Human settlement and land use at Trévelez (Sierra - Pirineos

Transcription

Human settlement and land use at Trévelez (Sierra - Pirineos
Pirineos, 138: 53 a 68, JACA; 1991
H U M A N SETTLEMENT A N D LAND USE AT TREVELEZ
(SIERRA NEVADA) A HISTORICAL-GEOGRAPHICAL
APPROACH^
T.
MAY*
ABSTRACT.- Based on written documents of the 16th, 18th and 19th
century and on information from a publication of the early 19 70s, as well as on
our own field observations, we attempt to describe the evolution of settlement
and land use in the territory of Trévelez (Sierra Nevada, Provincia de Granada,
Spain), from the end of the morisco period until the present. After the Christian
colonization in 1572, a process of extensification took place, which resulted in
a type of land use which gave great importance to rainfed cereal
agriculture
and husbandry of small ungulates. From the end of the 18th
century/beginning
of the 19th century onward, there are indications of another process of
agricultural intensification and diversification, with great importance given to
irrigated cultivation. During the past two decades, an abandonment
of
agricultural areas can be observed, as well as an increase in activities linked
to tourism and a certain recuperation of sheep and goat husbandry. It must be
pointed out that land use has been submitted to important changes during the
past, and that the "traditional" agricultural landscape is of relatively recent
origin.
RESUMEN.- En base a documentos escritos del siglo XVI, XVIII, XIX y
apoyándonos en una publicación de la primera mitad de los años 1970, así
como en observaciones propias de campo se intenta describir la evolución
del poblamiento y de los usos del suelo en el término de Trévelez (Sierra
Nevada, Prov. de Granada), desde el final de los tiempos moriscos hasta la
actualidad. Después de la colonización cristiana de 1572 tuvo lugar un
proceso de extensificación, dando paso a un tipo de uso del suelo en que el
cultivo en secano de cereales y la ganadería menor tenían gran importancia.
A partir de finales del siglo XVIII principios del siglo XIX hay indicios de un
segundo proceso de intensificación y diversificación de la agricultura, con
gran importancia del regadío. Durante los últimos dos decenios, se observa
un abandono de las superficies cultivadas, un aumento de las actividades en
torno al turismo, y cierta recuperación de la importancia de la ganadería
menor. Cabe destacar que los usos del suelo han sido sometidos a cambios
importantes, durante épocas del pagado, y que el pasaje agrícola
"tradicional"
es de origen relativamente
reciente.
i Received, December 1991.
* Universitât Freiburg. Belfortstrasse 22. D-7800 Freiburg (Alemania).
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PIRINEOS 138
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG.- Aufgrund schriftlicher Dokumente aus dem 16.,
18. und 19. Jahrhundert,
au3erdem
mit Informationen
e'mer
neueren
Veroffentlichung und unter Beriicksichtigung eigener
Gelandebeobachtungen
wird versucht, die Entwicklung von Besiedelung und Landnutzung in der
Gemeinde Trevelez (Sierra Nevada, Provinz Granada, Spanien) vom Ende der
moriskischen Zeit bis heute zu beschreiben. Im Auschluii an die christliche
Kolonisation (1572) fand ein Prozess der Extensivierung statt, der zu einer
Landwirtsctiaft
mit groBer Bedeutung
von unbewàssertem
Anbau und
Kleinviehhialtung futirte. Ab Ende des W./Anfang des 20. Jatirhunderts
gibtes
Hinweise auf einen Prozess der erneuten Intensivierung und
Diversifizierung
der Landwirtsctiaft, bei'einer groBen Bedeutung des Bewâsserten
Anbaus.
Wàhrehd
der letzten
zwei
Jahrzehnte
ist eine Aufgabe
der
Landwirtsctiaftsflachen
zu beobactiten,
auBerdem eine Zunahme
der
Aktivitaten, die mit dem Tourismus in Zusammenhang stetien und eine leictite
Zunatime der Schiaf- und Ziegentialtung.
Es sei tiervorgetioben,
daB die
Landnutzungsweisen
in der Vergangenheit
bedeutenden
Anderungen
unterworfen waren, und daB die "traditionelle" Agrarlandschaft
von relativ
neuem Ursprung ist
Key words: land use, human settlement,
Sierra
Nevada.
About 15 years ago, LISZEWSKI & SULIBORSKI (1977) published a paper on
Trevelez, a village of the southern slope of Sierra Nevada (Spain) -the Alpujarra
(fig. 1). This study provides interesting information on human settlement,
land use and rural economy in a Mediterranean mountain region. However,
GRANADA
Sierra
Mediterranean
Sea
Nevada
Q
10
20 km
Fig. 1.: Localisation of Trevelez in the Sierra Nevada (Southern Spain). (Localización
en Sierra Nevada, Sureste de España).
de Trevelez
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HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE
t h e " p i c t u r e of a n a g r i c u l t u r a l e c o n o m y of t h e h i g h m o u n t a i n z o n e " of
LiszEWSKi & SuLiBORSKi ( 1 9 7 7 ) is o n l y a n i n s t a n t a n e o u s p h o t o g r a p h , t a k e n in
the early 1970s.
,
Here w e present a c o m p l e m e n t a r y approach, attempting to describe the
m a i n f e a t u r e s of h i s t o r i c e v o l u t i o n of l a n d u s e in T r é v e l e z . A r c h a e l o g i c a l o r
h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e f r o m p e r i o d s f o r m e r t o t h e C h r i s t i a n c o n q u e s t , at t h e e n d
of t h e 15th c e n t u r y , is n o t a v a i l a b l e , s o w e h a v e t o limit t h e s c o p e of o u r s t u d y
t o m o d e r n t i m e s , f r o m t h e 1 6 t h c e n t u r y o n w a r d until p r e s e n t . W r i t t e n
d o c u m e n t s e x i s t f r o m t h e s e c o n d half of t h e 16th c e n t u r y , t h e m i d d l e o f t h e
1 8 t h c e n t u r y a n d t h e m i d d l e of t h e 19th c e n t u r y . I n f o r m a t i o n a s t o t h e e x t e n t
of a g r i c u l t u r a l a r e a s a r o u n d 1 9 4 0 is p r o v i d e d b y a t o p o g r a p h i c a l m a p
1:50.000 f r o m this d a t e . T o a s s e s s p o s s i b l e r e c e n t c h a n g e s , w e t a k e i n t o
a c c o u n t o u r f i e l d o b s e r v a t i o n s m a d e b e t w e e n 1 9 8 5 a n d 1 9 8 9 , a b o u t 15
y e a r s a f t e r t h e field w o r k of LISZEWSKI & SULIBORSKI ( 1 9 7 7 ) .
1.
M a i n f e a t u r e s of t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n n n e n t
T h e v i l l a g e of T r é v e l e z is s i t u a t e d n e a r t h e Rio T r é v e l e z , at a n a l t i t u d e
b e t w e e n 1 4 6 0 a n d 1 6 0 0 m a. s. I., a p p r o x i m a t e l y . Its t e r r i t o r y c o m p r i s e s t h e
u p p e r p a r t of t h e c a t c h m e n t of t h e Rio T r é v e l e z ( f i g . 2) w h i c h is t r i b u t a r y t o t h e
Rio G u a d a l f e o , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t w a t e r c o u r s e of t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t of t h e
P r o v i n c i a d e G r a n a d a . A l t i t u d e s of t h e c o m m u n a l t e r r i t o r y v a r y b e t w e e n
1 3 7 0 a n d 3 4 8 2 m a. s. I., t h e h i g h e s t p o i n t b e i n g t h e p e a k of t h e M u l h a c é n ,
w h i c h is t h e h i g h e s t e l e v a t i o n of S i e r r a N e v a d a , s i t u a t e d at o n l y a b o u t 3 5 k m
( s t r a i g h t line) f r o m t h e c o a s t of t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n S e a . S l o p e s a r e s t e e p e r
t h a n 15 d e g r e e s at m o s t p l a c e s in t h e t e r r i t o r y .
C l i m a t e is m e d i t e r r a n e a n , w i t h m a r k e d h i g h a l t i t u d e s f e a t u r e s , i.e., l o w
a n n u a l m e a n t e m p e r a t u r e a n d i m p o r t a n t d i u r n a l a n d a n n u a l v a r i a t i o n s of
t e m p e r a t u r e . T h e a v e r a g e l e n g t h of t h e s u m m e r d r y p e r i o d is a b o u t 4
m o n t h s , at t h e v i l l a g e of T r é v e l e z , a n d m a y b e c o n s i d e r a b l y l o n g e r in c e r t a i n
years. M e a n annual precipitations are 550 to 600 m m , but are s u p p o s e d to
b e c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r at h i g h a l t i t u d e s : M E S S E R L I (in B O N O & M O S I M A N N ,
1 9 8 7 ) g i v e s a f i g u r e of 2 4 0 0 m m at t h e p e a k of t h e M u l h a c é n , b u t r e l i a b l e d a t a
a r e l a c k i n g , a n d t h e r e s u l t i n g altitudinal g r a d i e n t of 9 0 m m / 1 0 0 m a p p e a r s t o
be excessively steep. Temperature data are lacking as well: annual m e a n
v a l u e s a r e s u p p o s e d t o b e of 11 t o 12 d e g r e e s , at t h e v i l l a g e , a n d t h e 0
d e g r e e l e v e l of t h e a n n u a ! m e a n t e m p e r a t u r e is at a b o u t 2 7 0 0 m , a c c o r d i n g
t o B O N O & M O S I M A N N ( 1 9 8 7 ) , in S i e r r a N e v a d a . M o s t p r e c i p i t a t i o n s fall a s
s n o w at h i g h a l t i t u d e s .
T h e G e o l o g i c a l s u b s t r a t u m c o n s i s t s of m e t a m o r p h o u s s i l i c e o u s r o c k s
schists, quartizes a n d gneisses. At lower altitudes, eutric c a m b i s o l s a n d
r e g o s o l s h a v e d e v e l o p e d ( P É R E Z P U J A L T E & PRIETO F E R N Á N D E Z , 1 9 8 0 ) , w h e r e a s
at h i g h e r e l e v a t i o n s , d u e t o l o w e r t e m p e r a t u r e s a n d t o g r e a t e r h u m i d i t y ,
dystric c a m b i s o l s a n d r e g o s o l s c a n b e f o u n d . A b o v e 2 5 0 0 - 2 8 0 0 m, soil
f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s e s a r e v e r y s l o w , a n d p h y s i c a l a l t e r a t i o n of t h e r o c k s
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PIRINEOS 138
results in accumulations of boulders. However, at some concave sites with
fine materials, hydromorphic soils can be found, due to the influence of
melting water or small sources.
Under these climatic and edaphic conditions, forest growth would be
possible at least up to 2000-2100 m (ERN, 1966), and the forests would be
dominated by the cold decidous oak Quercus pyrenaica and on drier sites
with shallow soils and/or southern expositions, by the evergreen holm oak
Quercus ilex var. rotundifolia. However, only small relics of holm oak forests
can be observed at present. However, plantations of scotch pine (Pinus
sylvestris) have been developed at some places, at altitudes up to 2500 m.
At most sites at lower altitudes, forests has been substituted by mediterranean
shrub vegetation, but there is no evidence as to when this happened. Above
the potential timberline, mediterranean high altitude plant formations can be
found (ERN, 1966; LOSA QUINTANA étal., 1986), dominated by low shrubs such
as Cytisus purgans, Juniperus nana and Genista baetica. At elevations of
above 2800-3000 m, plant communities dominated by hemicryptophytes
(Festuca, clemente/, Trísetum glaciale, Galium pyrenaicum and others) are
present. While these communities contain an elevated number of interesting
endemic plant species, their pastoral value is poor, in contrast to a vegetation
type of hygrophilous, h e r b a c e o u s plants w h i c h are p r e s e n t on the
hydromorphic soils (LOSA QUINTANA eí al., 1986).
As can be seen in the fig. 2, the lower part of the territory of Trévelez was
occupied to a considerable extent by agricultural land in the middle of the
20th century. For this purpose, sites with less steep slopes were preferred.
At many places, the relief of agricultural land has been modified by man, by
building terraces. In addition to this, channels were constructed in order to
carry the water from natijral water courses to the agricultural fields (fig. 2).
2.
Evidence from historical d o c u m e n t s
a)
Trévelez in the second half of the 16th century
The Nasrid kingdom of Granada, the last Muslim state on the Iberian
Peninsula, was conquered by the Catholic Kings of Spain at the end of the
15th century. In the rural zones of this region, which cover more or less the
area of the present-day provinces of Granada, Almería and Málaga, well after
this date there were still dwelling "Moriscos", the descendants of the moorish
inhabitants of the kingdom of Granada, formally christianized and submitted
to growing social and economic pressure under the Spanish rule (MALPICA
CUELLO, 1988). Only after the popular insurrection of the Moriscos in 1568/69,
its repression, their expulsion and the subsequent establishment of Christian
Spanish settlers, the Reconquest of the mountainous zones of Eastern
Andalucía was completely finished.
From the first years after the establishment of the new settlers, historical
documents are available, the "Libros de A p e o s " of 1572/73. They contain
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HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE
Fig. 2: The territory of Trévelez. Hatched area: cultivated land according to the topographical m a p
1: 50000 of 1940 . TR: village of Trevélez. Fat lines with arrows: main water supporting channels,
connecting natural water courses and irrigated fields. Isohypses in distances of 200 altitudinal
meters. (El territorio de Trévelez. Área sombreada: espacio cultivado según el mapa
topográfico
aescala 1:50.000de 1940. TR: pueblo deTrévelez. Líneas gruesas con flechas: canales
principales
de agua, que conectan los ríos naturales y las áreas regadas. Curvas de nivel cada 200 metros).
information on numbers of chiefs of the households ("vecinos"), after and
before the expulsion of the Moriscos as well as on the extent and form of
utilisation of cultivated land. The image of landscape and land use which can
be reconstructed by the information provided by these documents does not
correspond necessarily to the situation before the Christian conquest of the
kingdom of Granada at the end of the 15th century. It is quite probable that
during the eighty years that had passed since, the Morisco society and
economy had been influenced to some extent by the Christian rule. Therefore,
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PIRINEOS 138
It cannot be expected that the "Libros de Apeos" do reflect exactly the land
use patterns of moorish Andalucía. However, it is probable that many
features had persisted, particularly in réfugiai zone such as the Alpujarra.
Thus, some interesting characteristics of land use may be interpreted as
relics of moorish times.
As a measure of cultivated land area, the "marjal" is used, for irrigated as
well as for non-irrigated land. This unit is still used in the coastal zone near
Motril, and 19,5 marjales are equivalent to 1 hectare.
The number of households in 1572, after the war and the first establishment of new. Christian settlers, had strongly decreased in comparison to the
period before the insurrection of the Moriscos (table 1 ). The decrease of the
number of inhabitants was probably even stronger than is reflected by the
numbers of 233 and 106 vecinos, respectively: the mean number of persons
per household was at about 2,6-2,9 in the Alpujarra during the early 1570 ties
which is extremely low; probably considerably lower than during the times of
the moriscos (VICENT, 1988).
All cultivated areas were irrigated. However, two types of cultivated land
are distinguished: "regadío de vega", which are areas of intensive horticulture
near the village, and "regadío de sierra", areas further from the village,
cultivated in a more extensive way.
Although the dates of agricultural areas are probably only rough
approximations, it is of some interest to calculate the average surface of
cultivated land per vecino, that is, per household. The very small value of 0,57
ha per vecino in 1568/69, before the insurrection, of the Moriscos, was only
possible because of the intensive character of agriculture in the irrigated
"vega", which may be seen a characteristic feature of moorish land use
(KRESS, 1968), as well as the importance of fruit trees that did not only provide
the alimentary base for silkworm raising (mulberries), but also staple food for
humans (walnut and chestnut trees)\ Apple trees and other tree crops are
mentioned'. Even if there is no direct evidence in the documents, it must be
supposed that animal husbandry was of a certain importance, as there is one
reference to a holm oak (Quercus ilex var. rotundifolia) woodland which was
used as pasture^. Silk production implies the existence of economic relations
with commercial and manufacturing centers outside of the region. Thus, the
rural community of Trévelez probably was far from being autosufficient,
during the times of the Moriscos.
After the establishment of Spanish settlers, the value of the mean
agricultural surface per vecino increased to 1,26 ha, as there w e r e
considerably fewer people living there than before the insurrection of the
Moriscos. This is in line with the hypothesis of an extensification of the
agriculture, after the Spanish conquest (PONCE MOLINA, 1984).
b)
Trévelez in the middle of the 18th century
From the middle of the 18th century, rather more detailed documents are
available which allow reconstruction of an image of land use, human population
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HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE
density and landscape: the answers to the questionnaire of the "Unica
Contribución", made up of the Spanish Royal administration in the years
following 1750. In the case of Trévelez, the answers were taken in 1752.
Here, the surface unit used is the "fanega". For conversión to m o d e r n ,
metric units we follow PONCE MOLINA (1984): according to this author, a
"fanega" of irrigated land corresponds to 0,2096 hectares, and a "fanega" of
non-irrigated land is equivalent to 0,6440 hectares.
The number of vecinos had increased to 172 (table 1 ). This figure is higher
than the number of vecinos immediately after the Christian settlement, but
still markedly below the 233 vecinos which had dwelled there before the
insurrection of the Moriscos. On the other had, the agricultural surface in
1752 had increased more than four times, compared to 1572 (table 1 ). As a
consequence, the average area per vecino had greatly increased, not only
as related to the times before 1568/69, but as well in comparison to the early
Christian settlement. It is evident that agriculture was much more extensive
in the mid-18th century than 200 years before. The irrigated surface had
become much more restricted, and the overall extent of irrigated land in
1752 corresponds more or less to the surface of "regadío de vega" of 1572.
TABLE 1
Trévelez, number of "vecinos", land use and areas. (Trévelez, número de vecinos,
uso del suelo y superficies).
1568/69
1572
1752
about
1845
1940
2612
(311)
1185
1400
31,4
no data
no data
—
547,4
no data
no data
133,4
578,8
no data
(920)
3,40
no data
(2,96)
172
"vecinos"
about
233'
106
persons
irrigated
l a n d (ha)
30,8 " v e g a "
+ 102,6 " s i e r r a "
annual crop
w i t h o u t i r r i g a t i o n (ha)
overall cultivated
s u r f a c e (ha)
overall cultivated
surface per vecino
(ha per vecino)
0,57
1,26
1) This number is c o m p o s e d of 163 "vecinos christianos nuevos", that is, moriscos, and 70
"vecinos christianos viejos", Christian Spaniards who had immigrated after 1492.
2) The number that MADOZ gives is not very reliable, in the case of Trévelez. It is mentioned in
the dictionary that according to other sources, in the village were dwelling 350 vecinos and 1590
persoris.
3) 1400 persons would be equivalent to 311 vecinos, if we suppose a mean number of 4, 5
persons per household.
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PIRINEOS 138
No difference was made between "regadío de vega" and "regadío de
sierra", in 1752. This makes it probable that the more extensive "regadío de
sierra" was transformed into rainfed agricultural land. Furthermore, comparing
the overall extent of cultivated land in 1572 and 1752, it can be concluded that
new roturations were under-taken between the end of the 16th and the
middle of the 18th century.
It must be stressed that the productivity per unit area, even of the irrigated
land near the village, was very low, in 1752. After each year of cultivation, it
was necessary to leave a field in the "vega" without cultivating for one year^.
Productivity of non-irrigated agricultural land was still lower: After each year
of cultivation, a fallow period of three years was necessary, and even of live
years on soils of poor quality^
Cultivation of annual plants was restricted to two cereal species: maize
(Zea mais), which was cultivated in the irrigated vega, and rye (Sécale
céréale) which occupied the rainfed agricultural land. Quantitative dates of
arboriculture are not available. The existence of mulberry trees, walnut trees
and chestnut trees is documented, but there is no evidence of other fruit
trees, in contrast to the situation in the 16th century.
It is interesting that the low productivity per surface unit which made the
long fallow periods necessary is explained by low temperatures, in the
answers to the questionnaire of the "Unica Contribución". There is evidence
that the climate may have been cooler than today, in the middle of the 18th
century. Holm oaks are reported not to fructify, because of the cold climatic
conditions". The "little ice age", comprising the period of mid-16th to m i d i 9th
century, when mean temperatures were lower than today in Central Europe
(LAMB, 1982), apparently was relatively cool in Southern Spain as well.
However, long fallow periods and low productivity of agricultural land
were also rather generalized features in the lower, coastal mountains of the
Granada province, in the middle of the 18th century (MAY, 1989). Thus, a
more convincing explanation would be the poor nutrient status of soils which
nowadays is a typical feature of soils on paleozoic siliceous metamorphic
materials in the region (see for example AGUILAR etal., 1987:82). Thisis partly
due to the nature of bedrock, but must be seen as well as a consequence of
long term degradation of soil fertility, caused by cereal monoculture and
possibly by inssufficient integration of domestic animals into the nutrient
flows of the agricultural ecosystem. At Trévelez, cultivation of leguminous
plants which would have been able to carry nitrogene to the impoverished
soils by fixation from the air, is not documented. With regard to the low
productivity in the vega, it has to be taken into account as well that nutrient
demands of maize are high. Possibly, this new world crop was of relatively
recent introduction in the Alpujarra in the 18th century.
In general terms, animal husbandry was important (table 2). Labour
animals (cattle, donkeys and mules) and pigs were present in almost every
household, as an essential component of agricultural exploitation. Cattle,
donkeys and mules were used for field labour and for transport in the
traditional agricultural system of the Alpujarra (NAVARRO ALCALA-ZAMORA,
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HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE
1981), whereas pigs transformed vegetable residues of horticulture and
acorns, growing in the oak forests, into meat and fat. On the other hand, large
numbers of sheep and goats are documented at Tréveíez, but these animals
belonged only to a restricted number of non-arable uplands -^land on steep
slopes, stoney soils, high altitude sites—as well as cereal fields after harvesting
and during the years when they are not cultivated, producing wool, milk and
meat. Even if there is no direct information on this subject, in the questionnaire
T A B L E 2.
T r é v e í e z , n u m b e r s of d i f f e r e n t t y p e s of d o m e s t i c a n i m a l s . (Tréveíez,
cabezas
de animales
domésticos).
Cattle
Sheep
Goats
Pigs
Donkeys
Mules
Bee hives
número
de
1752
1959
1974
1978
1982
1986
54
2327
523
228
110
7
600
2000
275
300
356
185
12
34
204
1000
227
158
15
30
561
4442
426
211
6
54
80
519
2440
440
251
5
35
125
-
500
no data
69
no data
-,
-
Dates of 1752 are from the questionaire of the "Unica Contribución", of 1959 from SPAHNI, of 19741986 from the official statistics of the Ministry of Agriculture.
of the "Unica Contribution", it is probable that the husbandry of sheep and
goats was oriented at least partly towards a demanda outside of the village,
in the case of wool and meat, as stock numbers are quite high. In the list of
the occupations of the habitants, comprised in the "Unica Contribución", no
weaver can be found. This indicates that transformation of wool was not
carriced out in the village, but outside.
T A B L E 3.
S t r u c t u r e of o w n e r s h i p o f s h e e p a n d g o a t s in 1 7 5 2 . .
(Estructura
de la propiedad
de ovejas y cabras en 1 752)
sheep
goats
2327
523
Overall n u m b e r
6f o w n e r s
31
19
N u m b e r of o w n e r s of
m o r e thar 30 animals
12
N u m b e r of
animals
N u m b e r , of o w n e r s of
m o r e than 100 animals
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138
Pasturing of sheep and goats on non-arable, marginal areas can, to some
degree, bring about a nutrient transfer from these sites to the intensively
cultivated fields near the village, if the animals c o m e back to the village every
day and excrement is gathered. However, there is no documentary evidence
if this has happened. On the other hand, there is evidence of transhumant
movements between Sierra Nevada and the Mediterranean coast, while still
in moorish times (CARA BARRIONUEVO & RODRÍGUEZ LÓPEZ, 1990), and until the
very recent past (FREBOURG in LISZEWSKI & SULIBORSKI, 1977). With this type of
husbandry, as during long periods of the year the animals do not return to the
village, nutrient transfer from peripheric upland sites to the "vega" or nutrient
recycling on extensive cereal fields further from the village must be supposed
to be poor. On the other hand, agricultural extensification must have been a
factor leading to a lower degree of recycling of nutrients on croplands, as a
growing part of the agricultural area - the extensively cultivated areas farther
from the village - probably stayed outside of the nutrient cycle agricultural
crops - vegetal waste - domestic animals - cultivated land, during large parts
of the year.
c)
Trévelez in the middle of the 19th century
The "Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de España y sus posesiones en Ultramar" de Pascual MADOZ, published in 16 volumes between
1845 and 1850, is a comprenhensive description of Spain, town by town and
village by village. Even if generally the information on agricultural crops and
surfaces and on domestic animals are not quantitative, it is possible to
reconstruct an image of land use, rural economy and human settlement.
The number of vecinos —that is, of households— had increased in
comparison to 1752, and was superior to the number of vecinos before the
insurrection of the Moriscos (table 1 ). With regard to agriculture, it is interesting
to note that the major part of cultivated surfaces were irrigated^, in contrast
to the middle of the 18th century. In addition to walnuts and chestnuts, other
fruit trees are cited^ - cherry trees, pear trees, apple trees, prune trees, peach
trees, abricot trees, while apparently mulberry trees and silk production had
disappeared. An important diversification of annual crops can be observed:
Rye was still the most important cereal, and corn continues to be cultivated,
just as one century before, but in addition to these crops there can also be
found wheat, barley, chickpeas, beans, lents, flax and calebasses^.
Potatoes were still not present at Trévelez, in the middle of the 19th
century, while their cultivation had considerably increased, in many parts of
Europe, at that time (CROSBY, 1972). This is surprising, as yields per area unit
of this crop are high and potatoes are well adapted to cool climates, under
the condition that there is summer rainfall or sufficient water available for
summer irrigation, which is the case in Trévelez.
There is no information on productivity per area unit or on rotation
periods. In any case, cultivation of leguminous crops (chickpeas, beans,
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HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE
lentils) certainly had a beneficious effect on soil fertility and productivity, by
contributing nitrogen. In this sense, diversification had certainly contributed
to agricultural intensification.
On the other hand, there is indirect evidence that not only agricultural
intensification took place, during the 19th century, but also an extention of
agricultural area. The topographic map of 1940 (1:50.000, Guéjar Sierra)
show an area occupied by agricultural cropland corresponding to about 920
hectares (fig. 2). Based on information from demographic development of
Trévelez (RODRÍGUEZ MARTÍNEZ, 1985: 101) and on the average number of
persons per household of 4,5 which has been used by other authors working
on the 18th century in Southern Spain (e. g. SAENZ LORITE, 1977), it can be
calculated that the mean agricultural surface per vecino had only slightly
diminished in 1940, as compared to 1752 (table 1 ). In other words, the mean
surface of agricultural land which was necessary to maintain one family was
not substantially loWer in the middle of the 20th century than about 200 years
before (table 1). As population growth between 1845 and 1940 was only
relatively slow, in Trévelez, it may be supposed that the increase of agricultural
surface was not very important, during this period, and that the relation
between numbers of habitants and agricultural area did not change
substantially, either.
MADOZ gives only little information on animal husbandry at Trévelez.
Sheep, goats and cattle are mentioned, while nothing is said about pigkeeping. The production of hams which have-attained great fame in the
present century, apparently was still not very important.
3. Attennpting a diachronic synthesis-the contrasts b e t w e e n the 16th,
18th, 19th and 20th century
Comparing the features of land uses, landscape and rural economy at
Trévelez in the 16th, 18th, 19th and 20th century, some marked differences
can be found. We propose the following model historical evolution: Whereas
at the end of the Moorish times, under the rule of the Nasrid kingdom of
Granada, land use appears to have been intensive and based on irrigated
horticulture, cultivation of fruit trees and silk production, during the first
centuries after the Christian conquest there was a drop in population density
and an extensification of land use. This extensification was related to an
important extention of rainfed agricultural areas and cereal monoculture,
and probably to a decrease in the importance of arboriculture.
However, this tendency reverted to a certain extent, between the middle
of the 18th and the middle of the 19th century. Agricultural crops were
diversified, and irrigation became more important again. According to
LiszEwsKi & SuLiBORSKi (1977), more than 80 % of agricultural land was
irrigated, in the early the 1970s. On the other hand, roturation of new surfaces
in order to obtain more agricultural land, continued.
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PIRINEOS 138
What were the reasons for these changes in the models of land use? Was
it necessary to intensify and diversify agriculture because of the increasing
demographic pressure, when the reserves of cultivable surfaces were used
up? Or w e r e there other r e a s o n s w h i c h incited intensification a n d
diversification, thus allowing an increase of rural population living in Trévelez?
Climate warming after the "Little Ice Age", even if there are indications that it
was significant in Southern Spain as well, is not likely to be an important
reason. Certainly there had been no climatic limitations to cultivation of
potatoes, wheat, phaseolus beans and peas at Trévelez, during the 18th
century, if it was possible to grow maize.
Probably, the exclusive cultivation of cereal crops in the middle of the 18th
century was related to the Ancient Regime. Storing of cereal crops is
relatively easy, which was an important point when contributions ot the
landlord or to the state had to be paid in kind naturals. The tributary system
of feudalism was still in place, in the middle of the 18th century, even if
Trévelez and the surrounding villages of the Alpujarra were administrated
directly by the Crown of Castille since the Conquest times. In the 19th
century, the feudal tributary system had been completely abolished, and one
may suppose that agriculture was oriented more towards local or regional
demand. It must be taken into account that the new roturations of agricultural
land during the 19th and 20th centuries were probably made at sites near the
altitudinal climatic limit of crop cultivation: According to the topographical
map of 1940, the upper limit of the agricultural fields at Trévelez was slightly
above 2500 m a. s. I. Productivity on these sites must have been limited by
the short vegetation period and the low temperatures rather than by nutrient
deficiency of soils. This indicates that the reserves of areas that could be
cultivated at a reasonable relation between labour expenses and yields had
been practically used up.
With regard to animal husbandry, there is a predominance of sheep, in the
20th century, just as two centuries before. However absolute numbers of
sheep seem to have been considerably lower, during the 1960s and early
1970s, and only then had increased to values comparable to the situation
around 1752. Probably, this is due to a process of remigration: People w h o
had been working in Central and Western Europe came back to their village
and invested money into sheep, as it is reported by NAVARRO ALCALÁ-ZAMORA
(1981) from Mecina Bombaron, situated more to the east in the Alpujarra.
Sheep keeping in the past and at present is an activity of a relatively
restricted'number of individuals (SPAHNI, 1959) who are owners of middle sized flocks. The large majority of the inhabitants owns only pigs, mules,
donkeys and cattle in small numbers. In the 20th century, pig-raising has
taken a semi-comercial orientation, and Trévelez hams have acquired a
great fame, troughout Spain. The 500 pigs estimated by SPANHI (1959) appear
to be a far too restricted number for such an activity. In the 1950s, some of
the hams with the appelation "Trévelez" probably came from nearby villages.
At any case, the important changes of the numbers of sheep and goats
within short periods of time (table 2) must be stressed. It may be concluded
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HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE
that animal numbers taken from historical documents are only instantaneous
values, susceptible to swift change during periods of rapid economic and
social change.
Land use patterns which could be observed in the 1970s and may have
appeared to be "traditional", had been developed in the not too distant past.
This does not preclude absolutely that the extended irrigation system near
the village as well as on farther off mountain slopes, which could be found at
Trevélez during the middle and late 19th century and in the 20th century, was
an amplification of a much older system of moorish (or even older?) origin.
At any rate, land use patterns in the mid-20th century seem to have been
m o r e similar to moorish times than they had been in the 18th century.
4.
Recent developnnents and perspectives
Visiting Trévelez various times during the second half of the 1980s, w e
observed considerable contrasts, in comparison to the situation described
by LiszEWSKi & SuLiBORSKi (1977), somewhat more than a decade before.
Tourism, which had just begun in the first half of the 1970s, had b e c o m e an
important economic factor. Instead of small groups of people during the
week-ends, now several hundred persons arrive every day in the summer,
in busses and individual cars. The number of bars and hotels has multiplied,
and selling of regional products to the visitors —hams, honey, craft products,
textiles— has become an additional source of income.
Mountain agriculture has lost much of its importance for the village
economy. Agricultural lands at 2000-2500 m of altitude, near the climatic limit
of rye growing, are almost totally abandoned. Near the village, old terraced
irrigation fields are also partly abandoned. These signs of decline in mountain
agriculture are in contrast to the prediction of LISZEWSKI & SULIBORSKI (1977),
w h o believed that this type of agriculture, well adapted to the ecological
conditions, would maintain itself in the future. Of course, the decline of
agricultural activity is not only due to non-agricultural revenues (tourism,
construction), but also to the demographic structure of the population (low
proportion of young, active people, due to the emigration), as is the case in
many rural mountain zones of Eastern Andalucía (GARCÍA MANRIQUE & OCAÑA
OCAÑA, 1990).
During a certain period, potatoes and beans were cultivated to produce
seeds for the intensive commercial horticulture on the Medirranean coast,
near Motril (DRESCHER, 1988) and in the Campo de Dalias, in the Province of
Almería (BREUER, 1986). According to information from local inhabitants, this
market has declined due to the concurrence of commercial high response
variety seeds. The only branch of agriculture which has been able to maintain
itself, up to now, is the cultivation of fruit trees and raspberries.
One consequence of the decline in intensive irrigated agriculture on the
southern slope of Sierra Nevada during the last 15 years is the degradation
of its physical infrastructure - mainly water channels and terrace walls.
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PIRINEOS 138
Geomorphological and hydrologlcal consequences of this process have not
been studied in detail, for the mediterranean mountain environment of the
southern slope of Sierra Nevada. Nor have the processes of plant succesion
on the abandoned terraces been studied, in this region. Possibly, a significant
soil erosion takes place, especially at sites where fire is frequent. Up to now,
fires have been infrequent at Trévelez, but this situation might change rapidly
in the future.
On the other hand, the abandonment of agricultural fields leads to
colonization by herbaceous and arbustive vegetation which provides pasture
for s h e e p , d u r i n g s p r i n g a n d s u m m e r m o n t h s . Pasturing near t h e
Mediterranean coast during winter, however, is partly subsidised by giving
hay and concentrated fodder to the animals.
At any rate, the abandonment of irrigated mountain agriculture and its
infrastructure causes a degradation in the potential of agricultural production
on the corresponding areas. Eventual restoration, if it were considered
desirable or necessary at some moment in the future, would d e m a n d huge
expenses of labour and money.
There is no doubt that the economic situation of the inhabitants of Trévelez
has improved during the last 15 years, (with regard to income and available
services) due to the expansion of tourism and the subsidies given by the
State and the European Community. However, it has to be taken into account
that this development causes an increased dependence on processes and
decisions outside the village and the region, and a rise in prices of
consummatory goods as well. In the long term, it would be more interesting
to develop a more balanced economic structure, based on both tourism and
on a specialized agriculture. This agriculture would have to be oriented
towards quality products such as chestnuts, walnuts, raspberries and products
of extensive pig and goat husbandry.
Acknowledgments. This was camet ont within the context of the research
project "Cultural ecology and landscape change in Southern Spain" at the
Institut fur Ur-undFrühgeschichte, University of Freiburg, Germany, sponsored
by the Stiftung Volkswagenwerk.
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Annex: Historial documents
1 Libro de Apeos, Trévelez, f. 190 v. (Archivos de la Real Chancillería, Granada):
"...En el dicho lugar havia como ciento y cinquenta nogales y abia de cinquenta
castaños y máncanos y otros arboles frutales..."
2 Libro de Apeos, Trevélez, f. 190 v. (Archivos de la Real Chancillería, Granada):
"...En el dicho lugar ay dos leguas de monte de ensinar que es pasto de todo el
ganado..."
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PIRINEOS 138
3 Única Contribución, Trévelez, pregunta 4 (Archivos de la Real Chancillería,
Granada):
"...y las tierras de vega solamente se siembran en ellas un año si otro no porque
nezesitan de un año de descanso por su poca calidad y lo frixido del territorio que está
pegado a lo alto de la sierra nebada, que se siembran de mais..."
"...y las tierras de secano solamente produzen una cosecha de senteno por que
otra semilla no puede en ellas subsistir... y para esto parte de ellas nezesitan de tres
años de descanso y otras zinco años, y que no ai binas ni ortalizas..."
4 Única Contribución, Trévelez, pregunta 3 (Archivos de la Real Chancillería,
Granada):
"...y en el termino abra tres mili y quinientas enzinas las que por lo frígido del terreno
no dan fruto..."
5 MADOZ, description of Trévelez:
"...el terreno es en su mayor parte de riego..."
6 MADOZ, description of Trévelez:
"...Hay un chaparra, varias alamedas, un coto y algunas encinas, criándose nogales, castaños, cerezos, manzanos, ciruelos, duraznos, albaricoqueros, perales y
guindos, tomillos, manzanillas y otras plantas, sabinas, enebros y abundantes pastos..."
"...Prod.: centeno, que es la principal, trigo, maiz, cebada, garbanzos, habichuelas,
chícharos, lentejas, criadillas de tierra, lino, calabazas y frutas, se cría ganado lanar,
cabrío y vacuno..."
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