SAK YANT - University of Alabama at Birmingham
Transcription
SAK YANT - University of Alabama at Birmingham
SAK YANT: THE TRANSITION FROM INDIC YANTRAS TO THAI “MAGICAL” BUDDHIST TATTOOS by ANGELA MARIE MAY CATHLEEN CUMMINGS, COMMITTEE CHAIR JESSICA DALLOW CATHERINE PAGANI A THESIS Submitted to the graduate faculty of The University of Alabama at Birmingham, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. BIRMINGHAM, ALABAMA 2014 Copyright by Angela Marie May 2014 ii SAK YANT: THE TRANSITION FROM INDIC YANTRAS TO THAI “MAGICAL” BUDDHIST TATTOOS ANGELA MARIE MAY ART HISTORY ABSTRACT Officially, Thailand is dominated by the state-sponsored Theravada Buddhist tradition, which has essentially been practiced in Thailand since 1902 when the sangha bureaucracy was established. However, within the last couple of decades a hybrid form of Thai Buddhism has emerged. The contemporary, hybridic Thai religion emphasizes Buddhism—placing it at the top of its hierarchal pyramid—even while it includes elements of Animism and Hinduism. This thesis explores the hybridization of popular religions in contemporary Thailand as reflected in the art form of Sak Yant. Thai Buddhist magical tattoos called Sak Yant are based on ancient Indic yantras that are considered powerful forms meant to ward off negative influences. These tattoos incorporate elements of Hindu, Animist, and Buddhist traditions. In this way, the ideas behind, and practices of, Sak Yant mirror broader changes in the modern religious context of Thailand. The transformation of Sak Yant over time likewise reflects the transformations of Theravada Buddhism in Thailand as it is converged with Animist and Hindu forms. This transformation is revealed by an analysis of the social and religious atmosphere of modern Thailand, a comparative analysis of Indic yantras and their transformation into Sak Yant (including the “Buddhaization” of the Ramayana into a Southeast Asian “magical text” and Thai Buddhist epic), an analysis of the function of Sak Yant within the needs of modern Thai Buddhists, and iii how Sak Yant unites the division between rural and state sponsored Buddhism. By deconstructing Sak Yant’s form and function, the construction of a modern Thai hybrid Buddhist religion takes shape. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In general, I refrain from participating in the overuse of the metaphorical journey as a means to convey a life changing experience. However, I think it would be apropos to relate the writing of this thesis to the arduous journey of a pilgrim making their way through harsh landscapes in order for a glimmer of the sacred. There seems to be a direct relationship between the difficulty of the journey and the amount of spiritual reward received at the destination. For me, the road was rough and I have never felt as vulnerable as I have during this writing process. But, this vulnerability opened me up and allowed me to take in what my research was trying to give me. The reward is great, as I completed something that I never thought I could. Throughout this writing pilgrimage, my advisor, Dr. Cummings encouraged me and surprised me on a multitude of occasions with her ability to practically read my mind. A “thank you” does not even begin to articulate the endless amount of appreciation and gratitude I have for the guidance and extreme, Buddha-like, patience she showed me during this exhausting endeavor. I will forever be indebted to her willingness to let me explore the road less traveled in Asian art. There really are no words for the significance of the impact her mentorship has had on me. I would like to express my appreciation of Dr. Dallow for being on my thesis committee and for always making herself available to me and my infinite questions. Her suggestions, guidance, and sense of humor provided me with the fuel I needed to finish. Dr. Pagani has been such a huge inspiration for me and an invaluable member of my thesis committee. Her insight and thoughtfulness has never gone unnoticed and her encouragement is greatly appreciated. Her energy is contagious. v A huge thank you goes to Tao. His willingness to show me his magnificent Sak Yant tattoos, his openness about the reasons why he believes in these tattoos and, above all, his positive personality not only endeared him to me, but has provided me with an intimate view into the Sak Yant culture. His generous contribution can never be repaid. Prak Sokdaren is the ajar that gave me my Sak Yant. He was not only caring and perceptive, but he provided me with the tattoo that “keeps on giving.” The experience of receiving a Sak Yant tattoo is one of the most precious of my life; it was the time where three of my favorite things (tattoos, art, and Buddhism) joined together permanently on my body. A huge thanks is in order for my travel partner, Christy Green. Not only was she willing to be tattooed in the name of “my” research, but was open to every experience our “Wild East” trip presented us with. This thesis is enriched by her participation. I am incredibly indebted to Jake Terrell. Not only is he a great friend, but he was my interpreter in Chiang Rai and introduced me to Tao, who plays such a huge role in this thesis. I would also like to express my gratitude to Caroline Ireland and her endowment of the Ireland Research Travel Award. This award enabled me to travel to Southeast Asia and perform field research, for which I gained invaluable experience and insight. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................ v LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ ix CHAPTERS 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 Sak Yant Overview ................................................................................................. 4 Methodology ........................................................................................................... 7 Historiography ......................................................................................................... 7 Organization of Thesis ............................................................................................ 9 Contribution of this Study ..................................................................................... 10 2. RELIGIOUS THAILAND .......................................................................................... 11 Animism ................................................................................................................ 11 The Introduction of Indic religions in Thailand .................................................... 13 Modern State Buddhism: the Separation between Bangkok and the Meuang ...... 17 Contemporary “Thai Buddhism:” a Mix of Magic and Merit ............................... 21 3. YANTRAS AND YANTS ........................................................................................... 25 Indic Yantra .......................................................................................................... 25 Incorporation of Indic Yantra in Contemporary Sak Yant Designs and Function . 33 vii Parallels to Lakshanas in Sak Yant Designs and Rituals ....................................... 43 4. RAMAYANA............................................................................................................... 51 5. MERIT GAINING........................................................................................................ 60 Sak Yant and Merit ................................................................................................ 61 Sak Yant and Pilgrimage ........................................................................................ 64 6. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................ 72 FIGURES .......................................................................................................................... 75 NOTES ............................................................................................................................ 112 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 120 viii LIST OF FIGURES All photographs are the author’s except as noted on figures Figure Page 1. Suea yant ...................................................................................................................... 76 2. Circle yantra shape ........................................................................................................ 77 3. Radiating Circle yantra shape ...................................................................................... 77 4. Square yantra shape ..................................................................................................... 78 5. Square, en pointe, yantra shape .................................................................................... 78 6. Square with diagonals yantra shape ............................................................................. 78 7. Square, en pointe, with diagonals yantra shape ........................................................... 78 8. Triangle yantra shape ................................................................................................... 79 9. Lotus with petal in north position yantra design .......................................................... 80 10. Lotus with petal in intercardinal position yantra design ............................................ 80 11. Ganesha yantra ........................................................................................................... 81 12. Sixteen petal lotus yant ............................................................................................... 82 13. Ganesha Sak Yant ....................................................................................................... 83 14. Unalom above the meditating Buddha ....................................................................... 84 ix 15. Tao’s circle yant ......................................................................................................... 85 16. Yant Yod Mongkut ...................................................................................................... 86 17. Yant Baramee Phra Buddha Chao ............................................................................. 87 18. Tao’s Yant Pad Tad .................................................................................................... 88 19. Yant Pad Tad .............................................................................................................. 89 20. Dharmachakra ............................................................................................................ 90 21. The basic square in Tao’s Sak Yant ............................................................................ 91 22. The square with diagnonals in Tao’s Sak Yant ........................................................... 92 23. The square en pointe with diagonals in Tao’s Sak Yant ............................................. 93 24. Yant Phokasap ............................................................................................................ 94 25. Yant 5 Taew with square yant design in center .......................................................... 95 26. Tao’s Yant Gao Yord .................................................................................................. 96 27. Yant Dok Bua .............................................................................................................. 97 28. Buddha on lotus from Sokdaren’s yoan manuscript................................................... 98 29. Buddha on lotus .......................................................................................................... 99 30. Shiva Indic yantra ................................................................................................... 100 31. Yant Maha Sa Wang ................................................................................................. 100 x 32. Lan Na style urna and ushnisha ............................................................................... 101 33. Monk in cauldron from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru ................................................ 102 34. Yants on leaves from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru .................................................... 103 35. Monk in cauldron connected to devotees by a web from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru ......................................................................................................................................... 104 36. Practitioners, web, and yants from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru .............................. 105 37. Yant Reusi ................................................................................................................. 106 38. Yant Hanuman Tua Kao ........................................................................................... 107 39. Example of a Hanuman Sak Yant ............................................................................. 108 40. Yant Hanuman Song Lit............................................................................................ 109 41. Manuscript on display in Wat Phra Kaew in Chiang Rai, Thailand ........................ 110 42. Manuscript on display in Wat Phra Kaew in Chiang Rai, Thailand ........................ 111 xi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Within the last couple of decades the religious atmosphere in Thailand has undergone subtle changes. Officially, Thailand is dominated by the state-sponsored Theravada Buddhist tradition, which has essentially been practiced in Thailand since 1902 when the sangha bureaucracy was established. The nature of Thai Theravada Buddhism, however, has always been inclusive and syncretic, incorporating indigenous Animist spirit worship, Mahayana, and Tantric traditions, as well as Brahmanism and Hinduism. In contemporary Thailand, the popular religious landscape seems to have become even more hybridic, incorporating aspects of Thailand’s Animistic and Hindu pasts. Indeed, as Pattana Kitiarsa points out, Buddhism, Animism, and Brahmanist traditions have never existed as completely separate entities in Thailand.1 It is evident from the visual culture of contemporary Thailand that the three religions have melded into a uniquely Thai Buddhist tradition. This new definition has, in part, emerged in the wake of the resurgence in the popularity of Animist cults (previously associated with rural Thailand), which appears to have subtly subverted the reigning popularity of Buddhism and Buddhist needs in Thailand. As Thailand continues to become more globalized and a middle class emerges from the countryside, the division between statesponsored Theravada Buddhism and rural Animist beliefs dissolves. 1 The recent resurgence in popularity of Animism and Hindu cults certainly lends credence to the hybridization theory; how is this hybrid religion practiced? Kitiarsa provides one example—the incorporation of Buddhist and Hindu deity icons within Animist spirit shrines. He sees this as a demonstration of a burgeoning hybrid religion in which the three source traditions, Buddhism, Animism, and Hinduism, relate to each other in a hierarchized schema. In his example of a spirit altar, the image of a Buddha is most important and receives the most veneration; next in importance are Buddhist saints, followed by Hindu deities, and royal spirits.2 The “ranking” of multiple deities on the altar of Kitiarsa’s spirit shrine represents the hierarchy of the new hybrid religion, but how is this hybridization represented in a singular art form? Sak Yant—tattoos based on ancient Indic yantras that are considered powerful symbols meant to ward off negative influences—incorporate elements of Hindu, Animist, and Buddhist traditions. Although typically identified as a Buddhist practice, the application and display of Sak Yant incorporates aspects of the reemerging Animist cult. This is especially so since these tattoos are dependent on “magic” (esoteric apotropaism used to control spirits and supernatural powers). Indeed, at first they do not seem to function at all within the Buddhist context. Some of the most popular Sak Yant tattoos are sought for protection, good fortune, love and monetary wealth, motives that appear contradictory to the Buddhist goal of renunciation of objects of desire. Aside from the elements of Animist magic, deities from the Hindu pantheon are also included in Sak Yant design, further complicating the intention, meaning, and function of the tattoos as forms of “Buddhist” visual culture. 2 Sak Yants are becoming more and more popular with non-Buddhist Western tourists. That, combined with the fact that the practice of Sak Yant is considered to be “magic” by the majority of Thai people, means that the Sak Yant tradition is often regarded as “gimmicky.”3 However, practitioners’ motives for making or receiving a Sak Yant tattoo are sincere, and to most Thais, Sak Yant tattoos are considered sacred. And while Sak Yant incorporate Animist and Hindu influences, I argue that they continue to serve Buddhist needs. The contemporary, hybridic Thai religion emphasizes Buddhism— placing it at the top of its hierarchal pyramid—even while it includes elements of Animism and Hindusim. In this way, the ideas behind, and practices of, Sak Yant mirror broader changes in the modern religious context of Thailand. The transformation of Sak Yant over time likewise reflects the transformations of Theravada Buddhism in Thailand as it is converged with Animist and Hindu forms. This transformation is revealed by an analysis of the social and religious atmosphere of modern Thailand, a comparative analysis of Indic yantras and their transformation into Sak Yant (including the “Buddhaization” of the Ramayana into a Southeast Asian “magical text” and Thai Buddhist epic), an analysis of the function of Sak Yant within the needs of modern Thai Buddhists, and how Sak Yant unites the division between rural and state sponsored Buddhism. By deconstructing Sak Yant’s form and function, the construction of a modern Thai hybrid Buddhist religion takes shape. 3 Sak Yant Overview The practice of Sak Yant is difficult to trace in the historical record. Aside from the fact that tattoos are placed on skin—an inherently ephemeral material—there are variations in the practice of Sak Yant in different parts of Thailand and Southeast Asia. Nevertheless, there are a few facts that are evident, including the source of Sak Yant concepts and designs from Indic yantras, and the significant influence of Animistic beliefs in the notion of a tattoo’s power and effectiveness. Sak Yant derives from a mixture of Indic yantras, Animist magic, and Buddhist beliefs and practices. Sak Yant are powerful tattoos that stem from sacred yantras.4 Yantra is a Sanskrit word that can be translated as “instrument of thought.”5 Yantras were typically used in Indic culture in the context of religious ritual and meditative practice. They could be drawn on the ground using ephemeral materials such as colored powder, or constructed or visualized through more durable materials such as metal plates. In Thailand, they are referred to as yants or yan.6 It is generally accepted that yantras first came from India to Southeast Asia within manuscripts carried by Indian merchants and missionaries. While it is not known where in Southeast Asia the yantras were first tattooed on the skin, it is widely accepted that the practice began during the Khmer Empire (eighth through thirteenth centuries). Figural forms have long been integrated into the Sak Yant art form in Thailand, including representations of deities, sacred animals, or mythical creatures from the Hindu and Buddhist traditions of India.7 In contemporary Thai practice, a practitioner’s desire for a Sak Yant may vary, but the underlying notion is always that a Sak Yant tattoo can improve one’s future. They may provide protection, power, or wealth, or ensure good business sense or guarantee a 4 successful love match between couples. In Southeast Asia yants also serve as a support for sacred syllables known as mantras.8 Mantras are sacred sounds, phrases, or prayers that aid in meditation or ritual practice, and they are included within Sak Yant to aid in activating the tattoo’s power.9 When mantras are included in Sak Yant tattoos they are generally short in length, but tattoos may also include a longer verse known as a kaathaa. Kaathaa is derived from the Pali-Sanskrit term gatha (spoken word) and in Thailand is thought of as a sacred Pali incantation.10 These tattoos may be given by a Buddhist monk or by an ajarn or reusi who has been indoctrinated into the practice. Ajarns and reusis are lay members of the Buddhist community, ones considered to have a heightened sense of spiritualism and connection to the magic arts. An ajarn is usually a non-celibate, urban householder, and wears white when applying Sak Yant to a disciple, while a reusi is associated with a hermetic lifestyle outside of cities and is identified by the faux tiger fabric he wears.11 Monks wear their traditional robes. A lay practitioner who becomes a reusi or ajarn, as with Thai Buddhist monks, is usually from a lineage of Sak Yant masters, and like a Buddhist monk receives his master’s weechaa (from the Pali-Sanskrit term vijja “knowledge”).12 Joe Cummings states that within the Sak Yant tradition, “weechaa is the tattoo’s main source of power, constituting not only a range of designs and techniques, but more importantly a set of sacred spells and verses to control spirits and supernatural powers.”13 Cummings’ goes on to say that, “the concept of weechaa is rather analogous with the concept of “magic” in the West.”14 There are instances where a lay practitioner has been indoctrinated into Sak Yant practice without coming from a lineage, and in those instances the practitioner must be accepted by a Sak Yant master for a five year training period. During the training 5 period the apprentice may not tattoo, but first must intensely study kaathaa and devote his time to meditation.15 Some Sak Yant masters claim that tattoos are only as powerful as the nature of the person making them and therefore meditation is important to maintaining the energy and mindset for Sak Yant.16 A Sak Yant master is made to learn Khom script, an ancient Khmer lettering system that is only permitted to be used for sacred or magical texts.17 (The use of Khom script is one of the reasons it is believed the practice of tattooing yantras originated with the Khmer empire.)18 Because Sak Yant masters can read Khom, and thus possess the power to decode another master’s yant, Sak Yant masters tend to jumble the script within the tattoo they are creating so that the mantra cannot be read.19 Kaathaa and mantra are passed down orally to the apprentice.20 There usually is no mention of the meaning of the mantra, only its purported effect.21 The practitioner is told to recite the mantra while receiving the tattoo.22 The upper back is the most common location of the body to receive a Sak Yant, followed by chest and lower back, and on occasion the thighs, hands, throat, or top of the head.23 The tattoo is applied by the Sak Yant master using a mai sak (bamboo rod) or a khem sak (metal rod) to rapidly tap ink or clear oil into the skin of the devotee. Once the tattoo is applied, the master then consecrates the tattoo. This is done through incantations and by blowing on the tattoo. The blowing of the tattoo is symbolic of the Sak Yant master blowing his weechaa into the tattoo. Sak Yant masters “plant” spiritual power, pluuk sehk, into tattoos through ritual and kaathaa.24 It is the combination of the master’s weechaa, the yant design, and the mantra or kaathaa that make these tattoos efficacious, and thus, magical. 6 Methodology This thesis is based primarily on fieldwork in Cambodia and Thailand I conducted in June and July 2013. During my time in Southeast Asia, I drew upon observation and first-hand experiences of places, peoples, and practices for much of my evidence and examples. This includes interviews I conducted with ajarns, other tattoo artists, and a variety of tattoo recipients. I use this fieldwork in conjunction with an examination of the iconography of contemporary Sak Yant and compare it to the iconography of Indic yantra, upon which most Sak Yant designs are based. I make extensive use of recent studies of Sak Yant culture, as well as studies on the religious changes taking place in Thailand. Historiography Because so little work has been done on the Sak Yant tradition as a form of Buddhist art or relic, there are few art historical sources to ground my work. Instead, I will draw from analyses of yantra and their functions in South and Southeast Asia; historical surveys of Buddhism in Thailand and Cambodia; analyses of tattooing in Southeast Asia; and works on pilgrimage traditions in Buddhism, particularly in the context of physical endurance or sacrifice. Three specific books that have been helpful to my work, and upon which my work builds, include: Isabel Azevedo Drouyer’s Thai Magic Tattoos: The Art and Influence of Sak Yant25 (2013); Tom Vater and Aroon Thaewchatturat’s Sacred Skin: Thailand's Spirit Tattoos26 (2011); and Joe Cummings and Dan White’s Sacred Tattoos of Thailand: Exploring the Magic, Masters and Mystery of 7 Sak Yan27 (2012). All three of these books consist of several interviews with monks, ajarns, reusis, and Sak Yant devotees. In Thai Magic Tattoos: The Art and Influence of Sak Yant published in 2013, Isabel Azevedo Drouyer is one of the first to write about Sak Yant in a way that provides an understanding of the mechanisms by which a tattoo may actually change the life of the bearer. Her research has provided an invaluable insight into the influence of Sak Yant on the individual’s mind and health. In Sacred Skin: Thailand's Spirit Tattoos published in 2011, Tom Vater writes about these tattoos as the essence of the bearers’ individual identity. This is illustrated through a large catalogue of photographs by Aroon Thaewchatturat. Vater underwent the colossal task of identifying every Sak Yant received by the devotees in these photographs. His work is incredibly helpful to this research, as he has provided a large database of possible Sak Yant designs and meanings and related them to the bearer. In Sacred Tattoos of Thailand: Exploring the Magic, Masters and Mystery of Sak Yan published in 2012, Joe Cummings has provided the most inclusive study of the Sak Yant tradition published to date. Instead of focusing solely on Thailand, which is the center of the tradition’s conservation and development, he researches similar traditions that exist today in Cambodia, Laos, parts of Vietnam, China, and Burma. He focuses on the general practice of Sak Yant and has provided a fantastic resource for future studies. Not only does he include interviews, but also he has conducted a great deal of research into the transmission of Sak Yant into Southeast Asia. He discusses Sak Yant’s spiritual roots and how it combines Buddhism, Brahmanism, and Animism. However, his discussion falls short as to how this combination actually functions in the Buddhist 8 context or how it outlines the broader changes in the modern religious context of Thailand. His research has provided a great deal of information that previously has been glossed over or simply accepted as a mystery. These three works have laid much of the groundwork for the study of Sak Yant culture. They have provided several examples of the varying designs in this art form. However, none of these authors have been able to fully explain Sak Yant’s function within the Buddhist context. Sak Yant is simply accepted as a Buddhist practice because so many Buddhist receive these tattoos. My research endeavors to uncover in which ways the design and practice of Sak Yant reflects the hybridization of Buddhism in Thailand. Organization of Thesis The structure of this thesis is as follows. The first chapter provides a basic overview of the practice of Sak Yant in Thailand. Chapter Two expresses the problem in generalizing all of Thailand as practicing orthodox Theravada Buddhism. Here I provide a brief history of the multilayered religious landscape of Thailand, as well as outline the division between the Buddhism of Bangkok and that of rural Thailand. Chapter Three analyzes the transformation in iconography and meaning of Indic yantra into Sak Yant, along with how the lakshanas of the Buddha have been incorporated into Sak Yant design and practice. Chapter Four considers the incorporation of figural forms from the Ramayana epic in Sak Yant and how this Indian epic eventually was regarded as magic in Southeast Asia. Chapter Five theorizes as to how Sak Yant is integral in providing Buddhist needs and how providing these needs outlines the changes taking place in modern Thailand. Chapter Six concludes this thesis with a look at how Sak Yant provides a sense of community for the international Buddhist community. 9 Contribution of this Study I anticipate that the study of the transformation of Indic yantra into magical Buddhist tattoos will provide insight into the hybridization of Buddhism taking place in contemporary Thailand. In understanding how these eclectic tattoos fulfill modern Buddhist needs, I hope that the misinterpretation of a static, doctrinal Theravada Buddhism in Thailand will be clarified and that this newly forming hybrid Buddhism will be embraced and appreciated, as it opens the door for more research in Buddhist studies. 10 CHAPTER 2 RELIGIOUS THAILAND It is difficult to generalize about Buddhism in Thailand or to define it as pure Theravada Buddhism. Thailand’s past is plural, with multiple religious and cultural influences. Although Theravada is sanctioned by the state, centuries of religious plurality remain. A brief history and analysis of the convoluted and multilayered religious landscape of Thailand will be presented in this chapter. This is necessary for understanding the religious transformations that are reflected in the contemporary Thai religious landscape, and sets the stage for discussions in subsequent chapters. Before the transformation from Indic yantras to Sak Yant tattoos can be revealed, past and present Thailand must be addressed. Animism Animism, commonly referred to as spirit worship in Thailand, is considered the original religion of Southeast Asia, and indeed is still very much present there. Animism is the belief that all objects, including trees, fields, and other natural objects, possess a conscious life, or are inhabited by spirits.28 These spirits will either protect and serve those who properly placate or petition them, or will harm those who neglect or improperly treat them.29 There are several types of spirits in Thai Animism. One type consists of guardian spirits (phii) who maintain the honored status of an ancestor or 11 father.30 Phii are guardians in the interest of the community and moral values, who act as disciplinarians and punish transgressors. Phii are also associated with agricultural prosperity because they are associated with agricultural cycles.31 Another type are malevolent spirits who are vengeful and attack humans if they step into their domain.32 These spirits are to be left alone and nothing should be asked of them.33 However, it is believed that even guardian spirits may attack and punish individuals for no apparent reason. In some cases individuals may be possessed by a spirit and need to be exorcised.34 Nature spirits that reside in outdoor locations form a third category of spirit. For instance, field spirits usually guard the fields and farmers must be diligent in making offerings to them.35 Some nature spirits perform specific functions and are believed to have powers and influence over the environment, such as rice spirits who need to be appeased during the planting and harvesting of rice.36 The most unpredictable type of spirits are the ghosts of the dead who have failed to be reborn.37 They are considered dangerous because of their anxiety and impatience to be reborn. They are also territorial and, although considered good, may be quite protective of their sphere. Even today in Thailand, every building has its own protective spirit who resides there as a matter of natural right.38 Homes are made for many of these various spirits. Such dwellings are referred to as Thai Spirit Houses and are placed in front of both businesses and private homes. Spirits are thought to reside within and prayers and offerings are made to these spirits in order to please them as well as receive forgiveness for possible wrong doings and protection.39 Such spirits are considered to have great power and control over people. It 12 is believed the powers of harmful spirits can be neutralized by invoking the powers of magically charged amulets, tattoos, chants, spells, and, most recently, protective Buddhists texts.40 In this way, Buddhism has been incorporated into indigenous Thai spirit worship. The Introduction of Indic religions in Thailand Because Thailand is a young nation, it can be difficult to identify the date and manner in which Buddhism was first introduced there. Prior to its unification and the creation of the modern political state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the region was made of coexisting petty states, each with its own Buddhist tradition. In Bangkok (and previously in Ayutthaya), Sinhalese Theravada Buddhism was the official religion, but in the outlying kingdoms less orthodox forms of Theravada Buddhism reflecting the various influences of indigenous Animism, Brahmanism, and Mahayana Buddhism that existed in the area prior to the fourteenth century was practiced. Nevertheless, it is a form of Sinhalese Theravada Buddhism that remains most commonly associated with Thailand today. A general overview of the introduction of Buddhism and other Indic religions into Thailand, and the manner of their subsequent intermingling, is important to understand Sak Yant—with its multiple religious strands—in the contemporary context. The presence of different Buddhist and Hindu traditions in Sak Yant reinforces the concept of the hybridization of Buddhism in Thailand. It was in the third century BCE, most likely through the missionary activities of the Mauryan king, Ashoka, that Indic religion first entered Southeast Asia. Evidence for this is found in the Sinhalese chronicle Mahavamsa, as well as the Ashokan Rock Edict 13 XIII, which states that King Ashoka dispatched nine groups of Buddhist missionaries.41 Three of these missionaries, Theras, Sona, and Uttara, went to a place called Suvarnabhumi.42 The location of Suvarnabhumi has been greatly debated, but scholars such as H. R. H. Prince and Damrong Rajanubhab argue that the archaeological remains unearthed at Nakon Pathom in Western Thailand indicate Thailand as the location of Suvarnabhumi.43 The dharmachakra (Wheel of the Law), the Buddha’s footprints, and Pali inscriptions were carved into rocks found there.44 The images carved into these stones are similar to imagery in India from the last two to three centuries BCE. However, it is the Pathama Chetiya, which is a large stupa purported to have been built in commemoration of King Ashoka’s missionaries’ visit around the third or fourth century BCE, that solidifies the date and location for most scholars. This stupa bore a close resemblance to the Great Stupa at Sanchi, which was founded during the reign of King Ashoka in India.45 However, in 1853 King Mongkut restored the stupa and covered the original stupa with a larger chedi in veneration of and protection for the ancient monument.46 The third century BCE is also around the time that Indian merchants and missionaries introduced Brahmanism to Southeast Asia. Indic culture and Hindu beliefs and practices became especially important in Cambodia, Thailand’s neighbor to the East. A second wave of Buddhism entered Southeast Asia during the second half of the first century CE. It is probable that Buddhism arrived in Burma and Dvaravati (now Nakon Pathom) from Magadha, in Bihar, India. However, it is not until the fifth century that Mahayana Buddhist missionaries from Northern India went to Southeast Asia.47 Archaeological evidence in South Thailand indicates that Mahayana was prevalent there at this time, visible in stupas and votive tablets incorporating images of Buddhas and 14 bodhisattavas (Phra Phim). Similar examples have been discovered in Java from the same time period.48 However, by the sixth century Hindu kings had assumed power in Southeast Asia.49 Hinduism is considered the philosophical and religious building block of the Khmer empire (eighth to thirteenth centuries) in Angkor (in modern day Cambodia), which ruled over a large portion of Southeast Asia, including the area that is now Thailand.50 During the Khmer empire Mahayana Buddhism and Hinduism were both practiced in Angkor. But what is particularly interesting to this thesis is a stone inscription preserved in the National Museum at Bangkok, which states that in around the year 1017 in Lopburi of central Thailand there was a king who traced his lineage to the Suryavarman dynasty of Cambodia (1002–1182).51 This Thai king had a son who later became the king of Cambodia; in this way, central Thailand came to be under Khmer territory. During the time there was much exchange and amalgamation between the two areas religions and cultures.52 From the inscription on that stone we also learn that Theravada Buddhism was prevalent in Lopburi and that Mahayana Buddhism became popularized in central Thailand once Thailand came under the sway of the Khmer empire.53 However, there are no indications that the Mahayana sect superseded Theravada in central Thailand. Indeed, another stone inscription in Khmer script, found in a Brahmanic Temple in Lopburi, indicates that monks of both the Theravada and Mahayana sect resided there during the period of Khmer rule.54 The fact that this Buddhist information was found in a Brahmanic temple again shows the multiple layers of religious practice in Thailand, which sets the stage for the transformation of Buddhism in Thailand today. In modern 15 Thailand, it appears that Hinduism, Mahayana, and Theravada have merged into one hybrid religion. During the Khmer period, particularly in the eleventh century, increased trade links between the Theravada-dominated land of Sri Lanka and Burma (Myanmar) and Thailand expanded Theravada Buddhism’s reach in Southeast Asia.55 These links also allowed for Thai monks to travel to Sri Lanka and study Pali canonical texts in their monasteries.56 This led to a resurgence in Theravada Buddhism in Thailand and by the thirteenth century Theravada Buddhism had also made its way to Cambodia. While Theravada was already present in central and northern Thailand, Theravada’s expansion to Cambodia and stronger connections between Thailand and Sri Lanka more firmly established Theravada in Thailand. The impact of Theravada Buddhism in Cambodia and its effect on magic will be explored more full in Chapter Four. Following the demise of Khmer power in central Thailand, the Sukhothai kingdom (1238-1448) was established. The Sukhothais maintained close religious association with Sinhalese Theravada Buddhism,57 even when they were subsumed into the Ayutthaya kingdom (1351-1767) of central and southern Thailand. By the fifteenth century the Ayutthayas had overwhelmed the whole of the Angkor empire, and in the process borrowed major features from the Khmer royal court, importing Cambodian Brahman priests in their capital in Thailand.58 Even today in Thailand, Theravada is the religion of the king, his court, and his people, yet Brahmans also officiate at court.59 In 1767 the Burmese sacked the capital of Ayutthaya, destroying Buddhist art and texts.60 With their capital destroyed, the Thai people decided to move south and by 1782 established a new capital, Bangkok.61 16 Modern State Buddhism: the Separation between Bangkok and the Meuang While modern Thailand may consider itself a Theravada Buddhist nation, the form of Buddhism practiced in rural areas of Thailand reflects a mixture of multiple Buddhist sects and other religious traditions. Indeed, there are two distinct strata of religious practice in Thailand: that of the elite in Bangkok, and that of the rural population. (Sak Yant plays a role in unifying this division between Bangkok and rural Buddhism, as will be explored in Chapter Five.) In the early nineteenth century the region now called Thailand consisted of several kingdoms or petty states called meuang, each ruled by a hereditary local lord.62 The meuang considered themselves autonomous, yet sent tribute to Bangkok, the most powerful of the kingdoms.63 By paying tribute (taxes) the meuang were left alone to govern as they pleased as long as there were no wars between lords of the region.64 Bangkok had no control of local courts, currencies, writings systems, or the meuangs’ religious customs and practices.65 The populations of the meuangs was extremely diverse, ranging from the Shan (from the area now known as Myanmar) along the western border, the Mon (also from Myanmar) scattered through the central plains and northern region, the Yuan (of Chinese decent) in the North, the Lao in the Northeast, the Siamese in the Central Plains, and the Khmer in the southern tier of the northeastern region as well as on the Cambodian border.66 Due to the diverse populations of the region, each of these meuang had their own Buddhist traditions that were differently influenced by the indigenous Animist spirit worship, Brahmanic practice, and Mahayana traditions of Buddhism that had flourished in the region prior to the fourteenth century.67 Therefore, 17 even in the early nineteenth century, each meuang followed its own unique Buddhist tradition. In the third decade of the nineteenth century, however, another form of Buddhism emerged as a reform movement in Bangkok. The founder of the movement was the Siamese prince Mongkut who established the Thammayut sect, which translates as “the order adhering to the dhamma” (Buddhist teachings and doctrines).68 Prince Mongkut placed a greater emphasis on the Pali cannon and less on meditation, which he found mystical. Mongkut believed his sect to be more “authentic,” and regarded members of other sects that did not convert to be blindly following the Buddhism of their fathers and grandfathers.69 This schism caused resentment in Bangkok, as it conflicted with the traditions of Bangkok monasteries.70 Mongkut did not approve of local stories and traditions that involved folklore, miracles, and most importantly to this thesis, magic. Western and Christian influences may have enhanced or shaped Mongkut’s desire to regulate Buddhism.71 He, along with other members of the Siamese elite, accepted the opinion of Christian missionaries that “traditional” Buddhism was too superstitious. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, while Siam’s neighbors were falling under the control of Western colonial powers, the Siamese King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910) began to form a centralized state with a fixed border.72 Because of this, the independence and autonomy of the meuangs were restricted and their multiple languages and various Buddhist traditions had to be unified. The Bangkok regime made the Bangkok Thai spoken by the educated elite in Bangkok (and previously in Ayutthaya) the official national language of Thailand. In addition to this, the king passed the Sangha Act of 1902 that created a sangha bureaucracy that integrated monks of all Buddhist 18 traditions into one. This act formed the Buddhism most people refer to as “Thai Buddhism” and is what Kamala Tiyavanich refers to as “modern state Buddhism.”73 When referring the divisions between Bangkok and rural practices, I will use the terms “Bangkok Buddhism” and “Rural Buddhism.” During this time of unification sangha officials first travelled to other regions of Thailand as government representatives to inspect wats (Thai word for a monastery and temple complex), and from these inspections the officials found that local monks and lay people had customs foreign to Bangkok.74 For example, local monks were heavily involved in the daily life of the rural laity, organizing festivals, working the fields, or teaching martial arts.75 In Bangkok, monks maintained a separation from the laity and community life while in rural Thailand, the wat was the center of lay Buddhism, serving many functions, such as school, town hall, and hospital.76 Village and town monks devoted their energies to community work that benefited the laity. In the early twentieth century, the sangha officials of Bangkok found this interaction to be inappropriate, and especially discouraged monks from performing hard, manual labor, likening monks who did to commoners.77 In the rural Buddhism of the early twentieth century monks were expected not only to perform religious ceremonies but to be the first to plow the fields during the sowing season. This was in order to chase away any bad spirits in the field, or spirits who might guard the field and punish villagers for disturbing the land.78 This represented an acknowledgment of Animist beliefs, folklore, and superstition that Mongkut and the elites of Bangkok Buddhism wished to eliminate from Buddhism in Thailand. Instead, it was felt that these monks should spend less time performing manual labor and more time 19 devoted to studying and teaching the Pali cannon and especially the Tripitaka and Traibhumi, the first official Thai Buddhist text.79 Today, monks who perform the laborious task of Sak Yant application to benefit the laity continue the type of rural Buddhism that upset the elite of the Bangkok Buddhist communities. Instead of chasing bad spirits from the fields to ensure the community’s good fortune, monks and other Sak Yant masters applying Sak Yant tattoo to prevent bad spirits from causing calamities and also to create good fortune for the laity. Instead of teaching Bangkok texts, rural monks would teach Animist folklore,80 such as myths about the sun, the moon, the power of the earth goddess, and beliefs surrounding the rice goddess.81 They would also teach jatakas (stories of the Buddha’s past incarnations), as these stories were more identifiable to the laity, as well as being entertaining. The sangha officials did not approve of the teaching of jatakas because they regarded them as nonsense and an ineffective way to teach dhamma.82 One of the most popular jataka tales was the Westadon Chadok (Vessantara Jataka in Pali).83 Many rural communities celebrated a festival dedicated to the reading of this jataka; rural monks vied with each other for the honor of preaching the jataka during the festival. Mastering the preaching style of the Westadon Chadok was demanding and required great discipline, and few monks achieved the level of skill required for the festival.84 As a result, monks who mastered the Westadon Chadok were highly respected. Many were also thought to achieve their skill in the recitation of the Westadon Chadok through magic. Kamala Tiyavanich cites a former preacher who explained, “Often monks of lesser skill are jealous and seek to ruin the preacher by using black magic [khun sai]. So a good preacher must possess magical knowledge for self-protection. (1) He must learn to 20 recite sacred mantra for self-defense as well as to attract goodwill. (2) He must tattoo protective amulets on his body for the same reason. (3) He must always keep certain kinds of amulets or magic cloth [pha yan] to make him invulnerable.”85 This suggests that Buddhist monks were also bearing Sak Yant around the turn of the century, and that these monks were believed to use magic to protect themselves from negative forces. Not only does this demonstrate the incorporation of magic into rural Thai Buddhism, it indicates that the power of the tattoo and of a monk’s magical abilities were perceived as necessities; as the monk said, “a good” Buddhist preacher must have magical skills. The reference to Sak Yant’s existence around the turn of the twentieth century reinforces its importance to Rural Buddhism, which in turn aligns Sak Yant with the “traditional” superstitious Buddhism that Mongkut found problematic. Indeed, there is much superstition involved in the Sak Yant tradition, as it includes Animist magic that was incorporated into varying Buddhist traditions across the countryside. However, at least since the twentieth century and certainly within the last two decades Sak Yant has also been embraced by the Bangkok Buddhist tradition, as it now incorporates Thai Buddhist doctrine (such as the Traibhumi text from the fourteenth c.) as well as merit making evidenced by wealth. This reinforces a hybrid Thai Buddhism that forms a sort of “prosperity religion.” Contemporary “Thai Buddhism:” a Mix of Magic and Merit The division between rural Thailand and the Bangkok elite highlights the diverse nature of Buddhism in Thailand and the difficulty in defining it succinctly and uniformly. 21 If one asks what Buddhism looks like in contemporary Thailand, the answer would vary from person to person, but a main theme of a mix of magic and merit emerges. Merit (actions that accumulate and may determine a better rebirth) is integral to many forms of Buddhism, including the modern state Buddhism of Thailand.86 There are several different ways to gain merit, such as the construction or repair of any religious structure, a monetary donation to the construction or repair of a religious structure, sponsorship of an ordination ceremony, presentations of food or other items to monks, copying Buddhist texts, reading or listening to Buddhist texts, and the consecration of Buddhist images.87 Another way to make merit is through veneration (namatsakan) of the Three Jewels of Buddhism (the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha), and many rituals and ceremonies in Thailand begin with the recitation of a Pali chant that expresses veneration for the Three Jewels.88 Veneration can also be directed toward sacred objects such as images of the Buddha or the relics of the Buddha or another great teacher. In contrast to the Sri Lankan Theravada Buddhism, in which the Buddha is not considered to be immanent within his images or relics, in modern Thai state Buddhism the Buddha is regarded as present and active in such objects.89 Stanly Tambiah, in his study of Thai magic amulets, suggests that images and relics possess the radiance of the Buddha present in a form so that devotees can understand the truth that he no longer has form.90 In modern state Buddhism, the power stored in the objects being venerated is believed to provide favorable benefits to the devotee.91 This coincides with the magic effects of amulets and Sak Yant. In fact, the Buddha images that pilgrims go to see are often considered magical; favors, such as protection, recovery from an illness, or a successful childbirth, are asked of—and received from—the image.92 22 In Thailand, pilgrimage is another means to gain merit. In fact, the majority of Thai pilgrims claim that journeys to sacred places are undertaken in order to “make merit” (tham bun).93 In Thailand there are two expressions used for pilgrimage: “going forth to bow the head in veneration” (kanpainamatsakan) and “going forth in search of merit” (kanpaisawaengbun).94 Chapter Five of this thesis will explore the connection between merit, wealth, pilgrimage, and Sak Yant; however, it is important to understand merit and pilgrimage’s place in modern Thailand because the connections made will reinforce the concept of a hybridization of Buddhism in Thailand. Aside from merit-gaining, magic is now a huge component of the visual and mental landscape of modern Thai Buddhism. Taxis have amulets and flower garlands hanging from their mirrors and yants drawn on their ceilings. It is common to see magical protective amulets hanging from the neck of a Thai Buddhists in rural and cosmopolitan cities alike. There are as many Thai Spirit Houses as there are actual residences. These magical implements populate the Thai scenery as a means to propitiate the phii and for protection against harmful spirits that can only be neutralized by invoking the powers of magically-charged amulets, chants, spells, and protective Buddhists texts. Sak Yant, of course fits into the visual field of Thai Buddhist magical practices. From an outside perspective, this resurgence of magic and Animism would appear to have overshadowed Buddhism in Thailand. However, journalist Ben Barber states that, “Everywhere there are signs that Thai Buddhism remains incredibly alive, even if it has increasingly reverted to its magical, pre-Buddhist roots.”95 This reinforces the notion that Buddhism has become a hybrid religion in Thailand, as Barber, despite using the term “pre-Buddhist roots” still conflates Thai Buddhism with magic by relating the practice to magical roots. 23 But why has Animist magic resurfaced recently with such fervor within Buddhism? Perhaps it is due to the unstable political atmosphere of Thailand within the last few decades. In Duncan McCargo’s article “Thailand: State of Anxiety,” he points out that since 2007, Thais have been deeply uneasy about the economy, politics, and the royal succession and that Thais bought millions of amulets to protect them from adversity.96 In fact, as recently as February 25, 2014, Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra was accused of failing to heed warnings of possible corruption in a rice subsidy program whose recent problems caused anger among farmers.97 As Thai anxiety rises, it would seem the desire for magical elements and Sak Yant tattoos that can instantly provide protection and better one’s future rises as well. A monk Barber interviewed in Thailand claims that in regards to merit, “younger kids don’t have the old mindset anymore,” and that the younger generation of Thais do not want to invest in the future by making merit, but want instant gratification.98 In Chapter Five I will discuss Sak Yant’s use in uniting merit with instant gratification and will suggest that, in this way, it reinforces the hybridization of Buddhism in Thailand as a “prosperity religion.” The convoluted and multilayered religious landscape of Thailand that I have discussed here reflects the religious transformations that have taken place in Thailand. 24 CHAPTER 3 YANTRAS AND YANTS In this chapter I explore forms and functions of Indic yantras and introduce key yantra designs. I consider the introduction of yantras into Southeast Asia, including ultimately Thailand. I also provide an overview of contemporary Sak Yant in Thailand and identify and analyze the yantras that have been incorporated into Sak Yant designs. I reveal a relationship between the lakshanas of the Buddha and design and ritual elements associated with Sak Yant. This reveals the adaptation of Indic yantras within contemporary, rural Thai Buddhist practice, reiterating the hybridic nature of Buddhism in modern Thailand. Indic Yantra For thousands of years, yantras have been used in India.99 Yantras are geometric, symbolic diagrams employed for protection or to harness the mind. Yantra appear to date from a pre-literate period in South Asia. Susan Huntington suggests that the common abstract motifs found on Indic Neolithic pottery could be considered the predecessor of yantras and other geometric patterns used in religious art.100 Yantras have a wide variety of uses and forms, reflecting Hinduism’s multitude of Hindu deities and diversity of sects. 25 It is not clear when Indic yantras made their way into Southeast Asia, or when they were first tattooed onto human skin. Some scholars, such as Joe Cummings, suggest that Brahman priests brought the Indic yantra tradition to Thailand in the third or fourth century101 and that the tattooing of yants began around the same time. Many historians are of the opinion that the tattooing of yants began in Cambodia possibly during the Khmer empire. Khmer warriors are said to have had yants applied to their skin to protect them102 in battle against neighboring Siamese and Cham.103 These tattoos served as a form of armor and were possibly based on Suea Yants—linen vests adorned with yants and worn over the chest (Fig. 1). However, there are pre-Funan references to sacred tattoos in the area that is now Northern Thailand. In fact, the Khmer word sak (tattoo/tap) is actually of Thai origin. Because of this some scholars suggest that the early tattooing tradition of Northern Thailand inspired the tattoo tradition in Cambodia.104 Cummings suggests that people have assumed that the Sak Yant tradition came from Cambodia because the majority of Sak Yant from central Thailand use Khmer script; but it is actually more likely that the Khmer script was not used in tattoos until after the Angkor empire was conquered by the Ayutthaya in the fifteenth century CE.105 Regardless of when and how yantra became incorporated into the Southeast Asian tattooing tradition, Indic yantra roots are evident in Sak Yant designs. I will provide here a basic overview of Indic yantras and the forms and desired outcomes that are incorporated into the Sak Yant tradition. Yantras may combine a variety of geometric forms and shapes, and may also incorporate Sanskrit numbers and letters into their design.106 Yantras are generally small in size and therefore, in most cases, are mobile if they are not inscribed on a permanent 26 object at a location.107 Yantras do not generally contain colors, although the mantra (sacred sounds, phrases, or prayers that aid in meditation or ritual practice) inscribed in them may be traced in a specific color.108 A yantra may be used to represent a Hindu deity in an abstract form.109 It is uncommon for figural forms to be included in a yantra, although this is not the case in Sak Yant. As well as being employed to call down a deity to a certain place, yantras are also used to fulfill a devotee’s desire or request.110 For example, in the Pancharatra tradition, yantras may bestow anything one wishes, such as elimination of sorrow, diseases, and obstacles, attainment of friends, children, kingship, and wealth.111 This aspect of the Indic yantra is particularly interesting since Sak Yant devotees acquire the tattoos to bring about a specific desired effect, such as protection or good fortune. The creation of a yantra is a holy task, the commissioning of which provides merit in addition to providing the desired outcome for which it was made.112 Indic yantras require elaborate preparation and execution, which necessitates that the artist is schooled in intricate and arcane processes of yantra creation.113 The drawing or other creation of a yantra is accompanied by the recitation of mantras that are applicable to the deity or to the desired outcome of the yantra.114 There are distinct parallels between the ritual of creating a yantra and the application and consecration of Sak Yant. Sak Yant masters must be indoctrinated into the practice and mantras are recited during the application process (as well incorporated into the tattoo design). Sak Yant, as with some Indic yantras, are motivated by the desire for merit. Within the Hindu tradition there are six categories of yantra usage:115 1) Vashi Karan is used to bring any being under one’s influence; 2) Shanti Karam is employed to 27 ward off diseases as well as other negative influences; 3) Stambhan yantra are used to neutralize the negative undertakings of one’s enemies; 4) Videshan are used in order to create conflicts between people; 5) Uchattan are used to divert adversaries from their duties; and 6) Maran yantra are composed to cause the death of any being.116 Categories two and three in particular correspond with the desired effects of many Sak Yant tattoos. For example, Yant Maha Sa Wang is believed to protect the wearer from sickness, diseases, and dangers, which I suggest would fall into the second category of Indic yantra. Aside from the six categories of yantra usage, there are also said to be seven types of yantras, one of which is especially relevant here. This is the Dharna yantra, which is worn on various parts of the body.117 This is interesting, as it sets precedence for yantras being worn. This may be the predecessor for suea yants (cloth shirts adorned with yants) and even tattoos. Gudrun Bühnemann suggests an alternate classification system for grouping yantras. She divides yantra into three types. First are yantras that establish a foundation and feature simple, geometric shapes.118 Second are yantras used in regular worship, made up of basic shapes and usually without incorporating mantras into the design; however, deities are invoked into this type of yantra by the use of mantra.119 Yantras of this second type are typically fashioned from durable materials, such as metal. The third type of yantras are associated with optional, desire-oriented rites. These are yantras employed for mundane purposes, such as keeping snakes away, countering poison, or lowering a fever.120 The types of mundane effects sought through the creation or display of these yantras have a parallel in many some Sak Yant designs, which promise 28 similar results or likewise counter negative elements. Bühnemann notes that this third type of yantra is typically made of perishable materials, such as birch-bark or paper.121 The yantra is drawn with special writing materials and substances such as animal or human blood, or even ashes from the cremation ground. According to Hélèn Brunner, the ink used can sometimes contain the bile of a corpse when black magic is involved.122 Such corporeal and ephemeral materials are considered important to the success of the ritual and correspond to the nature of the rite.123 Putrid fluids, such as human bile, are used in the making of yantras for “cruel” rites, while wheat flour or rice paste will be used as ink for yantras associated with “positive” rites. Bühnemann states that after their use yantras used for magical rites may be disposed of in a variety of ways: they may be ritually destroyed, inserted into a statue, or concealed in one’s home, for example. They may also be enclosed in an amulet and worn on the body. In a similar manner, Thai yants are sometimes placed in amulets and worn on the body.124 In other cases yantras may be attached to protective dolls and hung near an entrance to buildings, recalling the similar practice in Thailand of painting yants above doorways.125 Yantras that are employed in desire-oriented rites often have mantras inscribed in them. The mantras used may be seed syllables or may be a longer mantra or even a hymn.126 According to Bühnemann, over time hymns came to be regarded as powerful magical formulas in India.127 These hymns were recited numerous times; the more recitations, the more powerful they became. Such hymns—whose title incorporate terms such as “armor,” “protection,” or “cage”—were often used for protection. In them, a deity was called upon to protect each part of the practitioner’s body. The deity’s names 29 were assigned to and deposited on the body parts of the practitioner and were believed to protect them like armor. For those who could not recite hymns themselves, hymns arranged in the form of a yantra, or a yantra with a hymn inscribed in it, was thought to be just as efficacious. Sak Yants have many parallel properties. The incorporation of mantras in Sak Yant design is considered necessary in making the yant efficacious. In Thailand there are Sak Yant designs that are only kaathaa, which is Thai for a long mantra or hymn. The protective of Sak Yant is especially important; indeed, Sak Yant was first used during the Khmer empire as form of armor. Even today in Thailand, certain Sak Yant designs are worn specifically by soldiers and police officers. Before comparing Indic yantra forms to Sak Yant designs, the key forms of Indic yantra need to be viewed. Fredrick Bunce explores the connection between certain yantras and the Indic deities they represent. While those specific deity connections are not relevant to this research, the basic forms that he details are quite useful in understanding how the designs function in Sak Yant and in a Buddhist context. Four basic patterns are prevalent in Indic yantras; the circle, the square, the triangle, and the lotus. These four core elements may be found singly, in combination with each other, or with additional patterns and designs. The bindu—the locus of power and the center of supreme consciousness—is said to exist within the configuration or combination of these four shapes. The bindu, represented by a dot, may not always be represented, but its presence is implied. In Indic yantras the bindu is where the main deity is worshipped, while the deity’s retinue is worshipped in various parts of the yantra, such as angles and 30 corners.128 In the Sak Yant tradition, the bindu is most commonly represented as an akkhara (letter). The Circle: Circles are emblematic of the energy of water.129 There are two main circle designs. The basic round circle (Fig. 2) and the radiating circle (Fig. 3). The basic circle represents space and a never-ending process.130 The radiating circle has lines that radiate from the center to the cardinal and intercardinal directions. This represents expansion.131 The radiating circle takes on a larger meaning in the Buddhist context and will be discussed later in this chapter. The Square: Squares are emblematic of earth.132 There are four square designs that seem to cross over into the Sak Yant tradition. The basic square (Fig. 4) is the most sacred Hindu form and it represents The Absolute One.133 The square that is turned at an angle (en pointe) and suggests a diamond shape (Fig. 5) represents the dynamic elements of this form.134 It is power and considered feminine.135 Vertical, horizontal, and diagonal lines within a square (Fig. 6) represent the earth in a static condition.136 However, vertical, horizontal and diagonal lines within a square en pointe (Fig. 7) represent the earth as a dynamic element.137 The Triangle: The triangle is emblematic of the cosmic energies of fire.138 There are ten distinct formations of triangles in yantras, only one of which is significant here, as it translates into Sak Yant. This form (Fig. 8) is the basic triangle sitting on its base (vahni kona). This form represents the male, the sun, the linga of the Hindu god Shiva, and the triple principles of creation.139 In Indic yantras an inverted triangle represents the female, is the place from which everything originates, and symbolizes water. I have found no examples of an inverted triangle in Sak Yant; perhaps this is because women are 31 considered impure and are not allowed to be indoctrinated into the process of giving Sak Yant, nor can a woman receive Sak Yant if she is menstruating. The Lotus: There are two ways to present the lotus. When the tip of a lotus petal is pointing north (Fig. 9) it represents divine manifestation and expression.140 If the space between two petals it pointed north (Fig. 10) then it represents the dynamic element of this form, and is considered feminine.141 However, as with the inverted triangle, this feminine aspect is not common, or at least it is quite hard to distinguish the placement of the lotus petals on Sak Yant designs. In addition to these core shapes, numbers play an important role in the yantra tradition, reflecting the sides of a shape. Because of this, the circle and dot (bindu) are thought of as the number one, as each is made of one “line.”142 The significance of one denotes the source, The Absolute One, the Primordial One. It signifies spiritual balance.143 This number is neither considered odd nor even; it is absolute, beyond all, and therefore divine.144 The number three is reflected in the triangle. Three denotes perfection and the trinity of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva as well as the Three Jewels of Buddhism.145 Four is reflected in the square or a lotus with four petals. This number denotes worldly balance and completeness. This number is considered the perfect number for a higher plane, which is exemplified as the creative fluid that is the soul of the universe.146 The number eight is represented by an eight-petaled lotus or two interlocking squares.147 Eight denotes good fortune and perfection.148 On the divine plane it denotes justice and balance between attraction and repulsion.149 This number is considered auspicious.150 These core shapes may be combined together to form a yantra design. A popular example is the Ganesha yantra (Fig. 11). Here, the bindu is represented at the center of 32 the yantra as the locus of power, and the representation of the area where Ganesha should be worshipped. Surrounding the bindu are two interlocking triangles, one sitting on its base (male and fire) and the other inverted (female and water). The combination of these two triangles represents creation and the dynamic energy generated by the two correspondent forces. The two triangles are inside of another larger triangle on its base, which in turn is inside of an eight-petaled lotus with the petal pointed to the north. This represents divine manifestation and expression, while the eight petals represent good fortune. The lotus is surrounded by a basic circle representing space, water, and the never-ending process. All of these forms are enclosed in a basic square with “gates” pointing in the cardinal directions which is called bhupura (sacred enclosure) and its function is to maintain and prevent the loss of the magical force of the shapes that make up the core structure of the yantra.151 Incorporation of Indic Yantra in Contemporary Sak Yant Designs and Function Today, the Sak Yant culture in Thailand reflects a Buddhist-origin, hybridic Thai religion described earlier. Sak Yant is a practice that enables perhaps a more diverse array of needs and desires—including modern ones—to be fulfilled while still satisfying Buddhist requirements as well. This new hybrid form of Buddhism allows for multiple religious influences to navigate the ever-growing, multicultural population of modern Thailand. Modern Thai Sak Yant consists of abstract and geometric yantra forms, such as the lotus yant (Fig. 12).152 The geometric Sak Yant designs tend to stay basic to the core Indic forms and are not always found in large combinations as in Indic yantras. 33 Although sources ranging from Sak Yant websites to books specifically on Sak Yant claim that Sak Yant derive from Indic yantras, I have not found any attempt to compare the visual forms of Indic yantras with Sak Yant forms. Here I will provide these visual comparisons to demonstrate Sak Yant’s connection to Indic yantras. The example provided by the Sak Yant tradition reflects the melding of Indic practice, Animism, and Theravada Buddhism into modern hybridic Thai religion. As discussed earlier, this hybrid Thai tradition is hierarchical in nature, with Buddhism as the dominant influence, and with Buddhist design and thought as the catalyst for the changes in Sak Yant design. The four basic shapes of Indic yantras explored above have been incorporated into Sak Yant designs. Here I provide examples of Sak Yant that mimic the geometric shapes of Indic yantras. This provides evidence of their transformations in shape but also shows how the desired effects of these tattoos have altered from the original meanings of the Indic yantras. These geometric shapes will be shown through an analysis of the Sak Yant on the body of Tao, a tattoo artist and devout Sak Yant devotee who I interviewed in Chiang Rai, as well as examples of Sak Yant designs and photos of tattoos on other Sak Yant devotees. I will use Tao’s tattoos as a guide for other designs, as he is an excellent example of how one devotee can have several Sak Yant tattoos, even if the tattoos would seem to be conflicting. While the core shapes of Indic yantras are found in Sak Yant designs, they do not carry as much weight or possess the same meaning in the Thai tradition as they do in the Indic one, and definitions of any individual design element in Sak Yant can vary widely. By some accounts, the interpretation of core elements of Sak Yant mimic those of the core Indic yantras: the circle represents water, the square represents earth, the triangle 34 represents fire and the lotus represents divine manifestation.153 However, other accounts in contemporary Sak Yant offer different meanings for the same forms: for example, the circle stands for the face of the Buddha or Brahma, the square represents the four elements (earth, wind, water, and fire), and the triangle stands for the Triple Gem of Buddhism or the three Lords of Brahmanism: Shiva, Brahma, and Vishnu.154 Further, in Sak Yant, not only might the meanings of core shapes differ from their yantra counterparts, but the desired outcomes of the tattoos may also differ. In addition to abstract, geometric designs, figural forms have also been incorporated into Sak Yant, a dramatic change from the forms of Indic yantras. Representations of deities, sacred animals, or mythical creatures from the Hindu and Buddhist traditions of India have all been integrated into the Sak Yant art form.155 An example is a Ganesh Sak Yant, Yant Phra Pik Kaned (Fig. 13). This image was posted by Japanese Sak Yant devotee and looks quite different from the Ganesha Indic yantra (Fig. 11) discussed earlier. This figural form of Ganesha represents the deity sitting on a lotus with kaathaa below him and unaloms (individual yants representing enlightenment) surrounding him above. As early as the seventh century, Ganesha may have been considered a major deity in Southeast Asia.156 In contemporary Buddhist Thailand, Ganesha is considered the god of success.157 The inclusion of a Hindu deity in what is supposedly a Buddhist art form mirrors the hybridization of popular religions taking place in Thailand. In addition, two Sak Yant core shapes have emerged that do not have a source in the Indic yantra traditions. These are the unalom, a squiggly line that resembles an upside down question mark and symbolizes enlightenment, and the “meditating Buddha,” made up of three oblong circles staked to form a pyramid and meant to represent the 35 Buddha. Both are represented in Figure 14. These two yants are often combined to form the design of a Thai chedi (stupa). The unalom can stand as a Sak Yant on its own, with no need for mantra or kaathaa to accompany it. As will be shown below, these two forms are present in the majority of Sak Yant designs. They seem to have become a staple, and I suggest these not only represent Buddhist thought and intention, but are also used to validate figural forms and less obvious Buddhist designs, such as core shapes in Indic yantras. This addition not only reveals the precedence for Buddhism in these tattoos, but also serves as a model for the transformation from differing religious iconography into one hybrid religion. It is important to note that Sak Yant shapes change over time. Some remain stable, like Yant Gao Yord (Nine Spired Temple), which always stays the same shape and is always placed at the base of the back of the neck; while other Sak Yant designs change depending on where on the body or from what master the bearer receives the tattoo. It is typical for tattoos to change according to the hand of the Sak Yant master who applies the tattoo and the spiritual level of the practitioner. Cummings states that a “master can choose to limit the power of a tattoo by shortening the tail of an animal, or omitting one of the akkhara [letters], if he feels the disciple may not be capable of handling the full power of the tattoo.”158 So, slight changes are very common in the Sak Yant tradition. I will provide visual evidence of these changes by comparing Tao’s tattoos to examples of common yantras.159 The Circle: Both circle designs that occur in Indic yantras are found in yants on Tao’s back. He has the basic circle (Fig. 15). Inside this circle are several tiny square niches known as “eyes” that form the border of the circle and a cross shape dissecting the 36 center of the circle.160 Tao did not provide the name of this yant, but it is quite similar to Yant Yod Mongkut (Fig. 16); the only differences in design are the four “meditating Buddha” shapes placed in the negative space of the circle that do not appear in relation to Tao’s tattoo. Tao’s circle Sak Yant tattoo is also similar to Yant Baramee Phra Buddha Chao (Fig. 17), however there is no “negative” space in this yant. The area that is negative in Tao’s circle design is dissected into triangular forms and contains akkhara (term for letters used in katthaa). The slight differences in design in regards to the “negative” space suggests that this area is where a Sak Yant master may make changes to a design in order to conform to the needs of the practitioner or to keep the mantra or kaathaa from being read. Tao informed me that this yant protects him from harm, an outcome similar to that associated with Yant Yod Mongkut, which protects wearers from hazards, and also to Yant Baramee Phra Buddha Chao, which protects wearers from devils, ghosts, and all hazards.161 In the context of Indic yantras a circle conveys water, or space as a neverending process, but its relationship to protection is unclear. I suggest that the notion of “the never-ending process” is indicative of the power of the yant being set in motion, a concept that will be explored further in Chapter Five. Since, theoretically, Hindu deities are not being invited to embody these yants the way they may be in the Indic context, it seems that the meaning of the yant shape is able to vary over time, even while the basic yantra shape remains integral to the yant. Tao also has the radiating circle design (Fig. 18) tattooed on his back. This Sak Yant is called Yant Pad Tad (Eight Directions yant). The design resembles a wheel with kaathaa written in the “spokes” and along the rim. Outside of the circle are 16 unaloms in 37 conjunction with sixteen “meditating Buddha” shapes. This is an example of the two Sak Yant core shapes combined in one design. This yant can also be represented in another form (Fig. 19), in which the “spokes” inside the circle have been removed and replaced with kaathaa. This form is true to its name and has only eight directions marked but still contains the same “meditating Buddha” form as well as the unalom above it. Tao’s version of this yant closely resembles the Buddhist dharmachakra, or wheel of the Dharma (Fig. 20), which is represented in the shape of an actual wheel. The dharmachakra represents the spreading of Buddhism in all directions.162 In fact, Yant Pad Tid is believed to protect the wearer from hazards from all directions no matter where they are.163 And since circles are associated with the number one, I suggest this tattoo also is conflated with the divine. The original Indic meaning of the radiating circle shape, conveying expansion, remains in the Sak Yant version. Since this Sak Yant form claims that it protects one in all directions, which is a large expanse of space, the connection to the radiating circle as emblematic of expansion is clear. Further, the unalom placed above the “meditating Buddha” resembles the enlightenment of the Buddha and the spreading of his teachings; therefore, I suggest that Yant Pad Tad is the Thai version of the dharmachakra. This yant is a combination of Indic influence that became a Buddhist yant with magical protection. The Square: The square Sak Yant tattoo on Tao’s right shoulder (Fig. 21) is complicated, with multiple square shapes and diagonals incorporated into one larger square. Not only is the bindu incorporated into this design, but three of the four square designs found in Indic yantra iconography are included as well. Tao’s yant includes the basic square as highlighted in red in Fig. 21; vertical, horizontal, and diagonal lines 38 within the square also outlined in red in Fig. 22; and vertical, horizontal, and diagonal lines within a square en pointe, with its diamond shape highlighted in red on Fig. 23. Inside the negative space in the design is where the akkhara is placed. Although Tao’s square tattoo is complicated, there are other Sak Yant designs that are simpler in form, but still convey the same design. A very common yant that is similar to, but simpler than Tao’s is Yant Phokasap. Figure 24 is an illustration of this yant design. The basic square is present and serves as a container for a second shape. Inside of the square is the square en pointe (the diamond shape). As in Tao’s square yant, akkhara is placed in the negative space. It actually looks like the bindu is represented here as well in the form of akkhara. Another form in which the square design is present is when it is represented inside of multiple lines of kaathaa, as in Figure 25. In this image there are five lines of kaathaa and when five lines are placed together to form a yant it is called Yant 5 Taew (Five Rows). The outer square in this yant is the square en pointe (the diamond shape), with the basic square inside of it. Inside of the basic square is the triangular stupa form. The square is a very common shape in Sak Yant, probably because of the varying ways it can accommodate akkhara, mantra, or kaathaa. It is possible that the combination of these square Indic yantra shapes on Tao’s shoulder is done to balance out the opposing meanings of the other square shapes. The diamond shape makes the yant feminine and therefore embodies power and dynamism, while the squares containing diagonals are considered static. In addition to these combinations, the number four is associated with the square, representing worldly balance, so perhaps the many square shapes are used to balance each other out. However, since it seems as if the Indic meaning of the square yantra is somewhat muddled in Sak 39 Yant design, I suggest that the combination of these forms also provide a multitude of ways to incorporate mantra into the design, as well as insuring that the mantra cannot be decoded by another Sak Yant master. Tao informed me that the square yant on his shoulder is to ensure good fortune. Yant Phokasap is believed to aid wearers in “multiplying” money, that is, it is a way to gain wealth.164 While the specific kaathaa of Yant Five Taew can vary, it generally is believed to bring the wearer good fortune and success. These outcomes are quite different from those associated with circle yants, which are for protection and fall under the first category of Yant, Kongkrapan. That is because yants thus far associated with the square belong to the newer, second category of Yant, Metta Maha Saneh. This category emphasizes prosperity in business and career, and overall is for good fortune. So, despite the square yant being linked to an earlier Indic form, it is also associated with the newer category of yant that deviates from apotropaic magic to incorporate magic generated for good fortune. This is an example of how Indic yantras have altered and evolved over time and have gained new meanings in the modern, hybridic Thai Buddhism. In this instance the change indicates that Theravada Buddhism, considered to be conservative, especially in Sri Lanka, is changing form to accommodate the needs of the modern Buddhist practitioner. This in turn is what is becoming this Thai hybrid religion. The Triangle: the triangle is popular in Sak Yant, although it is rarely seen in its basic shape. The triangle is often displayed in the Yant Gao Yord (Nine Spired Temple), which is depicted on the back of Tao’s neck (Fig. 26). This tattoo is usually the first Sak Yant a devotee receives, which may be why the form is so popular; the practitioner has no choice but to wear it. This design is made up of several small square niches referred to as 40 “eyes” that cluster into nine columns. These ascend in a pyramidal form so that the center is the tallest point and has the most “eyes” below it in its column. Akkhara is placed inside of the niches and the “meditating Buddha” shape topped by an unalom is placed above each column. The “meditating Buddha” form is also considered a triangle. The Yant Gao Yord is meant to make the practitioner invulnerable. It also is meant to represent Mt. Meru (the mountain considered to be the center of all physical, metaphysical and spiritual universes in Buddhist cosmology).165 In Indic yantra forms the triangle is associated with the number three, which in Buddhist context represents the triratna, (three jewels) of Buddhism, that is, the Buddha, the Dharma, and the sangha. In addition, Drouyer states that since Yant Gao Yord means Nine Peaks it therefore represents the “nine sacred peaks of the mountain containing the nine symbolic images of the Buddha.”166 The conflation between temple and mountain relates to my suggestion that Sak Yant tattoos not only are symbolic of these temple structures, but can also serve as surrogates for these structures. This idea will be explored in Chapter Five. This conflation of temple and mountain, as well as the number three representing the triratna, again shows the changes from the Indic yantra design into Thai Buddhist Sak Yant. In Indic yantra the triangle represents fiery cosmic energy, in Thailand the triangle is closely associated with Buddhist thought and cosmology. Triangles in Sak Yant are abstract representations of figural forms, such as a mountain, a temple, or a stupa. The Lotus: The lotus yantra, when expressed in its Sak Yant version, tends to be represented more as a figural than geometric form. An example of the geometric version of the lotus yant is Yant Dok Bua (lotus yant) (Fig.27).167 It is similar in form to the circle Yant Yod Mongkut, except that the circle is bordered by sixteen lotus petals. This, in turn, 41 is similar to Tao’s Yant Pad Tad, as it has sixteen “meditating Buddha” shapes and unaloms pointing in multiple directions. The lotus Indic yantra represents divine manifestation, and in this case the Thai yant does as well. A drawing of a Buddha meditating upon a lotus (Fig. 28) is an example of the more popular, figural form of the lotus yant. This image is included in a yant manuscript in the possession of Prok Sokdaren, the arjan in Cambodia who gave me my Sak Yant tattoo.168 A similar Sak Yant, with only a few slight differences from Sokdaren’s manuscript illustration, is shown in Figure 29. Prok Sokdaren’s design has seven unaloms surrounding the Buddha, where Figure 29 has six and in addition has more akkhara incorporated into its design. There is script on the lotus petals, on the Buddha’s body, as well as the kaathaa written below the lotus. Although this yant has completely deviated from the Indic yantra format, the incorporation of figural forms reinforces the idea that Sak Yant are reflections of the transformation taking place in “Theravada” Thai Buddhism. One Sak Yant design mimics almost in full an Indic yantra. The Shiva yantra (Fig. 30) and Yant Maha Sa Wang (Fig. 31) are almost identical in design. They both have the multiple block “eye” format creating a checkerboard design. Each “eye” is filled with script—Sanskrit in the Shiva yantra and Khom in Yant Maha Sa. The differences between the yantra and the yant lie in the iconography bordering the outside of each square shape. The Shiva yantra uses tridents—one of Shiva’s key emblems—as a border design, while the Yant Maha Sa Wang employs a unalom/“meditating Buddha” combination. This replacement of one deity’s iconography with that of another is a clear example of Sak Yant’s transformation of Indic yantra designs. Yant Maha Sa Wang is 42 believed to protect the wearer from sickness and danger, while Shiva’s yantra serves to focus thought, but also works for protection as well. There are definite similarities in meaning between the two forms. However, this blatant mimicking is not common. Sak Yant tattoos are not combined in the same manner as typical Indic yantras, such as the Ganesha yantra with its core shapes enclosed in a square. That is not say that Sak Yant designs are not equally as dynamic as their Indic counterparts or generate any less power or magic. The combination of Animist apotropaic magic, Indic Hindu/Brahman core designs, and Buddhist iconography convey this hybrid pyramidal hierarchy. Relationship to Lakshanas in Sak Yant Designs and Rituals My research reveals parallels between Sak Yant forms and the lakshanas169 of the Buddha as Mahapurusha (the universal being); parallels that have not previously been noticed by scholars. Mahapursha translates to the Supreme Spirit (maha, great; purusha, spirit.) These parallels represent another way in which Buddhist ideology is incorporated into what was in India a primarily Brahmanic yantra form, indicating another aspect of the transformation from yantra to yant. The lakshanas of the Buddha that parallel designs and rituals in Sak Yant are the urna, ushnisha, (mainly its indication of the cosmic axis) and jala. The urna is typically represented as a coil of hair between the Buddha’s eyebrows, although often it is simply shown as a dot. The place between the eyebrows is called Avimukta, which, according to the Jabali Upanishad, lies where the eyebrows are united with the organ of smell.170 At this juncture is the union of the celestial world and 43 of the higher world.171 The coil of hair turns in a clockwise direction, just as the Pradakshina path leads in a clockwise direction around the stupa. The Buddha’s urna flashes forth light that illuminates the universe and so this hair is symbolic of a ray of light. This is the light of the Buddha, which is his ultimate knowledge. Therefore, the manifest power of divinity is shown through hair growth. “The whole extent of the Buddha power is rolled into his round locks.”172 In Thailand the urna of the Buddha has transformed from a tiny coil to a larger strand that resembles a jagged, inverted question mark (Fig. 26). This is called unalom in Thailand and is associated with the Lan Na (Lanna) style.173 The classification of Lan Na style derives from the particular style of Buddhist art that flourished during the Lan Na period (thirteenth–sixteenth centuries) in the area that is now Northern Thailand.174 I suggest that the Lan Na-style urna is the same figure as the unalom found in geometrical and figural Sak Yant. As mentioned previously, the unalom has been incorporated into almost every Sak Yant design and indeed seems to have become a staple of Sak Yant. For example, Tao has a singular unalom on the back of his neck right above his Yant Gao Yord. The unalom also symbolizes enlightenment and the end of all desires.175 It is also symbolic of the arhat.176 I suggest that the urna and unalom are identical in Sak Yant, and that the urna was initially incorporated into Sak Yant to mark individuals as people in pursuit of a higher state of being. The incorporation of the urna as unalom in Sak Yant is not only a reflection of Buddhist influence on the yant design, but also an indication that these yants at some point in time were adopted into Buddhism to aid in a Buddhist need; to guide the practitioner on the path to enlightenment. 44 The next lakshana of the Buddha cannot fully be depicted in a figural form, but is an indication of his immeasurable height. Mahapurusa stretches the earth on all directions. He is a being beyond the limits. The ushnisha (the top knot on the Buddha’s head) is emblematic of the Buddha’s enlightenment and that he is a being beyond physical limits.177 The ushnisha is placed on the top of the Buddha’s head and marks the cosmic axis.178 It relates to the idea that the Buddha’s spine is like a channel that goes upward and from there expands into selflessness and he obtains “Oneness.” This “Oneness” is similar to the universal truth (the idea of One discussed in the Indic yantra section in Chapter One). The ushnisha marks the point of limitless. The cosmic axis is also represented as a pillar in the center of a stupa (reliquary, creation monument and symbol of Mt. Meru). In Thailand, the ushnisha resembles a stupa (Fig. 32). In this respect, one can infer that the conflation of the stupa with the ushnisha reveals that both are considered emblems of enlightenment and the center of the cosmos. As mentioned earlier, the unalom on top of the “meditating Buddha” form resembles a Thai-style chedi or stupa. They form a triangular shape and represent the triratna, the three jewels of Buddhism.179 These yant combinations can be seen as references to the Buddha’s enlightenment. This also creates an axis point on the practitioner’s body. Sak Yant, in this way, reifies the concept of the tattoo as an axis to the divine nature of being, since they are emblematic of the Buddha. However, the tattoo also creates a sacred space on the body that is to be respected for its connection to an unseen power, in this case, magic. 45 In the ritual application of Sak Yant a bamboo rod (mai sak) is used. This is interesting because when referencing the immeasurable size of Mahapurusa, legend states that, “a brahman who doubted the body of the Buddha to be sixteen feet high and wanted to measure it with a bamboo rod sixteen feet high. But then it [the body] constantly rose above the end of the rod.”180 In this legend, the bamboo rod serves a means to attempt to measure the size of the Buddha. In a sense, the bamboo rod is attempting to measure the cosmic axis. In Sak Yant bamboo has been used to apply these sacred designs for centuries. The bamboo rod itself can be viewed as the cosmic axis, as through this rod energy is channeled from the Sak Yant master into the yant and therefore into the devotee. It is connecting the unseen with the seen. This is perhaps one of the reasons why, despite the availability of modern tattooing implements, bamboo rods (and sometimes metal rods, khem sak) have remained the primary mode for applying these sacred tattoos. There is another reason that the rods are still used. This will be addressed further in Chapter Five. Another lakshana found on the Buddha is webbing between his fingers and toes, referred to as jala, which translates to “net” or latticework.” This physical trait is emblematic of the universe being understood as a woven fabric, a cosmos in which everything is interconnected.181 It also reinforces the notion that the Buddha’s spine is conflated with the cosmic axis, which is also considered a thread. The Buddha threads this world and other worlds, stringing all beings, all worlds, together. Again, this is a reference to the concept that we are all One. “The net as a whole is not visible on the image of the Buddha. He carries its vestiges, pars pro toto, attached to or on his fingers and toes.”182 The Saddharmapundarika states that people will behold his Buddha field, 46 which forms a checkerboard of eight compartments with gold threads.183 This jala is also represented in the railing of a stupa. “The railing of a Buddhist stupa or around a sacred tree has the appearance of, and its primary shape actually has been, a trellis.”184 Its crossbeams are called suchi that translates as “needle.” This reiterates the idea of the thread creating a web that connects all of the universe. Again, we see a conflation of a lakshana with a stupa, and this again has parallels with Sak Yant designs and rituals. Yants are often squares (often formatted in multiples of eight), like the checkerboard the Buddha said people will behold. There are many checkered designs in Sak Yant. These checkered images allow for multiple variations of kaathaa to be incorporated into the design. Such mantras aid in the effectiveness of the tattoo. There is also a yant called Yant Takai Phet, which translates as “diamond net yant.”185 This yant has diagonal thatching with the mantra inside the multiple diamond forms that are shaped from the crisscross of lines. The yant as a whole resembles a webbed net and provides protection. The web shape of the yantra allows the devotee to be connected with the universe. The web serves as a connecting principle and is incorporated into Sak Yant reconsecration rituals and festivals. These festivals are called Wai Khru. Wai is a devotional gesture, where one raises their hands with palms together.186 Wai Khru is paying respects to one’ s master or teacher.187 These festivals happen once a year at places like Wat Bang Phra outside of Bangkok, in central Thailand, and also in Chiang Rai in northern Thailand. Tao, the tattoo artist I interviewed, provided me photos from the Wai Khru in Chiang Rai, which took place between April 19 and April 21, 2012. The 47 photos provide evidence of the similarities between the tools of Sak Yant re-consecration and the jala lakshana. At the Chiang Rai Wai Khru a large number of the people at the festival are folks who go down to Bangkok to work dangerous jobs. The monk that presides over this festival rejuvenates the disciples’ Sak Yant so that they will be protected and prosperous in the coming year of work. During this ritual the Sak Yant master sits in a hot cauldron filled with oils, herbs, and other plant forms that are associated with the ingredients that are used in Sak Yant ink, meuk.188 (Fig. 33) Yants are inscribed on materials varying from the cloth, phaa yan, the leaves that are placed inside the cauldron the monk is sitting in, and the cauldron itself. (Fig. 34) The monk sits in the hot oil for approximately twenty to thirty minutes. This is for purification and to show that his yants are working: they are protecting him from the heat. The herbs and leaves within the mixture create a barrier between the monk and the hot metal cauldron. Although it appears that the monk is uncomfortable, nevertheless he endures the heat of the cauldron because of his great compassion for his disciples. The disciples are linked together by blessed white strings, bai see, that wrap around their heads and connect to one another like a spider’s web (Figures 35 and 36). Webbing is, in fact, how Tao describes the white strings. I have not found any literature that describes the white linking strings of the festival as a web, although linking devotes with white strings is practiced in other Sak Yant rituals. The strings are linked in the air spanning a large yard where the devotees sit. The white string web is squared off and actually resembles the checkered design of a yant, as well as the trellis of a stupa railing. Bai see are also used in the consecration of Buddhist images in Thailand. During the eye opening ceremony of Buddhist images, a web of cotton cords form a yantric canopy of one 48 hundred and eight small squares, and this yantric form is connected to the image being consecrated.189 These cords form a sort of electrical current that enlivens the Buddha image through the chanting of the monks. I suggest the yantra form of the web is significant to the efficaciousness of the ritual and the Buddha image. This, in turn, resembles the checkered design of the Buddha field. The white threads reiterate the white color worn by ajarns when applying and consecrating Sak Yant. Cotton strings are also used during the Parn Yak Rites, where evil spirits are expelled and misfortunes are caste away and replaced with good health and prosperity.190 In this ceremony, which is held in late February or early March of each year, monks begin by chanting mantras called Ardamatiya Sutra and then call practitioners to hold on to sacred cotton strings.191 The participants believe that the supernatural powers of the chants pass through the string and force the evil within their bodies out.192 This shows the inclusion of animist spirit beliefs, fused with Buddhist practice and serves as another example of the fusion of beliefs in Thailand. I suggest that the combination of the Sak Yant Master sitting in a concoction that resembles the ink used in a Sak Yant, with the master connected by a web to all the devotees at once, is not only a means to re-consecrate multiple tattoos at once, but is also symbolic of the unifying principle of the Sak Yant community. Not only are they connected by the web, they are connected by the ink. This alludes to the principle of the web and that we are all One. I suggest that these parallels to lakshanas indicate that Buddhist iconography has been incorporated into Sak Yant designs. The unalom especially is not present in early Indic yantras and is a significant addition to Sak Yant designs. These variations in design 49 reflect how unique Thai Buddhist practice has become, as it encompasses various religious forms and embraces them into the Buddhist fold, essentially forming a hybrid Thai religion. As Thailand changes, so does Buddhism and in that way it is able to keep Buddhist practice and art incorporated into daily life, while still fulfilling the needs of a modern culture. 50 CHAPTER 4 THE RAMAYANA So far in this thesis, I have primarily focused on geometric or abstract designs used in Sak Yant. Here, I will consider the incorporation of figural forms from the Ramayana epic in Sak Yant. This inclusion of characters from the Hindu epic, the Ramayana, in Buddhist Sak Yant may seem at odds with the largely Buddhist content of most Sak Yant designs. However, the Ramayana, known as Ramakerti or Reamker in Cambodia and Ramakian in Thailand, has been incorporated into Theravada Buddhism for hundreds of years in parts of Southeast Asia. In Thailand, the word “Rama” was known as early as the Sukhothai period (c. 1250–1450) and the Ramayana is referenced several times during the Ayutthaya period (1350–1767).193 In fact, Ayutthaya is Thai for Ayodha, the name of Rama’s kingdom, and kings in Thailand are given the name Rama. Murals of scenes from the Ramayana are painted on the walls of the Emerald Buddha Temple, which is located within the grounds of the Grand Palace in Bangkok. Thus, the Ramayana is integrated into Thai Buddhist culture in a variety of ways. This incorporation serves as another example of how Indic and Hindu art forms merged with Buddhism in Southeast Asia, providing another example of the hybridization of popular religions in Thailand. In this chapter I discuss the way in which Rama, considered in India an avatar of the Hindu god Vishnu, is conflated in Thai Buddhism with the Buddha. I show how the 51 text of the Ramayana was believed to be magical and how it was used in Thailand to create desired effects, such as relieving drought. The use of the “magical” Ramayana to bring about a desired effect serves as a precedent for the use of magical tattoos to bring about a desired effect. Finally, I provide examples of, and analyze Ramakian yants, to show how belief in the Ramayana as a Buddhist text possessing magical attributes explains the inclusions of figures from the Ramayana into Sak Yant. The story of Rama, whose wife, Sita, is abducted by the demon king of Lanka, Ravana, explores human values and the concept of dharma. In India, the Ramayana is a sacred text that functions as an example of the proper conduct of a Hindu king. Rama is the perfect, virtuous son (and eventual ruler) and serves as the ideal Hindu man, while Sita is the loyal, chaste wife of Rama and represents the ideal Hindu woman. Rama is worshiped as a Hindu deity, since he is an avatar of Vishnu. In a brief summary, Rama, the eldest son of the king of Koshala is next in line to rule when he is banished to live a hermit’s life in the woods for fourteen years. Rama, his wife Sita, and his brother Lakshmana live a happy life in exile until Sita is abducted by Ravana and taken to Lanka where she waits for Rama to save her. Rama is aided by Hanuman and by Sugriva, the king of the monkeys. Rama defeats Ravana and saves Sita, but eventually begins to doubt Sita’s purity, since she had lived in the household of another man. As a result, Sita puts herself through a trial by fire to prove her chastity. Sita’s purity is called into question again, and she is ultimately exiled from the kingdom while pregnant with Rama’s twin sons. She raises the sons in the woods, but is then again found by Rama, who asks his sons to return to the kingdom to rule with him. Sita, however, is not invited to return. 52 Rama then offers to let her do another trial by fire. She then calls on her mother, the earth goddess, to witness her purity and returns forever into the earth. Saveros Pou has discussed several interesting differences in the way the Ramayana functioned in Cambodia as compared to its role in Indic culture. These differences in Cambodia are important to incorporate in this discussion, as they are also present in Thai culture. There are iconographic differences that are identifiable between Indian depictions of the Ramayana epic and images from Cambodian, such as those found in relief sculpture on the walls of Angkor Wat. For example, Agni, the Fire God, rides on a rhinoceros rather than a ram as in Indic versions.194 There are also character differences; for instance, in Thailand Hanuman is a great lover and eventually gets married, where as in the Indian version Hanuman observes celibacy.195 Also, in the Thai version, Hanuman is burned alive, whereas in the Indian version only his tail is caught on fire.196 Along with the changes in iconography, there were changes in the perception of the characters of the Ramayana in Southeast Asia, as compared to India. The Khmer people merged Rama, the protagonist of the Ramayana, with the Buddha. Rama, the prince of Ayodha, was made to resemble Prince Siddhartha.197 He was called, “he who possesses a supernatural knowledge.”198 On account of his parami (knowledge) Rama, like the Buddha, is able to perform great miracles, such as relieving pain and suffering for all beings.199 Rama began to be presented as more of compassionate being and less of the skilled fighter he is in the original Ramayana. In fact, when Rama needed to defeat demons, he “reluctantly accepted the battle in a kind, non-violent way, for the ‘fiery power’ of his glorious merits produced small miracles that neutralized fighting 53 devices.”200 When more aggressive action was needed, Lak (Lakshmana, Rama's brother), or the monkey soldiers would intervene, so that Rama did not have to be violent.201 The Khmer people replaced Rama’s martial character and with characteristics appropriate to Theravada Buddhism, characteristics that would lead to the goal of arhatship. In Southeast Asia, notions of celibacy and the ascetic lifestyle prominent in Buddhism are conflated with the Rama narrative. The Buddha left his wife and children, despite his love for them, to become a celibate ascetic. The concept of celibacy subsequently became prominent in many forms of Buddhism and remains a staple of monastic life. Likewise, when Rama rejected Sita, despite his love for her, it was because he was conforming with the requirements of dharma. By choosing to remain apart from his wife, the notion of celibacy is introduced into Rama’s story, and this is emphasized in Southeast Asia. Moreover, Rama’s fourteen-year exile in the forest is emphasized in Southeast Asian traditions for its parallel to the hermetic or ascetic life important in Buddhist traditions. In Khmer culture, the forest dwelling hermit was considered to be an observer of a Buddhist lifestyle.202 In Cambodia and Thailand the reusi (rishi) is a sort of lay Buddhist monk (theoretically, a contradiction in terms), and is very similar to the Thudong monks of Thailand. In Khmer thought, the reusi’s contemplative lifestyle brought out supernatural power (riddhi).203 The supernatural power that the reusi can cultivate is one component of the magic in Buddhist tattoos. As we will recall, reusis, as well as monks and ajarns, have the ability to apply and activate Sak Yant. Indeed, in Thailand, Sak Yant devotees often claim that the sacred tattoo tradition originated among hermit sages.204 Cummings notes that, “the Indian connection 54 with the reusee [reusi] is almost entirely lost in Thailand” and that the “…the lineage [of the reusi tattooing] began with Pho Kae (Old Father), a wizened old sage with white hair and white beard.”205 The concept of the reusi is so popular in Sak Yant culture that there are even tattoos of hermits, which will be explored later in this chapter.206 The text of the Ramayana took on a sacred status in Southeast Asia, in a manner similar to Buddhist texts. Indeed, by the Middle Khmer (fifteenth–eighteenth centuries) period copies of the Ramayana began to be stored for safekeeping in Buddhist monasteries and even became a vehicle for gaining merit.207 Just as copies of Buddhist texts are commissioned in order for the patron to gain merit, one might also commission the copying of a Ramayana for the same reason.208 If individuals experienced problems to which they could not find solutions, they might go to the monastery to seek answers from sacred texts (kambi), which included not only Buddhist texts but copies of the Ramayana. When a monk was called upon to aid an individual he might invoke the text, then give a stick to the individual seeking help. That individual would place the stick in between any two pages in the text; wherever the stick landed, this section of text was considered to hold the solution to his problem. For example, if the person lands on an episode of the Ramayana in which Rama is successful in battle, that portends success for the individual.209 This heightened status of the Ramayana text within the context of Thai Buddhism eventually lead to a conflation of Rama’s superhuman actions with magical powers. The magic of the Ramayana was emphasized further when villagers began to perform sections of the Ramayana as a means to produce desired effects. For example, when the seasonal rains failed or there was a possibility of drought, villagers would enact the “release of 55 waters” scene from the battle of Lanka, where Hanuman performed what was perceived as a magic trick to free river water from Kumbhakar.210 The “magical power” possessed by Rama, Hanuman, and other characters in the Ramayana in Southeast Asia led to the incorporation of these figures in Sak Yant. However, as I will show through an analysis of some typical Ramakian Sak Yant, these magical figures are depicted with elements of more traditional, geometric or abstract yant forms. For example, the reusi yant may not seem at first to be related to the Thai Ramakian, but since the notion of the celibate ascetic is an integral component of the Ramayana and its magical status in Thailand, this particular type of yant bears further exploration in the context of the Ramakian. Yant Reusi is believed to bring about knowledge, kindness, and a calm state of mind (Fig. 37).211 In this design the reusi is sitting in a meditative position; he holds a walking stick in one hand to suggest the wandering ascetic lifestyle associated with the mountain hermits of Thailand. He wears a tiger skin robe, a typical attribute of the reusis who tattoo Sak Yant. There is kaathaa underneath the image of the reusi and unaloms surround the rest of his body. The reusi is considered the conduit of magic and therefore the magic of the reusi translates into the tattoo design. Although the inclusion of the unalom, which can stand as a yant in itself, does suggest a sort of dependence on a more accepted form of yant, it is interesting to note that the unalom did not exist as a yant in its own right until it was appropriated by Sak Yant from the lakshanas of the Buddha. The figure of the reusi, unknown in the context of Indic yantras, is common in Thai Sak Yant design and is an indication of the unique transformation of the Indic yantra form into Sak Yant Buddhist tattoos These 56 changes in yant design and the changes in the function of the Ramayana serve as a mirror reflecting the transformation of Buddhism in Thailand. Hanuman is the most popular Ramakian Sak Yant. Hanuman Sak Yant designs fall under the category of Kongkrapan, which means they are generally used for protection and good luck, although Hanuman tattoos are often associated with love as well. There are several ways in which he might be depicted in a yant; here I will analyze two types that represent the most common yant designs of this character. Yant Hanuman Tua Kao (Fig. 38) is considered to allow the bearer to overcome all enemies, become immortal, and succeed in one’s life and work.212 In this rendering, Hanuman is shown on the back of a lion. He is marching in Rama’s army to fight. In the Ramayana in Southeast Asia Hanuman takes on a larger role as a warrior, as compared to the Indian version of the epic. By casting Hanuman in the role of primary warrior, Rama is free to behave non-violently—to be more “Buddha-like,” an aspect of the “Buddha-ization” of the narrative in Southeast Asia. Moreover, in this yant Hanuman himself is rendered to suggest that he bears Sak Yant tattoos, or at least that he has yants placed on his clothing. In particular, there appear to be square designs on his hands. The representation of Hanuman with Sak Yant is visible in Figure 39, in which not only is there script on Hanuman’s hands, but there also a definite visible yant on his kneecap. The possible necklace around his neck resembles lotus petals with script. This is interesting as it not only emphasizes the importance and effectiveness of Sak Yant as a sort of protective armor, but it also suggests how deeply-rooted Sak Yant is in Thailand. The fact that a Sak Yant design that would be placed on one’s body includes a sacred figure that also has a Sak Yant tattoo on its body is a means to connect Sak Yant practice to the sacred 57 Ramayana text and to lay claim to the text as Thai, since Hanuman would not have worn a yantra as a tattoo in the Indic version. Yant Hanuman Song Lit is worn by those who want to be brave and to be lucky in love.213 As depicted in Figure 40, this yant design shows Hanuman with multiple arms, bearing weapons in each hand. As in the previous example, here too Hanuman’s arms actually appear to be covered tattoos; in this case, however, they are a circular design similar to the bottom portion of the unalom. Kaathaa surrounds the Hanuman figure, forming an oval frame. Inside of the oval and surrounding Hanuman are smaller yant designs that belong to the group of Yant called Na, which generally provide protection and immortality.214 As yet, I have been unable to identify each individual yant but their inclusion into the overall Hanuman yant design suggests, I believe, that figural forms of Sak Yant require their own yants to ensure their functionality. The yant above Hanuman’s head is identifiable as Yant Maha Oot, which is very popular among Thai men. It is believed that whoever wears this yant cannot be killed by any weapons.215 This yant, although made up of separate abstract, fluid lines, resolves into the form of the Buddha sitting in lotus position. There are eight unaloms breaking up the kaathaa, and as mentioned in the previous chapter, the number eight in Indic yantras denotes good fortune and perfection. I suggest the combination of the eight unaloms and the abstracted Buddha form found in Yant Maha Oot not only includes Buddhist elements in the seemingly Hindu subject matter, but also signifies the unique transformation of Buddhism in Thailand. The Ramayana came to be considered Thailand’s own national epic, despite its Indian origin; and because Thailand considers itself to be a Theravada Buddhist country, so too, then, is the Ramayana. The fact that there are murals of scenes 58 from the Ramayana in the Emerald Buddha Temple in Bangkok is evidence of the adoption of Hindu or Indic influences in modern state Buddhism. It is not that Hinduism and Buddhism exist side-by-side here as they do in Nepal, but that the remaining Hindu elements in Thailand are not considered Hindu, but Buddhist; and in contemporary Thailand, these elements are transforming into a hybrid religion. In this chapter we have seen how the Ramayana was modified in Thailand to become a type of Buddhist text, how it came to be considered magical, and how individuals used the Ramayana to produce a variety desired effects. The belief that the Ramayana is both Buddhist and magic explains why figures of the Ramayana are often incorporated into Sak Yant. The continued inclusion of Ramayana figures within Sak Yant tattoos serves as a means to keep Buddhist practice alive in an ever-changing, modern Thailand. Sak Yant’s incorporation of Ramakian designs and the “Buddhaization” of the Ramayana underline the hybridization of popular religions in contemporary Thailand. 59 CHAPTER 5 MERIT-GAINING Previous scholarship on Sak Yant has focused on the Sak Yant community and the desired magical outcomes of the tattoos. However, there has yet to be in-depth scholarship on how Sak Yant functions within the context of Buddhism in Thailand. Understanding how Sak Yant fulfills local Buddhist needs reveals that Buddhism takes precedence over the other Animist and Hindu elements incorporated in Sak Yant, reinforcing the pyramidal hierarchy of the three religious traditions within the hybrid religion of contemporary Thailand. Merit-gaining is integral to Buddhism, including the modern state Buddhism of Thailand. However, there is a perception that many among the younger generation of Thais do not want to invest in the future by making merit, seeking instead instant gratification. In this chapter I suggest the contemporary popularity of Sak Yant has arisen because it offers instant gratification as well as the opportunity to gain merit. The instant gratification comes from the magical outcomes provided by the tattoos, while the merit derives from the commissioning of a sacred Buddhist object, the physical tattoo. Pilgrimage is also associated with merit-making, but pilgrimage practices in modern Thailand—as in many other pilgrimage contexts in the modern world—has lost much of its physical component, the physical sacrifice made by the pilgrim during pilgrimage through which much of the merit is gained. Here, I will demonstrate that Sak 60 Yant provides a means to reclaim the component of physical sacrifice lost in modern pilgrimage. Further, Sak Yant reconciles the division that was made in pilgrimage when rural Buddhism was overshadowed by Bangkok Buddhism. The Bangkok sangha deemphasized meditation and discouraged pilgrimage; as discussed earlier, Mongkut thought of meditation as too mystical. In rural Thailand, pilgrimage was more of a meditative experience, like that of the wandering Thudong monks. This discouragement of meditative pilgrimage contributed to the decline of the asceticism that was once so important to rural monastic and lay Buddhist practitioners and was replaced with pilgrimage for the sake of merit. This reconciliation is a reflection of the transformation of religious practice taking place in contemporary Thailand. Sak Yant and Merit Merit is rarely mentioned in the Sak Yant community and the art form itself is not heralded as a means of providing merit. However, when Joe Cummings interviewed Ajahn Nuad, an arjan who volunteers at the temple Wat Bang Phra in Thailand, what the wat charges for giving tattoos, Nuad responded, “We don’t sell Sak Yant here, we make merit.”216 Indeed, Buddhist monks do not charge a fee for tattoos.217 Instead, if one wants to receive a Sak Yant tattoo at Wat Bang Phra, he or she need only to offer the master a pack of cigarettes, a flower, incense, and a 200 Thai bhat donation to the monastery (equivalent to approximately six US dollars in 2013). Making offerings of food and other items to a monk is a means for gaining merit. But what does Nuad mean when, as the one who applies a tattoo, he says “we make merit?” His statement suggests that Sak Yant provides a means for both the giver and the 61 receiver to attain merit. I argue that there are several ways that Sak Yant participates in merit-gaining. On one level, the patronage of a Sak Yant tattoo is parallel to the patronage of other religious objects, such as illuminated manuscripts or the consecration of images of the Buddha. And on a second level, the magical power of the Sak Yant tattoo allows the bearer to gain merit in the more traditional ways that were discussed in Chapter Two, such as being financially able to donate to the construction and repairs of religious structures. An example of the one type of merit gaining is that of the commissioning copies of manuscripts. The patron of the manuscript copy receives merit for enabling the manuscript copy, as does the scribe who copies out the text and, if it is an illustrated manuscript, so do the artists who provide the illustrations. Devotees receive merit for receiving the sutras and being in the presence of the sacred images. Likewise, through the “copying” of yants on the skin, Sak Yant provides merit in the same fashion. The Sak Yant devotee gains merit from “commissioning” the tattoo as well as for receiving it and therefore always being in its presence. The Sak Yant master gains merit for “copying” the tattoo onto the skin and providing an image for others to see. The similarity between manuscript-copying and the application of Sak Yant is reiterated by manuscripts themselves. Figure 41 is an example of a manuscript that would have been copied for merit. This Lan Na period manuscript is filled with kaathaa and is on display in Wat Phra Kaew in Chiang Rai, Thailand. Figure 42 also is on display in Wat Phra Kaew and is an example of a manuscript used for yant designs. The images on this page show the beginnings of core Indic yantra forms with squares, the tiny squares called “eyes,” and circles. Each of these core shapes incorporates negative space for script; in some, script 62 has already been incorporated. In the bottom-right of this manuscript page are what appear to be a row of stupas increasing in size. These stupa shapes appear to have the Buddha emerging from the top, perhaps suggesting that the stupa is the body of the Buddha. These manuscripts reflect the interest in incorporating a figural form of the Buddha in yants. Another way Sak Yant provides merit is through the magic they possess. Many devotees obtain Sak Yant because they believe such yants possess the power to effect positive outcomes in their lives. Scott Carney, an investigative journalist and anthropologist, interviewed several Sak Yant devotees in 2007. He noted that, “Chakkrapad Romkaew, one of the devotees, says that his first tattoo altered his outlook on the world, made him braver and encouraged him to become a soldier. His back is covered in elaborate geometric patterns and Buddhist prayers. In a week, he's being sent to the south of Thailand as part of an anti-terrorist squad. He wants to get another tattoo so, he says, he will be more fully protected before the bullets begin to fly.”218 Carney also interviewed tattoo masters, including Suntotn Prapagaroe who reported that, “An unprepared person can suddenly find that their whole life is turned around after being inked.”219 Such statements indicate the belief that these tattoos empower the wearer. This empowerment in turn allows the wearer to gain merit through performing more traditional Buddhist practices, such as making monetary donations, physically repairing religious structures, and going on pilgrimages. Tao, whom we met in the previous chapter, has gained merit from the commissioning of his many Sak Yant. But Tao also benefits from the magical aspects of his tattoos. Tao attributes every positive thing in his life to Sak Yant. He received his first 63 Sak Yant, the triangular Yant Gao Yord, at the age of 17 (Fig. 26). He attributes the tattoo below his Yant Gao Yord, called Yant Kun Pan, to marrying his beautiful wife. The square Sak Yant on his right shoulder (Fig. 21) is for good fortune. Because Tao is a successful tattoo artist, he is able to donate to his local monastery as well as participate in the upkeep of the monastery. The relationship between wealth and merit in the Thai context is clear. Having wealth in one’s life makes it easier for the practitioner to partake in other meritorious deeds. At the same time, wealth is viewed as a reward for meritorious activities; being financially able to donate to the monastic community indicates that one has attained substantial merit in a past life, and is preparing for the next. While the magical qualities of the tattoo influence the bearer’s current incarnation and provide the instant gratification that young Thais supposedly want, the merit accrued from commissioning and receiving a Sak Yant tattoo (as well as performing good deeds as a result of good fortune) influence the next incarnation. Sak Yant and Pilgrimage Merit and pilgrimage are associated, as one gains merit by going on a pilgrimage, from the intensity of the journey, and from being in the presence of the place or object that is the focus of the pilgrimage. The application of Sak Yant parallels many of these aspects of pilgrimage. Pilgrimage has always been an important element in Buddhism. Shakyamuni instructed his followers that, upon his passing into nirvana, they should visit sites associated with the main events of his life. After all, the historical Buddha wandered around Nepal and India, at first searching for a means to ease suffering, and then once he 64 achieved enlightenment, he wandered spreading the Dharma. The Buddha’s life became a model for the importance of pilgrimage. During India’s Maurya Dynasty, the emperor Ashoka (r. 268-232 BCE) established the first pilgrimage route, marking out important life sites of the Buddha and placing his relics in city centers and trade routes for the swift spread of Buddhism. The efficacy of pilgrimage is tied, in part, to the level of suffering the pilgrim must endure on his or her journey. There is an inherent idea that the more difficult the journey, the greater the reward once the destination is reached. To enhance the difficulty, or the hardship of the pilgrimage, some practitioners perform prostrations on their way to a sacred site. James Preston argues that “Some pilgrimage sites attain a high degree of spiritual magnetism because they are so difficult to reach due to either intrinsic or extrinsic factors.” 220 He goes on to say, Sometimes the difficulty of a pilgrimage may be imposed through traditional obstacles created deliberately for pilgrims to endure. These places are not necessarily remote. Extrinsic hardships often take the form of penances. Individuals are expected to demonstrate acts of contrition for sins or to purify themselves through elaborate devotions, including self-flagellation, crawling on one’s knees during a specific phase of the journey, or licking the ground while approaching the sanctuary.221 This aspect of pilgrimage that was once an important component in rural Buddhism has largely been eliminated in the modern context. Moreover, we may recall that in the inception of modern state Buddhism in the early twentieth century, Tiyavanich argued that the Bangkok sangha de-emphasized meditation and discouraged pilgrimage, contributing to the decline of the asceticism that was once so important to rural monastic and lay Buddhist practitioners.222 Modern modes of transportation have replaced the pilgrimage methods of the past. The burden of climbing stairs or walking long distances 65 has been replaced with the convenience of auto transportation. In contemporary Thailand, pilgrims simply drive to a temple. In Chiang Mai, for example, pilgrims no longer climb the 306 steps up the naga staircase leading to the pilgrimage destination of Wat Phra Thart Doi Suthep; instead, cable cars have been provided for devotees to ride up to the wat.223 Although the cable cars are a wonderful addition for elderly or handicapped devotees who wish to seek merit at the temple, even most healthy pilgrims forego the stairs.224 That is not to say that arduous pilgrimage has been completely eliminated in Thailand. In fact, in January of 2012, 1,127 monks went on a 365-kilometer barefoot walking pilgrimage through five provinces that had been hit by floods in the previous year.225 However, today this type of walking pilgrimage is rare. At the same time, though, it suggests a desire for the physical aspect of the pilgrimage experience remains among some in Thailand. As a result, pilgrims may have to devise their own means to experience the physical hardships once typical of pilgrimage. Sak Yant tattoos are one way to do this. I suggest that the painful process of receiving Sak Yant parallels and can even replace the long and arduous journey traditionally associated with Buddhist pilgrimage. Sak Yant tattoos are applied to the body in an incredibly painful way, but this suffering is supposed to make the receiver of the tattoo stronger, even bullet proof.226 The practitioner’s skin is pulled tight, sometimes by one of the tattoo master’s assistants, monks apprenticing in order to learn the rituals and esoteric chants associated with the magic tattoos. Once the skin is taut and close to the bone, the ink is then hammered into the skin by a long bamboo pole with the end whittled to a sharp point (mai sak). Instead 66 of the bamboo pole, in some instances a metal rod (khem sak) is used, and the end of the rod is cut into several serrated points. Sak Yant tattoos may take anywhere between thirty minutes to six hours to apply. After the application of the tattoo is completed, and the skin begins to turn pink or red from irritation, the monk will then demonstrate the effectiveness of the tattoo. For example, if the tattoo is intent to prevent physical harmed, the monk will take a knife called Meed Phii and try to stab or cut the new tattoo. Then the monk will cut other parts of the body to show that the tattooed area is invincible, while the areas away from the tattoo are vulnerable. When Michael McCabe was conducting research in Thailand, he accompanied his driver, Sammy, who was receiving another Sak Yant. McCabe witnessed the process and documented the ordeal Sammy went through. The monk reaches into the shadows and pulls a long, antique spirit knife into view. The Meed Phii will be used by the monk to test the spells he has recited. As he continues to chant magical words, the monk raises the knife over the head of my unsuspecting driver and comes down hard onto the fresh tattoo. The sword hits with a loud thud and bounces back leaving a pronounced welt but no cut or blood. Sammy winces but continues to sit very still with his hands to his mouth as the monk comes down again with the long knife. There is another loud thud, a pronounced welt, but no cut or blood. The monk rears back but this time slashes to the side across my driver’s right biceps that has no tattoo. The sword cuts deeply into the flesh and blood immediately flies from the large wound. Finally, the monk pulls back and stabs at Sammy’s lower back near his kidneys, puncturing the skin. Sammy is completely rigid now and falls over like a tree onto his side. He is shaking violently but his hands are still together at his mouth.227 I have examined several videos of monks and lay devotees receiving tattoos in an attempt to register the level of pain or discomfort they experience in the process. In general, these videos show the Sak Yant recipient in an elevated mood during much of the process, but for those receiving larger tattoos who must endure the pounding of the needle for an extended period of time, stress and anxiety are clearly visible in their faces. 67 At the same time, rituals associated with receiving Sak Yant require the individual to remain calm and respectful during the process; expressions of pain or emotion are not tolerated. The requirement to remain stoic throughout the experience adds to the discomfort many Sak Yant recipients feel. For the Sak Yant master, the process is also exhausting, labor intensive, and painful. It can take hours to complete an intricate yant and so the Sak Yant master must have great endurance. It took several hours for Prok Sokdaren, the Cambodian ajarn who gave me my Sak Yant tattoo, to complete it. He had to stop and take breaks because his arm was getting so tired from the fast tapping of the rod. I suggest that this process is purification for the devotee as well as the master. In the same way, both participants gain merit by enduring this difficult process. Pilgrims traditionally experienced difficulties, even great pain, to attain the outcome they sought. There is a symbolic relationship between Sak Yant, the wat, and pilgrimage. While modern methods of travel have alleviated the arduous nature of pilgrimage to a wat, but the increased interest in receiving magic tattoos at key Thai temples and monasteries has rejuvenated pilgrimages to them. This is especially so at Wat Bang Phra, the most popular Sak Yant temple in Thailand. The pain associated with getting the tattoo serves as a replacement for the hardship and suffering of the pilgrimage journey, and has reignited the desire to visit this pilgrimage location. It serves both as the replacement for the journey and the reason for the journey to Wat Bang Phra. Sak Yant’s replacement of the physical aspect of the journey in pilgrimage demonstrates the ways that traditional Buddhist needs are remerging in new forms. 68 I suggest that enduring the application of a Sak Yant tattoo can serve as a surrogate for the purification and merit-gaining of pilgrimage. The idea of “surrogacy” in the context of Buddhist pilgrimage is not unusual. For instance, there are several surrogates for the Mahabodhi Temple located in various locations in Asia. The Mahabodhi Temple is next to the Bodhi tree in Bodhgaya, India where the Buddha reached enlightenment. This tree is incredibly sacred, arguably the most sacred relic in all of Buddhism. The tree that exists today is said to be a sapling of the original tree. In Sri Lanka there is a sacred tree that grew from a cut of a branch of the Bodhi tree from the second century BCE. Because of the importance of the Bodhi tree, the Mahabodhi Temple is considered the most popular pilgrimage destination in Buddhism. The spiritual magnetism of this temple has a strong pull. The desire to be in the presence of the Bodhi tree has increased the allure of the temple. However, despite the importance of pilgrimage, it is just not practical for all devotees to travel to Bodhgaya. Thus surrogates of it have been erected in Nepal, China, Myanmar, and of particular interest to this thesis, Chiang Mai, Thailand.228 These surrogates are as ritually and spiritually efficacious as the original in Bodhgaya in providing a mode for veneration. When Sak Yant takes on the form of a temple, it becomes a surrogate for temples as well. It is a consecrated design incorporated into the skin of the practitioner and therefore incorporated into the environment of the practitioner. Sak Yant then becomes a surrogate for the temple as well as a surrogate for pilgrimage. The painful application of the yant replaces the long journey, the design and incorporation of mantra replaces the structure and activities of a temple, and the consecration of Sak Yant, which makes the tattoo efficacious, replaces the consecration of a temple. 69 Sacred space can be seen as an anchor between the sacred and the profane world. Mountains, stupas, shrines, monasteries, and temples can be viewed as a conduit for selfreflection and self-realization. Sak Yant can also serve as this conduit. When one wears a Sak Yant tattoo, they can themselves become a connection to the sacred, for themselves and for others that view them. This allows for another means of merit-making. Creating new forms for gaining merit is a product of the transformation taking place in Thailand. As the needs of the Buddhist community begin to change, so must the ways that one gains merit. Sak Yant also unites rural and modern state Buddhism. Sak Yant functions in the rural Thai Buddhist context as the application of the tattoo is manual labor that provides for the lay community as well as keeping monks closely involved with that community. As we will recall, the close relationship between rural monks and the rural communities they served was opposed by the official form of Bangkok Buddhism advocated in the early twentieth century, which enjoined monks to remain separate from the laity, and were to cease from sullying themselves through physical labor. Sak Yant also functions in modern state Buddhism because the magic of the tattoos provide wealth, which is evidenced by good merit. The connection between wealth and merit can be found in the Traibhumi of Phra Ruang, a text compiled in Siamese (Thai) prose from the Pali cannon and commentaries reportedly in 1345 CE.229 Craig Reynolds, who studied the changes in the Traibhumi to help trace changes in Thai Buddhist cosmography, states that this text conveys that, “one’s merit level is an index of one’s self-reliance and freedom from the earthly world and its social and spiritual corruptions.”230 The Traibhumi reveals that in Thailand, gaining and having wealth is considered evidence of accumulating good merit 70 in a past life. Moreover, Sak Yant corresponds to the ascetic type of pilgrimage that has been lost to most Thais. The pain of the application of Sak Yant parallels the arduous journey that pilgrims and Thudong monks endured in the past. This chapter has explored how Sak Yant allows for merit-gaining within the contemporary religious context of Thailand. It has also investigated the relationship between Sak Yant and rural and Bangkok pilgrimage practices. Understanding how Sak Yant fulfills modern Buddhist needs reveals that Buddhism takes precedence over the other the Animist and Hindu elements incorporated in Sak Yant, which reinforces the hierarchal pyramid in the burgeoning hybrid religion forming in Thailand. 71 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION The fact that Sak Yant is one, singular art form that includes elements of rural Buddhism and Bangkok Buddhism, merit and instant gratification, Animism and Hinduism, reinforces Kitiarsa’s theory of the hybridization of popular religion in Thailand today. It also underlines a theme in this hybridization of something of a “prosperity religion” where Buddhist practices and Animist magic provide instant gratification and wealth. This desire for wealth relates to the idea that wealth is evident of merit and can also provide more merit for future incarnations. However, the desire for wealth can also be related to the desire for stability in an unstable political atmosphere. Contemporary Sak Yant in Thailand has a large following. The spectrum of Sak Yant practitioners range from rural farmers and elephant-tamers to government employees, monks, and even a few members of the royal family. Online Sak Yant communities have sprung up in order to keep devotees informed. Websites like “Tattoo Thailand” and “The Sak Yant Foundation” provide people with information about monasteries and ajarn and reusi tattoo parlors where they might receive tattoos.231 Such websites also are committed to keeping the practice of Sak Yant tattooing honest and so post warnings about tattooists who claim to be Sak Yant masters, but who have not been indoctrinated into the practice. Sak Yant culture is so popular now that there are even hashtags for the online photo sharing community, Instagram--such as #sakyant, 72 #thaitattoo, #tigersakyant, #gaoyord—that enable devotees to share their tattoos and connect to the Sak Yant community. There are even ajarn hashtags, like #arjarnwaan and #ajarnbin that alert devotees to specific works of trusted and respected ajarns. In my research I have not come across any monk hashtags, but Wat Bang Phra, the largest tattooing temple in Thailand, has its own hashtag, #watbangphra. This may contribute to the idea that these tattoos are gimmicky, but it really provides a sense of communitas for Sak Yant devotees. Not only are practitioners connected through the experience of receiving a Sak Yant, but they are also connected through the magic of their Sak Yant master. The international community that has formed around Sak Yant relates to a larger desire for connection. These tattoos not only provide a service for the individual by means of protection and prosperity, but they are also identification markers of likeminded individuals that either already practice Buddhism or are searching for their own path in practicing Buddhism. In fact, this path is laid out for the practitioner, as when one receives a Sak Yant tattoo, the master gives the devotee rules to live by in order for the tattoo to remain efficacious. These rules are generally the Five Buddhist precepts: one cannot indulge in alcohol or other intoxicants, be unchaste, kill, lie, or steal.232 Once Sak Yant has been consecrated, the power of the yant is set into motion, like the wheel of the dharma, and will continue on as long as the devotee adheres to the Five Precepts. So, despite these tattoos being placed on inherently impermanent skin, they remain permanent fixtures in the endless cycle of rebirth. Once the power has been activated, their influence continues into the next life and so on. This parallels with Sak Yant’s transformation from ancient Indic yantras into modern Buddhist tattoos. 73 There is a saying in Borneo, “A man without tattoos is invisible to the Gods.” Although Borneo is a little over a thousand miles away from Thailand, to me, this quote resonates with the practice of Sak Yant. Not only are these tattoos means of identification to the phii and to multitude of deities recognized in Thailand, but these tattoos are symbolic of the ingenuity of a people who are deeply rooted in the multitude of past influences that make up their current religious landscape, yet seek to take charge of their present and future incarnations. Sak Yant keeps the individual from being invisible, and the tattoo serves as the connector between the sacred and the profane. I would suggest that when one bares Sak Yant, they then become their own sacred space. 74 FIGURES 75 Figure 1: Suea Yant. http.www.5cense.com09BangTokDonsiamese_ark.htm 76 Figure 2: Circle yantra shape. Figure 3: Radiating Circle yantra shape. 77 Figure 4: Square yantra shape. Figure 6: Square with diagonals yantra shape. Figure 5: Square, en pointe, yantra shape. Figure 7: Square, en pointe, with diagonals yantra shape. 78 Figure 8: Triangle yantra shape. 79 Figure 9: Lotus with petal in north position yantra design. Figure 10: Lotus with petal in intercardinal position yantra design. 80 Fig 11: Ganesha yantra. 81 Figure 12: Sixteen petal lotus yant. Instagram @newton_hanuman 82 Figure 13: Ganesha Sak Yant. Instagram @laosdanzhi 83 Figure 14: Unalom above the “meditating Buddha.” 84 Figure 15: Tao’s circle yant. 85 Figure 16: Yant Yod Mongkut. www.tattoo-thailand.com 86 Figure 17: Yant Baramee Phra Buddha Chao. www.tattoo-thailand.com 87 Figure 18: Tao’s Yant Pad Tad. 88 Figure 19: Yant Pad Tad. www.sak-yant.com 89 Figure 20: Dharmachackra. 90 Figure 21: The basic square in Tao’s Sak Yant. 91 Figure 22: The square with diagnonals in Tao’s Sak Yant. 92 Figure 23: The square en pointe with diagonals in Tao’s Sak Yant. 93 Fig. 24: Yant Phokasap. www.tattoo-thailand.com 94 Fig. 25: Yant 5 Taew with square yant design in center. http://thailand-charmsamulets.blogspot.com/2012/09/amazing-most-famous-sakyant-master.html 95 Figure 26: Tao’s Yant Gao Yord. 96 Figure 27: Yant Dok Bua. www.poodumtattoo.com 97 Figure 28: Buddha on lotus from Sokdaren’s yoan manuscript. 98 Figure 29: Buddha on lotus. Instagram @newton_hanuman 99 Figure 30: Shiva Indic yantra. Figure 31: Yant Maha Sa Wang. www.tattoo-thailand.com 100 Figure 32: Lan Na style urna and ushnisha. 101 Figure 33: Monk in cauldron from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru. Photo courtesy of Tao. 102 Figure 34: Yants on leaves from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru. Photo courtesy of Tao. 103 Figure 35: Monk in cauldron connected to devotees by a web from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru. Photo courtesy of Tao. 104 Figure 36: Practitioners, web, and yants from 2012 Chiang Rai Wai Khru. Photo courtesy of Tao. 105 Figure 37: Yant Reusi. www.tatuajestattoo.com 106 Figure 38: Yant Hanuman Tua Kao. www.tattoo-thailand.com 107 Figure 39: example of a Hanuman Sak Yant. www.sak-yant.com 108 Figure 40: Yant Hanuman Song Lit. www.tattoo-thailand.com 109 Figure 41: manuscript on display in Wat Phra Kaew in Chiang Rai, Thailand. 110 Figure 42: manuscript on display in Wat Phra Kaew in Chiang Rai, Thailand. 111 NOTES 1 Pattana Kitiarsa, "Beyond Syncretism: Hybridization of Popular Religion in Contemporary Thailand," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 36, no. 03 (2005): 484. 2 Kitiarsa, 484. 23 In fact, there Kitiarsa, 484.was even a request from the Thai government asking Sak Yant masters not 3 In fact, there was even a request from the Thai government asking Sak Yant masters not to tattoo foreigners, as it was deemed disrespectful to their culture. 4 Isabel Azevedo Drouyer, René Drouyer, and Chakrabongse Narisa, Thai Magic Tattoos: The Art and Influence of Sak Yant (Bangkok: River Books, 2013), 29. 5 Drouyer, 29. 6 Drouyer, 29. 7 Joe Cummings and Dan White, Sacred Tattoos of Thailand: Exploring the Magic, Masters and Mystery of Sak Yan (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2012), 24. 8 Drouyer. 9 Tom Vater and Aroon Thaewchatturat, Sacred Skin: Thailand's Spirit Tattoos (Hong Kong: Visionary World, 2011), 196. 10 Cummings, 24. 11 Cummings, 5. 12 Cummings, 49. 13 Cummings, 49. 14 Cummings, 49. 15 Cummings, 106. 16 Cummings, 106. 17 Drouyer, 29. 1818 However, in Northern Thailand it is common for the Lan Na script to also be used. 19 Vater, 14. 20 Drouyer, 29. 21 Drouyer, 29. 22 For example, when I received my Sak Yant, without being informed of its meaning, I was given the mantra “na ma ba dha” to recite over and over again throughout the process. 23 Cummings, 25. 24 Cummings, 49. 25 Isabel Azevedo. Drouyer, René Drouyer, and Chakrabongse Narisa, Thai Magic Tattoos: The Art and Influence of Sak Yant (Bangkok: River Books, 2013). 26 Tom Vater and Aroon Thaewchatturat, Sacred Skin: Thailand's Spirit Tattoos (Hong Kong: Visionary World, 2011) 27 Joe Cummings and Dan White, Sacred Tattoos of Thailand: Exploring the Magic, Masters and Mystery of Sak Yan (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2012). 28 Alexandra R. Kapur-Fic, Thailand: Buddhism, Society, and Women (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1998), 216. 29 Cummings, 17. 30 Kapur-Fic, 219. 112 31 Kapur-Fic, 219. Kapur-Fic, 219. 33 Kapur-Fic, 219. 34 Kapur-Fic, 220. 35 Kapur-Fic, 220. 36 Kapur-Fic, 221. 37 Kapur-Fic, 221. 38 Kapur-Fic, 222. 39 Kapur-Fic, 217. 40 Kapur-Fic, 225. 41 Promsak Jermsawatdi, Thai Art with Indian Influences (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1979), 16. 42 Jermsawatdi, 16. 43 Jermsawatdi, 18. 44 Kusalāsai, 8. 45 Jermsawatdi, 21. 46 Jermsawatdi, 21. 47 Kusalāsai, 12. 48 Kusalāsai, 13. 49 Robert E. Fisher, Buddhist Art and Architecture (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1993), 186. 50 Vater, 12. 51 Kusalāsai, 13. 52 Kusalāsai, 13. 53 Kusalāsai, 14. 54 Kusalāsai, 14. 55 Barbara W. Andaya, "Localising the Universal: Women, Motherhood and the Appeal of Early Theravāda Buddhism," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2002): 9. 56 Andaya, 9. 57 Tambiah, 89. 58 Cummings, 17 59 Tambiah, 89. 60 Steve Van Beek and Luca Invernizzi, The Arts of Thailand (S.l.: Periplus Editions (HK), 1999), 165. 61 Beek, 165. 62 Kamala Tiyavanich, Forest Recollections: Wandering Monks in Twentieth-century Thailand (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1997), 3. 63 Tiyavanich, 3. 64 Tiyavanich, 4. 65 Tiyavanich, 4. 66 Tiyavanich, 5. 67 Tiyavanich, 5. 68 Tiyavanich, 6. 69 Tiyavanich, 6. 113 32 70 Tiyavanich, 6. Tiyavanich, 7. 72 Tiyavanich, 7. 73 Tiyavanich, 8. 74 Tiyavanich, 18 & 23. 75 Tiyavanich, 23. 76 Tiyavanich, 23. 77 Tiyavanich, 24. 78 Tiyavanich, 24. 79 Tiyavanich, 24; Tambiah, 204. 80 Tiyavanich, 30. 81 B. J. Terwiel, "Tattooing in Thailand's History," Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britian and Ireland, no. 2 (1979): 163. 82 Tiyavanich, 34. 83 Tiyavanich, 31. 84 Tiyavanich, 32. 85 Tiyavanich, 33. 86 Tiyavanich, 39. 87 James B. Pruess, Veneration and Merit-seeking at Sacred Places: Buddhist Pilgrimage in Contemporary Thailand, PhD diss., University of Washington, 1974, 15; Donald K. Swearer, Becoming the Buddha: The Ritual of Image Consecration in Thailand (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 60. 88 J. B. Pruess, "Merit-Seeking in Public: Buddhist Pilgrimage in Northeastern Thailand," Journal of the Siam Society, 1976, 172. 89 Swearer, 110. 90 Swearer, 110. 91 Pruess, "Merit-Seeking in Public: Buddhist Pilgrimage in Northeastern Thailand," 172. 92 Although some monks find this inappropriate and believe that guardian spirits of the temple should be asked these favors. Pruess, "Merit-Seeking in Public: Buddhist Pilgrimage in Northeastern Thailand," 187. 93 James B. Pruess, Veneration and Merit-seeking at Sacred Places: Buddhist Pilgrimage in Contemporary Thailand, 16. 94 Pruess, "Merit-Seeking in Public: Buddhist Pilgrimage in Northeastern Thailand," 172. 95 Ben Barber, "Merit and Magic: Buddhism Faces Modernity in Thailand," World and I 13, no. 4 (April 1998): 216. 96 Duncan Mccargo, "Thailand: State of Anxiety," Southeast Asian Affairs 2008, no. 1 (2008): 333. 97 Kocha Olarn, Saima Mohsin, and Jethro Mullin, "Thai Prime Minister Denies Corruption Allegations over Rice Program," CNN, February 25, 2014, accessed April 10, 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/02/20/world/asia/thailand-protests/. 98 Barber, 217. 99 Vater, 11. 100 Susan L. Huntington, The Art of Ancient India: Buddhist, Hindu, Jain (Boston: Weatherhill, 2006), 8. 101 Vater, 12. 114 71 102 Vater, 12. Vater, 12. 104 Cummings, 144. 105 Cummings, 17 106 Fredrick W. Bunce, The Yantras of Deities and Their Numerological Foundations: An Iconographic Consideration (New Delhi: D.K. Printworld, 2001), xiv. 107 Gudrun Bühnemann, Maṇḍalas and Yantras in the Hindu Traditions (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 29. 108 Bühnemann, 29. 109 Bunce, xiv. 110 Bunce, xiv. 111 Marion Rastelli, “Mandalas and Yantras in the Pancaratra Tradition,” (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 147-148. 112 Bunce, xv. 113 Bunce, xv. 114 Bunce, xv. 115 Bunce, xv. 116 Bunce, xv. 117 Bunce, xv. 118 Bühnemann, 33. 119 Bühnemann, 33. 120 Bühnemann, 34. 121 Bühnemann, 34. 122 Hélèn Brunner, “Maṇḍala and Yantra in Siddhānta,” in Maṇḍalas and Yantras in the Hindu Traditions (Leiden: Brill, 2003),163. 123 Bühnemann, 34. 124 Bühnemann, 35. 125 Bühnemann, 36. 126 Bühnemann, 36. 127 Bühnemann, 36. 128 Bühnemann, 39-40. 129 Vater, 1. 130 Bunce, 27. 131 Bunce, 27. 132 Vater, 1. 133 Bunce, 27. 134 Bunce, 27. 135 Bunce, 27. 136 Bunce, 27. 137 Bunce, 27. 138 Vater, 1. 139 Bunce, 27. 140 Bunce, 28. 141 Bunce, 28. 103 115 142 Bunce, 3. Bunce, 3. 144 Bunce, 3. 145 Bunce, 3. 146 Bunce. 5. 147 Bunce, 6. 148 Bunce, 6. 149 Bunce, 6. 150 Bunce, 6. 151 Bunce, 20, 108, 249. 152 This image depicts a tattoo received by a French Sak Yant devotee. 153 Vater, 11. 154 "Thailand Tattoos and Studios," Tattoo Thailand, accessed April 29, 2013, http://www.tattoo-thailand.com/. 155 Cummings, 24. 156 Robert L. Brown, Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), 182. 157 Brown, 182. 158 Cummings, 26; For instance, the Yant Singh my travel partner, Christy Green received was altered to accommodate her vulnerability to such a strong yant. The ajar who tattooed her shortened the tail of the lion and rearranged the positioning of kaathaa incorporated in her Sak Yant design. 159 The common yant designs are listed on the Tattoo-Thailand website, which is considered a great source for popular yants in Thailand. 160 Donald K. Swearer, Becoming the Buddha: The Ritual of Image Consecration in Thailand (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 64. 161 "Thailand Tattoos and Studios," Tattoo Thailand, accessed April 29, 2013, http://www.tattoo-thailand.com/. 162 Tao says that this tattoo “represents the path one walks on to be safe.” 163 “Yant Kongkrapan,” Tattoo Thailand, accessed April 29, 2013, www.tattoothailand.com 164 “Yant Metta Maha Saneh,” Tattoo Thailand, accessed April 29, 2013, www.tattoothailand.com 165 Drouyer, 31. 166 Drouyer, 31. 167 Vater. 123. 168 Despite this design coming from Cambodia, I am including it because the Sak Yant tradition almost died out in Cambodia due to the devastation of the Khmer rouge. A large majority of the Sak Yant found in Cambodia today is because masters were interested in reclaiming the practice and several had to be indoctrinated by masters who left Cambodia for Thailand and then returned. Some masters are self-taught, like Prok Sokdaren and had to study the script and kaathaa for years on his own. 169 Lakshanas are emblematic markings identifying the Buddha, or Mahapurusha. 143 116 170 Stella Kramrisch and Barbara Stoler. Miller, "Emblems of the Universal Being," in Exploring India's Sacred Art: Selected Writings of Stella Kramrisch (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983), 135. 171 Kramrisch, 135. 172 Kramrisch, 135. 173 Carol Stratton and Miriam McNair. Scott, Buddhist Sculpture of Northern Thailand (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2004), 50. 174 Stratton, xxii. 175 Vater, 197. 176 "Sak Yant Thai Temple Tattoos," Sak Yant Thai Temple Tattoos, accessed April 29, 2013, http://sak-yant.com/. 177 Kramrisch, 131. 178 Kramrisch, 132. 179 Drouyer, 31. 180 Kramrisch, 131. 181 Kramrisch, 137. 182 Kramrisch, 138. 183 Kramrisch, 138. 184 Kramrisch, 138. 185 Vater, 123. 186 Cummings, 197. 187 Cummings, 197. 188 Cummings, 196. 189 Swearer, 80. 190 Alexandra R. Kapur-Fic, Thailand: Buddhism, Society, and Women (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1998), 217. 191 Kapur-Fic, 217. 192 Kapur-Fic, 218. 193 Subhadradis Diskul, "The Difference between Valmiki Ramayana and the Thai Version of Ramayana (Ramakirti) of King Rama I of Thailand," Indologica Taurinensia 19-20 (1993-1994): 113, www.indologica.com. 194 "Cambodia," Cambodia, accessed February 26, 2014, http://orias.berkeley.edu/SEARama/RamaCambodia.htm. 195 Subhadradis Diskul, "The Difference between Valmiki Ramayana and the Thai Version of Ramayana (Ramakirti) of King Rama I of Thailand," Indologica Taurinensia 19-20 (1993-1994): 119, www.indologica.com. 196 Subhadradis Diskul, "The Difference between Valmiki Ramayana and the Thai Version of Ramayana (Ramakirti) of King Rama I of Thailand," Indologica Taurinensia 19-20 (1993-1994): 119, Www.indologica.com. 197 "Cambodia," Cambodia, accessed February 26, 2014, http://orias.berkeley.edu/SEARama/RamaCambodia.htm. 198 Saveros Pou, "Indigenization of Rāmāyaṇa in Cambodia," Asian Folklore Studies 51, no. 1 (1992): 93. 117 199 Saveros Pou, "From Valmiki to Theravada Buddhism: The Example of the Khmer Classical Ramakerti," Indologica Taurinensia 19-20 (1993-1994): 281, http://www.indologica.com/volumes/vol19-20/vol19-20_art23_POU.pdf. 200 Pou, 94. 201 "Cambodia," Cambodia, accessed February 26, 2014, http://orias.berkeley.edu/SEARama/RamaCambodia.htm. 202 Pou, 94. 203 Pou, 95. 204 Cummings, 100. 205 Cummings, 101. 206 Vater, 153. 207 Pou, 91;100. 208 Pou, 100. 209 Pou, 100. 210 Pou, 99. 211 Vater, 123. 212 Tattoo Thailand, yant-kongkrapan, accessed April 29, 2013, http://www.tattoothailand.com/. 213 Tattoo Thailand, yant-kongkrapan, accessed April 29, 2013, http://www.tattoothailand.com/. 214214 Vater, 133. 215 Tattoo Thailand, yant-kongkrapan, accessed April 29, 2013, http://www.tattoothailand.com/. 216 Cummings, 88. 217 However, with the exception of Nuad volunteering at a monastery, ajarns and reusis charge for tattoos because they have families to support. The price of these tattoos are still considerably less than the cost of a tattoo in the West. The cost of tattoos in the West generally start around $100 and can range as high as a $1,000, where the cost of a tattoo from an ajarn or reusi in Thailand range between $20 to a $100 USD. 218 "Thai Tattoo Tradition Draws Worldwide Devotees," interview by Scott Carney, transcript, NPR, November 13, 2007. 219 "Thai Tattoo Tradition Draws Worldwide Devotees" 220 James J. Preston, "Spiritual Magnetism: An Organizing Principle for the Study of Pilgrimage," Sacred Journeys, 1992, 5. 221 James J. Preston, "Spiritual Magnetism: An Organizing Principle for the Study of Pilgrimage," Sacred Journeys, 1992, 36. 222 Tiyavanich, 40. 223 "Wat Phra Thart Doi Suthep," Thailand Residents and Travelers Lifestyle: Welcome to Chiangmai & Chiangrai Magazine. Visit Chiangmai, Chiangrai, Mae Hong Son, Pai, North Thailand., accessed April 10, 2014, http://www.chiangmai-chiangrai.com/. 224 "Wat Phra Thart Doi Suthep," Thailand Residents and Travelers Lifestyle: Welcome to Chiangmai & Chiangrai Magazine. Visit Chiangmai, Chiangrai, Mae Hong Son, Pai, North Thailand., accessed April 10, 2014, http://www.chiangmai-chiangrai.com/. 225 Richard Barrow, "Monks Go on a 365 Kilometre Pilgrimage in Thailand," Buddhism in Thailand, January 3, 2012, www.thaibuddhist.com. 118 226 Drouyer, 31. Michael McCabe, Tattoos of Indochina: Magic, Devotion, & Protection: Thailand, Cambodia, & Laos (Atglen, PA: Schiffer, 2002), 54. 228 John Guy, "The Mahābodhi Temple: Pilgrim Souvenirs of Buddhist India," The Burlington Magazine 133, no. 1059 (June 1991): 365. 229 Craig J. 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