed
their module operandi. They can kidnap you, with their faces being
masked and fully armed with high-tech weapons then drive you in
unmarked vehicle to the destination of their choice, where you will
be beaten, tortured or killed.
If the State is not involve in some of these attacks, it means
there are individuals who have the capacity to carry out the highly
sophisticated operation in the eyes of security agencies.
To put things into perspective, if these attacks are planned and
executed by individuals, it means that Tanzania is becoming Mafia
state.
A medical doctor leading the strike against the government is
kidnapped, beaten and tortured. A journalist following a story
against organised crime involving some government officials is
kidnapped, beaten and finally dies in the hospital few hours after
he was found dumped on the roadside.
A cabinet Minister who is anti-corruption crusader within the
ruling party is poisoned in one of the most complicated crime. The
Chairperson of the Tanzania’s Editors Forum and Managing Editor
of New Habari is ambushed, beaten and tortured heavily by
gunmen.
These well-coordinated attacks have something in common: To
91
Before the end of last year made the Police Chief in Lake
Victoria region was gunned down in the morning of October 13—in
one of the most complicated murder episode, which so far has only
been narrated partly.
silence, threaten or eliminate those who anger the mighty within
the state as well as the criminal gangs.
Though all these individuals have private life that can also be
connected to their tragedies, what worries many is the magnitude
and similarities of the attacks directed to the victims.
As one security analyst put it, “If there’s such well organised
private hit squad in Tanzania that can plan and execute all these
assassination assignments then the nation has become a Mafia
state” where hit-men are hired to eliminate the threats.
SOURCE: GUARDIAN ON SUNDAY
92
Two Tanzanian newspapers banned over
"seditious articles"
https://www.ifex.org/tanzania/2013/10/01/seditious_articles/
The government of Tanzania has banned two widely-read
newspapers, Mwananchi and Mtanzania, for allegedly publishing
seditious articles. The ban came into effect on Friday, 27 September
2013.
At a press conference, the government's Information Services
Director, Assah Mwambene, said the newspapers had also been
banned because they carried articles which were likely to force
citizens to mistrust their government.
A government gazette number 333 of September 2013 bans
Mwananchi for 14 days and Mtanzania for 90 days. Mwambene
made reference to several stories published by both newspapers
and said these stories had not met minimum ethical standards,
hence the ban.
One such story, entitled "New Government Salary Scheme 2013",
appeared the 17 July edition of Mwananchi and is said to have been
based on an official document that was not for public consumption.
Mtanzania is said to have published, in its 20 March edition, an
article suggesting the president of Tanzania had blood on his
hands. The article was titled "Urais Damu", which translates to
"The Bloody Presidency". On June 12, the newspaper is said to have
also published an article titled "The Revolution is Inevitable".
Mwambene alleges these articles were aimed at inciting violence.
A coalition of human rights defenders in Tanzania is meeting today
(30 September) to craft a response to the ban of the two
newspapers.
The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) has condemned the
ban on both Mwananchi and Mtanzania. MISA's Regional
Programme Specialist for Media Freedom Monitoring & Research,
Levi Kabwato, said the organisation will engage with relevant
government authorities in Tanzania in order to map a way forward.
93
1 October 2013, Media Institute of Southern Africa
“We are extremely worried with what's happening in Tanzania.
September is the anniversary month of the brutal killing of Daudi
Mwangosi, an issue that is still to be adequately addressed. There
have been several other concerns, such as the banning of
Mwanahalisi, which have also not been addressed,” Kabwato said.
He added: “The recent ban on Mwananchi and Mtanzania, points to
a country that is following a disturbing trend. We therefore urge
the government of Tanzania to carefully consider its actions
towards the media, recognise the information needs of the people
of Tanzania and to engage with the media accountability bodies
which exist in the country as a way of dealing with various
concerns that may arise from time to time.”
Tanzania continues to use the outdated and repressive legislation
such as the 1976 Newspaper Act and the National Security Act of
1970 to muzzle the press and block access information in the
country. Calls have been made to reform these laws and align them
with the Constitution and other human rights instruments.
In January this year, Tanzania president, Jakaya Kikwete, vowed
not to unban the weekly newspaper, MwanaHalisi. The newspaper
was banned in July 2012. Kikwete said the newspaper would
remain banned because his government does not condone breach
of peace incited by the media.
“We will not unban MwanaHalisi newspaper because inciting the
army to commit treason isn't the kind of journalism that we want,”
Kikwete was quoted as saying by various Tanzanian media at the
time.
94
KEY INFORMANTS
Fatma Alloo- TAMWA
Abdullah Hassan Mitawi- ZBC
Chande Omar- ZBC
Rashid Kombo- ZJMMC
Salim Said Salim- Veteran Journalist
Hasina Hamadi- ZBC
Mohamed Seif Hatibu- Media Owner
Winfrida Mayao- Zenj FM
Ernest Ambali- Veteran
Marie Shaba- TAMWA
Gladis Munuo- TAMWA/GEMSA
Gasirigwa Sengiyumva- MISA-TAN
Ndimara Tegamwage- Veteran
Eda Sanga- Veteran
Prof Masha Lwanyantika- Veteran
Calvin Jalala- Radio Free Africa
Dr Anthony Diallo- Media Owner
David Mrisho- St Augustine University
Dr. Faustin Lwambali- Sahara Media Group
Doto Bulendu- Star TV
Hadija Liganga- Actitist (Kivulini)
Hassan Mrope- Activist (Kivulini)
Abdallah Katunzi- DSJ
Edda Sanga- Veteran
Vincent Mpepo- Open Universityof Tanzania
95
96

MCT-Training Manual-Volatile - Media Council of Tanzania Website

Transcription

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