Mboko Talk - Linguistech.ca

Political Oppression, Orality and Terminological
Re-engineering: The Case of “Mboko Talk” in
Cameroon Music
by
Kizito Tekwa
2
1) Introduction
Use of translation and terminology to address different socio-political agendas such as
women’s rights (Von Flotow, 1997), gay rights, etc. has become prevalent in our world today.
Dominated groups and cultures have endeavoured to be heard through translation, including
terminological and syntactic modification (Brisset, 1996). The decolonisation of Africa saw the
rise to power of a political class in some countries that has further alienated the population.
Some regimes are propped up by former colonial powers, especially France, while some
dictators1 have simply decided to hang on to power in total disregard of the wishes of the often, poor and disillusioned - population. As a result, the post-colonial history of Africa is
plagued by military coups, human rights abuse, corruption, poverty and tribalism. In the early
90s, multi-party politics was introduced in most African countries formerly colonized by France.
This gave rise to a certain degree of press freedom and the possibility to challenge existing
dictatorial regimes. However, in many of these countries, the crackdown on most dissident
voices has continued with the same impunity. As a consequence, political activists have had to
find other ways of opposing those in power without risking their lives in the process.
In Cameroon, one way out has been the return to oral tradition where writers and singers
have borrowed lexical items, concepts and practices to illustrate the excesses of those in power.
For instance, Bole Butake (1990) of the University of Yaounde 1 published, And Palm Wine will
Flow, at the high of political tension in Cameroon in 1990. The satirical drama is about a local
chieftain who dines and wines in total disregard of the problems of his subjects. Similarly, Bate
Besong (RIP) published among others, Obasinjom Warrior with Poems after Detention, in 1992
after he was released from jail for opposing the regime. “Obasinjom” is a traditional character in
1
For example, Rubert Mugabe in Zimbabwe.
3
the Bayangi tribe in South West Cameroon. Its role is to purge the village of evil by eliminating
wizards and witches, identifying thieves and other offenders and subsequently killing them.
Opposing the regime in Cameroon has not only been the prerogative of intellectuals
through their publications. As a matter of fact, musicians and artists have made a significant
contribution toward the struggle. Lapiro de Mbanga2, who recently served a three-year jail term
for singing constitution constipee3, uses music as his medium of opposition. His music is
revolutionary and critical of the ruling class in Cameroon. His lyrics, an artistic combination of
lexical items from English, French, Pidgin English and indigenous Cameroonian languages, are
meant to give a voice to the voiceless. This language mix, otherwise known as Mboko Talk,
originated from Mbanga, a town in the Littoral Province of Cameroon. It went viral in Cameroon
in the 80s and 90s especially after the re-introduction of multi-party politics. It continues to be
widely used in Cameroon and abroad helped to a large extent by the Internet-based social
media.
This article examines the relevance of Mboko Talk as a tool for the fight against
oppression in Cameroon. It analyzes how Lapiro was able to capitalize on orality, the linguistic
riches of Cameroon and his personal terminological innovation to oppose a dictator from 1985
to 2008 without landing in troubled waters. The paper shall have three main sections; firstly, a
brief political history of Cameroon, Lapiro’s biography and the development and spread Mboko
Talk; secondly, a section on Mboko Talk and terminological theory – ‘normalisation’ and
‘normaison,’ pre-translation, MT and post-editing; finally, a section on the presentation and
analysis of Mboko terminology. The analysis will illustrate how Lapiro is capable of manipulating
2
His real name is Lambo Pierre Roger (Lapiro)
A song challenging the ‘constitutional’ abolition of the presidential mandate in Cameroon thereby allowing the
president to rule for ever.
3
4
language in order to conceal his opposition. It will also purport that Mboko Talk can be
translated using current translation tools with a slight conceptual modification and finally that,
contrary to the GTT, it is possible to undertake a diachronic and synchronic study of Mboko Talk.
The conclusion shall summarize the main points of the paper and suggest further avenues for
research.
2) Section 1
2. a) Brief history of Cameroon politics
Cameroon was colonized, first, by the Germans towards the end of the 18 th century, then
by the British and the French after World War I. It became independent in the early 1961 uniting
as one country with two distinct officially languages, English and French, and two colonial
cultures. Besides the two official languages, there are about 264 indigenous languages in the
country, making it not just a melting-pot of cultures, but also richly diversified. After
independence, political parties that had fought for independence were abolished because it was
believed that such a gesture would foster national unity. Leaders of opposition parties such as
l’Union des populations du Cameroun (UPC) that had staunchly opposed the colonial
administration were arrested and executed. Amadou Ahidjo, the first president, built a strong
central, one-party government around his personality. He suppressed all dissident voices and
human rights were abused at all levels. However, he helped to build a country blessed with
fabulous human and natural resources. On Nov. 6, 1982, he officially resigned from office and
handed power to his constitutional successor, Paul Biya, who currently rules Cameroon. Biya
quickly promised reforms. He called his era the New Deal. He also laid out his vision in his book,
Communal Liberalism (Biya, 1987), which advocated for increased human rights, economic
prosperity, rigour and the moralisation of public life in Cameroon. Despite these promises, the
5
reality soon became very different. The economy began to slump and unemployment was on the
rise. The government officially acknowledged the crisis in 1987. A lot of simple privileges, such as
allowances for civil servants, university students and farmers were curtailed. This was followed
by the forced retirement of aging civil servants. With fewer chances of getting jobs, violent
crime, street protests and insecurity took hold of the cities of the country. In 1990, bowing to
popular pressure and street protests, Biya returned the country to multi-party politics, opening a
chapter in public life characterized by multi-party elections and political campaigns, but also
ghosts towns, insecurity, political polarization and the ‘tribalization’ of political parties. Some
Cameroonians had thought that multi-party politics would orchestrate reforms leading to a
change at the helm of the country. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. Biya has held on to
power by organizing elections and successively winning them amidst cries of rigging and other
electoral irregularities. He has continued to receive the support of the international community
despite growing discontent at home from people of all walks of life. As opposition parties have
increasingly attacked an impotent administration incapable of meeting the needs of the
population, Biya has turned on his repressive military machinery. His human rights record is
appalling. Amnesty International published a 70-page report in January 2013 which detailed the
human rights situation in the country. It demonstrates how journalists, teachers, reporters,
civilians, medical practitioners, students, gays and lesbians have been systematically subjected to
different forms of abuse by Biya’s agents and the forces of law and order. The introduction of
the report claims that:
The violations have included extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, unlawful
detentions, torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or
punishment, unfair trials, and persecution and imprisonment of people for their real
or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity. Most of the perpetrators of
these human rights violations – especially members of law enforcement forces - have
usually enjoyed impunity …
6
[http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR17/001/2013/en/384e1431-5fbb-4946875e-78078329ee16/afr170012013en.pdf]
Alongside human rights abuse, cases of corruption and embezzlement abound in the country.
The civil service is largely corrupt with government official constantly siphoning sums of money
dedicated for development. In a press release, the Cameroon Center for Democracy and Human
Rights summarized the corruption situation in Cameroon as follows:
Corruption has eaten so deep into the fabric of the Cameroonian society such that it
dictates almost every aspect of life. Misappropriate of public funds run across all
state structures and public officials, including the President and his Ministers, the
leadership of the National Assembly, and Directors of public corporations. In the
same light, bribery has become the order of the day and virtually directs daily
activities for civil servants and law enforcement officials who continue to engage in
corrupt practices with impunity… (Cameroon Center for Democracy and Human
Rights (25 June 2009) Government Endorses Corruption by Arbitrarily Sentencing
Anti-Corruption and Civil Society Activists in Cameroon [http://picam.org/pressreleases/2009/06-25-GovernmentEndorsesCorruption.htm])
Opposition to the regime has come from the civil society, but also intellectuals via their
publications artists, students and Cameroonians in the Diaspora via demonstrations at
Cameroonian embassies (Washington, Ottawa, Brussels, etc). Even though political activists are
being persecuted, the resolve to make their voices heard has never been greater. Among these
staunch protesters is Lapiro de Mbanga, who, unlike other activists, uses music to oppose the
regime. He sings in “Mboko Talk” a popular street language in Cameroon that combines lexical
items from English, French and indigenous languages. The section that follows shall briefly
introduce Lapiro and his style. Furthermore, Mboko Talk shall be anchored in terminological
theory to highlight its richness and contemporary characteristics.
2.b) Lapiro and Mboko Talk
Lapiro was born in Mbanga, in the Littoral Province of Cameroon on Nov. 3, 1957 where
he grew up. Born to relatively well-to-do parents, Lapiro de Mbanga’s first contact with societal
7
injustice was at a tender age. He didn’t understand why his parents could afford toys for him
while the parents of his friends couldn’t do same. His got initiated into music at an early age and
this deprived him of most teen pleasures like street soccer. He later travelled and lived in Nigeria
where he met with Fela Anikulapo Kuti, the multi-instrumentalist composer and musician,
human rights activist, political maverick and pioneer of Afrobeat4. During his stay in Nigeria, he
also met Jimmy Cliff, the Jamaican artist, who was instrumental in shaping his view of life. Lapiro
de Mbanga returned to Cameroon and in 1985, he released the album, Pas Argent, No Love
(Lapiro, 1985). He has released a total of thirteen albums during a musical career that initially
focused on societal issues but took a radical political turn when the economy of Cameroon
plummeted from the mid 80s and the youths became increasingly frustrated by a failing regime.
His music has often reflected the political and social practices of the time. After the economy
collapsed in the mid 80s he decried the greed of the ruling class that amassed the wealth of the
country while the poor languished in misery, in his 1989-album, Mimba we, (Think About Us. (my
translation)). In 1992, he released Syndrome Unique, an album that caricatured politicians with
their empty promises who turn to the masses for only for votes. Once they are in power, they
ignore the masses, brutalize them, and commit extensive human rights abuse. Syndrome Unique
was followed, in 1994, by Na You (C’est toi. (my translation)), an album that directly accused the
president of Cameroon for the misery, poverty, and suffering that had become part of daily life
in Cameroon. He maintained that certificates had lost their value in a society where education is
held in esteem. He openly calls on the president to redress a situation: “no you spoil this country,
you must fix’am oh” (You messed up things in this country, so you must fix them. (my
4
Wikipedia defines Afrobeat as “… a combination of traditional Yoruba music, jazz, highlife, funk,
and chanted vocals, fused with percussion and vocal styles, popularised in Africa in the 1970s.”
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afrobeat]
8
translation)). The album won the French prix de la Fondation Afrique en création and was a hit in
dance halls around the country. In 1995, he released Lef’am So (Laissez tomber), an album which
continued his attack against so-called educated Cameroonian politicians who have displayed
their inability to run the country. In the album’s main song, Lef’am so, Lapiro (1995) asks,
“comment se fait-t-il que plus we di bring back, plus this country di so so meung dat so?” (How
come the more we try to salvage things in this country, the more they deteriorate? (my
translation)). He called on them to step aside so that, “sans diplômes them too, make them try”
(Lapiro: 1995) (Let those without certificates give it a shot. (My translation))
In 2008, President Paul Biya rumoured his desire to remain in power beyond 2011, the
year his two-term presidential mandate was supposed to come to an end and fresh elections
organized to choose his successor. Cameroonians were deeply angered and many of them took
to the streets in protest. Lapiro, of course, was among them. There were violent clashes
between civilians and the military and dozens of deaths. At the height of this struggle, Lapiro
released “Constitution constipée,” an album that castigated the president and his henchmen for
taking the country hostage. He started by appealing to Jesus and Mohammed to come and
liberate Cameroon, “Seigneur Jésus, appel ton frère, le prophet Mohammed, venez nous
délibérer…” (Lapiro: 2008). Lapiro was arrested, charged with instigating violence and sentenced
to three years in prison. He was released on April 8, 2011 a few months before Paul Biya, who
had modified the constitution by cancelling the presidential mandate, was re-elected. Lapiro
released “Démissionnez” in 2012 before seeking and obtaining political asylum in the U.S where
he now lives with his family. The reason why Lapiro could oppose a regime with such atrocious
human rights records for so long without landing in hot waters is because of his fan base made
9
of the “sauvétteurs5, sans diplômes, chauffeurs de moto-taxi6, bendsékineurs7, buy’am sell’am8,
dembreyeurs9, and other forgotten sections of society. Yet, another important reason is Lapiro’s
terminological ability to coin new words, borrow from African languages, employ calques, and
camouflage pointed accusations in rather unnatural hybrid syntactic structures of Cameroon’s
Pidgin English, French and English. The language of his music is “Mboko Talk”, a popular,
unofficial, essentially oral street language which mixes English, French, Pidgin English and other
indigenous languages such as Bassa, Duala, etc.
Mboko Talk originated from the region around Mbanga where Lapiro grew up. The town of
Mbanga occupies a very strategic position on the map of Cameroon. It is part of the Frenchspeaking Littoral Province but lies very close to the Kumba, a town in the English-speaking South
West Province. Its proximity to English-speaking Cameroon is made even closer by a railway
which runs between both towns. People travelling to Kumba from the English-speaking North
West Province, the French-speaking West, Littoral and parts of the Centre Provinces need to
stop at Mbanga and board the train to Kumba. As a result, Mbanga was an important centre of
commerce in the 70s and 80s as traders came from Douala and surrounding areas. As
commercial activities flourished, pickpockets, petty thieves and cheats, conmen, etc. made a
living off new Mbanga inhabitants, passengers in transit and new arrivals. These were the
original ‘mbokos’, and their language, reserved for the ‘initiated’ became known as Mboko Talk.
Sentences were constructed using lexical items borrowed from other languages - Pidgin English,
French, English, etc. Their language was heavily influenced by African oral languages with the
5
Word coined from the French word, se sauvette, which describes ambulant traders – ‘vendre à la sauvette’.
Virtually anything on two wheels serving for commercial transportation
7
Riders of motorbikes used as taxis for urban transportation.
8
These are petit traders who survive by buying and selling goods in local markets.
9
Word coined from the French verb, se débrouiller. It describes all kinds of people struggling to obtain their daily
bread.
6
10
random use of mimicry, repetition, onomatopoeia, alliteration, proverbs and other wise sayings.
Like typical African oral storytellers, speakers of Mboko Talk constantly introduced innovations in
the language, coining even more new words, cutting and pasting where necessary, and
introducing signs and gestures to accompany speech. In an interview with www.camerooninfo.net on July 24, 2003, Lapiro de Mbanga explained:
…je parlais un moment à la grande majorité de la population qui à l’époque n’allait pas à
l’école. Si vous avez des parents bien, qui ont de l’argent, vous allez à l’école, sinon c’est le
quartier. Ils sont donc devenus de plus en plus nombreux, ne parlant ni le français, ni
l’anglais. Pour donc communiquer, il fallait mélanger le pidjin, un peu de français, et les
langues vernaculaires pour obtenir cet argot, qui est devenu très populaire. Alors, pour
parler de leurs problèmes, de leurs souffrances, le meilleur moyen je crois est de le faire en
leur langue, qui est devenu la notre, la leur. [http://www.camerooninfo.net/stories/0,12964,@,lapiro-de-mbanga-alias-ndinga-man-face-a-cameroon-infonet.html]
Mboko Talk became popular around the Mbanga neighbourhood, thereafter it spread to Kumba
and most of English-speaking Cameroon. However, its popularity increased tremendously when
Lapiro de Mbanga started releasing song after song in Mboko Talk, beginning with his 1985 hit,
Pas Argent, No Love. In an interview with Dr. Peter Vakumta, lecturer at the University of
Wisconsin-Madison and published on http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZW4tlDIBulA, Lapiro said
he didn’t invent Mboko Talk, he rather disseminated it. It may be relevant to situate Mboko Talk
within the context of terminological theory before making an appraisal of its characteristics.
3) Section 2
3.a) Terminological Theory and Mboko Talk
In their article, “La Socioterminologie,” Gaudin and Depecker (2005) argue against Wuster’s GTT
and advocate a “socioterminologic” approach to terminology. They define socioterminology as:
…la double influence de la sociolinguistique théorique et de la sociolinguistique de
terrain, la socioterminologie se fixe comme objet l’étude de la circulation des termes
11
en synchronie et en diachronie, ce qui inclut l’analyse et la modélisation des
significations et des conceptualisations (Gaudin and Depecker, 2005:82)
They further argue that for countries of Africa, Asia and even Latin America, the
socioterminological approach is essential for “the ‘defence and establishment’ of the national
languages,” (Rey, 1998/1999:123) especially with the influence of technology. Rey (1998/1999)
argues that the inclusion of other languages into mainstream research using language analysis
tools will require a more sociolinguistic approach to terminology. Gaudin and Depecker (2005)
distinguish between two important linguistic phenomena – la normalisation and la normaison.
While ‘normalisation’ is associated “toujours d’une institution qui fixe les termes recommandés
ou obligatoires,” (Gaudin and Depecker, 2005:86), la normaison, on the contrary, refers to “un
processus au moyen duquel un système terminologique déterminé s’autorégule en accord avec
ses utilisateurs.”(Cabre, 1998:244) Mboko Talk is an example, par excellence, of the linguistic
concept of ‘la normaison’ in practice for a number of reasons. Firstly, it is a language created
from the interaction of people within society. It began with the ‘mbokos’ and spread to other
sections of society. Secondly, the society determines the rules of usage not through prescription,
but rather by just using the language. Thirdly, there is no regulatory institution overseeing its
usage and dictating rules to be followed. In a post-colonial society, the concept of
standardization could have a negative connotation especially when, “…The idealized
construction of the images of the Self in colonial discourses is accompanied by denigrations of
other languages, cultures, and people in language education.”(Shin and Kubota: 2008:210)
Mboko Talk has continued to auto-regulate itself along the years, following the contours of time
and the socio-political evolution in Cameroon. As the social, economic and political situation has
degraded, an increasing number of terms have been coined to describe the oppressors. Other
12
terms have acquired new nuances and shades of meaning in the same light. For instance, Lapiro
de Mbanga affectionately referred to the Head of State as, “Grand frère for Etoudi10” in his 1989
album, “Mimba We”(Lapiro: 1989). At that time, the impact of the economic crisis had just
started to be felt by the population and Cameroonians thought that by standing together as one
nation, the crisis could be overcome. However, such affection gradually gave way to more sharp
attacks as the situation degraded. The term, “chaud gars” was used to describe a famous chimp
at the Nvog Beti zoo in Yaounde. In his 2012 album, the term takes a new shade of meaning. It is
used to qualify the Head of State in a sentence made even most nasty with the allusion to faeces,
repugnant smell, and desperation. He says when the time for pay for his crimes arrives, the Head
of State will understand that when one eats too much, he will pass much faeces, “yes, ancien
chaud gars, that mean say you go shit big big shit and hi go noom11 mmmff12” (Yes old chimp,
that means you will pass out lots of faeces which will stink mmmff” (my translation)).
The table below illustrates terminological changes over the years:
Term
Album and year
Meaning
Grand Katika for N’gola13
Big Katika for N’gola
Ewàké
Répé Ndos
Pa Paul
Lef’am So (1986)
Master conman in Yaounde.
Syndrome Unique (1992)
Constitution constipée (2008)
Demissionnez (2012)
Bakwerri word for Chimp
Old Swindler
Old Paul
The examples above indicate that Mboko Talk can be studied synchronically and diachronically. It
also illustrates the very social nature of the language whose evolution is intrinsically linked with
10
“Elder Brother at Etoudi” (my translation) Etoudi is the name of the quarter in Yaounde where the presidential
palace is located.
11
‘noom’ is a Duala word for “smell.”
12
“mmmff” is the mimicry for foul smell.
13
“Master Conman in Yaounde” (my translation). N’gola, an allusion to Angola during the ravaging diamond war,
refers to Yaounde, the capital of Cameroon.
13
that of the society that uses it. It further illustrates the influence of orality on Mboko Talk
vocabulary and syntactic structures - repetition, (big big) and mimicry (mmmff). Its relationship
with the concept of ‘la normaison’, described by Guespin (1993:218) as “la logique même de
tout système linguistique,” cannot be clearer.
Current terminological research is directly linked with advances in technology. In fact, they
are so inextricably linked that it is impossible to conceive the future of terminology without
technology. This is evident in the volume of publications in the domain, but also in the number of
conferences, symposiums and workshops organized in the field. The translation process has
equally been radically affected by technology and there seems to be little that can be done to
change things around. Any attempt to resist its influence seems out of place. Pym (2011) argues
that, “Resistance to technological change is usually a defense of old accrued power, dressed in
the guise of quality.”(2011:4) The changes, more than ever before, have led linguists and
translators to suggest alternative ways of training potential translators, renaming concepts in the
discipline, but also grappling with the output of machine-translated texts or pre-translations. The
eCoLoRe project (http://ecolore.leeds.ac.uk/xml/project/overview.xml?lang=en) of the University
of Leeds, in the UK which aims at remedying the shortage of skills in the area of localisation
software defines pre-translation as:
Pre-translation (also called batch translation) refers to the process of comparing a complete source text to a
Translation Memory (TM) database and automatically inserting the translations of all exact matches found in
the database. The result is a hybrid text containing pre-translated and untranslated segments.
All segments for which there is no match will remain in the source language and have to be translated either
by a human translator or - if available and considered helpful - by using a machine translation system.
[http://ecolore.leeds.ac.uk/xml/materials/overview/process/preparation/pre_translation.x
ml?lang=en]
Until now, pre-translations have been generally associated with machines and other translation
software. For instance, the HPJava Translator as well as most other translation software have an
14
in-built pre-translation feature. To underscore the impact of post-editing in contemporary
translation practices, Ignacio Garcia (2011:218) states that:
…as MT improves, full post-editing is now encroaching into areas that had been dealt
with up to now by translation assisted with TM. As MT improves, full post-editing
becomes an alternative way of dealing with the segments for which no match has
been found in the memory database.
Garcia’s view is shared by many linguists, terminologists and translation scholars around the
globe. Today, post-editing is considered the future of translation for a number of reasons. Firstly,
the structure of texts has changed. Pym (2008) argues that, “People no longer use such contents
in a linear way, starting at the beginning and reading through to the end. So documents are not
written in a linear way, and they are certainly not translated in a linear way.” Secondly,
translation memory systems have completely changed the way translation is done nowadays.
The practice is more sophisticated and computers are playing an increasingly significant role.
Thirdly, the amalgamation of corpora and TMs has rendered terminological research relatively
easier. Furthermore, with globalization and localisation, there is an ever increasing need to
translate. While the demand for translation has increased exponentially, the number of
translators has dwindled. Barabé (2013:48) affirms that, “le rythme de l’innovation, tout comme
celui de la création d’information, crée une demande de traduction dépassant des milliers de fois
l’offre professionnelle en traduction. Ce fossé entre l’offre et la demande ne cesse de croître.”
Technology seems to be the only logical way to meet this demand. Attempts to make MT and
post-editing relatively easier have been discussed at various levels and one of these include the
preparation of the source text for machine translation. It is believed that the more a text is
‘adapted’ for machine translation, the easier it may be for the machine to do the translation.
Consequently, it will be relatively easier for the translator-post-editor to edit it. Foster et al.
(1996:1) maintain that, “…Preedition is based on the premise that a certain amount of labour
15
invested in preparing a source text for machine analysis will be more than repaid by the resulting
improvement in MT performance.” So far, the notion of post-editing using current technology
has mostly been analyzed in relation to machine translation.
However, the inclusion of Mboko Talk in the existing paradigm may take the discussion to a new
dimension. This is because Mboko Talk is, in fact, a pre-translation by its very nature. Its
sentences are a combination of lexical items from different languages. As a matter of fact, a
translator working from Mboko Talk into English or French will have some of her/his
terminological research done in advance. This is partly because a considerable amount of effort
is required to write music using Mboko Talk. Lapiro (2003) claimed in an interview that, “Le plus
dûr pour moi est l'écriture des texts…” Pym (2008) presents a parallel of this type of effort when
he suggests that controlled writing could be used to prepare texts for machine translation.
Sentences in Mboko Talk are made up of calques, lexical borrowing, adaptation, word blending
and syntactic restructuring. Here are a few examples:
1) “…Sauvétage na boulot wey no get compression du personnel…”
(Lapiro, 1989)
Analysis
French words: boulot, compression du personnel
Word blending: sauvetage (se sauver) + sauvette (vendre à la sauvette) = sauvéttage.
Pidgin English: na (is); wey no get (which doesn’t have)
2) “You don take président de l’assemblée nationale make garçon de course sôté you di
commissioner he for go représenter you for mbout événement dem for làssà pays. You
don over échouer.” (Lapiro, 2012)
French words: président de l’assemblée nationale, garçon de course, commissioner,
représenter, événement, pays, échouer.
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English words adapted in Pidgin English: take, make, you, for, he, over (Their
pronunciation in Pidgin English and Mboko Talk may have slight tonal variations)
Pure Mboko words: mbout (fake, useless) làssà (unimportant - coined from ‘last’)
Pidgin English: don (“have” in the past participle form),
The examples above illustrate the fact that for a translator, working from Mboko into French or
English, the text he/she is presented with is already a pre-translation. The translator actually only
needs to work on non-translated segments of the source text much in the same way as posteditor works on segments of a machine pre-translation.
Nowadays, the Internet and exposure to the public media has made the learning of new
languages easier. The future of communication may as well pass through the production of
hybrid sentences and texts made of hybrid sentences presented for translation in collaborative
media, such as facebook. This is because any person who speaks more than one language will
testify that some ideas are better expressed in a certain way using specific lexical items of a
specific language. Lapiro (2003) confirmed this assertion in his interview when said,
En effet ce sont des conseils que je donne, que je pourrais aussi donner en
français, mais cela perdrait sa véracité. Quand cela reste dans sa conception, son
contexte, les messages gardent tout leur poids…
This leads us to the next important issue. Can current MT and other translation software be
adapted to translate Mboko Talk? The truth is that Mboko Talk may not pose too much of a
problem for translation software designers. Its syntactic structure may be different but the fact
that it constitutes a significant number of English and French terms is already a considerable
advantage. A Google translation of the sentence below into English provided the following:
17
Original sentence in Mboko Talk
Translation into English
You don take président de l’assemblée
nationale make garçon de course sôté you
di commissioner he for go représenter you
for mbout événement dem for làssà pays.
You don over échouer
You don take President of the National
Assembly make SOTE errand boy di you go
for commissioner he represent you for
Mbout event for Lassa dem country. You
don fail over.
An analysis of the translation shows that two things need to be done to adapt the translation
software to Mboko Talk:
1) Familiarize it with Mboko Talk and Pidgin English words such as “don, sôté, di, mbout,
làssà, dem, etc.)
2) Familiarize it with Pidgin English and Mboko Talk syntactic structure. For instance, it
should be made to understand that, “dem” marks the plural and “over” before an
adjective is an intensifier like “very, serious, crucial,” etc. which could be translated by
an adverb in some circumstances. It should also be taught to consider “don” + verb as
the past perfect form. For instance, “you don over échouer” would be translated as
“You have failed badly.” Or “You are failed woefully”
This section attempted to establish the relationship between Mboko Talk and current
terminological theory, notably the concept of “normalisation” and “normaison” as well as MT,
pre-translation and post-editing. The section that follows shall present a sample of socio-political
terms from the music of Lapiro. Sample contexts of usage shall then be analyzed to determine
how Lapiro’s terminological prowess made him avoid the Biya regime with its horrendous human
rights record.
4.) Section 3
4.a) Presentation of Mboko Socio-Political Terminology
18
In his music, Lapiro de Mbanga’s attack is directed at Paul Biya, president of Cameroon, his
government ministers and other politicians in the country and finally some state-owned
institutions and political parties and ideologies. Political and social terms and their subsequent
analysis shall be presented following these categories.
1) The President
Term
Translation
Explanation
Grand frère for Etoudi
Elder Brother at Etoudi
The presidential palace is located
at Etoudi, in Yaounde.
Grand Katika for Ngola
Big Katika for Ngola
Master con man in Yaounde
“Katika” in Mboko means a cheat,
swindler, conman, petit thief etc.
Ancien l’homme lion
Ancien l’homme lion
Allusion to the 2001 presidential
election when Biya campaigned as
Lion Man. He used to be the lion
man, now he is a non-runner.
Ewàkè
Chimp
Bakwerri word for “chimp”
Répé Ndos
Pa Paul
Old Cheat
Old Paul
Répé (Old, father) is coined from
the French word, ‘père’.
Capitain for équipe
nationale de shibam
Captain of the national team of
embezzlers.
“shibam” means false transaction,
embezzlement
Ancien chaud gars
Old chaud gars
“Chaud gars” was a famous chimp
at the Yaounde Nvog Beti zoo.
Bîmcasse (adj)
Worn out (could also mean,
inept, exhausted)
Word formed from abîmer + casser
Context of usage
a) “Big Katika”
19
Context
Translation
Le contre ce qu’au lieu que that dough help
all we, pour qu’on tolerer, Big Katika an hi
nchinda dem don catcha dat nburu take
yan kin kin tapi and tie hep hep châteaux
for side by side
(Lapiro, Lef’am So:1995)
Le contre ce que, au lieu que cet argent
nous aide, pour qu’on puisse tolérer, the
master con man and his servants have
ceased it, used it to buy all kinds of flashy
cars and construct big big castles
everywhere…
The sentence is in English, French and Pidgin English and this makes it difficult for those in power
and the uninitiated to understand. This means Lapiro de Mbanga can’t be persecuted for calling
the president a ‘conman’ because legally speaking, ‘Grand Katika” doesn’t mean anything. Like
other oral languages in Cameroon, Mboko is not meant to be written. Lapiro also explores other
elements of orality such as repetition, - kin kin tapi, hep hep chateaux – and borrows the word,
‘nchinda’ (servants) from Bantu languages such as Bangwa and Bamileke in the West and South
West Provinces of Cameroon respectively. An ‘nchinda’ generally lives in the palace and serves
the king. Their ancestors were slaves captured in war or bought from other tribes in the distant
past. It often has a derogatory connotation.
b) Ancien l’homme lion
Context
Translation
…en qualité d’ancien l’homme lion, puisque
popo your répé sep sep, they don
retrograder you, say you bi dat so non gui.
You don éléctrocuter code éléctoral…
(Lapiro, 2012)
… en qualité d’ancien l’homme lion,
pusique ton père lui-même t’a retrogradé,
t’a déclaré un non-partant. Tu as
éléctrocuté le code éléctoral..
Lapiro alludes to the 2001 presidential election when the Head of State campaigned using the
image of the lion. Since then, he has constantly been referred to as ‘l’homme lion.’ However,
20
Lapiro introduce the word ‘ancien’ to refer to his advanced age14, his inability to set things right
in Cameroon and his loss of respect. He can only be compared to a ‘cheval non-partant,’ a nonrunner in horse racing because of his misdeeds including killing (electrocuting) the electoral law.
A linear representation of the French words, ‘l’homme lion, rétrograder, éléctrocuter le code
éléctoral’ could give the authorities a close idea of his message. However, he has the ability to
mask his message by integrating a predominantly Pidgin English sentence structure, borrowing
terms from oral languages and cultures (non-gui), alluding to Cameroon’s political history and
including horse-racing terminology (cheval non-partant).
2) Government ministers and politicians
Term
Transalation
Explanation
Nchinda
Servants
Club de toitteurs
Club de voleurs
“nchinda” means “servant” in
many Bantu languages
“toitteur” in Mboko means
‘thief’.
Clan de bouffeurs
Vampires
Politicadres
Eater’s club
Politiciens/cadres
Word created from politician +
cadres.
Djim tété
Fat (and ugly), well fed
Equipe nationale de shibam
National team of embezzlers
Those who feed fat on the
country’s wealth, become ugly
and lazy.
Those in government who
embezzle citizen’s taxes, etc.
Champions toutes catégories
de fausses promesses.
Super jocker de mensonges.
Contexts of usage
14
Paul Biya was born in 1933.
21
a) Club de toitteurs
Context
Translation
Which kind’a country this,
You like you dig’ am like gro’beef,
If you no dey for club de toitteurs,
Ya own sofa no go termish…
(Lapiro:1994)
What kind of country is this,
Go ahead and dig it out like a ground hog,
If you don’t belong to the club of theives
Your suffering will have no end…
The message is pretty straightforward. It decries the sectionalization of society into different
classes belonging to the rich and poor. It is an attack against those in power who use their
influence to help their sons, daughters and relatives. However, like in most of his songs, Lapiro
blends such a blatant attack in a predominantly Pidgin English lexical and syntactic structure
including terms from Mboko Talk (toitteur). He also coins his own verb such as, “termish” –
formed by cutting and pasting ‘terminer’ and ‘finish’.
b) Politicadres
Context
Translation
We want, we go, on va, on veut (2x)
Tout ça c’est la tchatche
La tchatche de politicadres
Toujours tchatcher
Tchatcher pour rien
We want, we go, on va, on veut (2x)
Tout ça c’est la tchatche
La tchatche de politiciens et cadres
Toujours tchatcher
Tchatcher pour rien
(Lapiro, 1992)
Lapiro’s music is particularly interesting because he does translate some segments of his songs.
The Pidgin English expression, “we want, we go” has been translated into French as “on va, on
veut.” Elsewhere, he translated “L’argent en main, pantalon en bas,” (Lapiro, 1985) into Pidgin
English as, “Money for hand, back for ground,” (Lapiro, 1985) and “La chevre broute là où ils sont
attachés,” (Lapiro, 1989) as “Johny four-foot di damne na for secteur wey them die he,” (Lapiro,
22
1989). However, in this context, apart from the masking term ‘politicadres’, the rest of his
message is rather clear. This example demonstrates that concealment is a weapon Lapiro uses
intentionally.
3) Government institutions and political parties and ideologies
Term
Translation
Explanation
Equipe nationale de shibam
National team of embezzlers.
The president, his minister
and other high- ranking
government officials.
Rendre définitivement pauvre les
citoyens (RDPC)
Rassemblement
démocratique du peuple
camerounais (RDPC)
The name of president’s
political party
Caisse nationale de précipitation à
la sécret –tue (CNPS)
Caisse nationale de
prevoyance sociale. (CNPS)
National Social Insurance
Fund.
Pour le libéralisme de la
corruption
Pour le Libéralisme
communautaire
A 54-page book published by
President Biya in 1989.
Rencoeur et marginalisation
Rigueur et moralisation
One of Biya’s New Deal
slogans.
Regime de choko
Regime de chop I chop
Regime de la corruption
Gov’t of generalized
corruption
“choko” means corruption in
Mboko language.
Démocratie avancée à grande
vitesse
Démocratie avancée
A cover-up term for all
democratic malpractices by
the regime.
Contexts of usage
a) Démocratie avancée à grande vitesse
Context
Translation
Step down, démissionnez because you don Démissionnez parce ce que tu a trop massacré
23
over massacrer constitution. For réglement
intérieur for you démocratie avancée à grande
vitesse, pouvoir éxécutif, pouvoir judiciaire
and pouvoir législatif, na you di piloter..
(Lapiro, 2012)
la constitution. Selon le réglement intérieur de
votre démocratie advancée à grande vitesse,
c’est toi qui détient le pour exécutive, le
pouvoir judiciaire et le pourvoir législatif…
Lapiro blends Pidgin English and French though the ratio of French words far outnumbers that of
Pidgin English. The current context is obtained from the album, Démissionnez (Lapiro, 2012),
released after he served his three-year jail term. It is a direct, sharper and undisguised attack at
the Head of State, his ministers and political institutions in Cameroon. Not only is Lapiro angered
for having served an unjust three-year prison term, the economic situation has seriously
depreciated and poverty has reached its apex. This example illustrates, once again, that Mboko
Talk can be analyzed diachronically and synchronically. A diachronic analysis will testify that over
the years, the concealed attacks against the president and his government have given way to
more direct and open attacks because the political and social situation has continued to worsen.
Conclusion
The main objective of this paper has been to analyze how Lapiro uses his music to oppose the
Yaounde-regime. The first section provided background information on the political situation in
Cameroon with particular attention to human rights abuse, corruption and embezzlement. The
second section focused on Lapiro de Mbanga, his biography and his main songs followed by the
anchoring of Mboko Talk in terminological theory - ‘normalisation’ and ‘normaison’ as well as
MT, pre- and post-editing. The third section presented Mboko terminology, selected translations
and explanations and contexts of usage. The latter illustrated how his sharp critical stance
against the government is camouflaged in oral rhetoric, Pidgin English, French, English and other
24
indigenous languages. Subsequent explanations and examples proved that Mboko terms could
be analyzed using both a synchronic and diachronic approach. Mboko Talk has continued to be a
language of opposition in Cameroon not only because of Lapiro’s songs, but also because the
Internet and other media sources are helping to propagate and standardize it in the process. The
dictionary of Camfranglais,15 Le Camfranglais; quelle Parlure, (Nsobe et al, 2008) borrows
considerably from Mboko Talk and many budding musicians are poised to take over from Lapiro.
Avenues for further terminological research in Mboko Talk could include the effects of social
media on the language and an assessment of such on effects this has had on the regime. It could
also study patterns of word-formation at a particular time and over a particular period. Further
research could include how to integrate Mboko Talk into current TMs, MT and other translation
and voice recognition software especially for the purpose of localisation. However, until that is
done, Mboko Talk will continue to impact the lives of Cameroon, grow by incorporating new
concepts and be the hideout for those opposing the regime in Yaounde.
15
An oral language used in Cameroon on a daily basis. It borrows lexical items from English, French and other
languages.
25
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