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P.E.I.-NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINESISLAND MAGAZINE-VERTICAL FILE
P.E.I. COLLECTION
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, ; CF U.PiEih
Number 11
Spring-Summer
1982
$4.00
ISSN 0384-8175
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Contents
Articles
Lydia's Perilous Landing at St. George's Bay
Lydia Cambridge Wright
Edited by Nicolas J. de Jong
3
Carrington's Journal: The 1837 Visit of a Barbados Planter
Nathaniel T. W. Carrington
Edited by James C. Brandow
9
H.B. Sterling's Charlottetown
Jim Hornby
16
The C.P. Flockton Comedy Company
Reginald Carrington Short
Edited by Jim Hornby
23
Some of My Experiences at Sea, Part 1
John Hemphill
Edited by Jim Hornby
29
Reviews
34
Contributors
37
Magazine
Number 11
Spring-Summer
1982
published by
The
Prince Edward Island
Heritage Foundation
|i B^Sfj^ffW
The Island Magazine is a semi-annual publication
of Prince Edward Island history and folklore.
Editor
Jim Hornby
Editorial Board
Robert C. Tuck
Ian Ross Robertson *
Elinor Vass
Bill Ledwell
Subscriptions/Distribution
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Illustrations
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Design
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Typesetting
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All correspondence should be addressed to:
The Island Magazine
The Heritage Foundation
P.O. Box 922
Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island
We regret that subscriptions are no
longer available. Existing subscriptions
will be honoured and standing orders
may be arranged.
Errata
Mistakes in the captions of three pictures accompanying last issue's The
"Falmouth" Passengers by Andrew B.W. MacEwen are corrected as follows:
(p. 13) James McGregor, son of no. 47. His wife Jane Brown,
grand-daughter of nos. 4, 41 and 22. (p. 15) Benjamin McEwen, son of nos.
45 and 2 and 26, grandson of no. 24. (p. 16) Catherine Brown, daughter of
nos. 41 and 22, grand-daughter of no. 19. Mr. MacEwen informs that he has
found some further Falmouth references since the article was published.
^ydia's Perilous
landing at
St. George's °Bay~
^
Edited by Nicolas J. de Jong
by Lydia Cambridge Wright
During the second week of December 1816 Mrs. Charles Wright,1 nee
Lydia Cambridge, embarked on the ship Mary2 at Three Rivers. They sailed
under Captain William Henly with a cargo of deals (softwood planks) and
pine timber for Bristol, England on Sunday evening December 15th. While
it was certainly late in the season, the event itself would normally have
created no more than a passing interest. However, the passage terminated
abruptly, in foul weather, when they grounded on the shores of St. George's
Bay, near Antigonish, Nova Scotia, during the early hours of the following
Tuesday morning.
Lydia Wright, in describing her ordeal to her close friend Miss Mary
Stewart 3 almost one month after the shipwreck, provides us with an articulate description of a frightening and tragic event. In addition, she also raises
some tantalizing questions while offering an insight to certain of the tensions
of Prince Edward Island society of the period.
As the Man/ beat her way to the Gut of Canso and the North Atlantic,
Lydia Wright would surely have reflected upon the definite, yet unspecified,
reason for her winter crossing. She would have thought also of her recent,
apparently bitter feud with her immediate family, and of the child she was
carrying.4 Married for only a little over a year, her cause was such that she
was willing to let circumstances direct her husband's conduct during her
absence. Finally, Lydia indicates that Peter Townshend, 5 one of the other
two passengers, had reason to show her no particular courtesy and perhaps
knew more of her circumstances than she would have wished.
Lydia's letter to Mary follows verbatim, with paragraphs added, and
blanks indicating where the original is missing or illegible.
1
Lydia Cambridge, daughter of John Cambridge, married
Charles Wright on August 16,1815. Charles, born in
1782, was the son of Thomas Wright and Susannah
Turner. Lydia's sister Phebe married George Wright, a
brother to Charles, on December 28, 1807. (Public
Archives of Prince Edward Island (PAPEI) Accession
3069, St. Paul's Anglican Church, Charlortetown, Vol. I.)
2
The ship Mary was built at Murray Harbour and
registered on October 28, 1815, # 3 3 . She measured
374 tons and was owned by John Cambridge and his
son Lemeul. We know that she did not break up when
aground in St. George's Bay since she was registered de
novo in P.E.I. on September 18, 1818. Lemeul retained
his interest whilst John's passed to his other son
Artemus. The Mary was subsequently transferred to
Bristol, U.K., on April 17, 1822. (PAPEI, Record Group
9, Customs, Vol. II, Shipping Registers, 1787-1820.)
3
It is believed that this Miss Mary Stewart was the
daughter of Mr. Charles Stewart and Mary DesBrisay.
She was born in 1794. (Donald F. Stewart, pers.
comm..)
4
Charles Wright jun. was born in Halifax, April 7, 1817.
(PAPEI, Accession 3156, Elm Ave. Cemetery,
Charlortetown, microfilm, reel 2.)
5
Peter Townshend, born January 29, 1798 was the son of
William Townshend and Flora Stewart. (PAPEI, St..
Paul's Anglican Church, op. cit.)
Antigonish, January 12th, 1817.
My dear Mary,
6
Mrs. Stewart was born Hannah Turner and was married
to "Hellfire Jack" Stewart. She was therefore Miss Mary
Stewart's aunt. (Stewart, pers. comm..
7
Deadlight, a metal plate, originally of wood or iron which
is hinged inboard above a scuttle or port and can be let
down and secured by a butterfly nut to protect the glass
of the scuttle in heavy weather.
You have I doubt not long before this heard of the melancholy
events which occurred immediately after our departure from Three
Rivers. And I well know the deep interest, and sympathy, they will have
excited in the breast of your dear Mother and self. I will now relate the
particulars of those occurrences, but will in the first place assure you
that tho' I have suffered much I am now restored to as perfect health as
when I bade you Farewell.
I wrote to you as I promised from Three Rivers, you doubtless
heard we sailed from thence on the evening of Sunday the 15th of Dec.
The evening was mild and it was hoped a fair wind would next day
carry us to the Gut. The severe gale and snow storm which next
morning arose was too violent and of too long duration not to be felt by
all in Prince Edward Island and must I think have excited serious alarm
in the breast of our friends. All whom I have heard speak of it here say
it was one of the most severe they ever experienced.
Mrs. Stewart 6 and myself were extremely sick, and felt no wish to
leave our beds. Towards evening I was better and took some
refreshment. Mrs. Stewart declined taking any. I had no return of sea
sickness although I hoped providence would preserve us yet I was
aware of the danger of our situation, and although I felt perfectly calm
and tranquil yet I did not appear to myself to have had any sleep that
night and lay as if waiting for the event which soon after took place.
About two o'clock on Tuesday morning we struck. I at first felt a
momentary hope the ship might be put about but the attempt proved
ineffectual her sails and rigging were so frozen she was totally
unmanageable. Cap. Henly on finding nothing could be done, came
down and requested Mrs. Stewart and me to rise as he then thought we
must immediately take to our boats. We hastily threw on our clothes.
Cap. Henly said notwithstanding the extreme darkness of the night he
could discover land or rocks ahead and very near us. I requested he
would not abandon the vessel unless it was absolutely necessary to
make the attempt for our preservation, which he promised.
She struck repeatedly and with great violence. Almost
instantaneously after we first struck, three of our dead lights7 were
beaten in by the violence of the waves, the sea beat over the deck and
broke in the sky light so that it came pouring in like a torrent and in a
very short time there was from three to four feet of water in the cabin.
The crew at first retreated to it as the place of greatest safety. I
saw paleness and dismay in the countenances of some. By degrees they
all found themselves compelled to abandon it, leaving Mrs. Stewart and
myself who were holding on our berths. In a very short time the
bulkhead which separated the stateroom from the Cabin was dashed
away, the waves then beat over me, the water was up to the bottom of
my berth.
You my dear Mary can have no idea of the horror of the scene,
nor do I think any one who has not witnessed a similar one can have
an adequate idea of this. In a few minutes to see, chairs, Table, trunks
&c. &c. dashed to a thousand pieces all in wild confusion. Finding
myself extremely wet I thought I would endeavour to gain Mrs.
Stewart's berth, as more sheltered than my own, we were now and had
been for a considerable time in total darkness. I got on something that
was floating about the stateroom, but it was immediately washed from
under me and I was up to my middle in water, on gaining Mrs. Stewarts
berth I said I am come into your berth as more sheltered than my own.
She replied mine has given way for some time and I am standing in the
water. This was the last which passed between us.
I then attempted to regain my own, but from its great height and
my clothes being so very wet, my efforts to get upon it were ineffectual.
In this was the hand of providence displayed in my preservation. Had I
succeeded in my attempt I should have perished. I then returned to
Mrs. Stewart and after many ineffectual attempts succeeded in getting
on the board which served to enclose the lower part of the berth and
threw my feet round a post at the upper part.
In this perilous situation I remained for a considerable time the sea
beating over me and to all human appearance expecting every wave
would drown me, yet in this awful situation. I said tho' to all human
appearance a few minutes must terminate my existence here yet I am
not out of the reach of omnipotence to save and I felt as if I was not to
perish.
Peter Townshend during this period came repeatedly to the little
window of the stateroom which looks into the companion and spoke. I
spoke in return but could not distinguish what he said. At last he came
to the cabin door and told me two men were coming to take me from
the state room. On entering it they went to my berth for me but it was
gone so that had I not moved as I did I should have been carried away
with it.
They on taking me from the place where I was hanging requested
I would stand that they might take me up better, but I told them I could
not stand. My feet were so benumbed with wet and cold & my hands
were nearly in the same state, and I believe ten minutes or a quarter of
an hour longer at furtherest would have been too late to have removed
me as I should have been unable to have held on. It was with much
difficulty from the extreme darkness of the night, the slippery state of
the deck, and the thumping of the ship that my removal to the Fore
Castle was accomplished and the men very frequently fell down with
me.
Peter kept with them all the time, indeed nothing could have been
more kind and attentive than he was which I feel more sensibly as you
are in possession of some circumstances which you know would not
authorise me to have expected it.
A few minutes after my removal two more of the men returned for
Mrs. Stewart but were unable to get into the Cabin, the : made a
second attempt with a light about ten minutes after my removal. The
last conflict was over, she was on her knees her right arm held up to
her head as if supporting it and her bed floating upon her. At this time
although I had a perfect recollection of every circumstance which had
occurred I was too far exhausted to feel this event as I shoula have
done had I not been reduced to an almost similar situation my. elf.
It was five in the morning when I was removed. The sailois tore
off my wet clothes, put me into one of their hammocks, wrappec me
some of their dry Blankets, and afforded me every assistance and
kindness humanity could dictate and the means in their power wou'd
allow. But their was no fire nor could any be procured. My feet and
legs were so benumbed I could not move them for a considerable time
and I suffered much from this circumstance, though they were rubbed
and a pair of the sailors dry stockings drawn on them. One of their
flannel shirts were bound round my head by way of a cap. At length
their humane endeavours proved successful and I began to feel
Descendents of the Cunningham family continue in
business in Antigonish. (B. Mac Vicar, pers. comm..)
returning animation. It would have been an affecting sight to an
indifferent observer to see a number of rough sailors thus employed.
As day approached we discovered we were not above twice the
length of the vessel from the shore, but it snowed thick and we could
not discover if we were near any habitation. As the day advanced men
at different times came down on the beach. They spoke, but we could
not distinguish what they said and although we spoke in return with a
speaking Trumpet they could not hear us. It however afforded us the
consolation of know we were near some habitation. The surf ran so
high they could not come off to render us any assistance, nor could we
make any attempt to land as none of our boats could have lived in the
surf. Tuesday night the violence of the storm began to abate and the
unfortunate Mary lay pretty still.
Early on Tuesday morning several boats came out of the Harbour
of Antigonish, amongst others Mr. John Cunningham8/this gentleman
was in Halifax at the time of my mother and my being there on our
way to England and lodged at the same house. On Cap. Henly and Mr.
Townshend mentioning my name he said he had some knowledge of
my family and on coming into the Fore Castle said, he believed he had
seen my mother and a younger sister of mine with Mr. Wright in Halifax
on our way to England. I replied I was the person he had seen, and
had married a brother of Mr. G. Wright. He replied, Madame, I have
then seen you in happier circumstances. You, Capt. Henly, and Mr.
Townshend can be accommodated at my House and I will immediately
take you on shore.
I told him I had not a thing to put on but what was quite wet. He
said he had a very warm great coat which should be wrapped round
me. This over a long cotton night gown such as you know I wear in
winter, and which the heat of my body had by this time dryed. Two
coloured silk handkerchiefs bound round my head and a red wollen cap
drawn over them formed the dress of your poor friend on landing. On
arriving at Mr. Cunningham's house which was at some distance from
where we landed I was through the kindness of Mrs. C. soon
comfortably clothed.
I had felt while laying in the Hammock extreme soreness in my
legs, and one of my eyes felt as if injured but it was not till I got to Mr.
Cunningham's that I discovered my limbs were dreadfully bruised
oarticularly my legs, and I had a very black eye. These bruises I
suppose I must have received from the frequent falls I received while
being conveyed to the fore castle tho' from the benumbed state I was
then in I was not sensible of receiving any. My legs, feet and ancles
swelled exceedingly so much so that I was not able to wear my own
shoes for three weeks. I received every kindness and attention from Mr.
& Mrs. Cunningham and every individual of their family, nine children
in number, the eldest daughter fourteen years old and a very pretty,
sweet dispositioned girl.
Capt. Hierlihy called on me immediately on hearing of my being
in Antigonish and very kindly invited me to make his house my home,
two of the Miss Hierlihy also called and repeated the invitation. This I
accepted as soon as I was well enough to go out, I am now at their
house where I have experienced the greatest kindness, and attention. I
stayed ten days at Mr. Cunningham but as Capt. Henly and Mr.
Townshend were staying there and there family were so large I felt
unwilling to add to the fatigue of Mrs. Cunningham longer than I could
possibly help. This is the sixteenth day since I came here.
I leave tomorrow morning and shall be at the Interval tomorrow
evening a settlement six miles from this and shall proceed early on
Wednesday morning on my way to Pictou. I intend to proceed
immediately to Halifax. Mr. Cunningham is going there I go with him. I
think myself particularly fortunate in having it in my power to go with
him. Indeed I should feel in a very unplesant situation had I to perform
a journey of one hundred and fifty miles unaccompanied by a steady
respectable person. I little thought when I came to Antigonish that I
should have been detained here four weeks, but Mr. Cunningham's
business prevented him going sooner.
I was in hopes to have got much sooner to Halifax and that an
opportunity would have offered for me to have proceeded to England
this winter. That I now relinquish, yet I assure you I extremely regret,
and that for many reasons, the impracticability of it. As I am compelled
to pass the winter in Nova Scotia I think Halifax the most eligible in
every respect. I have lost the great part of my clothes, and everything I
had prepared for the little stranger so that you cannot wonder at my
being extremely anxious to get into winter quarters. I have a great deal
to do in little more than two months. Indeed it is impossible for me to
get my things done as I wish and intend, however I must do what is
most necessary, and leave the ornamental till I have time for it. To stay
in Antigonish is out of the question as I could not get anything I want.
At Pictou the same objection would in great measure prevail and I
should have to pay an exorbitant price nor do I suppose I could
procure comfortable Lodgings or proper attendance. I hope to get
boarded in some respectable Family and if nothing new occurs during
the winter, and Mr. Wright approves of it I will proceed to England as
early in the spring as circumstances will possibly admit as I have no
intention of returning to Prince Edward Island without attempting to
accomplish the object of my visit to England.
Oh my dear Mary to what a situation has the conduct of my
Father exposed me, to shipwreck, and the borders of the grave! For
had not two men at the risk of their own lives attempted to save me I
should now have been beyond the shafts of envy and malice which
have been so unsparingly aimed at me. Had I perished would not my
Father and Mother have felt severe remorse? Would they not have felt
they were the cause of my death? How has the late event affected my
brother and sister? Has fraternal feelings for a moment prevailed? Or
has the selfish principle which they have so strongly evinced made them
indifferent to my fate? Be this as it may I doubt not the loss of the Mary
will be severely felt by them.
I am very anxious to hear from Prince Edward Island. I feel much
for Mr. Wright. I know his anxiety must be very great yet though it
would give me great pleasure to have him with me this winter, yet as
we are situated I cannot wish it. Circumstances will no doubt regulate
his conduct. I wrote to him on the day of my landing and entreated he
would not attempt to come to me as it would be at the risk of his life.
Mr. Colin Macdonald and Mr. Charles Worrall who have been
waiting some time at Pictou endeavoring to return to the Island came to
Antigonish a few days ago. I saw them at Mr. Cunninghams. They
informed me the boat which Mr. Mortimer sent express for Capt. Henly
crossed a fortnight before and they hoped got safe over. But from the
state of the Gulf they said it was impossible for them to return. I hope
they got safe over. I sometimes feel a fear least Mr. Wright should have
attempted to return with them and shall not feel quite easy till I hear. I
hope and think he would not attempt anything so rash. I have written
you a very long letter but both my time and paper remind — I must
conclude. I shall not seal this till I arrive at Pictou — on my arrival in
Halifax will add a few particulars if I should not be able to do it before.
Peter Townshend went to the Gut of Canso in a vessel of Mr.
Cunningham's bound from thence to Halifax he hoped to be able to
proceed to England this winter but from what I hear there will be no
opportunity for a long time. In the Gut he met with a vessel belonging
to one of the Nicholasons of Belfast and wrote by him. I hope he
succeeded in getting to the Island, so that I expect you will have heard
of us by two opportunities.
I am sure you will have felt particularly alarmed for me on account
of my situation and it is really singular, and very provendential that not
withstanding my limbs were so much bruised I did not receive the
slightest hurt in my body. Tho' for some days I could with difficulty
move I was so extremely stif. The fate of poor Mrs. Stewart I sincerely
lament. So happy so rejoiced at the prospect of again meeting her
daughter to be taken away as it were in a moment by cruel death and
ought I not to be most thankful to that all generous providence which
preserved me from such iminent peril and mixed so many mercies with
the bitter cup? Who cast me among those who have proved kind
friends, and who appear to take a strong interest in me while I have
been abandoned as an alien, an outcast by those on whom I have the
strongest claim. For what I am preserved Heaven only Knows, perhaps
for greater trials. But let me not anticipate the worst but humbly trust
that providence whose ways are inscrutable. . .
Pictou
My dear Mary,
9
The original copy of this letter was loaned for copying to
the Public Archives of Canada by the late Group Captain
H.R. Stewart. (The PAC reference is M.G. 24, L. 2,
Stewart Papers.)
This morning I had the pleasure of receiving your letter on my
way from Antigonish to this. I find the Post proceeds on his return in
the morning and as I shall travel ten miles on my way to Halifax this
evening I can only say I will write to you on my arrival in Halifax.
Please to write me very often and direct your letters to me to the care
of Mr. John Young, Merchant, Halifax.9
II.
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Sitaa
by Nathaniel T.W. Carrington
N=
lathanielT.W. Carrington (1801-1855), a Barbados sugar planter,
sailed with his wife and son from Bridgetown in May, 1837. Before he
returned to his home eight months later, he travelled to Nova Scotia, Prince
Edward Island, Boston, New York and Philadelphia. In addition, for five
months the Carringtons boarded at a farm in Newton, Long Island (now part
of the borough of Queens, New York City). The purpose of the sojourn was
the restoration of Mrs. Carrington's health.
Nathaniel Carrington landed at Halifax on June 14th and after touring
that city, decided to accompany his fellow Barbadian, Reverend John
Packer, on a visit to Prince Edward Island. Carrington's journal, it should be
noted, was written for his children and never intended for publication. It is
now the proud possession of his great-grandson, Roger C.E. Carrington, a
solicitor, of Hampshire, England. In transcribing the manuscript,
misspellings have been corrected and brackets are used to indicate
insertions by the editor.
Friday, 7th July. At 4 o'clock this morning the steamboat left the wharf at
Pictou for Charlotte Town.1 As it is quite light before this hour, we got up &
had a view of the land all the way on. On board the steamer was an Indian
Chief, Maltai Sapier, of the tribe inhabiting about Pictou, 16 of whose
wigwams we saw on the beach as the boat passed on.2 Maltai is an elderly
man, shabbily dressed but very civil, laughing at the many questions put to
him without giving answers to such as did not please him. The passengers
generally gave him about 20 cents each, for which he seemed grateful. He
said he had never been in the steamboat before, admired the velocity and
inquired who had been the original inventor. He was going over to Charlotte
Town to see his squaw, who had gone over on a visit about a fortnight
Edited by James C.
Brandow
Courtesy PEI Heritage Foundation
The Charlottetown waterfront in 1849, painted
by George Hubbard. At left is the Pictou
steamer Rose.
1
The Cape Breton, Thomas Graham, master. Steamboat
ferry service between Pictou and Charlottetown, except
during winter months, commenced in 1832. George
Patterson, A History of the County of Pictou, Nova Scotia
(Montreal, 1877), 395.
2
In 1828 the Indian Civilization Society of Pictou was
formed to educate and domesticate the Micmac Indians of
the region but all efforts failed. Ibid., 193. This tribe owned
no property and pleas to the government in Halifax for
funds to purchase land for them fell on deaf ears. As one
official observed in 1843: "At present they are driven from
place to place, without a resting place for their feet - their
game is gone - firewood is denied them, and the very
sanctuaries of their dead, are in some instances desecrated
and ploughed over." Nova Scotia, House of Assembly,
Journals and Proceedings, 1844, Appendix, 121.
3
John Barrow (1772-1863), a son of John Henry and
Frances Barrow of Kent, England and Barbados, was
assistant judge of the Prince Edward Island Supreme Court
from 1828 to 1848. C.R. Allen, Illustrated Historical Atlas
of the Province of Prince Edward Island (Philadelphia,
1880), 13.
4
Reverend John Packer (1799-1861) was educated at
Codrington College and Trinity College, Cambridge.
Ordained a priest in England in 1824, he returned to
Barbados where he served as headmaster of the Central
School in Bridgetown. He promoted public education,
believed slaves had as much capacity for learning as did
other people and favored the abolition of slavery. From
1832 to 1837 he was rector of St. Thomas Parish.
Because he suffered from asthma, he traveled in hopes of
improving his health and in 1837 settled on Prince Edward
Island. The following year he returned to Barbados.
5
Reverend Louis Charles Jenkins (1797-1884), son of Dr.
John Jenkins of Hereford, England, was ordained deacon
in 1820 and settled on Prince Edward Island soon after.
From 1824 to 1827, he served at St. Eleanor's Village and
in 1828 was appointed rector of St. Paul's Church,
Charlottetown. When he involved himself in political
issues, he became a controversial figure and in 1854 was
dismissed as rector of St. Paul's although he continued to
preach there on occasion. At one time he held the post of
Secretary of Education and later served as librarian of the
Legislative Library. He married Penelope, daughter of
Reverend Theophilus and Margaret Stewart Desbrisay, the
first rector of St. Paul's Church. They had two sons and
five daughters. Hilde Jenkins and Margaret Taylor, The
Jenkins Family, Five Generations of Doctors (Privately
printed, 1975), 2-4.
before. There were 3 other Indians but they were sulky and uncommunicative. On quitting the steamboat & going up the wharf, we met Mr. John
Barrow, 3 late of Sunbury Estate, Barbados, and he immediately recognized
Mr. Packer, 4 followed us to the boardinghouse, and was very civil & polite.
The Revd. Mr. Jenkins of the town called on Mr. Packer and in the evening
invited us to tea with himself & family, who are a plain, quiet set of people.
He is an Englishman of the Episcopal Church. 5
Saturday, t h e 8 t h July. Mr. Packer and myself walked about the town
after breakfast; met with Mr. Barrow who carried us to the church, a neat,
plain building of wood. The galleries and pulpit are at least 3 feet too high.6
Ordered a pair of shoes, each [Packer and himself], of a plain, honest man,
very much like old Reed in St. Thomas. 7 Visited a bookstore & purchased a
small map of the Island. Mr. P. in company with the Revd. Mr. Jenkins called
on the governor, Sir Charles Fitzroy, lately arrived to assume the
government. 8 At 5 o'clock we went to dine with Mr. Barrow, by his particular
request. His wife & daughter, Mrs. Anwyl, were very civil & asked numerous
questions about Barbados and its inhabitants.9 They still live in a sumptuous
style and evidently regret the loss of their Barbados property and the
luxuries afforded by it. In short, they are still great people and do all to
show as such.
S u n d a y , t h e 9 t h . Today Mr. Jenkins performed the morning service &
Mr. P. gave the sermon. We then took an early dinner with Mr. Jenkins as he
had to go 7 miles to attend another place of worship on the Malpeque
Road 11 & Mr. Packer did the whole of the evening service. In the morning
Sir Charles Fitzroy, his lady & 2 sons were present & seemed very
6
St. Paul's Church was consecrated by Bishop John Inglis
in 1836 and used till 1896. "The pews were of the
high-box style; special ones of double size were provided
for the Lieutenant-Governor, the members of the Council,
the House of Assembly and the officers of the garrison.
Near the entrance two were reserved for strangers. The
others were private property and the proprietary rights
were jealously guarded." A.B. Warburton, A History of
Prince Edward Island (St. John, New Brunswick, 1923),
391.
7
Probably the boot and shoemaking establishment of
Robert Weeks (1792-1863) which was on Grafton Street,
off Queen Square. He was a native of Cork, Ireland and
emigrated to Prince Edward Island in 1823. The Examiner,
November 30, 1863.
8
Sir Charles Augustus Fitzroy (1796-1858) was the eldest
son of Lord Charles Fitzroy, the general. He served in the
Horse Guards, took part in the Battle of Waterloo, and in
1831 was elected to Parliament upon his retirement from
active duty. He was appointed lieutenant-governor of
Prince Edward Island in 1837 and was knighted before his
departure. In 1841 he was made governor and
commander-in-chief of the Leeward Islands, governor of
New South Wales in 1846 and, from 1850 to 1855,
served as governor-general of Australia. Dictionary of
National Biography, VII, 202-03
9
Senhouse Barrow, daughter of John and Mary Ward
Barrow, was the wife of Lieutenant Colonel Anwyl of the
4th Regiment. The Barbadian, February 16, 1848.
10
Soon after John Barrow settled in Charlottetown, an
adverse decision in the Barbados Chancery Court resulted
in the loss of Sunbury Plantation, St. Philip's Parish.
However, he continued to own other Barbados property in
addition to a residence at Hill Park, Kent. In
Charlottetown, the Barrows resided at Hillsborough House,
a wooden house still standing on the corner of
Hillsborough and Dorchester streets. The Barbadian, June
20, 1832 and The Examiner, December 21, 1863.
n
S t John's Church in the village of Milton, Queens
County.
10
"~bv
Courtesy Public Archives of PEI
Sir Charles Augustus Fitzroy
attentive.12 About 400 persons were there. In the evening about 150 to 200
only attended.
Monday, 10th July. Today we had proposed going to Mr. Charles
Worrell's, about 28 miles on the St. Peter's Road.13 He is a gentleman to
whom my mother was 1st cousin, by mother's side, and has been a resident
here 34 years but at 5 o'clock in the morning we found it would be
impossible to go as it had rained & was then raining very fast and so it
continued [the] greater part of the day. The people of this town are not quite
so bad as those of Pictou but certainly they have a lazy, indolent appearance
generally. Mr. Barrow told us that on his arrival here they were a drunken set
but that the temperance societies had done much qood although there was a
good deal of it yet to be seen daily in the streets. l 4 The town is small, taking
the number of houses, but it occupies a large space as the main streets are
laid out 100 feet wide and each house has a space of Vz of an acre to it & a
garden, consequently they are far apart from each other. There are many
new and fine looking houses. They have a market in a large square and
Episcopal, Methodist, Presbyterian and Roman Catholic churches.
Tuesday, 11th July. This morning the weather being fair and fine, Mr.
Packer and myself started in the waggon with one horse, at 10/ per day hire,
for Mr. Worrell's. Boiled on the road 18 miles from town for 2 hours and
arrived at Mr. W.'s farm at 2 o'c. We found the old gentleman at home. He is
an elderly man (68 years) & having lived so much by himself, he is rather shy
and diffident but having made ourselves known as Barbadians, for I would
not prematurely declare relationship, he was very civil & polite; showed us
his garden (nominally so called) & took a long walk about the farm, pointing
out different views & trees, etc. Having returned, dinner was announced &
to us a treat: fine, thick, salted fish & eggs, by far better than any we get in
Barbados and the old man apologized for the bad fare but as we were
uninvited guests, none was needed; & we dined very heartily, when lo and
behold, in came a shoulder of cold veal and a fine ham, too late then for our
satiated appetites.
Mr. Worrell is a small man who reminds me of old Mr. Duesberry, Mrs.
Lamming's father.16 He has been a resident here, as I said, for 34 years and
is the possessor of 70 thousand acres of land, as he says, but a plat of 1836
shows 5 lots or townships forming the parish of Saint Patrick & each
containing 20,000, making of course 100,000 acres.17 He said his farm was
between 4 & 500 acres but as he is a meek, quiet man, his labourers &
others about him take advantage so that it is badly managed & makes him a
small return. His tenants also take advantage & pay him just what and as
they choose.18 His friends & acquaintances say that he will not give leases
for more than 40 years, consequently but a small portion of his land is
cleared and farmed as a man to enter on the thick forest cannot clear, erect
necessary buildings and make anything of a farm [in] under 12 to 15 years.
It is 7 years at least before he canridthe land of the stumps after having
cut down & burned the immense timber trees. Judge how thick the stumps
must be when I do solemnly affirm that the trees when felled lie as thick on
the ground as our canes when cut. What space, therefore, is there for sowing
grain & planting potatoes? Mr. Worrell's farm, therefore, being given on
such short leases is but partially cleared, as a native would say, but to us
(who are not accustomed even to such trees as the second growth now
presents) it is not cleared at all. The large timber trees on the part leased out
have been cut down and destroyed in all manner of ways, to the deterioration of the land certainly, as a second growth soon succeeds together with all
manner of light shrubs & weeds which consume the alluvial deposit of the
forest and render the land exhausted and unfit for cultivation without being
highly manured, the means for which are destroyed. And, again, the 2nd
growth does not afford timber to build even a common log house. I,
therefore, conclude that he has not 10,000 acres of this immense tract of
land properly cleared & cultivated.19
We remained with the old gentleman till next morning & as we had
some idea of going thence to George Town, distant 24 miles, he very kindly
put up a lunch & bottle of port wine for our journey but as his clerk in the
store told us the roads were very bad, we abandoned the idea & returned to
12
Sir Charles Fitzroy married twice. His first wife, Lady
Mary Lennox, eldest daughter of the fourth Duke of
Richmond, died in 1847. They had three sons and one
daughter. Burkes Peerage and Baronetage (London,
1975), 146.
13
Charles Worrell (1770-1858), one of the largest land
holders on Prince Edward Island, served as justice of the
peace, sheriff, lieutenant-colonel in the militia, member of
the House of Assembly, 1812-13 and 1818-20, and of the
Legislative Council, 1825-36 and 1839-43. Trained as a
lawyer in England, he practiced only briefly at Lincoln's
Inn and on Prince Edward Island. A reclusive bachelor, he
was the son of Jonathan and Catherine Worrell of St.
Thomas Parish, Barbados, and Juniper Hall, Surrey,
England. His father's sister, Jane, married Dr. John
Worrell, her cousin, and their daughter, Jane, was the
mother of Carrington. [E.M. Shilstone], "The Worrell
Family in Barbados," The Journal of the Barbados
Museum and Historical Society, XXIX (November, 1961),
22. See also forthcoming Dictionary of Canadian
Biography, VIII.
14
In 1830 a gallon of rum was imported for every man,
woman and child on Prince Edward Island. If the
temperance societies had any success it was only
temporary since the very first article published in The
Prince Edward Island Magazine seventy years later (March,
1899), was entitled: "Is there any Practical Way of Dealing
with the Liquor Problem in Charlottetown?"
15
Charlottetown had about 3,000 inhabitants at this time
while the total population of the island was estimated to be
40,000. [S. Hill], A Short Account of Prince Edward Island
(London, 1839), 3, 21. The Old Round Market House, a
building of unusual design, was built in 1823 and stood in
the center of Queen Square until 1867: "It was a regular
polygon of twenty sides, surrounded by a colonade,
making the fabric over eighty feet in diameter. From the
outer edge of the colonade, strong, round pillars stood
opposite each angle as support for the roof, which rose to
a central point, ornamented with a cupola several feet in
height. It had four double doors and was lighted by sixteen
windows." As quoted in Benjamin Bremner, An Island
Scrap Book (Charlottetown, 1932), 46.
16
William Duesberry, then 81 years old, of St. Thomas
Parish, Barbados, was the father of Eliza, wife of Dynock
Lamming, also of St. Thomas Parish.
17
In 1854 the Worrell estate, consisting of 81,303 acres
and comprising the whole parish of St. Patrick's in Kings
County, was sold to the government for £24,100. In fact,
Charles Worrell, then living in London, only received
£14,000 in the transaction. Andrew Hill Clark, Three
Centuries and the Island (Toronto, 1959), 52, 93.
18
Actually, Mr. Worrell's tenants were engaged in a rent
strike at the time and refused to pay him. For a less
sympathetic view of Worrell, a "wealthy British capitalist,"
see Errol Sharpe, A People's History of Prince Edward
Island (Toronto, 1976), 63.
19
There is no doubt that proprietors such as Charles
Worrell, who is said to have lost £40,000 in his
investment, retarded the settlement of Prince Edward
Island and delayed its economic development. Two-thirds
of all land was held by a few landlords like Worrell who
refused to sell or improve their holdings. Dissatisfied
tenants attempted to join together in protest but the
proprietors' agents, many of whom were public officials,
resisted land reform. It was not until 1875 when the
Compulsory Land Purchase Act was passed, that this
quasi-feudal system of land tenure was finally abolished.
Frank MacKinnon, The Government of Prince Edward
Island (Toronto, 1951), 105-18, 296-98.
11
20
"Morell House", the Worrell residence located in the
small village of Morell, Kings County, was "a mansion of
some importance." H.D. McEwen, "Morell, RE. Island,"
The Prince Edward Island Magazine, III (May, 1901), 92.
21
In 1831, Richard Quin was employed as a school
teacher at Brackley Point, Queens County, where he
evidently met his wife, Emily McKinnon. He leased
"Spring Farm" in 1833 for forty years and in 1836
obtained a license to conduct a tavern on the St. Peter's
Road. By 1841, his family included three daughters and
one son. Royal Gazette, May 10, 1831; Prince Edward
Island, House of Assembly, Journal, 1837, Appendix; and
Census of 1841, Public Archives of Prince Edward Island,
Charlottetown.
22
John Myrie Holl (1802-1869), farmer and politician, was
the son of John and Ann Lewis Holl of London. He was
educated at Cheam School, Surrey and resided near
Bideford, Devonshire where he met Reverend Lloyd and
both men emigrated to Prince Edward Island about the
same time. Lieutenant Governor Sir John Harvey
remarked that: "Persons of Mr. Holl's class are exactly the
description of Emigrant most wanted in this Colony." In
1839 he was appointed to the Legislative Council where
he defended the absentee proprietors, opposed the
extension of democracy and emerged as the leader of
conservative forces. He was elected Premier in 1854 but
his administration proved so unpopular it lasted only four
months. The following year he returned to England.
Dictionary of Canadian Biography, IX, 394-95.
23
Reverend Charles Lloyd (1802-1888), son of Frederick
and Julia Vereker Lloyd of Ballymacreace, Ireland, was
educated at Westminster and Cambridge. Ordained a
priest in 1826, he served as a curate in Devonshire until
1835 when he sailed from Bideford in the Despatch and
settled on Prince Edward Island. He became the first
principal of the Central Academy in 1836, which in 1860
became Prince of Wales College, and in 1837 was
stationed by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
at Milton, Queens County. His residence, "Abbotsham
Grove", was a short distance from John Holl's "Kenwith".
In 1857 he returned to England. His last clerical post was
vicar of Englishcombe, Somerset. He married Elizabeth,
daughter of William Tyeth of Bideforth and they had three
sons and two daughters. Sir Bernard Burke, A
Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Landed Gentry
of Ireland (London, 1904), 344; J.A. Venn (ed.), Alumni
Cantabrigienses, 1752-1900 (Cambridge, 1922-54), IV,
186; Royal Gazette, October 6,. 1835.
Charlotte Town in time for dinner at the hotel. Mr. Worrell's house is a very
large, old, wooden mansion going fast into decay, being upwards of 50
years standing. The rooms are larger than anything I have seen in Halifax or
this country and certainly not a very desireable acquisition as it is impossible
to heat them in winter with one fire.201 should have said earlier that we took
a walk out in the evening to see a small farm on the banks of the Morell River,
which the mistress described as the healthiest spot on this whole island.
Memo: the lady is an Irishwoman and the farm is for sale. Is the wonder
cleared up? I think so. Bears are said to be frequently seen in this neighbourhood. Game (birds) are said to be in plenty in the autumn; we only saw 5
pheasants and 3 partridges on our road.
Wednesday, the 12th July. Being fortified for our journey by the
kindness of our good host, Mr. W., we quitted early this morning, consulting
on the way to the main road, whether we should return to town or go to
George Town & run the risk of bad roads. Finally, we concluded to do the
former as the wheels of our vehicle were very low and the horse none of the
best. We stopped at a log house about 13 miles from Charlotte Town &
encountered an interesting Irishman & his very pretty wife (a native). He has
just settled down on a farm of 100 acres under wood, has nothing planted &
seems very poor. He sells spirits to travelers at an advance of 100 percent
but allowed that it was not the most praiseworthy calling & occasioned much
evil. This man would become a worthy member of society in another
situation. His name is Richard Quin.21 On our getting to town we met Mr.
Jenkins and he insisted we should take tea with his family in the evening
which we did.
Thursday, 13th. An Englishman, Mr. Holl,22 took us to see his farm and
the Reverend Mr. Lloyd,23 5 miles on the Malpeque Road. Saw an interesting part of the country, where there is rather better farming than usual and
returned to dine with Mr. Holl & his family at 5 o'clock.
Courtesy Public Archives of PEI
John Myrie Holl
12
24
John McKinnon (1770-1851), a native of South Uist,
Scotland, was taken to Prince Edward Island at the age of
two. He sailed on the Alexander among Captain John
MacDonald's 210 Catholic settlers. Royal Gazette,
February 11, 1851; see also J.M. Bumsted, "Captain John
MacDonald and the Island," The Island Magazine, 6
(Spring-Summer 1979), 15-20.
Friday, t h e 1 4 t h . After breakfast hired a horse & gig & drove out to
Brackley Point, 12 miles from town, to see Quin's father-in-law's farm which
he told us was for sale. The old man is a Highlander by birth, named John
McKinnon, & has resided here 63 years, having brought up a family of 18
children, 16 of whom are now men & women living and doing well. The
farm is situated pleasantly on the banks of the [Black] River, famous for fish,
ducks, geese, etc. Upon the whole they are an interesting & deserving
people. The son, Donald, is a man of m6re information than some of our
Barbados worthies possessed of estates. 25 Returned to town for Mr. P. to
dress and attend Sir Charles Fitzroy's invitation to dinner at 7 o'clock. We
had some thunder and lightening this evening.
25
Donald McKinnon (1811-1865), like his father, became
a farmer.
Saturday, t h e 1 5 t h July. Walked about the town, visited a house to be
let, paid our bills for postage, gig hire, etc. & returned to loll or write journal
as we pleased. It being the last Saturday we shall spend on the island for this
visit, I will sum up by some general remarks. Viz., the island is without doubt
a healthy place, well & abundantly watered, good rich soil, plenty of timber,
clear pleasant atmosphere, cloudless sky but unfortunately inhabited by few
poor and unenterprising persons, not well versed in agriculture & who are
well contented to do as their predecessors did, live cheaply & be satisfied,
never looking forward to or thinking of improvements. We have now been
here 9 days & have never seen beef for the simple reason that there is
absolutely none, even in this town, the metropolis of the island. Visited the
market this morning & only saw a little poor veal & small lamb, no feathered
stock of any kind although Mr. Donald McKinnon assured us a pair of fowls
only sold for 4 to 6d; a goose, 1/ to 15d; a moderate calf, 5/; a lamb, 2/6; a
pair of ducks, 15d; etc., beef, when to be had, 3 to 4%, etc., etc. Be it clearly
understood that these articles are not so cheap from the extraordinary great
quantity but from the poverty of the people who cannot afford to buy but
use salt cod and salt meats, which together with the great quantities of rum
they drink, accounts for their general sallow look (that is in comparison to the
people of Halifax).
ORAPTCH
STREET
i
MARKET
BUlLi>*iV*3l
i
1
PROVINCIAL.1
BUILDING
26
As in Nova Scotia, the timber industry of Prince Edward
Island was frequently blamed for the ills of the economy
and society: "But this is the very worst branch of trade
that a rural population could be called upon to support. It
begets dissolute habits, and is a nursery of moral
depravity. It has diverted the agriculturist from his more
steady pursuits." [Hill], 50.
Carrington's remarks about the laziness of Canadians
recall Thomas Chandler Haliburton's fictional Yankee
pedlar, Sam Slick, in The Clockmaker, the first series of
which was published a year previous in Halifax by Joseph
Howe. Sam observes in the second (1838) series: "I have
often been amazed. . . when travelling among the
Canadians, to see the curious critters they be. They leave
the marketin' to the women and the business to their
notaries, the care of the souls to their priests, and of their
bodies to the doctors, and resarve only frolickin', dancin',
singin', fiddlin', and gasconadin', to themselves."
1ST. PMJCS1
|. C H U R C H
i
j
I
RICHMOND
S T R £ E T
i
Courtesy Public Archives of PEI
Another Charbttetown view of 1849 with the round market building,
St Paul's, and Stamper's Corner on the extreme right, on the southeast
corner of Richmond and Queen. See note 35 further on.
13
27
Charles Ramage Prescott (1772-1859) was the father of
Nova Scotia's apple industry and a leading advocate of
fruit cultivation. His residence, "Acacia Grove", near
Cornwallis, had an outstanding garden where he
experimented with many varieties of fruit imported from
abroad. A respected figure in Nova Scotia, he was
appointed to the "Council of Twelve" in 1825. Arthur
Wentworth Hamilton Eaton, The History of Kings County,
Nova Scotia (Salem, Mass., 1910), 518-19. Another
residence, "Prescott House", which he built at Starr's
Point, is now owned by the Nova Scotia Museum and
open to the public. Carrington heard of him from Joseph
Allison (1785-1839), the wealthy Halifax merchant and
banker, who was Prescott's son-in-law.
28
Evidently Carrington did not know that an unseasonable
frost had recently destroyed many crops. Only a few
months before, seed, grain and potatoes were distributed
by the government to poor settlers and the export of grain,
meal and potatoes was prohibited. The Acts of the General
Assembly of Prince Edward Island from . . . 1773 . . . to
. . . 1851 (Charlottetown, 1851-52), I, 537, 564.
During the 1830s many complaints and protests were
made against the government seeking land reform. In
1839, Lord Durham's Report was severely critical: "Had
its natural advantages been turned to proper account, it
might at this time have been the grainary of the British
Colonies
Of nearly 1,400,000 acres contained in the
island, only 10,000 are said to be unfit for the plough.
Only 100,000 are now under cultivation. No one can
mistake the cause of this lamentable waste of the means of
natural wealth. It is the possession of almost the whole soil
of the island by absentee proprietors, who would neither
promote nor permit its cultivation, combined with the
defective government which first caused and has since
perpetuated the evil." As quoted in MacKinnon, 117. In
1861, another commission on land policy expressed the
hope that ". . .Prince Edward Island will yet become, what
she ought to be, the Barbadoes of the St. Lawrence."
Ibid., 118.
They are far behind the people of the States, both here & in Nova Scotia,
in regard to farming and gardening. They have no peas, cultivated strawberries, peaches, but few apples of the worse kind, etc. & the people here have
not the consolation that the others [Novascotians] have to offer as an
excuse: that one man, a Mr. Prescott, has a garden & farm that produces all
kinds of vegetables, fruits, etc.27 In all our rides I have not seen an animal fat
enough for beef and their horses are miserably poor animals which I
conclude to be from the quantity of hay produced which they are obliged to
sell to support themselves and families.28 To conclude, the country is a
first-rate land, capable of producing anything a winter country can but wants
sober, enterprising people with a little money to begin & they may then be
induced to follow. The present generation will never see it a flourishing
country under the present government;29 if it ever becomes a Yankee land,
a few years will suffice to show the change. These remarks will be enough,'
more I shall not say. Supped this evening with Mr. Breading & family, the
clerk of the church, a good family of people. The lady [is] a native of
Bermuda.30
Sunday, the 16th July. The Reverend Mr. Jenkins performed the
morning & evening service and Mr. Packer preached upon both occasions;
the morning text was, "Thou God seest me," 31 & he gave a good lashing to
drunkards. 2 Today we dined with Dr. St. Croix,33 an old fellow very much
in person & habits like Mr. Oxley.34
30
Reverend James Breading (1802-1875) of Portsmouth,
England, was sent to Prince Edward Island as a teacher by
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 1820. He
taught at the National School or Kent College School,
which was also known as the "Breading School," until
1839 when he moved to Nova Scotia. He then attended
Kings College, Windsor, was ordained a priest in 1849,
and served in several Nova Scotian parishes before he
died in Halifax. His wife was Elizabeth Durham, daughter
of Captain William Butterfield of Paget, Bermuda. Royal
Gazette, September 28, 1830; Acadian Recorder, March
25, 1875.
31
Genesis 16:13.
When the Barbados Temperance Society was organized
in 1835, Reverend Packer was elected its first chairman.
The Barbadian, January 10, 1835.
33
Dr. Benjamin De St. Croix (1776-1848) was Reverend
Jenkins' brother-in-law. He was the son of Joshua and
Leah Gallaudet De St. Croix and married Margaret,
daughter of Reverend Desbrisay in 1824. Qualified to
practice medicine in Charlottetown in 1812, he became a
leading citizen in the community.
34
William Oxley (1780-1843) of Fairfield Plantation, St.
Michael's Parish, Barbados, held many public offices
including Master in Chancery, Chief Justice of the
Common Pleas for St. Michael's, Lieutenant Colonel of
the Royal Regiment of Militia, member of the House of
Assembly, as well as vestryman. The Barbadian, July 22,
1843.
Courtesy Public Archives of NS
The Reverend James Breading
14
Monday, 17th. Breakfasted with Mr. Jenkins & Mr. Packer baptized his
infant privately. Mr. P. returned one or 2 calls & I amused myself walking
about the town & visiting a bookstore lately established by Mr. Stamper, a
gentleman I knew in Halifax.35 Took tea with Mr. Tremaine, son of an old
gentleman we knew in Halifax; saw his pretty, interesting sister, Miss Tremaine & ugly wife.36
Tuesday, 18th. Got our luggage ready & paid the landlady her enormous
bill of 5/ per day and quitted Charlotte Town & P. E. Island, perhaps forever,
on board the steam ferryboat. A little before we quitted Mr. Packer agreed to
purchase 1,250 acres of land of the President37 at 13/3 (P.E. currency of 6/
per $).37 Landed at Pictou in the evening, engaged our passage in the coach
for Halifax to quit on the following morning & put up for the night at the
Royal Oak Hotel.
35
Henry Stamper (1789-1859) was born in Yorkshire,
England, and married Catherine Normore, daughter of
Joseph and Mary Pippy of Charlottetown. His store,
known as "Stamper's Corner," on the south side of
Queen Square, was a landmark fondly recalled many
years later: "Mr. Stamper was a particularly neat and
gentlemanly little Englishman; he was always obliging, had
a nicely-kept bookstore, and, as he usually kept the latest
English and Colonial newspapers and periodicals, his shop
was a favorite resort for the young, and, we may say,
some of the older men too, who would meet there to
discuss the latest war and society news, talk politics or
gossip, criticize the passers by, and sometimes indulge in a
little scandal." Elizabeth] L.M.[acdonald], "Charlottetown
Fifty Years Ago," The Prince Edward Island Magazine, II
(January, 1901), 346.
36
Thomas Boggs Tremaine (1803-1864), a Charlottetown
merchant whose store and home were on Queen Street,
was the son of Richard and Mary Boggs Tremaine of
Halifax. He married his cousin, Elizabeth Allen, daughter
of Benjamin and Mary Tremaine of Quebec. His sister,
Louisa, also married a cousin, Charles William, son of
Jonathan and Mary Lee Tremaine of Halifax. Ebenezer
Mack Treman and Murray E. Poole, The History of the
Treman, Tremaine, Truman Family in America (Ithaca,
New York, 1901), 1,323.
; -t' v
IfMMN
37
Edward James Jarvis (1788-1852), Chief Justice of
Prince Edward Island from 1827 to 1852, served as
president of the Executive Council from 1829 to 1839.
Joseph Wilson Lawrence, The Judges of New Brunswick
and Their Times (St. John, New Brunswick, 1907),
270-79; Stewart Wallace (ed.), The Macmillan Dictionary
of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1963), 345.
Courtesy Public Archives of PEI
Chief Justice Edward James Jarvis
Courtesy Public Archives of NS
Richard Tremaine of Halifax, father of Thomas Boggs Tremaine of
Charlottetown.
15
H.B. Sterlings
Charlottetown
by Jim Hornby
The w e s t e n d of Water Street. In the foreground of this
well-to-do residential district is a striking view of what was once
the Sterling family home (as other, family photos attest). Extensively altered over the years, this building at 21 Water is presently
a multi-apartment dwelling with only a side entrance to Water
Street In the background, and more recognizable today are
2-6 Water, and 2 Haviland Street (the United Services Officers
Club).
Or
family name. While the architectural firm of David Stirling and
his apprentice W.C. Harris is sometimes encountered as "Sterling and Harris," David was clearly a "Stirling," and so the name
appears on his and Clara's gravestone in the People's Cemetery. But after David's death in 1888 and up to 1914, two years
before her own demise, Clara was always listed as "Sterling" in
Island directories. The last reference found for her son (in McAlpine's Maritime Directory, 1900) gives "Sterling, Harry B, electrician, bds, 27 Water" - close to the P.E.I. Electric Light Company at 35-37 Water where he is said to have worked. His life
after leaving the Island has not been traced.
Harry Sterling was of an age to have grown up just as amateur
photography became widely accessible and popular. His focus
on streetscapes and notable buildings reflects his father's profession of architecture as well as his own technical skill and eye
for composition.
In the following descriptions all readings are left-to-right, and
dates of the completion of buildings are given in brackets where
known. Identifications from the Sterling Collection are in bold
face type.
"ne of the largest groups of 19th century photographs in our
Public Archives is the Sterling Collection, donated by Mr. and
Mrs. Jack Wyers of Burlington, Ontario, and primarily the work
of photographer Henry Burton Sterling. A few of the photos
date to 1862, others to c. 1885; but most dated prints are from
1893-95 and are stamped with the initials H.B.S. The dated
ones in this selection (here published for the first time) are
1893-95 except the last and possibly one other.
Charlottetown scenes comprise the majority of prints in the
Sterling Collection, with others taken in Summerside, Halifax,
Montreal, and Boston. This sampling of Sterling's Charlotte- Sources
town photos is an introduction to the profusion of images he has
All Sterling photographs are reproduced with permission
left of the Island capital.
(and the kind assistance) of the Public Archives of P.E.I.
Of Sterling himself little seems to be known. His father was the
Thanks to Irene Rogers for advice; see her Walks in Charlotte
well-known architect David Stirling. Born in Galashiels, Scot- Town for more on some of these buildings, and her forthcoming
land, in 1822, David Stirling set up operations in Halifax, and book, Charlottetown: The Life in the Houses. Also useful has
branched over to Prince Edward Island. Here he met Clara been Mary K. Cullen, "Charlottetown Market Houses 1813Richmond Lea, and they married on December 1, 1869. Their 1958," The Island Magazine, No. 6, pp. 27-32; Ruth Heartz
son, known as Harry, was born on October 10,1871, and spent MacKenzie's West Street Revisited; James B. Pollard's Prince
most of the next 30 years in Charlottetown.
Edward Island: Military and Civil (1898); and Benjamin BremConsistency has not been a feature of the spelling of this ner's Memories of Long Ago (1930).
16
Mil
Victoria R o w from t h e Court H o u s e , 1 8 9 3 . The Victoria
Row block of Richmond Street was built in brick after the fire of
February, 1884. To the left, at the corner of Great George
Street, is Queen Square School Still extant are the Newson
Block (c. 1885), the Morris Block (1890), the Cameron Block
(1884), the Brown Block (1885), and the Stamper Block (1892)
at Stampers Corner. Opposite it across Queen Street at far right
is London House.
Q u e e n S q u a r e from t h e s o u t h w e s t , 1 8 9 3 . Activity is
centred at the 1867 Market House on Market Square, the
western portion of Queen Square. This area and that occupied
by the stone Post Office (1872) next to it are now filled by the
Confederation Centre complex. Further along are Province
House (1847), now being renovated by Parks Canada, the
Court House (1876), and Old St. Paul's Church (1836). This
view is a reverse angle of the one above.
17
*
The Market House and Queen Street from the top of
the Post Office, 1895. London House at the corner is not
included, but next to it part of Beer Bros store and sign are
visible, followed by GoffBros, then Moore & McLeod (whose
window display is just left of the Market), J.B. MacDonald, Geo.
Carter & Co. ("Booksellers & Seedsmen"), Watson s Drugstore, (unknown) Boots and Shoes, and Dodd & Rogers Hardware. Despite changes, this block remains much the same today.
i^SiH^ft
Preparing to move the old St. Dunstan's Cathedral,
(1896). This wooden cathedral (1843) is about to be moved
on rails some yards north to the grounds of Queen Square
School. The spire on its far end, containing a once-familiar town
clock, has been removed. South of the church across Dorchester
Street is the former Bishop s Palace (1875) at 45 Great George.
On this site the first stone St. Dunstans Cathedral was completed in 1907, and ravaged by fire on March 8, 1913, after
which the present Basilica was completed in 1919.
18
r~*
Corner of Queen and Grafton Streets, 1894. A downto-earth view of city streets; as it is summer, streets are at their
firmest and the wooden sidewalks may be ignored. In the corner
wooden building are W.D. McKay Woolen Mills and Store
(where you could trade wool for "ready-made clothing'), and
S.B. Enman grocers. It and the brick-and-stone building next on
Queen (built by Benjamin Rogers in 1887) are the site of the
recent controversial building erected by the Bank of Commerce.
Only the brick Offer Building in the centre of the block, and City
Hall (1888), whose belfry is seen across Kent Street, remain
today. The chatty trio outside Dodd & Rogers in the foreground
are in what is today a busy central intersection.
Upper Prince Street, 1 8 9 4 . This block is actually at the top
of Prince Street rather than Upper Prince - a separate street
extension. The first house, with its elegant tower, is gone, the site
now occupied by the First Baptist Church. Next, at 237 Prince is
theMacLennan House (1886), the brickPaton House (1882) at
241 Prince, and the mansard-roofed houses at 247-249 Prince
and 165 Euston Street.
19
Interior of Exhibition Building. Inside this 1890s building
on the Kensington Road is an impressive array of produce,
including oysters and ice-cream at right rear, and plants, paintings, cheese and sausage on the gallery level Along the gallery at
left is a "God Save the Queen" banner, which may indicate the
picture dates from 1897, the year of Victorias Diamond Jubilee.
The building was destroyed by fire in April, 1945.
I n t e r i o r of M a s o n i c H a l l , l a t e r P r i n c e E d w a r d
Theatre, 1 8 9 4 . As in the picture above, this interior photograph is taken before customers arrive. The 1891 Hairs site on
Grafton Street is now a parking lot in front of the Prince Edward
Cinemas. What a symbol of our changing cultural life!
20
.vife
The Ings House, the Esplanade. Dundas Esplanade was
named for Lieutenant-Governor George Dundas (1858-70),
who was in office when it was laid out on the former Barrack
Square in 1864. It ran from the west end of Water Street along
the waterfront to Sydney Street; its buildings were on grounds
now occupied by the Sacred Heart Home and Charlottetown
Hospital. The street commanded a fine view of the Hillsborough
Bay and Victoria Park, for those who could afford it.
Unidentified house and people. This is the house at 55
Euston Street owned at various times by Dennis Reddin (who
may have built it) and J.C. James. This side (whose circular
window is now boarded) faces west; today you enter the house
from the south (street) side.
21
Steam Navigation Wharf at the foot of Great George
Street, 1895. At left is A[lbert] Duchemin& Co. ("The Prince
Edward Island Door and Sash Factory"), on a former location of
the Revere Hotel. Opposite, the Charlottetown Steam Navigation Co. advertised that "Time from Charlottetown to Boston or
Montreal is only 24 hours. Returning [is] 27 hours." The first
carbon electric lights were installed in 1885, by the company for
whom the photographer worked. And Sterling probably left the
Island from here.
Connolly's Wharves in winter. These wharves at the foot
of Haviland Street were owned by leading city businessman
Owen Connolly. Here stands James Barrett's uBee Hive Lumber Yard"; but the bees are hibernating for the winter.
Militia at Fort Edward (c. 1897-1902). A display of
military might? Here come the boys of the old brigade,'marching
from the Drill Shed - seen almost beneath the spire of Kirk of
Saint James (1875) - across Victoria Park Roadway, opened in
1897 to honour the Queen. Behind the Drill Shed (whose site is
now part of a civil servant parking lot) is seen the four-storey
West Kent Public School. Then the West Street mansions: Cundall House (Beaconsfield, 1877), Westbourne (1877),
Edenhurst (c. 1865 to 1902), and Riverside (1874).
22
The C.P. Flockton
Comedy Company
by Reginald Carrington Short
Re
kegular readers of this magazine will
recall "Drama at Abells Cape" by Adele
Townshend in No. Six. Mrs. Townshend
there mentions Charles P. Flockton, the
American actor who was one of the first
members of the summer colony of actors
and writers that appeared around Fortune Bay until sometime in the 1950s.
Mrs. Townshend also referred to the
memoir that follows, written by American actor Reginald Carrington Short
(who used his first two names as a stage
name). Drawn from the New York and
Boston theatrical orbit to Flockton's Island retreat, Short and his wife and their
friends the Harry Warwicks (who owned
a cottage) were regular summer visitors
for many years.
Edited for publication here, Short's
tale of his discovery of the Island as a
member of Flockton's illfated summer
stock company was preserved in the
George Leard Papers in the Public Archives of Prince Edward Island. Grandly
entitled "Thespians in Arcady," it was
the third chapter (and is likely the only
surviving remnant) of his unpublished
autobiography.
With its mixture of anecdote, folklore
and sentiment, Short's prose is appropriately theatrical (including the condescending notes about the locals being "a
trifle primitive naturally"). Yet in reading
it one gets a sense of a real respect and
affection for the Island and its people.
Short's enthusiasm for local folklore and
legend is sometimes inaccurately rendered, as in the opening section where
he garbles the Abell-Pearce story by
making Abell the murderer and gives a
fanciful origin for the name Fortune.
The year of the Flockton Comedy
Company's brief tour has not been
discovered, but it can be considered
turn-of-the-century as something "a few
winters later" happened in 1905 (re
Cuthbert Cooper).
As the story opens, Reginald and his
friend Harry have already landed at
Abells Cape, ahead of the rest of the
Company, which stopped off in Port
Hawkesbury to be picked up in Flockton's 30-foot schooner. Their disinclination to trust the comforts of Flockton's
Stroller is vindicated when the aptlynamed vessel is overdue arriving. . . .
Edited by Jim
Hornby
Courtesy Public Archives of PEI
Elsa (Mrs. Harry) Warwick, actress and
model. She and Harry had a cottage
which they visited for many summers.
23
_ Abells Cape, situated at the mouth of
Fortune River, was at that time a
charming old world spot. The original
farm house, overlooking the bay, stood
among dense woods of fir and spruce.
Built somewhere around the middle of
the 19th century, it had resisted the
ravages of time and appeared to be in a
fairly good state of preservation. From
the high cliff of red sandstone on which it
stood, a narrow path wound its way
down to a somewhat delapidated wharf
in the immediate foreground. There the
local fishermen moored their boats,
stowed gear and dried their nets.
Nor was romance lacking.
Many years previously, murder had
been committed in the old barn on the
property by the then-owner Abell from
whom the Cape derived its name.
Moreover, a strong belief persisted
among the natives that somewhere on
the Cape that much over-rated and
maligned pirate, Captain Kidd, had
buried his treasure. This fact may have
been responsible for the name Fortune
Bay on which the Cape itself was
situated. Be that as it may, the fact
remained that treasure seekers from all
parts of Canada and the United States
had endeavoured to locate the pirate's
hoard, as innumerable shafts and
trenches offered mute testimony.
Also, there existed a wide belief in
Abell's house being haunted, a belief not
entirely unrelated to the mischievous
activities of John Davidson, Flockie's
skipper and caretaker. So efficacious became his ghostly impersonations that no
native would venture near the house
after nightfall under any considerations.
John, having a good job and being well
a w a r e of t h e fact, h a d b e e n at
considerable pains in developing an
efficient t e c h n i q u e calculated t o
discourage potential pretenders to his
little kingdom of Abells Cape.
Whether this more or less romantic
background was responsible for the
attraction the Cape possessed for
thespians, one can only conjecture. The
fact remains however, that many
v e t e r a n s of the stage were to be
encountered there, or in its immediate
vicinity, summer after summer. One
particularly recalls such old timers as
Cooper, Stevenson, Kent, Coghlan, and
Glendinning. Although these have long
since passed on, they still live in the
memories of the older natives who were
their contemporaries.
Glendinning's S w i m
Their activities form the subject of
24
many a tall yarn - John Glendinning's
swim for instance, an exploit that has
become a species of Fortune Bay saga.
It appears that John, a man of parts,
especially in his cups, was returning
home from Souris o n e sweltering
afternoon accompanied by his old crony
Frank Hollins. Alas, both beautifully
pickled. The old horse shay driven by
Frank rattled and rumbled across the
Fortune River Bridge. But John had had
a b o u t e n o u g h of it. H e r o l l e d ,
completely clothed, out of the trap and
into the river. Frank, quite unconscious
of this d e f e c t i o n , was c o n v e y e d
homewards by the ancient nag to whom
the road was more than familiar. In the
meantime Jessie, John's wife, was sitting
on the veranda awaiting the revellers.
"Where's John?" she enquired, as the
conveyance came to a stop. Frank was
slumbering peacefully. Every effort to
arouse him failed hopelessly. Jessie
slapped and pounded him, until finally
he muttered something hopelessly
unintelligible. To every query Frank
merely emitted a grunt. Jessie was in
despair.
Presently a small round object came
bobbing on the surface of the river, a seal
perhaps! but no, it did not swim like a
seal, what could it be? Closer it came, till
finally it reached the wharf. Then, like
Neptune emerging from the deep, John
Glendinning made his appearance, dead
sober. With a twinkle in his eye he
exclaimed to Jessie, "Damn fine swim
that, good mile and a half, now how
about supper."
Frank, still oblivious of the entire
proceedings, was gently but firmly put to
bed.
Flockton's friend'
The previously mentioned Cuthbert
Cooper was an old-timer and interesting
character generally. "Coopie" as we
used to call him, looked for all the world
like a typical village dominie. But he was
only a superannuated old actor, whose
occupation, like Othello's, was gone. In
very truth innocuous desuetude had
claimed him as its own. Perhaps life,
robbed of all illusions and revealing itself
in its utter futility, had crushed him as
beneath the wheels of a juggernaut, and
perhaps also he had partaken too freely
of the waters of Lethe (or call it the grape
if you prefer). And so he had fallen by the
wayside; but that he had come out of
great tribulation was obvious.
He and Flockton had been close
friends for many years, so it proved no
surprise w h e n he a n n o u n c e d his
intention of settling in P.E.I. Flockton, it
appeared, had offered to make him a
small weekly allowance to render his
plans feasible. A little cottage, belonging
to Flockton, was also placed at his
disposal during the remainder of his life.
His wants were negligible. Like Flockton,
he was always welcome to share the
farmers meals. This enabled him to
expend, almost exclusively, his small
allowance on consolation of the kind
already hinted at.
My friend Harry, having purchased an
acre of land and put up a small cottage
thereon, also decided to remain at
Fortune Bay over the winter. The two
cottages were perhaps 500 yards apart.
One bitterly cold mid-winter night with a
blizzard "beginning to make," Harry
happened to notice a complete absence
of smoke from Cooper's chimney. In
such a temperature this had very serious
implications, leaving him no choice but
to investigate. Through the deep snow
he reached Cooper's place, pushed the
door open and entered the kitchen. Poor
old Cooper lay slumped over an extinct
s t o v e , b l u e with cold a n d q u i t e
unconscious. A coil of rope hung at the
back of the door, and taking this down
Harry made a couple of loops, which he
passed under Cooper's arms. Then, with
considerable difficulty, he managed to
get the old man on his shoulders and out
into the night.
All this took time. Meanwhile the
blizzard had started in earnest, indeed
had become formidable. Visibility was
lowered to such an extent that only by
following the fence could Harry find his
way home. At last, almost exhausted, he
reached his door. Laying Cooper on the
day-bed he proceeded to render what
aid he could. Fortunately plenty of
whisky was available. Forcing a good stiff
glass-full between Cooper's teeth, he
covered him up with rugs, made up the
fire and retired for the night.
Next morning Cooper seemed little
the worse for his brush with the Enemy.
In fact he dismissed the whole affair as a
mere incident - didn't realize, in all probability, what an exceedingly close shave
he had had. But a few winters later
brought the tragic finale: a farmer, happening to notice an unfamiliar mound of
snow on one of his fields and thinking
perhaps some "critter" might have
perished and be lying there, kicked the
snow away to find, to his amazement Coopie. This time relief had come too
late. Coopie's little moment of sleep,
borrowed from death, had been repaid
in full.
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IHTERIM
The Company Arrives
Martha, John Davidson's wife, was
expecting the arrival of the C. P. Flockton Comedy Company, and if her greeting to we two of the advance guard lacked cordiality, the reason was not far to
seek.
Poor Martha was up against a pretty
tough proposition. "There was nothing
to do with" as she put it. Every sort of
domestic essential was lacking, even
food. Of that only a small quantity remained - tea, bread, butter, potatoes; of
linen, crockery, cutlery, and kitchen
utensils there were practically none.
However, no use grousing about it, we
must make the best of a bad job. After all,
the situation had its humorous aspects,
and these we must endeavour to exploit.
But what about the schooner? Two days
elapsed without tidings of any sort. She
could not have foundered, as the weather conditions precluded that possibility.
Nevertheless, we were beginning to feel
considerable anxiety, when around midnight of the third day of our arrival we
were aroused from sleep by the sound of
voices coming from the wharf.
Throwing coats over our shoulders we
sallied forth to discern, by the dim light of
a lantern, figures moving against a ghostly background of sails, spars and cordage. Yes, all was well; our argonauts
were safely come to shore.
Slowly they began to stagger up the
path towards the house. Pale, unshaven
and dishevelled, exhausted by lack of
food and sleep, they presented a woebegone aspect. Gradually their story unwound itself.
Becalmed for 40 hours, with their
scanty supplies of food and water almost
exhausted, there had remained no
alternative but to take the dinghy, row to
the nearest land 10 miles distant, and
obtain relief. Fortunately we had a little
whisky with us and were able to supply
first aid.
"Roughing it"
We now found ourselves confronted
with a situation which might have
daunted such an aggregation as the
Swiss Family Robinson. Where was food
to come from? Flockie was out of the
picture — his credit was exhausted at the
local store. Short of a miracle on the lines
of the 'loaves and fishes" we should be
out of luck, and that soon. Harry and I
had our trout rods with us, and this
seemed to offer a small ray of hope to the
famished members of the C. P. Flockton
Comedy Company. For we almost detected a cannibalistic gleam in the eyes of
the men.
With grim determination we set forth
to lure a few trout. Well, we caught a few,
but it requires a good "mess" to feed a
dozen people. Our efforts were received
with sniffs! Better had these doubting
Thomases exercised a little patience, for
next morning some 50 small lobsters,
remaining beneath the rocks at low water, fell victims to misplaced confidence
and our good fortune. This exploit we
capped by spearing an equal number of
flounders the very next day. A growing
feeling of respect, if not reverence, was
now clearly discernible in the attitude of
our companions. We swelled visibly. But
naturally these piscatorial triumphs
could hardly be expected to continue
indefinitely. Man proposes and weather
disposes. Came a day when neither
trout, lobsters nor flounders were available. Apparently nothing remained but
starvation.
Whether due to hunger one can't say,
but suddenly one of us had a lucid interval, or would you call it inspiration? Seagull's eggs! Eureka! The problem was
solved. Nothing more nourishing, and
we knew where thousands could be
obtained - Sea Gull Beach. Good Lord,
why hadn't we thought of it before? "Get
a pail and come along." Eight quarts of
eggs was the result of this brilliant idea.
The Flockton Comedy Company was
duly informed of their salvation;
moreover, that luxury beckoned. Plover's eggs! The Company was duly informed that a delicacy such as plover's
eggs was simply snapped up, regardless
of cost, by invalids, gourmets, yes even
royalty itself. All to no purpose; the eggs
were eaten in dead silence. Their funeral
oration, pronounced by our ex-barber,
proved brief but painful: "Rotten."
But now, at the eleventh hour, the tide
began to turn. By some miraculous
means, known only to himself, Flockie
succeeded in re-establishing credit at the
local store, with the result that meals
occurred at almost regular intervals. A
universal feeling of relief and content became a p p a r e n t . Carried away by
momentary enthusiasm, our ex-barber
was discovered carving his initials on
Flockie's mantelpiece in letters six inches
high.
During all these lean days Harry and I
had borne ourselves with that noble patience and resignation which are characteristic of truly great souls. Never a complaint or peevish word passed our lips. In
spite of our innate modesty, we were
compelled to admit that our behaviour,
during these trying circumstances, had
been superb. Of course the fact of our
having discovered a nearby farm house,
where good solid meals were procurable
for the modest investment of 15 cents a
"throw," may have contributed in some
small measure to our cheerful demeanour.
Rehearsals, such as they were, demanded but little of our time. This
afforded us an excellent opportunity to
become acquainted with many of the
farmers in the more immediate neighbourhood. And what a fine people they
proved to be, a trifle primitive naturally,
but of good Scotch and Irish stock, the
former predominating. Kindly to a degree, hospitable almost to a fault, they
were content to accept you at your face
value. Entirely devoid of self consciousness, they also seemed to possess the
happy faculty of making you feel perfectly at home. If you were addressed by
your christian n a m e , it might be
accepted as a sure sign that you had
25
been weighed in the balance and not
found wanting.
Bim
It was my good fortune to meet one
particularly interesting type during my
Island sojourn, and I take great pleasure
in introducing my very good friend Mr.
Abimelech Burke, known to all and sundry as "Bim." Cobbler, fiddler and trout
fisherman, Bim was a neighbourhood
character.
It was as a fisherman though that he
excelled. No one could tie a fly more
expertly, as the local salmon discovered
to their undoing. Among his few possessions, two were especially cherished - an
ancient fiddle and his trout pole. The
latter in Bim's old gnarled hands
assumed almost the virtues of a magician's wand. Spliced in a dozen places,
battered, bruised and worn, only the
consummate skill of its owner enabled
him to use it successfully, or, for that
matter, at all.
His humorous face, tanned by sun
and wind to the colour and texture of
leather, strongly reminded you of some
quaint old gargoyle. His eyes, faded but
still alive with humour; his Archaic English, fund of anecdote, understanding
and tolerance; these characteristics all
contributed to a singular if not unique
character. But what interested me most
was Bim's unshakeable belief in every
form of superstition. Naturally the ghost
of Abells Cape and the legend of Kidd's
treasure found strong support and confirmation in Bim. And did he love his wee
drappie! Sometimes on my return from
Souris I would stop in at Bim's and present him with a token of my esteem and
regard. A few applications of the ambrosia and Bim, the real Bim, would come to
life. Down would come the fiddle; off
would go his shoes, the latter gesture an
outward sign of the inward and alcoholic
state of the country fiddler.
Finally the fiddle would be laid aside
and the grandfather of all pipes produced. This carefully filled and lighted,
he would peer at me thoughtfully over
the top of his old patched spectacles and
remark tentatively, "I don't suppose you
ain't never done no diggin' for treasure
have ye?" Reluctantly, I was compelled
to reply in the negative.
"Don't believe in no such foolishness I
The treasure seekers get a shock
26
suppose?" I declared myself open to
conviction, and passed the bottle. Bim
savoured his drink thoughtfully, a faraway look in his eyes. "Lemme see,
must 'a' been four, five year ago. I mind I
was doin' a small job o' work one afternoon when five strangers drives up here.
Was I Bim Burke they asts, 'Yes,' I sez,
'that's my name, come in won't ye?'
They come in and set. 'Pears they're out
o' Boston.
"Did I know Abells Cape? 'Natcherly,'
I sez, 'I was borned right here.' They
gams a while, then the beans is spilled.
Come to dig for treasure seems like;
Kidd's treasure. Was I game to go along?
They'd see I didn't lose nothing by it,
how about a couple o' dollars win or
lose? They has a big passel o' picks,
shovels and the like wrapped up in burlap outside the door. We has a few
drinks, good stuff too seemed like, brung
from Boston too it was. I don't know for
why, but it ain't no use diggin' for treasure 'ceptin' at midnight; anyone'lltellye
that.
"Them fellers has got hold of a map
some'rs so we starts early to find the spot
marked on it. It was a awful dark night
but nacherly they has brung a lantern. At
that it must 'a' been a couple hours before they come on what looks like the
place marked on the map.
Ghost ship
"Even then they ain't by no means
sure, but anyhow they starts a-diggin'.
They was jest gettin' warmed up to their
work when out comes the moon from a
mess o' clouds, and tho' you won't never
believe me, a-standin' up the Bay comes
a ship, the likes o' which none o' us ever
seen before. Drorin' full she was, a
square-rigger, bow an' stern high an'
deep in the waist. Yes sir, up she comes
'til she's broadside on to us, down goes
her helium and dead into the eye of the
wind she comes, then over goes her
mud-hook, the chain rattles out through
her hawse-pipe and her sails is clewed
up
;<
"Smart as ye please, overside goes
her longboat and into her tumbles the
worst looking lot of furriners you ever
seen, handkerchers over their heads,
belts full o' knives and pistols. Hairy
fellers, all o' them. They out oars and
come straight for us.
"Was you ever really skeered? I mean
so's you couldn't move? We was, mortally skeered. But when that there boat
shoves her nose up on the beach and
them fellers piles out and starts a-comin'
right for us, then we come to life and
come quickly, I'm tellin' ye. Like the devil hisself was after us. Mebbe he was.
Seems like I smelled brimstone.
"We gets to my place blowin' like
grampusses, all of us shakin' like we had
the ague. Come break o' day they lit out
for Bear River, where they aimed to take
the train for Boston. I mind how they
wouldn't even go back and fetch their
gear. I still got some on it."
I looked sideways at Bim. Was he kidding me, I wondered? He may have
been, but I don't think so. How many
drinks had the treasure seekers consumed before their adventure? That was
what I wanted to know.
B e f o r e t h e Public, Briefly
The date of our Souris opening was
approaching. The little town, agog with
curiosity and excitement, awaited the
arrival of the C. P. Flockton Comedy
Company with feverish impatience. The
show to them represented an event of
almost national importance.
Everyone knew Flockie. They had
journeyed from far and near in every
style of conveyance known to the Island,
to do him reverence. It was scarcely surprising therefore that the curtain rose to a
capacity house. A few brief but wellchosen remarks from our impresario
opened the proceedings, and what an
array of talent was disclosed. "A jennuwine potpurry of moosic," as a radio
announcer once had it. Cornet solos,
banjo duets, sketches, songs, monologues, and lastly a new contraption,
styled the "cinematograph." This film
machine, like the wine of Biblical fame,
had been kept 'til the last part of the program; it was our piece de resistance. Unfortunately, whether owing to the unskilful manipulation of our ex-barber, or
some imperfection in its innards - after a
brief but showy exhibition of temperament it decided to call it a performance
and sank into oblivion, and that was
that!
Would that you could have seen
Flockie on that memorable occasion.
The effect of a capacity audience was
simply electrical. Under our eyes a metamorphosis had taken place; from a person he had become a personage. A look
of noble pride shone in his eyes. Head
erect, chest out, shoulders squared, he
looked the very personification of the
successful theatrical manager. Only the
silk hat and fur coat of tradition were
lacking.
There followed another almost totally
successful night's business, after which
began the decline and fall of the Flockton
Comedy Company. Four one-night
stands, all unprofitable, brought us to
Charlottetown, the capital and our
Waterloo. Our first night's performance
in that delightful little city realized some
30 dollars. Of the entertainment itself let
us be charitable and preserve a discreet
silence. It was stigmatized by one native
as "chronic." I'm still wondering.
The audience however did enjoy one
good hearty laugh. Again the cinematograph rose to the occassion; a train
dashed onto the screen in great style,
indeed it would have been perfect had
the picture not been upside down. Oh
yes, it got a laugh, but also, I fear, was
instrumental in handling the coup de
grace to the Hockton Comedy Company.
Yet, in spite of this fiasco, nine optimists or philanthropists paid admission to
the following evening.
Then we touched bottom, not even a
stray dog in front of the house. It was
curtains for the Flockton Comedy Company. All that could be done was to return its members to their homes. But
how?
Aftermath
There remained but to call a meeting
of the now defunct company. A very
deflated Flockie took the chair. The outlook depicted by him was scarcely encouraging: he was broke, dead broke.
"How about getting these people back
to the States, you're responsible you
know"; he was sorry but what could he
do, he hadn't a bean.
Finally he consented to entrain for
Souris and endeavour to put another
mortgage on his property. This having
been successfully accomplished, each
member of the Company received a
steamer ticket to Boston. Harry and I,
electing to remain on the Island, were
excepted.
It is recorded, however, that the said
steamer tickets included no such trivial
items as meals. For we afterwards
learned that but for the kindness of the
S.S. Halifax's stewards, our returning
thespians would have been without food
during the entire journey of nearly two
days.
Well here we were, Harry and I, footloose and fancy free. As a matter of fact,
apart from one's natural sympathy for
Flockie in the failure of his venture, we
were satisfied with the trend of events,
especially as there had never been the
slightest doubt in our minds as to the final
outcome of the undertaking.
This being the case, we had made
arrangements at a certain farmhouse,
already mentioned, whereby board and
lodging would be available for the extremely modest sum of two dollars and
fifty cents a week, washing included. We
considered it modest, but evidently, the
fact having got around, the neighbours
did not. We were actually informed by
several well-wishers that we were being
"took" advantage of.
The farmhouse where I now took up
residence was situated on the banks of
the Fortune River, directly across from
Abells Cape. My quarters consisted of a
bedroom and the "setting" room, both
scrupulously neat and clean. Susie, the
eldest daughter, served my three daily
meals in the dining room since, for
reasons unspecified, I had not been invited to join the family in the kitchen. A
scant hundred yards from the front door
brought one to the finest trout pool on
the river, so that meals could be supplemented almost daily by salmon trout.
Here one lived a quiet, uneventful existence, "the world forgetting and by the
world forgot" In my humble opinion,
only under such circumstances can man
achieve real content and peace of mind.
27
If you're inclined to be skeptical, reduce
life to its simplest terms and give it a trial;
you won't regret it.
The family was not much in evidence,
being pretty busy with their field work
and chores. The little you did see of
them, however, went far to increase your
opinion of their sterling qualities. Except
perhaps in the Scandinavian countries, it
would be difficult to duplicate these people anywhere.
Before retiring for the night, my host
Will would make a practice of paying me
a little visit of ceremony. It didn't last
long, 20 minutes at the most, but while I
appreciated the motive, it must be confessed that it proved a mauvais quart
d'heure of the first magnitude. Conversationally we hadn't a single subject in
common. Fishing, crops, weather; and
once these had been exhausted practically nothing remained. The end of our
verbal tether reached, a most embarrassing silence would follow, broken only
by the loud ticking of the clock. At last
Will would slowly rise to his feet and say,
"Well goodnight sir, I hope you'll sleep
well," and exit.
Then, the night being propitious, one
would light a final pipe and stroll down
the path to the river. What words ever
could depict those nights? Those
wonderful nights. Nights apparently
peculiar to northern hemispheres. Cool,
even cold, displaying the most dazzling
constellations imaginable. Often the
northern lights flashing across our visible
universe added to the splendour of the
heavens. Well might the Psalmist exclaim, "In wisdom hast thou made them
all."
Memory, too, recalls a great yellow
moon, reminiscent of an immense
Chinese lantern rising slowly and majestically out of the ocean; rising until high
above the dark woods of Abells Cape it
would shed its luminous reflection over
the still waters of the Bay.
Denouement
Needless to relate, no very joyful feelings dominated Harry and me at the
thought of returning to civilization when
our summer on the Island drew to a
close. We had enjoyed such a vacation
as falls to the lot of very few mortals.
The inevitable morning arrived when
we arose at four to catch the early train at
Bear River. Have you ever seen one of
those sublime masterpieces of nature before which you can only stand silent and
breathless? One of the really few mornings that remain with you, yes, as long as
memory lasts.
28
Photo by Jim Hornby
Flockton's monument at Abells Cape, containing his ashes.
A heavy dew had whitened the fields,
creating an almost perfect illusion of hoar
frost, while myriads of spider's webs
spread upon the grass their exquisite
traceries. These, touched by the magic of
the early morning sun, flashed and
sparkled with prismatic rays like diamond necklaces. Not a cloud in the vast
dome of the sky, not even a breath to stir
the alders by the brook. Smoke ascending from the chimneys of early risers. A
last few farewells and reluctantly we
climb into the waiting buggy. "Giddap
there."
The old nag ambled along at three
miles an hour. So enchanting was the
panorama that one felt utterly indifferent
to anything save the exquisite enjoyment
of the moment. Would we make the connection? Oh, what fell Bill! Along the
river, past one's favourite trout pool
(that's w h e r e I c a u g h t that twopounder), past well remembered farms "Good morning Mrs. Dingwell; yes, got
to get back to the States, good-bye,
good-bye" - through the fragrant pine
woods. Farewell Arcadia, farewell summer! A woman might find relief in tears;
being a mere male one must be content
to apostrophize the old horse and say
"Giddap."
Sources
While public apathy brought an early
end to the C.P. Flockton Comedy Company, interest in the Fortune show-folk
has been keen from the outset. As far
back as the third volume of The Prince
Edward Island
Magazine(DecembeY
1901), no fewer than three pieces
appeared from the pens of visiting
actors: a poem, "An Island Idyl," by
"Cuthbert Cooper, New York"; Charles
Kent's "Kidd's Treasure"; and "The
Murder of Abell" by Flockton himself.
Thanks are due to Mrs. Townshend's
article already cited, and to the late
George Leard and the Leard Papers in
PAPEI.
Among the dramatis personae buried
in Fortune area, Martha and John Davidson lie in Bay Fortune United Church
Cemetery, along with Cooper.
For many readers, playwright Elmer
Harris is the most memorable of the Fortune summer set, as it was in this area his
famous Johnny Belinda (first published
as The Inner Silence in 1934) is located.
Is it farfetched to hear in the name of his
play's villain "Locky" an echo of the
popular "Flockie" of earlier days?
Some of My
Experiences at Sea,
Part One
liMN
MfNHii
Courtesy Wanson Hemphill
John Hemphill about 1900
Edited by Jim
by John Hemphill
X% early 60 years ago Frederick William
Wallace urged Maritimers to learn more
about "the brave days of wooden
ships." "Fourth place among the shipowning nations," he wrote, "building
famous vessels and breeding a class of
daring and resourceful seamen who are
still a legend among seafarers in British
and foreign ships, the Maritime Provinces of Canada seem to have forgotten
a part of their history of which they
should be inordinately proud." While in
recent years much material on shipbuilding and shipping has been gathered
by maritime historians, and displayed in
museums (such as our own Green Park
and the new Maritime Museum of the
Atlantic in Halifax), few first-hand
accounts exist of the lives of our "daring
and resourceful seamen."
What follows is such an account, for
John Hemphill (1871-1967) speaks with
a sailor's memories, His voice is direct
and understated, that of a plain man who
doesn't waste words, at least not on paper. Yet there is a definite flavour to his
words, a fishing-shack bravado about
the dangers of the sea by a man who
couldn't swim. Several who have read
the manuscript agree that they can "feel
the salt spray."
Hemphill went to sea at 17 from his
home in Georgetown and sailed the
Atlantic coast from St John's to Boston
for a number of years. He later worked at
shipbuilding for Daniel Gordon and as a
commercial traveller, ran a grocery store
in Cardross, and had a small shop in
Georgetown where he made woodsleighs and carts. John moved to Covehead in 1939 after the death of his first
wife, and it was here that he began to
carve ship models. On his third marriage
in 1943 he moved to St. Peter's where
he lived until shortly before his death in
December, 1967.
Hemphill's reminiscences of seafaring
were written in a scribbler about 20 years
ago at the urging of his son Jack. One of
the virtues of this writing, a relative lack
of self-consciousness, is the result of
Hemphill writing for himself and his
family rather than for publication. It was
decided to make him clearer to the reader by standardizing spelling, adding
paragraphing, and capitalizing words as
needed. Some apparent capital letters
have been left on words where they
would not usually appear because they
seem part of the author's voice. Otherwise little editing has been done beyond
omitting a few repetitious lines and dis-
Hornby
connected sections.
A sample of the author's writing is included with the text. The experiences of
which he writes occurred in the late
1890s and the early years after 1900.
M,
Ly father, Capt Daniel Hemphill,
was caught in the great August Gale, the
time all the American vessels were lost on
the North Shore of P.E.I. Capt Dan
Hemphill ran from East Point to Pictou in
the same gale, in a vessel called the Lily.
He was owner of her. She was a pink[y]
and run like a bird I heard my father say.
My Father Capt Dan was an old georgeman, a Capt out of Gloucester in about
the year 1870, and fished many years
out of Souris in his own vessel.
My first long voyage was to St Johns,
Newfoundland, in the Brig Stella owned
by James E. McDonald Cardigan Bridge,
and sailed by Capt Neilson. Her mate
Donald Steele, better known as bald
headed Donald. I had a brother on
board, Chas by name, as an able seaman. For my self I served as cook.
The Stella was built in Cardigan
Bridge by Duncan MacLaren, and I must
say a noble little ship she was. They may
29
of St Johns Newfoundland. The Stella
had a general cargo, and loaded fish for
Pumabook [Corner Brook]. I left the
Stella at St Johns. She was sold there,
with her cargo offish,and made her trip
as usual.
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Courtesy Public Archives of PE1
The Stella under construction at Cardigan, late 1890s
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jiwujutf* predict mud:
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t
talk about their ships under sail, but the
Stella was a bird in a breeze or gale of
wind.
On our trip from P.E.I, to St Johns we
encountered a heavy gale of wind off
Cape Royal, about 30 miles from St
Johns. When the gale struck us, there
was no orders to shorten sail. The Stella
hove down on her beam and labored
there until all sails were blown off. Then
she righted, nothing left but the yards
and bolt rope. An able Seaman by the
name of George Campbell was at the
wheel when the gale hit, and done his
best to save the ship. Whether the capt
and mate got exited or frightened, I do
not know, but they were two dumheads.
The evening was coming on and a
dark ugly night set in. There was an extra
set of sails in the poop deck. They were
taken out and bent on, in the darkness of
the night. The Stella labored for 7 days at
sea before we made the port of St Johns.
We were blown unto the banks of Newfoundland with no port in sight for hundreds of miles from the time we took the
gale until it was over.
Capt or mate kept to the cabin, one in
each corner standing there like two statues. Capt Neilson's wife was on board, a
30
nervous wreck, tearing her hair. She was
a beautiful woman. When the captain
and mate came on deck again, the Stella
was glad to see them, for she was on her
journey again.
When we were out in the gale we seen
a beautiful white ship, a hundred tons
larger than the Stella. I think she was
from Lunenburg N.S. She was a three
master, a barkentine. When we sighted
her she was only wearing a goosewing
topsail, and on the drift. The Stella was
wearing a stem stacel [staysail], a foursail
[foresail], and a mainsail. This ship was
at the mouth of St Johns harbour when
the gale came on. She could not make
the harbour, so a tug came to her, put a
strong hawser on her, and she snapped it
off twice and the tug gave up the tow.
She went to sea for 9 days, before she
made the port of St Johns again.
The Stella was 30 miles from St Johns
when the gale came on and with getting
her back to sail, to weather the gale, we
made it in 7 days. There was no rest at
sea. She rolled and pitched and threw
you out of the bunk. This is a true story of
useless captains and mates. These were
the days of James E. McDonald, of Cardigan Bridge, and Sir Richard Thorburn,
Banks fishing
My first experience on the banks, and
deep water fishing, was in the Schooner
Marguerite, from Beverly Mass. U.S.A.
One of the largest bankers out of U.S.A.
or other ports at that time. She was a
vessel of 135 tons and wore two topmasts. The average banker at that time
was about 75 tons. There was a few
topsail schooners from Mario [St. Malo]
France fishing around us. They were
only small. Some times 2 or 3 square rig
Barks would lay to, waiting for a shift of
wind; they were bound for Halifax.
You might say it blowed a gale almost
every day. Very few good days. The
Nova Scotia vessels did not fish on bad
days. We fished every day, Sunday included. No Sunday at rest.
Capt Higgins came to Georgetown, he
said he was looking for a good man.
They sent him down to Panmure Island
3 or 4 miles from Georgetown where I
was fishing. I turned my fishing gear over
to others, and shipped on the Marguerite.
Our first set was off Cape North, C. B. We
made a flying set there, with 8 double
dories fishing, and loaded them plenty
with codfish. A very nice run of fish, but
they did not suit the capt in size for the
U.S.A. market, so we moved further
along, and always had large catches of
cod. When we fished in 35 fathoms of
water, we would make 2 runs a day. That
would be 16 double dories of fish to
dress and put away when salted. And
when we fished in 135 fathoms of water,
we only made one run a day, that would
be 8 double dories a day. When our fish
were dressed they were spread all over
the whole of the vessel, skin down. A
Salter with a half bushel basket of salt
would throw the salt over them as if he
was sowing grain.
When you make your vessel ready for
bank fishing, you furl your Jibs and hoist
them a few feet above the bowsprit.
Then take the main boom, drop it down
on the church, a heavy standing piece of
wood for that purpose. Then place your
turnbuckle on both sides of the boom,
and set them up tight and she is in trim for
fishing. Sometimes at a flying set of
trawls your vessel is under Sails jogging
around, keeping close to her dorys.
The Capt said he fished on the banks
for 40 years, and it was the worst season
he had seen. We were up before day
break, oil cloths on. Waiting for dawn to
put our dories over her side. It was a
trained job to do so, with her washing her
rails under. The wind would whistle
through our rigging with a mad roar. Our
dories were dropped over the Side and
as soon as she was in the water, you were
aboard of her. There was no be careful
how you got aboard, but we got there.
And our food was a V2 gallon of water
whether we made the ship or not.
I was a bowman in the dory, and
hauled the trawl, and passed the fish aft
to be taken off by the dory skipper. He is
master of the dory. You have to go two
years on the banks before you have
charge of a dory. The vessel would roll
her rails under water, as the dory would
wash on top of her rail, and off again with
the sea. One day the vessel horsed up
with the tide. It had moderated, and her
stromtricle did not keep her to the wind.
She sucked our dory under her rail, filled
her with water. The crew took gaffs,
caught us both by the collar of our oilskins and pulled us aboard. There was
135 fathoms of water under us. All of our
fish washed out of our dory. They floated
and was picked up again.
The fog with all the heavy wind would
last for days. We run our trawls by compass and found them by compass. If you
want to see tide, you will find it in plenty.
In the fog when our trawls were hauled
and made ready to go to the vessel, I
would swing my head around until I
would get the best Sound of the foghorn
on the vessel, and would swing my hand
on the compass to th 2 point of the Sound
in my ear, and hit the ship amidships.
The dory skipper thought it quite a stunt.
The captain would come fored and say
boys give her more cable, we are going
to have a breeze of wind. When you
would think it could blow no harder.
One morning after hauling our trawls
the wind had shifted giving us a hard
berth, with a heavy sea running. We
were well loaded down with cod, and
taking in water. The dory skipper left the
rowing to me, while he done the bailing,
but we could not make the vessel with
one man rowing. The captain sent a
empty dory down to us by bending 2
new coils of rope. When we got holt of
the empty dory we did not get into her,
but kept pulling on the rope of the empty
dory, leaving the empty dory behind us.
When the sea would break we would let
our dory go back with the sea, then pull
her up again, so that we worked our way
up to the vessel that way. Then the empty dory was hauled up to the vessel.
When our dories came along Side of the
vessel, to take out our fish, her bow line
was not fastened, it was passed through
a fairleader, and the cook attended to it,
easing it with the sea, and pulling the dory
up again. The storm line was made long,
so not to bind her in the sea. Our dories
were hoisted on deck, and the plugs
taken out of them so that she would be
free from water if she boarded a sea.
Every man took his turn in watching
the ship, and were lucky they were not
washed overboard at night. Our Cook
was quite deaf, but we got to understand
him. We sometimes went to Sydney for
our bait and the Magdalen Islands. We
had a lot of Halibut that we had caught in
our cod trawls, that we were going to
trade in for bait at Cape Canso. But the
Capt was afraid that they might seize the
vessel. So he squared off for the Magdalen Islands, throwing all of the Halibut
over. There were many of them, and a
waste cf food.
One morning as usual we all went out
to our trawls it was thick with fog. All
returned but one dory. The men in the
lost dory were Eddie Muise 16, Saul
Spinny 45. Our Capt was heart broken,
a man that loved his crew. We layed at
anchor for two days, while I stayed on
the mast head, only coming down for my
meals, watching the fishing vessels, if
they had a signal of our men. The Capt
fired 24 lbs of powder as a signal for the
men, but of no avail. We began to heave
up our hawser. That heeled our vessel, in
135 fathoms of water. There was a
heavy sea running, and our fishing
anchor was caught. We hove on the
windlass for hours. Some times our vessel would dip so heavy, that we would
slack our hawser to let her rise. She was
shipping sea. When we got our anchor, it
was broke at the shank. We were caught
in the Atlantic cable between Halifax and
England. We shaped our course for Sydney C.B. When we came into harbour,
Capt went ashore and phoned around
with no word of his men. The Capt then
set sail for home in U.S.A. to get a new
anchor for his vessel.
To the surprise of us all, the men
turned up. As the story goes, I will relate
it. A Norwegian Bark was bound up to
some part of New Brunswick, passing a
long the North Shore of P. E. I., when her
Capt had a dream that bothered him. He
drempt he seen two men in a dory, such
a course and so many miles. He ordered
the mate to swing off the ship to the
course he drempt. The mate objected,
but the course was run. The Capt put
over his log and run his miles, hove his
ship to, got his spyglass, and sighted our
men. They were out 48 hours, and in
Courtesy Wanson Hemphill
Photo by Camera Art
Drawing by John Hemphill
31
bad shape. He took them aboard, gave
them a little wine, but no other foods for
a few hours, took the men and dory off to
Souris, and the dory was left there.
Capt Henry Dicks of Georgetown
bought the dory, took her down to the
Labrador, and both him and his son
were lost on her. It is a ticklish thing on
the banks or in heavy sea if you do not
handle your dory aright. A safe boat if
handled right.
[The June 22,1904Charlottetown
Herald reported a dispatch stating
that "Captain Henry Dicks aged
sixty-five and. . . Horatio Dicks
aged twenty-five had both been
drowned at Labrador on the sixteenth by the upsetting of their
dory."]
Two trips to Sydney
[This is about] my voyage from St.
Johns Newfoundland with a Capt Smith
of Shelbume N.S. to Sydney C.B. I have
forgotten the name of the vessel, but she
belonged to C.B. Widden of Bayfield
Antigonish [County].
We started from St Johns with a free
breeze. She was a vessel of 135 tons, and
a two topmaster, and a big old tub she
was. She was in the cattle trade. When
we left St Johns we had a fair breeze, but
not for long. We soon encountered a
heavy North wester. We had to shorten
close down on sail, and were very busy
[to] get her ready. We were now under a
double reef foresail, for 2 weeks, and
you might say adrift during this time.
There was no sun to be had, and we
were to the mercy of the Sea and weather. For rest it was scarce. I never had the
oilcloths off me during that time. And all
were fitted alike. We kept up our regular
watch, and the blowing of our foghorn in
plenty. At night all things looked so
gloomy on watch. The seas would stand
up like a great mountain. You would
think if it broke on the vessel that she
would be swallowed up to the mastheads. A big ocean liner coming up on
the crest of a sea like that would be a sad
sight to look upon. But as you know at
night things always look harder and
more fierce. But yet the [sea] was angry.
After we had been out for some time
and had lost our course, we were still
laying to the weather. It had moderated,
but where were we. Nothing to pick our
vessel up.
On a Sunday evening we sighted a
steamer, and signaled her. She bore
down on us and gave Capt Smith the
latitude and longitude. Capt Smith went
down aft, and took his course, set all sail,
32
Courtesy George and Donna MacArthur
Photo by Camera Art
Relief model by John Hemphill
and let her go for Arichat. We were
somewhere off Sable Island, but we did
not see the land. The weather was not so
clear to see a distance.
When we made Arichat the sea come
up so heavy, that it almost was impossible to see the buoys, and to be sure of the
channel. It broke from shore to shore,
and the Capt was afraid to make the
harbour. He was a deep water man; they
are not so good on the shore as a coast
captain.
Our Mate knew the harbour like a
book. He was a Capt White. He came to
the crew and Said boys are you with me
to take the vessel in if the Capt refuses.
We all said yes.
Then the Mate went to Capt Smith
and said square her off for the harbour if
not we will take charge of her. The Capt
swung her off and made port. We were
not into port too long when a wicked
squall hove us down on our beam ends.
Lucky we had all Sail down, anchored,
and furled. When the squall hit us it hove
her down on her beam ends, and she
spun around like a top on a floor. If we
had not made harbour when we did, we
might of all been lost. From Arichat she
went to Bayfield Antigonish and loaded.
I left her there, and came home to
Georgetown.
I made a voyage on the Dictator owned by Capt Mark Bonnell of Murray Harbour. His vessel was tied up at Georgetown for the winter. The weather kept so
fine that Capt Bonnell bent on her Sails
to make a trip to Sydney. She was loading for a merchant of Montague Bridge.
We began our loading at Lower Montague. It had come a cold night and we
were frozen in at Lower Montague. But
the Ice broke up and we continued load-
ing. This was in the month of January.
There was no snow on the ground at that
time.
We loaded produce at Lower Montague, and came down to the railway
wharf at Georgetown to take on some
hay. Capt Harpel of the Parthenia
loaded at Montague Bridge, at the same
time, and came down the river, and out
the harbour on his way to Sydney. The
sky showed all signs of bad weather.
I was Cook, and bald headed Donald
was Mate. Crew was Ben [W]right, Milfred Moore. I spoke to Capt Mark and
said you should not go out to day. It dont
look good. Capt Mark said if Capt Harpel
goes we will follow. Capt Harpel went
out and was a good stretch ahead of us
before we were loaded.
When we came out in the gulf, we
could not see the Parthenia. She was
miles ahead. The wind was varying in
different quarters, as it often does before
a storm, and [we] made slow progress.
Night came on, and when we were about
5 miles from Cape Jack, the wind
Jumped into the Northeast with a blinding snow storm. We were then in smooth
water, as long as we could hold it.
Mr Cameron of Montague Bridge
loaded us, and came with us in the vessel. But when we got in this snow storm
he changed his mind. He said to me I
would give the price of the cargo if I had
my feet on shore. I said if we can hold the
land we will be all right, but if we go to sea
we will have a hard time of it.
Capt Mark [needed] to give him self a
good clearance as he put her off from
shore; he was carrying all lowers on her. I
was not afraid, but thought he would tear
her to pieces. I said unto Capt Mark why
dont you shorten sail. He said I cannot,
we are in the bight of Cape George. I said
you are not, you are on fishermans bank.
You would not have a Sea like this at
Cape George.
I set down on the afterdeck, holding
on by the rail. Looking under the mainboom I saw Cape Bear light, for a moment. They could not believe me. It was
a bad storm in such a small gulf, with not
much Sea room. The Atlantic is a far
better spot in bad weather, plenty water
and a long running wave. Yet very
dangerous at times.
When daybreak came we were about
2 miles off Panmure Island. She washed
heavy all that night. About every 15 minutes I would make the crew some tea.
There was snow in plenty on them.
When we were so handy to Georgetown the Capt thought he would go in.
But a heavy breeze Jumped up from the
Northwest and drove us off again.
We reefed her down to a double reef
foresail and run to the straits of Canso.
The Sea seemed to [be] running as high
as Cape George. When we got to the
Straits of Canso Mr Cameron wanted us
to land him there. He said he would go
the rest of the way by rail. We were going
to land him at Port Hawkesbury; we
found that our boat had punched a hole
in her bottom in the storm. There was a
strong tide going east, so we let her go
while the men were repairing the boat.
When the boat was ready we were
down in Port Malcom. They put Mr
Cameron on shore there. He was not to
handy to the railroad station. He was a
very tall man, with long legs, but he
found the snow very deep. It looked as if
it was four feet had fell that night. Mr
Cameron would not go far before he
would rest. We were watching him.
We then got underway again for Sydney, passing through St Peters locks.
That time of year, but the weather was
not too cold. We anchored in Pulamong
Harbour, in the lakes, and was frozen in
on that night, and made up our mind we
would get no further. But it broke up,
and we set sail for Sydney, and made it
all right. We tied her up there for the
winter, stripping off all Sail, and leaving a
man in Sydney to take care of her, until
spring. Then her cargo was taken out. I
did not go back in her.
On the voyage from Halifax to Sydney, coming down the Shore we broke
our main topenlift. We were running free
wind, with our mainboom off to the
sheet end, guyed by a wire pennant. I
wanted the Capt to let her come up in the
wind and take the mainsail in, and crutch
our main boom, but this he would not
do. If the boltrope of the mainsail would
give away we could not handle the mainboom very easy. I ordered the men to
chop the throat of the mainsail down a bit
so that it would make a bag in it, but no
one would try to go out on it.
There was quite a Sea running, but the
wind was not so heavy. When she would
roll, she would dip her boom in the swell.
So I made up my mind if the Capt was
too stubborn, to let us take it in, that I was
going [to] that topenlift. I must say it was
a crazy thing to do, but I was mad. So
they put a life line on me, and out I went,
on my hands and knees, to the end of the
boom. When I found I needed some
more things, I came in, got what I wanted
and went out again.
I do not know yet how I was not
washed off the boom, but I fixed the
topenlift and it stayed fixed. I do not
know how the rumor got around, but the
old Sea Capt said it was never done
before on the Halifax shore, and thought
it quite a stunt. They seen my work, and
said it was a shore job.
Sources
Wanson Hemphill, Covehead, saw
the value and potential of his grandfather's reminiscences, and has contributed largely to the presentation here
both of words and pictures.
The introductory quotes are from
F.W. Wallace's Wooden Ships and Iron
Men (London: 1924), p. 3.
Hemphill's "experiences" will be concluded in the next issue.
Courtesy Margaret Hemphill
Photo by Camera Art
Model by John Hemphill
33
Reviews
The Nellie J. B a n k s by Geoff and
Dorothy Robinson. Summerside: the
authors, 1980,100 pp., $3.95softcover.
A historian once described the history
of Newfoundland as being "the story of a
struggle between Rum and Religion"
and rather optimistically added "with religion slowly getting the upper hand."
The statement held equally true in Prince
Edward Island, which suffered prohibition on a longer and more drastic scale
than did Newfoundland.
We have all heard tales of smuggling
between St. Pierre and the United
States, but the rum-running into Canada
has received much less attention and is
remembered usually only amongst the
older generation, who purchased the
smuggled liquor and/or connived at
what by 1925 had become a wellorganised business. Canadian liquor usually distilled by the Bronfman family
- was exported duty-free from Canada,
only to arrive back, almost on the next
tide, courtesy of the bootleggers.
Surprisingly little has been written
about what at its height (between the two
world wars) must have been a pretty
massive industry. As the authors of this
excellent little book point out, hundreds
of schooners, aging, increasingly decrepit and no longer of much use in a
fishery which was very depressed, were
engaged in bootlegging off Canada's
East Coast. Given that the people engaged in it kept few records and that
many were never caught by customs or
police, it might be thought that the history of this important industry - the
drinkers would have called it an important social service - could never be
written.
However the Robinsons, who have
had the good fortune to practice medicine in an area of Prince Edward Island
which saw much of the rum-running,
have managed by dint of long and patient years of interviews, to put together
34
the history of just one of these schooners, the Nellie J. Banks. They also managed to find the ledgers of a prominent
St. Pierre supplier, the Moraze brothers.
Furthermore since the poor Nellie was
apprehended several times by Canadian
customs of the RCMP, documentation
was available from official sources.
The book is sub-titled "the life history
of a Nova Scotian schooner with a Newfoundland crew that helped Prince Edward Islanders cope with prohibition,"
and a fine example of inter-provincial
and inter-dominion co-operation it was.
The Nellie J. Banks was built in 1910
and was a typical 2-masted schooner of
her day. Her small size, only 34.76 registered tons, meant that she was not designed to fish the Grand Banks. Rather
she fished around Nova Scotia and in the
Gulf, taking at various times whatever
species of fish were available - cod, haddock, mackerel and swordfish.
In the years after World War One,
fishing became increasingly unprofitable
and in 1926 the Nellie, by now a fairly
old lady, was sold to Captain Dicks of
Prince Edward Island. Captain Dicks'
occupation, as everyone apparently
knew, was running liquor into the Maritimes.
He chose Newfoundlanders for her
crew and if they seemed to have sometimes drunk more cargo than they sold,
that was a tradition on the South and
Southwest coasts of Newfoundland, and
they never failed to bring the vessel safely through her voyages from St. Pierre to
Prince Edward Island. Apparently she
was not just any old rum-runner, but
specialised, one might almost say "by
appointment" as purveyors of liquors to
the residents of Prince Edward Island's
North Shore.
The secret of her success lay in the fact
that she was able to take out Newfoundland registry. This gave her British registry, but also enabled her to avoid Canadian laws which tried to prevent smug-
gling by empowering Canadian registered vessels to be seized if "hovering"
within three miles of the coast. This legal
gambit was used extensively by many
other runners. The most famous is, of
course, the I'm Alone which regularly
switched her registry between Yarmouth, Nova Scotia and St. John's,
Newfoundland depending upon where
the legal advantage seemed to lie.
From 1926 to 1938 the Nellie J. Banks
traded regularly between St. Pierre and
Prince Edward Island. Well known to
Canadian authorities, she was arrested
in 1928, but a sympathetic judge not
only threw out the charges, an embarrassed Customs Department had to pay
$5550 in damages.
Much of the book deals with the often
farcical attempts of the Revenue authorities and the RCMP to halt her activities.
In 1938, Britain signed an agreement
which allowed Canadian authorities to
board, search a n d arrest Britishregistered vessels found "hovering"
within 12 miles of the Canadian coast.
Captain Lillington, a skilled master and
runner, even if he was occasionally dead
drunk for days at sea, was unaware of the
change of law and hence was easily
caught. Even so, a jury of Maritimers
refused to convict him, and a frustrated
government dropped the case. However
the Nellie J. Banks went smuggling no
more. Condemned as a lawful prize, she
was sold and after engaging in a desultory coasting trade, was laid up in 1950
and burnt three years later.
The Robinsons are to be congratulated for telling a fine tale, and more so
for the amount of research they must
have put into it.
Keith Matthews
The Comfortable Arts: Traditional S p i n n i n g a n d Weaving in Canada by Dorothy K. Burnham. Ottawa:
National Gallery of Canada/National
Museums of Canada, 1981, 238 pp.,
$19.95 softcover. The Craftsman's
Way: C a n a d i a n E x p r e s s i o n s by
John Flanders. Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1981, 202 pp., $37.50
hardcover.
Never has the spectacular diversity of
talent and tradition employed in producing necessities during pioneer times in
Canada been better demonstrated than
in the exhibition, "The Comfortable
Arts."
The best of spinning and weaving in
collections from coast to coast was
selected by Dorothy Burnham and
assembled at the National Gallery in
Ottawa. The show opened in September, 1 9 8 1 , a n d w e n t on tour in
November.
Unfortunately no stops in Prince Edward Island are on its itinerary, but we
can still enjoy it vicariously through the
catalogue. Mrs. Burnham, co-author of
Keep Me Warm One Night, the most
definitive work so far published on traditional textiles in Canada, displays her
extensive knowledge and experience in
this meticulously prepared and extremely detailed catalogue.
Every object is illustrated by one or
more excellent photographs, every technique by clear drawings. Our understanding is further enhanced by photographs of many artifacts used in home
textile production, and the whole is
brought to life by reproductions from the
works of Paul Kane and other early Canadian artists, and by amusing or affecting anecdotes connected with many of
the exhibits.
The book is divided into sections
along ethnic lines, which results mostly in
an easy east to west progression, as Central European influences arrived in western Canada around the turn of the century when institutions such as Eaton's
catalogue were replacing homemade in
the east.
The first section deals with the wide
variety of techniques used by the native
peoples of Canada, ranging from the
practicalities of snowshoe lacing to the
unique effects achieved with porcupine
quills, and a truly remarkable collection it
is. It must evoke the admiration of any
craftsman.
Before too many pages have been
turned, however, the one serious deficiency of this book becomes distres-
singly apparent Its only colour illustration is on the cover. Right from the pleasing and lasting colours imparted to porcupine quills and moose hair by Indian
women with indigenous dyes, through
the imported indigo and cochineal so
much used in our own Maritime Provinces, to the startling but no less appealing results achieved by Doukhobor dyers
with packaged colours, one constantly
regrets this economy.
Braiding is a tradition common to Indians and French, which reached its apex
in the ceintures flechees - the colourful
sashes worn by voyageurs of the North
West Company. A number of fine examples are shown, impressive even in black
and white. They lead into the French/
Acadian section, with exhibits from the
Atlantic coast to Manitoba. A handsome
all-linen coverlet from Tignish, now in
the collection of le Musee Acadian in
Miscouche, represents the traditional
white couverture de mariage.
Another all-white linen piece from the
Island appears in the section on Loyalist
traditions. A finely spun and expertly
woven tablecloth from the Bedeque
area, it is in the collection of the Confederation Art Gallery and Museum. Much
of this section is taken up with impressive
double-weave coverlets made by professional weavers in Ontario. No evidence
has been found of any looms in Prince
Edward Island with more than four
shafts, so the familiar colonial overshot or "draft weaving" - i s the most complex
that could be made here.
Within this limitation, many beautiful
traditional patterns became popular with
the home and itinerant weavers of the
Maritimes. A number of fine examples of
bed and floor covering in this technique
from the Prince Edward Island Heritage
Foundation collection are shown in the
chapter on Scottish, Irish and English
traditions. An enchanting pair of lady's
wool drawers - looking very itchy rounds out the Island's contribution.
Icelandic, Swedish and Hutterite settlers in western Canada probably all
made handwoven fabrics, although few
traces have been found. Unquestionably, Ukranians and Doukhobors have
made the most memorable fabrics, using
a variety of tapestry and rug techniques.
The Doukhobors had lived in the Caucasus of central Europe, where there is a
strong rug-weaving tradition, and the
most astonishing exhibit in the show provides a fitting finale for the book. An eight
foot square Oriental-type rug, it is covered with a profusion of flora and fauna
in the most brilliant colours imaginable
worked in a rich pile weave.
The Comfortable Arts is not a text
book, nor does it have actual drafts of
weaving patterns, but it cannot help but
be an inspiration to today's weaver, and
a fascinating glimpse into the past for the
general reader.
A greater contrast than The Craftsmans Way can scarcely be imagined. It
is also based on a collection of functional
objects, albeit a permanent one - the
Massey F o u n d a t i o n Collection of
contemporary Canadian crafts - but
there the resemblance ends.
Over two hundred and fifty colour and
b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e p h o t o g r a p h s by
photographer/interviewer John Flanders
lavishly depict 58 Canadian craftsmen,
(whose number includes Island weaver
Christine Stanley), and their crafts.
Every piece shown is a beautiful, practical object skillfully made of honest
materials.
Apart from Hart Massey's introduction
to the collection and to the book, the text
consists almost entirely of craftsmen's
personal recollections and philosophical
musings. These were transcribed from
tape-recorded interviews, so there is
page after page of the stilted language
which inevitably results from trying to be
faithful to the speaker's words as well as
thoughts, and the reader is left gasping
for a paragraph of clear, concise description of technique. This approach is defended in the introduction, but it is
doubtful if expending so much paper to
print so few facts is really defensible.
However, a truly Canadian craft collection was long overdue, and one can
only be grateful to the Massey Foundation for starting one, and to the Museum
of Man for caring for it.
Mary Burnett
35
A Bridge t o t h e P a s t : Wilmot
Valley 1 7 8 4 - 1 9 7 9 by the Wilmot Valley Historical Society. Summerside: privately printed, 1980, 276 pp., $6.95
softcover.
The Wilmot Valley history A Bridge to
the Past is a fine example of how local
history can be both informative and entertaining. The authors took a broader
view of history than just Wilmot Valley
and the surrounding areas. As a stranger
to Wilmot Valley, I was able to gain a
deeper insight into the development of a
community, and how this progression
could take place in any area of Prince
Edward Island.
From the description of early settlement, the book appears to be thoroughly
researched. The first settlement is well
documented and clearly illustrated
through the use of three maps. To add
interest to the dry facts of early land ownership, the book includes delightful stories about William Schurman and a vivid
description of the settlers' social life.
For a community to develop as a separate entity, it must have certain services
to meet the needs of the settlers. In Wilmot Valley the lumber mill, the marble
works, the blacksmith, the shoemaker,
the machine shop and the carriage and
cabinet maker shops became the essential services for the emerging commun-
For The S a k e Of The Record by
Jean MacFadyen. Summerside: the East
Prince Historical Group, 1981, 168 pp.,
$5.95 softcover.
Essentially a collection of Miss MacFadyen's local history writings spanning
the postwar decades, this book by accident or design outlines the development
of a culture in Eastern Prince County.
Her articles document the founding of
civic and spiritual assemblies from small
groups meeting in homes to the construction of sophisticated social landmarks.
The book consists of chapters featuring the histories of communities, churches, schools, hotels, municipal and institutional edifices and "Other Historic
Items". In each chapter is a series of
journalistic stories written over the years,
often updated with a paragraph of contemporary information. The articles,
36
ity. After clearly explaining how each industry operated and sufficiently describing the operators, the authors relate the
amusing tale of skunk ranching in Wilmot Valley, which appears proud to
have introduced the skunk to Prince Edward Island.
To maintain an identity, a community
must be tied together through communications. In Chapter III, "Filling in
the Gaps," the development of roads,
the mail service, and the telephone and
electrical services are amply covered.
Within Wilmot Valley, the churches
and religious organizations had and continue to have a leading role. In an area
with such a strong religious nucleus, it is
natural that the Sons of Temperance
served as an academic and social organization for some seventy years. From
about 1845 to 1974, Wilmot Valley had
its own school. As the book clearly outlines, especially through the use of old
class pictures, the school was the center
of the district and produced many excellent scholars. Also, other groups such as
the Farmers' Institute, Wilmot Valley
Women's Institute, 4-H Club, Allied
Youth, Red Cross, and React developed
to provide important educational and social functions in a modern community.
In Chapter V "A Span, The Length of
Memory," the authors provide a glimpse
at the human side of a community. With
originally published in Maritime newspapers, are written in the style of the
postwar period: designed to provide interesting information for the general
reader. Often Miss MacFadyen lightens
her accounts with little-known facts or
comments in the line of what has become known as folk history.
Most of the pieces begin with the examination of an existing structure. Information is provided on the^rchitect,
contractor, and any remarkable details
of construction. The story behind the
building then develops and in the telling
can be found a valuable insight into the
life of 19th century Prince Edward Island. Throughout the book the amazing
energy and enterprise of Island residents
is made evident. In the midst of difficult
conditions, not so far in the past, structures were erected, outgrown, moved
about over land, water, or ice, expanded
and rebuilt with startling frequency.
HI
itr&L-lA
<i\rK>J=r WSNSB
stories of an old-fashioned picnic, salmon poaching and other incidents, the
reader can gain some insight into life in
Wilmot Valley a few decades ago. The
inclusion of the poetry section proves
that a small district can produce brilliant
scholars but the poems have little relevance to the history of the area.
In general, the history of Wilmot Valley is well researched, organized, and
written. To make a good history book
exceedingly interesting, the authors included many photographs (which compare the old ways with the modern
methods of farming and transportation).
To make the book a must for the Wilmot
Valley residents, A Bridge to the Past
provides a complete genealogy of all the
people who ever lived or are living in
Wilmot Valley. A Bridge to the Past is a
credit to the Wilmot Valley Historical
Society and to the Wilmot Valley community.
Leonard Cusack
Architects, contractors, and tradesmen
appear again and again with groups intent upon the spark of an idea beyond
the struggle to live.
Understanding the demands of journalism, one cannot fault the listing of
names that would often have been more
comfortably housed in a scholarly footnote; indeed in the rhythm of names
may be discovered the spreading branches of generations in support of a principle.
For The Sake Of The Record is an
interesting collection from the work of a
well-known local journalist. The stories
stand well as journalism, as history, and
as a symbol for the achievement of a
remarkable woman.
Charles W. Meggison
Launched from Prince Edward Island: A Pictorial Review of Sail by
Nicolas J. deJong and Marven E. Moore.
Charlottetown: The Prince Edward Island Heritage Foundation, 1981, 182
pp., $10.95 softcover.
The fleet of sailing vessels registered at
the port of Prince Edward Island was, by
tonnage, the second-largest fleet in 19th
century Atlantic Canada. The fleet was
considerably larger than those of Halifax, Newfoundland, or Miramichi, and
second only to the huge fleet registered
at Saint John, New Brunswick. Not only
did Island owners register more than
600,000 tons of new shipping in the 19th
century, but well over 90 percent of the
total was locally-built. The shipbuilding
industry not only was a key force in the
development of the economy but also
stood as the symbol of a rather remarkable achievement by a population which
never far exceeded 100,000 souls.
This Island success story is well documented in the illustrated history of the
shipbuilding industry produced by Nic
deJong and Marven Moore. Collecting
paintings, illustrations and photographs
of over 80 Island-built sailing vessels, the
book serves as an attractive and eloquent testimony to the industry of 19th
century residents. Vessels of all sizes and
rigs are included, but of particular importance is the inclusion of more than 50
schooners, brigantines and brigs. As the
authors correctly indicate, it was these
smaller vessels of generally less than 500
tons burthen which comprised the bulk
of Island output. Some of these vessels
were retained by Island owners, but the
majority were sold elsewhere. Smaller
Island-built vessels were the mainstays of
the Newfoundland sealing fleet prior to
the 1860s, and throughout the 19th century these craft found ready markets in
the United Kingdom and throughout the
world. A sense of the diversity of the
purchasers of Island-built vessels can be
gleaned by reading the disposal information which the authors have included for
most vessels.
The task of assembling all of this material was indeed arduous, a fact attested to
by the diversity of acknowledgements
for various illustrations and photographs. The authors are to be congratulated for their industry, which clearly
demonstrates the affection they felt for
their task. The result is a volume which is
both handsome and instructive.
Yet as magnificent as is their achievement, this book still leaves the reader
with the disquieting sense that it could
have been better. In their foreword, the
authors state that the principal purpose
of the volume is to help people to
"appreciate the contribution made by
Islanders'' to this vital industry. Unfortunately, several decisions mitigate against
the complete attainment of that goal.
First of all, the two-and-a-half page
foreword is far too brief and encapsulated to provide any context in which
to judge that contribution. Was the local
shipbuilding industry central to the larger
Canadian and trans-Atlantic industries?
The answer to that rhetorical question is
yes, but a reader can be forgiven for not
being able to answer it given the lack of
comparative information.
As well, the authors have included
only the most basic information about
each vessel. Nowhere is there any discussion of the quality of construction or
the distinctive features of Island-built
vessels. This is especially unfortunate because of the stereotyped reputation to
which Prince Edward Island vessels have
been consigned: the idea that Islandbuilt vessels were poorly constructed.
The authors surely know this to be false;
indeed, by the 1860s Island vessels had
largely shed this stigma, a fact that could
have been clearly demonstrated by additional comments on the illustrations.
To these quibbles the authors would
doubtless plead that they will deal with
these and other issues in a companion
volume due to appear shortly. This is no
doubt the case, but it presents a dilemma
in judging the book at hand. Given the
authors' rationale, will this book help
Islanders to appreciate their heritage?
The answer must be a qualified yes, but it
leaves us waiting in eager anticipation for
the companion volume. And, come to
think of it, perhaps the creation of that
type of expectation is not a bad idea.
Lewis R. Fischer
Contributors
J a m e s C. Brandow is a New York
City schoolteacher who did graduate
studies in history at New York
University and has several publications
to his credit.
Mary Burnett is assistant registrar at
the Heritage Foundation, and a
craftsman knowledgeable in Island
textiles.
Leonard Cusack is the principal at
Kinkora Regional High School. He
holds a master's degree in history from
UNB.
Nicolas J. d e J o n g is the Provincial
Archivist, and a seasoned cricketing
tourist.
Lewis R. Fischer is a member of
the Department of History and the
Maritime History Group at Memorial
University of Newfoundland. He has
written extensively on the shipping
history of the Island.
Keith Matthews is a member of the
Department of History at Memorial
University of Newfoundland, and
Chairman of the Maritime History
Group.
Charles M e g g i s o n is director of the
Eptek National Exhibition Centre in
Summerside.
Jim Hornby is a folklorist and the
editor of The Island Magazine.
LIBRARY USE ONLY
37
The
Prince Edward Island
Heritage Foundation
The Prince Edward Island Heritage
Foundation, publisher of The Island
Magazine, was established in 1970 to
preserve and interpret the Island's past.
It is governed by a Board of Directors
representative of all areas of the Island.
Heritage Foundation staff members are
actively involved in acquisitions, research, publications, and educational
programs. They are also developing
genealogical and other historical information services.
The Foundation displays and interprets
its collection at heritage sites at Green
Park, Basin Head, Orwell Corner, Elmira Station, and Eptek Centre. In
addition, a series of exhibitions is
offered at Beaconsfield, the headquarters of the Foundation. Beaconsfield is a
classic Victorian-style house built in
1877 overlooking Charlottetown Harbour and historic Government House.
Li,
Join With Us
You can support our work by becoming
a member of the Heritage Foundation.
Annual membership fees are $5.00 for
adults, $2.00 for students, and $6.00 for
organizations. Life memberships are
$30.00.
Members are kept informed of Foundation activities through a regular newsletter.
Make your cheque or money order
payable to
Prince Edward Island
Heritage Foundation,
Box 922
Charlottetown
Prince Edward Island
CIA 7L9.
:LY