April 2001, Vol 19 - Anesthesia History Association
Transcription
April 2001, Vol 19 - Anesthesia History Association
BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA J!ISTORY AHA VOLUME 19, NUMBER 2 APRIL, 2001 The Use of Anesthestics during the Civil War, 1861-1865 by Maurice S. Aldin, M.D. * Professor ofAnesthesiology and NeurosurgelY Department ofAnesthesiology, University ofTexas Health Science Center Reprinted with permission from Pharmacy in History [40(3-4); 99-114, 2000]. . .. Faces, varieties beyond description, most in obscurity, some of them dead, Surgeons operat ing, attendants holding lights, the smell of ethel; the odor of blood, ... (From Walt Whitman's 'Y:! March in the Ranks Hard-Prest") The Civil War began 1 5 years after den tist W illiam Thomas Green Morton (fig. 1 ) used diethyl ether as an anesthetic for a surgical procedure at the Massachusetts 1 6 October 1 846. The first reported clinical use of chlo roform, by James Young Simpson (fig. 2), took place in 1 847. However, the routine General Hospital (MGH) on use of anesthetics in surgery had not yet permeated the medical culture in the United States, and a significant percent age of surgical procedures at the MGH were carried out without anesthetics during the Figure 1. William I1lOmas Green Morton Figure 2. James Young Simpson 1 540). They mixed sulfuric Ether was prepared using the dehydra acid with alcohol, distilled the mixture and tion of alcohol by sulfuric acid. The syn (about A.D. 1 849-1 877. It is a popular belief that discovered "sweet vitriol." However, it was thesis of ether may result in byproducts anesthetics were not used to any signifi Valezius Cordus who described the syn and impurities including peroxides and cant extent during the Civil War and that thesis aldehydes, which produce toxic responses. pain relief during surgical procedures was Extractionibus" circa 1 54 1 and in 1 730 Ether is highly inflammable and when accomplished by imbibing alcoholic spir Frobenius named the compound "ether."l combined with air, forms an explosive mix its or "biting the bullet." As we will note, On the Civil War, with its hordes of wounded Long of Jefferson, Georgia, excised a cyst Since ether has a high vapor tension, the soldiers, accelerated the acceptance and the on the back of the neck of James Venable vapor, being under the effects of ether, but he did not flow over the container and fall below the period employment of anesthetic agents. Available Anesthetic Agents Diethyl ether (C2Hs\0, or "sweet vit of ether in "De Artificiosis 30 March 1 842, Crawford W illiamson 1 849, Southern Medical and Surgical Jou/' ture, easily ignited with a spark or flame. 2-6 times as heavy as air, can 1 8 53, publish his findings until December structures containing it.6 Prior to in the ether was manufactured using the hazard nal.2 ous open-fire intermittent distillation 3) com riol" was known since the time of Ramon The world-wide spread of the use of 1 200) and Paracelsus ether occurred only after Morton demon pletely changed the manufacturing method strated its efficacy as an anesthetic agent by using continuous steam heat through would like to thank Michael FlannelY, Curator of the Reynolds Historical Collection, Lister Hill Library of the Medical Sciences, University ofAlabama at Birmingham, for his help in tracking down many of the bibliographical sources pertinent to this pape/: I would also like to thank Christina S. Medina for her help in putting this manuscript togethel: when the patient Gilbert Abbott was anes lead coils.7 Lull (about A.D. *1 thetized by the eminent surgeon, John method. Edward R. Squibb (fig. Chloroform (CHCIl) was discovered in 1 9 January 1 847, auly 1 83 1 ), Liebig 1 83 1 ), and Soubeiran (January 1 832).8 In 1 835 Dumas described its chemi cal and physical properties and in 1 847, James Young Simpson first used ether in Flourens noted its anesthetic effects in ani- Collins Warren in the amphitheater of the dependently by Guthrie MGH in Boston.l W ithin six months ether (November was used clinically throughout the world.4 Of interest is that on his obstetrical practice, so quickly had the word spread about its efficacy.s Cantil/lied on Page 4 1""' BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY John William "B ill" Pender, M.D., 1912-2001 by Selma Harrison Calmes, M.D. Bill Pender first appeared in my life with a crate of oranges, and I have loved him ever since. This was in the late 1 960s. I was a lowly resident at the University of Pennsylvania, and B ill Pender a rrived from the Palo Alto Clinic for a sabbatical at Penn. One day, I came into the lunch room in the OR, and an old-fashioned, wooden crate of oranges (the kind we used to make bookcases out of) was on the floor. Having grown up in Southern California surrounded by orange groves and having bought lots of oranges from the local pack ing house, it seemed I'd gone to heaven in the cold, unfriendly city of Philadelphia. A kindly man dressed in scrubs and with a gentle Southern accent introduced himself. It was Bill Pender, and he'd brought the oranges from California for our lunch. We became immediate friends, in spite of his much-more prestigious standing as chair at the Palo Alto Clinic. Later, Bill and I worked together on the Wood Libra ry Museum CWLM), while he was developing the WLM's Living History series of video tape in terviews of early anesthesiologists, then on the Guedel B o a rd and, finally, while founding the Anesthesia History As sociation. These interactions all confirmed his integrity, gentleness, high standards and dedication to developing and docu menting our specialty. S adly, Bill Pender died in February at his retirement home in Placerville, C alifornia. Bill was the son of a country doctor in Hesterville, Mississippi, so entering medi cine was natural for him. He graduated from the University of Mississippi in 1933 and then from Tulane Medical School in 1935. This was the middle of the Great Depression, and his medical education was funded by a Commonwealth Fund of New York grant. This p rogram was to support students who would return to p ractice in rural areas. Internship was at the US Pub lic Health Service Hospital in San Fran cisco. He then realized he needed more experience in obstetrics and took 3 more months training at a hospital in New Or leans. From 1 9 37-40, he was a general prac titioner in ru ral Missis sippi, fi rst in Kosciusko and then in C a rthage. Early on, he took over his sick father's p ractice in an office in a d rug store, a common lo cation for offices then. Although he enjoyed general practice, Pender wasn't satisfied with small-town medical practice. He'd trained with spe cialists at Tulane and was frustrated by John William "Bill" Pendel; M.D. the limitations of small town medicine and the lack of a nearby hospital. He sought something else to do, and anesthesia was the choice. He had met Coldicutt Pearson who was just starting anesthesia practice in Miami. He was the first person Pender had known who practiced only anesthe sia. While in Carthage, Pearson wrote Bill and said he needed a pa rtner. He sug gested the 6 month course with Clement in Toledo. Bill also considered anesthesia training in New Orleans, but this position paid nothing for the first 3 months. A new Mayo Cinic-trained surgeon arrived about then in Jackson, Mississippi, where he re ferred difficult patients. The surgeon's wife was a nurse trained in anesthesia at the Mayo Clinic. Talking with them con vinced Pender to go to Mayo Clinic for his anesthesia training. He began there in 1 940. John Lundy started the anesthesia program there in 1 924. Wo rld Wa r II interfe red, and 1 942 found him on active duty with the Navy. A Mayo Clinic neurosurgeon was stationed at Bethseda Naval Hospital in Washing ton, DC, to establish a mobile neurosurgi cal unit which could move to various loca tions if the East Coast was bombed. After realizing they had plenty of surgical help but no anesthesiologist, Pender was called. He w a s t h e s o l e a n e s thesiologist a t Bethseda for much of the war. While there, Pen d e r gave anesthesia fo r P resident Franklin Roosevelt, who was then running for his third term. The operation was to remove a sebaceous cyst from the back of the p resident's head. Once again, there was plenty of surgical help, but no one knew how to do good infiltration anesthesia. Pender rose to the occasion, and injected the President while he was seated in his wh e e l c h a i r. When Pend e r took the President's blood pressure for monitoring, he found severe hypertension-and kept quiet about it, given the difficult time for the nation and the continued need for Roosevelt's leadership. The hypertension led to the president's fatal stroke in 1945. Anesthesia at Bethseda was mostly drop ether with a Yankauer mask. Pender saw the need for something to "hook onto an endotracheal tube" so that the mask didn't have to be held all the time, especially dur ing long nuerosurgical cases. He tried to get dental officers assigned to anesthesia to help him with his proposed device, but finally had to have the machinist make the "Pender Lemon," a clever device that served its purpose extremely well. He also experimented with electrical anesthesia while in the Navy. Because of the war, there was a great need for a non-explosive, eas ily transportable anesthesia technique. Pender thought of electricity. He was able to experiment with it at the Naval Research Institute but then got sent to a hospital ship overseas, so the project died. � The Pender Lemon (Photo from Pender Jw, Lane IN. An endotrcheal vaporizel: Anes 1945; 6:418-420.) In 1946, he returned to the Mayo Clinic as a consultant and then instructor. He was involved in developing many a re a s o f anesthesia, especially e a rly open h e a rt anesthesia. He did anesthesia for the first open-heart operation at the Mayo Clinic, a mitral commisurotomy. Aft e r John Lundy retired in 1 954, Bill left Mayo Clinic for the Palo Alto Clinic in Califo rnia. Al though this was a p rivate p ra c ti c e situation, he knew that Stanford Medical School would soon be moving from San Francisco to Palo Alto and an academic tie BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY would be possible. The Palo Alto Clinic also had a sabbatical program (4 months/' every 6 years), and he was a ble to take sab baticals at the University of Pennsylvania twice and in Cardiff, Wales, with William Mushin. Before he left the Mayo Clinic, he be gan interviewing older staff to document the beginning of this important institu tion. He joined the Oral History Associa tion, and through that, got into the video tape interview format, on which the WLM's Living History program is based. D r. John Leahey of Philadelphia p rovided critical technical support for this p rogram and is considered the co-founder, along with D r. Pender. This p rogram began in 1 965; there are now more than 1 50 taped interviews. This important program documents our early history and has been an example to other specialty organizations. The Living History program is on-going, and the tapes are widely used. Pender's many activities in anesthesia included the Travel Club (founded by John Lundy), the Academy of Anesthesiology (serving as president in 1 96 5 ), the AUA, the WLM Board o f Trustees (from 1 9691 9 7 8 ), the Board of Trustees of the Guedel Memorial Center, chairman of the Section on Anesthesia of the Ame rican Medical Association and associate editor of the jour nal Anesthesiology (1956- 1 96 5 ). These ac tivities were unusual for someone in pri vate practice then-and now. Bill Pender, with typical modesty, considered himself a perfectionist and someone of average a bil i ty who succeeded by increased e ffort. People with such characteristics were an essential component to move anesthesia forwa rd a s it developed into a true spe cialty, in addition to the few brilliant lead ers. Bill Pender certainly did his part, and we'll miss him very, very much. As a final Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology Duplicate Vintage Books for Sale April 2001 To order any of the following volumes, please contact: Karen Bieterman, Assistant Librarian Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology 520 N. Northwest Highway Pa rk Ridge, IL 60068-2573 phone: (847) 825-5586, ext. 5 8 fax: (847) 825-1 692 C rawford JS. Principles and P ractice . oJObstetricAnaesthesia. 2 nd edition. Oxford: Blackwell Scientific; 1 965. $20.00 Eckenhoff JE. Anesthesia from Colonial T imes. - A HistOlY ojAnesthesia at the University oj Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: JB Lippincott; 1 966. $20.00 Gray JS. PulmonalY Ventilation and its Physiological Regulation. Springfield: Charles C . Thomas; 1 950. $5.00 Guedel AE. InhalationAnesthesia: A Fundamental Guide. 2nd edition. New York: Macmillan Company; 1 9 5 8 . $30.00 Heironimus, TW: Mechanical Artificial Ventilation: A Manual Jor Students and P ractitio ners. 2 nd edition. Springfield: Charles C. Thomas; 1 97 1 . $5.00 Minnitt RJ, Gillies J. Textbook oj Anaesthetics. 7th edition. B altimore. Williams and Wilkins; 1 948. $1 5 .00 Mushin WW. Anaesthesia Jor the POOl' Risk and Other Essays. (Oxford: Blackwell Scien tific; 1 948. $10.00 Natof HE, Sadove MS. Cardiovascular Collapse in theOperating Room. Philadelphia. JB Lippincott; 1 9 5 8 . $5.00 Payne JF, Hill VW . A Symposium on Oxygen Measllrements in Blood and Tissues and their Significance. Boston: Little, B rown and Company; 1966. $5.00 Sherwood-Dunn B. Regional Anesthesia (Victor Pauchet's Technique.) Philadelphia: FA D avis; 1 920. $20.00 Walton JH, Control ojPain with Saddle Block and Higher SpinalAnesthesia. Summit, New Jersey: Ciba Pharmaceutical P roducts; 1 948. $5.00 act, before leaving anesthesia forever, he made a large donation the WLM to sup port a room in the museum dedicated to the Mayo Clinic. The new Mayo Clinic Room was dedicated at the ASA Board of Directors meeting March 2, 2001 . It will be used by the curator of the equipment collection, Judith Robbins. This will be another lasting legacy of}ohn "Bill" Pender. Sources used for this article were my long friendship' with Dr. Pender, an obituary written by the family, Dr. Pender's own Living History interview done in 1983 and a just-released book on the history of the Mayo Clinic Department, Art to Science by K. Rehder, P Southonr and A Sessler. Bulletill ofAnesthesia HistOlY (ISSN 1522-8649) is published four times a year as a joint effort of the Anesthesia History Association and the Wood-Library Museum of Anesthesiology. The Bulletin was published as Anesthesia HistOlY Asso ciation Newsletter through .Vol. 13, No. 3, July 1995. The Bulletin is now indexed in HISTLINE (history of medicine on-line), a database main tained by the U.S. National Library of Medi cine at <http:igm.nlm.nih.gov>. C.R. Stephen, MD, Senior Editor Doris K. Cope, MD, Editor Donald Caton, MD, Associate Editor A,J. Wright, MLS, Associate Editor Fred Spielman, MD,Associate Editor Douglas Bacon, MD, Associate Editor Peter McDermott, MD, Book Review Editor Deborah Bloomberg, Editorial Staff Editorial, Reprint, and Circulation matters should be addressed to: Editor, Bulletill ofAnesthesia HistOlY 200 Medical Arts Building 200 Delafield Avenue, Suite 2070 Pittsburgh, PA 15215 U.S.A. Telephone (412) 784-5343 Fax (412) 784 -5350 Manuscripts may be submitted on disk us ing Word for W indows or other PC text pro gram. P lease save files in RICH TEXT FOR MAT (.rtf) if possible and submit a hard copy printout in addition to the disk. All illustra tions/photos MUST be submitted as original hard copy, not electronically. Photographs should be original glossy prints, NOT pho tocopies, laser prints or slides. P hoto copies of line drawings or other artwork are NOT acceptable for publication. ". BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY Civil War... Continlled [rom Page 1 Figure 3. Edward R. Squibb developed a method of manufacturing ethel' that reduced the fire-explosion hazard, and supplied large quantities of anesthetic to the Union armed forces. Squibb is seen in the uniforlll of a naval officel: mal experiments in which he also called attention to the toxicity of chloro form.9 In 1 847, Simpson used chloro form success fully on patients after experimenting on himself and colleagues. It was a Liverpool chemist and physician, David Waldie, who first suggested to Simpson tha t chloroform might have anesthetic p roperties . 1O Chlo roform was originally prepared from ethyl or methyl alcohol heated with bleaching powder, then subjected to steam distilla tion. Some of the impurities found after manufacture might include wate r, ethyl alcohol, ace tone, methyl alcohol, carbon te tra chloride, te trachlo re thy lene, hexachlorethylene, aldehydes, acids, me tallic chlorides, e thyl aceta te and oils. These contaminants could be present in impure chemicals used in the manufactur ing p rocess. Some of the impuri ties also developed from improper storage. The Boston firm of William B. Little and Company (fig. 4 ), manufacturing chem ists and druggis ts, decided to enter the market for chloroform and, as was the cus tom, supplied a number of prominent Bos ton physicians and surgeons with samples of their manufacturing e ffort. Among those supplied were J.C. Wa rren, C . T. Jackson, J,M. Wa rren, and W. Channing, individu als involved in the e a rly use of diethyl ether. William B. Li ttle and Company also published a 48-page fascicle containing a 27-page paper by James Young Simpson entitled "Remarks on the Superinduction of Anaesthesia in Natural and Morbid Par turition with Cases Illustrative of the Use and Effects of Chloro fo rm in Obste tric Practice." The publication also included an appendix of 21 pages containing testi monials by p rominent physici ans, all praising the efficacy of chloroform. ll The fascicle was dedicated to J.C. Warren who rema rked tha t the induction of anesthesia with chloroform was quicker and smoother than with ether. Other benefits of chloro form included the small volume of agent needed to p roduce "etherisation" and i ts "absence of inflammability." All in all, Wa rren (fig. 5) thought chloroform would take the place of "other e thers," but he cau tioned prophetically: whether chloroform will super sede the o ther ethers as an anaes thetic, is yet unsettled. The present impression is in favor of this expec tation, but however strongly the bias may be in this direction, we must wait a little before we conclude to banish sulphuric ethel; and receive elusively its new relation [italics added] . We may v e n tu re to s ay, p e rh a p s w i th o u t qualifica tion, tha t the article s o hap pily introduced into p ractice by Pro fessor Simpson, is the most valuable improvement on e therisation hith e rto made. S adly, fou r days from the date of publi cations of this fascicle, the first death un der chloroform anesthesia took place nea r Newcastle, England, on January 2 8 , 12 The Figure 4. William B. Little and Company, Chemists al/d Druggists, housed at 104 Hanovm; cornel' of Salem Street, in Boston, Massachusetts. patient, Hannah Greener, was a healthy 1 5-year-old girl who was to have an in grown toenail removed. Within two min utes after having a teaspoon of chloroform Figure 5. John Collins Warren, Professor of Surge/y at Harvard, operated on Gilbert Abbott on 16 October 1846, at the Massachusetts General Hospital. poured on a handkerchief over her nose and mouth while sea ted in a chair, Hannah Greener died. Paradoxically, th ree months before her demise, she had had successful surgery under ether to remove the corre sponding nail on the other foot. In review ing this case, John Snow, an early expert on anesthetics and in reality, the first pro fessional anaesthetist, opined tha t she had suffered an overdose of chloroform. In his book on chloroform and other anesthetics published in 1 8 58, John Snow also ana lyzed the first fifty recorded deaths from chloro form, collected from countries the world over. 13 His findings emphasized an appreciation of the potency of chloroform. Thus, by the beginning of the Civil War, a considerable litera ture on the methods to deliver e ther and chloroform already existed as well as the knowledge of the com plications caused by each of these agents. In terms of an anesthetic useful for ba ttle field surgery, where lack of inflammabil i ty, potency for rapid induction, and a small volume of drug to p roduce insensi bility was important, it appeared tha t chlo roform was a more suitable agent w hen compared to e ther-in spite of the many reported chloroform deaths. On the other hand, in a fixed medical installation such as a gene ral hospital where the environ ment could be better controlled in terms fire haza rds, where the weight factor of the agent was no t important, and where more sophisticated anesthetic delivery systems could be used, then e ther might find its place. Manufacturing Prior to the outbreak of the Civil Wa r, the anesthetic agents were mainly manu factured in the northern states or else im- BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Figure 6. A can of "Stronger Ethel''' used in anesthesia and manufactured by Edward R. Squibb, M.D. at his plant in Brooklyn, NY. ported from abroad, mainly the B ritish Isles. Valentine Mott, a well known sur geon wrote in 1 862 that: In my own practice I have been in the habit of using the Scotch Chlo roform of Duncan, Flockhart, and Co., of Edinburgh, but have also em ployed that of D r. Squibb, of B rook lyn, and with pleasure commend the latter for its purity and reliability. 14 The Union forces had very little prob lem in securing adequate supplies of me dicinal and surgical material. The major manufacturing facilities were located in the northern states and with the Union Navy in control of the high seas, it could pur- chase what it wanted overseas. With firms like E.R. Squibb and Company manufacturing high quality ether and chloroform in the North (fig. 6), it is not di fficult to understand how the Union fo rces were able to purchase more than 1 million ounces of chloro form and 1 million ounces of diethyl ether during the Civil Wa rY The Confederate armed forces, on the other hand had considerable dif ficulties in obtaining medical and sur gical supplies. The South lacked the manufacturing base and found it dif ficult to import medical goods because of the Union naval blockade. Never theless, a number of pha rmaceutical plants and distilleries were built by the Confederate government and the plant at Columbia, South C a rolina, w a s s a i d to have m a nu fa c t u re d sulphuric ether.16 At one time, the Di rector of the Columbia Laboratory was D r. Julian Chisolm, the author of an important book on surgery early in the war and the inventor of a nasal in haler for chloroform. 17 Besides manu facturing anesthetics within the Con fede racy, the C on fede ra t e S t a t e s gained access t o drugs by blockade run n e rs on the s e a s , s m uggling through the United States and Mexico, and finally through capturing the Figure 8. T7ze Chisolm Nasal Inhaler (photo collrtesy of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, Otis Archives) consists of a rectangular metal portion with two hollow prongs inserted in the body, which are placed in the nostrils. A division in the metal can be seen in the upper portion of the inhalel; which allows it to be separated so that the major inferior portion can be filled with absorbent cotton. A hole in the bottom end of the inhaler is covered by metal wire mesh over which a pelforated cap is fitted. A quantity of chloroforln is poured into the pelforated cap, the prongs are placed into the nostrils, and the patient inhales the vapor with the mouth closed. supplies of the Union Armies. This latter factor stood the Confedera tes in good stead almost through midyear of 1 863 because ' of the enormous amount of medical and surgical supplies captured in their many victories. As the Union naval blockade tightened by the close of 1 864, e ffective blockade running ended. 18 Anesthesia Techniques Figure 7. To use the Morton Inhalel; a sponge soaked in ethel' is passed into a two-necked glass globe through the opening. T7ze opening is then stoppered with a cork that has grooves in it to freely admit ail' that vaporizes the ethel: T7ze second opening contains the mouthpiece tube that the patient held between the lips. A rubber-type raised border encircling the tube compresses the outside of the mOllth, helping to exclude atmospheric ail: A one-way valve is present in the upper portion of the mOllthpiece through which the exhaled ail' passes. This is a closed oral system and the nostrils are pinched shut by the anesthetist 01' his assistant. (From B.M. Duncam, The Development of Inhalation Anaesthesia. London, 1947, p. 640) TIle vaporization of ethel' is enhanced due to the fact that the inhaler is held in the hand of the anesthetist with the heat emanating from the palm being sufficient to raise the temperature of the ethel' in the small glass globe. Anesthesia during the Civil War re quired a simple approach to the delivery of therapy because of the minimal avail ability of transportation and the lack of expertise in giving anesthesia by surgeons in the Union and Confederate a rmies. From 1 846 to the outbreak of the Civil War in 1 86 1 , more than 30 masks and inhalers had been developed to deliver chloroform, ether, or a combination of the twO. 19 With the possible exceptions of the occasional use of the Morton Ether Inhaler (fig. 7), and the Chisolm Nasal Inhaler fo r chloro form (fig. 8 ),10 all the anesthetics were de livered by pouring the agent on a hand kerchief, towel, napkin, sponge, lint, or special cone (fig. 9, fig. 1 0 ). Valentine Mott notes that: It is better to employ no special apparatus for inhalation. All that is Cantin lied all Next Page 6 BUllETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Civil War . . . be carried.23 COl/til/ued from Page 5 John Julian Chisolm (fig. 1 2 ) was a distinguished Southern surgeon and a Pro fessor of Surgery at the Medical College of South Carolina at the beginning of the Civil War. Earlier he had visited Europe, studying ophthalmology in Paris with D e smarres and attending lectures by Claude Bernard. Chisolm also observed military medicine in Europe during the wars for Italian unification, vi sting the wounded after the Battle of Solferino. Dr. Chisolm received the first commission given to a medical officer in the Confeder ate States Medical Service in 1 8 6 1 and re alizing the importance of military medi cine textbooks, he wrote and published ''A Manual of Military Surgery for the Use of Surgeons in the Confederate Army."24 Con cerning the administration of chloroform he states that: Figure 9. Staging of an Amputation: TIle patient lies on a wooden table, head on a pillow, with the surgeon examining the leg to be amputated. His assistant has taken a cloth or tmoel and folded it in the shape of a Calle, which is held above, and not pressing on the face. A bulge, which can be seen in the superior segment of the cone, probably represents the inc01poratioll of a small piece of sponge soaked with anesthetic. In the background, one can see an Autenrieth Medicine Wagon, which contained medicines, surgical instruments, and surgical supplies. (Photo courtesy by the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, Otis Archives) needed is a common linen handker chief, on which the liquid is poured. This should be held loosely in the hands of the opera tor, as in the folded condition it might interfere too much with respiration. If aether is used, little attention is paid to quantity-from two to four ounces being commonly required for an adult; and all the caution necessary is not to exhibit it so rapidly as to excite a cough. If chloroform is em ployed, less quantity will be re quired-from one to four drachms being generally sufficient. But care might be taken to dilute the vapor sufficiently with atmospheric air.21 Edward Warren, M.D ., Professor of Ma teria Medica and Therapeutics at the Uni versity of Maryland School of Medicine in Baltimore, returned to the South at the out break of the Civil War. He became Sur geon-General of the State of North Caro lina and was the author of a textbook of surgery.22 Like Valentine Mott, Warren did not believe in the use of inhalers: ply of Atmospheric Air. The best mode of administering chloroform is by means of a cloth folded in the form of a cone, in the apex of which a small piece of sponge is placed. This, impregnated with a drachm of chlo roform, should be held over the mouth and nose, at a distance of a bout two inches, being gradually ap proximated until within one inch of the face beyond which it should not The best apparatus is a folded cloth in the form of a cone, in the apex of which a small piece of sponge is placed. This is first held at some distance from the nose and mouth of the patient so that the first inhala tion may be well diluted with air. As the exhilarating stage is reached this cloth should be approached to the nose so that a more concentrated ether may be inhaled, which will rap idly produce the desired insensibil ity. Ether was found to have a stimulating effect and according to Turnbull one can "show that the primary influence of the drug is to stimulate both vaso-motorcentres and the heart."25 It was also seen to stimu- Figure 10. TIze Hospital on the Battlefield of W illiamsburg. TIlis battle took place on 4-5 May 1862, and there were 1866 Union and 1570 Confederate casualties. TIze hospital" is probably a converted barn or storage shed and a patient is being prepared for amputation of his right leg, below the knee. Anesthesia is being given using a cloth or towel and is probably just beginning since the left fist is clenched and the left extremity still retains its tone since it is elevated. TIze surgeon at the lower left hand of the picture appears to be holding a wound probe in his left hand, while the surgeon next to him is holding an amputation saw. « All the Inhalers which have been invented are objectionable on ac count oftheir inconvenience and the difficulty of obtaining a proper sup- BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY Figure 11. DI: Edward H. Barton, who gave the first anesthetic ethel' in a militmy conflict. late respiration and cause more excitation during its initial use in induction. Chlo roform, on the other hand, was thought to be a depressant, affecting both heart and respiration. There was a p rolonged awak ening from ether and a quicker return to consciousness after chloroform.26 The prob lem of flammability with ether was indeed a problem and Turnbull mentions that: "Dr Squibb has seen fire at a measured dis tance of 15 feet between the source of escap ing vapor and the source of fire."27 In order to attenuate the cardio-respi ratory effects of chloroform and to utilize the stimulatory responses to ether, a mix ture of chloroform and ether was used. The mixture also markedly decreased the flam mability of ether. Lyman mentions that the Committee of the London Medical and Chirurgical Society recommended three different mixtures: Mixture A-Alcohol Chloroform Ether Mixture B-Chloroform Ether Mixture C-Chloroform Ether 1 part 2 parts 3 parts 1 part 4 parts 1 part 2 parts28 Adding to the p roblem of the use of an esthetics was the paradoxical experience of the United States Army in the Mexican American Wa r of 1 846-1 848. The re were conflicting views of the usefulness of anes thetics. To D r. Edward H. B a rton (fig. 1 1 ) goes the honor o f giving the first anesthetic in a military conflict: on 29 March 1 847, he used ether to amputate a leg that was severely injured by the accidental dis charge of a musket.30 Shortly therea fter, B a rton, assisted by D rs. Harney, Parker, and Lamb successfully amputated the leg of a patient under ether who had screamed and suffered intensely when his other leg was amputated e a rlier without. At the Battle of Cerro Gordo, near the town of Xalapa, on 18 April 1 847, about a dozen wounded United States soldiers were given ether for their surgery. Interestingly, a da guerreotype taken about the same time also near Xalapa, appears to show an amputa tion by the Mexican Surgeon-General Pedro Van Derlinden, with the patient anesthe tized.31 U nfortuna tely, Army Surgeon John Porter was not enthusiastic about the use of anesthetics fo r s u rg e ry on gunshot wounds. His initial experience left him to believe that ether can produce uncontrol lable hemo rrhage. He noted: "In gunshot wounds anaesthetic agents are almost uni versally necessary, and a re almost univer sally injurious. It was for this reason that they were entirely given up in the hospital a t Vera C ru z . "32 He a l s o s t a t e d t h a t, ''Anaestheties poison the blood and depress the nervous system; and in consequence, hemorrhage is more apt to occur and union by adhesion is prevented."33 In his remarks against the use of anesthetics, Porter dis cusses the surgical advances gained from the experiences of the C rimean Wa r (1 8531 866), not realizing that chlorofo rm was used by the French and B ritish. The French surgeon, Baudens, reported more than 25,000 operations using chloroform with out a death,34 and the B ritish S u rgeon Macleod described more than 20,000 sur gical procedures under chloroform with but one fatality.35 Porter's reluctance to use anesthesia for surgical procedures also has an important psychosocial background. Pernick points out that it was thought women and chil dren were more susceptible to anesthetics than adult men, which p rovided a safety factor in terms of overdosage.36 The medi cal literature of the mid-century epoch em phasizes this point. Lyman stated that be cause women a re more sensitive to anes thetics, "syncope is less frequently observed among them than among men," indicating that "mortality of the male sex is accord ingly greater than that of the female."37 This intimated that "strong, rigorous men were resistant to the effects of anesthesia; the more manly the more resistant."38 This concept of "manliness" is epito mized by the tale of a wounded Union sol dier who was captured a fter the battle of Gaines Mill on 27 June 1 862, and waited to have h i s a rm a m p u t a t e d . P rivate Winchell asked the surgeon, Dr. White: if he had any chloroform or qui nine or whisky, to which he replied, "No, and I have no time to dilly dally with you." I finally said it was hard, to go ahead and take the arm off. He got hold of my arm, pulled the ban dage off, pushed his thumb through the wound and told me to "Come on," and helping me up we walked to the amputation table where they were Continued all Next Page }[ANU AL MlhlTARY SURGERY, !tultSJlld!\tgo[;tlfoIl50ftlte lUcdio! h1�PJrtn\(nt Another combination contained one part of chloroform and two parts of alco hol, the rationale being that the alcohol would act as a stimulant to the heart and counteract the depressive effect of chloro fo rm. A rep o rt by S u rgeon W m . A. Hammond, U.S.A. [later the Surgeon Gen eral] described a death in which the pa tient was exposed to the combination o f alcohol and chloroform.29 Anesthetics and Warfare CO�FEDER.1.TE .!.RllY " J. JULUX ClIIsor,�l, �I.D, RICH){O:iD, v_�. WF.S'l' ,1; JOHNHTON. 1I� �h'; iT"" 1881. Figure 12. John Julian Chisolm, M.D. , was the first commissioned medical officer in the Confederate States ArIllY, the author of a textbook of militmy surgelY (title page shown above, left), and the inventor of a nasal inhaler for chioroforlll. r t BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Civil War . . . Continued froll! Page 7 taking off the young man's arm near the elbow [no anesthesia was avail able] . He lay there like a man, and when they had finished, Surgeon White asked if I could keep as still as he did, that "He is a soldiel; evelY inch of him. "39 Civil War Medical Organization The outbreak of the Civil War caught the medical service of the Union Army to tally unprepared. Unfortunately, most of the leaders were veterans of the War of 1 8 1 2 . The Medical Bureau Headquarters consisted of a general hospital of 40 beds, and 14 officers. It was headed by an 83year-old dying veteran of the War of 1 8 1 2, Colonel Thomas Lawson, who was ap pointed Surgeon General by dint of his se niority. Lawson passed away in June 1 86 1 and was replaced b y Dr. Clement A. Finley, a Surgeon in his sixties and a veteran of the Mexican and Indian Wars. Dr. Finley was also totally inadequate for the incred ible medical challenge that lay ahead.40 battle investigation, the Sanitary Com mission reported that they could find no record of a single wounded soldier reach ing Wa shington, D . C ., by a mbulance. Many o f the wounded lay on the battle field for days. Although Union medical supplies were abundant, they were not available when needed because of a chaotic medical organization with no plan in place for contingencies. Plagued by his incom petency in organizing the Medical Depart ment, Finley was removed from office. On 25 April 1 8 6 2 , William Alexander Hammond, at the age of 33, was appointed Surgeon-General (fig. 1 3 ). This brilliant, impressive and controversial individual reorganized the Medical Department as an effective tool of medical care, and helped to set standards of professionalism for the huge influx of medical personnel in the expanding Union armed forces .44 The Confederate States Army Medical Corps had similar problems and used the same administrative structure as in the Union Army. Fortunately for the South, they had an equivalent to Hammond in their S urgeon-General S amuel P reston Moore, who had been in the United States Army Medical Service prior to the Civil WarY Clinical Use of Anesthetics Figure 13. William Alexander Hammond, M.D., Surgeon-General, United States Army, 1862-1864 Fortunately, the e s tablishment o f United States S anitary Commission was approved on 13 June 1 86l. The Commis sion was a civilian medical advisory board and consisted of distinguished lay people and physicians. As a quasi-governmental agency it played an important role in help ing to develop a comprehensive medical hospital system on the Union side.41 Tragi cally, on 21 July 1 86 1 , the First of Battle of Bull Run (or First Manassas) occurred, which was a defeat for the Union army and a disaster in terms of medical care.42 On the Union side, about 48 1 were killed, 1 0 1 1 wounded, and 1 2 1 6 missing,43 In a post- Much of our hard data relating to the use of anesthetics during the Civil War came from the landmark publication, the kIedical and Surgical HistOlY of the War of the Rebellion (MSHWR).46 Eighteen years in publication, it consists of two volumes, the Medical History and the Surgical History, with each volume divided into three parts, for a total of more than 6000 pages. The impetus for this magnum opus came from the i d e a o f then S urgeon-General Hammond in 1 862 to publish a medical and surgical history of the Civil War con taining an analysis of all aspects touching on the delivery of medical care in the Union forces. The scope of the MSHWR is far reaching and whenever available included data and cases from the Confederate Medi cal Service as well. When Hammond left the Union service in 1 864, the new Sur geon-General, Joseph R. Barnes, essentially directed its preparation. Important con tributions to this massive work were made by George Alexander Otis, Charles Smart, John Hill Brinton, and D . L . Huntington. Besides containing numerous case stud ies of surgical procedures in which anes thetics were involved, the MSHWR also contained a special ch apter on ''Anesthet ics" in Volume II, Part lIlY Mention is made of at least 80,000 instances where anesthetics were employed. The data were based almost entirely on records from the Union Army since a large portion of the Medical and Hospital records of the Con federate Army in Richmond, Virginia, were destroyed by fire soon after its occupation in 1 86 5 . Reports on the use of anesthesia were limited because, "Time and clerical assistance did not allow of the examina tion of this enormous number of 'cases in detail, and in treating of this subject we must confine our remarks to the number of major operations in which the agents used . were definitely ascertained."48 The figure of 80,000 anesthetics is most interesting since no direct supporting data are presented. We do know, however, that the MSHWR reported a total of 245,790 projectile wounds with 201,962 surviving and that 29,980 amputations were carried out with 20,082 surviving. Accepting it at face value and relying on the monumental work by Livermore49 concerning the losses occurred by both sides in the Civil War, we could note that approximately 320,000 Union troops were reported wounded. This would signify that about one in every four of the wounded received an anesthetic for his injUlY. Extending this one in four ra tio of anesthesia to the 235,000 wounded on the Confederate side,50 one might ex pect that 57,000 troops received anesthe sia, for a Union-Confederate total of l30,000 anesthetics. Evidence that the possible Confederate figure of 57,000 anesthetics may be true can he gathered from hospital and field reports and surgeon's diaries. Hunter Holmes McGuire,s1 the Surgeon to the " Stonewall" (Jackson) Brigade, men tions that chloroform was used more than 28,000 times without a single loss of life attributed to the agent. Similarly the Con federate Surgeon Julian Chisolm (author of ''A Manual of Military Surgery"S2) men tioned that he never had a death from chlo roform in more than 1 0,000 casesY Dur ing the Civil War, more than 1 50 hospitals were used to take care of the Confederate wounded,s4 and it is known that substan tial amount of surgery was carried on, es pecially in the Chimboraz055 (over 1 2,999 beds) and the Winder Hospitals (over 5,000 beds), both in the Richmond, Virginia, area. Another problem in calculating the number of anesthetics delivered relates to multiple surgeries on the same patient. Surgeon B . W. Allen describes many of his c a s e s i n a C o n fe d e r a t e Hospital in C h a rl o t t e sville, Virginia, from 1 8 62 through a portion of 1 864, including daily rounds and therapy given. Some of his patients were operated on many times us ing chloroform as an anesthetic.56 BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY 8,900 CASES AGENT CHLOROFORM ETHER MIXTURE # DEATHS # CASES % 6784 72.2 1305 811 14.7 9.1 37 4 2 % DEATHS 0.54 0.30 0.24 Table 1. Number of anesthetics according to agents and the subsequent mortality. In some cases, patients receiving surgi cal procedures at front line field hospitals were hurriedly evacuated to general hos pitals in the rear with little or no informa tion as to the condition under which sur gery was performed or whether an anes thetic was given. Thus, the figure of 80,000 anesthetics is likely a conservative esti mate. The true number of anesthetics de livered probably amounted to at least 125,000 in the Northern and S o u thern Armies. The MSHWR focused on 8,900 cases in volving "major operations in which agents used were definitely ascertained."5? Chlo roform was used in 6,784 (76.2%), ether in 1,305 (14.7%), and the chloroform-ether mixture in 811 (9. l %). Deaths thought to be due to the anesthetic agents were 37 with chloroform (0.54%), 4 wi th ether (0.30%), and 2 with the n-mixture (0.24%) (Table 1) . An examination of the Carver General Hospi tal (Washington, D . C . ) Surgical Records from 1864 to 1865 in which 498 patients were admi tted, indica ted tha t most patients had their primary procedures performed in field hospitals. The condi tion of the injured at the time of surgery was unknown with many not arriving a t the General Hospital until days or weeks after being wounded. Twenty-one proce dures were carried out at the hospital, sev enteen under sulfuric ether and four un der chloroform; one death occurred in eight hours after ether was given.58 It was also noted tha t 254 cases were reported in the MSHWR in which no an esthetics were given, with no explanation accompanying this finding. The MSHWR speculates that perhaps these surgeons thought tha t " the effects of shot injuries are deleterious, in as much as they add to the depression caused by the shock, and retard union by first intention and predis pose to hemorrhage and pyaemia."59 An other possible explanation is tha t no anes thetic agents were available then. These data indicate the popularity of chloroform in the hands of the field sur geons . It was n o t flamm able; a small amount could be used to produce anesthe sia; i t was pleasant to inhale, and i ts ef fects were very rapid. As mentioned ear lier, sulfuric e ther was generally used in the General Hospitals as can be seen in its use at the Carver Hospital in Washington, D.C. The feelings of the surgeons rela ting to chloroform are epitomized by Dr. F.E . Daniel,60 a Confederate Surgeon who after amputa ting a leg writes: The form is transferred to a cool c o t beneath the shade of a wide spreading tree to cool him and keep off the flies. He rallies from the sleep of the merciful anesthetic. He slept all through the ordeal. A minu te seems not to have elapsed since He wakes to find his leg gone. The MSHWR gives voice to a number of surgeons abou t the anesthetic agents used: in every painful operation, but did not keep the patients under i ts influence longer than was absolutely necessary, withdrawing it as soon as the cutting was complete.61 Surgeon B.B. Breed,62 U . S . v.: Chloroform was almost univer sally employed as an anaesthetic, and without bad effect in any case. When ever practicable, I employed ether in preference to chloroform, preferring, both from personal experience and observation the delay and discom fort in its administration to the pos sible danger from the use of the lat ter. On the field of ba ttle, however, chloro form is safe and preferable agent. At the Ba ttle of Belmont, Missouri, in 1861, Surgeon John H. Brinton,64 U . S . v., reported 48 surgical procedures and: In all of these operations anaes- 9 the s i a w a s p reviously induced. Wa shed sulphuric e ther was the agent generally employed, and in no case was any untoward result ob served. Considering the terrible battlefield con ditions tha t surrounded field care in the Civil War, the anesthetic mortality was quite low. It is important to remember that the majority of operations involved am puta tions, which in general was a very quick procedure. Of interest is that the Chapter on Anaesthetics65 abstrac ted the 37 chloroform, 4 ether, and the 2 dea ths from the combination of e ther and chloro form. An analysis of the 37 chloro form deaths using modern anesthetic criteria in dicates: Probable anesthetic overdose Insufficient data Hypovolemic and/or septic shock Respiratory obstruction Vomiting Late death 21 9 3 2 1 1 In the four cases where death occurred involving e ther important contributing factors were: Hemorrhage and septic shock (4). In the two deaths from the mixture of chloroform and e ther: Probable anesthetic overdose (1); Hemorrhagic shock (1). If the analysis noted above is correct, it would probably reduce the number o f dea ths due to chloroform by three since hypovolemic and or septic shock in itself is lethal. The same holds for all 4 cases where ether was used and in the one case where the mixture was involved. Case 1277 as reported in the chapter on Anesthetics is important,66 since i t indi cates use of resuscitative efforts (Marshall Hall's method of artificial respiration) af ter a patient apparently had a cardiac ar rest during an e ther anesthetic. It also il lustrates the experience of a single surgeon in anesthetizing a large number of pa tients-again indicating tha t the figure of 80,000 anesthetics given in the Civil War is conservative: Case 1277 .-Priva te S. R. Green, C o . A, 5 th New H ampshire, was wounded in the leg a t Gettysburg, July 2,1863, by a minie ball, which fractured the tibia and fibula. Am putation at the middle third o f the leg was ten or fifteen minute s of Marshall Hall's ready method he was restored and the operation was proceeded with. The cause was eviCantil/lied all Next Page 10 BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY ���� Civil War . . . Colltillued from Page 9 Staternent oj .Fi"e Hundred and Nind� QzSeJI 01 tM Empl,oyrMnt oj .A�, Mowing Quantitia wed, 7i1M to induce A�, and Period during which it maintained. A:lJJIIIITll.BTlO ACJDT8 EIO'LOno. � r Qu�V.... I 8mall � QuAD'" I I CbloC"O'fotm ............................... '" .. .. .. 161 Chlot'OtOf'fllllM Ethw ........... lOS :B'tl:lc ..... , , .. .... .......... '" .. .. .. ... . ........... . I I I 1321 �e QUaJlt.. � �TDaoW A;venge QuAnt.. � .l>nwAm.. � t " u 1 1110 D2 W &1 " was ""'... .......,., 8bortea' TIme. LoD� A� '1'1Die. TIme. J( � � Jan"'", ' l b--..-... LoDput A� Sborteet Time. �_ TInIe. M &wtu. JRmdu. lC� • 81)- • 1 UItI U 1. eo 1'1 1 � 28 1 Ii 18 1 m ". Table 2, From the MSHWR, Chapter 13, &atement ahotoing tM Fre<J.'IUMy oj Vomiting, &cilement, and Proal.ralMm in � Hundred and Nindy ,even CuM oj .A� I Vowmo. A.N'BSTDTIO A.GENT EVPLOYEO. CblO1'Oform .......... .. ........................ ...... � .............. .... .... .. .. .... "..................... ..... Chloroform and Ether ................................. , ............... ............ .. ...... Ether ......................................................................... Table 3, From the MSHWR, Chapter 13, dently inattention on the part of the administrator," The patient subse quently died at the Seminary Hos p i t a l at Ge ttysburg on July 3 0 , 1 8 6 3 ,67 A remarkable outcome study also ap pears in Chapter 13 of the MSHWR in which Circular Orders I and 2 from the Surgeon General's Office (1 876 and 1 878) attempts to delineate important aspects relating to the delivery of an anesthetic, The factors include the: "nature of the an esthetic; the quantity used in maintaining anesthesia, the time required to include complete insensibility the time the anes thetic influence was maintained; the mode of administration, and whether vomiting, excitement, or great prostration was ob served during or after the administration," The study comprised 597 patients, Chlo roform was used in 1 5 8 patients, ether in 332, and chloroform-ether in 1 0 8 , Three deaths were reported, one for each of the .. fa fA � ! 151 114 so �i 'lG u 23( a I bazwur. J .. ! i I , d A I--- 9 12 � m 4A of. i I-- us t3 '1 611 U 10 e 05 u 16 m 85 81 14. m H 8 I PII()dITUTlOlr. u � 10 2 11 ---_ .. agents used,68 Table 2 delineates the quantity of an esthetics used, the time to induce anesthe sia and the duration of anesthesia, Table 3 observes some of the side effects of anes thetics including vomiting, excitement and prostration, In Table 2, average (mean) quantities and times are used, Briefly, the data show that c hloroform was a more potent anesthetic than ether, with a smaller volume used and a much quicker induction of anesthesia, Vomiting appeared to be slightly more frequent with ether, excitement less prevalent with chlo roform, and prostration least with ether, The rapid action of chloroform in produc ing anesthesia and the fact that a small dose can be used to achieve an anesthetic effect was important to the Civil War field surgeon, especially when large numbers of casualties flooded the field hospitals, In discussing the use of anesthetics dur ing the Civil War, it is only just to relate the Civil War battlefield j ourneys of the great pioneer of ether anesthesia, William Thomas Green Morton, During the period time in which the Battles of the Wilder ness and Spotsylvania Courthouse were fought (4-1 9 May 1 864), Morton received permission from both the Surgeon General and General Grant to work in the field as well as at the general hospitals, His tal ents were greatly needed since the Battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court house produced more than 34,000 Union and 1 7,500 Confederate casualties, Morton states that: On S aturday mornng, May 14, 1 was awakened by the booming of can non and learned that the enemy were endeavoring to regain their lost po sition"" On the arrival of a train of ambulances at a field hospital the wounds were hastily examined, and those who could bear the j ourney were sent at once to Fredericksburg, The nature of the operations to be II BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY S urgeon Hunter Holmes McGuire (fig. 14), the Brigade Medical Director, and a close fri e n d of G e n e r a l J a c k s o n . Dr. McGuire relates that: Figure 14. Hunter Holmes McGuire, M.D., was the Surgeon-ill-Chief of the famolls "Stonewall" Brigade of the Confederate States Army. performed on the others was then decided on and noted on a bit of pa per pinned to the pillow or blanket under each patient's head. When this had been done, I prepared the pa tients for the knife, producing pelfect anesthesia in an average time of 3 min utes [italics added], and the opera tors followed, performing operations with dexterous skill, while the dress ers in their turn bound up the stumps. It is surprising to see with what dexterity and rapidity surgi cal opera tions were performed by scores in the same time really taken up with one case in peaceful regions. When I had finished my professional duties at one hospital, I would ride to another, first arranging at what hour I would next return.69 There is a clue as to the number of pa tients Morton anesthetized when he states: How little did I think, however, when originally experimenting with the properties of sulfuric ether on my own person, that I should ever successfully administer it to hun dreds in one day, and thus prevent an amount of agony fearful to con template. The merciful relief of pain that accom panies an anesthetic was best expressed by the famous Confederate Army General, Thom as J. "Stonewall" Jackson, after be ing wounded during The B a ttle of Chancellorsville on 2 May 1 863, about 9:00 PM. General Jackson had his left arm am putated two inches below the shoulder by At two o'clock Sunday morning, Surgeons Black, Walls and Coleman being present, I informed him that chloroform would be given him, and his wounds examined. I told him that amputation would probably be required, and asked if it was found necessary, whether it should be done at once. He replied promptly, "Yes, certainly; Doctor McGuire, do for me whatever you think best." Chloro form was then administered, and as he began to feel its effects, and its relief to the pain he was suffering, he exclaimed, "What an infinite blessing," and continued to repeat the work "blessing," until he became insensible.70 References 1. T.E. Keys, The HistDl)' of Surgical Anesthesia (Huntington: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Company, 1978) p. 193. 2. C.\V, Long, ''An Account of the First Use of Sulphuric Ether by Inhalation as an Anesthetic in Surgical Operations," Southel'll lvIedical and Sur gical Jou/'llal 5(1 849) :705-713. 3. H.J. Bigelow, "Insensibility during Surgical Operations Produced by Inhalation," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 35(1 846) :309-317. J.C. Warren, "Inhalation of Ethereal Vapor for the Pre vention of Pain in Surgical Operations,". Boston Medi cal and Surgical Joul'llal 3 5 (1 846):375-379. W.T. G . Morton, Remarks on the Proper Mode ofAdministering Sulphuric Ether by Inhalation (Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, Printers, 1 847), p. 44. 4. R.H. Ellis, "The Introduction of Ether Anesthesia to G r e a t B ri t a i n," A naesthesia 3 1 (1 967):766-767. ''Anesthesia Centennial Numbel;" Journal of the HistDl), ofkIedicine and Allied Sciences 1, October (1 946):505-710. J.A. Robinson, 1}eatise on the Inhalation of the lilpour of EthelJor the Pre'vention ofPain in Surgical Operations; Containing A Numerous Collection of Cases in which -it has been applied ... etc, etc., (London: Webster and Co., 1 847), p. 63. 5. J . Y. Simpson, "On the Inhalation of Sulphuric Ether i n the Practice of Midwifery," Edinbu rgh Monthly Jou/'llal of Medical Sciences 3 (1 847) : 7 2 1 -732. 6. D.W. Buxton, Anaesthetics: Their Use alld Administration (London: H.K. Lewis, 1 892), p. 222. \v'H. Archer, "The History of Anesthe7. sia," Proceedings, Dental Centenary Celebration, March 1940, p. 333-363. 8. Keys, TIle HistDl), of Surgical Anesthesia (n. l ) . J.R. Powling, DI: Samuel Guthrie, Diswverer of Chloroform (\'V'atertown: Brewster Press, 1 947), p. 123. 9. M.J.P. Flourens, "Note touch ant l'action de I'ether sur les centers nerveux," Academie des Sciences (Paris) 24(1 847):340-344. Keys, TIle HistDl)' of Surgical Anesthesia 10. (n.l). B.M. Duncum, The Development of Inhalation Anaesthesia. with Special Reference to the 1�ars 18461 900 (London: Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 640. 11. J.Y. Simpson, Remarks on the Superinduction of Anaesthesia in Natural and Morbin Parturition: With Cases fllustrative of the Use and Effects of Chloro form in Obstetric Practice. With an Appendix (\'V'illiam B . Little and Co., Chemists and Druggists, 104 Hanover, Corner of Salem St, 1848), p. 48. 12. T.M. Meggison, "Death Produced by Chloroform," London Medical Gazette 6(1 848):255256. 13. J. S now, On Chloroform and Other Anaesthetics; TIleir Action and Administration (Lon don: John Churchill, 1 858), p. 443. 1 4. V. Mott, "Pain and Anaesthetics: An Essay Introductory to A Series of Surgical and Medical Monographs," in Milital), Medical and Surgical Es says. Prepared for the U.S. Sanital), Commission, ed ited by William A. Hammond, M.D. (N.Y. : J . B . Lippincott and Co., 1 864), p. 5 5 2 . 15. TIle Medical and Surgical HistDl), of the lfilr of the Rebellion, Prepared under the Direction of Joseph K. Barnes, Surgeon General United States Army, by George A Otis, S urgeon, United States Army, and D.L. Huntington, Surgeon, United States Army (Surgical Volume, 3 parts); J.J. Woodward, Surgeon, United States Army and Charles Smart, Surgeon, United States Army (Medical Volume, 3 parts), Second Issue (Washington, D.C.: Govern ment Printing Office, 1883). 16. N.H. Franke, Pharmaceutical Conditions and Drug Supply in the Confederacy (Contributions from the History of Pharmacy Department of the School of Pharmacy, University of Wisconsin . . . No. 3) (Madison: American Institute of History of the Pharmacy, 1955), p. 48. 17. J.J. Chisolm, A Manual of Milital)' Sur- gel)' for the Use of Surgeolls in the Confederate Army; with an Appendix of the Rules and Regulations of the Medical Department of the Confederate Army (Rich mond: West a n d Johnson, 1 8 6 1 ) , p. 447. W.C . Worthington, Jr., "Confederates, Chloroform and Cataracts: Julian John Chisolm (1830-1903)," So. Med. J. 79(1 986):748-752. 18. Franke, Pharmaceutical Conditions and Dntg Supply in the Confederacy (n. 16). 19. B.M. Duncum, TIle Development of Inha- lation Anaesthesia. with Special Reference to the �ars 1846-1 900 (London: Oxford University Press, 1 947) p. 640. 20. Medical and Surgical HistDl), of the 1%1' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5); RT. Hambrecht, M. Rode, A Hawk, "Dr. Chisolm's Inhaler: A rare confederate invention," J. South Carolina Med. Assoc. 44(1991):277-580. Mott, "Pain and Anaesthetics" (n. 14). 21. 22. E. Warren, An Epitome of Practical SlilC gel)' for Field and Hospital (Richmond: West and Johnson, 1 863), p. 401 . 23. Warren, All Epitome of Practical Surgel), for Field and Hospital (n. 22). 24. Chisolm, A Manual of Milita/)' Surgel), (n. 17). ' 25. L. Turnbull, Artfficial Anesthesia (Philadelphia: Blakeston and Co., 1 878), p. 550. 26. Turnbull, Artificial Anesthesia (n. 25). 27. H.H. Cunningham, Field Medical Ser vices at the Battles ofManassas (Bull Run), Uriiversity of Georgia Monographs, No. 16 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1968), p. 1 1 6 . 28. H . M . Lyman, Artificial Anesthesia alld Anaesthetics (New York: William Wood and Com pany, 1 88 1), p. 33. 29. \v'A. Hammond, "Death from Inhaling a Mixture of Chloroform and Alcohol, Alii. J. ivIed. Sci. 2 5 ( 1 858):4 1 . 30. J.A. Aldrete, G.A. Marron, A.J. Wright, "The First Administration of Anesthesia in Military Surgery. On Occasion of the Mexican-American War," Anesthesiology 6 1 (1984):585-588. 31. AJ . Aldrete, "Contribuciones hispanoamericanos a la anestesiologia," Medeco Interamericano 16(1997):396-404. R Fernandez del Castillo, "Cuando y pOI' Quien se aplico pOI' primera vez en Mexico la anesthesia pol' inhalacion?" Gaceta lvIedica de Mexico 78(1 954):265-278. 32. John B . Porter, "Medical and Surgical Continued 0/1 Page 26 12 BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY ������ MedNuggets by Fred J. Spielman, M.D. Department ofAnesthesiology, University ofNorth Carolina Probably no other field of medical practice has been as neglected in yea r's past-even today probably no other field of medical practice is less well understood. This lack of unde rstanding of the importance of a n e s t h e s iology may be s u ffi cie ntly widespread that it can constitute a serious hazard to the advancement of the specialty. -Editorial Anesthesiology, 7:668, 1 946 The time upon the operating table has always been a dramatic hour, with the surgeon and the patient taking the leading roles and the instrument nurse and the anaesthetist granted more or less minor parts. -Ralph T. Knight Canadian MedicalAssociationJou1'llal 5 5 :562, 1 946 The introduction and development of surgical anesthesia has been, next to the printing p ress, man's greatest contribution to the welfare of man. -John B . Dillon JAMA 1 90 : 1 23, 1 964 It is a self-evident fact that anaesthetists united in one l a rge, virile body can do much to advance the science and p ractice of anaesthesia, and it behoves those of us who a re alive to the possibilities of unity to give the matter attention and thought. -Editorial British Journal ofAnaesthesia 1 :3, 1 923 The day has passed when it can be said that one or two anesthetic procedures will cover all cases. The development of special surgical technics not only necessitates the development of s p e c i a l anesthetic techniques but depends on t h e i r de velopment. -John B. Dillion Joumal of theAmerican Medical Association 1 33:829, 1 947 It is not enough that good anesthesia can be given and that it is given to a fortunate few. What is of real importance is that all anesthesia shall be the best that modern knowledge affords. And this desirable end can b e reached only when the public recognizes the need and the importance of good anesthe s i a . It is only with such recognition and with such understanding that the anesthetist will receive that public rega rd and p ublic support which a re essential to the fullest development of his calling. -Howard W. Haggard Anesthesiology 1 : 1, 1 940 It now appears possible for an anesthetist to be sued successfully for damages if he carries out some act at the request of the s u rgeon which is followed by s e rious complications, such as the application of an Esmarch bandage or tying up a patient's a rm in a c e rtain p o s ition, or the maintenance of a steep trendelenburg slope for a considerable time. -Editorial Anaesthesia 7:3, 1952 No d e p a rtment of s u rg e ry h a s shown g re a tel' development than t h a t of anesthesia; on the other hand, in perhaps no other department of medicine has there been greater diversity of opinion regarding methods. -George W. Crile AmericanJoumal of SurgelY 1 4:288, 193 1 But to our country and century is the world indebted for the discovery and application of anaesthetics for the purpose of rendering p e rsons i n s e nsible u n d e r s u rg i c a l operations. If Ame rica h a d contributed nothing more than this to the stock of human happiness, the world would owe her an everlasting debt of gratitude. -J .G. Johnson Bulletin of the Medico-Legal Society of New York 4:3, 1 8 8 1 An anesthesia service i s of use outside the operating room. The evaluation of the anesthetic risk involved in the patient, the use of depressant drugs for the nonsurgical relief of pain, the employment of anesthesia block to aid in diagnosis as well as in therapy, and the supervision of oxygen therapy all fall within the province of a department of anesthesia. -Erwin R. Schmidt SurgelY 6 : 1 77, 1 939 It is the right of the physician or medical anesthetist, not that of the nurse, to select the anesthetic and insist on his own choice of p reoperative sedation and opiate. In the Continued 011 75th Anniversary of Academic Anesthesia The Anesthesia History Association will meet on June 1 0- 1 3, 2002, in Madison, Wisconsin, to celebrate the 7yh Anniversary of Ralph Waters' arrival on the Faculty of Medicine, University of Wisconsin. Interested individuals please contact: Lucien E. Morris, M.D. 1 5 670 Point Monroe • Bainbridge Island, WA 98 1 10 Phone: 206/842-8089 • Fax: 206/842-3521 page 2 7 From the Literature by A .J. Wright, M.L.S. Department ofAnesthesiology Librmy, University ofAlabama at Birmingham Note: In general, I have not examined articles that do not include a notation for the number of references, illustrations, etc. I do examine most books and book chapters. Books can be listed in this column more than once as new reviews appeal: Older articles are included as I work through a large backlog of materials. Some list ings are not directly related to anesthesia, pain or critical care but concern individuals impor tant in the histOlY of the specialty [i. e. , Harvey Cushing]. Non-English articles are so indicated. Columns for the past several years are avail able in the 'Ylnesthesia HistOlY Files" at http:/ /www.anes.uab.edu/aneshist/aneshist.htm as "Recent Articles all Anesthesia HistOlY. " esthesia. Allaesth Imens Care 29:3, 2001 [Cover note. 1 illus., 5 refs.] Caton D. \fIhat a Blessing She Had Chloro Mullins RJ. A historical perspective of trauma Brody H, Rip MR, Vinten-Johansen P, Paneth system development in the United States. J N, Rachman S. Map-making and myth-making ll'auma Inj Infect Crit Care 4 7(3 suppl):s8-s14, in Broad Street: the London cholera epidemic, September 1999 [41 refs.] 1854. Lancet 356 :64-68, 2000 [3 illus., 22 refs.] Nicholas G. DePiero, M.D., 1915-2000. ASA Calmes SH. World War II anesthesia and sur Newsletter 65(2):37, February 2001 [obituary; I gery: Bataan and Corregidor. CSA [California So portrait] ciety ofAnesthesiologists} Bulletin 4 9 (1):24-28, Janu ary-February 2000 [3 illus., 5 refs.] thing new [oral airway]. Anesthesiology 92:913- Caine R. The fllllstrated His!OIY ofSu rgelY. 2nd ed. Fitzroy Dearborn, 2001 [includes material on early anesthetics] Clark RB, Cleland JE. John G.P. Cleland: Anesth 10:55-57, 2001 [2 illus., 9 refs.] Anesthesia Company [http:// www.uwm.edu/People/foreggerl] Can J Anesth 4 8:99-100, 2001 form: The Medical alld Social Respol/Se to the Pain of Drury PME. Published anaesthesia history. Childbirth from 1 800 to the Present. New Haven: Cu rl' Anaesth Crit Care 11 :338-343, 2000 [38 Yale University Press, 1999 [Rev. Giesecke AH. refs.] Anesthesiology 94 :548-549, 2001] 918, 2000 [Correspondence. 11 illus., 24 refs.] Roy RC. Insights into the American Board of Am J Anesthesiol 27(1):41-4 4 , January-February 2000 [4 refs.] Royster RL. An exemplary man and career. Doyle DJ. New media: web page review: Death An Rendell-Baker L. From something old some Anesthesiology from its booklets of information. discoverer of pain pathways in labor. lilt J Obstet of Books 2001 [1 portrait] Gochenour P. Franz Anton Mesmer; 1 733- [profile of Francis M. James, III, MD] Am J Anesthesiol 27(1):25, January-February 2000 Still A, Harvey AM. Resident section: from vision to success. ASRA Newsletter February 2001, pp 2-3 Teitelbaum GP. A brief history of angiogra phy and endovascular therapy. Sem Anesth Pe riop Med Pain 19:237-240, 2000 [4 0 refs.] Fink BR, McGoldrick KE, eds. Careers in An 1815; Swiss physician. In: Schlager N, ed. Science Thoman CJ. Sir Humphry Davy and Fran esthesiology: Two Posthumous lYlemoirs. Park Ridge, and Its Times: Understanding the Social Significance kenstein. J Chelll Ed 75:495-496, 1998 [13 refs.] Ill.: Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology, of Scientific DiscovelY. Volume 4 , 1700-1799. De 2000 [rev. Cass N. Allaesth lIltellS Care 28:71 2, 2000] troi t: Gale, 2000, pp 1 71-172 Gochenour P. Mesmerism: a theory of the soul. Toski JA, Bacon DR, Calverley RK. The his tory of anesthesiology. In: Barash PG, et ai, eds. Clinical Anesthesia. 4 th ed. Philadelphia: Fullmer JZ. Thung HumplllY Davy: The Mak In: Schlage r N, ed. Science and Its Times: Unde r Lippincott W illiams & W ilkins, 2001, pp 3-24. ing of All Experimental Scientist. Philadelphia: standing the Social Significance of Scientific Discov [8 illus., 83 refs.] American Philosophical Society, 2000. ely. Volume 4 , 1 700-1799. Detroit: Gale, 2000, Lett Z, Joy-Wah RL, eds. Anaesthesia alld In pp 1 23-125 [3 refs.] W idman B, Lisander B. Bertil Lofstrom: 30.6.1922-23.9.2000. Acta Anaesth Scand 45:138- tensive Care in Hong Kong: Evolution and Present Goerig M, Agarwal K, Schulte am Esch J. The Position . Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong versatile August Bier (1861-1949), father of spi Wright AJ. Laughing gas in 1799. In: Schlager Centre of Asian Studies, 1997 [Rev. Alexander nal anesthesia.J Clin Anesth 1 2:561-569, 2000 [9 N, ed. Science alld Its Times: Unde rstanding the JP. E u r J Anaesthesiol 18:127, 2001] illus., 43 refs.] Social Significance ofScientific DiscovelY. Volume 4 , 1700-1799. Detroit: Gale, 2000, p 1 4 5 Livingston W K. Pain and Suffering. IASP Press, 1998. [Rev. Long DM. Bull Hist Med 73:736- Greene NM. Laureates of the History of An esthesia, 2000. Slirv Anesthesiol 45:67, 2001 139, 2001 [obituary; 1 portrait] Wright AJ. James Watt; 1 736-1819; Scottish 737, 1999; Stewart J. Call J Anaesth 47:604-605, 2000] Hamilton RC. Sir Harold Ridley, MD, FRCS, inventor and scientific instrument maker. In: FRS; inventor of the intraocular lens implant. Schlagel' N, ed. Science and Its Times: Understand Reves JG, Greene NM. Anesthesiology and the Cu rl' Anaesth Crit Care 11:314-319, 2000 [8 illus., ing the Social Significance of Scientific DiscovelY . 13 refs.] Volume 4 , 1 700-1 799. Detroit: Gale, 2000, pp Academic Medical Center: Place and Promise at the Sta r t of the New Millenn iu m . Philadelphia: Hanson CW III, Marshall BE. Artificial intel Lippincott W illiams and W ilkins, 2000 [lil t ligence applications in the intensive care unit. Zuck D . Snow, Empson and the Barkers o f Anesthesiol Clin Volume 38, number 2, spring 2000; Crit Care Med 29:4 27-435, 2001 [Reviews his Bath. Anaesthesia 56:227-230, 2001 [ 3 illus., 8 rev. Friedman R, Krasnor L J , Allesth Analg 91 :1566, 2000] tory and current applications. 6 illus., 2 tables, 54 refs.] refs.] Articles and Book Chapters War. Plz a r m Hist 4 2: 6 7-86, 2000 [9 illus., 178 AHA David M. Little Prize. Am J Anesthesiol 28: 31, January/February 2001 Albin MS. The use of anesthetics during the Civil War, 1861-1865. Pharm His! 4 2: 99-114 , 2000 [14 illus., 3 tables, 70 refs.] Bacon DR. August Bier's legacy: more than just a pioneer in regional anesthesia?J Clin Anes!h 12:501-502, 2000. [editorial; 5 refs.] Ball C, Westhorpe R. Modern developments Hasegawa GR. Pharmacy in the American Civil refs., 2 appendices] In memoriam: Albert M. Betcher, M.D. NYSSA [New Thrk State Society ofAnesthesiologists} Splzere 51 (4):24-25, October-December 1999 [1 portrait] Kean C. Gertie Mark called the "mother of obstetric anesthesia." Anesthesiology News 27(1):1, 4 8-49, JanualY 2001 [1 illus., 1 table] Mackenzie IMJ. The haemodynamics of hu plastic cannulas and the Court butterfly needle. Anaesth Imens Care 28:603, 2000 [Cover note. I illus., 3 refs.] man septic shock. Anaesthesia 56:130-1 4 4 , 2001 Ball C, Westhorpe R. Early intravenous ana- Fink, M.D. (1914 -2000). SIIl'V Anesthesiol 45:1-2, [2 illus., 1 table, 164 refs.] McGoldrick KE. In memoriam: B. Raymond 4 3 7-4 3 8 -r :$. Yi' 14 BULLETIN O F ANESTHESIA HISTORY ���� Nineteenth-Century Medical Landscapes : John H. Rauch, Frederick Law Olmsted, and the Search for Salubrity by Bonj Szczygiel and Robert Hewitt* Department ofLandscape Architecture, The Pennsylvania State University A fascinating period of urban design de veloped during the nineteenth century in America. Its course was relatively short lived, but its underlying ideas pervaded the American mind-set and influenced the built environment through the development of what could be called a salubrious urban land scape. This new landscape was in large part the result of medical theories advocating ei ther the elimination or the accentuation of natural and built environments, based on their disease and health potentials. Those medical theories postulated that disease laden air-often called miasma or malaria was produced by particular landforms, cli mates, animal waste, and vegetable decom position, and was the source of epidemic dis ease.1 The impact of the miasmatic theOlY on the landscape in the United States was felt most fully from the l 840s into the l 880s-at which time it was largely discredited by the medical profession, although it continued to be embraced by sanitarians and lay persons well into the l 890s.2 During this period the medical community had greater influence on the physical shape of the city than at any other time in America's history. The impact of this health/environment dualism was ex tensive and has resulted in contemporary examinations by many historians regarding its social, economic, political and architec tural consequences.3 A brief list of some of the topics investigated includes the public health movement, the establishment of ur ban sanitalY infrastructure and street im provement, the development of antiurban sentiment in the reform movement, the cre ation and modification o f new building types, the rise of suburban development, and the rural cemetelY and urban park move ments.4 Despite these numerous investiga tions, limited attention has been paid to the interpretation and application of specific medical theOlY as applied to the design of cities.s The purpose of this paper is to docu ment that correlation through an examina tion of the shared vocabularies of place and *Szczygiel, Bonj and Robert Hewitt. Nine teenth-Century Medical Landscapes: John H. Rauch, Frederick Law Olmsted, and the Search for Salubrity. Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74:4(2000), 708-734. © The Johns Hopkins Uni versity Press. Reprinted with the permission of the Johns Hopkins University Press. environmental characteristics developed by nineteenth-century physicians and urban designers. We suggest that this shared vo cabulary was a result of several factors: the ascendance of environmentally based theo ries in nineteenth-century etiologic thought and the broad acceptance of miasma theories by American physicians; the ensuing inter pretation and incorporation of those envi ronmental characteristics within designs proposed by physicians and urban design ers; and the subsequent general public ac ceptance and di ffusion of ideas about environment's link to health and disease. We will focus first on nineteenth-century American theoretical responses-especially the importance of environment-based theo ries at mid-century-and the role of medical topographies, the U.S. Sanitary Commission, and sanitary reform in the popularization of those theories. We will then examine the writings and ideas of two prominent citizens, John Henry Rauch and Frederick Law Olmsted, to determine how medical theOlY influenced built form. Chicago physician Rauch was a staunch proponent of mias matic theory and a national leader in the public health movement. His medical re ports and environmental analyses of Chi cago resulted in specific urban interventions that ultimately a ffected that city's form. Olmsted, the preeminent landscape archi tect of his centUlY, helped to develop a de sign vocabulary that incorporated miasma theories and shaped urban morphology. The representative roles of physician as observer, theoretician, and advocate of environmental change, and of landscape architect as inter preter, advocate, and implementer of medi cal theory, are not unique to Rauch and Olmsted. While the identification of a shared vocabulary is significant in establishing the critical linkage between medical theOlY and its cross-disciplinary application, the par ticular significance of our study is the scope of the theOlY's subsequent effect on urban landscapes widely accepted then, and now, as the uniquely American urban condition. Miasmatic Definitions and Influence on American Medicine Inspiration for the miasma-based etiol ogy was originally provided by the Hippo cratic treatise Airs, Waters, Places. This trea tise, in its many interpretations, influenced Western Europe over the centuries, until mid nineteenth-century experiments directed medical attention toward a germ etiology.6 The Hippocratic environmental inquiry was also utilized in eighteenth- and nineteenth century America. To understand its develop ment in America, medical historiography of nineteenth-century Britain offers valuable insight regarding miasma's ascendance and evolution into an adaptable, and therefore credible, theory. Indeed, John Harley Warner suggests that American physicians paid par ticular attention to medical trends in Brit ain during this time because of the similari ties they found there to American medical practices. American physicians, he explains, "looked to Britain not so much for a source of therapeutic change as for a voice to second their own therapeutic positions."? Therefore a brief look at British etiologic thought re garding the role of miasma is warranted. Of particular interest is Christopher Hamlin's recent exploration of the complex dynamic of nineteenth-century British medi cal dialectics and etiologic stance. Hamlin presents an alternative framework to the tra ditional contagionists vs. anticontagionists discussion by suggesting that the medical dialogue was actually about "predisposing" causes-elements that act upon the patient to weaken disease resistance-and "exciting" causes, which have a direct or immediate ef fect on an individual's health. He describes the development of the British public health movement as a shift away from a wholistic, socially based understandirtg of disease (predispositionists) toward the Chadwickian concept of public health that focused upon an environment-based, miasmatic impera tive as a single exciting cause. To Hamlin, it was this dismissal of predisposing factors that led to an "absurd Chadwickian ortho doxy."8 He also describes an important de velopment in the miasmatic argument that helps to explain its presence in public health policy-namely, Southwood Smith's recon stitution of the definition and function of the exciting cause (exposure to miasma) into a predisposing role as well, capturing both arguments in one. It was that transforma tion which "effectively emasculated the con cept of predisposition by enormously expand ing the importance of an hypothetical mor bid poison."9 By allowing exposure to mi asma to play the role of predisposing the t victim to disease, the argument became much more adaptable to the many manifestations of illness and helped to explain the degree to which certain individuals were more suscep tible than others. An example ofthe liberating effect of such an etiologic modification can be seen in an 1 851 report by an American almshouse phy sician, Thomas Hepburn Buckler, on a chol era outbreak that had occurred at his insti tution, near Baltimore. He described deadly miasmatic exhalations emanating from over flowing privies and decomposing animals as predisposing the residents to the disease. The same "morbid poison" was also respon sible for diminishing their chances for re covelY. While he carefully avoided drawing a conclusion on the cause of the outbreak, referring to it as an "indigenous disease" of "spontaneous origin" in the unhealthful en vironment surrounding the almshouse, he did venture to suggest that "the disease de pended on some wide spread influence, which required in every instance the operation of miasmatic or malarious exhalations to bring it into action. It is only at the cross-roads of the general and local cause ... that the disease was found."l0 The concept of predisposition is subsumed within the miasmatic etiology asutilized by Buckler. His description is in step with Southwood Smith's mid-1830s con tribution to the growing miasma-based pub lic health policy in Britain. Buckler, as had Smith, suggested that the exciting cause (the miasmic gas) by its very presence acted as a predisposing element, serving first to weaken the physical constitution and then to bring the disease into action. Buckler clearly saw the impact of miasmatic exposure over time, for he described a pattern in which medical students "florid with health" would soon become sickly, pale, and dull from exposure to the almshouse.ll During the cholera outbreak it was determined that "the malaria acting probably as the strong predisposing cause of ill health, exerted its influence by depressing the ner vous system and lowering vitality. . . Thus predisposed, the inma tes were rendered not only more susceptible to the . . . morbid poi sons, or to the action of any other exciting causes of disease; but. . . their chances of recovery were greatly diminished."12 With this dual function, miasma could be considered a plausible explanation for the seeming vagaries of disease-which does much to explain its presence in medical theolY and its eventual adoption in public health policy. But this alone does not sufficiently explain the overwhelming acceptance of environ ment-based etiology byAmerican physicians. It would take a perceived crisis within the profession to complete the transformation. Warner's work regarding the principle of specificity charts the tumultuous waters of the medical profession in the early to mid nineteenth centmy as it attempted to rede fine its role in society. This was a period in which the profession became solidly aligned with an environmental imperative and an empiricist approach. In 17ze T71erapeutic Perspective, Warner describes the change in the American medi cal profession's epistemologic approach, be ginning in the second quarter of the nine teenth centmy, as "among the most impor tant and revealing transformations of medi cal therapeutics in nineteenth-century America."13 Citing the level of "desperation" felt within a profession that believed itself to be in decline, he documents the critical shift from rationalistic systems and aggressive treatment--epitomized by the teachings and practice of Benjamin Rush-to a reliance on medical theory that embraced the principle of specificity, defined by Warner as an "indi vidualized match between medical therapy and the specific characteristics of a particu lar patient and of the social and physical environments."14 From the 1820s to the 1850s the principle of specificity-and the envi ronmental empiricism it heralded-had come to represent the American medical profession's quest for professional unity and public approbation, both of which had seri ously deteriorated in the first part of the cen tury. Specificity required making observa tions both at the bedside and in the locale: ''As long as specificity rather than universal ism reigned, much of the wisdom valued by the profession was necessarily tied to the place where it was generated and used: it was in essence local knowledge."15 A great deal of effort therefore went into meteorologic and landform observations and the documenta tion of disease in a given area, which in turn were analyzed with a keen eye to etiologic indications. Miasmatic theOlY was comfort ably in step with this new intellectual direc tion taken by the medical profession.16 The constant pressure for urban growth, the at tendant threat of epidemic disease, and the accepted principle of specificity with its awareness of place and climate suggest an intellectual climate that supported mias matic explanations among American medi cal professionals. With the ascendance of miasmatic theory, and the expanding scope of environmental inquilY, an attendant shift in landscape perception followed. Natural istic and man-made landscape and urban conditions were seen increasingly in terms of their benign and pathogenic characteris tics. Dissemination of miasmatic theories among the medical profession occurred through medical journals, physicians' re ports, and medical topographies. The last was an important method for communicat ing these ideas to one another, as well as to interested laypersons. The on-site observa tions recorded particular geographic combi nations, which, in turn, were linked to physi cal health. Salubrity was clearly associated with landform and atmosphere. Miasma in Medical Topographies, and the Development of Salubrious Land scapes It is well known that musquetoes [sic] and other noxious insects are most numerous in wet and marshy places ...where morbific miasmata are exhaled in greatest quantity and con taminate the atmosphere. It may there fore be considered an indication of nature, that wherever those insects are very numerous, there also unwhole some exhalations prevail, inimical and dangerous to health, and destructive to human existence. -Jabez W. Heustis, M.D., 181717 Given the immediate and pressing issues of urban health, the landscape with its pock ets of "unwholesome exhalations" must have held significant appeal as a topic for investi gation. Not only was the landscape compre hensible, but it could be manipulated with immediate results, and the atmosphere could be measured (temperature, wind direction, rainfall, etc.), providing clinical data ripe for interpretation. Very early evidence of this tendency toward environmental analysis is seen in the advice tendered by Cadwallader Colden after a 1741 yellow fever epidemic hit New York City. Colden, a physician and lieutenant governor of the state, wrote of the crucial link between environment and ur ban health in a 1743 essay, "Observations on the Fever which prevailed in the City of NewYork."18 His report in large part consisted of an abstract of the work of Giovanni Maria Lancisi (l 654-1nO)-physician to Pope Clement XI. A contemporary of Colden, Lancisi wrote of the fevers in Rome caused by faulty air and soil, suggesting that the different states of the vapors caused differ ent symptoms, and that Rome needed to be cleaned and its system of disposing of refuse improved. Then, by way of advice, Colden cited the success of London in ridding itself of the plague by adopting improvements in drainage and street configuration. Before the great fire in that city, Colden explained, the streets were narrow, ill-paved, and with few drains. After the fire, new streets were built to better standards: they were straight, open, Contillued all Next Page 16 BULLETIN O F ANESTHESIA HISTORY ������ Rauch . . . Continued from Page 1 5 sufficiently wide for the free flow of air, and had many drains. As a result, he wrote, the plague was absent for many years. Proof has not been found that New York City officials implemented his suggestions, but past au thors have stated that this was likely. 19 Colden was an early harbinger of an e n s u i n g p e r i o d o f environm e n t a l investigation i n the nineteenth century. The popular empirical method for investigation was the medical topography, used by Northern European physicians in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as they chronicled unfamiliar climates, flora, fauna, and disease. The classical medical topography adopted by like minded American physici a n s in t h e nineteenth century w a s influenced b y a growing interest in the development of statistical data in urban France, and was theoretically aligned with the Chadwickian miasmatic theory.2o Widely published, the new topographies significantly influenced the exchange of i d e a s , research, and medical theory in America. Evidence of such exchange is found in Heustis's 1 8 1 7 medical topography o f Louisiana (cited above), in which he refers to the work of Thomas Sydenham and states confidently: It is a fact confirmed by the gen eral experience of mankind, that dis eases are essentially influenced and diversified in their character and symptoms, by the local circum stances of climate and situation. In all inquiries, therefore, upon the sub ject of endemic diseases, the physi cal appearance and condition of the country are entitled to primary con sider a tion. 2 1 The condition of the city, in particular, came under close scrutiny. As early as 1795, Matthew Davis recognized that the "part of the town very much crowded by poor inhabitants, and contain [ing] a great num ber of lodging houses . . . is unquestion ably the most unhealthy part of the city."22 By the 1 830s, medical topographies had shown much higher morbidity and mor tality rates in the cities than in rural ar eas, and it became increasingly accepted among medical theorists that the locus of disease was the dirty, crowded industrial city. In addition, specific landforms-es pecially those with water as a component were identified and labeled according to their benign or pathogenic character. Wil liam Currie's Historical A ccount of the Cli mate and Diseases of the United States of America (1792), James Lind's Essay on Dis eases Incidental to Europeans in Hot Climates (1 8 1 1 ), and Lionel Chalmers's Account of the Weather and Disease of SOllth Carolina (1 8 1 5 ), to name a few, associated disease with swamps, fens, marshes, and mist. Rep resentative of the era, Lind suggested that "a copious vapor from water, mud, and all marshy or damp places"23 was long associ ates with epidemic disease, and that "the surface of the ground in many places be comes hard, and encrusted with a dry scurf, which pens up the vapors below, and, by a continuance of the rains for some time, this crust is softened, and the long pent up va pors set free which thence [also] become the cause of sickness."24 One of the most frequently invoked prescriptions (shared by these authors) for the control of miasma was to drain damp and saturated lands and to provide plenty of fresh air. Heustis also indicated the role of wind direction as a precipitating cause of scurvy; rainy sea sons, he advised, especially render the dis ease epidemic and m alignant. D aniel Drake further refined soil, wetland, tem perature, seasons, water-bodies, and settle ment characteristics as significant environ mental elements in disease causation. In his exhaustive Systematic 7l'eatise (1 854), he described soil composition as a critical factor in autumnal fever, noting that de caying organic matter supplied "the mate rial o u t of which a p o i s o n o u s g a s i s formed," and that, "all other circumstances being equal, autumnal fever prevails most where the amount of organic matter is greatest and least where it is least."25 He suggested that solar heat was a significant factor in the etiology of yellow fever: it "impregnate [d] the air with vapor, giving it a high dew point,"26 and evaporated "the superfluous water of ponds, swamps, marshes and lagging streams . . . promot ing the extraction of gases" and the as sumed undiscovered gas malaria.27 Cata racts and rapids were, in his opinion, es pecially unhealthy because they liberate gases by agitation. Drake's, Currie's, and other physicians' studies provided a medical basis for the elimination, remediation, and enhancement of landscapes associated with specific soil types, climates, topographies, and settlement patterns. As the ethnologic evidence mounted, so did the impulse toward the de velopment of a body of landscape and urban design responses to the threat of disease. In dicated as problematic were moving water especially if there were a high degree ofwater agitation-standing water, moisture in the soil, the presence of wetland conditions, a lack of air circulation (in streets and dwell- ings), high population densities, and the decay of vegetative and animal matter. Con sidered remedial were the presence of trees for oxygenation and mechanical cleansing ofthe air,wide and well-drained streets, fresh air, wide open spaces, and the removal of miasma-generating elements, such as grave yards, located near human habitat. Mias matic theory incorporated these environmen tal characteristics in its rationale of disease causation, which in turn formed the basis for the creation of benign environmental typologies. These typologies include parks and open spaces; the planting of street trees; the removal of urban wetlands and cemeter ies; the filling of low-lying lands; the straightening and!or widening ofstreets; and the design of new boulevards and suburbs. It was on the basis of these landscape typologies that a new design vocabulary was provided to public health officials, environ mental designers, and city officials that would then be translated into a distinct ur ban morphology. Transformation into Urban Morphology How was this theoretical environmental framework translated into public informa tion, and eventually into the urban land scape? How did medical theory turn into built form? We suggest that this transformation was the result of a convergence of factors around mid-century, with emphasis on the birth of the public health movement. The Civil War has been described as a watershed event in the histOlY ofthe public health move ment, which, into the twentieth century, still adopted miasmatic theories as basic to sani tary reform. The nudge toward public health came from the U.S. Sanitary Commission, which had adopted a miasmatic etiology as evidenced in their medical reports. These re ports were published to disseminate the lat est, and most practical, medical knowledge to physicians in the field. Under the guid ance of the general secretary of the Commis sion, Frederick Law Olmsted,2s a series of brief essays or handbooks were printed and distributed among medical officers in the army. In one report written in 1 861, entitled "Military Hygiene and Therapeutics," it was suggested that when first locating a camp it was important to avoid marsh lands, or ma larious areas. If it was necessary, for strate gic purposes, to camp in the vicinity of an extensive marsh, "the ground should always . . . be selected on the windward side, so that the prevailing winds should carry away the noxious emanations from the soil."29 Regard ing the location and design of the regimental hospital (referring to both pew structures and the adaptive reuse of churches and school Continued on Page 20 Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology Dedicates the Mayo Clinic Room Honoring Pioneer Anesthesiologists Patrick Sim, Librarian WOod Library-Museum ofAnesthesiology The Board of Trustees of the Wood Li brary-Museum named the office of the Hon. Curator the MAYO CLINIC ROOM at its recent meeting held in Park Ridge, IL, honoring the memory of two promi nent Mayo Clinic anesthesiologists, John Silas Lundy, M . D . , and John William Pender, M.D. The dedication ceremony took place immediately after the meeting adjourned on Friday, March 2, 2001, at the WLM museum gallery. The officers of the American Society of Anesthesiologists, and the trustees of the Wood Library-Museum j ointly attended the dedication. A S A P re sident, Neil Swissman, M.D., acknowledged the con tributions of Mayo Clinic anesthesiologists to the specialty, particularly those of Mayo anesthesia founder, Dr. John S. Lundy, and his close associate, Dr. John W. Pender, who recently passed away. President Swissman further praised Dr. Pender whose gener ous monetary contribution endows the Mayo Clinic Room. WLM president Dr. Donald Caton expressed the gratitude and appreciation of the Board for Dr. Pender's generosity. He extended his welcome to the guests attending this event, and intro duced other speakers at the dedication. Dr. Alan D. Sessler, former dean of the Mayo DI: Alan Sessler signs the MAYO Book dedication. From Left to Right, Donald Caton, M.D., Elliott Millel� M.D., Neil Swissman, M.D., Mark Warnel� M.D. and Alan Sesslel� M.D. Medical School, and former chair of its department of anesthesiology, recounted the development of anesthesiology at Mayo, describing its leaders who served and developed the department for more than seven decades. Dr. Sessler described the close professional relationship between Dr. Lundy and his able and valued assis tant "Bill" Pender. D r. Elliott V. Miller described D r. Pender's life and medical career, in p articular highlighting D r. Pender's role as an anesthesiologist serv ing in the U.S. Navy, providing anesthesia to President Franklin D. Roosevelt at the president's major surgery. Representing the Mayo Clinic Depart ment of Anesthesiology, D r. M a rk A. Warner presented the plaque of the Mayo Clinic Room, which is affixed to the out side wall of the Hon. Curator's office. Dr. Warner, who chairs the department of an esthesiology at Mayo, observed the remark able growth of anesthesia at Mayo from the pioneering days of D r. Lundy to its present status in academic and clinical anesthesia. He presented a framed collage of portraits of distinguished anesthesiolo gists in the history of his department who went on to become national leaders serv ing the American Society of Anesthesiolo gists. A picture of the Mayo Clinic of the 1990s vintage in Rochester, MN will also grace the Mayo Clinic Room. Dr. Warner further presented to participants at the dedication copies of a new book of biogra phies of Mayo anesthesiologists written by Kai Rehder, Peter Southorn and Alan Continued all Next Page D,: Charles Tandy shares rare book acquisitions. IS BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY ������� Dedication . . . COlllilllled ji-Olll Page 1 7 Sessler, titled Art t o Science, [Rochester, MN, Mayo Clinic, 2000.] Dr. Sessler gra ciously obliged autograph seekers at the Mayo Clinic Room as he presented his books. Interested individuals for copies of the book should direct their requests to Dr. Mark Warner, Chair, Department of Anesthesiology, Mayo Clinic, 200 First Street, Sw, Rochester, MN 5 5905. The dedic ation of the Mayo Clinic Room was made possible by a very gener ous grant from John W. Pender, M.D., a distinguished Mayo alumnus, trusted resi dent of Dr. Lundy, former editor of the jour nal, Anesthesiology, and a former trustee of the Wood Library-Museum. Among his numerous contributions to anesthesiology, Dr. Pender co-founded the oral history program for the Wood Library-Museum with his friend and fellow-trustee, John J. Leahy, M.D., in the mid-1960s. At a time before the advent of the videotaping tech nology, Dr. Pender would collaborate with Dr. Leahy, planning oral history interviews of prominent anesthesiologists at national meetings in order to provide quality prod ucts for posterity with a very limited bud get. Dr. Leahy would haul and operate his personal movie equipment, while D r. Pender would conduct his interviews, which were fondly named "Men of Anes thesia," and made into 16-mm films. This collection has grown to become the "Liv ing History of Anesthesiology," with the original films converted to videocassette tapes. Drs. Pender and Leahy's project has evolved to involve the service of a full committee within the WLM co-chaired by Dr. Alan S e s sler and D r. M a ry Ellen Warner. The collection has grown to more than 150 titles comprising a comprehen sive panorama of modern anesthesiology. Despite its growth in more than three de cades, the guiding principles for the pro duction of this oral history program re main unchanged. It still is produced on a very austere budget, with easy to under stand technical guides written by Dr. Leahy. The WLM oral history program has been renamed "The John \YI. Pender Living His tOly of Anesthesiology," which has benefited from Dr. Pender's generous gift for its fu ture development and preservation. The Mayo Clinic Room now perma nently honors an outstanding institution in American anesthesiology. The memo rabilia of Mayo and its alumni in the Mayo Clinic Room display a glimpse of anesthe sia history emanated from Midwestern America to reach to other corners of the world of medicine. WLM Board of Trustees' Meeting and Dinner March 2-3, 200 1 - Photographs by Jonathan Berman, M.D. Dl: Donald Caton and Patrick Sill! at the Board oj Ihlstees' Meeting Mardi Gras at the BOT lvIeeting: Dl: Doris K. Cope and D/: Buddy Giesecke Dl: Selma Calmes and . Dl: George Bause at the MAYO Clinic Room Dedication. W'LM BOT Dinnel; From Left to Right: DI: Ted Smith, DI: Buddy Giesecke, Rani Giesecke, and DI: Alan Sesslel: DI: and Mrs. Ted Smith hosted the WLM BOT dinner at their Frank Lloyd Wright home in Riverside, fL. DI: Lydia Conlay and D,: Elliott Miller From Left to Right: DI: W illiam Ham1ll0nds, DI: Charles Tandy, Cecilia Caton, and D,: Alan Sessler 20 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Rauch . . . ������ Colltillued ji-Olll Page 1 7 buildings), ventilation was of special impor tance: each patient required no less than 800 cubic feet of fresh air; there should be nu merous openings in the walls for cross-ven tilation; patients should be located only in above-ground rooms, because these are much more salubrious than below-ground quarters; no unnecessary articles should be in the rooms because, in part, they would absorb the noxious vapors; and finally, no window should open onto areas of foul air. In another report, entitled "Miasmatic Fevers," the authors acknowledge their ig norance of the "intimate nature" of marsh miasmata.3o Then, having establishing the absence of solid theOlY on the topic, they con tinue with a lengthy, twenty-three-page de scription of its general manifestations and attendant environmental conditions. John Duffy states that the U.S. Sanitary Commis sion taught disease prevention by advocat ing the avoidance of miasmatic conditions and increased sanitary efforts to a large seg ment of the American population, affecting the lives of millions. That the countlY's first public health department was formed on the heels of the war in 1 865 and its emphasis was on cleanliness and improved ventilation the same emphasis given in the military camps-he suggests, is not a coincidence. He notes that the equation of disease with dirt was by then firmly entrenched.3l That claim is supported in another SanitalY Commis sion report written by Elisha Harris, one of the foremost public health physicians of the day, in which he indicates the pervasiveness of the knowledge that pure atmosphere and proper cleanliness were paramount in the control of infectious diseases: "We need not enumerate the sources of a vitiated atmo sphere and consequent endemic infections in camps and barracks; they are known to every soldier.32 Relative to the education received from the war experience, the city itselfwas an edi fying entity. The worsening of the urban con dition and the identification of the dense urban core as a known locus for disease cer tainly played a part in the eventual public adoption of miasma-based etiology. Urban historians have written about the changes taking place throughout the centmy as cities became increasingly affected by manufactur ing and industry; as immigrants and coun tty-dwellers filled city streets and housing; and as inexplicable epidemics took thou sands of lives. Cholera was particularly dev astating, but not altogether unpredictable. By mid-century a growing number of physi cians and laypersons were coming to recog nize the unmistakable correlation of the vast streams of immigrants and disease. These observers followed tides of immigrant move ment inland and saw cholera occur in their wake. With its improper sanitation and over crowding, the specter of "city" must have loomed large. To round out the picture of the growing obviousness of dense populations and ur ban filth as being associated with epidem ics, there is recent research that explores the popular acceptance of sanitary reform. Nancy Tomes states that, for a variety of reasons, the "sanitarian message gained an early and wide hearing among the urban middle and upper classes."33 She suggests that historians of medicine and public health have traditionally dismissed the antebellum commitment to public educa tion adopted by public health officials as being only peripheral to the story of the American public health movement. In refu tation of this attitude, she describes an in formed and individually proactive Ameri can public who took steps toward informed and engaged partner with urban sanitary reformers. Her research points to a public widely and actively involved in bringing the latest medical knowledge into their homes as public health reformers were working on the larger urban landscape. Complementing this idea of public accep tance of miasmatic theory, James Cassedy describes a period in the early nineteenth century in which well-heeled Americans traveled to more healthful locations, either to maintain their good health or for cura tive reasons-which suggests that there was a wide, and rather early, acceptance of the environmental etiology among the general publicY The convergence of these factors, espe cially when combined with an ever-increas ing awareness that clinical intervention could actually do very little to change the course of disease or to stay the associated incidence of death, suggests a receptive public in need of guidance. Given the inef ficacies in medical practice, the best to be hoped for was the prevention of disease which led physicians, lay health reform ers, and the public to concentrate on known (or at least highly suspected) areas of in fluence, such as the physical environment, personal hygiene, and public sanitation. As will be seen in the writings of both John Henry Rauch and Frederick Law Olmsted, improving the physical environment-in cluding the elimination of miasmiatic landscapes and the implementation of ur ban forms thought to negate miasma's harmful effects-was an essential action toward the protection of public health. The emergence of both these men as vocal ad- vocates for an improved urban situation can be understood as a product of this mid century cultural milieu: Rauch, a physi cian responding to his profession's rally around specificity and environmental ex amination; and Olmsted, an intelligent and socially motivated landscape archi tect translating this new medical terminol ogy into designed form.36 Rauch, in par ticular, was immersed in the contemporary issues regarding public health. He em braced a miasmatic etiology and ardently argued for both the development of benign landscapes and the remediation of those considered pathogenic in his adopted city of Chicago. This is no better evidenced than in the two following examples: the removal of Chicago's City Cemetery, and the development of the city's first park sys tem. In addition, Rauch's association with Olmsted will be seen to further reflect the causal link between medical theory and the urban design theory and practice of that period. From Medical T heory to Urban Design: Rauch's Mission of Health in Chicago Chicago's early situation was consid ered to be precarious, and from its begin ning the city fought a national reputation for unhealthfulness.37 The flat topography, high water table, and clay soils resulted in serious drainage problems. As early a s 1835 the Chicago Democrat was goading resi dents into action: "The atmosphere has already become poisoned" as a result of standing water that was "green" and "pu trid" from decaying vegetable matter; "Our town still continues healthy, but we warn our fellow-citizens that unless something be done . . . they may expect sickness and the pestilence for they will surely come."38 The situation was so severe that the city e s tablished a D r ainage Commission, which in 1 852 established a new official grade necessitating the raising of the streets and buildings. In 1 857 and 1 868 the "damp and unhealthful" street grades were raised again.39 John Henry Rauch (1 828-94) returned to Chicago after the Civil War, while the city was struggling with its unhealthy streets, and promptly began to point to other health concerns. His achievements were significant: in 1 849 he had graduated from the University of Pennsylvania medi cal school; he was a professor and chair at Rush Medical College, Chicago; during the Civil War he served as a medical director and surgeon; he was one of the first mem bers of Chicago's Board of Health, and that city's sanitary superintendent from 1867 to 1873. In later years, he was president of the American Public Health Association (1 876-77), and the first president of the Il linois State Board of Health (1 877). There is no question that Rauch was a firm advo cate of the miasmatic theory and employed Warner 's specificity principles by measur ing atmospheric conditions and making observations of landforms and decaying matter, which he then evaluated in rela tion to the incidence of death and disease in the city. Chicago's City Cemetery Rauch's influence on Chicago's urban design began in 1 859 with a report on the dangers of urban burials entitled Intramu ral Interments in Populous Cities and Their Influence upon Health and Epidemics. Infor mally circulated at first and then pub lished in 1 866, the report was critical to the final conversion of the cemetery grounds into Chicago's first large public park, Lincoln Park,40 With its circulation and his continued outspoken advocacy, Rauch established himself as the city's lead ing medical authority on environrnent based etiology. In the document he ex plained that the decay of vegetable and animal matter transmits "pestiferous ex halations" to exposed air and water, which are capable of spreading infection; that the presence of such gases, and those created by humans in an imperfectly ventilated space, is an exciting cause of disease; and, that fresh air can do much to dilute mias mata.41 Humans, Rauch determined, re quire a minimum of 333 cubic feet of fresh air each day for proper respiration; a lesser amount renders the body prone to disease and far less capable of resisting the "bane ful agencies" of the poisoned atmosphere.42 His primary target in the report was the City Cemetery, located just north of the city along Lake Michigan. Suspecting the cemetery as a point source for the pollu tion of the city's potable water supply, he documented the direction of shoreline cur rents (south, toward the city reservoir) and charted several years of water-level fluc tuation and corresponding rates of putre faction in the cemetery, finding a correla tion between high water and advanced rates of decay. The lake, he grimly explained, with its undulating high-water mark, was a constant drain upon the c e m et e ry grounds and their putrefying contents. Was it surprising, he wrote, that "complaints . . . [were] made of the character of the water . . . carrying with it the offensive and deadly results of the decomposing process into the common reservoir from which the water is taken?"43 In addition to this direct source of contamination, he examined the role of atmosphere and soil conditions in spread ing the volatile emanations being released into the air. Having established his case based on contemporary medical knowledge, and having shown that the custom of urban burials was "universally condemned" by the highest medical authorities in Europe and America, Rauch presented the alter native: the solution would be to stop all further burial on city grounds and estab lish a "rural cemetery" far removed from the dense population of the city. Rural cem eteries had already taken the nation by storm, the first being built outside Boston in 1 8 3 1 , with Philadelphia and Brooklyn soon following. Andrew Jackson D own i ng-a noted horticulturist and aesthetician-claimed in 1 849 that "there is scarcely a city of note in the whole coun try that has not its rural cemetery," the value of which lay as much in the benefits for public health as in the elevation of American taste.44 Indeed, Chicago had three private rural cemeteries under con struction at the time of Rauch's writing; the best known, Graceland, was designed by landscape architect H.W. S . ClevelandY In general, their rise in popularity was the result of concerns over the inefficient use of urban land and the capacity limits of existing city cemeteries, in addition to fears of endangering public health .46 In the case of Rauch, however, his proposal to aban don the city cemetery arose solely out of his painstaking environmental observa tions that so convinced and alarmed him. His suggestions for the cemetery's design and siting were based on a miasmatic eti ology; he expressed no concern for either aesthetics or economics in his report. His was a purely salubrious solution. The cem etery, he explained, should be built on a hill to take advantage of mitigating breezes, and should contain abundant vegetation to absorb the deleterious gases for the ben efit of their own growth while maintaining the surrounding atmosphere in its origi nal pure state. And what of the existing urban burial grounds? "There is no time for delay," he wrote; "Let immediate steps be taken to prevent all future interments within the Corporate limits, and as soon as practicable let arrangements be made for the gradual removal, at proper times and seasons, of the remains already in terred, with the ultimate view of convert ing these grounds into a public park," the planting of which would detoxify the se verely contaminated soils and contain gases that, if emitted into the air, would prove "otherwise injurious."47 The use of medical theory to advoca te a very specific landscape typology is indica tive of the sort of dialogue occurring be tween city officials, physicians, and envi ronmental designers across the nation at mid-century in cities large and small. Cer tainly Chicago, a disease-weary city that had already experienced three major chol era epidemics in 1 834, 1 849-50, and 1 8 54, was receptive to the solution. An end note in Rauch's report, hastily included as the last page was being printed, shared the contents of an ominous telegraph message reporting the appearance of cholera in Florida-and indeed, cholera hit the city again in 1 866. T he Establishment of Chicago's Park System Rauch would be given further opportu nity to expound on his environmentally based medical theories and to a ffect Chicago's built environment. The desig nation of Lincoln Park brought with it a political battle over the proposed estab lishment of autonomous park commissions not only for the North Side (the location of Lincoln Park), but also for the West and South Sides of the city-a battle that would provide Rauch a forum to again address the city's need for salubrious landscapes. The debate over the creation of the three politically powerful park commissioner positions is a story fraught with behind the-scenes in trigue a nd political maneuverings. The p r o c e s s i nvolved prominent businessmen and wealthy real estate speculators jockeying for position in anticipation of the financial bonanza to be brought by the development of large parks, as well as the power and indepen dent budget that came with commissioner positions. In contrast, Rauch's immediate involvement was without concern for per sonal gain and, given his future efforts in sanitary reform, his was clearly an honest appeal for the public health benefits of parks.48 In a letter to Olmsted in 1 869, Rauch, perhaps naively, explained that his name was not put forward as candidate for one of the commissioner positions because it was felt he could be of most help as an independent.49 As the political battle over the creation of the three park commissions reached its peak, reinforcement was sought through public advocate Rauch: in Novem ber 1 868, the Chicago Academy of Sciences asked him to prepare a report on public parks to be read before their assembly.50 One year later, Rauch, then employed as city sanitary superintendent, published his second extensive report, entitled Public Parks: 17zeir Effects upon the Moral, Physical Con tinued 011 Next Page IIJ!lI 22 Rauch BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY ������ . . . Continued /1'0111 Page 21 and Sanita/)' Conditions of the Inhabitants of Large Cities; With Special Reference to the City of Chicago. 5 1 That document provided historic precedent for urban park devel opment and evidenced parks' benefit to public health. Public Parks had all the elements of the first report (a historical overview, citation of current medical ideas, and extensive documentation of climate, winds, and tem peratures correlated with incidence of epi demic and mortality rates) but was more detailed and specific to Chicago. Of all of Rauch's convictions, none was more fer vently held than the importance of fresh air: "It is . . . well known, that of all the circumstances affecting health, none is so important as the condition of the air we breathe. On it, more emphatically than on the food we eat, depends the purity of the blood and the right exercise of every func tion of the system. "52 This conviction, first expressed in Intramural Interments, was more fully elaborated in the second report. Rauch offered many reasons why parks would improve air quality. Chicago was, he wrote, for the most part destitute of trees, and it was obvious that " tree planting would not only break the force of the wind [which spreads miasma] , supply warmth in wintel; and coolness in summer and thus moderate the extremes of temperature [which influence miasmic releases and morbidity rates], but at the same time ab sorb to a considerable extent the noxious gases which are generated in every popu lous city,-supplying oxygen, and thus contributing to the public health"; the planting of trees and the strategic place ment of parks, he summarized, would di minish "the mortality of preventable dis eases" and improve general health. 53 Rauch's medical mandate swayed park commission opponents, and it may have softened public sentiment toward the un derlying land speculation attending park development. Indeed, he called for harmo nious action in what he saw as a matter of general community interest. He explained that locating a park in one section of the city would benefit all residents because miasma does not reside in any one com munity: "the subtle and invisible influence may be wafted to the remotest parts, abated in virulence, but still pestiferous. "54 In February 1 869 the Illinois General Assem bly passed bills creating the South, West, and Lincoln Pa rk C o m missions, thus promising that well-drained park lands would surround the city. Writing ten years later, Rauch boasted that "at least one mil- lion" trees had been planted in the city's environs, and with the planned construc tion of almost 2,500 acres of park land he determined (after a careful examination of the meteorologic record) that "the [result ant] drainage of the city and of the outside lands, and this extensive treeplanting, have already diminished the climate extremes incident to our particular location," which resulted in diminished mortality rates and the improved general health of all city resi dents .55 The significant role that Rauch's sec ond publication played in the eventual development of Chicago's park system is suggested by several factors. First, much of the success of his work in Chicago ulti mately required an informed public and it is probable that Public Parks was an impor tant educational tool for Chicago residents. Second, the fact that the request for the report came from the prestigious Academy of Sciences indicates a certain weight be hind the physician and the perceived value of the report. Yet, given the murky politi cal implications, the degree to which Pub lic Parks had a direct influence on the park system is not as clear as is Rauch's influ ence in cemetery removal and the subse quent development of Lincoln Park. Nev ertheless, it was certainly true that he was a tireless public health promoter and pub lic advocate, and it is evident that his medi cal theories helped bring about significant change to Chicago's built environment. Rauch translated miasmatic medical theory into a guide for the development of landscape typologies conducive to health, including the removal of urban burial sites and soil remediation through extensive tree planting; the creation of rural cem eteries with very specific characteristics; the introduction of fresh air and oxygen throughout the city by the planting of trees; and the development of an extensive park system that, in turn, influenced the micro climate of the city and the health of its residents. That Rauch, as a physician, should have been concerned with the pub lic health of Chicago residents is not sur prising, and, given the medical theories of the day, his staunch attachment to an en vironmental etiology is easily understood. But his impact is largely limited to one city. To what degree his fascination with this particular etiology was representative of a larger public understanding of dis ease can be better seen through the writ ings and d e signs of Frederick L aw Olmsted, this nation's leading landscape architect of the post-Civil War generation. Miasma's National Impact: T he Work of Frederick Law Olmsted As Rauch was busy preparing Public Parks, the suburban village of Riverside, Illinois, was being planned nine miles southwest of Chicago's city center. Im pressed by the design, Rauch mentioned Riverside in glowing terms in his report. Enviously he noted that the situation for the development was admirable, being a respectable twenty feet above the river's e dge, and thereby ensuring healthful drainage, as was not possible in Chicago. Along the banks of the river and elsewhere on the site were groves of trees, making it "one of the most . . . healthful places of residence" in and around Chicago.56 Add ing to the appeal of this suburban design was the inclusion of a broad, well-drained, tree-lined avenue to connect Riverside with Chicago, which, in addition to its aesthetic contribution, "will exercise a vast influ ence in moderating the extremes of our cli mate, ban design was the inclusion of a broad, well-drained, tree-lined avenue to connect Riverside with Chicago, which, in addition to its aesthetic contribution, "will exercise a vast influence in moderating the extremes of our climate, and go far to pro tect the city from the injurious effects of the south-west winds at certain seasons of the year."5? Rauch's enthusiasm for River side was virtually uncontained, and per haps some of it was generated from the identity of its designers: the preeminent landscape architectural firm of Olmsted and Vaux. But what attracted the attention of Rauch to Olmsted's work went beyond admiration of the designer's art: the phy sician and the landscape architect were bonded by a shared vocabulary of health, founded on landscape typology. Rauch had been in correspondence with Olmsted designer of this country's first public park-regarding the preparation of his sec ond report. Olmsted reviewed the first draft of Public Parks and offered suggestions for improvement. When the three park com missions were established in Chicago, both North Park Commissioner Ezra B. McCagg and Rauch separately contacted Olmsted, inviting his firm to become involved in the parks' design.58 Eventually, Olmsted and Vaux did produce a design for Chicago's South Park. Known primarily for their design of Central Park (18 5 8 ), the firm's interest in creating healthful environments was not confined to suburban developments, nor did it begin with Riverside in 1 8 6 9 . Olmsted's environmental interest can be traced through his earlier activities as a journalist, his design of Central Park, his affiliation with the U.S. Sanitary Commis- sion, and his proposals for dozens of ur ban schemes throughout the United States. Olmsted historian Laura Wood Roper de scribes young Olmsted as an accurate and shrewd observer of nineteenth-century American life in his various roles as park planner, scientific farmer, and j ournalist.59 His walking tour of England gained him modest acclaim for his Walks and Talks of an American Farmer in England in the ThaI's 1850-51 (1852), as did his travels through the South for the New York Daily Times. His partnership in Dix and Edwards, pub lishers of Putnam's lvlonthly and the Ameri can version of Charles Dickens's House hold WOrds, brought him influence among the cultivated, for in his position there he often came into contact with noted authors such as Andrew Jackson Downing, and with the prominent n a turalist Louis Agassiz and the botanist Asa Grey. His early knowledge of miasmatic theories may also have come through the writings of British author John Claudius Loudon, one of the more prolific writers in early-nineteenth centUlY Britain. While Loudon published on subjects as diverse as political economy, natural history, architecture, and land scape design, his writings on urban health provided clear examples of his knowledge of British miasmatic theories as related to environmental design.60 Additionally, Olmsted was a friend and constant correspondent with George E . Waring Jr., the nationally renowned sani tation engineer of the day.6! Olmsted's fa miliarity with miasma theory and its de sign applications in urban settings deep ened as a result of his collaboration with Waring during his tenure at Central Park. Waring, in charge of the drainage systems for the park, was convinced of the environ mental characteristics associated with mi asma and the resultant effects on health. He was also well versed in the status of the public health movement in England, and had read numerous physicians' reports al luding to miasma. In Draining for Profit, and Draining for Health, he cited the work of Drs. Bartlett, La Roche, and Chadwick con cerning the connections of miasma and wet, low, and moist places with various fevers and other diseases.62 Situated within this intellectual milieu Olmsted would have had ample reinforcement regarding his own ideas about the remediation of land scapes for healthful purposes. The official entrance of Olmsted into the public health arena came with his ap pointment as general secretary of the Sani talY Commission during the Civil War. The position brought him into contact with the country's most devoted practitioners and advocates for public health-among them New York's Elisha Harris, as well as Rauch, then a member of Chicago's branch of the S anitary Commission. Olmsted worked closely with these and other nationally rec ognized physicians and sanitarians and was keenly aware of both American and English medical studies of epidemic dis ease. His appointment by the New York Legislature in 1 870, to a committee of ex perts to study, in part, the prevalence of malaria and the feasibility of development on Staten Island speaks to his reputation as environmental designer and health ad vocate. The resultant report, dated 1871 with Olmsted as main author, relies heavily on the expertise of physicians, sanitary engineers, and geologists, and his own plan ning and design theories . 63 The role of medical theory in his design solutions is clearly evident here, for his suggestions were stimulated in large p a rt by the island's prevalence of malaria, defined in the report as a poison in the atmosphere. He explained that houses must be ad equately separated to allow for the free flow of air, which would diffuse any contami nants, and that the presence of trees would also help to purify the air.64 Highlighting the importance of the environmental cor relation to health and, additionally, to proper planning, Olmsted included a de tailed "interview" with Elisha Harris on t h e topic of m a l a r i a . Responding to Olmsted's questions, Harris addressed public health issues as related to the land scape characteristics found on Staten Is land-an extensive and deliberate discus sion that consumed roughly one-third of the report. Noting that the exact cause for this poisoned air was not known, physi cian Harris nonetheless preferred an envi ronmental etiology, one of gases emanat ing from certain soil conditions or decay ing vegetative matter, exposed to particu lar conditions of moisture and tempera ture. The design implications were dis cussed at length. The poisoned air, he ex plained, is largely neutralized in passing through foliage; trees also serve the im portant function of absorbing excessive moisture from the soil and shading the soil to prevent rapid heating and the subse quent release of gases. Houses surrounded by trees at a slight distance were preferable to excessive shading, while belts of trees were known to be a malarial barrier.65 The discussion of malaria, trees, drainage, soil quality, moisture, and pure air was as thor ough a dissection of the prevailing envi ronmental etiology as could be found in the reports and medical topograhies writ ten by any physician at the time. Olmsted's understandings of an envi ronmentally based etiology regarding den sity, ventilation, landscape condition, and certain characteristics of water and open space also served as a rationale for a larger benign urban scheme. In an 1 877 report to the Board of the Department of Public Works of New York City concerning the layout of two new wards, Olmsted as coau thor recommended more open space and less-dense urban patterns, because "in the middle of all these dark, narrow cubes there must be a large amount of ill-ventilated space, which c a n only be imperfectly lighted through distant skylights, or by an unwholesome combustion of gas."66 Based on assumptions that industrializ ing cities would continue to grow, and that their growth and economic diversification were essential components of progress to ward a higher level of civilization, he stated that planning for growth was indispens able if conditions of misery, disease, and other "evils" associated with urban areas were to be avoided. He suggested incremen tal growth while incorporating specific landscape typologies, in accord with the prevailing medical etiologies. In p a r t i c u l a r, t h r e e l a n dscape typologies stand out in Olmsted's writings: low-density urban and suburban neighbor hoods, large pleasure parks, and smaller local p a rks-all connected by tree-lined parkways and promenades. In support of lower densities, he stated: we are able to reach the convic tion, beyond all reasonable doubt, that at least, the larger share of the immunity from the visits of the plague and other forms of pestilence, and from sweeping fires, and the larger part of the improved general health and increased length of life which civilized towns have lately enjoyed is due to the abandonment of the old-fashioned compact way of building towns, and the gradual adoption of the custom of laying them out with much larger spaces open to the sun-light and fresh air; a custom the introduction of which was due to no intelligent anticipa tion of such results.67 His suggestions concerning the estab lishment of urban parks also rest, in part, on the importance of light and air: the most serious drawback to the prosperity of town communities has always been dependent on conditions Cantin lied on Next Page .., 24 BULLETIN OF AN ESTHESIA HISTORY Rauch . ������� . . COlllinl/ed fivlII Page 23 . . . which have led to stagnation of air and excessive deprivation of sun light.68 Air is disinfected by sunlight and foliage. Foliage also acts me chanically to purify the air by screen ing it. Opportunity and inducement to escape at frequent intervals from the confined and vitiated air of the commercial quarter, and to supply the lungs with air screened and pu rified by trees [is necessary for the protection of health] .69 In defense of his proposals for tree-lined boulevards, he noted: If such streets were made still broader in p a rts, with spacious malls, the advantage [in scenery and in air quality] would be increased. If each of them were given the proper capacity, and laid out with laterals and connections in suitable direc tions to serve as a convenient trunk of communication between two large districts of the town or the business center and the suburbs, a very great number of people might thus be placed every day under influences counteracting those with which we desire to contend.7o These landscape typologies associated with Olmsted's larger urban scheme are representative of the kinds of environmen tal modification endorsed throughout his extensive career. The scope and scale of his projects were far-reaching. One Olmsted scholar has documented that after his part nership with Vaux dissolved, he went on to carry out an additional 550 commissions for proj ects such as Mount Royal Park, Montreal (1 874-8 1 ); Belle Isle Park, De troit (1 8 8 1 -84); the U.S. Capitol grounds (1 874-9 1 ); and S tanford University cam pus (1 8 86-9 1 ), as well as park systems for numerous cities including Buffalo, Bos ton, Rochester, and Louisville .7l With Olmsted's extensive work one can chart the application of etiologic ideas, from small designs of neighborhood parks and tree lined streets, to the larger application of great urban parks and suburbs, to con nected greenbelts surrounding cities, all of which provided armature for healthy cities. The significance of his work, though, does not rest simply on the scope of his own professional impact. His successes were not the result of a forceful personal ity and professional zeal; rather, he suc ceeded because he was inextricably linked to the prevalent ideas of the day. He spoke a language of landscape and health that provided a foundation for discussion in each urban community in which he was employed. His clients were concerned and active citizens; both parties mutually sup ported the perspective of an essential envi ronmental connection to health. Conclusion This research documents a unique pe riod of urban development that owed its very character to contemporary medical theory. Beginning with the formulation of the general understanding of miasma developed over time, and shared with phy sicians and laypersons alike through the popular early- to mid-century medical to pographies-and the subsequent transla tion into benign and pathogenic landscape typologies, one can document the growing importance of an environment-based eti ology to a resultant urban morphology. Physicians and concerned laypersons be came empiricists of the physical landscape and atmosphere in an attempt to better understand issues of health and well-be ing. Physicians supplied the essential con nection for the development of a salubri ous landscape by evaluating specific char acteristics of air, land, and water that were believed to affect human health; in so do ing, they contributed to a general public understanding of the correlation of health and environment. The impact on the built urban environ ment and its surroundings cannot be ques tioned: medical theory, in many ways, di rectly informed urban design theory. While we have focused on the writings of two well respected men, we suggest that their belief in an environmental etiology, with its re sultant landscape interventions, was nei ther isolated nor an anomaly across the country. Indeed, the legacy of these public interventions is still very much a part of the American experience of place-from cityscape to suburbia-as the present-day landscape offers evidence of the nine teenth-century search for salubrity. References 1. For a broader overview of the evolution of medical ideas, including environmental etiology, see John Harley Warner, 171e Therapeutic Perspec tive: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820-1885 (Cambridge: Harvard Univer sity Press, 1 986); George Rosen, A HistOlY of Pub lic Health (New York: MD Publications, 1 9 5 8); Charles-Edward Amory Winslow, The Conquest of Epidemic Disease: A Chapter in the HistOlY of Ideas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1944). 2 . Regarding the professionalization of public health officials and their continued reliance on the miasma theory, see John Duffy, The Sanitar ians: A HistOl)' of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1 992), pp. 1 26-37. Edwin Chadwick employed the miasmic theory in his famous report that resulted in Britain's 1 848 Public Health Law. For a fresh look a t Chadwick, see Sylvia Tesh, "Miasma and 'Social Factors' in Disease Causality: Lessons from the Nineteenth Century," J. Health Polito Policy & Law, 1995, 20. 1 001-24; Christopher Hamlin, "Finding a Func tion for Public Health: Disease Theory or Political Philosophy?" ibid., pp. 1024-3 1; John V. Pickstone, "Dearth, Dirt and Fever Epidemics: Rewriting the History of British 'Public Health,' 1 780-1 850," in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Per ception of Pestilence, ed. Terence O. Ranger and Paul Slack (Cambridge: C ambridge University Press, 1 992), pp. 1 25-48. 3. While there is tremendous breadth on the topic of environmental links to health, there is also considerable variation regarding the topic's perceived significance. For general urban devel opment, see Cities in American Histmy, ed. Ken neth T. Jackson and Stanley K. Schultz (New York: Knopf, 1972); Howard Chudacoff, The Evo lution ofAmerican Urban Society (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1 9 8 1 ) . For representative works concerning the influence of medical thought on the development of urban social structure, see David Ward, Poverty, Etil l/icity, and the American City, 1840-1 925: Changing Conceptions of the Silim and the Ghetto (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer sity Press, 1989); John F. Bodnal; Steeltown: Immi gration and Industrialization, 1870-1 940 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1 990); Elizabeth H afldn Plecl<, Black Migration and Poverty, Boston, 1 865-1900 (New York: Academic Press, 1 979) . While often very n arrow in scope, worthwhile economic and political interpretations concerning medical influences on urban development include John S. Garner, TIle Model Company Town: Urban Design through Private Enterprise in Nineteenth-Cen till)' New England (Amherst: University of Massa chusetts Press, 1 984); Richard E. Foglesong, Plan ning the Capitalist City: TIle Colonial Era to the 1 920s (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1 9 8 6) ; Martin V. Melosi, Pollution and Reform i n American Cities, 1 8 70-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1 980); Roy Lubove, 7718 Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City: 1 8 90- 1 9 1 7 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1 963). For representative offerings concern ing the development of medically influenced ar chitectural types, see John B urnett, A Social His tmy of Housing, 1 8 1 5 - 1 9 8 5 (London: Methuen, 1986); Richard Plunz, A Histol)' of Housing in New York City: Dwelling Type and Social Change in the American Metropolis (New York: Columbia Uni versity Press, 1990). 4. Works concerning period sanitation and street engineering necessarily tend to trea t the influence of medical thought on urban develop ment with greater emphasis. Two worthwhile stud ies of sanitary infrastructure and street improve ment are Ann Durkin Keating, Invisible Networks: Exploring the Histol), of Local Utilities and Public Works (Malabar, Fla.: Krieger, 1 994); Stanley Clay Schultz and C l a y McSh ane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Plan ning in L a te-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist . , 1 9 7 8 , 65 :389-4 1 . While numerous authors address suburban development, the in fluence of medical thought on that development is consistently of secondary or passing concern; see Henry C. Binford, TIle First Suburbs: Residen tial Communities in the Boston Periphel)" 1815-1860 (Chicago: Universi ty of Chicago Press, 1 985); Sam Bass Warner, Jr., Streetcar Suburbs: TIle Process of Growth in Boston, 1870-1 900 (New York: Atheneum, 1 973). Works addressing the various aspects of the reform movement are more varied in their consideration of medical issues; representative examples include Norris A. Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums: Evangelical Social Woril, 1865-1920 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1977); Sarah S . Elkind, "Building a Better Jungle: Anti-Urban Sentiment, Public Works, and Political Reform in American Cities, 1 880-1930," J. Urban Hist., No vember 1997, 24:53-77. Significant studies of the rural cemetery and urban park movements in clud e Blanche Linden-Ward, Silent City on a Hill: Landscapes of Memol)' alld Boston's Mount Auburn CemetelY (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1 989); Kenneth T. Jackson, Silent Cities: TIle Evo lution of t h e American Ce m e t e ry (New Yo rk: Princeton Architectural P r e s s , 1 9 8 9 ) ; David Schuyler, TIle New Urban Landscape: T71e Redefini tioll of City For/1/ in Nineteellth-Cellllll)' America (Bal timore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986). 5 . One notable exception is the work of Jon A. Peterson, who looked a t the general implications of medical thought on urban built form in "The Impact of Sanitary Reform upon American Urban Planning, 1 840-1890," J. Soc. Hist., 1 979, 1 3 :83103. 6. For a history of the Hippocratic connection of climate and landform to health, see Frederick Sargent II, Hippocratic Heritage: A Histol)' of Ideas about Weather and Human Health (New York: Pergamon Press, 1982). 7. \X'arner, Therapeutic Perspective (n. 1 ) , p. 198. 8 . Christopher Hamlin, "Predisposing Causes and Public Health in Early Nineteenth-Century Medical Thought," Bull. Soc. Hist. iVied. , 1992, 5:43-70; quotation on p. 70. 9. Ibid., p. 62. 1 0 . Thomas Hepburn Buckler, A Histol)' of Epidemic Cholera, as it appeared a t TIle Baltimore City alld Coullty Alms-house, ill the summer of 1849: with SO/1/e remarhs all the medical topography alld dis eases ofthis regioll (Baltimore: Patent Cylinder Press, 1 85 1). 1 1 . Ibid., p. 36. 12. Ibid., p. 28. Appended to the document was a meteorologic chart prepared by another physician documenting the presence of "electric ity" in the atmosphere during the outbreak. Buck ler makes no reference to these data in his report, and we do not know to what degree he saw those atmospheric conditions as contributing to the out break. 1 3 . Warner, Therapeutic Perspective (n. 1), p. 37. 14. Ibid., p. 58. 15. Ibid., p. 72. 16. While Warner sets the stage for under standing the reasons behind a rise i n environ mental etiologic thought, others have suggested the importance of miasma within this particular culture. James Cassedy has documented the de velopment of American etiologic thought in ante bellum America and suggests that in the six to eight decades prior to the war "a large propor tion" of the medical profession endorsed some form of causal link between the physical environ ment and its phenomena-climate, winds, soil, topography, drainage, etc.-with disease: James H. Cassedy, Medicille alld Americall Growth 18001860 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986), p. 34. Charles E. Rosenberg, in Explaining Epidemics alld Other Studies ill the HistOl), of iVIedi cille (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 1 1 7, has written that "almost all" physi cians in the 1 830s knew of miasma and under stood its essential role in producing disease. Michael Owen Jones has documented the popu larity of "medical geographies" written between 1770 and 1 830 by pioneer settlers (laypersons and medical professionals alike) as they described the new environments encountered in their travels and documented attendant affects o n health: Michael Owen Jones, "Climate and Disease: The Traveller Describes America," Bull. Hist. Med. , 1 967, 4 1 : 2 54"66. Phyllis Allen Richmond "glanced" a t t h e etiologic sections of books and journals and reported on the regularity of mias m a ti c theories; she wrote: "The atmospheric, chemical, and miasmatic theories so dominated etiologic thought in the 1 870's that when alterna- tive views arose, ... American reviewers were cau tious and non-committal" (Phyllis Allen Rich mond, "American Attitudes Toward the Germ Theory of Disease [1 860- 1 8 80]," J. Hist. Med. & Allied Sci., October 1 9 54, 9:430). 1 7 . Jabez Wiggins Heustis, Physical Obsel'Va tiOIlS, and },Jedical v'acts alld Researches on the To pography alld Diseases of Louisiana (New York: T & J Swords, 1 8 1 7), p. 42. 18. Cadwallader Colden, "Observations on the Fever which prevailed in the City of New-York in 1 7 4 1 and 2," Amer. Med. & Philos. Reg. , 1 8 1 1 , 1 :3 1 0-30. It can be assumed that Colden's word carried significant weight. As a member of the American intelligentsia, he was in frequent corre spondence with botanist John Bartram. As well, Benjamin Franklin sought his j udgment before going public with his ideas: see preface to T71e Letters and Papell of Cadwallader Colden (Pennsyl vania State University Library; New York: New York Historical Society, 1 9 1 8) , vol. 1 ( 1 730-42), microform. 19. Martha J. Lamb, Histol), of the City of New Yorh, Its Origill, Rise, alld Progress, vol. 1 (New York: A. S. Barnes, 1 877), p. 589, seems to indi cate that part of his advice was indeed adopted by city officials, but she offers no verification. Saul Jarcho, i n "Cadwallader Colden as a Student of Infectious Disease," Bull. Hist. Med. , 1 95 5 , 2 9 : 1 03, relies on Lamb's evaluation. 20. In Paris, Parent-Duchatelet and Louis Rene Villerme, through statistical analysis, main tained that disease was a manifestation of pov erty. Conversely, C hadwick in England believed that poverty was not a causative factor but was rather a manifestation of disease and ill health. He concluded that the most appropriate inter vention was environmental modification, espe cially the removal of pathogenic conditions. For an excellent history of the origins of the British and French public health movements, see Ann F. La Berge, Missioll and lvIethod: The Early Nine teenth-CelltlllY Frellch Public Health Movemellt (Cam bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 2 1 . Heustis, Physical Observations (n. 1 7) , p. 13. 2 2 . Matthew L . Davis, A Brief Accoullt of the Epidemical Fever Which Lately Prevailed in the City of New York, With the Different Proclamations, Re ports, alld Lellers of Gov. Jay . . . (New York: Mat thew L. Davis, 1795), p. 39. 23. James Lind, An Essay on Diseases Incidental to Europeans in Hot Climates, 1st Amer. ed. from 6 th London ed. (Philadelphia: W. D u ane, 1 8 1 1) , pp. 1 3-37; quotation on p. 1 3 . 2 4 . Ibid., p. 3 6 . 2 5 . Daniel Drake, A Systematic neatise, His torical, Etiological, and Practical, on the Principal Diseases of the Illterior Tillley of North America, as TIley Appeal' ill the Caucasiall, Afi'ican, Indian alld Esquimaux Tilrieties ofIts Poulation, ed. S. Hanbury Smith and Francis G. Smith, 2d ser. (Philadel phia: Lippincott, Brambo, 1 854), pp. 23-30, quo tation on p. 23. 26. Ibid., p. 25. 27. Ibid., pp. 29-30. 28. At the time of his appointment to the Com mission, Olmsted was a well-known author and had recently recevied public attention for the de sign of Central Park. The park was under con struction when he took a leave of absence and went to Washington, D.C. to begin his war work. He was especially noted for his organizational skills in the administration ofiarge projects, which helps explain his prominence in the Commis sion. 29. Alfred C. Post and W.H. Buren, "Military Hygiene and Therapeutics," in United States Sani tal)' Commissioll, lvIilital)" Medical and Surgical Es says Prepared for the United States Sanital), Com missioll 1862-1864 (Washington, D . C . , 1 865), 2 7 p p . ; quotation on p. 8. 30. John T. Metcalf et aI., "Miasmatic Fevers," in ibid., 23 pp.; quotation on p. 1 . 3 1 . Duffy, Sanitarians (n. 2), p p . 1 1 3-29. 32. Elisha Harris, "Hints for the Control and Prevention of Infectious Diseases in Camps, Trans ports and Hospitals," in MilitalY, Medical (n. 29), 28 pp., quotation on p . 23. 33. Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1 870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64:509-39; quotation on p. 5 1 1 . 34. Ibid., p . 5 1 2 . 3 5 . Cassedy, iVIedicine ( n . 1 6), p p . 54-59. 36. Olmsted's work and voluminous writings have been analyzed thoroughly and aptly by a number of historians, and most thoroughly by Laura Wood Roper. For Olmsted's philosophy toward a changing urban culture, see the excellent discus sion in Thomas Bender, Toward all Urban Vision: Ideas alld Illstitutiolls in Nineteenth-CelltlllY America (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975), chap. 7; Bender also includes a helpful analysis of additional sources of Olmsted's urban reflec tions in the "Biographical Essay," p p . 266-68. Rauch's involvement as a Civil War physician pre ceded his immersion in the public health issues of Chicago and his eventual leadership role in the Department of Health for the State of Illinois. It is obvious that his was a deeply held, personal mis sion of public health advocacy. 37. Specifically regarding Chicago, see Isaac D. Rawlings, T71e Rise and Fall of Disease in Illillois (Springfield: Illinois State Department of Health, 1 927), 1: 1 0 1 -14; Thomas Neville Bonner, ivIedi cine ill Chicago: 1850-1 950, 2d ed. (Urbana: Uni versity of Illinois Press, 1 9 9 1 ) , p . 7. 38. Ch icago Democrat, 17 June 1 835, n.p. (Chi cago Historical Society). 39. Bessie Louise Pierce, A HistOl), of Chicago (New York: Knopf, 1 937-57), 2 : 3 1 7. While the raising of buildings and streets was a n extreme measure-the Board of Health reported that within two decades 4,000 acres ofthe city had been "raised to a grade of 3 to 5 feet above the bottomless quag mire which formerly bordered this shore of Lake Michigan" (quoted in Sophonisba Breckinridge, "Tenement-house Legislation in Chicago," in TIle Tellements of Chicago: 1 908-1 935, ed. Edith Abbott [New York: Arno Press, 1 970; 1 936], p. 40)-it was an action taken as much for the health of its residents as for the health of business in the rap idly growing city. 40. John H . Rauch, In tramural In terments in Populous Cities alld Theil' Illf/uence upon Health alld Epidemics (Chicago: Tribune Co., 1 866), pp. 56-57. For a description of Rauch's role, see Francis Eastman, "The Public Parks of Chicago," in Chi cago City Manual (Chicago: Bureau of S t a tistics, 1 9 1 4), pp. 7-3 1 , especially p. 1 3; Glen Holt, "Pri vate Plans for Public S p a c e s : The Origins of Chicago's Park System, 1 850-1 875,"in Chicago His tDlY (Chicago: Chicago Historical Society, 1979), pp. 173-84. In addition to Rauch's compelling medical testimony, pressure was placed on the city council for the development of a park on the cem etery grounds by investors of the North Chicago Street Railway Company, comprised of prominent citizens, who, in seeking to obtain the rights to build a road, argued the potential for future resi dential development of the area, as well as the probable conversion of the cemetery to a public park. 4 1 . Rauch, Illtramural Illterll/ellts (n. 40), pp. 56-60; quotation on p . 59. 42. Ibid., p . 24. 43. Ibid., pp. 56-57. 44. Andrew Jackson Downing, "Your Leader, on Cemeteries and Public Gardens," HortiC/ilwrist & J. Rural Art & Rural Taste [ed. Andrew Jackson Downing], 1 849, 4 : 1 39. 45. Holt, "Private Plans" (n. 40), pp. 1 75-76. 46. Schuyler, New Urban Lalldscape (n. 4), p. Cantil/lied 011 Page 27 11""" ,� 26 BULLETIN O F ANESTHESIA HISTORY ������ Civil War . . . Continued from Page 1 1 Notes o f Campaigns i n the War with Mexico during the Years 1 845, 1 846, 1 847 and 1 848," Anwl: ]. Med. Sci. 47(1952):2-30. 33. Porter, "Medical and Surgical Notes of Campaigns in the War with Mexico" (n. 32). 34 L. Baudens, La Guerre de Crimee, les Campements, les Abris, les Ambulances, les Hopitaux. Germer Balliere (Paris, 1858), p. 305. 35. George H.B. Macleod, Notes on the SurgelY of the IVaI' in the Crimea with Remarks on the Treatment of Gunshot IVounds (Philadelphia: J . B . Lippincott a n d C o , 1 862), p. 403 36. Martin S. Pernick, A Calculus of Suffering: Pain, Professionalism and Anesthesia ill Nineteenth-Cen tilly America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), p. 421. 37. Lyman,ArtificialAnesthesia andAnaesthetics (n. 28). 38. Pernick, A Calculus of Suffering (n. 36). 39. James Winchell, Private, "Wounded and a Prison," Civil IVaI' Times Illustrated 4(1 965):20-25, taken from "Berdans United States Sharpshoooters in the Army of the Republic," by Captain C.A. Stevens (St. Paul: Price-McGill Co., 1 892). 40. S. Bayne-Jones, 1718 Evolution of Preven- tative Medicine in the United States Army, 1 607-1939 (\Vashington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon-General, Department of the Army, 1968), p. 255. M.C. Gillett, 17le Army Medical Department 1818-1865 (\Vashing ton, D.C.: Center of Military History, United States Army, 1 987), p. 371. G.W Adams, Doctors in Blue- 77ze Medical HistOlY of the Union Army in the Civil War (New York: Collier Books, 1961), p. 224. 41 . C.J. Stille, HistOl), ofthe United States Sanital)' Commission in the War of the Rebellion (Philadel phia: J.B. Lippincott, 1 866), p. 552 42. Cunningham, Field Medical Services at the Battles of Manassas (n. 27). 43. T.L. Livermore, Numbers and Lossess in the Civil IVaI' in America: 1861-1865, reproduction from original printed in 1 900, Civil War Centennial Se ries (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957), p. 1 50. 44. B ayne-Jones, 77ze Evolution of Preventative Medicine in the UnitedStates Army (n. 40). Gillett, 1718 Army Medical Department 1818-1865 (n. 40). Adams, Doctors in Blue (n. 40). B.E. Blustein, Pre sel'Ve lVur Love for Science. Life oflVtlliam A. Hammond, American Neurologist (New York: Cambridge Univer sity Press, 1991), p. 289. 45. H.H. Cunningham, Doctors in Gray. 77ze Confederate lvIedical Sel'Vice (Baton Rouge: Louisi ana State University Press, 1958), p. 339. 46. 171e Medical and Surgical HistOlY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 15). 47. 77ze Medical and Surgical Histol)' of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 48. 77ze Medical and Surgical HistOlY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 49. Livermore, NUll/bel's and Losses in the Civil IVaI' (n. 43). 50. Livermore, Numbers and Losses in the Civil IVaI' (n. 43). 51. J.w. Schildt, Hunter Holmes McGuire, Doctor in Gray (Chewsville, Maryland, 1986), p. 135. 52. Chisolm, A JHanual of MilitalY SurgelY (n. 17). 53. \Vorthington, "Confederates, Chloroform and Cataracts" (n. 17). 54. Cunningham, Doctors in Gray (n. 45). 55. E S . Johns, Ap.P. Johns, "Chimborazo Hospital and J.B. McCaw, Surgeon-in-Chief," \1,4 Mag. Hospital Biog. 62(1954):190-200. 56. B.W Allen, Confederate Hospital Reports, 2 volumes, with note dated August 4, 1 880 at Marietta, OH. Reynolds Historical Collection, Lister Hill Li brary, University of Alabama-Birmingham. 57. 17te Medical and Surgical HistolY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 58. Hospital Records, Carver General Hos- pital, Washington, D.C., Schoff Civil War Collec tion, University of Michigan, p. 218. 59. 1718 Medical and Surgical HistolY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 60. EE. Daniel, Recollection of a Rebel Surgeon (Austin: Von Boeckmann, Schutze and Co., 1 899), p. 3 1 5 . 61. 171e Medical and Surgical HistolY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII. 62. 171e Medical and Surgical HistOlY of the War of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII. 63. 17te Medical and Surgical HistOlY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII. 64. The Medical and Surgical HistolY of the War of the Rebellion (n. 15), Volume I, Part I, Ap pended Reports. 65. 17le lvIedical and Surgical HistolY of the War of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 66. 17te Medical and Surgical HistolY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 67. 17ze Medical alld Surgical HistolY of the IVaI' of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 68. 17te Medical and Surgical HistolY of the War of the Rebellion (n. 1 5), Volume II, Part III, Chapter XIII, pp. 887-898. 69. WT.G. Morton, "The First Use of Ether as an Anesthetic at the Battle of the Wilderness in the Civil War," JAMA 42(1904) : 1068-1073. M . S . Albin, "William Thomas Green Morton a s a Mili talY Anesthetist During the Civil War," Bull. Anesth. Hist. 14(1996):1,23. 70. H. McGuire, "Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson (Stonewall)-The Amputation of the Arm-His Last Moments and Death," 17ze Richmond Medical Jou/'llal, May 1866. ORA GION DEL ANESTESIOLOGO ANESTHESIOLOGIST'S PRAYER Bendice estas manos y esta mente, SENOR MIO, para que puedan cuidar can seguridad a los que sean confiados a ellas en el dia de hoy. Please bless these hands and this mind 0' Lord, that they may safely care for those entrusted to them this day. iPermite que mis manos se mantengan agiles, mi mente alerta y mi vision clara para que no le ocun'a a mis pacientes desgracia anestesica al guna! Keep my hands agile, my mind acute, and my eyes shmp, that no anesthetic misadventure may befall my patients! Aunque ellos estan en mis manos, mis Manos estan en las tuyas, SENOR MIO; porfavOl, guilas bien. AMEN -J. G. Converse, M.D. Spanish translation by Miguel Colon-Morales, M.D. Though they are in my hands, my hands are in thine, 0' Lord, please guide them well. Amen. -J. G. Converse, M.D. MedNuggets . . . Continued jimll Page 12 Anesthesia History Association Sixth Annual Resident Essay Contest operatin g room, only h e m ay m ake a minut e-to-minute diagnosis of the patie nt's condition and prescribe such treatment as the diagnosis warrants. His right to diagnose a n d prescribe distinguishes his function from those of the nurse anesthetists. -E. Hayt Journal of the American NurseAnesthetists 1 5 :26, 1947 The Anesthesia History Association (AHA) sponsors an annual Resident Essay Contest with the prize presented at the ASA Annual Meeting. A 1,500-3,000-word essay related to the history of anesthesia, pain man agement or critical care should be submitted to: William D . Hammonds, M . D . , M . P. H . Chair, AHA Resident Essay Contest University ofIowa The reason against the e a rly use of anaesthesia seems to be that if the patient's sufferings are relieved in the early part of labor, she will refuse to go through the remainder of her labor without help, and the use of anaesthetics must be continued until delivery is accomplished. -Franklin S. Newell Surgery, Obstetrics and Gynecology 3 : 1 26, 1 906 Anesthesia is the one field in the practice of medicine in which there has been a seeming indiffe r e n c e a n d lack of compensation. With the interest of the patient, surgeon and hospital in mind, I do not hesitate to say that I doubt the wisdom of the present tendency to employ lay anesthetists, and it is my profound belief that the system of salaried non medical anesthetists is not only contrary to the medical practice act and professional ethics but it will surely result in the degeneration of the art of anesthesia, and greatly hinder all advancement in this line of medical research. -Isabella C. Herb Current Researches in Anesthesia and Analgesia 5 : 1 3, 1 926 As I recovered my former state of mind, I felt an inclination to communicate the discoveries I had m a d e during the experiment. I endeavored to recall the ideas, they were feeble and indistinct. -Humphrey Davy, 1 799 The past fifteen years have seen revolutionary advances in anesthesiology. Perhaps more progress has been made in these fifteen years than in any of the p revio u s years since the advent of anesthesia. -R.C . Adams Kansas City Medical Journal 22:11, 1 946 School of Medicine Dept. of Anesthesia 200 Hawkins Drive, 6 JCP Iowa City, IA 52242-1079 U.S.A. The entrant must have written the essay either during his/her residency or within one year of completion of residency. Residents/Fellows in any nation are eligible, but the essay MUST be submitted in English. All submissions must be typewritten. An honorarium of$500.00 and a certificate will be awarded at the AHA's annual dinner meeting at the ASA. The award-winning residents will be invited to present their essays in per son at the annual spring meeting of the AHA and their work will be published in the Bulletin of Anesthesia History. All entries must be received on or before A ugust 1 5, 200 1 . Rauch. . . Con tinued from Page 25 41. 47. Rauch, Intramural Interments (n. 40), p. 66. The footnote in the text served to warn readers that no removals should be made from May to November, known as the most dangerous months for epidemics. 4 8 . E a s t m a n' s ' P u b l ic Parks" (n. 40) i s a straightforward account of the birth of the three park commissions, with observations of the atten dant political power plays. 49. Rauch to F. L. Olmsted, 13 April 1 869, in TIle Papers of Frederick Law Olmsted (Pennsylvania State University Library; Washington, D .C . : Li brary of Congress Photoduplication Service, 1975), microfilm (hereafter Olmsted Papers). 50. The Academy had previously concerned itself exclusively with the promotion of scientific knowledge and investigation. Why, then, would i t throw its weight into the park debate? One pos sible connection is through Ezra B . McCagg, mem ber of the Academy and a lawyer specializing in real estate law (McCagg's law partner, J. Young Scammon, was one of the founding members of the Academy). Instrumental in the passage of Lin coin Park, McCagg held one of the powerful Lin coln Park commissioner positions and was a col league of Olmsted. According to E as t m a n , a gentleman's agreement was made for the support of park commissions in the West and South dis tricts in return for the earlier passage of the Lin coln Park Commission. See Eastman, "Public Parks" (n. 40), p . I S . The park commissioners were governor-appointed and enj oyed financial independence from the municipality. 5 1 . John H. Rauch, Public Park: 11!eil' Effects upon the Moral, Physical and San italY Condition of the Inhabitants of Large Cities; With Special Refer ence to the City of Chicago (Chicago: S.C. Griggs, 1 8 69). 52. Rauch, Intramural Interments (n. 40), p. 23. Vegetation's role i n purifying "vitiated" air and producing oxygen was finally becoming common knowledge in America. For example, the produc tion of oxygen by trees was patiently described in two earlier articles in the scholarly North Ameri can Review: "The Chemistry of Vegetation," 1 845, 60 (126) : 1 57-95; "Trees and Their Uses,' 1 857, 85 (176): 1 78-205. 53. Rauch, Public Parks (n. 5 1), p . 79 n. It is interesting to note that the bulk of his eighty-four page report focuses on environmental factors in preventing disease; only a t the very end does he briefly mention the psychological and moral ben efits of parks, the two arguments that prevail in historiographic depictions of the era. 54. Ibid., pp. 83-84. 55. John Henry Rauch, TIle SanitalY Problems Continued all Page 28 28 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Rauch . ������ . . Continued from Page 2 7 of Chicago, Past alld Presen t (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1 879), p . 1 5 . 5 6 . Rauch, Public Parks (n. 5 1), p. 3 1 n . 5 7 . Ibid. 58. Regarding preparation of the report Public Parks, see Rauch to Olmsted, 1 2, 20, and 21 Janu ary 1 8 6 9 , Olmsted Papers (n. 49) . Regarding Olmsted and Vaux's involvement in the design of the park, see Rauch to Olmsted, 1 3 , 21, and 22 April 1 869; McCagg to Olmsted, 1 May 1 869, ibid. 59. Laura Wood Roper, FLO., A Biography of Frederick Law Olmsted (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1 973). 60. Loudon, in his own Architectural Magazine and Journal (London: Longman etc., 1 838), 5:619, references noted phrenologist George Combe's TIze Constitution of Man: COilS ide red in Relation to External Objects, 5th ed. (Edinburgh: J . Anderson, Jnr., 1 8 35), and J o h n Macculloch, Malaria, An Essay on the Production and Propagation of 771 is Poi SOli, and 011 the Nature alld Localities of the Places by Which It Is Produced . . . (Philadelphia: T. Kite, 1 829); and Sir James Clark, TIze Inj/uellce of Cli mate ill the Prevention and Cure ofChronic Diseases . . . (London: T. a n d G. Underwood, 1 8 30), a s essential to understanding urban design. 6 1 . There is sustained and at times affection ate correspondence from \XTaring to Olmsted i n Olmsted Papers ( n . 49). 62. George E. Waring, Jr., Draining for Profit, and Draining for Health, 2d ed. (New York: Or ange Judd Company, 1 879). 63. Frederick Law Olmsted et ai., "Report to the Staten Island Improvement Commission of a Preliminary Scheme of Improvements" ( 1 8 7 l ) , in Landscape into Cityscape: Frederick Law Olmsted's Plans for a Greater New York City, ed. Albert Fein (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1968), pp. 1 73300. 64. Ibid., p . 199. 6 5 . Ibid., pp. 207-37. 66. Frederick Law Olmsted and J. J. R. Croes, Bulletin of Anesthesia History Doris K. Cope, M.D., Editor 200 Medical Arts Building 200 Delafield Avenue, Suite 2070 Pittsburgh, PA 15215 "Preliminary Report . . . upon the Laying Out of the Twe n ty-th i rd and Twe n ty-fourth Wards" ( 1 877), in Civilizing American Cities: A Selection of Frederick Law Olmsted's lV'i'itings on City Landscapes, ed. S . B . Sutton (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1 9 7 1 ) , p p . 4 1 -5 1 , quotation on p. 49. 67. Olmsted, Vaux & Co., Observation on the Progress of Improvements in Street Plans, with Spe cial Reference to the Park-way Proposed to Be Laid Out in Brooklyn, 1868 (Brooklyn: 1. van Anden's 68. Ibid., p. 1 8. 69. Frederick Law Olmsted, "Public Parks and the Enlargement of Towns" ( 1 870), in S u tton, Civilizing American Cities (n. 66), pp. 52-99, quo tation on p. 70. 70. Ibid., p. 72. 7 1 . C ha rles E . Beveridge, 'Frederick Law Olmsted," in Alllerican Landscape Architecture: De signers and Places, ed. William H. Tishler (Wash ington, D . C . : Preservation Press, 1989), p. 3 8 . Print, 1 868), p. 1 7 . 5th INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON THE HISTORY OF ANAESTHESIA (ISHA ) University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain 1 9 - 2 3 S e p tember, 2 0 0 1 For further information, please go to the ISHA website at www.usc. es/isha/ or contact: J. Carlos Diz Servicio de Anestesio1ogia y Reanimaci6n Hospital General de Ga1icia-Clinico Universitario c/Ga1eras sin 1 5705-Santiago Spain Tel: 34.98.1540223 Fax: 34.98 . 1 540172 E-mail: < [email protected]>