November 2010 13 −− Allan Rex Sandage. 18 June 1926

Transcription

Downloaded from http://rsbm.royalsocietypublishing.org/ on October 21, 2016
Allan Rex Sandage. 18 June 1926 −− 13
November 2010
Donald Lynden-Bell and François Schweizer
Biogr. Mems Fell. R. Soc. 2012 58, 245-264, published 15 February 2012
originally published online February 15, 2012
Supplementary data
"Data Supplement"
http://rsbm.royalsocietypublishing.org/content/suppl/2012/02
/14/rsbm.2011.0021.DC1.html
Email alerting service
Receive free email alerts when new articles cite this article sign up in the box at the top right-hand corner of the article
or click here
To subscribe to Biogr. Mems Fell. R. Soc., go to:
http://rsbm.royalsocietypublishing.org/subscriptions
Allan Rex Sandage
18 June 1926 — 13 November 2010
Biogr. Mems Fell. R. Soc. 58, 245–264 (2012)
Allan Rex Sandage
18 June 1926 — 13 November 2010
Elected ForMemRS 2001
By Donald Lynden-Bell1* CBE FRS and François Schweizer2*
1Institute
of Astronomy, University of Cambridge, Madingley Road,
Cambridge CB3 0HA, UK
2Carnegie Observatories, 813 Santa Barbara Street, Pasadena, CA 91101, USA
Allan Sandage was an observational astronomer who was happiest at a telescope. On the sudden death of Edwin Hubble, Sandage inherited the programmes using the world’s largest optical
telescope at Palomar to determine the distances and number counts of galaxies. Over many years
he greatly revised the distance scale and, on reworking Hubble’s analysis, discovered the error
that had led Hubble to doubt the interpretation of the galaxies’ redshifts as an expansion of the
Universe. Sandage showed that there was a consistent age of creation for the stars, the elements
and the cosmos. Through work with Baade and Schwarzschild he discovered the key to the interpretation of the colour–magnitude diagrams of star clusters in terms of stellar evolution. With
others he founded galactic archaeology, interpreting the motions and elemental abundances of
the oldest stars in terms of a model for the Galaxy’s formation. He published several fine atlases
and catalogues of galaxies and a definitive history of the Mount Wilson Observatory.
Ancestry and education
Allan Rex Sandage was proud to come from a mid-west farmer’s family which had moved
from South Carolina to Indiana and, in 1881, to Lone Rock, Harrison County, Missouri; he was
born in Iowa City in 1926. Allan was the only child of Charles H. Sandage, soon to become
a professor of business at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, and Dorothy Maud Sandage
(née Briggs), daughter of George Nathaniel Briggs, president of Graceland College, Iowa (a
Reformed Mormon foundation, now Graceland University). Charles Sandage’s father, Moses
Sandage, was a farmer in Lone Rock and had two other sons and a daughter, but Charles was
the only one who went to high school. He proceeded to Graceland College and on to the State
*Authors for correspondence: [email protected]; [email protected]
http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2011.0021
247
This publication is © 2012 The Royal Society
248
Biographical Memoirs
University of Iowa, where he worked his way through graduate school to obtain a PhD in
business administration.
Oxford was a small town in southern Ohio, and Allan grew up under austere conditions during the Depression; orange juice was the height of luxury! His was a university-oriented family with a father and mother who strongly supported his will to learn. They were not practising
Mormons, and on occasion he attended the local Methodist church. His father had struggled to
get his education, so Allan always expected a hard road with four years of undergraduate work
followed by four years to get himself a PhD in science. However, this was looked upon as a
tremendous opportunity, a very enjoyable part of life. His interest in science was sparked when
the family moved temporarily to Philadelphia, where his father worked for the government in
1936–37. One of his boyhood friends there had a telescope, and—on looking through it in the
backyard—Allan was caught by the wonder of astronomy. Back in Ohio he read all he could
find on mathematics and science. His schoolteachers realized his interest and helped him both
by after-class tuition and by suggesting further books. The glass giant of Palomar by David
O. Woodbury was published in 1940 when Allan was 14 years old. This book contained a history of the Mount Wilson Observatory, and he realized that it was possible to make astronomy
one’s profession. But at that stage he had no inkling that he would become the most prominent
user of the great Palomar reflector, whose construction was delayed by World War II. Arthur
Eddington’s books and Hubble’s The realm of the nebulae were other sources of inspiration. In
summer 1941 his father had a teaching appointment at Berkeley. On the way there the family
took the opportunity of visiting both the optical shop at Santa Barbara Street and the observatory itself on Mount Wilson.
His father’s war work was in Boston, so his parents moved to Cambridge, Massachusetts.
However, Allan, then 16 years of age, remained in Ohio with student accommodation at
Miami University, where he majored in physics. Professor Ray Edwards headed a physics
department of only three, but he instilled in his students the importance of precision, dedication, excellence and honesty that remained hallmarks of Allan’s work throughout his life.
In 1944 Allan volunteered for the US Navy and went into the electronics maintenance
programme for 18 months, first in Chicago and then at Gulfport, Mississippi. There he met
many other scientists, including the astronomers Arthur Code and Albert G. Wilson, who was
later responsible for the first Palomar sky survey with the 48-inch Schmidt telescope. After a
three-month training course they were moved to Treasure Island in San Francisco for a further
nine months.
At the end of the war Allan’s parents moved to Urbana, Illinois, where his father was
appointed professor of advertising. Living at home with the government benefits from the
GI Bill made it possible for him to resume his studies in the much larger physics department of the University of Illinois. In later years Allan had little contact with his father, who
became very prominent in advertising, but he remained very close to his mother. He became
a heavy smoker, but when she died of cancer in 1970 he smoked his last cigarette. Sir James
Jeans’s book Physics and philosophy gave him a strong interest in the philosophy of science,
and this led him to further reading in philosophy. At Illinois, Professor Robert Becker, who
had been at California Institute of Technology (Caltech), taught analytical mechanics; at first
Allan found the problems too hard, but with Becker’s help he mastered them. There were no
quantum mechanics or relativity courses, but he received an excellent grounding in electromagnetism, optics and mathematical physics. He majored in physics and mathematics with a
minor in philosophy, but meanwhile he started a junior research problem in astronomy under
Allan Rex Sandage
249
Professor Robert H. Baker. The techniques he learned there were very valuable for his later
work at Caltech. The project itself was part of a larger one coordinated by Professor Bart J.
Bok of Harvard, who visited the observatory and invited Allan to his observing summer school
at the Agassiz station of Harvard. There he met Vaini Bappu, who later did much for Indian
astronomy, and Halton (‘Chip’) Arp, who will reappear later in this memoir.
In 1948 Allan applied to be a graduate student in physics at Caltech, but in his letter of support Professor Loomis, head of physics at Illinois, mentioned his strong interest in astronomy.
Lee DuBridge, replying to Allan’s application, said the graduate school in astronomy was just
beginning and ‘you have been accepted in that school at Caltech’. Although Fritz Zwicky was
in physics, Jesse Greenstein was the sole professor of astronomy for those first years; there
were four graduate students and he taught all the courses: stellar atmospheres, stellar interiors,
the interstellar medium, practical astronomy and astronomical methods of observation. Allan
was much in awe of such erudition.
Astronomy students were required to take physics courses. Helmut Abt, a fellow student
who remained a staunch friend for life, recalls that he and Allan puzzled hard over Professor
King’s optics problems, at first separately and then together, but got nowhere. Later in class
Mr Ferrell was called upon and immediately gave an elegant solution to the first problem; then
Mr Parker likewise solved the second in two lines. Sandage and Abt felt outclassed. It later
transpired that Ferrell was the only Caltech student with straight A’s all through, and Eugene
Parker became a world expert on magnetohydrodynamics at Chicago. Sandage claimed that
it was Abt’s levelheadedness that helped him survive the courses. Both had a hard work ethic
that pulled them through.
Among the other students in their first year was Morton Roberts, who became a radio
astronomer and, following Horace Babcock’s early work, produced good evidence for dark
matter in the outer parts of the Andromeda Galaxy. It was this that drew Vera Rubin into that
subject. Among the Caltech astronomy students in the following year was Chip Arp. Harden
McConnell, later a professor of chemistry at Caltech and then Stanford, writes of that time:
We lived in what was then called the greasy spoon, a somewhat tumbled-down frame building on
campus that housed graduate students. I bunked in the same room as Donald Glaser, of bubble
chamber fame; next door were Roy Craig, a chemistry student, and Allan. Graduate students of
my vintage tended to be rather sober. The PhD qualifying exams were demanding and designed to
flunk a fraction of the class; research could be equally demanding. Allan struck me as quite distinct from the other students. I don’t think I ever saw him without a smile and something pleasant
to say. I never did learn the source of his inner happiness, but it was certainly there.
The key to stellar evolution
Walter Baade was on the staff of Mount Wilson. During World War II the darker sky due to
the blackout in Los Angeles had enabled him to resolve the central parts of the Andromeda
nebula and show that the brightest stars there were red, like the brightest stars of the globular
clusters but unlike main sequence stars, whose brightest members are blue. This led to Baade’s
concept of two different stellar populations.
Sandage and Arp asked Baade for a pre-thesis research project. He suggested locating the
main sequence in the globular clusters. Although their brightest stars were far from the main
sequence, it was nevertheless assumed that much fainter stars would probably lie on it. Baade
250
taught the two graduate students how to use the 60-inch telescope on Mount Wilson, and they
took plates of the globular cluster M92. Meanwhile, W. A. Baum provided a faint photoelectric sequence in the cluster. Arp and Sandage shared the hard work of plate measurement, and
within a year they had a preliminary result. Then Baade got Palomar 200-inch plates that went
deeper and that gave them a definite identification of the main sequence and a rough estimate
of its slope.
About that time Hubble asked Greenstein whether there was a capable graduate student
who could help with his programme on galaxy counts. Following a suggestion of Eddington’s,
his aim was a better determination of N(m), the number of galaxies per unit area of sky of
magnitude m, to discover the geometry of space. Hubble took plates on the 48-inch Schmidt,
dithered so that each star gave a square of uniform blackening on the plate. By measuring the
blackenings on different plates, a photoelectric sequence of stars of known brightness could
be transferred from one area to another. Hubble wished to have reliable sequences down to
the 18th magnitude. After getting Sandage started, Hubble departed for the summer of 1950.
Sandage found inconsistencies of three-tenths of a magnitude in the transfers and took on
another short project under Greenstein while he awaited Hubble’s return.
Hubble did not return as expected. He had suffered a serious heart attack while fishing and
needed time to recuperate. When he came back he wished to continue accumulating plates of
the M81 group of galaxies to identify Cepheid variables. However, his health was too poor to
endure the long nights in the observing cage of the 200-inch telescope. So, after some initial
instruction from M. L. Humason, the job of taking these plates fell to Sandage, who later
described his reaction:
Oh, it was fabulous. I can’t really reconstruct the first three or four months of that period, so much
was happening. First of all, it was an opportunity that was beyond any imagination, observing with
the 200 inch, and secondly, working on the long-range programs of cosmology with Hubble. And
at the same time being a graduate student, trying to pass the courses in physics and astronomy—so
it was a very high-pressure atmosphere. The work on the mountain was an escape, but you knew
that your sins would catch up with you, because you were four days away from campus and
courses, and you were pretty well swamped. I’d bring the plates back and have a consultation with
Hubble. He would then decide what to do next.
Meanwhile, with Baade as his adviser, he had decided that his thesis topic would be the determination of the colour–magnitude diagram of the globular cluster M3. With the work on M92
well on its way, he already knew the methods, and M3 offered the prospect of seeing more of
the main sequence.
Martin Schwarzschild (ForMemRS 1996) was a great friend of Baade’s and visited Mount
Wilson every year. The new results on M92 and the preliminary results on M3 were very exciting to Schwarzschild, who had been working theoretically on the evolution of the core of a
star after it has burned all its hydrogen. He invited Sandage to come to Princeton and work on
the interpretation of his results for a year, once his observations were complete. Meanwhile,
Sandage’s work had so impressed Baade and Hubble that, even before he completed his PhD,
Ira S. Bowen, the director of Mount Wilson, offered him a staff position at Mount Wilson
and Palomar Observatories. This was a dream come true, and in 1952 Allan set out for his
postdoctoral position at Princeton, still without a PhD but with his dream job assured on his
return. The eight months in Princeton turned his work on M92 and M3 (2, 3)* into a seminal
*Numbers in this form refer to the bibliography at the end of the text.
Allan Rex Sandage
251
discovery. For the first time, the evolutionary tracks across the colour–magnitude diagram
fitted real data. Sandage and Schwarzschild understood that the turn-off point from the main
sequence gave a method by which stellar ages could be determined. With their 1952 paper
(1) it became clear that at last theories of stellar evolution had real power to explain the facts.
(In 1963 Sandage and Schwarzschild were jointly awarded the Royal Astronomical Society’s
Eddington medal for this work.)
At the end of his time at Princeton, Sandage joined Baade, who took part in the summer
school organized by Leo Goldberg in Ann Arbor, Michigan (figure 1). Later, Sandage wrote a
lively account of his return to California.
I had been Baade’s student during the previous four years, and we had come to feel somewhat at
ease with each other. Baade had decided to buy a new car at the factory in Detroit, to take delivery
on the last day of the school, and to then drive the long road back to California, asking me to ride
with him. Ed Dennison drove us both to the factory pickup place for a new 1953 Chevy. After
the car was in Baade’s possession, Ed said he would follow us for a few miles simply to see if
all was OK. We started down the road out of Detroit toward California. Baade (essentially a new
driver) was driving half on the road and half on the shoulder (sometimes), or half on his side of
the road and half on the other oncoming side, alternatively. Ed signaled us to stop and enquired
through the rolled-down window if there was something wrong with the steering wheel. Baade,
sensitive, said all was OK, thank you very much, and we would be on our way. A few minutes later
we unfortunately were! Baade had no sense of micro-compensation in steering; he would keep
the wheel in a rigid position until it was clear he had to change, not microscopically, but grossly,
long after it had become evident that it was required to do so. We went across the country for six
days in large triangles, first going toward the middle of the highway and then towards the corn or
wheat fields, or later towards the canyon drop-offs on the right. The first day was by far the worst
because I was frightened. I offered to drive, but like all great men Baade believed in himself and
thought only he could save us from the oncoming drivers, who were astounded when we got close
enough to see their faces, and who Baade believed were simply poor drivers that should be denied
access to the road. The trip became a bit easier as it wore on because I could not help but sleep for
most of the day, avoiding the constant thrill of the road. To save expenses, we had agreed to share
a double room in the motels along the way each night. However, Baade was a most accomplished
snorer, so accomplished that it is simply impossible to describe. … After two nights of no sleep for
me, but restful sleep for the driver, I slept away many of the driving hours. But the real memory
of that trip was the conversation about astronomy on that cross-country adventure. Baade, like all
scientists of substance, had a set view of how things were put together, to be sure a view to be
always challenged by the scientist himself, but defended as well against all less informed mortals
who objected without simon-pure reasons. The trip then became a riding commentary on much of
the world of astronomy and astronomers. But that is a rather different story than the magic of the
summer of 1953, which in many ways began the outside world’s discussion of Baade’s ideas that,
together with Schwarzschild’s, spearheaded the modern understanding of stellar evolution.
Not long after Sandage returned to take up his new post at Mount Wilson and Palomar
Observatories, Hubble died of a second heart attack. Just as the mantle of Elijah fell on Elisha,
bringing with it the awesome responsibility for Israel, so Hubble’s cloak fell on Sandage,
carrying with it responsibility for furthering Hubble’s cosmological programmes. No other
telescope could perform such work, on which rested the reputation of the world’s greatest
observatory. Sandage knew he was a good astronomer; now it was his duty to prove himself to
be a great one. With Schwarzschild he had already broken open the field of stellar evolution.
Later, such understanding of the stars could be used to further cosmology, but for the next
decade his major research was devoted to understanding stars.
252
Figure 1. Walter Baade with Tom Matthews (fishing) at Bass Lake during the Michigan summer school organized
by Leo Goldberg in 1953. (Photograph by Owen Gingerich.) (Online version in colour.)
At the Vatican Conference on Stellar Populations organized by Father D. J. K. O’Connell
(5), Sandage was the star performer, giving no fewer than four talks explaining the way
in which stars evolved and how their ages could be found from the colour–magnitude
diagrams of their clusters (20). Also in 1957, Sandage gave lectures at Harvard on the
observational approach to stellar evolution. In the audience was Mary Connelley, then
a graduate student at Radcliffe, having taken her first degree at Indiana University in
Bloomington. She had replaced Alice Farnsworth as head of astronomy at Mount Holyoke
for three years, but she had first met Allan much earlier in 1950, and again a year or
two later at a conference in Michigan. In 1959 Allan and Mary were married. He often
claimed that Mary had saved his life. When he came home from the office exhausted,
disappointed, furious or desperate, Mary would be kind, gentle and patient. His temper
would soon cool.
His close friends were Helmut Abt, Geoffrey Burbidge, Olin Eggen and Chip Arp. Later,
when Arp espoused the concept of large non-cosmological redshifts on flimsy evidence, that
friendship broke for a decade. Allan felt responsible for getting Chip onto the Observatory
staff, and to be so unscientific was for him ‘sinning’. Yet he never broke with Geoffrey
Burbidge, who also espoused non-cosmological redshifts.
In 1958 Sandage visited South Africa with his friend Olin Eggen to work on the Magellanic
Clouds. In Pretoria they were guests of the Thackerays. Mary Thackeray had a strict rule
against talking shop, which Sandage found quite a strain, but—although nervous—he enjoyed
playing Father Christmas to the children. At the invitation of the Astronomer Royal, Sir
Allan Rex Sandage
253
Richard Woolley FRS, he also visited the Royal Observatory at Herstmonceux Castle in
Sussex, where Eggen later became chief assistant.
The collapse of the Galaxy
In stars of normal metal abundance such as the Sun, the atomic absorption lines crowd together
at the ultraviolet end of the optical spectrum, blanketing out some of the light. Metal-deficient
stars are relieved of this blanket and so have an ultraviolet excess in comparison with normal
stars of the same colour.
Around 1959 Sandage and Eggen realized that this was a quick way of classifying stars by
their metal abundances. Following a lead found by Nancy Roman, Eggen had been studying
motions of nearby stars across the sky and had produced a catalogue of stars with large transverse motions. He and Sandage measured these stars photoelectrically and took new spectra to
complete the set of stellar radial velocities. Most stars in the solar neighbourhood move in nearly
circular orbits around the Galaxy and have metal abundances not very different from that of the
Sun; however, the stars in Eggen’s catalogue dived through the plane of the Milky Way and had
orbits that took them both much further in and further out from the galactic centre. Some even
went backwards around the Galaxy. They were all metal deficient, and their colour–magnitude
diagram showed that they were, like globular cluster stars, among the oldest in the Galaxy.
One of us (D.L.-B.) was a postdoctoral researcher working with Sandage at that time, and
we discussed what these findings meant. Because the stars were among the oldest, the rest of
the Galaxy must have been gaseous then. The gas could not be so hot that it was supported
against the Galaxy’s gravity by pressure, because it would then be far too hot to make stars.
Thus the gas clouds must have been cool and followed the diving orbits still seen in the stars.
However, that is unsustainable: unlike the stars, the gas clouds would collide. In the 1962
paper (8), widely known as ELS, we concluded that the Galaxy formed in a dynamical collapse during which the metal-deficient stars were formed. This collapse ended in starburst
activity in which the gas clouds collided, the rate of star formation rose to balance the influx
of gas, and the metal abundance rose to values not far below solar.
ELS became the most cited single paper of each of its authors. It laid the foundations of
what has come to be called galactic archaeology, which now uses much more detailed abundances of the different elements and correlates these with stellar motions. More recent work
on galaxy formation puts emphasis on galaxies merging; small galaxies have too little gravity
to hold in supernova debris, so they cannot hang on to their metals. Such systems are still
merging with the Galaxy, adding their metal-deficient stars to our halo. The concept that the
Galaxy initially formed in dynamic collapse is nevertheless correct, because the emission from
a hot gas at galactic densities cools more rapidly than the free-fall time.
Quasars and quasi-stellar objects
One of the burning questions of the early 1960s was the nature of radio sources found by
the group under Martin (later Sir Martin) Ryle FRS in Cambridge and by the Australians.
Greenstein had convinced Caltech president Lee DuBridge of the importance of radio
astronomy, so money had been allocated to create the Owens Valley Radio Observatory
254
(OVRO), and John Bolton, a Yorkshireman, had been brought over from Australia to get it
going. The Cambridge group had made the observations for the third Cambridge catalogue.
The 2 arcmin × 5 arcmin positions were given to Henry Palmer of Jodrell Bank, who had
developed the radio-linked interferometer whose aerials were spread across England and
Wales. This he used to determine the angular diameters of the radio sources. Tom Matthews
of OVRO attended a conference at which Palmer gave his results, including about 30 sources
with parts of such high surface brightness that they were unresolved. Thinking that these small
sources might be the most distant and therefore the most interesting, Matthews asked Palmer
for a list of the sources. He returned to Caltech with this list, and Bolton readily agreed to a
programme in which R. B. Read refined the Cambridge positions at Owens Valley by using a
wider north–south separation of the dishes. It was hoped that these sources could then be identified optically. Sandage took 200-inch plates centred on the refined positions. The possible
identifications that appeared to be galaxies were then given to Maarten Schmidt of Caltech,
who had taken over Minkowski’s programme on distant radio galaxies.
However, among the first identifications was 3C 48 in which a 16th-magnitude star lay in
the error box. Was this the first radio star? In October 1960 Sandage measured the star photometrically and found it to be abnormally bright in the ultraviolet. He then took its spectrum. It
was quite unlike anything he had seen before, just a number of emission lines superposed on a
continuous spectrum. The wavelengths of the emission lines made no sense. They did not correspond to those of any known element. Sandage took his spectrum to Bowen, who had made his
name by identifying the nebular lines at 3726, 3729 Å with forbidden lines of oxygen. Bowen
could not interpret the spectrum but said that Greenstein had been studying the spectrum of
highly ionized oxygen. He was consulted too, but still the spectrum made no sense.
In the autumn of 1961 the Burbidges visited, and we all saw the direct plate of 3C 48.
Attached to the starlike image was an extremely faint wisp, which could only be seen if the
plate was viewed at a glancing angle. We all knew of the problem posed by the spectrum.
Quite soon afterwards Sandage returned from observing and excitedly announced that 3C 48
must be a star. It had varied by 0.3 magnitudes over a few months, far too rapidly for a galaxy
of several thousand light-years in diameter. This larger variation convinced him that the small
night-to-night variations he had seen in January 1961 were definitely real. Other mysterious
radio sources soon followed. 3C 286 and 3C 147 had fewer emission lines but also had ultraviolet excesses (9). Eventually a lunar occultation observed in Australia gave a very accurate
position for 3C 273, and the position coincided with a 13th-magnitude star. Schmidt took the
spectrum, which had numerous unfamiliar emission lines. On being pressured to publish by
the radio astronomers, Schmidt finally saw that, if he ignored the brightest lines, the others
were spaced not unlike the Balmer series. The Balmer series they were indeed, but with a
redshift of 0.158. Never before had such a bright object been found with such a large redshift.
Greenstein then understood the spectrum of 3C 48 and published its redshift with Matthews.
To Greenstein the discovery was a vindication of his founding of Owens Valley and an emergence of his Caltech astronomy department from being overshadowed by the expertise of
Mount Wilson, but Sandage, who regarded 3C 48 as his object, was omitted from the party. He
had been left uninvited by the very professor whom he so admired as his teacher. However, he
continued to study further quasars, and the next major discovery was his (10).
What Sandage discovered was that the quasars were not isolated rarities, but the radio-loud
members of a much larger set of objects (quasi-stellar objects, or QSOs) that had relatively little radio emission. We know of no other paper that was received by Astrophysical Journal on
Allan Rex Sandage
255
an issue’s publication date, but Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar FRS, who was its editor, had a
high opinion of Sandage and delayed publication so that his paper announcing the quasi-stellar
galaxies could be included. This paper was written in the excitement of discovery. Sandage
failed to allow for a significant contamination of the number counts at the brighter magnitudes
by white dwarfs. This caused controversy until their contribution was sorted out by spectroscopy. However, Sandage’s basic point was correct: QSOs far outnumber quasars. In 1969 his
result was used by D.L.-B. to estimate the number of dead QSOs. He concluded that they were
probably giant black holes and roughly as numerous as large galaxies. On hearing his theory
that galactic nuclei were collapsed old quasars, Sandage wrote to get him an extra invitation
to the 1970 Vatican Conference on the Nuclei of Galaxies.
More recent work shows QSOs to be strong in X-rays and even in γ-rays, and it is now
accepted that they are powered by material that is heated as it spirals down into black holes of
many million solar masses. In this sense, Sandage was the discoverer of the large number of
giant black holes in the Universe.
The age of creation
When Sandage and Schwarzschild first realized that main-sequence turn-off points allowed
them to find the ages of star clusters, the age of the Earth was thought to be about 3 × 109
years. They hoped to get a similar figure for the old clusters. Baade’s work on M31 had shown
it to be at about twice Hubble’s original distance estimate, but Hubble’s estimates of other
distances and redshifts gave a timescale of only 1.8 × 109 years. Soon after his return from
Princeton, Sandage inspected the best 200-inch plates. He found that many of the objects in
other galaxies that Hubble had thought were their brightest stars were now resolved into tight
knots of several bright stars embedded in regions of ionized hydrogen. Hubble, by assuming
that these were single stars similar to the brightest stars of the Milky Way, had attributed to
them too low a luminosity and had therefore got his distances too small. Thus Hubble’s discrepancy between the time at which the galaxies were close together and the age of the Earth
was now removed, and the age of the old star clusters also seemed to agree. Sandage was
delighted by this consistency of three different methods of age dating, which was in tune with
his strong belief that science is a consistent body of knowledge.
However, none of the methods was secure. The estimated age of the Earth is now
4.6 × 109 years. Hubble’s pioneering estimates of galaxy distances could be improved with
photoelectric magnitudes of faint stars and by finding Cepheid variables (Cepheids) in other
galaxies, and the age of the globular clusters from stellar evolution depended on the poorly
known masses of the stars at the turn-off point. Furthermore, both the helium and the metal
abundances in those stars affect the age determination from stellar evolution theory. Perhaps
it is not too surprising that these ages have over the years ranged up to 18 × 109 years,
although no modern estimate is less than 10 × 109 years. Sandage derived 11.5 × 109 years
for his beloved M3 and two other globular clusters. In figure 2 we have plotted different
estimates of the inverse of the Hubble constant, which is a time, against the date at which
the estimates were published.
Most stars are too dim to be seen in other galaxies. Thus only the very rare, extremely
bright stars can be used as ‘standard candles’. There are two problems in measuring distances to them. First, can we recognize precisely the same type of stars, and how accurately
Reduce to 40%
256
S & T < 10%
S & T > 10%
Key Project
Earth's Age
Hubble
Globular age
1/Ho
Gyr
1/H0 (Gyr)
20
-50
-60
15
-75
10
km/s–1/Mpc –1
HHo
0 (km s Mpc )
25
-100
5
0
1940
1960
1980
2000
2020
Figure 2. Sandage and Tammann’s (S & T) estimates of the inverse Hubble constant, 1/H0, plotted against the year
of the estimate. Four corresponding values of H0 itself are marked on the right.
do these stars have the same luminosity? Second, can we find similar stars in our galaxy
and measure the distances accurately through the murk of dust in which we find ourselves?
Cepheids are very valuable because their periods can be measured accurately. Cepheids of
a given period have a quite well-defined luminosity. The dimmer short-period Cepheids
are common enough that the distances to some in our galaxy can be measured directly. The
Pole Star is one such, but it is only the brighter ones that are useful to measure the large
distances needed for determining Hubble’s constant. There are a few bright Cepheids in the
Milky Way whose distances can be measured with the desired accuracy. For many years
these problems were circumvented by using the Large Magellanic Cloud (LMC), our nearest
satellite galaxy, as an intermediary. It has both the bright long-period Cepheids and the dimmer short-period ones, so these can be calibrated against one another. Since the 1980s, with
the advent of charge-coupled devices, it has been possible to measure LMC stars as faint as
the main sequence. However, in the Galaxy and in other large galaxies the stars have greater
abundances of metals than in the LMC, and the luminosities of Cepheids of a given period
depend on the metal abundance. Sandage and his main collaborator, Gustav Tammann of
Basel, wrestled with such problems for 45 years (14, 15). Gradually, instrumental improvements, the coming of charge-coupled devices rather than photographic plates, and the high
resolution of the Hubble Space Telescope (HST), which allowed more Cepheids to be identified and measured, eased the problems (25, 27).
The measurement of Hubble’s constant had been singled out as a key project for the HST,
but the project was shared over a large team, which Sandage and Tammann did not join.
The team effort eventually found a Hubble constant of 72 ± 3 (random) ± 7 (systematic) km s−1 Mpc−1. In their last paper, Sandage and Tammann did not agree, finding 62.3 ± 1.3
(random) ± 5.0 (systematic) km s−1 Mpc−1. Time will tell which estimate is closer to the
truth. The work has also been highly productive in isolating good secondary indicators of
distance, which could be used to great distances. First Sandage, often supported by Jerome
(‘Jerry’) Kristian (12), found that the brightest members of clusters of galaxies were quite
good standard candles, but the real gem came when Sandage and Tammann worked to turn
supernovae into standard candles, an idea that Sandage attributed to Zwicky.
Allan Rex Sandage
257
Type Ia supernovae
A 1968 paper by Charles Kowal, who worked with Zwicky and Wallace Sargent (FRS 1981)
to discover supernovae, found that supernovae of type I reached the same luminosity at maximum to within 0.61 magnitudes.
Sandage and Tammann realized that this could be further refined by restricting consider
ation to supernovae of type Ia. Such a bright standard candle could eliminate many of the
intermediate steps in the determination of the distance scale. In 1991 Sandage therefore wrote
an observing proposal for the HST to calibrate via Cepheids the distances to those nearby
galaxies in which supernovae of type Ia have been observed. The brightest classical novae
decline from maximum light faster than the dimmer ones, but for supernovae Mark Phillips
discovered that the dimmer ones decline faster. This correlation allowed the luminosity at
maximum of a type Ia supernova to be predicted to within 0.2 magnitudes, and this spread
can be even further reduced by using the colour. To perform the detailed work of Cepheid
discovery and measurement Sandage and Tammann asked others to join them, and Abi Saha
was delighted to join. He was the lead author on the HST Cepheid work, which lasted 15 years
and found many Cepheids in each of the dozen galaxies studied (21). In their final paper summarizing the results of this campaign (24), Sandage, Tammann and Saha—using the best local
Cepheid calibration available—derived a Hubble constant of 62.3 ± 5.2 km s−1 Mpc−1. They
point out that the difference between this value and that of the Key project is primarily due to
their use of this different local calibration.
The Southern Observatory
In 1964 Babcock and Sandage went to Bowen, the director of Mount Wilson, and proposed
that the future of the observatory lay in expansion into the Southern Hemisphere. This had
been a dream of George Ellery Hale’s from the early days. Bowen felt there was too much to
be done to ensure the success of the Palomar 200-inch telescope by improving its instrumentation and that of the Mount Wilson telescopes. Any Southern Observatory would divert effort
from that. However, Babcock and Sandage pressed their point, and eventually Bowen agreed
to fund site testing in the South. This was organized by Babcock. It soon became apparent that
the European Southern Observatory’s choice of Chile was a very good one, but the site testing still took five years. Eventually the Carnegie team chose Las Campanas, a site somewhat
higher and more remote than the European Southern Observatory’s La Silla. Babcock and
Sandage made the case for a southern 200-inch telescope in collaboration with AURA (the
Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy). This got very close to being funded
by a large grant from the Ford Foundation together with the National Science Foundation, but,
just as it was being agreed upon, a new head of the Ford Foundation was appointed who had
other views. Eventually both large grants went to AURA without Carnegie involvement.
Sandage flew back from his sabbatical in Australia and joined Babcock to meet Crawford
Greenewalt, a trustee of the Carnegie Institution and chairman of its astronomy subcommittee. Greenewalt, being a scientist and engineer, understood the importance of the Chile site.
From this meeting came a strong commitment by Greenewalt to support the Carnegie Southern
Observatory (CARSO), if a suitable site were found. Although many of his staff thought
Chile was rather remote and were not in favour of diverting funds there, Babcock was rightly
258
c onvinced that this was the frontier where the observatory’s future lay. In late 1968 he met
President Eduardo Frei and, to his surprise, obtained instant permission to purchase nearly
100 square miles of land including Cerro Las Campanas. The Carnegie Institution purchased the
tract within months. Henrietta Swope had already given the bulk of her inheritance anonymously
to develop the site and put a 40-inch telescope there, which was inaugurated in 1971 and bears
her name. In lieu of an unaffordable 200-inch telescope, Babcock and the engineer Bruce Rule
advocated a lesser telescope, and a generous gift by Crawford and Margaretta Greenewalt made
possible the completion in 1976 of the 100-inch Iréné du Pont telescope, named in honour of
Mrs Greenewalt’s father. Thus by the time Babcock left as director, the du Pont was established
on one of the world’s best sites. He, Bowen and Arthur Vaughan had insisted on very good
optics to match the excellence of the seeing. When it was first commissioned there were no spectrographs, but there was a remarkably wide field covering 2.2 square degrees at the Cassegrain
focus. With many of the staff being less than enthusiastic about going all the way to Chile and
many awaiting the spectrographs, Sandage felt that he must show what the telescope could do
in its present form. He first completed his programme for the Revised Shapley Ames catalogue
and then devised the Virgo cluster survey, described below.
Sandage greatly admired Babcock’s foresight and tenacity in getting Las Campanas built.
However, this was achieved when funds were scarce; the Caltech astronomers felt that Palomar
needed more instruments, those on Mount Wilson were old and there was too much light pollution
from Los Angeles. Unsurprisingly, they had the feeling that they were sharing their magnificent
200-inch telescope with the Carnegie astronomers and were not getting much back. There was
also friction over appointments. Because the telescopes were operated in common, both staffs
had a say in staff appointments and they sometimes disagreed. By the time that Maarten Schmidt
succeeded Babcock as director in 1977, tensions between the Carnegie and Caltech staffs made
the joint observatory meetings contentious. Schmidt decided that the problems would be best
resolved by dissolution of the union that had run the observatories jointly for 30 years. Sandage
opposed the breakup, which he considered unnecessary, but afterwards he broke off relations
with Caltech. It is interesting to speculate that if the union had lasted a few years longer, so that
more Caltech staff could have experienced the wonderful conditions in Chile, perhaps the differences could have been resolved with freedom to appoint staff, but with no formal split.
The growth of Las Campanas meant that Carnegie funds remained scarce, and despite the
Mount Wilson site’s having better seeing than Palomar, the brighter sky led to less pressure
to update the equipment there. Finally, to Sandage’s horror, Mount Wilson—the home site at
which the history of twentieth-century astronomy was concentrated—was abandoned by the
Carnegie Observatories. Sandage, with his collaborator Gary Fouts, used it to the last, securing a much better database than that available to ELS. They confirmed a significant thick-disc
population of stars with between one-tenth and one-third the metal abundance of the Sun,
which had been advocated by Gilmore and Reid. Sandage’s very strong feeling for the history
of astronomy meant that he was particularly hurt by the decision to abandon Mount Wilson.
Galaxy classification and surveys
On Hubble’s death in 1953, Sandage inherited his unique collection of photographic plates
of nearby galaxies obtained with the large Mount Wilson reflectors. With it fell upon his
shoulders the task of performing Hubble’s intended revision of his initial galaxy classification
Allan Rex Sandage
259
system of 1926. This initial classification—based on earlier efforts by Max Wolf in Heidelberg
and Heber Curtis at Lick Observatory—had proposed three main classes of extragalactic
‘nebulae’: amorphous ellipticals, spirals and irregulars; the classification had found its culmination in the famous ‘tuning-fork diagram’ published by Hubble in The realm of the nebulae
(1936). Guided by notes and fragments of a manuscript written by Hubble, plus memories of
discussions with him, Sandage undertook the revision. He supplemented the Mount Wilson
plate collection with many new plates obtained at the Hale 200-inch and 48-inch Schmidt
telescopes on Palomar. After extensive visual inspection of plates old and new, he described
the revised morphological classification system in The Hubble atlas of galaxies (7), published
in 1961 by the Carnegie Institution of Washington and lavishly illustrated with photographs
of 176 individual galaxies. His detailed description of the revised Hubble types included crucial new evidence for the existence of Hubble’s S0 galaxies, a hypothesized transitional type
between the amorphous, red and dead elliptical galaxies and the bluish disc galaxies with their
splendid spiral patterns. The Hubble Atlas remains one of Sandage’s most cited publications
so far; coming at the right moment after the dissemination of the Palomar Observatory Sky
Survey prints, it made large-scale photographs of galaxies obtained with the world’s largest
telescopes available to all astronomers, enabling them to type galaxies seen on the prints by
comparison with the prototypes of the revised Hubble classification.
In 1975 Sandage supplemented his classification with an extensive review of various galaxy
classification schemes developed by astronomers throughout the twentieth century. Although
rarely cited, his review chapter in volume 9 of Stars and stellar systems (11) is still well worth
reading. The landmark volume itself, entitled Galaxies and the Universe, was co-edited by
Allan with Mary Sandage and Jerry Kristian. Sandage was well aware of the great potential
value of uniformly conducted surveys. He admired the Harvard all-sky survey of 1246 bright
galaxies, down to 13th photographic magnitude, published by Shapley and Ames in 1932, and
decided early on to collect and measure redshifts for all these galaxies and to reclassify them on
the revised Hubble system. A crucial part of this effort was the imaging of all Shapley–Ames
galaxies south of declination −15°, the general limit of Hubble’s Mount Wilson galaxy plate collection. Beginning in 1974 with the Swope 40-inch telescope at Las Campanas, and continuing
with the du Pont 100-inch telescope after its commissioning in 1977, Sandage photographed as
many of the southern galaxies as possible, classified them, and in 1981 published—with Gustav
Tammann—A revised Shapley–Ames catalog of bright galaxies (13), often referred to as the
RSA. Besides a complete listing of all Shapley–Ames galaxies giving their revised Hubble types
and measured redshifts, the RSA contained high-quality photographs of 84 type-defining galaxies arranged in 15 panels. A novel feature of the catalogue was that it included intrinsic-luminosity classes, on a system first proposed by Sidney van den Bergh, for most spiral galaxies. In 1987
Sandage and Tammann published a second edition of the RSA with improved types for about
200 galaxies, based on new Las Campanas plates. If the two editions of the RSA are combined,
they replace ELS as Sandage’s most cited publication. In 1988 Sandage and Bedke published an
atlas of galaxies that were suitable targets for the Hubble Space Telescope’s Cepheid programme
(17). Later, to accompany and supplement the RSA, Sandage and Bedke published in 1994 The
Carnegie atlas of galaxies (19), two massive volumes showing high-quality photographs of 1168
Shapley–Ames galaxies obtained with the large reflectors at Mount Wilson, Palomar and Las
Campanas. In his preface, Sandage commented: ‘Given the evident responsibility to preserve
this unique photographic record, we deemed that the way to make the collection available for
widest possible use was to compile this atlas.’
260
A surveyor of galaxies at heart, Sandage also exploited the exceptionally wide field of
view (1.5° × 1.5°) and excellent plate-scale (10.8 arcseconds mm−1) of the du Pont telescope
to conduct a survey of the Virgo cluster of galaxies from Las Campanas (16). The survey
consisted of 67 large (20 inches × 20 inches) blue-sensitive photographic plates covering an
area of about 140 square degrees centred on the famous nearby cluster. It yielded a catalogue of 2096 galaxies, of which 88% were judged to be likely or possible cluster members.
In six papers published during 1984–87 Sandage and his collaborators (mostly Tammann
and Bruno Binggeli) described the properties of Virgo cluster galaxies, introduced a new
classification system for the dwarf members, and determined the structure and kinematics
of the cluster itself. A key conclusion, congruent with developing knowledge of galaxy
clusters, was that the cluster core and envelope are both still forming, indicating that the
Virgo cluster is young.
In a further service to the astronomical community, Sandage joined his friend Geoff
Burbidge as an editor of Annual Reviews of Astronomy and Astrophysics from volume 28
(1990) to volume 42 (2004).
The reality and uniformity of the Hubble expansion
To his dying day, Hubble was very reticent about the expansion interpretation of the redshifts
of galaxies. He always claimed that the numbers of galaxies at a given magnitude would
not show a uniform Universe if he adopted the expansion interpretation. It was Sandage’s
reworking of Hubble’s data after his death that resolved this difficulty. Hubble had omitted
a factor of (1 + z) in correcting his magnitudes, and it was this that led to the contradiction.
The removal of that contradiction did not of itself demonstrate the reality of the velocity
interpretation of the redshift. One test is readily demonstrated: the redshift is independent
of wavelength. Tolman devised another direct test, and Sandage undertook this test first
with Jean-Marc Perelmuter (18) and then with Lori Lubin (22). Surface brightnesses should
appear to be reduced by the factor (1 + z)−4 when they are observed at redshift z. Lubin and
Sandage conducted this test and, assuming the form (1 + z)−a, they found a = 4 ± 0.4, in
good agreement with Tolman’s prediction. This result was obtained only after a somewhat
uncertain allowance had been made for the gradual dimming of elliptical galaxies as they
evolve, but even without that correction the ‘tired light’ theory, which predicts that a = 1,
does not fit (26).
After Hubble’s death, Sandage joined Humason and N. U. Mayall from Lick Observatory
in a great paper (4) that described the state of cosmology in 1956. Sandage wrote the theoretical part of this paper. By then more than 800 extragalactic redshifts were known as a result
of long hours at the telescope. Forty years earlier, Vesto Slipher at the Lowell Observatory at
Flagstaff obtained some 30 redshifts, typically exposing for three nights for each result!
In Sandage’s early papers on cosmology, and in particular his 1961 paper ‘On the ability of the 200-inch telescope to discriminate between selected world models’ (6), he laid
emphasis on the attempt to find the curvature of the redshift–magnitude relation as a way
of measuring the expected deceleration of the expansion due to gravity. On several occasions he reported marginal detections of such curvature in the expected direction, but all of
these proved ephemeral. Later he realized that the density of the Universe can be measured
more easily from deviations from the smooth Hubble flow as a result of the significant
Allan Rex Sandage
261
gravity of large-scale concentrations of galaxies, such as the Virgo cluster. Sandage had
always expected the density of matter to be close to the density at which its gravity causes
the Universe to close. He was constantly surprised by the smoothness of the Hubble flow,
so that even large concentrations of matter produced considerably smaller changes in the
velocity field than he expected. Somewhat reluctantly he concluded that there was too little matter to close the Universe. Here he was quite correct. However, his intuition that the
Universe should be on the edge of closure was also correct. It is dark energy, not matter, that
produces most of the closure density.
When at last there were sufficient supernovae of type Ia with redshifts of about 0.5, other
groups did find the curvature in the redshift–magnitude relation, but in the opposite sense,
corresponding to a Universe whose expansion is accelerating. This surprising result was
soon agreed on by the two groups studying high-redshift supernovae, but it was also strongly
backed by results from the Boomerang balloon experiment around Antarctica. These showed
the first peak in the spectrum of fluctuations over the sky of the cosmic microwave background, which clearly gave a value close to the closure density.
The centennial history of Mount Wilson Observatory
From his early reading of The glass giant of Palomar, Sandage had found inspiration from
the history of Hale’s Observatory on Mount Wilson. He met and knew well some of the firstgeneration astronomers, Hubble and Humason in particular, and shared stories with others at
the monastery. Many of the second generation were still on the staff when he joined in 1953.
He had a deep feeling for the magic mountain, where he had started his communing with the
stars, where Albert Michelson had measured the velocity of light and, with Francis Pease, had
developed his stellar interferometer. This was the place where Hale’s laws on the magnetism of sunspots were discovered and Babcock at last measured the Sun’s magnetic field and
explained its cycle, where Charles St John had looked for Einstein’s gravitational redshift in
the solar spectrum and where Walter Adams had found it in the spectrum of the white dwarf
Sirius B.
When the Carnegie Institution decided to publish a history of its work during its first century, Sandage was clearly the person to ask to write the volume on the history of the observatory. He responded with enthusiasm and produced a magnificent scholarly work (23), in which
the whole development of twentieth-century astronomy is intertwined with the history of the
observatory that led the subject. Only he had the detailed knowledge of the staff and their
work. He had heard their anecdotes while eating midnight lunches on the mountain. In this
work he showed his deep love for the institution in which he spent all his working life, his
belief that many of the early contributions from Mount Wilson had not been fully recognized
and his deep anguish at Carnegie’s withdrawal from Mount Wilson in 1985. This history ends
in the 1950s. Initially he had planned to put the later history into a second volume, but the
effort of completing the 650 pages of the first sapped his energy, and he left only fragmentary notes for any sequel. He had already written articles on the first 50 years of Palomar.
Hale’s farsightedness shines through the volume. With the new developments planned for Las
Campanas, the future of his observatory is bright and well in keeping with his dictum ‘Make
no small plans’.
262
The man
Allan Sandage was a tall, powerful, courteous man with a ready smile and strong blue eyes.
He had a natural presence and a slow incisive delivery. This, coupled with his encyclopaedic
knowledge of astronomy and its history, made him a dominant participant in those conferences that he attended. These became fewer over the years; he preferred to work and find
out things rather than to debate their reality. His attitude was that debates settle nothing
except who is the best debater, and the true answer is always decisive evidence gained at
the telescope.
Allan and Mary had two sons, David and John, and later three grandchildren. In most of
the early years the family took camping holidays. They were all musical, and during the long
nights in the observing cage of the 200-inch telescope Allan liked to listen to opera, especially
Wagner. The whole family particularly enjoyed the sabbatical year that they spent on Mount
Stromlo in Australia in 1968–69, when the boys travelled down to school in Canberra. They
even extended their stay to 15 months. More recently they went on cruises, often down the
Mississippi; these were sometimes timed so that Allan could avoid a conference or a meeting
that he did not wish to attend. He had a strong conviction that the world with its natural laws
was not created by chance and must be there for some purpose. He explored religion but did
not find it satisfied his quest for knowledge.
In his later years he withdrew himself into his work, to avoid debate and controversy.
Although this resulted in a phenomenal output of papers, to some degree it deprived the
younger generation of knowing the fun, the charm and the historical perspective of a great
astronomer. Diagnosed with pancreatic cancer in the autumn of 2009, Allan Sandage still managed to take his family on one last cruise to Hawaii, do research at home, and publish three
first-authored papers during his last 12 months. He died on 13 November 2010, surrounded by
his loving family, at his home in San Gabriel, California.
Honours and awards
In the inaugural year of the Gruber Prize for Cosmology, two full prizes were awarded; one,
to Sandage, was for observational cosmology. He received the Crafoord Prize of the Swedish
Academy of Sciences in 1991, and the President’s National Medal of Science in 1971. Other
medals were the Eddington (1963) and Gold (1967) medals of the Royal Astronomical
Society, the Pope Pius XI gold medal of the Pontifical Academy of Science in 1966, the
Franklin Institute’s Elliott Cresson medal (1973), the Bruce medal of the Astronomical Society
of the Pacific (1975) and the ADION Medal of the Nice Observatory (1988). He was Russell
Lecturer to the American Astronomical Society in 1973 and received their Helen Warner prize
in 1960. He received the Tomalla Gravity prize of the Swiss Physical Society in 1993.
Sandage was elected to the US National Academy of Science in 1963 but resigned in 1980
when the Academy failed to elect his friend and collaborator Olin Eggen. He was a Member of
the Lincei National Academy in Rome. He was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society
in 2001. He had honorary degrees from at least eight different universities and colleges.
Finally, main-belt asteroid 9963 Sandage, originally 1992 AN and discovered by Eleanor
Helin, is named in his honour.
Allan Rex Sandage
263
Acknowledgements
Many people sent us reminiscences of Allan Sandage; several we have used explicitly, and the spirit of others we
have tried to incorporate into the text. In particular we thank Mary Sandage for answering our questions and giving us
details that only she knew. Allan’s greatest collaborator, Gustav Tammann, sent much, as did Owen Gingerich, Helmut
Abt and John Kormendy. We thank Harden McConnell, Michael Feast, Tom Kinman, Ken Freeman, Vera Rubin, Rob
Kennicutt, Harry Fergusson and Harry Nussbaumer for material that helped us. Sandage’s account of his road trip
with Baade was published in an article by Owen Gingerich in Physics Today 47(12), 34–40 (1994). The paragraph
describing his reaction to the request that he take 200-inch plates for Hubble was taken from an oral history interview
by Dr Spencer Weart on 22 May 1978, at Santa Barbara Street, Pasadena, California, which we found particularly
useful in preparing this memoir. See the interview with Dr Allan Sandage, Niels Bohr Library & Archives, American
Institute of Physics, College Park, Maryland, USA, at http://www.aip.org/history/ohilist/4380_1.html.
The frontispiece photograph was taken in about 1985 and is reproduced courtesy of the Observatories of the
Carnegie Institution for Science. (Online version in colour.)
Bibliography
The following publications are those referred to directly in the text. A full bibliography is
available as electronic supplementary material at http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2011.0021 or
via http://rsbm.royalsocietypublishing.org.
(1)
1952
(2)
1953
(3)
(4) 1956
(5)
1958
(6)
1961
(7)
(8) 1962
(9)
1963
(10) 1965
(11) 1975
(12) 1978
(13) 1981
(With M. Schwarzschild) Inhomogeneous stellar models. II. Models with exhausted cores in gravitational contraction. Astrophys. J. 116, 463–476.
(With H. C. Arp & W. A. Baum) The HR diagrams for the globular clusters M92 and M3. Astron. J.
57, 4–5.
The color-magnitude diagram for the globular cluster M3. Astron. J. 58, 61–75.
(With M. L. Humason & N. U. Mayall) Redshifts and magnitudes of extragalactic nebulae. Astron. J.
61, 97–162.
(1) The color–magnitude diagram of galactic and globular clusters and their interpretation as age
groups. (2) The luminosity function of galactic clusters, globular clusters, and elliptical galaxies.
(3) NGC 2264 and M8 as examples of very young stellar associations. (4) Stars within 15 parsecs of
the Sun. In Stellar populations (Pontificiae Academiae Scientiarum Scripta Varia 16: Semaine d’Étude
sur la problème des populations stellaires) (Vatican Symposium) (ed. D. J. K. O’Connell), (1) p. 41;
(2) p. 75; (2) p. 149; (3) p. 287. Amsterdam: North-Holland; New York: Interscience.
The ability of the 200-inch telescope to discriminate between selected world models. Astrophys. J. 133,
355–392.
The Hubble atlas of galaxies. Washington DC: Carnegie Institution.
(With O. J. Eggen & D. Lynden-Bell) Evidence from the motions of old stars that the Galaxy collapsed. Astrophys. J. 136, 748–766 [ELS].
(With T. A. Matthews) Optical identification of 3C 48, 3C 196, and 3C 286 with stellar objects.
Astrophys. J. 138, 30–56.
The existence of a major new constituent of the universe: the quasi-stellar galaxies. Astrophys. J. 141,
1560–1578.
(Editor, with M. Sandage & J. Kristian) Stars and stellar systems, vol. 9 (Galaxies and the Universe).
University of Chicago Press.
(With J. Kristian & J. A. Westphal) The extension of the Hubble diagram. II. New redshifts and photometry of very distant galaxy clusters: first indication of a deviation of the Hubble diagram from a
straight line. Astrophys. J. 221, 383–394.
(With G. A. Tammann) A revised Shapley–Ames catalog of bright galaxies. Washington DC: Carnegie
Institution.
264
(14) 1982
(15) 1984
(16) 1985
(17) 1988
(18) 1990
(19) 1994
(20) 1999
(21)
(22) 2001
(23) 2004
(24) 2006
(25) 2008
(26) 2010
(27)
(With G. A. Tammann) Steps toward the Hubble constant. VIII. The global value. Astrophys. J. 256,
339–345.
(With G. A. Tammann) The Hubble constant as derived from 21 cm linewidths. Nature 307, 326–
329.
(With B. Binggeli & G. A. Tammann) Studies of the Virgo cluster. V. Luminosity functions of Virgo
cluster galaxies. Astron. J. 90, 1759–1771.
(With J. Bedke) Atlas of galaxies useful for measuring the cosmological distance scale (NASA
Publication SP-496). Washington DC: Scientific and Technical Information Division, National
Aeronautics and Space Administration.
(With J.-M. Perelmuter) The surface brightness test for the expansion of the universe. I. Properties of
Petrosian metric diameters. Astrophys. J. 350, 481–491.
(With J. Bedke) The Carnegie atlas of galaxies. Washington DC: Carnegie Institution.
The first 50 years at Palomar: 1949–1999. The early years of stellar evolution, cosmology, and highenergy astrophysics. Annu. Rev. Astron. Astrophys. 37, 445–486.
(With A. Saha, G. A. Tammann, L. Labhardt, F. D. Macchetto & N. Panagia) Cepheid calibration of
the peak brightness of type Ia supernovae. IX. SN 1989B in NGC 3627. Astrophys. J. 522, 802–838.
(With L. M. Lubin) The Tolman surface brightness test for the reality of the expansion. IV. A measurement of the Tolman signal and the luminosity evolution of early-type galaxies. Astron. J. 122,
1084–1103.
Centennial history of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, vol. 1 (The Mount Wilson Observatory).
Cambridge University Press.
(With G. A. Tammann, A. Saha, B. Reindl, F. D. Macchetto, & N. Panagia) The Hubble constant: a
summary of the Hubble Space Telescope program for the luminosity calibration of type Ia supernovae
by means of Cepheids. Astrophys. J. 653, 843–860.
(With G. A. Tammann & B. Reindl) The expansion field: the value of H0. Astron. Astrophys. Rev. 15,
289–331.
The Tolman surface brightness test for the reality of the expansion. V. Provenance of the test and a
new representation of the data for three remote Hubble Space Telescope galaxy clusters. Astron. J. 139,
728–742.
(With B. Reindl & G. A. Tammann) The linearity of the cosmic expansion field from 300 to
30,000 km/s and the bulk motion of the local supercluster with respect to the cosmic microwave background. Astrophys. J. 714, 1441–1459.

November 2010 13 −− Allan Rex Sandage. 18 June 1926

Transcription

Similar documents

Earthrise at Christmas Thirty-five years ago this Christmas, a

Farhang Habibi LAL

Hubble Space Telescope`s Top Science Findings

Chris Geary - Harness Racing NSW

Astronaut: Mae Jemison Hubble Hero: Nancy Grace Roman Test

Farhang Habibi LAL - Université Paris SUD-11

“The Cask of Amontillado” by Edgar Allan Poe from Charters, Ann

Farhang Habibi LAL