Prosody, information structure, and tonal height in German and

Transcription

Prosody, information structure, and tonal height
in German and Turkish in a cross-linguistic analysis
Hubert Truckenbrodt
ZAS Berlin and Humboldt-University Berlin
Ellipsis licensing beyond syntax, Leiden
January 16, 2016
Overview
1. Prosody
1.1. Stress-XP in German
1.2. Wrap-XP: Tohono O‘odham
1.3. Wrap-XP and Stress-XP in Turkish
1.4. Outlook
2. Tonal height
2.1. Upstep in German
2.2. Sentence embeddings (English and German)
2.3. Downstep and boosting (German and Chinese)
2.4. Turkish sentence stress
2.5. Carryover of lowering effects
1
1. Prosody
2
1. Prosody
What's new?
der
Maurer
und sein
Lehrling
wollen dem
Werner
in Kamerun
[
( x
)(
L*+H
x
)(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
ein Lama
malen
x
x
H+L*
]I
)A
the bricklayer and his apprentice want det Werner in Kamerun a llama paint
3
1. Prosody
(1)
Gussenhoven 1983, 1992
Sentence Accent Assigment Rule (slightly simplified):
Accent (within a focus) each argument, each modifier,
and each predicate, with the exception of a predicate
next to an accented argument.
(2)
[Der Maurer] will [dem Werner] [in Kamerun] [ein Lama] malen
the bricklayer ... to.the Werner im cameroon a llama
(3)
[Der Maurer und sein Lehrling] wollen [ein Lama] malen.
the bricklayer and his apprentice
(4)
[Er] will ein Lama malen.
4
the bricklayer and his apprentice want the Werner in Kamerun a llama paint
5
1. Prosody
Truckenbrodt 1995, 2006, 2007, 2009, s. also Samek-Lodovici 2005,
Féry and Samek-Lodovici 2006
(5)
Stress-XP: Each lexical XP contains a beat of phrasal stress.
Implementation in OT: A sentence receives the minimal amount of
phrasal stress that is required by Stress-XP.
The suggestion draws on the central role of lexical XPs in building
prosodic structure in the Align/Wrap-theory of prosodic structure, see
Selkirk 1986, 1995, 2000, Truckenbrodt 1999, 2006, 2007, which is also
continued in the match-theory of Selkirk 2011.
6
1. Prosody
(6)
DP
D
|
ein
a
NP
|
N
|
Maurer
bricklayer
(7)
DP
|
D
|
eine/sie
one/she
7
1. Prosody
Arguments
Syntax: Arguments of V are inside of VP.
Prosody: V is unstressed when following a stressed argument
(Gussenhoven 1984, Krifka 1984).
(8)
VP
DP
D
ein
a
NP
|
N
|
Papier
paper
V
lesen
read
8
1. Prosody
Adjuncts
Syntax: Partly or completely outside of the XP they belong to.
(9)
...
PP
P
VP
DP
D
NP
D
|
N
|
während einer Busfahrt ein
during a
bus.trip a
DP
NP
|
N
|
Papier
paper
V
lesen
read
9
1. Prosody
Adjuncts
Syntax: Partly or completely outside of the XP they belong to.
Prosody: V is stressed when following an adjunct (Gussenhoven 1984,
Krifka 1984).
(10)
...
PP
P
VP
DP
NP
|
N
|
während einer Busfahrt
during a
bus.trip
V
D
lesen
read
10
Remark on English
1. Prosody
(a)
x
x
x
P
x
x
x
x
x
x
Wd
( x )( x )(
x )( x )
(x
)( x )(
x
) Foot
John sent the first mayor of somewhere a box of chocolates
(b)
Pierrehumbert (1980): choose a level and assign pitch accents to
grid-marks of that height or higher.
11
1. Prosody
Interaction with movement (Bresnan 1971, 1972, Truckenbrodt and Darcy
2010, Truckenbrodt, to appear)
(11) Sie hat [[Bücher] herausgegeben].
she has books edited
(12) Sie hat [auf einer Fahrt] [etwas
gelesen].
she has on a
trip
something read
(13) [Was für Bücher] hat sie [[was für Bücher] herausgegeben]?
what for books has she what for books edited
(14) [Auf welcher Fahrt] hat sie [auf welcher Fahrt] [etwas
gelesen]?
on which trip has she on which trip
something read
(gelesen without accent only if it is contextually given)
12
1. Prosody
(15)
CP
C
|
hat sie
...
VP
DP
was für Bücher
V
|
gelesen
Internal merge (see Chomsky 2001)
13
1. Prosody
Possible problem for Stress-XP
Uhmann 1991, Kratzer and Selkirk 2007, Truckenbrodt 2012
(16) a.
b.
Peter hat einen Nagel in ein Brett geschlagen.
Peter hat einen Nagel in ein Brett geschlagen.
Peter has a
nail in a board hit
Directional and locative PPs predicated over the internal argument
optionally appear without stress.
Kratzer and Selkirk 2007, following Kahnemuyipour 2004, model the
theory of phrasing on this case:
(17) Stress the highest XP in a phase.
(18) phase: [VP [einen Nagel] in ein Brett geschlagen]
14
1. Prosody
(19) [Maria] hat [Claudia] [am Dienstag] [im Institut]
[während eines Festes] [eine Medaille] überreicht.
(20) [Ein Maurer und sein Lehrling] wollen ein Lama malen.
a bricklayer and his apprentice want a llama paint
(21) a. Nägel in ein Brett schlagen
b. # Nägel in einige Bretter schlagen
c. # Nägel in ein dickes Brett schlagen
nail
board(s)
(✓Bretter)
(✓Brett)
(22) a. Nägel in das Brett schlagen
b. Nägel in diese Bretter schlagen
c. (#) Nägel in diese dicken Bretter schlagen
(✓Bretter)
15
1. Prosody
(23) Hale and Keyser (2002): Conflation
a. John puts
the wine in bottle(s)
b. John V -s
the wine P bottle
c. John bottle-s the wine t t
(24) Emonds 1972, 1976, Kayne 1985, Hoekstra 1988
a. John put
the bags [PP down].
b. John put down the bags.
(25) a.
b.
die Taschen
ab-stellen (Haiden 2006, Dehé 2015)
stellen
die Taschen [PP ab]
(26) a.
b.
c.
die Taschen [PP auf den Boden] [V stellen]
die Taschen tPP [V [PP auf den Boden] stellen]
die Taschen
(auf den Boden stellen)PWd
16
1. Prosody
17
( H LL)P (L
HHH H L )P
Wákial ’at g wísilo cépos.
cowboy AUX DET calf branded
‚The cowboy branded the calf.‘
1. Prosody
( L
H HH H L)P ( H LL )P
Na-t g wákial cépos g wísilo.
AUX DET cowboy branded DET calf
‚Did the cowboy brand the calf?‘
18
1. Prosody
(27) Wrap-XP: Each lexical XP
is contained in a p-phrase.
(L
H HH
HHH H L )P
Na-t g wákial g wísilo cépos.
AUX DET cowboy DET calf
branded
‚Did the cowboy brand the calf?‘
19
1. Prosody
20
1. Prosody
Basics of Turkish intonation
NP
(
NP
)(
H-
[VP
)(
H-
NP
x
x
V
]
) PhPhr
21
1. Prosody
Ipek and Jun 2013, 2014, Ipek 2015
From Ipek 2015:77
[NP
(
]
) PhPhr
H22
1. Prosody
Ipek and Jun 2013, 2014, Ipek 2015
[NP
(
]
H-) PhPhr
Güneş 2014,Ch2: Concurring assessment: joint phrasing of complex
arguments.
23
1. Prosody
Wrap-XP >> Stress-XP
(28) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
( x
)(
x
)
target
[[friend]NP daughter]NP [ [fast]AP [book]NP read]VP
(
)PhPhr
(
)(
)PhPhr
*(
)(
)(
) PhPhr * by Wrap-XP
*(
)(
)(
) PhPhr * by Wrap-X
Leftmost stress in the p-phrase (Kabak and Vogel 2001)
(29) a. [[friend]NP daughter]NP [ [fast]AP [book]NP read]VP
b. ( x
)PhPhr
c. ( x
)(
x
)PhPhr ✓by Stress-XP
d. ( x
)(
x
)(
x
)PhPhr * by Wrap-XP
24
1.4. Outlook
1. Prosody
25
1. Prosody
1.4. Outlook
(30)
CP
C
|
hat sie
...
....
PP
während
ihrer Reise
VP
DP
was für Bücher
V
|
gelesen
26
1.4. Outlook
1. Prosody
No effect of the trace across an intervening phonological phrase
(Gussenhoven 1983, 1992, Selkirk 1984)
(31) (
x-6 )(
x
)-6
Was für Bücher hat sie auf ihrer Reise [VP was für Bücher gelesen]-6
(32) (
x-7
)-7
Was für Bücher hat sie [VP was für Bücher gelesen]-7
(33) Büring and Truckenbrodt, in preparation
a. Each XPi has a corresponding p-phrase Pi with head xi.
b. Stress-XP: xi is in XPi.
c. Wrap-XP: XPi is in Pi.
d. Matching XP and P (Selkirk 2011) is optional and brought about
by additional constraints.
27
2. Tonal height
28
2. Tonal height
What's new?
der
Maurer
und sein
Lehrling
wollen dem
Werner
in Kamerun
[
( x
)(
L*+H
x
)(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
ein Lama
malen
x
x
H+L*
]I
)A
29
2. Tonal height
Experiment on Upstep in German (Truckenbrodt 2002, 2007)
4 sets, each represented by 6 sentences
accents in first clause
1.
[SU
Aux
DO V][XP XP XP]
2
2.
[SU & SU Aux
DO V][XP XP XP]
3
3.
[SU & SU Aux IO
DO V][XP XP XP]
4
4.
[SU & SU Aux IO PP DO V][XP XP XP]
5
-- 8 speakers from the Southern area of where German is spoken
-- 24 sentences read three times by each speaker, in answer to question ´What‘s
new´?
-- analysis with ESPS/waves+, labelling with spectrograms, measurements
according to certain criteria in the f0-tracks
30
2. Tonal height
Der Werner
[
(
[
und
die Lena
Manieren
beibringen
und
die Lola
wollen
dem Lehrling
x )A(
x
)A(
L*+H
L*+H
SU
& SU
Aux
x
x
)A( x
L*+H
L*+H
IO
DO
]I
)A
HI
V ]
[
...
( x
)A(...
L*+H ...
[ SU
...
Werner and Lena want to teach manners to the apprentice, and Lola ...
Speaker TL
31
3. Tonal height
32
2. Tonal height
H of nuclear rise in the four sets of different length
33
2. Tonal height
(Reference-lines and points according to model of van den Berg,
Gussenhoven, and Rietveld here added by me to the graphic, H.T.)
From van den Berg, Gussenhoven, and Rietveld (1992); Dutch utterance:
(Merel, Nora, Leo, Remy), en (Nelie, Mary, Leendert, Mona en Lorna)
34
2. Tonal height
Model of van den Berg, Gussenhoven, and Rietveld (1992), with second referencelines for local downstep, according to original suggestion of Clements (1979).
Suggestion for upstep: scaled to the larger reference-line.
=> Upstep is a constant, externally defined value at a height comparable
to the initial height.
35
2.2. Sentence embeddings
2. Tonal height
36
2. Tonal height
Ladd 1988
but/and:
Ryan has a lot more money
but Warren is a stronger campaigner
and Allen has more popular policies
and/but:
Alan is a stronger campaigner
and Ryan has more popular policies
but Warren has a lot more money.
37
2. Tonal height
Account of Ladd 1988, using reference-lines of v.d. Berg et al. 1992
38
2. Tonal height
Experiment (Féry and Truckenbrodt 2005, Truckenbrodt and Féry 2015)
AX
XC
39
2. Tonal height
- 16 stimuli of each kind
- words permuted in the stimuli in such a way that microprosodic
variation would disappear in the average values
- 5 speakers, one recording each
- measurements according to fixed criteria, using Praat
40
a.
2. Tonal height
AX condition [A während [B und C]X ]
Warum meint Anna, dass Handwerker teurere Autos haben als Musiker?
Weil der Maler einen Jaguar hat, während die Sängerin einen Lada
besitzt, und der Geiger einen Wartburg fährt.
'Why does Anna think that craftsmen have more expensive cars than musicians?
Because the painter has a Jaguar, while the singer possesses a Lada, and the
violinist drives a Wartburg.'
b.
XC condition [[A und B]X während C]
Warum meint Anna, dass Musiker teurere Autos haben als Sportler?
Weil die Sängerin einen Jaguar hat, und der Geiger einen Daimler
besitzt, während der Ringer einen Lada fährt.
'Why does Anna think that musicians have more expensive cars than sportsmen?
Because the singer has a Jaguar, and the violinist possesses a Daimler, while the
wrestler drives a Lada.'
41
2. Tonal height
Reproduction of Ladd‘s results in the clause-initial values:
Lowering of the clause-initial values in the AX-condition (purple),
but not between clauses two and three in the XC-condition (yellow).
42
2. Tonal height
Influence of the higher reference-line on the upstepped value clearly
present.
2.3. Downstep and boosting
2. Tonal height
44
2. Tonal height
Final lowering (Liberman and Pierrehumbert 1984)
45
3. Tonal height
46
2. Tonal height
Final lowering before upstep (Truckenbrodt 2004)
47
2. Tonal height
Final lowering before upstep (Truckenbrodt 2004)
- Downstep involves boosting of the preceding H.
- Final lowering (or a component of it) comes from this.
- Boosting (or a component of it) comes from this.
48
2. Tonal height
Claim: stress leads to the combined effect of boosting and downstep.
What's new?
der
Maurer
und sein
Lehrling
wollen dem
Werner
in Kamerun
[
( x
)(
L*+H
x
)(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
ein Lama
malen
x
x
H+L*
]I
)A
49
2. Tonal height
Tonal height effect of focus in Chinese (Xu 1999)
[
subject
][
verb
][
object
]
Sentence māomī mō māomī, 'Kitty touches kitty', with five lexical H
tones. The conditions are: No narrow focus (thin solid line), narrow
focus on the subject (thick dotted line), narrow focus on the verb (thick
solid line) and narrow focus on the object (thin dotted line).
50
2. Tonal height
Multiple focus in Mandarin Chinese
(Kabagema-Bilan, López-Jiménez and Truckenbrodt 2011)
(34) [Who steals whose nest?] or: [Does an eagle steal a magpie’s nest?]
↑
↑
H H
H
H H H
[māomī]F tōu [wūyā]F wō
kitty
steal raven nest
‘A kitty steals a raven’s nest.’
51
2. Tonal height
Preceding sentence (Sentence 1) and another one with a similar structure
(Sentence 2: gūmā shāo dōngguā tāng ‘Aunt cooks wintermelon soup.’).
Each plotting point represents the average of 10 measurements, taken from
five speakers and normalized for speaker-specific F0 range. Conditions: no
focus (thick), early focus (white), late focus and two times multiple focus.
52
2. Tonal height
(35) [Who steals whose nest?]
(
x
)
i-phrase
x
x
p-phrase
Ein Kätzchen stiehlt des Raben Nest.
a kitty
steals a raven nest
53
2. Tonal height
(36) [Who steals whose nest?]
or: [Does an eagle steal a magpie’s nest?]
↑
(
x
)
H H H
H H
H
[māomī]F tōu [wūyā]F wō
kitty
steal raven nest
(37)
x
[wūyā]F ‘raven’
i-phrase
x
[dōngguā]F ‘wintermelon’
54
2. Tonal height
Tonal height effect of focus in Chinese (Xu 1999)
[
subject
][
verb
][
object
]
Sentence māomī mō māomī, 'Kitty touches kitty', with five lexical H
tones. The conditions are: No narrow focus (thin solid line), narrow
focus on the subject (thick dotted line), narrow focus on the verb (thick
solid line) and narrow focus on the object (thin dotted line).
55
2.4. Stress in Turkish
2. Tonal height
56
2. Tonal height
Kamali and Truckenbrodt (ms. under revision)
(38) (SUBJECT) + DIRECT OBJ. + INDIRECT OBJ. + VERB
(39) a.
b.
c.
Regular :
Lexical stress :
Regular:
Lexical stress:
Regular :
Lexical stress:
bunalanları ‘those who get overheated-acc’
numáraları ‘numbers-acc’
limonluya ‘the one with lemon-dat’
Limónlu’ya ‘Limonlu (place name)-dat’
yönlendirmeli ‘should direct’
yönlendiríyor ‘is directing’ (non-negated verb)
yönlendírmemeli ‘should not direct’ (neg. verb)
(40) Bunal-an-lar-ı
limonlu-ya
yönlendir-meli.
get.overheated-rel-pl-acc with.lemon-dat forward-nec
‘He should direct those who get overheated to the one with lemon.’
57
2. Tonal height
4 speakers, 3 sentences per conditions, 3 recordings per speaker
58
2. Tonal height
NP
(
x
NP
)(
H-
x
[VP
)(
H-
NP
x
x
V
]
)PhPhr
59
2. Tonal height
(
----x-----Each plotting point is an average of 9 measurements.
)
- L tones are raised in the nucleus and lowered in the postnucleus.
60
2. Tonal height
Related effect within the phonological phrase (Güneş 2014)
(
W
W
)(
W
W
)(
W
)PhPhr
61
2. Tonal height
Similarly within a word that carries lexical accent (Kamali and T. ms)
(
(
x
x
H-)PhPhr
)PWd
Both the distinction of L1a to the preceding L tone and to the following L
tone are significant.
62
2. Tonal height
63
2. Tonal height
German: strongest stress of p-phrase -> carries over to following p-phrases
What's new?
der
Maurer
und sein
Lehrling
wollen dem
Werner
in Kamerun
[
( x
)(
L*+H
x
)(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
x )(
L*+H
ein Lama
malen
x
x
H+L*
]I
)A
64
2. Tonal height
German: lowering effect ends with tones of intonation phrase
Der Werner
[
(
[
und
die Lena
Manieren
beibringen
und
die Lola
wollen
dem Lehrling
x )A(
x
)A(
L*+H
L*+H
SU
& SU
Aux
x
x
)A( x
L*+H
L*+H
IO
DO
]I
)A
HI
V ]
[
...
( x
)A(...
L*+H ...
[ SU
...
Werner and Lena want to teach manners to the apprentice, and Lola ...
Speaker TL
65
2. Tonal height
Turkish: effects end at p-phrase boundary (plot from Güneş 2014)
(
W
W
)(
W
W
)(
W
)PhPhr
66
2. Tonal height
Turkish: effects end at p-phrase boundary (plot from Kamali and T. ms)
(
(
x
x
H-)PhPhr
)PWd
Both the distinction of L1a to the preceding L tone and to the following L
tone are significant.
67
2. Tonal height
Turkish: effects end at p-phrase boundary (plot from Kamali and T. ms)
NP
(
x
NP
)(
H-
x
[VP
)(
H-
NP
x
x
V
]
)PhPhr
68
2. Tonal height
Turkish: effects end at p-phrase boundary (Kamali and T. ms.)
(
----x-----Each plotting point is an average of 9 measurements.
)
- L tones are raised in the nucleus and lowered in the postnucleus.
69
Summary
- Stress-XP: Each lexical XP contains phrasal stress.
- Wrap-XP: Each lexical XP is contained in a p-phrase.
- Combined in an account with correspondence XP – p-phrase/p-stress
- Stress -> boosting and following downstep
- Cancelled in German with tones of higher prosodic level (upstep)
- Cancelled in Turkish with edge of same prosodic level (p-phrase)
70
Thank you for your attention!
71

Prosody, information structure, and tonal height in German and

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