A Social Analysis of Bhutan`s approach to development

Transcription

THE UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM
School of Public Policy
International Development Department
Gross National Happiness
or
Gross National Product?
A Social Analysis of Bhutan’s approach to development
A Dissertation for Master Science Degree in
Rural Development
Alberto Rognoni
Supervisor: Robert Leurs
2003/2004
Word count: 11,721 (main text)
"There are in the heart of the vast Himalayas
some strange market places where one can barter
the whirlwind of life for infinite wisdom"
Milarepa, 11th Century
ii
Acknowledgment
First I would like to thank the People of Bhutan for their warm welcome and for their
openness and co-operation, meeting them has been a life experience.
The Centre for Bhutan Studies, as my host institute, has kindly accepted to support me
in my field work, not only taking care of all formalities and logistics related to my trip to
Bhutan, but guiding me in my understanding along this initial journey across Bhutan’s culture,
tradition, perspective and development process.
Special thanks also to Helvetas Bhutan, Michael Rutland and the association Amici del
Bhutan for their support.
The International Development Department (IDD) of the University of Birmingham
has of course made this work possible, guiding me in my learning throughout the course,
thanks to the contribution of the whole academic and post-graduate office staff.
Nevertheless, the usual disclaimers apply, the responsibility for errors and omissions is
solely mine.
iii
Executive Summary
Bhutan is attracting a considerable amount of interest from the international
development world. The country has recently been developing at quite a fast pace. In fact,
forty years back, the social structure, value system and life style of the majority of Bhutanese
did not differ very much from that of their ancestors around 1500.
In addition, the country’s leadership have developed unique development strategies
based on the concept of Gross National Happiness, as an alternative to conventional
development approaches.
The aggregate impact of nation building, low interdependence with other cultures, and
absence of colonial domination, cannot be overemphasised. It resulted in a strong sense of
identity, self-reliant traditions, self-confidence and a powerful vision that are at the basis of
today policy making, thus leading Bhutanese to drive their own development process.
While economic growth is essential, it is not an end in itself, but one amongst many
means of achieving holistic development, which in turn is defined as a process where the key
concept is “balance”.
A particular challenge in Bhutan’s approach is the concept of being traditional and
modern, static and dynamic at the same time.
Recognizing that a wide range of factors contributes to human well-being and
happiness, the country has identified four major areas as the main pillars: economic growth
and development; preservation and promotion of cultural heritage; preservation and
sustainable use of environment; and good governance.
iv
Gross National Happiness (GNH) is defined as the overarching philosophy and
guideline of development, a bridge over the gap between values and development, the single
unifying concept of development that does not reject material progress, rather takes it as a
precondition. GNH starts where GDP ends, as a reflection of Bhutan’s vision on the purpose
of human life.
Regardless of any economic and development model, unlimited continuous growth
and people happiness are two different things. Many dismiss the latter as romantic, wellmeaning but pointless idealism. Nevertheless, there is a clear need to re-place people and
people’s needs at the core of any model. If people’s broad priority is happiness, that should be
the wide objective of public policies, adapted to any different circumstances and context, and
that seems to be exactly what GNH is all about.
Bhutan is not primarily concerned with methodologies and measurements. On the
contrary, attention is on principles and values, starting from a broad and shared vision and
then deriving policies and strategies. Measurements are simply considered tools that can be
devised and tuned once the main path is set. This is also reflected in GNH being a philosophy,
a unifying principle, not a specific methodology. On the contrary, different methodologies
could possibly be adapted to GNH.
The concept goes beyond a conventional development state whose objective is
precisely development, while justice and happiness are understood to be a consequence. In a
GNH state, happiness is the objective while development is a means towards it.
The GNH concept is not developed sufficiently to provide operational guidelines and
an evaluative framework for policy formulation, policy assessment and implementation.
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Nevertheless it is being operationalised by defining a commonly shared vision whose
principles are to be kept central to the nation’s path.
The country is going through a process of participatory development based on
bottom-up policy-making with possibly no equal in both the developed and developing world,
particularly because ordinary people are directly involved into policy making on a nation-wide
scale. However, the process still presents both deeply participative and very top-down
characteristics at the same time. Of course the process is ongoing and developing, nevertheless
such contrasting aspects combined with a considerable level of achievements represent an
interesting aspect to be underlined.
The GNH concept is still being discussed and further defined, thus not being fully
operationalised yet. Nevertheless, it represent Bhutan’s socio-cultural challenge, within an
impressive participatory, empowering and democratisation exercise.
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgment ................................................................................................................................... iii
Executive Summary...............................................................................................................................iv
Acronyms................................................................................................................................................ ix
1
Introduction.................................................................................................................................... 1
2
Methodology .................................................................................................................................. 3
3
Country Background and Modern Development Approach .................................................. 4
4
5
3.1
Economic Growth and Development............................................................................... 6
3.2
Preservation and Promotion of Cultural Heritage........................................................... 7
3.3
Preservation and Sustainable Use of Environment......................................................... 8
3.4
Good Governance................................................................................................................ 8
Gross National Happiness .........................................................................................................10
4.1
The Concept........................................................................................................................10
4.2
Rationale and Origins.........................................................................................................12
4.3
Operationalising GNH ......................................................................................................18
4.4
The GNH Challenge..........................................................................................................24
Gross National Happiness: A Social Analysis Perspective....................................................29
5.1
Bhutan: Key Social Units and Axes of Social Difference.............................................30
Household, family and extended family...................................................................................30
Society and nation state. .............................................................................................................30
Class...............................................................................................................................................31
Age .................................................................................................................................................31
Gender...........................................................................................................................................33
Ethnicity........................................................................................................................................33
5.2
GNH: Participatory Development...................................................................................34
Passive participation....................................................................................................................34
Participation for information giving and consultation...........................................................35
Participation for material incentives .........................................................................................35
Functional participation..............................................................................................................35
Interactive participation..............................................................................................................36
Self-mobilisation ..........................................................................................................................36
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Discussion.....................................................................................................................................36
5.3
GNH: Professionalism, Processes and Organisations ..................................................38
Professionalism ............................................................................................................................39
Process ..........................................................................................................................................40
Organisation .................................................................................................................................42
Discussion.....................................................................................................................................43
6
Conclusions ..................................................................................................................................45
Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................48
Appendices ............................................................................................................................................58
A.
Typology of participation.......................................................................................................59
B.
Aggregate forms on professionalism, processes and organisations.................................61
C.
Millennium Development Goals indicators ........................................................................66
D.
Royal Government of Bhutan Statistics ..............................................................................71
E.
Economic, Social and Environment Statistics....................................................................75
F.
Poverty Monitoring Indicators and Targets........................................................................80
G.
Human Development Indicators (UNDP 2003)................................................................82
H. Apparent quality-of-life in 67 nations in the 1990s (World Database of Happiness
WDH 2003).......................................................................................................................................90
viii
Acronyms
ADB -
Asian Development Bank
GDP -
Gross Domestic Product
GNH -
GPI
-
Genuine Progress Index
HDI
-
Human Development Index
HLY -
Happy Life Years
MDGs -
Millennium Development Goals
PD
Participatory Development
-
RGoB -
Royal Government of Bhutan
WDH -
World Database of Happiness
WVS -
World Values Surveys
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1
Introduction
The general aim of this dissertation is to discuss and analyse Bhutan’s approach
to development and more specifically the concept of Gross National Happiness, which
is at its core. The intent is to provide a Social Analysis perspective of the ongoing
process, which is turning upside down some of the conventional approaches to
development. Thus as a contribution to the debate and possibly to the process as a
whole.
Chapter two will describe the methodology applied.
Chapter three will provide a concise country background, and will briefly define
the four pillars of modern development approach: economy, culture, environment and
governance.
Chapter four will analyse and discuss the concept of Gross National Happiness,
its rationale, origins, the present operationalising phase, and main challenge.
Chapter five will assess Bhutan’s development process from a Social Analysis
perspective. Peculiar key social units and axes of social difference will be underlined.
The level of participation of the whole process will be assessed. Finally, the concept will
be analysed against advocated paradigm shifts in terms of professionalism, processes
and organisations.
Chapter six will summarise a general conclusion.
Two are the main challenges embedded in this research. On the one hand, the
discussion and analysis of the process requires a broad understanding of Bhutan’s
history and culture. On the other hand, the analysis may be useful and appropriate if
1
conventional development frameworks and tools are adapted to the concept and not the
other way around.
2
2
Methodology
The dissertation is based on a literature review integrated with field work in
Bhutan.
Secondary information has been drawn from the extensive literature available on
the topic, which is mainly accessible from the Centre for Bhutan Studies’ website.
Additional publications, both specific to Bhutan’s topic or concerning relevant
development issues, have been collected from other different sources.
Primary information have been collected during the field work that took place
between 2nd and 16th September 2004 thanks to the hosting institute, the Centre for
Bhutan Studies. People involved in Bhutan’s development process have been
interviewed at different levels: ordinary people in both urban and rural settings; people’s
elected representatives; local administrators involved in the operationalisation of the
concept; researchers who are contributing to the process; and top leaders and members
of Bhutan’s government who are amongst the group of thinkers who developed the
Gross National Happiness concept.
The Social Analysis perspective have been based on frameworks and tools which
were part of the course material at the University. They are provided in appendices and
are at the base of a call for paradigm shifts in today’s development debate.
The whole review and analysis is based on qualitative methodology, which
entails a degree of “personal best judgement”.
3
3
Country Background and Modern Development Approach
Bhutan is described as the country moving from the feudalism of the Middle
Age directly to the new millennium (Rutland 2002). In fact, forty years back, the social
structure, value system and life style of the majority of Bhutanese did not differ very
much from that of their ancestors around 1500 (Priesner 1999, 25).
The country began to emerge from isolation, a result of deliberate strategies
rather than formidable physical barriers (Priesner 199, 35), and enter the modern world
after the 1950s, trying to go in few decades through a process, which took some
centuries in Europe (Gupta 1999, 28-32; UNICEF 2004).
Bhutan’s approach is not totally extraneous to what the World Commission on
Culture and Development (UNESCO) defines as “endogenous development open to
the outside” which fosters cultural values instead of being prejudicial to them, where
culture is indeed the source and the ultimate goal of development (Aris and Hutt 1994,
9). One of the main reasons for Bhutan’s recent rapid development is the primacy of
Bhutanese culture, which “has been a source of defining development strategies of one’s
own choice and pace” (Karma Ura 2004).
The aggregate impact of nation building, low interdependence with other
cultures, and absence of colonial domination, cannot be overemphasised. It resulted in a
strong sense of identity, self-reliant traditions, self-confidence and a powerful vision that
are at the basis of today policy making, thus leading Bhutanese to drive the development
process, with foreign “experts” strictly considered as advisors with no influence on
decision-making, and foreign aid sought or welcomed only when it fits into local policies
(Priesner 1999, 27 and 35-36).
4
While economic growth is essential, it is not an end in itself, but one amongst
many means of achieving holistic development, which in turn is defined as a process
where the key concept is “balance”: balance between material and non-material needs of
individuals and society (RGoB 2001, 4); balance between tradition and modernisation
(UNICEF 2004); balance between economic development and environment
conservation (RGoB 2000, 30); balance between capitalist and socialist models (Rizal
2002, 63); in short “The Middle Path”.
Well-being cannot be measured by merely economic indicators, as observed by
the World Bank: Bhutan should be considered one of the few countries where the
quality of life of its people is higher than would be expected from traditional
development indicators (RGoB 2000a, 16-17). Bhutanese people are just as preoccupied
with material acquisition as most other people, but they balance that with a strong sense
of the ideal of sufficiency inherent in their value system. The “awareness of sufficiency”,
or “contentment”, or “satisfaction”, are fundamental to Buddhist teaching (Aris and
Hutt 1994, 19).
A particular challenge in Bhutan’s approach is the concept of being traditional
and modern, static and dynamic at the same time, “Bhutan would be a beacon to the
world relaying the message that it is possible to be the same while being distinctly
different” (RGoB 2000b, 70).
Recognizing that a wide range of factors contributes to human well-being and
happiness, the country has identified four major areas as the main pillars (RGoB 2001,
4).
5
3.1 Economic Growth and Development
The main developments in recent decades have been the tax reform in 1954; the
land reform in 1979; the introduction of an environmental law; the liberalisation of
trade; the promotion of industrial and hydropower projects (Aris and Hutt 1994, 37-38);
thus gradually moving the country from a barter to a monetary economy (Ibid., 140).
Notwithstanding a focus on people and a dominance of social and cultural
values, the country started its own structural adjustment programme in the 1990s,
generally characterised by liberalisation, privatisation and reforms in banking and
financial sectors (Rizal 2002, 188).
A series of measures were set to prevent extreme urban-migration: land reform;
improvement of rural access starting with farm and feeder roads; moving basic services
like health, education, capacity building, financial and marketing to rural areas instead of
moving people; a safety net mechanism (RGoB 2001, 32-35).
Investments in those industrial sectors having higher potential, hydropower
above all, are care of the state. The development of a private sector is facilitated through
provision of financial services, enhanced trade liberalisation (RGoB 2001, 44), policies
supporting foreign direct investment, lowered tariff and reduced or abolished sales tax
and custom duty (ADB 2003b, 4).
Family planning and all related initiatives are the means for reducing the
noticeable population growth rate (RGoB 2001, 40). Social sector spending, presently
amounting at 26 per cent of government resources, is the highest in Southern Asia and
surpasses the 20 per cent benchmark set by the World Summit on Social Development
in 1994 (UNICEF 2004).
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More statistical data are provided in the appendices.
3.2 Preservation and Promotion of Cultural Heritage
A concept, interchangeably defined as “culture”, “religion”, “identity” or
“tradition”, potentially accommodating a whole complex of spiritual, material,
intellectual and emotional aspects and values, is at the base of Bhutan’s social, political
and economic life (Aris and Hutt 1994, 17-18).
Assimilating changes due to increasing exposure to the world, without losing the
country’s intact and unique culture and identity is one of the main challenges facing the
country today, which requires that the value of cultural heritage be interpreted in
dynamic and development-oriented terms.
The diffusion of trans-national global culture can set in motion forces of silent
dissolution of local languages, knowledge, beliefs, customs, trades, institutions and
communities. On the contrary, traditional values and the quality of social relations lie at
the root of happiness, supporting as well positive social change and linking the
individual and the society at large as an effective social security net (RGoB 2001, 28-29).
Moreover, for Bhutan “lacking military might or economic strength, cultural
identity is a means to give security”, and it is this perception which informs many of the
policies for development planning and implementation (Rutland 2002).
The government is promoting and protecting Bhutan’s cultural heritage by
enforcing traditional lifestyle and behaviour, including a national dress, traditional
building style, the ability to speak read and write Dzongkha, good knowledge of culture,
7
customs, tradition and history of Bhutan (Aris and Hutt 1994, 17-18), and strict
conditions for acquiring citizenship (Ramakant and Misra 1996, 83-84).
3.3 Preservation and Sustainable Use of Environment
Bhutan is one of the world's ten ecological 'hot spots' (Gupta 1999, 90), and that
is due to the traditional reverence for nature, which has influenced the country’s
environmental ethics and practice long before global concerns for environment were
raised.
Modern legislation may indeed weaken the informal arrangements built up in
centuries by local communities, which often embody a profound understanding of local
ecosystems (RGoB 2000b, 67). On the contrary, Bhutan is reaffirming the supremacy of
a holistic approach to environment and conservation, based on traditional values, with
the aim of turning biodiversity from a constraint into an opportunity. Moreover,
national accounts system should be “greened” to include environmental satellite
accounts (RGoB 2000b, 65).
3.4 Good Governance
It was the third King (1952-1972), the “Father of Modern Bhutan”, who started
a new development process, gradually establishing a National Assembly, a High Court, a
Council of Ministers, abolishing serfdom and bonded labour, separating legislative,
executive and judiciary powers, codifying the law, surrendering the King’s veto power to
the National Assembly, taking Bhutan out of feudalism (Gupta 1999, 27-28).
8
Under the actual fourth King, in power since 1972. The process continued with
a systematic decentralisation of power based on the King’s personal understanding: “I
do not believe that monarchy is the best system of government because the person who
holds the high office of King does not reach that position because of merit” (Basu 2003,
113), and “the principles and ideals of democracy are inherently good, and a democratic
system is desirable for Bhutan. If the lessons of some democracies are not encouraging,
it is not because the concept of democracy is flawed: it is because of mismanagement
and corruption by those who practice it” (RGoB 2001, 6).
Bhutan’s system is based on a public administration supporting a three level
form of people representation: the Block Development Committee, that is group of
villages; the District Development Committee; and the National Assembly. Central
principles, already in practice, therefore are: decentralisation; representation and
participation; improved organisational culture; a shift from a sector approach towards a
system based on Block needs; decreased central bureaucracy (RGoB 2001, 22-27).
The process is ongoing, it represents a formidable challenge, the devolution of
responsibilities and competencies has already gone a long way, but still under strict
central control to guide it, nevertheless moving towards what Gupta (1999, 50) defined
as a greater emphasis on participation than representation.
9
4
This chapter will introduce the concept of GNH, provide an insight into its
origins and discuss the way it is being operationalised, including an analysis of its major
challenges.
4.1 The Concept
Overall happiness can be defined as feeling good, enjoying life and feeling it is
wonderful, (Layard 2003a, 4), the sum of satisfaction with the life domains (Veenhoven
quoted in Donnelly 2004, 388), a cognitive comparison between life as it is and how it
should be (Veenhoven 2004, 331). Happiness is subjective, its defining characteristic
being a feeling of inner satisfaction (Bracho 2004, 518). Going back to Aristotle, it could
be argued that, once basic needs are satisfied, only the foolish derive happiness from
merely material riches. On the other end melancholy is a characteristic of the genius
(Angelino and Salvaneschi 1981).
Within Bhutan’s approach, happiness is the ultimate thing all human beings
want, while other things are wanted only as a means to its increase (Thinley 1999b, 13).
Gross National Happiness (GNH) is defined as the overarching philosophy and
guideline of development, a bridge over the gap between values and development, the
single unifying concept of development that does not reject material progress, rather
takes it as a precondition (Pankaj and Dorji 2004, 447-448). GNH starts where GDP
ends (Bandyopadhyay 2004, 261), as a reflection of Bhutan’s vision on the purpose of
human life (Bracho 2004, 535), thus emphasising that development should serve people
and not the other way round (Hitata 2004, 568).
10
The broad concept of national or public happiness is not new. To give a few
examples, in 1749 Muratori in his book titled “Della Pubblica Felicità” described the
objective of public policy as seeking the best economic means to achieve public
happiness (Dixon 2000, 239), a theory further elaborated in the 1760s by utilitarian
Neapolitan economists like Genovesi and Palmieri (Ibid.). In the eighteen century
Bentham and others proposed that the object of public policy should be to maximise
the sum of happiness in society, so economics evolved as the study of utility or
happiness, which was assumed to be in principle measurable and comparable across
people (Layard 2003a, 2). Neoclassical economists of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth century, Edgeworth, Jevons and Wicksteed amongst others, considered
themselves utilitarians, elaborating a substantial mental state which may sometimes be
measured (Dixon 2000, 239; Priesner 1999, 50). Even before the development of the
concept of utilitarianism, Mill and Edgewoth defined society’s objective as the greatest
happiness of the greatest number, objectively measurable through their “felicific
calculus” (Whitehouse and Winderl 2004, 471). In diverse spiritual and native traditions
terms such as “ananda”, “samadhi”, “nirvana”, “maripa” and “oriwaka”, have been
referring to the greatest state of happiness as the yardstick of human realisation (Bracho
2004, 518).
However, since World War II the notion of utility was rejected on the grounds
that satisfaction, pleasure and happiness are purely subjective and not scientifically
measurable (Dixon 2000, 239). Behaviourism was the intellectual and economic climate
of the 1930s, neglecting the study of feelings (Layard 2003a, 3). Most probably, it was
not the concept of public happiness in itself to be rejected, but the assumed difficulties
or impossibility of measuring it led towards more practicable directions.
11
Things are nevertheless changing. While for Bhutan putting GNH at the core of
the country’s development approach seems to be perfectly in line with the traditional
lifestyle and culture, in the West economists from different backgrounds believe that
happiness should take a more central role in economics once again. More than 200 years
after Muratori’s arguments, it may be time for economists to re-evaluate the foundations
of their theories (Dixon 2000, 240). The change in economics, including a better
integration with psychology, anthropology and social science, advocated for by the
London School of Economics (Layard 2003a, b, c) is telling. The basic reasons for
keeping, or re-placing, happiness at the centre of development theories are briefly
discussed in the next chapter.
4.2 Rationale and Origins
Development and economics models are increasingly under critique, from both
perspectives of advanced societies and poor countries trying to develop.
Economic growth and measurable indicators have become the ends of
conventional development theories and practices, models have been developed by
advanced societies and widely exported to poor countries, nevertheless no one seems to
be happy with the resulting outcome. According to Galtung (2003), no government is
doing what people are asking for or expecting, even the more democratic ones.
Examples of development failures, especially within developing countries, are more
frequent and widespread than successful cases (Hargens 2002, 25).
In the West, societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer (Layard
2003b, 3). There is a general agreement on the often quoted Esterlin paradox stating
12
that once people’s basic needs are satisfied, further increases in income and purchasing
power does not lead to increased satisfaction or happiness (Faris 2004, 151), on the
contrary, moral vacuum, insecurity and more stress are frequent by-products (Layard
2003c, 7 and 16). Several recent studies support such arguments (Binswanger 2003).
Classical economics’ base-concept of free competition for scarce and limited
material resources has been taken beyond any limit, happy is the one who consumes
more resources. Making money has become the objective regardless of values, forgetting
Adam Smith’s argument that markets cannot function without ethics and morals
(Tideman 2001). According to Noble Price economist Douglass North, economic
theory is missing an understanding of human relationships (Ibid.). In addition, unlike
ordinary capital, intellectual capital is not subject to physical limits, intangible values are
stored in the mind, free of physical constraints and therefore potentially of unlimited
supply, thus not requiring any competition (Ibid.).
Moreover, beyond a certain threshold, markets can only grow by
“problematising” present circumstances and delivering appropriate consumer products
(Hershok 2004, 67). The debt-based financial system, shared by the majority of national
economies, creates instability and pressure towards constant growth, regardless of needs
and desires of the population. Its extension into the field of development has led to the
disaster of the third world debt (Rowbotham 2004, 182). Agricultural land use, where
food exports have priority over needs for local consumption, combined with food trade
and transport policies, where near identical products criss-cross the planet in the name
of “trade is good”, are damaging different ecosystems and producing incalculable wastes
(Ibid. 184-185).
13
Many advocate for development alternatives, or even alternatives to
development (Ueda 2004, 634-635). While some argue for no alternative between
capitalism and socialism, others define neoclassical economics as disregarding external
reality and call for “real life economics” or “post-autistic economics” (Rowbotham
2004, 187 and 213). Even the concept of sustainability is ironically questioned: “… the
world needs restoration first. After all, who really wants to sustain the mess we live in
now?” (Cunninghan quoted in Bracho 2004, 520).
Purely material aspects are just a part of the whole picture of development, thus
calling for more attention on values, relationships and the intangible (Kaplan 1999),
going back from today “I buy therefore I am” to the original “cogito ergo sum”
(Sivaraska 2004, 497); or, in Erich Fromm language, from “having” to “being”
(Tideman 2001, 7). After all, a long time ago Aristotle stated that wealth is not the good
we are seeking, for it is merely useful for the sake of something else (UNDP 2001, 9).
Regardless of any economic and development model, unlimited continuous
growth and people happiness are two different things. Many dismiss the latter as
romantic, well-meaning but pointless idealism (Bashi 2004, 207). Nevertheless, there is a
clear need to re-place people and people’s needs at the core of any model. If people’s
broad priority is happiness, that should be the wide objective of public policies, adapted
to any different circumstances and context, and that seems to be exactly what GNH is
all about.
According to Thinley (1999b, 13-14), the academic community has not
developed the appropriate tools to look at happiness, dismissing as an utopian and
subjective issue, one of the primary human values and the primary goal of development.
14
Consequently, social and economic policies have not been designed explicitly to address
happiness which is not a direct concern of government and international agencies. That
is sharply contrasting with the daily quest for happiness of each individual human being.
Bhutan’s approach, on the basis of traditional values, culture and lifestyle,
complemented with an analysis of world-wide empirical experience, turns upside down
the conventional concept of development. Economic growth loses its centrality, it is not
anymore the goal but an initial necessary precondition in order to satisfy human basic
material needs. Once survival is assured it becomes then a tool, or one of the means, for
achieving broad human development, for satisfying human basic spiritual or intellectual
needs towards happiness, the ultimate end. Interestingly enough, this approach is in line
with UNDP’s 1990 proposal to remove economic dimension from the centre to the
means level (Priesner 1999, 47).
From a western conventional perspective, once the primacy of cultural, moral,
ethical, spiritual and intangible aspects of human development is accepted, the issue of
measurement and indicators arise. It is a western linear way of thinking to measure
where processes start, then monitor how far they are leading to, but reality is not linear,
is whole, circular (Thinley 1999b, 19). Most used development indicators measure things
that can be quantified by assigning monetary weightings, qualitative distinctions are then
excluded (Tideman 2001), subjective aspects are by definition not considered, neither
are equality and resource distribution (Bracho 2004, 520). Apart from a wide range
critique concerning claimed scientific methodologies in data collection surveys, a more
conceptual debate regards the appropriateness of the primarily used indicator for social
well-being and economic growth, the Gross National Product (GNP). Such critiques
15
maintain that, not only the GNP is nothing more than the measure of the money that
changes hands (RGoB 2000b, 11), or the measure of everything except what makes life
worthwhile (Robert Kennedy quoted in Colman and Sagebien 2004, 298), but it counts
many social negatives as positive, and also fails to count social services enhancing social
well-being, as well as degradation of critical assets and intangible factors (Dixon 2004,
105). According to The Atlantic Monthly (quoted in Bracho 2004, 519) those
shortcomings explain why “GDP is up and America is down”, and why by the curious
standards of the GDP, the nation’s economic hero is a terminal cancer patient going
through a costly divorce. The importance accorded to the GDP is explained by Marshall
with the simple formula of ignoring everything that cannot be weighted and assuming
common standards for all individuals, as to say that looking for something under the
light is easier even if there is nothing to be seen there (Johnson 2004, 547-548). To sum
up, Layard, at the London School of Economics defined the GDP as a hopeless
measure of welfare (2003a, 2).
The question therefore is: does this way of measuring human processes really
help as a tool towards defined goals, or on the contrary it has become an end in itself,
producing as well a misconceived picture of the reality?
Bhutan’s approach once again turns the concept upside down. It does not just
add qualitative variables to the list of quantitative ones (Hargens 2002, 29).
Measurements and indicators are removed from the centre stage. Cultural, moral,
ethical, spiritual and intangible aspects are not measurable, they have to be judged by the
people according to their own specific understanding. By any decency it is for the owner
of the emotion to decide the adequacy of definition and measurement (Galtung 2003).
16
Moreover, if happiness is defined by outsiders or through a rigid framework, then some
criteria that at least some people consider critical will inevitably be left out (Sivaraksa
2004, 501). Once again people are central and their values are the core, as Protagoras
said, “man is the measure of all things” (Galtung 2003). There seems to be even a sense
of genuine proud-ness in Bhutanese people talking about GNH as a non-quantifiable
development objective (Thinley 1999b, 13), as a way to further underline the primacy of
spiritual values on material aspects. After all, if indicators may be determined for
intangible domains those are not intangible anymore. People may instead may well be
able to make judgements on them. But one should be careful, that is not to say that
GNH completely rejects the concept of measurements and indicators, as discussed
below.
In conclusion, the concept of GNH has been part of Bhutanese discourse since
long time, as a component of local culture, history and lifestyle. It was formalised by the
actual King in the late 1980s (Priesner 1999), and is being complemented through an
analysis of the world’s development experiences, where it is not only the no-global
movement to underline existing tensions between GNP and public broad well-being
(Zucconi 2004). Bhutan went through a socio-political process, from middle-age
feudalism to authoritarian monarchy, then to a development state within an enlightened
monarchy, and is now moving from a development to a GNH state (Mancall 2004a, 2932). GNH then arises out of the very nature of Bhutanese history and polity, and it is at
the same time a reflection of that historical experience and a description of the future
path (Ibid., 36-37). The next chapter will, therefore, analyse how Bhutan is
operationalising GNH.
17
4.3 Operationalising GNH
As already mentioned, Bhutan is not primarily concerned with methodologies
and measurements. On the contrary, attention is on principles and values, starting from
a broad vision and then deriving policies and strategies. That is not to say that
measurements are totally neglected. They are simply considered tools that can be
devised and tuned once the main path is set. Priority is then given to where to go and
particularly why, rather than how fast, or doing the right thing rather than doing
anything right (Whitehouse and Winderl 2004, 469). This is also reflected in GNH being
a philosophy, a unifying principle, not a specific methodology. On the contrary,
different methodologies could possibly be adapted to GNH.
In addition, Bhutanese culture is pervaded by values, spirituality, subjectivity and
intangible aspects. Compared with most western cultures, the Bhutanese may be more
accustomed to deal with such evasive aspects of life. They are therefore not disturbed by
the un-quantifiable, neither do they need to precisely weigh everything. Subjective
evaluation may well do, after all, happiness is a subjective value, scientific reductionism
may not apply.
Bhutan is building a GNH state on the basis of a vision ensuing from cultural
values, thus requiring a specific set of tools and instruments because it means creating a
kind of polity and economy which is different from socialist, liberal or free market states
(Karma Ura 2004). The concept goes beyond a conventional development state whose
objective is precisely development, while justice and happiness are understood to be a
consequence. In a GNH state, happiness is the objective while development is a means
18
towards it (Mancall 2004a, 21). Moreover, the GNH state assumes primary
responsibility for creating a society where disruptive conditions are minimised and
progress towards happiness are not impeded by un-necessary suffering. Departing from
conventional neo-liberal views, such a task is not left with the private sector or the
market; they are only means to an end for which the state is ultimately responsible
(Ibid., 35). This may be viewed as a step forwards compared to Sen’s capabilities
approach, as to say that happiness could be explained as the ultimate capability, or the
sum of all capabilities, a society has to provide to all individuals, for them then to make
use of it.
The process of building the GNH state is ongoing. Bhutanese planners and
policy-makers continue therefore to reflect further, and one of their tasks is to challenge
the value of accepted theories and practices of development world-wide (Karma Ura
2004). While, indeed, two main components of the GNH state are already in place and
further developing, i.e. the institutions created during several decades of development
and modernisation, and its personnel in the form of the Civil Service; specific
operational aspects still need to be defined (Mancall 2004a, 34). The GNH concept is
not developed sufficiently to provide operational guidelines and an evaluative
framework for policy formulation, policy assessment and implementation (Wangchuk
2004b). Nevertheless it is being operationalised by defining a commonly shared vision
whose principles are to be kept central to the nation’s path.
Bhutan elaborated its own vision, and established a policy-making system, which
produced related policies (RGoB 2000a and b). Consequent necessary strategies for the
implementation of those policies are then defined through the five year plans (RGoB
19
2001), which are resulting from the aggregation of village, blocks and districts plans and
priorities. An autonomous auditing department is in charge for monitoring and
evaluation. Statistical data on conventional development indicators are also being
collected in spite of the ongoing debate about their usefulness and appropriateness
(RGoB 2000c and 2002b).
The document “Bhutan 2020: A Vision for Peace, Prosperity and Happiness”
(RGoB 2000a and b) is the main instrument for keeping GNH concept central at all
levels. This document represents Bhutan’s vision statement. People in all sections of
society such as academics, officials, lamas, monks, students, youth, teachers,
industrialists, administrators, diplomats, NGOs, community leaders, businessmen and
women, expatriates and villagers have participated in its formulation and review, so that
it represents a balanced perspective of a shared vision (RGoB 2000a). The document
addresses in particular the Bhutanese people, including youth or students, businessmen
and women, farmers and villagers, as an informative and useful tool. In addition, the
document is meant to be a consultation guide for civil servants in planning and
implementing policies, as well as an instrument for Bhutan’s partners in development to
make informed choices about their contributions (Ibid.).
Under the guidance of the vision statement, the Bhutanese population as a
whole participates in the policy-making process leading to the formulation of five years
plans. People at village level define their priorities and local policies, which are
combined into blocks plans, then district plans and finally into a national plan, the
whole process facilitated by elected representatives at different levels. On such basis the
National Assembly defines national policies, strategies, implementation plans and use of
20
available resources, thus meaning operationalising GNH on the basis of commonly
shared and defined values, vision and priorities (RGoB 2000a and b).
One of the key factors in building and developing such a system may have
been the establishing of a multilevel network of relationships for sharing knowledge,
experience, ideas and understanding. A learning network, connecting people from the
remote villages of Bhutan, their representatives and administrators, Bhutanese planners,
researchers and policy makers and finally the international community of academics and
practitioners. Such a network, facilitates the discussion and analysis of principles and
aspects of GNH at different levels, from the numerous and regular village meetings all
over the country, to the various levels of civil administration, to the national institutions,
to international seminars and events taking place in various countries and involving
people and experiences from many different environments. GNH is therefore discussed
at the same time by ordinary people within their families, at market places, through the
media, up to the national and international organisations such as major universities and
research institutes and the United Nations. It is then for Bhutan’s institutions to
facilitate the flow of ideas and information in all directions, sharing, combining and
reviewing them within a learning perspective, thus building on the basis of culture and
values through the intangible tool of human relationships. The same network is now
active in discussing possible operationalisation guidelines and methodologies.
Another aspect, leading GNH planners to concentrate first on ways and
direction towards the end of happiness, rather than on quantification of progress, is a
perspective on the relation between means and ends which is different, compared with
dominant western approaches to economic development. The concept of the “Dilemma
21
of Commons” is extraneous to Bhutanese culture; on the contrary, individual rational
maximisation through socially destructive and irresponsible modes of conduct, in other
words wrong means towards right ends, is considered absurd (McDonald 2004, 317).
This is reflected in GNH emphasising the common benefit and not being the aggregate
of individual happiness, within a perspective where the whole is greater than the sum of
its components. That is precisely why any attempt to measure individual happiness
contradicts GNH (Mancall 2004a, 31).
In terms of operationalising GNH, an interesting suggestion comes from Ueda
(2004, 641-642). The concept of GNH should be incorporated into any policy or
development plan, by making reference to expected or possible effects on happiness.
For example happiness could be incorporated into the process of formulating and
evaluating projects and policies, thus making the connection between the concept and
actual actions clear. Such constant reference to the concept of GNH would inevitably
include donor agencies into happiness thinking.
The persistent happiness of the altipiano (highlands), opposite in Galtung (2003)
language to the temporary happiness of the peaks, could even replace or integrate the
concept of sustainability. In other words, the combination of economic, technological,
financial, social, and environmental sustainability has to lead to enduring and persistent
“sustainable happiness”, to be found at stable middle levels. On the contrary, the peaks,
although enjoyable, represent un-sustainability, because from there the only option is to
go down.
The above practical suggestions are taking the discussion back to measurement
and indicators. In spite of basing their vision on the GNH concept, and building a
22
GNH state, Bhutanese planners do not consider measuring happiness a priority, just like
any individual may have a personal definition of happiness, its measurement is also
subjective.
Nevertheless, the amount of research and data available world-wide on
happiness is considerable. While most socio-economic indicators measure means
(Thinley 1999b, 14), many argue that happiness is measurable and comparable
(Veenhoven 2004), and there are several attempts to improve or substitute the GNP
methodology. For example, UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI) adds some
non-economic, though quantitative, indicators (Tideman 2001, 11). The World Bank’s
Wealth Index gives priority to human and environmental capital rather than built capital
(Ibid.). The Genuine Progress Index (GPI) is based on equity and includes social,
environmental and time variables, all from a qualitative perspective (Colman and
Sagebien 2004). Both World Values Surveys and World Database of Happiness
initiatives measure subjective happiness and compare national averages (Whitehouse and
Winderl 2004, 475). Of particular interest could be the concept of Happy-Life Years
(HLY) introduced by the latter as a qualitative measure of life and providing contrasting
insights compared with conventional economic indicators. The Positive Psychology
School is also contributing to the debate on happiness through a growing amount of
research (Donnelly 2004, 386). “Happiness developed” and “happiness developing”
countries may be completely different from conventional “developed” and “developing”
countries (Ueda, 2004, 641).
An interesting suggestion comes also from Johnson (2004, 561), who proposes
not to measure “functioning”, but to measure what Sen calls capabilities, which, he
23
argues, may even be easier to measure and will leave to people the freedom to “not
function”. Within such a view, the indicator is not how much people make actually use
of capabilities, but the level of capabilities they are provided with, regardless of their
choice of using or not using them. For example, the number of un-employed people
should be replaced by the availability of jobs, leaving individuals with the choice not to
work. In the same way, it is not people happiness to be measured but how much a
society facilitates them in possibly being happy. How much easier that may be to
measure remains to be seen.
Bhutanese thinkers, researchers and planners are well in touch or active
contributors to the initiative mentioned above, as part of the ongoing research and
debate fostered by Bhutan’s institutions for operationalising GNH. Particularly, the
ongoing and developing work of the Genuine Progress Index (see Colman and Sagebien
2004), and the peculiar experience concerning traditional culture and values of the
Gorsebrook Research Institute (see Sable 2004), both from Nova Scotia in Canada,
seem to be in close relation with the further progress of GNH and the development of a
measurement approach alternative to the GNP. It is probably not by accident that the
next international seminar on GNH will be held there sometime in 2005.
4.4 The GNH Challenge
The challenge of the GNH approach, both in terms of achievements and
shortcomings, resides with culture. The whole approach is based on, and originates
from, cultural, ethics and moral values. As discussed in the previous chapter, it is by
maintaining those same values well alive and central that the approach may succeed in
24
moving from the theoretical debate to its effective operationalisation. But that is not to
say that culture should be protected to stay un-touched and immutable. On the contrary,
as the core of a development process it has also to develop. So, the challenge is the
direction towards which Bhutanese culture is going to develop, and of course it has to
be viewed and evaluated from a Bhutanese perspective.
Cultural changes may originate from internal processes or be influenced by
external factors, and frequently the two mix into the same process.
Internally, the development within the education sector may have relevant
consequences on cultural aspects. In spite of considerable improvement thanks to
Bhutan’s education development policies of the last few decades, the chain of teaching
and passing cultural, traditional and moral values through generations has been
somehow disrupted. Many young Bhutanese had a very limited experience of traditional
life, as they were sent to school abroad or enrolled in boarding schools away from their
parents, schools whose curricula were derived from western ones (Priesner 1999). In
both cases the teaching of culture, particularly local culture, is not included, either by
daily interaction between different generations within the society as it used to be, nor by
the formal education system. In addition, the fast path of recent development in Bhutan
may have further increased the cultural gap between generations. As a result, values of
educated generations may differ, or even be in contrast, with those of more traditional
people, thus calling for effective counter-measures within the education system.
Successful modern societies depend upon educating each succeeding generation in the
values that are at the core of the social life (Mancall 2004a, 35). GNH values and mental
attitude need therefore to be integrated into the education system. The strength of the
25
concept being a reflection of a particular cultural consciousness rather than an academic
construct, that is policy-makers having a strong consciousness of Bhutanese identity,
may otherwise rapidly become a weakness once civil servants with primarily western
education begin to lose this intuitive link to indigenous values (Priesner 1999, 45).
Bhutanese thinkers and planners are the first ones to be well aware of such a challenge,
the “Bhutanisation” of imported curricula, integrating both local tradition with modern
knowledge, is therefore a priority in their understanding (RGoB 2000, 31). The call of
spiritual leaders for more open and direct relationships with young generations is also
telling (Zangmo 2004, 1018).
Externally, both development and globalisation processes are having dramatic
effects on local cultures. Some now speak about “cultural genocide” as the cultural cost
of introducing socio-economic change (Mancall 2004a, 24). In today’s world it is not
possible, neither desirable, to go back to isolation, the key to opening up yet retaining
cultural integrity lies therefore in education (Tideman 2001, 12-13), and Bhutan is well
aware of cultural identity being the key to avoid either excessive materialism of the
West, or the poverty of other developing nations (Rowbotham 2004, 185-186).
As Appadurai argues (quoted in Johnson 2004, 557), there is a basic mistake in
perceiving culture as describing only the past and present, while future is a matter of
economics and development discourse, thus leading to view culture and economics as
antagonists, or culture and tradition opposite to development. Within his “aspirational
capacities concept”, culture, or cultural capacity, determines instead the future direction
of economic development. Education should, therefore, enhance traditional beliefs and
26
values, not oppose them as often happens in the western educational model (Aldwin
2004, 984).
Culture is the main link between generations and amongst societies. Culture may
be the only means to guide and direct modernisation and globalisation processes instead
of subduing them. Within a broad and holistic approach to development, where the
concept of richness includes spiritual and cultural aspects, the concept of poverty
should as well include spiritual and cultural poverty (Mancall 2004b, 1278). Cultural
development, through enhanced and inspired education, is then basic even for a society
extremely rich in culture such as Bhutan’s. The challenge is not to oppose different or
global cultures, but to enhance local culture, and Bhutan is not by any means alone. It is
indeed part of the myth of western consumerism to believe that the whole world is in
avid pursuit of its culture. A vast part of the world’s population actually live in societies
that value their own culture, prize their independence and are seeking ways, like Bhutan,
of preserving their inheritance and identity (Rowbotham 2004, 187).
The cultural challenge becomes even more important in the process of
operationalising the GNH concept. From the debate on GNH, it seems that the priority
for Bhutanese planners is to maintain the concept’s centrality rather than the definition
of methodological frameworks and procedures. Opposite to a conventional way of
operationalising a concept, a philosophy of life may be operationalised by maintaining
its centrality into all processes, so that cultural values are driving the processes and not
the other way round. It is the primacy of values on methodologies. Of course, from a
conventional development perspective, one could argue that that means GNH is not yet
operationalised. It is simply discussed, and the related many challenges are not
27
confronted. From a Bhutanese perspective the primary challenge is cultural, because it is
only through culture that Bhutan can achieve its defined overarching goal, which is
maintaining identity, independence, sovereignty and security as a nation state, being in
turn the pre-conditions for fulfilling all hopes and aspirations. GNH is exactly the single
unifying concept for achieving such an overarching goal (RGoB 2000b), and broad
participation in defining vision, policies and strategies is the key Bhutan is using to
guarantee GNH centrality to the whole development process, in other words to
operationalise it.
After all, also western experience confirms the centrality of culture, as David
Landes in his review of two millennia of economic history “The Wealth and Poverty of
Nations” argues: “If we learn anything from the history of economic development, it is
that culture makes all the difference” (quoted in Tideman 2001, 10).
The GNH concept is turning many aspects of conventional development
theories and approaches upside down, from perspectives and constructs to
operationalisation, thus making its discussion, analysis and understanding interesting but
demanding. The following chapter represents a tentative trial towards a deeper
understanding of some GNH aspects.
28
5
Gross National Happiness: A Social Analysis Perspective
This chapter analyses Bhutan’s development approach, with particular reference
to GNH, from a social analysis perspective. The aim is not by any means to judge
Bhutan’s process, institutions, organisations and people. It is instead to better
understand their perspective and approach, in order to learn from them and evaluate
possible lessons to be drawn.
The chapter first discusses those social units and axes of social difference having
peculiar and relevant aspects, then evaluates the level and typology of participation into
the development process, and finally, analyses peculiarities of Bhutan’s approach against
advocated paradigm shifts, namely new professionalism, learning processes and learning
organisations. While the discussion on the GNH concept is resulting from the
combination of the literature review and the field work, the final social analysis is mainly
based on what was learnt from the field work. Particularly, while the literature rightly
indicate a considerable level of participation in general terms, it was through the field
work that very contrasting aspects emerged. As detailed below, the process still presents
both deeply participative and very top-down characteristics at the same time, which are
not visible through the aggregate. It was only trough the use of the frameworks part of
the field methodology that each single characteristic emerged. Of course the process is
ongoing and developing, nevertheless such contrasting aspects combined with a
considerable level of achievements represent an interesting aspect to be underlined.
29
5.1 Bhutan: Key Social Units and Axes of Social Difference
Household, family and extended family
Traditionally, Bhutanese society is based on the household as the smallest social,
legal and administrative unit, composed of an extended family including all those
components living together for over ten years, and sharing all “loss and gain” equally.
(Karma Ura in Aris and Hutt 1994, 39).
While many traditional societies around the world are basd on a similar notion
of extended family, Bhutan’s society shows a particular level of awareness and
conceptualisation of values such as social capital and relationships. They are entailed in
the household units and in the interaction between households, thus resulting in a
strong interdependency between family members, naturally extended to non-blood
relatives (Leaming 2004, 1063). Both, the single household and the households’
networks, represent the first level of social net in terms of mutual support and coping
strategies. For example, in addition to traditional forms of occasional support between
members of the same household or between different households, it is also quite
common for people to move to other families where they may be of help, receive
support in case of elderly persons, or have access to better education in case of
youngsters (Ibid.).
Society and nation state.
Society and the state are both seen in Bhutan as an extension of the concept of
family. Iindividual welfare and well-being must therefore be provided for by the society
(RGoB 2001, 4). A view quite similar to the Aristotelian theory of social welfare, which
30
sees the state as a natural evolutionary development of the family, existing for the
benefit of its members, which should exercise control whenever control results in the
general welfare (Gupta 1999, 39), and contrasting with the notion of a civil society
opposed to the state as originated during the French revolution (Mancall 2004a, 15).
As already mentioned, such a concept of state entails ultimate responsibility in
terms of public well-being, that is happiness, and social safety nets.
Class
While traditional social stratification consisted of a handful of aristocratic
families having often religious eminence, some well-off but tax-paying families, the mass
of tax-paying ordinary households, and serfs and servants, the country’s modernisation
is bringing along some modifications (Aris and Hutt 1994, 29-31). A major social reform
in 1956 abolished serfdom and servitude, both formally and in practice, and gradually
redistributed agricultural land to include former serfs and servants (Ibid.). More recently,
a new well-off middle class is emerging, comprising many people educated abroad or
though the improved local education system, having a relevant role in translating the
goals of development into reality, and possibly being the vanguard of a new social order
resulting in tensions with traditional culture and society (Ramakant and Misra 1996, 50).
Nevertheless, the democratic culture of Bhutanese society allows a high degree of
equality hardly noticed in other countries (Gupta 1999, 49), thus being a possible
softener for social and class tension.
Age
People’s age, in the broad sense of all ages, is seen in Bhutan as a value, and the
relationships between different generations are considered a rich cultural heritage
31
(RGoB 2001, 5). The breadth and quality of social relations lie also at the root of
people’s happiness throughout the life cycle: from childhood to old age; they provide a
benign and supportive role to social change and development, a strong identity and a
sense of values to all Bhutanese; that is why GNH comprises a commitment to the
strengthening of social cohesion and unity (Thinley 1999b, 22). From a Bhutanese
perspective, the separation of children and elderly people from their families, because
admitted into boarding schools or relegated to care facilities, creates individual unhappiness and a loss in social and human capital (Ibid.); opposite to the western view,
which considers the number of those facilities as an indicator of well-being of a society.
The inter-generational contract (Kabeer 2000, 465) is viewed in a much broader
perspective that goes beyond the inter-generational transfers. The bargain is not seen as
linear, where the working generation makes transfers of human capital to the young and
consumption to the old on the understanding that other generations will behave in
similar way (Collard 2000, 453), but circular, where all generations make transfers to the
others, and even within themselves, in different terms and at all times. Infants, children
and older people are not only depending and demanding, their presence also enriches
the whole family and increases satisfaction and happiness, mutually to all members. The
concept goes beyond the values of investing in children for future pay-back or
respecting older people for their accumulated wisdom or wealth, that is valuing present
or future access to capitals, and also beyond the structure and social organisation of a
typical extended family. It comprises all those intangible aspects which are basic to
people’s relationships and represent primary values for “social synthesisers”, as
Bhutanese define themselves (RGoB 2000a, 25).
32
Gender
Women in Bhutan have traditionally held a place of honour, they were expected
to hold house and land property and customary rights of inheritance were by daughters.
Today marriage and inheritance laws are de-genderised, even though women still own
60 and 45 per cent of rural and urban properties respectively. A Royal Decree
established equality of wages between male and female labour in 1993 (RGoB 2001, 21
and 43). Female literacy used to be very low but is gradually improving. During the
period 1990-2000 the girl/boy enrolment ratio for primary school increased from 69 to
82 (RGoB 2002b, 19). However, women have also been engaged in traditional
bondages, have occasionally being victims of prejudice and the pressure of household
and childbearing functions have limited their opportunities in other domains of public
life (Ramakand and Misra 1996, 52-59). The government approach is to include women
in the mainstream of development rather than supporting specific traditional women’s
activities (Ibid.).
Ethnicity
Despite being a Buddhist Drukpa Monarchy, Bhutan is a multi-ethnic, multilingual and multi-religious country, influenced by a series of immigrations through the
centuries. (Ramakant and Misra 1996, 45). Ethnicity has always represented a challenge
to Bhutan’s national identity. Present tensions are due to a strong Nepali community
and its claims towards a Gorkhas identity (Ramakand and Misra 1996, 94-95), and the
presence of ULFA and Bodo militants taking refuge from Assam (Rutland 2002).
Particularly, the numerous Nepalese community is opposing the imposition of the
Drupkas’ national dress, the code of conduct, and the Citizenship Act, to the extent of
33
being described as anti-national (Basu 2003, 111). While there have been allegations
concerning the violation of human rights and the forced eviction of a number of
Nepalese (Gupta 1999, 113), such tensions may be due to the conscious efforts of a
politicised community to challenge the social, ethical, territorial and cultural integrity of
Bhutan, rather than to the repression of an ethnic community (Ibid., 197). Being the
national identity a very critical issue for Bhutan, it is not surprising that local authorities
are so concerned and active in protecting it from any possible challenge. Nevertheless, it
has to be noticed that the approach they are taking, though very firm, may reflect a
positive attitude towards peaceful solutions.
5.2 GNH: Participatory Development
As already mentioned, participation is a key aspect of Bhutan’s approach, and
the level and typology of participation may be distinguished according to periods and
phases, over which participation developed through a learning process. Those typologies
will be analysed against a set of definitions listed in Pretty et al (1995) as provided in
appendix.
Passive participation
The reforms introduced through Bhutan’s modernisation process were not
demanded by the people, characterised by political apathy, but accepted as enlightened
and progressive by the aristocracy (Priesner 1999, 34), in some cases even slightly
resisted as a form of reverence towards the King (Mancall 2004a, 8). Moreover, those
initial reforms were based more on a leadership’s view of Bhutan past, present and
possible ways forwards, rather than research, surveys and data collection.
34
Participation for information giving and consultation
Bhutan was considered a “data free land” (Simoni 2003, 605) until 1960, while
very few data are available for the period 1960-1980 (RGoB 2000c, 18). A data
collection system was then established, involving ordinary people as information givers
and including also a consultation exercise, a system which is still developing even
though already quite effective. People moved from the role of passive receivers to that
of passive contributors.
Participation for material incentives
This aspect of participation may not apply to Bhutan, but not surprisingly it may
be adapted into “participation for spiritual incentives”. Traditionally, Bhutanese people
of any social strata or group contribute to the maintenance of public, especially religious,
structures in terms of finance, services and manpower, against personal inner
gratification and maybe social appreciation (RGoB 2001, 29). This practice is present all
across the past as well as the modernisation periods, and is still supported and
encouraged by the administration (Ibid.).
Functional participation
While community groups are part of Bhutanese tradition, specific development
committees have been established in the early phase of development following the
initiative of the central administration (Karma Ura 2004). Particularly, development
committees at village, block and district level were initially directed and their activities
facilitated from the centre, having therefore a functional role.
35
Interactive participation
As already mentioned, on the one hand people were widely involved in the
discussion and formulation of a nationally shared vision statement (RGoB 2000a, 5),
thus including also a sort of “conscientisation” process. On the other hand, a bottomup policy making system was established by empowering the development committees
described above, with decision and management power gradually being shifted to the
periphery under the guidance of the same vision statement (Karma Ura 2004; RGoB
2001, 22-24; Gupta 1999, 48-49). In addition, people’s representatives at all levels are
not anymore civil servants, but elected by and responsible to their constituencies on the
basis of their record of service to the society and moral and ethic integrity (Ibid.). The
gradual but extensive devolution of power and responsibilities to the very grass roots of
village communities, including also considerable influence into national policy,
represents a first step of an impressive people-empowering process. After all, people are
central to GNH.
Self-mobilisation
This typology of participation, except for very traditional self-help subsistence
groups, has no record in recent development history. Nevertheless, it may not be
excluded that the emerging new educated middle class could develop such form of
action in the near future.
Discussion
In conclusion, the country is going through a process of participatory
development based on bottom-up policy-making with possibly no equal in both the
developed and developing world, particularly because ordinary people are directly
36
involved into policy making on a nation-wide scale as government partners, not only
within localised examples that may not be generalised. Within such a process,
participation may be seen as a means because it provides a considerable contribution to
the policy-making system of the nation in terms of effectiveness and sustainability. It
can also be seen as an end because it facilitates empowerment of ordinary people.
Despite few contrasting opinions: because the country did not switch over to a
democratic form of government (Ramakant and Misra 1996, 50), because of usual elite
domination, as well as frequent popular endorsement of leaders’ decisions (Rizal 2002,
196 and 200), or because sovereignty resides with a polity defining policies not chosen
by the people (Mancall 2004a, 15); still there is wide and consistent appreciation. The
form of government is defined as a monarchical democracy moving from people
representation towards participation, where the latter stresses the substance of
democracy which is sharing of power (Gupta 1999, 50 and 154). Furthermore, Bhutan’s
leadership is considered one of the few who understood the complex concept that
powers of an institution can be expanded by sharing it (Leo Rose quoted in Gupta 1999,
57). According to an UNICEF official “it is not till we see it in Bhutan that we know
what community participation means” (UNICEF 2004).
Nevertheless, in this initial stage of the process, people participation is limited to
definition of priorities and policy-making, with the local administrations in the role of
enabling institutions. Implementation of policies and actions is performed by local
representatives under the supervision of the administration without active participation
of people. Accountability and reporting is still upwards from local representatives to
government institutions, and monitoring and evaluation is performed by the
government only. Of course the process need time and is ongoing, nevertheless, is
37
seems that instead of gradually empowering people at all stages the government
approach is to proceed by stages, presently people have been empowered and
participate in planning, next step should therefore be implementation and so on. Also to
be noted that local administrators and representatives have in general undergone a short
intensive training on participation, thus they are now speaking the participatory
language, but they are not yet able to internalise the concept and master the
methodologies. However, because of their strong commitment, probably due to their
believing in what they are doing and their confidence in their leadership, they are already
capable of considerable achievements. Given the results accomplished, the potential
shown and the scale of the challenge, it could be worthwhile to think about further
specific research on the process, even confronting it with major critiques on
participation.
5.3 GNH: Professionalism, Processes and Organisations
This section analyses the GNH process against advocated paradigm shifts at
three different levels: (a) individual, “new” versus “normal” professionalism (based on
Chambers 1986, 1993 and 1997); (b) process, “learning” versus “blueprint” approaches
(based on Korten 1981, Chambers 1986 and Oakley 1991); and (c) organisation,
“learning” versus “bureaucratic” (based on Korten and Uphoff 1981 and Korten 1984).
On one side, the aim of the analysis is to provide a deeper understanding of
Bhutan’s development process, through the underlining of peculiar characteristics,
possibly including strengths and weakness in a learning perspective. On the other hand,
it would also be challenging to test and adapt bi-polar linear models within a holistic,
38
whole, circular context such as Bhutan’s. In other words, the polar opposite models
have to be reinterpreted shifting from a Cartesian either-or dualism to a complementary
both-and logic (Galtung 2003).
The analysis has been performed by means of pre-drafted and adapted tables,
tested and finalised through semi-structured and informal interviews in the field. Within
a qualitative approach, a degree of “personal best judgement” is also part of the
methodology. By no means this study has to be considered exhaustive or final, but a
sort of tool for better understanding and fostering further discussion. Hereafter is a
summary of the findings, while more details in graphic form are provided in appendix.
Professionalism
In terms of contacts, the traditional respect for high status and education is quite
influential, but all contacts are equally important thus allowing them a very proactive
role in spite of a high degree of dependency and resistance to changes, particularly from
the low social strata. However, professionals still tend to hold more the role of teaching
rather than learning.
The approach is totally holistic, experiential and subjective, with prevalence of
qualitative and intangible aspects regardless of the methods that are seen as purely
means.
Definition of priorities tends to increasingly involve users within a noticeable
empowering process, evaluation of achievements is instead very much centralised.
Modern technology packages, promoted by very conventional extension agents
opposite to the newly advocated role of change agent, are seen as the tool for
39
development of traditional sectors such as agriculture. Particularly surprising is the
limited concern for concepts like appropriateness and environment preservation shown
by some extension agents, even though such behaviour cannot be generalised.
Preferences in terms of values denote a degree of balance, but totally based on
people’s centrality. In addition, trends seem to be slightly from rural to urban, from
agricultural to industrial, but probably to a lesser degree compared with other
developing countries.
Comprehensively, the analysis denotes a well balanced and stable mid-way, thus
being in line with local customs based on Buddhism tradition. Nevertheless, the
progress in the participatory and people empowering process will probably enhance a
trend towards new professionalism.
Another aspect to be underlined is the guiding role of the King, never distant
from his people. He travels extensively within the whole country and participates in
both local processes as well as national debate, making sure that perspectives and
priorities he heard from the people, including poor and those living in remote areas, are
considered (Gupta 1999, 149).
Process
As discussed in previous sections, Bhutan’s modernisation and development
process originated from the very top-leadership, the third King, while the present
monarch still represents its inspiration, guide and control (Mancall 2004a, 8-9).
Nevertheless, the process is based on contrasting characteristics. Key aspects are
appropriate scale and timing, planning through experience, flexible evolution within a
40
learning framework. Despite external pressure to speed up, the nation leadership tend to
slow down the developing process in order to keep it at people’s pace. Knowledge and
resources are mainly externally drawn. Decision-making is being decentralised following
people’s growing capacities, leadership is shifting from positional to personal (elected
representatives), all participants are partners. In spite of upwards accountability and
centralised evaluation, the general effect is a gradual and noticeable people’s
empowerment.
The process presents both blueprint and learning aspects, generally balancing
within a neutral position.
At policy level, the main example of learning process is represented by the
reversal of the top-down decision-making system, because the leadership understood it
was compromising and eroding the communities’ structure and people’s knowledge in
terms of resources management (Thinley 1999, 21). Furthermore, the leadership does
not wish to rush the process of development by allowing more foreign investment than
Bhutan could digest. (Gupta 1999, 47). At implementation level, through monitoring
and lesson learned practices it was understood that modern legislation may indeed
weaken the informal arrangements built up over centuries by local communities, which
often embody a profound understanding of local ecosystems (RGoB 2000b, 67). Some
of the measures taken to protect and preserve the environment and biodiversity may
instead have contributed to its erosion. For example it was recognised that the
introduction of protected areas separates people from their environment (RGoB 2000b,
62), in addition, a reforestation method based on few specific species, and the
41
introduction of better yielding crop varieties, were acknowledged to reduce biodiversity
despite other positive aspects (RGoB 2000b, 63).
Organisation
The term organisation refers here to Bhutan’s administration system, which is
based on a very clear, although broad, and shared mission as defined by the vision
statement, which in turn originates from a wide consultation and participatory exercise
(RGoB 2000a and 2000b).
All aspects of such organisation, apart from a very hierarchical structure typical
of government departments, and a centralised monitoring and evaluation mechanism,
denote a balance between neutral and learning characteristics, the latter being
emphasised by the level of participation, strategic and long term view, and learning
culture.
In addition to the mentioned process of defining the nation’s vision, the
National Assembly is formally transferring to the periphery greater administrative and
financial powers, through an extensive participatory and consultative process involving
all 20 districts and 201 blocks development committees (ADB 2003b, 1). Furthermore,
the national constitution draft, commanded by the King in 2001 (RGoB 2001, 6), is also
going to be discussed at all levels down to the blocks for its final revision (ADB 2003b,
1).
The general trend is also towards an increasing of the learning components. It is
being favoured by government’s initiative such as effective performance evaluation
system, rewards, improved organisational culture, training, better post retirement
schemes, etc. that are included within the actual five year national plan, and are expected
42
to generate a renewed sense of responsibility, job enrichment and satisfaction (RGoB
2001, 22). On the contrary, the extensive decentralisation process will further decrease
bureaucratic aspects, even though it flows from the centre to the periphery and was not
forced on the centre by the periphery, as happened in other societies (Mancall 2004a,
34).
Discussion
Out of the three levels of analysis, emerges a country whose professionals,
processes and organisation denote very contrasting characteristic not underlined by the
general aggregate balance within the advocated shifts in development paradigm, from
normal-blueprint-bureaucracy towards new professionalism and learning processes. At
the same time, it is a country deriving values, vision and way forwards from tradition.
Thus, comparing such a situation with the continuous rise and fall of development
theories (Leys 1996) and paradigm shifts in western environments, one reflection may
arise. Is the continuous run from one theory, methodology, framework, format, etc. to
the next one, sometimes even re-inventing the wheel, really the way to overcome
unsatisfactory development achievements? Why does a process like Bhutan’s, based on
tradition, values and people which are all not new concepts, seem to be achieving so
much, thus attracting so much interest and generating so much debate? During a
training session, a facilitator explained the difference between methods and values with
the example of a machete (Southern context) or a gun (Northern context). One can be
used for harvesting staple food or killing people, the other may be used to commit a
crime or to arrest that same criminal, it depends upon the hands holding them. The
audience concluded that focus should be on the hands rather than the tools. According
43
to the facilitator that was still concentrating on means, the values representing both
origins and ends, reside with the minds in control (or not in control) of those hands,
and that is were a development worker should start from.
As mentioned, the capacity building process for Bhutanese officers have just
started, such exercise is a long process and experience shows that continuous support is
basilar, the institution of facilitators within the local administration, may be at district
level, seems therefore to be a necessary step. In Bhutan’s case it could be a new role of
“GNH facilitator”, with the function of enabling administrators, representatives and
people to assimilate and internalise both GNH and participation concepts and master
participatory methodologies. After all, GNH and participation concepts have many
similar and complementing aspects, while differing features are never contrasting. An
additional but fundamental role of the GNH facilitator would be to insure that the
whole process goes slow enough to remain at people pace.
Another possible future step in Bhutan development process could be the
inclusion of a GNH component in each project, programme or action, particularly when
promoted by an external international organisation not having the socio-cultural
Bhutanese background, so that each development project would become a GNH
project. In such a context there could also be a formidable challenge for Bhutanese
researchers, a challenge that a conventional perspective would term as impossible, that
of defining a new methodology for assessing achievements, alternative to conventional
monitoring and evaluation methods, not based on any measurement mechanism or
indicator but purely qualitative.
44
6
Conclusions
This dissertation has described, discussed and analysed Bhutan’s development
approach and the concept of Gross National Happiness. The whole process originates
from Bhutan’s history, culture and tradition, whose background is fundamental in order
to understand and internalise it. At the same time, it represents the way forwards.
The GNH concept is still being discussed and further defined, thus not being
fully operationalised yet. Nevertheless, it represent Bhutan’s socio-cultural challenge,
within an impressive participatory and empowering exercise based on the four pillars:
economic growth, cultural heritage, environmental sustainability and good governance.
As described, the process turns upside down many aspects of conventional
development theories. Not surprisingly and because of the uniqueness of Bhutan’s
environment, it also presents peculiar characteristics in term of social aspects and quality
and level of participation.
On such basis, some further considerations may be appropriate.
Opposite to an “unthinking” development sector (Kaplan 1999), Bhutan’s
approach is characterised by a thinking environment. It is through a thinking process
that Bhutanese create awareness leading to a sort of learning network, in turn resulting
in a clear and shared vision based on people and their values. GNH does not introduce
any new methodology or framework, it provides a clear direction where means are
means and the ultimate end is commonly understood.
According to the “chief” of an extended nomadic group moving across East
African countries, though without having a clue of what a passport is: “the amount of
45
knowledge you, white men have is amazing, and that means incommensurable power,
but you do not have a clear direction, you keep turning around idly. Here, in our
environment, if we loose our direction we may survive one week” (personal comments).
Interestingly enough, by concentrating on main directions, values and concepts,
the Bhutanese may seem to be neglecting speed and quantitative aspects, but
surprisingly Bhutan is one of the fastest developing countries amongst the low income
ones (ADB 2003b). Furthermore, the Bhutanese do not base sustainability on future
generations’ rights alone, sustainable development is basic for the present generation as
well, for every being every day (Thinley 1999b, 19), and surprisingly again the country is
one of the few regions where humans live at or near a sustainable level (Dixon 2004,
113).
Elaborating Milarepa’s statement inserted at the beginning of this paper, wisdom
may be in limited supply, but people and values do not need a market to be found, they
are widely and freely available within every single community on the planet even though
they may differ, thus resulting in the GNH concept, based on values and people, being
possibly adaptable to all different environments. While Bhutan’s planners are rightly
developing the concept for their own country and society, GNH has a validity beyond
Bhutan because it raises questions that have not been central to political and social
discourse, the concept has therefore applicability in the broader worldwide reflection of
both developing and developed societies (Mancall 2004, 25 and 37). Nevertheless, it has
to be acknowledged that a rich resources endowment combined, unlike many other
developing countries, with a low population density, are a powerful cause of Bhutan’s
performance (Karma Ura 2004; Priesner 1999, 26).
46
As a conclusion, GNH may be working, it may even be transferable. Or, on the
contrary, it may be an utopia that might be realized only when the whole humanity
reaches the necessary spiritual and material degree of development, a real utopia even in
Buddhist terms (Stehlik 1999, 58). Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to invest in it,
researching, debating and monitoring the process, and possibly contributing to it. In the
meantime, “we shall wait and be maybe a bit more happy, very individually and all
without measuring it” (Ibid.), still well aware of the opinion of a very poor person
struggling to survive: “values are wonderful, but cannot be eaten” (personal comment).
47
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104. UNDP (2002), Rural enterprise development in Bhutan, Discussion Paper:
Rural development October 2002, Thimphu: United Nations Development
Programme
105. UNDP (2003) Human Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford
University Press
106. UNICEF
(2004),
Thunder
Dragon
in
new
millennium,
[http://www.oneworld.net/external/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.unicef.org
%2Fbhutan%2F]
107. United Nations (2000), Statement by H.E. Lyonpo Yeshey Zimba, Chairman
of the Council of Ministers and Head of the Government of the Kingdom of
Bhutan to the Millennium Summit of the United Nations September 8, 2000,
New York
108. United Nations (2002), Statement by His Excellency Lyonpo Jigmi Y. Thinley
Minister Of Foreign Affairs, Kingdom Of Bhutan 57th Regular Session Of
The United Nations General Assembly 17 September 2002, New York,
accessed
on
23-01-04,
[http://www.un.org/webcast/ga/57/statements/020917bhutanE.htm]
109. Upreti B.C. (2004), Bhutan’s Strategy for Development and Self-Reliance: The
Objectives and Operationalisation of Gross National Happiness, proceedings
Studies
110. van Willenswaard H. (2004), Will 'Middle Way Economics' Emerge from the
Gross National Happiness, proceedings of the International Seminar on
111. Veenhoven R. (2004), Happy Life Years: A Measure of Gross National
112. Wangchuk N. (2004a), Globalization: A Challenge to Gross National
Happiness,
accessed
on
23-01-04,
[http://www.rim.edu.bt/rigphel/rigphel1/globalization.htm]
113. Wangchuk N. (2004b), Gross National Happiness (GNH): Practicing the
Philosophy,
accessed
on
23-01-04,
[http://www.rim.edu.bt/rigphel/rigphel2/gnh.htm]
56
114. Whitehouse C. and Winderl T. (2004), National Happiness: Universalism,
Cultural Relativism, or both? An Assessment, proceedings of the International
115. Worcester T. (2004), Operationalising Gross National Happiness, proceedings
Studies
116. Zangmo T. (2004), Literacy For All: One of the Means to Achieve Gross
National Happiness (GNH)?, proceedings of the International Seminar on
117. Zucconi G. (2004) Il segreto della felicità, L’Espresso, accessed on 2/06/04 at
[http://www.espressonline.it/eol/free/jsp/detail.jsp?idCategory=4821&idCon
tent=393020&m2s=c]
57
Appendices
A. Typology of participation (Pretty et al 1995)
B. Aggregate forms on professionalism, processes and organisations
C. Millennium Development Goals indicators (RGoB)
D. Royal Government of Bhutan statistics (RGoB)
E. Economic Social and Environment Statistics (ADB)
F. Poverty Monitoring Indicators and Targets (ADB)
G. Human Development Indicators (UNDP)
H. Apparent quality-of-life in 67 nations in the 1990s (World Database of
Happiness WDH 2003)
58
Appendix
A. Typology of participation
Source:
Adapted from Pretty el al (1995)
59
60
Appendix
B. Aggregate forms on professionalism, processes and
organisations
Source:
Adapted from:
Table 1 – Chambers (1986)
Table 2 - Korten (1981), Chambers (1986) and Oakley (1991)
Table 3 - Korten and Uphoff (1981)
61
62
63
64
65
Appendix
C. Millennium Development Goals indicators
Source:
RGoB (2002b), Millennium Development Goals, Progress report 2002 – Bhutan,
Thimphu: The Royal Government of Bhutan
66
KEY DEVELOPMENT INDICATORS
Indicator
Value
Year
Population
Population growth rate (%)
Life Expectancy at birth (yrs)
GDP per capita PPP
Human Development Index (value)
Infant Mortality Rate (per 1000 live births)
U5 Mortality Rate (per 1000 live births)
Underweight U5 children (%)
Stunted U5 children (%)
Maternal Mortality Rate (per 1000 live births)
Access to safe drinking water (%)
Sanitation coverage (%)
Adult Literacy Rate (%)
Gross Primary Enrollment (%)
Total land area under forest cover (%)
678,000
2.5
66.1
1,534
0.551
60.5
84
19
40
2.55
77.8
88
54
72
73
2000
2000
2000
1998
1998
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
Fig 1.0 S o u r c e s : Statistical Yearbook of Bhutan 2001, Bhutan National Human Develo pment Report 2000 and National
Health Survey 2 0 0 0 .
67
MD Goal 1 - Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger
TARGET 1 Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people whose income is less than
$1 a day
Indicators
1990
2000
Percentage of Population living
below lower poverty line
-
25%*
Average GDP per capita income
in US$ PPP
620
(1991)
1534
(1998)
HDI**
0.427
(1991)
0.550
(1998)
2015
Will Goal be met by 2015 ?
Insuff icient Data
Fig 1.1
*Estimate used from pilot HIES 2000,CSO
**Bhutan National HDR 2000
TARGET 2
Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people
who suffer from hunger / malnutrition
Indicators
Percentage of population below
minimum level of dietary energy
5
consumption
1990
2000
2015
n.a
n.a
n.a
Percentage of under-weight
children
38%
(1989)
19%
19%
Achieved
Prevalance of height/age
for under-5 children
56%
(1989)
40%
28%
Potentially
Fig 1.3
MD Goal 2 - Achieve Universal Primary Education
TARGET 3
Ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike,
will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling
Indicators
1990
Gross Primary Enrolment rate
55%
Proportion of pupils starting
grade 1 who reach grade 5
73%
(1991)
Proportion of pupils starting
6
grade 1 who reach grade 7
35%
2000
2015
72%
100%
Probably
86%
(1998)
100%
Probably
69.3%
100%
Potentially
Fig 1.6
68
MD Goal 3 - Promote gender equality and empower women
TARGET 4
Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education
preferably by 2005 and to all levels of education no later than
2015.
Indicators
1990
2000
2015
Girls in primary schools
(for every 100 boys)
69
(1991)
82
100
Probably
Girls in secondary schools
(for every 100 boys)
43
(1991)
78
100
Potentially
Girls in tertiary schools
(for every 10 0 boys)
12
(1991 )
41
100
Unlikely
Fig 1.10
MD Goal 4 - Reduce child mortality
TARGET 5 Reduce by two-thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the under-five
mortality rate
Indicators
1990
2000
2015
41
Potentially
60.5
30
Potentially
85%
95%
Potentially
Under-five mortality rate
(per 1000 live births)
12 3 7
84
Infant mortality rate
(per 1000 live births)
90
Proportion of one-year-old children
covered under immunization
programme
84%
Fig 1.13
MD Goal 5 - Improve maternal health
TARGET 6
Reduce by three-quarters, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal
mortality ratio
Indicator
Maternal mortality ratio per
100,000 live births
1990
2000
2015
560
255
140
Prob ably
Fig 1.17
69
MD Goal 6 - Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other
diseases
TARGET 7
Have halted by 2015, and begun to reverse, the spread of
HIV/AIDS
Indicator
HIV cases detected
1990
2002
2015
0
38
-
Insufficient Data
F ig 1 . 2 0
TARGET 8 Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the incidence of malaria
and other major diseases
Indicators
1990
2000
2015
Number of reported malaria cases
9,497
5,935
-
Probably
Number of reported tuberculosis
cases
4,232
1,140
-
Probably
Fig 1.22
MD Goal 7 - Ensure environmental sustainability
TARG ET 9
Integrate the principles of sustainable development into co untry
policies and programmes and reverse the loss of environmental
resources
Indicators
1990
2002
2015
Proportion of land area covered by
forest
73%
73%
-
Probably
Proportion of land protected
through soil, moisture, water and
forest conservation to protect
biological diversity
23%
26%*
-
Probably
Fig 1.26
o
TARGET 10 Halve, by 2015, the proportion of people without sustainable
access to safe drinking water
Indicator
Percentage of population without
access to safe drinking water
source 9
1990
2000
55%
22%
2015
27%
Achieved
Fig 1.28
70
Appendix
D. Royal Government of Bhutan Statistics
Sources:
RGoB (2000b), Bhutan 2020: A Vision for Peace, Prosperity and Happiness
Part II The Path Forward: Goals, Objectives, Strategies and Milestones,
And
RGoB (2000c), Bhutan National Human Development Report 2000,
71
Table 1: Selected
estimates(MRE)
Development
Indicators,
1977
and
1977
Most
recent
MRE(1999)
Crude birth rate( per thousand)
43.6
39.9
Crude death rate (per thousand)
20.5
9.0
Life expectancy (years)
46.1
66.1
Immunization coverage (%)
n.a.
Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births)
n.a.
70.7
Maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live births)
n.a.
3.8
Under five mortality rate (per 1,000 live births)
162
90
96.9
Number of hospitals
10
Number of dispensaries
38
Number of Basic Health Units
31
145
Number of doctors
52
101
Number of primary schools
92
250
Number of junior high schools
14
44
6
18
Number of tertiary and training institutions
n.a.
10
Primary school enrollment rate (%)
n.a.
72
Number of high schools
28
Number of students in school
14,553
Students in tertiary education
866
2004
Number of teachers
922
2785
Adult literacy rate (pilot) (%)
17.5
46
Population served with electricity
n.a.
31,639
Population (rural) with access to potable water (%)
31
58
Population(rural) with access to safe sanitation (%)
n.a.
80
Number of telephone exchanges
15
26
Number of telephone lines
1,00,198
9314
GDP per capita (US$)
100
n.a.
Source: Royal Government of Bhutan
72
551
0.510
Table 1: Bhutan's Human Development Index 1998
Combined 1st,
Adult
Life
Life
2nd & 3rd
Real GDP
Education GDP
expectancy literacy
level gross per capita expectancy
rate
index
index
at birth
enrolment
index
(PPP$)
(%)
(years)
ratio( % )
1998
1998
1998
66
54
44
Human
Development
index
(HDI)
1998
1534
0.683
0.600
0.460
0.550
Adult literacy rate
(%)
Combined 1st 2nd
3rd level gross
enrolment ratio
Real GDP per
capita
Life expectancy
index
Education index
GDP index
Sum of the indices
Human
Development
Index (HDI)
1984
1991
1994
1998
Life expectancy at
birth (years)
Table 2: Trends in Bhutan’s Human Development Index 1984 – 1998
47.4
56.0
66.0
66.0
23.0
35.2
47.5
54.0
24.5
33.2
39.0
44.0
901
1,235
1,338
1,534
0.373
0.517
0.683
0.683
0.235
0.345
0.447
0.600
0.367
0.420
0.433
0.460
0.975
1.282
1.563
1.743
0.325
0.427
0.521
0.550
73
Tabel 3: Composition of GDP
(% of real GDP)
1980
1990
1998
Agriculture, livestock,
forestry & fishing
55.7
42.7
36.7
Mining and quarrying
0.6
0.9
2.4
Manufacturing
3.2
8.1
11.1
Electricity, water and gas
0.2
7.8
11.0
Construction
7.9
8.1
10.6
10.9
6.6
7.0
4.3
7.1
7.5
6.3
7.7
5.1
10.8
11.0
8.6
Wholesale & retail trade,
Restaurant & hotels
Transport, storage &
communications
Financing, insurance &
real estate
Community, social &
personal services (Govt)
Values of the HDI indicators for 1997:
Global 1999 Human
Dev el opmen t
Life expectancy at birth (years)
Adult literacy (%)
Combined enrolment ratio
Real GDP per capita (PPP$)
60.7
44.2
12.0
1,467
0.459
Royal Government
Report of Bhuta n
66.1
54.0
72.0
1,534
0.550
The difference in life expectancy is due to the different sources being used for estimation. The RGoB
estimate is based on the most recent demographic survey carried out in Bhutan, whereas the UN’s estimate is
based on demographic projections. A big difference also occurred in the combined enrolment rate. The UN
figure of 12% is unrealistically low; this is due to the population total of 1.9 million used for the calculation.
74
Appendix
E. Economic, Social and Environment Statistics
Sources:
ADB (2003b), Country Strategy and Programme Update 2004-2006, (August), Manila:
Asian Development Bank (Tables A.1.2, A.1.3, A.1.4)
And
ADB (2003a), Country Economic Review: Bhutan, (September), Manila:
Asian Development Bank (Table A.8)
75
Table A1.2: Country Economic Indicators
Item
A. Income and Growthc
1. GDP per Capita ($, current)
2. GDP Growth (%, in constant prices)
3. Agriculture
4. Industry
5. Services
1998
629.0
7.0
4.0
10.0
6.2
1999
683.0
6.4
5.0
6.6
7.7
Fiscal Year
2000
2001a
2002b
708.0
5.9
3.8
7.8
8.0
777.0
7.2
2.8
12.6
7.3
855.0
7.7
2.5
12.1
8.0
B. Saving and Investment (current and market prices)
1. Gross Domestic Investment
41.8
2. Gross Domestic Saving
13.1
46.2
15.4
(% of GDP)
48.9
19.2
46.5
19.5
48.0
20.0
C. Money and Inflation
c
1. Consumer Price Index
2. Total Liquidity (M2)
9.0
41.7
9.2
21.4
(annual % change)
3.6
3.6
21.4
5.5
2.7
17.6
D. Government Finance
1. Revenue and Grants
2. Expenditure and Net Lending
3. Overall Fiscal Surplus (Deficit)
40.0
41.7
(1.8)
39.6
43.4
(3.9)
(6.8)
(15.3)
(12.8)
12.0
E. Balance of Payments
1. Merchandise Trade Balance
(% of GDP)
2. Current Account Balance (% of GDP)
3. Merchandise Export ($) Growth
(annual % change)
4. Merchandise Import ($) Growth
(annual % change)
F. External Payments Indicators
1. Gross Official Reserves (including
gold, $ million)
(weeks of current year’s imports of
goods)
2. External Debt Service (% of exports of
goods and services)
3. Total External Debt (% of GDP)
G. Memorandum Items
d
1. GDP (current prices, Nu billion)
2. Exchange Rate (Nu/$, average)
e
3. Population ('000)
(% of GDP)
38.5
34.1
49.6
39.6
(11.1)
(5.4)
32.5
37.4
(4.8)
(16.7)
(21.2)
(18.3)
(25.9)
(5.9)
6.1
9.2
0.2
(12.9)
(0.1)
(1.0)
3.7
19.3
14.0
6.1
(4.1)
217.0
259.0
293.0
294.0
317.0
73
80
84
78
78
6.8
10.2
4.8
4.6
5.0
36.9
42.8
40.9
52.1
58.4
17,311
38.4
618.0
19,853
42.6
637.0
22,549
43.6
656.0
25,733
48.4
675.0
29,282
48.2
690.0
GDP = gross domestic product.
a
Provisional.
b
Estimate or budgeted.
c Annual perc e ntage change (period average).
d
On a fiscal year (July-June) basis
e
Based on a 1996 estimate of 600,000, and a growth rate of 3.1%. The figures for the later years were
obtained from Bhutan's 2000 National Health Survey.
Sources: Central Statistical Organization. 2001. National Accounts Statistics Repo r t , and update received on
22 May 2003; Depar t ment of Budget and Accounts, Ministr y of Finance; Royal Monetar y Authority of Bhutan.
2002. Annual Repo r t 2001/2002, Bhutan, and staff estimates.
76
Table A1.3: Country Poverty and Social Indicators
Latest
1985
1990
Item
Year
A. Population Indicators
547.0
(1993)
600.0
(1996)
690.0
(2002)
1. Total Population (‘000)
a
2.0
(1985)
3.1
(1994)
2.5
(2000)
2. Annual Population Growth Rate (% change)
B. Social Indicators
1. Total Fertility Rate (births/woman)
(1984)
5.6
(1994)
4.7
(2000)
5.9
Maternal Mortality Rate (per 100,000 live births)
770.0
(1984)
380.0
(1994)
255.0
(2000)
Infant Mortality Rate (below 1 year/1,000 live births)
142.0
(1984)
70.7
(1994)
60.5
(2000)
4. Life Expectancy at Birth (years)
47.5
(1984)
—
66.1
(2000)
—
66.2
(2000)
Female
49.1
(1985)
Male
45.8
(1985)
—
66.0
(2000)
—
54.0
(2000)
5. Adult Literacy (%)
23.0
—
—
—
Female
6. Primary School Enrollment (%)
—
—
72.0
(1998)
Female
—
—
62.0
(1998)
—
—
—
7. Secondary School Gross Enrollment (%)
Female
—
—
—
—
37.9
(1988)
18.7
(2000)
8. Child Malnutrition (% below age 5)
—
—
—
9. Population below Poverty Line (International, %)
b
10. Population with Access to Safe Water (%)
—
—
78.0
(2000)
c
—
—
88.0
(2000)
11. Population with Access to Sanitation (%)
d
3.6
(1986)
3.1
(1990)
6.4
(2000)
12. Public Education Expenditure (% of GDP)
0.2
(1987)
0.2
(1990)
0.5
(2000)
13. Human Development Index
Rank
119
(1987)
159
(1990)
140
(2000)
—
—
—
14. Gender-Related Development Index
Rank
—
—
—
a
C. Poverty Indicators
1. Poverty Incidence
f
—
—
25.3
(2000)
Lower Poverty Line (Nu612.1 per month)
g
—
—
36.3
(2000)
Upper Poverty Line (Nu748.1 per month)
2. Percent of Poor to Total Population
Lower Poverty Line
—
—
2.4
(2000)
Urban
Rural
—
—
29.0
(2000)
Upper Poverty Line
6.4
—
—
(2000)
Urban
Rural
—
—
41.3
(2000)
3. Poverty Gap
Lower Poverty Line
—
—
0.07
(2000)
Upper Poverty Line
—
—
0.11
(2000)
4. Poverty Severity Index
Lower Poverty Line
—
—
0.03
(2000)
Upper Poverty Line
—
—
0.05
(2000)
5. Inequality (Theil L Index)
—
—
—
6. Human Poverty Index
—
—
—
Rank
—
—
—
"—" = not available, GDP = gross domestic product.
a The figure for the latest year was obtained from Bhutan's 2000 National Health Survey.
b
Refers to population with access to safe drinking water.
c Refers to population with latrines.
d
GDP based on data from the Central Statistical Organization; expenditure data are for the fiscal year and GDP data are
for the calendar year.
e The information is a result of a pilot study and should be treated as preliminary.
f
The lower poverty line is defined by considering those households whose total expenditure is just enough to reach the food
poverty line. Anything that these households spend on nonfood goods is considered a minimum allowance for basic
nonfood goods. The lower poverty line is obtained by adding such amount to the food poverty line. Nu612.1 per month is
equivalent to about $0.45 per day.
g The upper poverty line is defined by considering those households whose food expenditure is equal to the food poverty
line. The level of nonfood spending found among those who reach the food poverty line (rather than those who can merely
af ford to do so if they cut all nonfood spending) provides the allowance for basic food needs. The upper poverty line is
obtained by adding this allowance to the food poverty line. Nu748.1 per month is equivalent to about $0.56 per day.
Sources: Statistical Yearbook of Bhutan. 1999; Eight Five Year Plan, 1997–2002; United Nations Development
Programme. 2000. Human Development Report; Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. 1996.
Statistical Yearbook for Asia and the Pacific; United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. 1998. World
Education Report; World Resources. A Guide to the Global Environment 1998–99 and Past Issues; Central Statistical
Organization (CSO). 2001. Official Communication; 1998. Key Indicators of Developing Asian and Pacific Countries;
Central Statistical Organization, Planning Commission, Royal Government of Bhutan. 2001. Household Income and
Expenditure Survey 2000 (Pilot). Thimphu; and staff estimates.
77
Table A1.4: Country Environment Indicators
1980
Latest Year
Indicator
A. Energy Efficiency of Emissions
1. GDP/Unit of Energy Use (PPP$/kgoe)
2. Traditional Fuel Use (% of total energy use)
3. Carbon Dioxide Emissions
Tons per capita
—
—
—
—
—
0.2
(1998)
B. Water Pollution: Water and Sanitation
1. % Urban Population with Access to Safe Water
2. % Rural Population with Access to Safe Water
3. % Urban Population with Access to Sanitation
—
—
—
78
58
82
(2002)
(1998)
(1998)
29.8
(2002)
C. Land Use and Deforestation
1. Forest Area (million hectares)
2. Average Annual Deforestation
Square kilometers (km2)
% change
3. Rural Population Density (people/km2 of cultivated land)
4. Cultivated Land (% of total land)
5. Permanent Cropland (% of total land)
D. Biodiversity and Protected Areas
1. Nationally Protected Areas
Hectares (Million)
% of total land
2. Biological Corridors
Hectares (Million)
% of total land
3. Mammals (number of threatened species)
4. Birds (number of threatened species)
5. Higher Plants (number of threatened species)
6. Reptiles (number of threatened species)
7. Amphibians (number of threatened species)
E. Urban Areas
1. Urban Population
Thousands
% of total population
2. Per Capita Water Use (liters/day)
3. Wastewater Treated (%)
4. Solid Waste Generated Per Capita (kg/day)
27.6
—
(1980–90)
0.6
—
—
—
—
—
150
7.8
2.0
(2002)
(2002)
—
—
1.2
26.0
(2001)
(2001)
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
0.4
9.0
22.0
12.0
7.0
0.0
—
(2000)
(2000)
(2002)
(2002)
(2002)
(1996)
50.0
4.0
—
—
—
138.0
21.0
—
—
2.0
(2000)
(2000)
42000)
“—“ = not available, GDP = gross domestic product, kg = kilogram, kgoe = kilograms of oil equivalent,
km2 = square kilometer, PPP = purchasing power parity.
Sources: Ministry of Finance. 2003. Official Communication; Government of Bhutan. Statistical
Yearbook of Bhutan; World Bank. World Development Report, 1999–2000; World Resources: A Guide
to the Environment, 1998–99.
78
Table A.8: Public External Debt and Debt Service
Item
FY1997
FY1998
FY1999
FY2000
FY2001
FY2002
(in $ million)
Total Public External Debt
118.8
135.1
161.2
173.8
236.9
291.8
Convertible Currency Debt
Concessional Debt
Asian Development Bank
World Bank, I D A
IFAD
Kuwait Fund
Other
Commercial Debt
84.1
80.7
36.3
21.3
11.4
10.9
0.8
90.4
89.3
40.4
22.1
12.2
9.6
5.0
98.2
98.2
43.2
24.0
12.7
7.9
10.4
98.7
98.7
43.2
24.0
12.7
7.9
10.9
107.0
107.0
47.4
27.6
12.5
6.5
13.0
129.9
129.9
55.4
33.2
13.7
5.1
22.5
3.4
1.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
Nonconvertible Currency Debt
34.7
44.7
63.0
75.1
129.9
161.9
Debt Service Payments
Principal
Interest
b
Principal
Interest
10.4
6.1
4.4
1.7
4.2
0.4
3.8
10.0
5.9
4.7
1.2
4.1
2.5
1.7
14.2
4.9
3.8
1.1
9.3
7.9
1.3
6.6
3.7
2.6
1.0
2.9
2.0
0.9
6.3
3.7
2.6
1.0
2.6
1.9
0.7
6.4
4.0
2.7
1.3
2.4
1.8
0.6
39.7
38.2
48.7
54.7
a
0
(in percent of GDP)
Total Public External Debt
Concessional
Commercial
Memorandum Items:
Debt Service Ratio (% of merchandise
Exchange Rate (Nu per $, end of period)
33.5
34.5
23.7
22.7
1.0
23.1
22.8
0.3
24.2
24.2
0.0
21.7
21.7
0.0
22.0
22.0
0.0
24.3
24.3
0.0
9.8
11.4
15.5
16.5
26.7
30.3
8.2
35.8
8.2
38.4
11.9
42.6
4.9
43.6
4.6
46.4
5.0
48.2
GDP = gross domestic product, I DA = International Development Association, I F A D = International Fund for Agricultural
Development.
a Converted to dollars using the end of period exchange rate.
b Converted to dollars using the fiscal year average exchange rate.
Note: Fiscal year variables are divided by the second year GDP in the period to calculate shares used by other IFIs
such as International Monetary Fund. Thus, external debt-to-GDP ratios may vary from these using GPD data on calendar year
basis.
Source: Derived from Royal Monetary Authority. 2002. ry Authority. 2002. Annual Report . December; and staff estimates.
79
Appendix
F. Poverty Monitoring Indicators and Targets
Source:
ADB (2001), Poverty Reduction Partnership Agreement
between the Royal Government of Bhutan and the Asian Development Bank,
Manila: Asian Development Bank
80
Poverty Reduction Partnership Agreement
INDICATORS/ TARGETS—MONITORING AND EVALUATION FRAMEWORK
Priority Area
• Personal income tax
• Average monthly rural incomes
• Financial Sector
• Legislative and regulatory environment
• Share of manufacturing in GDP
• Share of tourism in GDP
• Population growth rate
• Primary school enrollment rate
• Maternal Mortality Rate
•
•
•
•
Rural coverage of safe sanitation
Provision of potable water
Adult literacy rate
Average life expectancy
• Post office for all villages and
settlements
• Percentage of rural population within a
half-day’s walk from the nearest road
• Rural population with electricity
Indicators/ Targets
Income
• Undertake necessary actions and
measures to introduce personal
income tax in January 2002
• Nu3,000 per head from around
Nu1,000 per head
Private Sector Development
• Maintain effective regulation of the
financial system
• Maintain an effective legislative and
regulatory framework
• 30% from about 10%
• 25% from about 2%
Social Development
• 2.1% from 2.5%
1.6%
1.3%
• 100% from 72%
• Less than 2 per 1,000 live births
from 2.5 per 1,000 live births
• 90% from 88%
• 90% from 78%
• 100% from 54%
• 77 years from 66 years
Physical Infrastructure
• 100% from 65%
• 75% from 50%
• 50% from 22%
75%
Governance
• Decentralization and local participation
• Preparation of five-year plans at all
local levels through community
consultations from currently 50%
Environment
• Forest cover
• No less than 60%
• Environment Assessment Act, 2000
• Enforce/ implement environment
and its regulations
legislation and regulations
• Vehicle emission standards
• Introduce and establish vehicle
emission standards
• Introduce baseline water and air
• Water and air quality standards
quality standards
Monitoring and Evaluation Arrangements
• Indicators/ targets for priority areas
• Assess progress and achievement
• Household Living Standard Survey
• Undertake a comprehensive survey
or another rapid assessment.
Timeframe
Monitoring
Source
Immediate
MOF, DRC
1999-2012
PCS, CSO
Immediate
RMA, MOF
Immediate
RMA, MOF, MOT I
1999-2012
1999-2012
CSO, MOTI
CSO, MOTI
2000-2002
2007
2012
2000-2007
2000-2007
MOHE, DOH
1999-2007
1999-2007
1999-2012
1999-2012
MOHE, DOH
MOHE, DOH
MOHE, DOE
MOHE, DOH
1999-2002
MOC, Bhutan Post
1999-2012
MOC, DOR, MOA
1999-2012
2020
MOTI, DOP
2000-2007
MOHA, PCS
Immediate
Immediate
NEC
NEC
2002
NEC
2007
NEC
Annual
2004
MOHE, DOE
MOHE, DOH
ADB, DADM, PCS
ADB, DADM, PCS
ADB-Asian Development Bank; CSO-Central Statistical Organization; DADM-Department of Aid and Debt Management;
DBA-Department of Budget and Accounts; DOE-Department of Education; DOH-Department of Health; DOP-Department
of Power; DRCDepartment of Revenue and Customs; DUDH-Department of Urban Development and Housing; MOAMinistry of Agriculture; MOCMinistry of Communication; MOF-Ministry of Finance; MOHA-Ministry of Home Affairs;
MOHE-Ministry of Health and Education; MOTI-Ministry of Trade and Industry; NEC-National Environment Commission;
PCS-Planning Commission Secretariat; and RMARoyal Monetary Authority
81
Appendix
G. Human Development Indicators (UNDP 2003)
Source:
UNDP (2003) Human Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press
-
Classification of countries in the human development aggregate
-
Classification of countries in the income aggregate
-
1 Human Development Index
-
2 Human Development Index Trends
-
8 Survival: progress and setbacks
-
16 Flows of aid, private capital and debt
82
Classification of countries
Countries in the human development aggregates
High human
development
(HDI 0.800 and
above)
Australia
Austria
Bahamas
Bahrain
Barbados
Belarus
Belgium
Brunei Darussalam
Canada
Chile
Costa Rica
Croatia
Cuba
Cyprus
Czech Republic
Denmark
Estonia
Finland
France
Germany
Greece
Hong Kong, China ( S A R )
Hungary
Iceland
Ireland
Israel
Italy
Japan
Korea, Rep. of
Kuwait
Latvia
Lithuania
Luxembourg
Malta
Mexico
Netherlands
New Zealand
Norway
Poland
Portugal
Qatar
Saint Kitts and Nevis
Seychelles
Medium human
development
(HDI 0.500–0.799)
Singapore
Slovakia
Slovenia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Trinidad and Tobago
United Arab Emirates
United Kingdom
United States
Uruguay
( 5 5 c o u n t ri e s o r a r e a s )
Albania
Algeria
Antigua and Barbuda
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Bangladesh
Belize
Bhutan
Bolivia
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Botswana
Brazil
Bulgaria
Cambodia
C ape Verde
China
Colombia
Comoros
Congo
Dominica
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
Egypt
El Salvador
Equatorial Guinea
Fiji
Gabon
Georgia
Ghana
Grenada
Guatemala
Guyana
Honduras
India
Indonesia
Iran, Islamic Rep. of
Jamaica
Jordan
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Lao People’s Dem. Rep.
Lebanon
Lesotho
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
Low human
development
(HDI below 0.500)
Macedonia, TFYR
Malaysia
Maldives
Mauritius
Moldova, Rep. of
Mongolia
Morocco
Myanmar
Namibia
Nicaragua
Occupied Palestinian Territories
Oman
Panama
Papua New Guinea
Paraguay
Peru
Philippines
Romania
Russian Federation
Saint Lucia
Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines
Samoa (Western)
Sao Tomé and Principe
Saudi Arabia
Solomon Islands
South Africa
Sri Lanka
Sudan
Suriname
Swaziland
Syrian Arab Republic
Tajikistan
Thailand
Togo
Tunisia
Turkey
Turkmenistan
Ukraine
Uzbekistan
Vanuatu
Venezuela
Viet Nam
Angola
Benin
Burkina Faso
Burundi
Cameroon
Central African Republic
Chad
Congo, Dem. Rep. of the
C6te d’Ivoire
Djibouti
Eritrea
Ethiopia
Gambia
Guinea
Guinea-Bissau
Haiti
Kenya
Madagascar
Malawi
Mali
Mauritania
Mozambique
Nepal
Niger
Nigeria
Pakistan
Rwanda
Senegal
Sierra Leone
Tanzania, U. Rep. of
Uganda
Yemen
Zambia
Zimbabwe
( 3 4 c o u n t ri e s o r a r e a s )
(86 countries or areas)
a. Excludes the following UN member countries for which the HDI cannot be computed: Afghanistan, Andorra, Iraq, Kiribati, the Democratic Republic of Korea,
Liberia, Liechtenstein, the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Monaco, Nauru, Palau, San Marino, Serbia and Montenegro, Somalia, Timor-Leste,
Tonga and Tuvalu.
83
Countries in the income aggregate
High income
(GNI per capita
of $9,206
or more in 2001)
Andorra
Australia
Austria
Bahamas
Bahrain
Belgium
Brunei Darussalam
Canada
Cyprus
Denmark
Finland
France
Germany
Greece
Hong Kong, China (SAR)
Iceland
Ireland
Israel
Italy
Japan
Korea, Rep. of
Kuwait
Liechtenstein
Luxembourg
Monaco
Netherlands
New Zealand
Norway
Portugal
Qatar
San Marino
Singapore
Slovenia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
United Arab Emirates
United Kingdom
United States
Middle income
(GNI per capita of $746–9,205 in 2001)
Albania
Algeria
Antigua and Barbuda
Argentina
Barbados
Belarus
Belize
Bolivia
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Botswana
Brazil
Bulgaria
Cape Verde
Chile
China
Colombia
Costa Rica
Croatia
Cuba
Czech Republic
Djibouti
Dominica
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
Egypt
El Salvador
Estonia
Fiji
Gabon
Grenada
Guatemala
Guyana
Honduras
Hungary
Iraq
Jamaica
Jordan
Kazakhstan
Kiribati
Latvia
Lebanon
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
Lithuania
a. World Bank classification (effective as of 1
Nauru and Tuvalu because of lack of data.
Macedonia, TFYR
Malaysia
Maldives
Malta
Marshall Islands
Mauritius
Mexico
Micronesia, Fed. Sts.
Morocco
Namibia
Occupied Palestinian
Oman
Palau
Panama
Paraguay
Peru
Philippines
Poland
Romania
Russian Federation
Saint Kitts and Nevis
Saint Lucia
Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines
Samoa (Western)
Saudi Arabia
Serbia and Montenegro
Seychelles
Slovakia
South Africa
Sri Lanka
Suriname
Swaziland
Thailand
Tonga
Trinidad and Tobago
Tunisia
Turkey
Turkmenistan
Uruguay
Vanuatu
Venezuela
Low income
(GNI per capita of $745 or less in
2001)
Afghanistan
Angola
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Bangladesh
Benin
Bhutan
Burkina Faso
Burundi
Cambodia
Cameroon
Central African Republic
Chad
Comoros
Congo
Congo, Dem. Rep. of the
C6te d’Ivoire
Equatorial Guinea
Eritrea
Ethiopia
Gambia
Georgia
Ghana
Guinea
Guinea-Bissau
Haiti
India
Indonesia
Kenya
Korea, Dem. Rep. of
Kyrgyzstan
Lesotho
Liberia
Madagascar
Malawi
Mali
Mauritania
Moldova, Rep. of
Mongolia
Mozambique
Myanmar
Nepal
Niger
Nigeria
Pakistan
Papua New Guinea
Rwanda
Sio Tomé and Principe
Senegal
Sierra Leone
Solomon Islands
Somalia
Sudan
Tajikistan
Timor-Leste
Togo
Uganda
Ukraine
Uzbekistan
Viet Nam
Yemen
Zambia
Zimbabwe
(66 c ountries or areas)
Nicaragua
July 2002) based on gross national income (GNI) per capita. Excludes
84
development
index
GDP
Combined
1 Human
Adult
Life
expectancy
at birth
(years)
2001
Human
primary,
GDP
literacy
secondary and
rate
tertiary gross per capita
(% age 15
and above)
2001
enrolment
(PPP US$)
2001
ratio
Life
expectancy
index
development
Education
index
(PPP
US$)
GDP
index
index
(HDI)
rank
value
minus
2001
( % )
2000-01 b
HDI rank a
per
capita
HDI
rankc
101 Uzbekistan
69.3
99.2 d
76 h
2,460
0.74
0.91
0.53
0.729
21
102 Kyrgyzstan
103 Cape Verde
104 China
105 E l Salvador
68.1
69.7
70.6
97.0 p,q
79
80 e
64 e,g
2,750
5,570 l
4,020
0.72
0.75
0.76
0.91
0.77
0.79
0.55
0.67
0.62
0.727
0.727
0.721
16
-18
-2
70.4
79.2
64
5,260
0.76
0.74
0.66
0.719
-17
106
107
108
109
69.8
77.1
64
0.75
0.73
0.68
0.719
-29
69.2
68.5
68.6
67.8
99.0
92.7
71 e
61
64
6,000
6,090 l
2,150
2,070
0.74
0.72
0.73
0.69
0.86
0.83
0.69
0.51
0.51
0.704
0.700
0.688
-31
21
21
0.58
Algeria
Moldova, Rep. of
Viet Nam
74.9
85.8
110 Syrian Arab Republic
71.5
75.3
59 g
3,280
0.77
0.70
111
112
113
114
115
50.9
85.6
78
11,290 l
0.43
0.83
66.2
68.3
63.3
87.3
99.3 d
86.0
64 e
71
84 e
2,940
1,170
2,300
0.69
0.72
0.64
68.8
75.6
62 e
2,830
0.73
0.71
49.0
84.2
58 g
15,073 g,y
0.40
0.76
63.3
56.6
65.3
98.5
71.0 p,q
69.2
64
83 e
57 e
1,740
5,990
4,400
0.64
0.53
0.67
116
117
118
119
120
South Africa
Indonesia
Tajikistan
Bolivia
Honduras
Equatorial Guinea
Mongolia
Gabon
Guatemala
Egypt
0.80
0.90
0.85
0.685
-1
0.79
0.684
-64
0.56
0.41
0.52
0.682
0.677
0.672
2
41
12
0.56
0.667
1
0.84
0.664
-78
0.87
0.75
0.65
0.48
0.68
0.63
0.661
0.653
0.652
25
-40
-22
0.63
0.59
0.648
-12
68.3
56.1
76 e,h
3,520
0.72
121 Nicaragua
122 Sao Tomé and Principe
123 Solomon Islands
69.1
66.8
65 e,g
2,450 g,l
0.73
0.66
0.53
0.643
2
69.4
68.7
83.1 m
76.6 m
58 m
50 m
1,317 g,r
1,910 l
0.74
0.73
0.75
0.68
0.43
0.49
0.639
0.632
28
13
124
47.4
82.7
74 g
7,120 l
0.37
0.80
0.71
0.627
-59
125 Botswana
44.7
78.1
80
7,820
0.33
0.79
0.73
0.614
-65
126
127
128
129
130
Morocco
India
Vanuatu
Ghana
Cambodia
68.1
49.8
51 g
3,600
0.72
0.50
0.60
0.606
-19
63.3
68.3
57.7
58.0
34.0 m
72.7
56 e,g
54 g
46
2,840
3,190 l
2,250 l
0.64
0.72
0.54
0.57
0.41
0.64
0.56
0.58
0.52
0.590
0.568
0.567
-12
-17
-1
57.4
68.7
55
1,860
0.54
0.64
0.49
0.556
9
Myanmar
Papua New Guinea
Swaziland
Comoros
57.0
85.0
47
1,027 g,u
0.53
0.72
0.39
0.549
28
57.0
38.2
60.2
64.6
80.3
56.0
41 g
77 g
40 g
2,570 l
4,330
1,870 l
0.53
0.22
0.59
0.57
0.79
0.51
0.54
0.63
0.49
0.548
0.547
0.528
-12
-34
4
10
131
132
133
134
135
Namibia
53.9
65.6
57
1,620 l
0.48
0.63
0.46
0.525
136 Bhutan
137 Lesotho
138 Sudan
139 Bangladesh
62.5
47.0 p,q
33 h
1,833 o
0.62
0.42
0.49
0.511
5
38.6
55.4
60.5
83.9
58.8
40.6
63
34 g
54
2,420 l
1,970
1,610
0.23
0.51
0.59
0.77
0.51
0.45
0.53
0.50
0.46
0.510
0.503
0.502
-13
-4
7
140
48.5
81.8
57 e
970
0.39
0.73
0.38
0.502
22
50.3
58.4
67 g
1,650
0.42
0.61
0.47
0.501
3
72.4
42.9
44.0
89.3
48 e,g
144 Pakistan
145 Zimbabwe
48.0
59.1
60.4
35.4
1,680
1,310
1,890
2,280
0.38
0.57
0.59
0.17
0.64
0.50
0.41
0.79
0.47
0.43
0.49
0.52
0.499
0.499
0.499
0.496
1
8
-7
-18
146
46.4
83.3
52
980
0.36
0.73
0.38
0.489
14
147 Uganda
44.7
68.0
71
1,490 l
0.33
0.69
0.45
0.489
1
148
Yemen
59.4
47.7
52 g
790
0.57
0.49
0.34
0.470
21
149 Madagascar
150 Haiti
151 Gambia
53.0
49.1
67.3
50.8
41 g
830
1,860 l
0.47
0.40
0.58
0.51
0.35
0.49
0.468
0.467
17
-11
Congo
141 Togo
Low human development
142
Cameroon
143 Nepal
Kenya
53.7
37.8
64
36
59 e
52 h
47 e
2,050 l
85
0.48
0.41
0.50
0.463
-20
2 Human
development
index trends
HDI rank
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2001
101
Uzbekistan
..
..
..
0.728
0.712
0.729
102
Kyrgyzstan
..
..
..
..
..
0.727
103 Cape Verde
104 China
105 El Salvador
..
0.521
..
0.554
0.593
0.591
0.632
0.624
0.683
0.679
0.727
0.721
0.595
0.595
0.614
0.653
0.692
0.719
106
107
108
109
0.562
0.566
0.607
0.646
0.690
0.719
0.510
..
..
0.559
0.718
..
0.609
0.739
0.582
0.648
0.756
0.603
0.668
0.704
0.646
0.704
0.700
0.688
Algeria
Moldova, Rep. of
Viet Nam
0.536
0.578
0.612
0.632
0.664
0.685
111 South Africa
0.660
0.676
0.702
0.734
0.741
0.684
112
0.464
0.526
0.578
0.619
0.659
0.682
113 Tajikistan
114 Bolivia
..
0.511
..
0.546
0.736
0.573
0.736
0.598
0.665
0.631
0.677
0.672
115
0.522
Indonesia
Honduras
0.571
0.603
0.626
0.648
0.667
116 Equatorial Guinea
117 Mongolia
..
..
..
..
..
0.664
..
..
0.647
0.655
0.634
0.661
118
..
..
..
..
..
0.653
Gabon
119 Guatemala
120 Egypt
121
Nicaragua
122 5ao Tomé and Principe
123 Solomon Islands
124
Namibia
125
Botswana
126 Morocco
127 India
128
Vanuatu
129 Ghana
130 Cambodia
131
Myanmar
132 Papua New Guinea
133 Swaziland
134 Comoros
135 Lao People’s Dem. Rep.
136
Bhutan
0.514
0.551
0.563
0.587
0.617
0.652
0.433
0.480
0.530
0.572
0.605
0.648
..
..
..
..
..
0.643
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
0.639
0.632
..
..
..
..
0.677
0.627
0.509
0.573
0.626
0.674
0.666
0.614
0.427
0.472
0.506
0.538
0.567
0.606
0.416
0.443
0.481
0.519
0.553
0.590
..
..
..
..
..
0.568
0.444
0.474
0.487
0.515
0.537
0.567
..
..
..
0.512
0.543
0.556
..
..
..
..
..
0.549
0.428
0.510
..
0.450
0.541
0.485
0.470
0.567
0.503
0.487
0.611
0.507
0.527
0.606
0.515
0.548
0.547
0.528
..
..
0.422
0.449
0.485
0.525
..
..
..
..
..
0.511
137 Lesotho
0.477
0.517
0.542
0.565
0.558
0.510
138
0.351
0.378
0.399
0.431
0.465
0.503
Sudan
139 Bangladesh
0.336
0.352
0.384
0.414
0.443
0.502
140
Congo
0.462
0.506
0.553
0.538
0.517
0.502
141
Togo
0.402
0.450
0.449
0.480
0.491
0.501
142
143
Cameroon
Nepal
0.402
0.445
0.495
0.510
0.498
0.499
0.287
0.326
0.368
0.413
0.451
0.499
144 Pakistan
0.344
0.370
0.403
0.440
0.472
0.499
145
0.544
0.570
0.626
0.614
0.567
0.496
146 Kenya
0.440
0.487
0.510
0.535
0.519
0.489
147 Uganda
148 Yemen
..
..
0.402
0.403
0.412
0.489
149
Zimbabwe
Madagascar
150 Haiti
151 Gambia
..
..
..
0.392
0.429
0.470
0.397
0.431
0.424
0.431
0.438
0.468
..
0.446
0.461
0.457
0.456
0.467
0.291
..
..
..
0.426
0.463
86
5 Demographic
trends
Total population
Urban
population
Annual
population
growth rate
(millions)
(as % of total)a
HDI rank
2001b
1975
101 Uzbekistan
14.0
102 Kyrgyzstan
3.3
103 Cape Verde
104 China
105 El Salvador
0.3
927.8
25.3
5.0
0.4
d
1,285.2
d
(as % of
total)
(as % of
total)
(per woman)
2015b
19752001
30.7
2.3
39.1
36.7
38.4
35.4
26.2
4.8
5.0
5.9
1.6
1.2
37.9
34.4
36.0
33.3
26.4
6.1
5.9
4.7
0.6
1.8
1.9
21.4
63.3
73.5
40.9 32.6
4.5
3.5
7.0
3.3
17.4 36.7
49.5
24.3 19.4
7.0
9.4
4.9
1.8
41.5
61.3
73.2
35.4
29.4
5.2
6.5
6.1
2.9
45.8 64.7
73.2
33.9 26.8
4.5
4.9
6.4
2.3
1,402.3
d
1.3d
200115b
Population Population Total fertility
under age aged 65
rate
and above
15
1.4
0.6
d
6.3
200005b
2.4
2.6
4.1
6.3
7.6
1.6
106 Iran, Islamic Rep. of
33.4
67.2
81.4
2.7
107 Algeria
16.0
30.7
38.1
2.5
1.5
40.3 57.7
65.2
34.3 27.4
4.2
4.9
7.4
2.8
3.8
4.3
4.2
0.4
-0.1
35.8 41.7
45.2
22.1 16.5
9.6 10.9
2.6
1.4
2.3
108 Moldova, Rep. of
1.3
1975 2001b 2015b 2001b 2015b 2001b 2015b 197075c
1.4
109 Viet Nam
48.0
79.2
94.7
1.9
1.3
18.8
24.5
31.6
32.6
25.3
5.4
5.5
6.7
7.5
17.0
23.0
3.1
2.2
45.1
51.8
57.9
39.1 32.2
3.0
3.6
7.5
3.3
111 South Africa
25.8
48.0
57.6
67.2
33.6
29.2
3.8
6.0
5.4
2.6
44.4
44.3
2.1
(.)
112 Indonesia
134.4
214.4
250.4
1.8
1.1
19.4 42.0
55.0
30.4 25.3
5.0
6.4
113 Tajikistan
3.4
6.1
7.3
2.2
1.2
35.5
27.6
29.6
38.5 28.5
4.7
4.6
6.8
3.1
114 Bolivia
4.8
8.5
10.8
2.2
41.3
62.9
69.9
39.3
4.4
5.3
6.5
3.8
1.7
32.8
5.2
2.4
115 Honduras
3.0
6.6
8.8
3.0
2.0
32.1
53.6
64.3 41.2
33.5
3.6
4.5
7.1
3.7
116 Equatorial Guinea
0.2
0.5
0.7
2.8
2.5
27.1
49.2
61.4 43.5
43.0
3.8
3.6
5.7
5.9
117 Mongolia
1.4
2.5
3.1
2.1
1.3
48.7 56.7
59.5
3.8
4.1
7.3
2.4
118 Gabon
0.6
1.3
1.6
2.9
1.8
40.0
82.1
88.9 41.3
35.0
4.5
4.3
5.3
4.0
119 Guatemala
6.0
11.7
16.2
2.6
2.3
36.7
40.0
46.2 43.3
37.4
3.6
3.9
6.5
4.4
39.3
69.1
90.0
2.2
1.9
43.5
42.7
45.8 35.7
31.7
4.5
5.4
5.7
3.3
56.5
62.6
120 Egypt
34.2 26.6
121 Nicaragua
2.5
5.2
7.0
2.8
2.1
48.9
42.2 34.9
3.1
3.8
6.8
3.7
122 Sao Tomé and Principe
0.1
0.2
0.2
2.4
2.3
27.0 47.6 56.4 41.2 36.4
4.6
3.8
5.4
4.0
0.6
3.3
123 Solomon Islands
124 Namibia
125 Botswana
126 Morocco
127 India
0.2
0.9
0.5
1.9
2.6
2.2
2.8
0.9
9.1
20.2
28.6
43.3 36.5
2.7
3.4
7.2
4.4
20.6
31.4
39.4
43.2
37.5
3.7
4.6
6.6
4.6
12.8 49.4 56.0
40.0 37.4
2.6
4.5
6.7
3.7
37.8
32.3 27.9
4.3
5.1
6.9
2.7
5.0
6.3
5.4
3.0
4.1
0.8
1.7
1.7
2.9
-0.2
17.3
29.6
36.5
2.1
1.5
620.7
1,033.4
1,246.4
2.0
1.3
21.3 27.9 32.2 33.7 27.7
56.1
64.4
128 Vanuatu
0.1
0.2
0.3
2.7
2.2
15.7 22.1
28.6
129 Ghana
9.9
20.0
26.4
2.7
2.0
30.1
42.4 40.6
130 Cambodia
7.1
13.5
18.4
2.5
2.2
10.3 17.4
131 Myanmar
3.5
4.0
6.1
34.9
3.3
4.1
6.9
4.1
42.5 37.4
2.9
3.6
5.5
4.8
30.2
48.2
55.8
1.8
28.2
36.7
32.7 26.8
4.6
5.9
5.8
2.9
2.9
5.5
7.2
2.5
1.9
11.9 17.6
22.3
41.4 34.0
2.4
2.8
6.1
4.1
133 Swaziland
0.5
2.8
0.1
1.1
23.9
26.1
41.6 34.9
132 Papua New Guinea
1.1
1.0
36.4
14.0
26.7
32.7
44.0
39.7
3.2
4.6
6.9
4.5
134 Comoros
0.3
0.7
1.0
3.2
2.6
21.2
33.8
42.6
42.7
38.5
2.3
3.0
7.1
4.9
135 Lao People’s Dem. Rep.
3.0
5.4
7.3
2.2
2.1
11.1 19.7
27.1
42.4 36.8
3.5
3.7
136 Bhutan
1.2
2.1
3.0
2.3
2.6
3.5
7.4
11.6
42.3 37.8
4.3
4.5
5.9
137 Lesotho
1.1
1.8
1.7
1.8
-0.3
10.8
28.7
38.9
40.2 38.2
4.6
5.4
5.7
3.8
138 Sudan
16.7
32.2
41.4
2.5
1.8
18.9
37.0
48.7
39.9 34.8
3.5
4.4
6.7
4.4
139 Bangladesh
3.5
6.2
4.8
5.0
75.2
140.9
181.4
2.4
1.8
9.9
25.5
34.4
38.8
31.9
3.2
3.8
6.2
140 Congo
1.5
3.5
5.2
3.2
2.8
35.0
66.0
72.6
46.6 46.2
3.0
2.8
6.3
6.3
141 Togo
2.3
4.7
6.4
2.8
2.2
16.3 33.9 42.7 44.1 40.3
3.2
3.5
7.1
5.3
18.9
2.7
142 Cameroon
7.6
15.4
143 Nepal
13.4
24.1
32.0
144 Pakistan
70.3
146.3
204.5
145 Zimbabwe
6.1
12.8
13.0
2.3
1.4
2.0
26.9 49.6
42.7 37.8
3.6
4.1
5.0 12.2 17.9 40.5 35.6
58.9
3.7
4.2
6.3
5.8
4.6
4.3
2.8
2.4
26.4
33.4
39.5
41.8 38.1
3.7
4.0
6.3
5.1
2.8
0.2
19.6
36.0
45.9
43.5
3.4
4.2
7.6
3.9
39.6
146 Kenya
13.6
31.1
36.9
3.2
1.2
12.9 34.3
47.2
42.7 36.5
2.9
3.4
8.1
4.0
147 Uganda
10.8
24.2
39.3
3.1
3.5
8.3 14.5
20.7
50.0 49.7
2.6
2.3
7.1
7.1
148 Yemen
6.9
18.7
30.7
3.8
3.6
16.6
25.0
31.2
48.9 47.2
2.3
2.2
8.4
7.0
149 Madagascar
7.9
16.4
24.0
2.8
2.7
16.3 30.1
39.4
44.7 41.7
3.0
3.1
6.6
5.7
9.7
1.9
150 Haiti
4.9
8.1
151 Gambia
0.6
1.4
1.9
3.4
87
1.3
2.3
36.3
45.6
39.8 35.1
3.9
4.5
5.8
4.0
17.0 31.2
21.7
40.5
41.1 36.6
3.5
4.4
6.5
4.7
8 Survival:
progress and
setbacks
Life expectancy at
birth
(years)
Infant mortality
rate
Under-five
mortality rate
Probability at birth of
surviving to age 65 a
(per 1,000 live births) (per 1,000 live births)
Female
Male
(% of cohort) (% of cohort)
HDI rank
1970-75
b
2000-05b
1970
2001
1970
2001
2000-05
b
2000-05
b
Maternal
mortality
ratio
reported
(per 100,000
live births)
1985-2001c
64.2
69.7
..
52
..
68
76.9
65.7
21
63.1
68.6
111
52
146
61
77.2
61.5
65
Cape Verde
57.5
70.2
..
29
..
38
79.5
68.1
35
China
63.2
71.0
85
31
120
39
81.3
72.7
55
105
El Salvador
58.2
70.7
111
33
162
39
77.6
67.3
120
106
55.3
70.3
122
35
191
42
79.5
71.8
37
107
Algeria
54.5
69.7
143
39
234
49
76.9
72.8
140
108
Moldova, Rep. of
64.8
68.9
46
27
61
32
76.4
60.2
28
109
Viet Nam
50.3
69.2
112
30
157
38
77.2
68.8
95
110
57.0
71.9
90
23
129
28
80.0
74.7
110
111
South Africa
53.7
47.7
80
56
115
71
37.4
24.9
..
112
Indonesia
49.2
66.8
104
33
172
45
72.5
64.2
380
113
Tajikistan
63.4
68.8
78
114
Bolivia
46.7
63.9
144
115
Honduras
53.8
68.9
116
31
170
38
116
Equatorial Guinea
40.5
49.1
165
101
281
153
117
Mongolia
53.8
63.9
..
61
..
76
67.4
118
Gabon
48.7
56.6
..
60
..
90
52.0
48.6
520
119
Guatemala
53.7
65.8
115
43
168
58
70.5
59.0
190
120
Egypt
52.1
68.8
157
35
235
41
78.0
67.9
80
121
Nicaragua
55.1
69.5
113
36
165
43
75.2
66.5
150
122
Sao Tomé and Principe
56.5
69.9
..
57
..
74
79.1
68.9
..
123
Solomon Islands
55.6
69.2
71
20
99
24
76.0
70.2
553
124
Namibia
49.9
44.3
104
55
155
67
30.8
24.7
270
125
Botswana
56.1
39.7
99
80
142
110
21.7
17.3
330
126
Morocco
52.9
68.7
119
39
184
44
77.1
69.4
230
127
India
50.3
63.9
127
67
202
93
67.5
61.9
540
128
Vanuatu
54.0
68.8
107
34
160
42
73.1
66.3
..
129
Ghana
49.9
57.9
112
57
190
100
55.8
50.1
210
130
Cambodia
40.3
57.4
..
97
..
138
56.9
47.6
440
131
Myanmar
49.3
57.3
122
77
179
109
58.9
47.7
230
132
Papua New Guinea
44.7
57.6
106
70
147
94
51.5
45.0
370
133
Swaziland
47.3
34.4
132
106
196
149
15.2
11.0
230
134
Comoros
48.9
60.8
159
59
215
79
61.8
55.3
..
135
40.4
54.5
145
87
218
100
52.9
47.8
650
136
Bhutan
43.2
63.2
156
74
267
95
66.1
61.1
380
137
Lesotho
49.5
35.1
125
91
190
132
19.2
8.5
..
138
Sudan
43.6
55.6
104
65
172
107
54.6
48.3
550
139
Bangladesh
45.2
61.4
145
51
239
77
61.1
57.9
400
140
Congo
55.0
48.2
100
81
160
108
37.5
31.1
..
141
Togo
45.5
49.7
128
79
216
141
42.6
36.9
480
101
Uzbekistan
102
Kyrgyzstan
103
104
53
e
60
111
243
72
e
77
75.4
66.2
65
68.0
60.0
390
73.4
65.4
110
44.2
39.2
..
57.6
150
142
Cameroon
45.7
46.2
127
96
215
155
36.8
31.7
430
143
Nepal
43.3
59.9
165
66
250
91
57.6
56.4
540
144
Pakistan
49.0
61.0
117
84
181
109
61.9
60.0
..
145
Zimbabwe
56.0
33.1
86
76
138
123
8.3
9.2
700
146
Kenya
50.9
44.6
96
78
156
122
30.6
26.1
590
46.2
110
79
185
124
33.5
30.6
510
Uganda
46.3
148
Yemen
39.8
60.0
194
79
303
107
60.0
54.5
350
149
Madagascar
44.9
53.6
109
84
180
136
51.5
46.7
490
150
Haiti
48.5
49.5
148
79
221
123
36.1
34.5
520
151
Gambia
38.0
54.1
183
91
319
126
51.3
45.8
..
147
88
f
f
f
f
16 Flows of aid,
private capital
and debt
Official development
a s s i s t a n c e (ODA)
received
Net foreign direct
investment
inflows
a
(net disbursements)
(as % of GDP)b
Total
(US$
millions)
2001
HDI rank
121
Nicaragua
122
123
Sao Tomé and
Pi i
Solomon Islands
124
Namibia
125
126
127
India
128
129
Vanuatu
Total debt service
Other private
flows
(as % of GDP)b ,
c
As % of exports of
goods and services
As % of GDP
Per capita A s % o f G D P
(US$)
2001
1990
2001
928.3
178.4
32.9
..
1990
0.0
2001
..
1990
2.0
37.9
248.2
95.0
80.8
0.0
11.7
4.9
-1.9
2001
1990
2001
..
1.6
-0.2
0.0
4.9
-1.5
-1.3
58.8
130.7
21.7
22.2
109.1
56.5
4.4
3.5
..
..
..
Botswana
29.1
16.6
3.9
0.6
2.5
1.1
Morocco
516.5
17.5
4.1
1.5
0.6
7.8
1990
..
2001
2.3
8.5
i
22.2
i
28.7
21.3
2.7
e
5.5
..
11.3
..
..
..
..
-0.5
(.)
2.8
1.0
4.4
1.7
0.7
-0.1
6.9
7.7
27.9
21.9
12.6
..
1,705.4
1.7
0.4
0.4
0.1
0.7
0.5
(.)
2.6
1.9
29.2
31.6
156.5
32.6
14.8
8.6
8.5
-0.1
0.0
1.6
0.8
1.6
Ghana
651.8
32.5
9.6
12.3
0.3
1.7
-0.3
2.9
6.3
6.0
34.9
i
130
Cambodia
408.7
30.3
3.7
12.0
0.0
3.3
0.0
0.0
2.7
0.6
3.8
f
131
Myanmar
126.8
2.6
..
..
..
..
..
..
8.8
2.8
132
Papua New Guinea
203.1
37.2
12.8
6.9
4.8
2.1
1.5
-2.1
17.2
9.1
18.4
7.1
133
Swaziland
29.3
27.6
6.1
2.3
3.4
1.7
-0.2
1.1
5.3
2.2
5.6
2.5
134
27.7
38.1
17.3
12.5
0.2
0.7
0.0
0.0
0.4
1.0
2.4
5.6
243.3
45.0
17.3
13.8
0.7
1.4
0.0
0.0
1.1
2.5
8.5
9.0
136
Comoros
Lao People’s Dem.
Rep
Bhutan
59.2
27.9
16.5
11.1
0.6
0.0
137
Lesotho
54.0
30.1
22.8
6.8
2.7
14.7
138
Sudan
0.0
4.6
139
Bangladesh
0.2
140
141
135
..
-0.9
..
1.1
i
89
1.1
0.0
1.8
1.2
5.3
3.3
-0.5
3.7
8.6
4.2
12.4
0.0
0.0
0.4
0.4
4.8
3.2
0.2
0.5
2.5
1.4
37.5
9.0
(.)
171.8
5.3
6.2
1.4
1,023.9
7.3
7.0
2.2
Congo
74.8
21.1
7.8
2.7
0.2
2.1
-3.6
0.0
19.0
3.4
32.2
3.3
Togo
46.6
9.9
16.0
3.7
1.1
5.3
(.)
0.0
5.3
2.6
11.5
5.9
(.)
i
142
Cameroon
397.7
25.8
4.0
4.7
-1.0
0.9
-0.1
-1.1
4.7
4.0
14.7
143
Nepal
388.1
16.1
11.7
7.0
0.2
0.3
-0.4
(.)
1.9
1.6
14.7
99
6.2
144
145
Pakistan
1,938.2
13.2
2.8
3.3
0.6
0.7
-0.2
-1.2
4.8
5.0
25.1
21.3
Zimbabwe
159.0
12.5
3.9
1.8
-0.1
0.1
1.1
-0.4
5.4
1.5
19.4
3.4
146
Kenya
452.6
14.6
13.9
4.0
0.7
(.)
0.8
-0.4
9.3
4.1
28.6
11.4
147
Uganda
782.6
32.3
15.5
13.8
0.0
2.5
0.4
(.)
3.4
0.9
56.9
148
Yemen
425.9
22.8
8.4
4.6
-2.7
-2.2
3.3
-0.1
3.5
3.1
7.1
149
Madagascar
353.9
21.5
12.9
7.7
0.7
0.2
-0.5
(.)
7.2
1.5
150
Haiti
165.8
20.4
5.9
4.4
0.0
0.1
0.0
0.0
1.2
0.7
151
Gambia
50.9
37.7
31.3
13.0
0.0
9.1
-2.4
0.0
11.9
2.7
21.8
152
Nigeria
153
Djibouti
154
1.6
0.9
0.4
55.1
80.9
46.4
9.6
Mauritania
261.8
96.1
23.3
26.0
155
Eritrea
280.1
72.8
..
40.7
156
Senegal
418.9
43.5
14.4
157
Guinea
272.3
33.0
158
Rwanda
290.5
36.0
159
Benin
273.2
160
161
C6te d’Ivoire
i
44.4
7.1
9.7
i
6.3
i
3.4
i
h
4.5
i
13.8
i
2.7
-0.4
-0.4
11.7
6.2
22.3
0.6
-0.1
0.0
3.6
1.8
4.4
0.7
3.0
-0.1
-0.3
14.3
8.9
28.8
..
5.0
..
0.0
..
1.0
0.0
9.0
1.0
2.7
-0.3
0.9
5.7
4.6
10.4
9.1
0.6
0.1
-0.7
(.)
6.0
3.5
19.6
i
9.2
i
11.3
17.1
0.3
0.3
-0.1
0.0
0.8
1.1
10.6
i
7.6
i
42.8
14.5
11.5
3.4
5.5
(.)
0.0
2.1
2.1
9.2
i
1,233.4
34.7
27.5
13.2
0.0
2.4
0.1
-0.3
4.2
187.0
11.6
6.4
1.8
0.4
2.4
0.1
-1.0
11.7
184.8
2.1
i
(.)
89
k
1.6
k
5.9
i, j
5.4
16.5
e
i, j
f
4.5
i
9.3
i
18.3
31.3
11.5
f
i, k
19.1
i
10 0
7.3 i, k
8.1
Appendix
H. Apparent quality-of-life in 67 nations in the 1990s
(World Database of Happiness WDH 2003)
Source:
Veenhoven R. (2004), Happy Life Years: A Measure of Gross National Happiness,
proceedings of the International Seminar on 'Operationalizing the Concept of Gross National
90
Apparent quality-of-life in 67 nations in the 1990s
Nation
Enjoyment
of life
(scale 0 - 1)
Length
of life
(in years)
Happy
Life Years
Argentina
6.8
72.6
49.1
Armenia
3.7
70.9
26.2
Australia
7.3
78.2
56.9
Austria
6.1
76.7
47.0
Azerbaijan
4.9
71.1
34.7
Bangladesh
6.0
56.9
34.2
Belarus
4.4
69.3
30.3
Belgium
7.3
76.9
56.4
Bolivia
6.2
60.5
37.5
Brazil
7.0
66.6
46.3
Britain
7.2
76.8
55.4
Bulgaria
4.3
71.2
30.5
Canada
7.7
79.1
60.6
Chile
6.9
75.1
52.0
China
6.7
69.2
46.7
Colombia
8.1
70.3
57.1
Costa Rica
7.9
76.6
60.8
Croatia
5.5
71.6
39.6
Czecho-Slovakia
5.9
71.7
42.3
Denmark
8.0
75.3
59.9
Dominican Rep.
6.8
70.3
47.9
Ecuador
6.4
69.5
44.5
El Salvador
7.4
69.4
51.7
Estonia
5.0
69.2
34.6
Finland
7.5
76.4
57.1
France
6.4
78.7
50.5
Georgia
4.1
73.2
29.7
Germany
6.7
76.4
51.4
Ghana
7.7
57.0
43.9
Greece
5.3
77.9
41.4
Guatemala
7.2
66.1
47.3
Honduras
7.0
68.8
48.0
Hungary
5.6
68.9
38.6
Iceland
7.8
79.2
61.8
India
6.2
61.6
38.5
91
Ireland
7.6
76.4
58.4
Italy
7.0
78.0
54.6
Japan
6.3
79.9
50.0
Latvia
4.8
68.0
32.5
Lithuania
5.0
70.2
35.1
Luxembourg
7.8
76.1
59.2
Macedonia
5.2
71.9
37.6
Mexico
7.3
72.1
52.5
Moldavia
3.0
67.8
20.5
Netherlands
7.5
77.5
58.3
Nicaragua
7.6
67.5
51.2
Nigeria
6.3
51.4
32.6
Norway
7.4
77.6
57.5
Panama
7.1
73.4
52.3
Paraguay
6.8
69.1
46.7
Peru
6.0
67.7
40.4
Philippines
6.5
67.4
43.7
Poland
6.2
71.1
43.8
Portugal
6.7
74.8
50.5
Romania
5.4
69.6
37.7
Russia
4.2
65.5
27.8
South-Africa
5.7
64.1
36.7
South-Korea
6.3
71.7
45.3
Slovenia
6.0
73.2
43.8
Spain
6.5
77.7
50.8
Sweden
7.6
78.4
59.9
Switzerland
8.1
78.2
63.0
Turkey
5.9
68.5
40.4
Ukraine
3.3
68.5
22.5
Uruguay
6.7
72.7
49.0
USA
7.4
76.4
56.9
Venezuela
6.4
72.3
46.0
92

A Social Analysis of Bhutan`s approach to development

Transcription

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