Phoenician Catalogue

THE PHOENICIAN EXHIBITION
EUROPEAN UNION
AND
ENPI CBC MEDITERRANEAN SEA BASIN PROGRAMME
THE
PHOENICIAN
EXHIBITION
EDITION
ENPI CBCMED. Cross-border Cooperation in the Mediterranean.
MEDINA PROJECT
Project Coordinator
Prof. Alessandra Avanzini
Technical Coordinator
Annamaria De Santis
EXHIBITION
The phoenician Exhibition
CATALOGUE
Concept
Rocío Ferreras
Copyright ©2015
All rights reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever
without the express written permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quotations in a book review.
First printing, December 2015.
© Medina Partners
Articles Authors
Alessandra Avanzini
Raymon Araygi, Minister of Culture of Lebanon
Helen Sader
Cards Authors
Hassan el Hajj and Olof Canon
Edition and Production
Mago Production
Photography
Directorate General of Antiquities / National Museum of Beirut (photographed
by Toni Farraj) - Institut du Monde Arabe IMA
Graphic Design
Rocío Ferreras
Irene Farré
Printing and Binding
Dedalo - Pisa
EXHIBITION
Virtual Reconstructions
Magoproduction
Animations
Magoproduction
Special Thanks
Georges Zouain
© Mago Production
Design: Mago Production
Editor: Dedizioni.
Dedizioni is a publishing mark of Dedalo, via Card. Maffi 36, Pisa, Italy, [email protected]
ISBN: 978-88-95613-25-3
This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union under the ENPI CBC
Mediterranean Sea Basin Programme. The contents of this document can under no circumstances be regarded
as reflecting the position of the European Union or of the Programme’s management structures. It is a non
venal edition.
The 2007-2013 ENPI CBC Mediterranean Sea Basin Programme is a multilateral Cross-Border Cooperation initiative funded by the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI). The Programme objective is
to promote the sustainable and harmonious cooperation process at the Mediterranean Basin level by dealing
with the common challenges and enhancing its endogenous potential. It finances cooperation projects as a
contribution to the economic, social, environmental and cultural development of the Mediterranean region.
The following 14 countries participate in the Programme: Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece, Israel, Italy, Jordan,
Lebanon, Malta, Palestinian Authority, Portugal, Spain, Syria, Tunisia. The Joint Managing Authority (JMA) is
the Autonomous Region of Sardinia (Italy). Official Programme languages are Arabic, English and French.
The European Union is made up of 27 Member States who have decided to gradually link together their know
how,resources and destinies. Together, during a period of enlargement of 50 years, they have built a zone of
stability, democracy and sustainable development whilst maintaining cultural diversity, tolerance and individual
freedoms. The European Union is committed to sharing its achievements and its values with countries and
peoples beyond its borders.
Partners MEDINA Project:
Phoenician Map
Foreword: The Medina Project
Prof. Alessandra Avanzini
12
15
What do Phoenician Epigraphy and Objects Teach Us?
Raymond Araygi, Minister of Culture of Lebanon
19
Introduction
Dr. Helen Sader
22
Catalogue
26
Phoenician Trade and Contacts
Dr. Helen Sader
30
Phoenician Religion
Dr. Helen Sader
46
Phoenician Burial Practices
Dr. Helen Sader
58
Bibliographical References
84
Errata corrige
88
Phoenician Chronology
10
10
11
PHOENICIAN
KINGDOM MAP
PHOINIKIEN um 340. This map is a representation of the one published by U.
Kahrsted in 1926 in his book Syrische Territorien in hellenistischer Zeit, Göttingen.
SOUVERÄNE STÄDTE
Andere Orte
Staatsgebiet von Arados
Staatsgebiet von Byblos
Staatsgebiet von Sidon
Staatsgebiet von Tyros
Gemeinbesitz der Stüdte
Maβstab 1:2000000
20
12
0
20
40
60
80
100 km
13
14
701
677
570
550
515
510
490
478
435
425
410 400
370
348 340
357 351 344
Abdalonymos
360
Abdashtart II
450
Tennes
Abdashtart I
500
Baalshillem II
670
‘Ayyinel
‘Addirmilk
Elpa’al
‘Ozzibaal
Jehaumilk
557-2
Ba’na’
573/2 564-2
‘Abdamon
591
‘Abdamon
701
660?
Shipitba’ al III
‘ormilk II
Yiharba’al
680
Baalshillem I
740
694
Yatonmilk
Anysos
Tetramnestos
750 740? 730
Milkasaph
774
‘Ormilk I
821
Bodashtart
880
830
Shipitba’al II
856
Eshmunazar II
900
898 888
Tabnit
930
919 910
Eshmunazar I
1000 975 950
936
Shipitbaal I
970
Abdimilkutti
Lulli
1200
...
Elibaal
1230
Alibaal
1350
Yehimilk
Ahirōm
‘Ittoba´al
1850
Hiram III
Baal II
Iakinbaal, Chelbes, Abbar
Mattan III and Ger-asthart
Baal-eser III
Mahar-baal
Ethbaal III
Baal I
Eloulaios
Mattan II
Hiram II
Ethbaal II
Pygmalion
Mattan I
Baal-azor II
Ethbaal I
Methusastartus
Astarymus
Phelles
Abdastratus
Baal-eser I
Hiram I
Abibaal
Baal-t-r-m-g?
unidentified king: usurper
Abimilki
Rruler (=king?)
PHOENICIAN
CHRONOLOGY
THE PHOENICIAN KINGS OF TYRE
532
THE PHOENICIAN KINGS OF BYBLOS
333
THE PHOENICIAN KINGS OF SIDON
333
15
FOREWORD: THE MEDINA PROJECT
PROF. ALESSANDRA AVANZINI
MEDINA - “Mediterranean network for the valorization and fruition of
inscriptions preserved in museums” [http://medina.cfs.unipi.it/] is a two
year project funded by the European Union with the ENPI - CBC Med
programme in 2012. The project aims at enhancing awareness, both in the
local and in the international community, of the cultural heritage of some of
the most important Ancient Near Eastern civilizations, as a necessary step
for its future preservation.
The project is focused on the literate societies of the Phoenicians, the
Nabataeans and the South Arabians for which writing was essential
to several aspects of their organization: bureaucracy, commerce and
religion. The surviving epigraphic texts in the Phoenician, Nabataean and
South Arabian languages – all written by alphabetic scripts – are a rare
treasure chest of interesting historical elements of these three civilizations:
thousands of names for deities, kings, men, women, cities, temples, palaces
are mentioned in the official documents conveying their concept of power
and religion. Their importance is rightly assessed if considering that the
history of the ancient Phoenician cities, as well as the Nabataean kingdom
of Petra and the culture of the South Arabian kingdoms, are known almost
exclusively through epigraphs, artworks and material culture as direct
sources.
In the two years of its life, MEDINA has been working both to increase
knowledge exchanges among institutions of the Mediterranean sea basin
and to encourage the use of innovative digital technologies to communicate
FOREWORD: THE MEDINA PROJECT
17
to the public the Phoenician and the Nabataean cultural heritage, especially
preserved into Lebanese and Jordanian museums (the National Museum of
Beirut and the Museum of Jordanian Heritage of the Yarmouk University).
On one hand, a strategy to promote epigraphic and archaeological assets
has been developed: digital collections, online museums and virtual
exhibitions are the most suitable means, developed with advanced digital
technologies, to engage a large public, most of all young people, and educate
them providing a proper and immediate interpretation. On the other hand,
training courses addressed to non-EU students, researchers and museum
personnel have been organized in order to spread a common understanding
of the best practices in the field of digitization, communication of cultural
heritage and promotion of museums. Finally, MEDINA has contributed to
involve Lebanese and Jordanian museums into a network of institutions
conducting their research in the domain of the Ancient Near East cultural
heritage.
The digital catalogue of the most important and meaningful artifacts that
the museums involved into the project preserve has been created. Both
inscriptions and archaeological objects were photographed, catalogued and,
limited to epigraphs, transcribed and encoded according to the standards
accepted by the international community. The catalogue and the project
portal give access to the inscriptions and artworks digitized, organized into
digital collections, thematic paths and virtual exhibitions. Thus MEDINA
intends to provide their description, carried out according to strict scientific
criteria, but also to encourage the exploration of the content and guide
non-expert users to understand their multiple meanings. At the same time,
several social platforms have been developed to engage the target groups
of the project, identified among the general public.
precious artefacts of the collection contribute to light up: the Phoenician
trade and the contacts it has allowed to establish, the religion of the
Phoenicians, and their burial practices.
As the project has almost come to the end, I would like to thank the
consortium, a multidisciplinary working group consisting of research and
education institutions, archaeological museums and private companies in
the communication and creative domains, from a number of Mediterranean
countries: the Yarmouk University (Jordan), the Institute of Ancient Near East
Studies of the University of Barcelona (Spain), GAIA Heritage (Lebanon), and
Magoproduction (Spain) in addition to the University of Pisa (Italy). ). Most of
all, I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Directorate General of
Antiquities of the Lebanese Ministry of Culture and the National Museum of
Beirut for having allowed to document the Phoenician collection.
However the usual means of communication have not been abandoned.
Three printed catalogues have been prepared in order to illustrate, through
the inscriptions and the not-inscribed objects of MEDINA, some aspects of the
Phoenician, the Nabataean and the South Arabian civilizations respectively.
Furthermore a handbook explains to the general public the Nabataean
civilization demonstrating the unique contribution to knowledge provided
by inscriptions. This volume is dedicated to the Phoenician collection of
the National Museum of Beirut. There are three peculiar aspects that the
18
FOREWORD: THE MEDINA PROJECT
19
WHAT DO PHOENICIAN EPIGRAPHY AND
OBJECTS TEACH US?
RAYMOND ARAYGI, MINISTER OF CULTURE OF LEBANON
The history of civilizations, empires, and people past tells us about ourselves
and teaches us humility and humanity. Civilizations, empires and kingdoms
come to life, age, and die as we all do, leaving traces that the science of
history would later uncover and analyse. Archaeology provides us with a
wealth of information in the form of artefacts that specialists use to study
ancient history. Whenever a text is found – in the form of clay tablets or
carved on stone or metal – it amplifies our knowledge and sheds more light
on the period under study. In essence, it brings our past to life.
The Phoenicians, whose Near-Eastern harbour cities dominated the
Mediterranean navigation and trade and established outposts all around
our Middle Sea, gave the World its first alphabet, contributing to the
development of their trade and to the wealth of their cities. In doing so,
they enabled the transfer of ideas, of science and literature. Legends and
myths tell us that Cadmos the brother of Europe, whose name was given
to the continent, gave the Phoenician alphabet to Ancient Greece. Like
others before them and after, the Phoenician cities progressively lost their
dominant position in the Mediterranean, eventually replaced by the Greek
cities who were themselves replaced by Rome. So goes history as JeanBaptiste Duroselle wrote in 1981, “Tout empire périra”. But each of these
civilizations continuously took and learnt from the previous one: techniques,
philosophy, language, myths, religions, and customs.
20
21
The Ministry of Culture of Lebanon is proud that its collection of Phoenician
artefacts is now recorded in this catalogue. This collection has been
important in the uncovering of the Phoenician world and in the role of the
Phoenicians in history. Soon, we will open additional spaces in the National
Museum of Beirut and in the coming museum of history of Beirut where
more Phoenician artefacts will be displayed. Most of these objects come
from the large archaeological rescue excavation in Beirut that begun in 1993
under the auspices of UNESCO in preparation for the reconstruction of the
central district of this city. Once these artefacts are published and displayed,
a new page of the history of Beirut and of the Phoenicians will be unveiled.
The authors of this catalogue and all those who took part in its making must
be congratulated for its scientific quality. Adding a Phoenician component
to the DASI Database of ancient languages of the University of Pisa is an
achievement that will without doubt help us in safeguarding and presenting
a part of our history.
23
WHO WERE THE
PHOENICIANS
INTRODUCTION
HELEN SADER
Phoenicia is the term by which the Greeks designated a stretch of the
Levantine coast extending from Tartous in the north to Mount Carmel in
the south. They referred to its inhabitants as Phoenicians. The etymology
of the name derives from the Greek word Phoinix, meaning “red color”
and “red purple dye”. This geographical area called Phoiniké by the Greeks
did not form a political unit and was split into several polities. The name
by which the local inhabitants referred to this region is presumed by the
overwhelming majority of scholars to be Canaan. However, the inhabitants
of these coastal kingdoms used their home city to identify themselves as
Sidonians, Tyrians, Arwadians…, and never used the term Canaanites.
Phoenicia held a strategic position at the crossroads of the ancient routes
linking Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean to the Syrian, Anatolian, and
Mesopotamian interior. This position was strengthened by the presence
on the Phoenician coast of several harbors which had been active in trade
with the eastern Mediterranean world since the Bronze Age. The abundance
of wood in the neighboring mountains provided also the necessary raw
material for building ships. Ship building and seafaring, which prospered
already in the second millennium BC, became emblematic of the Phoenician
cities in the Iron Age as attested by the wide expansion of the Phoenician
trade network in the Mediterranean.
24
INTRODUCTION
There have been several theories about the origin of the Phoenicians.
Classical authors have already speculated about their foreign origin and
claimed that they were not native to the Levantine coast. Some have said
that the Phoenicians came from the Red Sea (Herodotus I, 1; VII, 89; Strabo I,
2, 35; XVI, 4, 27; Pliny, Natural History IV, 36). Until the late 20th century modern
scholars were still of the opinion that the Phoenicians were newcomers to
the Levant and that they came in the aftermath of the so-called Sea-People
invasion. Most scholars believed that the Phoenician coast was invaded by
these hordes and some were of the opinion that the Phoenicians were a
mixture of the latter with local Canaanites (Röllig 1983: 80).
In the light of new archaeological evidence from Tyre and Sarepta, it
became clear that the Phoenician coast did not suffer any invasion and
that the transition from the Late Bronze to the Iron Age was peaceful. No
scholar would raise any serious doubt today about the local origin of the
Phoenicians: they are the direct descendants of the indigenous population
of the Late Bronze Age.
25
PHOENICIAN HISTORY
The annals of the Middle Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I (1114-1076 BC) and
the Egyptian text known as the Journey of Wenamun (10th c. BC) provide
evidence that the coastal cities did not suffer from a foreign invasion around
1200 BC and that Phoenician kingdoms were already established and
prospered at the end of the 12th c. BC.
The main sources for Phoenician history are the Phoenician royal
inscriptions, the annals of the neo-Assyrian kings, the Homeric epics, and
the Bible. Starting with the 9th c. and until the end of the 7th century BC,
information about Phoenicia comes almost exclusively from the Assyrian
royal annals. From these texts we know that there were four independent
Phoenician kingdoms. According to Katzenstein (Katzenstein 1973: 131)
there was a fusion of the kingdoms of Tyre and Sidon under the reign of
Ittobaal, king of Tyre, in the early 9th c. BC. In the mid-8th c. BC the Assyrians
initiated an aggressive policy aiming at the annexation of the Levantine
states. In 701 BC, Sanherib put an end to the unified kingdom of Tyre and
Sidon after the defeat of Lulli, king of Sidon. This event was the first of a
series of blows which will end up breaking down the power of the rich cities
of Sidon and Tyre. Sanherib’s son Esarhaddon led a punitive expedition
against Abdimilkutti, king of Sidon, in 677 (Borger 1956: 48). In order to put
an end to this constant rebellion, Esarhaddon turned the kingdom of Sidon
into an Assyrian province and placed an Assyrian governor to administer
it. Ashurbanipal, Esarhaddon’s son, fought against Tyre and besieged the
island Surru (Luckenbill 1968: par. 779 and 847).
26
INTRODUCTION
The Assyrian annals demonstrate that the Phoenician coast was very densely
settled mainly between Tyre and Beirut. The territory of the Phoenician
kingdoms was protected by a series of fortified cities where stocks of
foodstuffs were safely stored for lack of space in the capital. The high
density of occupation coupled with the narrowness of the land available for
agriculture made the coastal kingdoms always short of staple food which
they had to import. It is maybe this constant food shortage that pushed
the Phoenicians out of their territory in search for new food resources or a
better living. From the tribute listed in the Assyrian annals we can infer that
the Phoenician cities had active trade relations with Africa, Cyprus, Anatolia
and Syria.
Information about Phoenicia stops after the reign of Ashurbanipal and
resumes only with the rise of Nabuchadnezzar II to the throne of Babylon at
the beginning of the 6th c. BC. Later classical sources speak of a siege of Tyre
by Nabuchadnezzar II which lasted 13 years (585-573/2 BC) and which failed
in subduing the island city (Katzenstein 1973: Chapter XII ). It is also believed
that after the siege, kingship was abolished in Tyre and replaced by the rule
of judges (Katzenstein 1973: 340-341).
The Achaemenid Persians conquered Phoenicia and included it within their
5th province or satrapy. When Alexander the Great conquered Phoenicia the
local kingdoms progressively lost their autonomy and disappeared under
the rule of his successors.
27
PHOENICIAN CULTURE
In spite of its subdivisions into several polities, Phoenicia formed one
cultural entity and its inhabitants shared the same language, script, political
system, material culture, and religion with slight regional differences. This is
the reason why one is entitled to speak today of Phoenician culture.
The most determining characteristic of this culture is the script and the
language. All Phoenician cities shared the same language which is referred
to in modern literature as Phoenician. The Phoenicians used the alphabetic
script to write their language and they are accredited with its transmission
to the Greeks and to countries around the Mediterranean basin. The
transmission of the alphabet is the major contribution of the Phoenicians in
the exchange with the populations they came into contact with.
In spite of the political division and the local differences, it is possible to
speak of one Phoenician religion. The pantheons of the various cities were
structured around a divine couple, Baal, the city god, and Astarte, the city
goddess, and consisted of several female and male gods whose cults are
attested in more than one Phoenician city.
28
INTRODUCTION
29
PHOENICIAN
CATALOGUE
30
31
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
DR. HELEN SADER
The fame of the Phoenicians as daring navigators, shrewd merchants, and
skilled traders has been established by classical authors and by the biblical
narratives. Foremost among the latter is the famous chapter 27 of Prophet
Ezechiel’s book describing the trade network of Tyre. This text is always
cited as a key source for Phoenician trade. Although written in the 6th c.
BC the text may reflect a situation that was prevailing before that period. It
identifies the trade partners of Tyre as well as the goods that were traded.
Tyrian trade extended from Spain to Assyria and from Anatolia to Yemen.
The high density of occupation coupled with the narrowness of the land
available for agriculture made the coastal kingdoms always short of staple
food which they had to import. It is maybe this constant food shortage
that pushed the Phoenicians out of their territory in search for new food
resources or a better living. The limited amount of raw materials available
on the narrow Phoenician coast, coupled with the relentless requests of raw
materials by neighboring states, drove the Phoenician maritime expansion
and enabled the establishment of their extensive trading networks in order
to satisfy their local and foreign needs.
Cedar wood –abundant in the Phoenician hinterland– was the only raw
material locally available and it was mainly traded with Egypt due to its
strength, length and scent, as attested in Egyptian literary sources of the
second millennium BC. The Wenamun Journey, a text of the 10th c. BC,
mentions twenty ships in the harbour of Byblos and fifty in that of Sidon, all
of them in active trade relations with Egypt. It depicts the amount of goods
given as payment to the Royal House in Byblos in exchange of a shipment
of cedar wood. The exchange material, as expected, included large amounts
of gold and silver, as well as other metals and goods, such as linen, papyrus
rolls, and foodstuff to satisfy local demand.
32
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
The annals of the neo-Assyrian kings Ashurnasipal II (883 - 859 BC) and
Shalmaneser III (858-824 BC) list the booty taken from the Phoenician cities.
The booty and tribute listed is an indicator used by scholars to identify the
commodities that were traded by the Phoenician cities and which were
provided to the Assyrians. From the tribute listed in the Assyrian annals we
can infer that the Phoenician cities had active trade relations with Africa,
Cyprus, Anatolia and Syria from where they brought textiles, exotic woods,
semi-precious stones, and metals. In the 8th c. BC, Phoenician trade reached
its peak as attested in the Homeric epics which speak of Phoenicians and
Sidonians infesting the Mediterranean. According to most scholars the 8th c.
is the period when the most ancient Phoenician colonies were founded in
the western Mediterranean.
Next to metals –gold, silver, tin and bronze– they mention exotic animals,
precious wood, such as ebony and boxwood and, finally, semi-precious
stones, such as lapis-lazuli and carnelian (Fig. 1). The annals of Esarhaddon
(680-669 BC) list the booty taken from Abdimilkutti, king of Sidon, in 677 BC:
I carried away as booty the treasures he had
accumulated, gold, silver, precious stones, elephant
hides, ivory, ebony, boxwood, garments of colored wool
and linen, whatever was precious in his palace,
in great quantities.
The Assyrians, of course, cut wood from the Lebanese mountains for the
building of their temples and palaces.
33
Later on, Phoenician traders started expanding in search of new sources
of raw materials and developed a network that not only covered the
Mediterranean basin, but extended to the African and European coast
on the Atlantic (Fig. 2). Due to their success, the Phoenician cities became
extremely wealthy, prompting the prophet Ezekiel –writing in the 7th c. BC
– to address the island city of Tyre as ‘the ship’ in reference to its important
trading fleet and numerous trading outposts. This island-state was no doubt
one of the most successful trading cities along the Phoenician coast with
colonies set up in Cyprus, Rhodes, Anatolia, and Spain, as well as other
trading posts inland in Syria, Palestine, Arabia, and Mesopotamia. Another
passage from Ezekiel’s text addresses imported materials which includes
precious metals, ivory, clothing and wine.
As it appears from all the available written sources, the most significant
imports were precious metals acquired from the Phoenician colonies
around the Mediterranean basin, such as Cyprus, Asia Minor, Sardinia, Italy
and Spain. All these colonies were located in strategic positions in close
proximity to metal resources which were mined by the locals, and exported
back to the homeland. It is important to mention that the Phoenician search
for metals, especially silver and iron, was spurred by constant Assyrian
demands culminating in the 8th - 7th c. BC. The Phoenicians used metals to
produce beautiful jewelry (Fig. 3-5) and vessels that were offered as gifts or
taken as booty.
Vineyards and olive tree plantations were scattered along the slopes of the
Lebanon mountains and provided the basis for an active wine and olive
oil industry along the Phoenician coast. These were often transported in
large quantities in amphorae, as attested by several Phoenician shipwrecks.
Imported good are attested by the presence of imported ceramics (Fig. 7)
In addition to the materials mentioned above, a variety of other raw
materials were imported and crafted in Phoenician workshops for export.
For example, ivory (Fig. 8) was imported from Africa and Syria in the form of
elephant tusks, worked in Phoenician workshops and later sold as finished
luxury items.
By the 7th c. BC the Phoenician coast was considered a major trading hub.
Raw materials were imported from all over the Mediterranean basin, as well
as from other inland locations through their numerous trading outposts.
These materials were then crafted into luxury goods (Fig. 3-5) which were
re-distributed and sold for profit through an intricate trading network that
spanned most of the known world at that time.
Textiles were another important commodity traded by the Phoenicians,
especially purple dyed textiles, a highly valued local specialty. The textiles
are believed to have been imported from Damascus and dyed in Phoenicia.
The Phoenicians were experts in purple dying: the dye itself was extracted
from murex shells (Fig. 6) and was extremely expensive. This is the reason
why dyed textiles were considered a mark of royalty.
34
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
35
Figure 1: Necklace | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th
c. BC | Gold – Semiprecious Stones | L. 36 | Beirut
National Museum. 16508. The strand of this necklace
is compiled of numerous small gold globules adorned at
intervals with agate, turquoise, cornelian and coral stones
carved in the shape of a wadjet eye, or the Eye of Horus,
and highlighted with several white beads. Two gold wadjet
eyes decorated with granulation are also inserted in the
lower part of the strand. The centrepiece of the necklace
is composed of two convex multi-coloured agate stones
mimicking a pair of eyes. These semi-precious gems are
set in a gold frame decorated with two rows of granules
and bordered by a tightly arranged file of uraei seen in
profile. At the center the silhouette of a turquoise wadjet
eye set in a delicate gold frame hangs from a barrel loop
flanked by two engraved white beads.
36
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
37
Figure 2: The Phoenician Expansion | Liban l’Autre
Rive, IMA catalogue, 116-117.
38
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
Figure 3: Necklace | Sidon | 5th c. BC | Gold | D.
27 | Beirut National Museum. 16509. Gold necklace
composed of numerous barrel-shaped ribbed beads
decorated with granulation. The beads are separated at
intervals with suspended white beads (some of which are
missing) supported by two semi-spherical gold sheets. In
front, a repoussé pendant in the shape of a light-hearted
gorgon’s face crafted in stunning detail hangs from a
spherical attachment covered entirely with granulations.
Two spherical ribbed beads are placed on either side of
the amulet. The lock at the back is in the shape of two
shield-like convex disks bordered with filigree beaded
wires.
39
Figure 4: Silver bracelet with an amethyst intaglio
stone set in a gold bezel | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon |
5th - 4th c. BC | Gold – Silver – Semiprecious Stone |
D. 7 | Beirut National Museum. 16157. The bracelet is
shaped from thick silver wire of circular section slightly
tapered at both ends and receiving an ellipsoidal gold
bezel, decorated with coiled spiral patterns around its
outer frame, supported by two medium sized globules.
The bezel is set with an intaglio amethyst stone depicting
a worshipping scene in stunning detail. On the right a
female figure (Astarte?) is seated on a throne, flanked
by sphinxes, with raised left hand and holding a long
sceptre in her right. On the left a figure clad in a Persian
style garment stands with both hands raised in a gesture
of prayer. Between the two is a thymiaterion (incense
burner) and above them a winged sun-disk and a star.
40
Figure 5: Golden Amulet in the shape of an eye | Sidon
| 5th c. BC | Gold – Semiprecious Stone | H. 3,2. L.2
| Beirut National Museum. 16512. Gold eye pendant
with a large suspension loop attached on top. The eye is
carved from a blue and white agate. The craftsman has
made full use of the natural colours, layers and striations
of the gemstone to realistically mimic the iris pupil, and
sclera or white of a human eye. The stone is set in a
bezel the outer frame of which is decorated with a row of
leaves arranged in a wreath. Numerous minute granules
arranged in triangles enclose the gemstone and secure it
in the gold bezel, the two corners of which are highlighted
with medium-sized granules assembled into rosettes.
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
41
Figure 6: An assortment of murex shells for producing
purple dye | Phoenician Coast |
42
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
DR. HELEN SAEDER
43
Figure 7: Cinerary urn | Tell Rachidieh | 9th – 7th c. BC
| Clay | H. 33,7. D. 21 |Beirut National Museum. 26482.
A light beige and yellowish bichrome painted amphora of
Cypriot with two vertical handles and a flattened rim. It
is poorly preserved with some concretions on the upper
part. The neck and shoulder are adorned with concentric
black circles. The lower section of the body is decorated
with a series of black and red horizontal lines and the
handles with black stripes and hatching.
44
Figure 8: Comb | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c. BC
| Ivory | Beirut National Museum. This double-sided
comb carved from ivory consists of two pillar-shaped side
frames flanking a central panel. The delicately tapering
comb-teeth on top, some of which are partially broken
or entirely missing, have a much finer width than their
counterparts below, which consist of sixteen sharpended teeth, two of which are missing. In the center, a
rectangular panel situated within a zigzag frame depicts
a recumbent winged sphinx with a bearded human head
wearing a crenelated crown. The imagery and decorations
on the opposite side of the comb is identical to the above
with the exception that the sphinx has a female head. The
comb is assembled from several components combined
together.
PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS
45
46
47
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
DR. HELEN SADER
Primary sources on Phoenician religion do not provide detailed information
on this subject. Our limited knowledge comes from the Bible and several
inscriptions recovered from archaeological sites outside Phoenicia such as
Ugarit, in addition to several classical authors, mainly Philo of Byblos who
lived in the 2nd century AD. However, these sources provide only a small
glimpse into religious rituals, whereby only names of gods are listed and
reference is made to the patrons who commissioned these inscriptions.
Due to the limited textual evidence at our disposal, scholars rely more on
the archaeological evidence from Phoenician sites in order to reconstruct
their religious practices. The written evidence enables us to deduce the
presence of a polytheistic religious system, where each independent city
had its own gods.The pantheons of the various cities were structured
around a divine couple, Baal, the city god, and Astarte, the city goddess,
and consisted of several female and male gods whose cults are attested in
more than one Phoenician city. Each polity had a different city god, Melqart
for Tyre and Eshmun for Sidon, for example, but they all worshipped the
same city goddess, Astarte. Her cult was deeply rooted in all Phoenician
cities. The Phoenicians adopted also the cult of foreign gods mainly Egyptian
Bes, Isis, Osiris and Horus and their worship is attested in their figurative
representations as well as in the local onomastics. In turn, the countries
with which the Phoenicians traded or in which they established settlements
have adopted and worshipped Phoenician gods such as Astarte in Cyprus
and Malta, Eshmun, Baal Hammon and Tinnit in Carthage, Sid in Sardinia,
and Melqart and Baal Hammon in Syria (Xella 2007: 54-55).
Deities were often represented by a throne (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2), known
as ‘Astarte throne’, considered as the focal point of most Phoenician
48
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
sanctuaries. Votive offerings placed on benches inside the shrine and then
collected and placed in pits known as favissae, were deposited in large
numbers in Phoenician temples. The most common form of votive offering
was the bronze or terracotta figurine either representing the deity or the
worshipper. Sacred figurines were not restricted to temples and sanctuaries
alone, but were also found in dwellings, indicating the presence of a private
domestic cult. The latter tended to focus on health, fertility, and the wellbeing
of women and children, as attested by the significant number of dea gravida
figurines (Fig. 3). Terracotta statuettes also depict musicians performing at
religious ceremonies by playing the lyre (Fig. 4), the tambourine (Fig. 5), and
the double-pipe. Offerings at these rituals are believed to have consisted of
liquid libations, probably milk or wine, as well as solid foods such as bread,
olives, and fruits.
In the temple of the healing god Eshmun in Bustan esh-Sheikh, near Sidon,
marble statues of little boys (Fig. 6) were found in an abandoned canalization
which acted as a favissa. These are ex-votos offered to the god in gratitude.
The inscription of Baalshillem (Fig. 6) attests to this function. Phoenician
religion was also influenced by neighbouring cultures, most notably the
Egyptian, as attested by the worship of Amon, Bes (Fig. 7), Osiris, and Horus
(Fig. 8) in Phoenician territories.
49
Figure 1: Astarte throne | Tyre | Hellenistic |
Limestone | H. 73. L. 39. W. 39 | Beirut National
Museum. 2120 . This limestone Astarte throne is flanked
by two Egyptian-style winged sphinxes resting on a square
podium. The sphinxes wear a nemes-headdress and
have witnessed some damage to their face and paws.
The wings curve upward towards the backseat and form
the throne’s armrests. Placed on the seat is an imposing
baetyl, an aniconic divine representation of the god/
goddess in the form of a long pyramidal stele truncated
at the top. The frontal panel is carved with a ‘Tree of Life’
symbol depicting a palm tree. The tree of Life motif is of
Mesopotamian origin but it spread all over the ancient
Near East.
50
Figure 2: Astarte throne | Byblos | Iron Age III/
Hellenistic | Limestone | H. 60. L. 46. W. 46 | Beirut
National Museum. 2118. This highly damaged limestone
Astarte throne, now missing the seatback, is flanked by
two standing winged sphinxes, the heads and forearms of
which are broken. The wings are scrupulously engraved
with overlapping feathers. The frontal panel is carefully
carved in relief and depicts a moon crescent situated on
top of a winged sun disk, below which two male figures
stand on a podium. Their dress, with generously flowing
sleeves, is composed of numerous vertical folds extending
to their ankles.
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
DR. HELEN SAEDER
51
Figure 3: Dea gravida figurine | Lebanon | 5th c. BC |
Clay | H. 44. L. 14,2 | Beirut National Museum. 87.7.
Terracotta figurine of a woman with her right arm resting
on her belly. Her left arm is held against her body and
her breasts are exposed. She wears a high head cloth
with bulging lateral extensions above her ears. The lower
extension of the headdress falls over her shoulders. This
type of figurine is known as the dea gravida and is widely
spread in Phoenicia where it represents the goddess
Astarte.
52
Figure 4: Lyre player figurine | Lebanon | Hellenistic
| Clay | H. 14. L. 5,6 | Beirut National Museum. 1593.
Terracotta figurine of a female musician playing the lyre.
She is holding the musical instrument with both hands
on the left side of her head. She is wearing a diadem
and a long skirt draping down to her feet. Her right leg is
raised to simulate dancing, but the part below the knee is
missing.
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
53
Figure 6: Eshmun baby | Sidon | 5th c. BC | Marble |
Base: H. 59. W. 42. Th. 11 – Statue: H. 52,5. W. 19. Th.
41 | Beirut National Museum. 12454. This artifact is a
marble statue of a child in a recumbent position with a
royal votive inscription finely carved in a straight line of
0.5 m on its base. This is one of the so-called “Temple
Boys” statues which were found in the Eshmun temple in
Bustan esh-Sheikh. They were likely presented as ex-votos
to the healing god Eshmun. The figure is represented
lying, with the upper body propped up by both arms. The
figure has a cloth draped across its lower body from the
waist down and holds a bird in the right hand.
Figure 5: Figurine playing the tambourine | Tyre | 8th
– 7th c. BC | Clay | H. 17,5. W. 6. Th. 5 | Beirut National
Museum. 879. Terracotta figurine of a female holding
a disk on her left shoulder. The disc has been variously
interpreted as a tambourine or a loaf of bread, a typical
offering for the goddess Astarte. The body of the figurine
is moulded while her arms and the disc were handmade
and stuck to the body. Her face displays outsized eyes and
nose. A veil covers her head, but the ears remain exposed.
She wears a long garment covering the entire length of
her legs and widening at bottom. Decoration in the shape
of vertical wide strokes using dark-coloured paint adorns
the lower part of her dress. This type of terracotta figurine
is very common in Phoenicia.
54
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
55
Figure 7: Figurine of the God Bes | Kharayeb |
Hellenistic | Clay | H. 15,2 | Beirut National Museum.
2499. Figurine representing Bes seated with his feet
resting on a wild goat. A wide collar around the neck is
indicated. The figures stand on a square base. Bes is
an Egyptian god of fertility represented as a dwarf with
accentuated genital organs whose cult was very popular
in Phoenicia.
56
Figure 8: Horus eye amulet | Sheikh Zenad | Iron
Age III | Bronze – Semiprecious Stones | Beirut
National Museum. Square-shaped bronze cloisonné
amulet depicting the Eye of Horus inlayed with turquoise
blue, red, white, yellow and black enamel. The lower
left corner of the amulet is damaged and the inlays are
highly chipped and fractured. The composition of this
piece highlights the mastery achieved by local craftsmen
in the field of miniature metalworking and enamelling
techniques. These amulets were worn by individuals to
ward off the evil eye and hint at the influence of Egyptian
art and religion in the Phoenician lands.
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
57
58
59
The Phoenicians buried their dead in cemeteries located outside the
settlement. In these cemeteries, several tomb types are attested: they range
from simple earth pits to rock-cuts, shaft and cist tombs.
The archaeological evidence has clearly demonstrated that in Phoenician
times two funerary practices co-existed: inhumation and cremation.
Inhumation is the practice of burying the dead as is. It is the only funerary
practice attested since the Neolithic and it continued to be widespread
among the Phoenicians. This type of interment is attested in both common
and royal cemeteries. Inhumed bodies were deposited in the tomb directly
on the floor, on stone or wooden benches, in jars, or in coffins.
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
DR. HELEN SADER
Scholars dealing with funerary traditions during the Iron Age in Lebanon
are faced with several problems. The first is the total absence of ancient
texts describing the beliefs the Phoenicians had of life after death and the
cultic performances required to secure the dead an eternal rest. From
the available written sources we may infer that the Phoenicians, like all
other ancient Near Eastern people, believed in life after death. They also
believed in the existence and immortality of the soul, which survives the
disintegration of the body. This may explain the presence of offerings and
of religious symbols in the tombs. Details regarding the location and the
description of the underworld as well as the fate awaiting the dead in the
afterlife are however totally absent.
Concerning the funerary ritual, there is also hardly any indications about
cultic performances in the texts. There is some information regarding the
treatment of the dead body before interment: one Phoenician text from
Byblos1 refers specifically to the embalment of the dead and mentions
two products, myrrha and bdellium, which were used in this process. The
inscription of the Phoenician queen Batnoam2 mentions a mouthpiece of
gold that was placed on the face of the deceased.
The cases are Greek coffins of a very simple shape with a rounded or a
triangular cover which were copied in Asia Minor and the Levant. The best
example is that of Batnoam’s sarcophagus displayed in the Beirut National
Museum5 (Fig. 4).
3- These sarcophagi were studied by several scholars: Kukahn 1955; Buhl 1964, 1983 and 1991;
Elayi 1989; Elayi and Haykal 1996; Lembke 2001 and Fredde 2000.
4- Lembke 2001: 91, 108.
5- Dunand 1939: Pl. XXVIII.
1- Starcky 1969.
2- KAI 11
60
In Phoenicia several types of stone coffins are attested: the oldest is the
rectangular stone sarcophagus such as the Ahiram coffin (Fig. 1). In the
Persian period the use of marble sarcophagi of the anthropoid, theca, and
architectural type became widespread. The anthropoid or mummy-shaped
sarcophagi3 are an imitation of Egyptian coffins and they are a typical
Phoenician production of the 5th and 4th c. BC. At the beginning, the local
Sidonian sarcophagi imitated the Egyptian prototypes but they progressively
fell under Greek influence (Fig. 2). It is even suggested that Greek masters
were first brought to Sidon to produce them and later local sculptors were
introduced to this art by their Greek colleagues4. More than fifty marble
anthropoid sarcophagi were found in Sidon and the largest collection
including 23 sarcophagi - known as the Ford collection - is housed in the
Beirut National Museum (Fig. 3).
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
61
The architectural sarcophagi of which four were found in Sidon -the “Satrap”,
“Lycian”, “Alexander” and “Wailing Women” sarcophagus6 - are characterized
by the fact that they are cut in the shape of a monument and their sides are
sculpted with reliefs.
iconography of the Ahiram sarcophagus7 (Fig. 1) where food offerings are
presented to the dead king. On the same monument, scenes depicting
women tearing their clothes (Fig. 6) and hair indicate that such grief
ceremonies were also part of the funerary ritual.
Before placing the body in the tomb, the general practice was to wrap it in a
shroud. In spite of the fact that textiles are rarely preserved, the presence of
pins and fibulae attest this practice. While shrouding the body with a cloth
seems to have been common practice, embalmment is difficult to assert in
the present state of the evidence. Except for the above-mentioned textual
evidence suggesting this practice by using myrrha and bdellium no evidence
allows us to conclude that this practice was generalized. Mummification
seems to have been restricted to the royal family. Indeed only three
examples of mummification, all of them from the royal necropolis of Sidon,
have been so far attested in Lebanon.
The archaeological evidence indicates that in the case of cremation a fire
was lit inside the tomb before closing it, and another one was lit outside
it most probably for purification. A large number of intentionally broken
pottery vessels were found on top of the tombs, suggesting a funerary
meal. Another aspect of the funerary ritual is associated with drinking. The
systematic presence of two jugs and a drinking cup indicate the emergence
of a new funerary ritual focused around drinking. In Phoenician tombs
of the 8th and 7th centuries BC, the pottery assemblage includes always a
cinerary urn (Fig. 5), a bowl (Fig. 7), a trefoil mouth jug (Fig. 8), a ridged-neck
jar (Fig. 9) and a plate (Fig. 10).
Cremation consists in incinerating the dead body on a pyre and in placing
the cremated remains inside the grave either directly on the floor or in
an urn (Fig. 5). This burial tradition is alien to the funerary customs of the
Levant before the first millennium BC. Up to now, no scholarly consensus
exists regarding the origin of cremation. The only clear fact is that cremation
was typical of funerary traditions in Phoenicia since the 9th century BC and it
disappeared completely in the 6th century BC.
The archaeological evidence clearly shows the important influence Egyptian
religion had on Phoenician beliefs. The use of scarabs (Fig. 11), Bes figures
(Fig. 11), Horus eyes (Fig. 12), ankh signs and lotus buds as amulets placed
in the tomb for apotropaic purposes as well as the use of anthropoid
sarcophagi provide undeniable evidence for Egyptian religious influence.
The archaeological evidence allows us to reconstruct in some cases the
funerary ritual that was performed by the Phoenicians. All the excavated
tombs from Lebanon have systematically yielded evidence for food offerings
which indicates that this ritual was a generalized one. The existence of such
a funerary meal or banquet in honour of the dead is corroborated by the
6- Lembke 1998: 145; Elayi 1989: 269 excludes the Alexander sarcophagus from this category.
62
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
The rich were accompanied by different types of jewelry, such as rings (Fig.
13), bracelets (Fig. 14), earrings, and bead necklaces (Fig. 15) as well as other
luxury items such as ivory combs (Fig. 16). In the tombs one finds also shrine
models (Fig. 17), masks (Fig. 18), and terracotta figures representing divine
beings (Fig. 19).
The presence of stone stelae with religious symbols on some tombs
7- Lehmann 2005: Pls. 1-4.
63
may indicate the existence of some rituals and prayers in memory of the
deceased. Grave stones are very widely attested in Phoenicia8 and some
bear the name of the deceased written in Phoenician letters (Fig. 20), some
have religious symbols engraved on them and some have both. Among
the many motifs attested are the lotus flower, the sun disc and the moon
crescent, the Tanit/ankh sign, the altar or betyl, the shrine.
Figure 1: Sarcophagus of King Ahiram with a
Phoenician Inscription | Byblos | 13th-12th c. BC (reused 10th c. BC) | Limestone | Tub: H. 140. L. 297. W.
111,5 – Cover: H. 33. L. 284. W. 114 | Beirut National
Museum. 2086. This sarcophagus is characterized by
reliefs and by the oldest Phoenician text known to date.
On the long side of the sarcophagus, a funerary banquet
scene is depicted showing the king seated on his throne
receiving offerings from a long procession of people. On
the narrow side, women wailing in sign of mourning are
represented.
8- Sader 2005.
64
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
65
Figure 3: The Ford collection of anthropoid sarcophagi
| Ain el-Hilweh, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Beirut National
Museum. The Ford collection consists of 23 anthropoid
sarcophagi depicting, in a Greek style, the faces of the
deceased.
Figure 2: Greek influenced anthropoid sarcophagus |
Ain el-Hilweh, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Marble | H. 68. L. 203.
W. 84. | Beirut National Museum. 13087. This marble
anthropoid sarcophagus was excavated from a shaft-cut
tomb at Ain Hilweh, in the region of Sidon. On it is a fine
depiction of a male face with curly hair. The neck is also
carved with clavicles and the larynx. The Greek character
“K” is carved on the sarcophagus.
66
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
67
Figure 4: Sarcophagus of Batnoam | Byblos | 5th c. BC
| marble | L. 220. W. 73,5. H. (with cover) 80 | Beirut
National Museum. This is a theca marble sarcophagus
of Batnoam, Queen of Byblos. A long funerary inscription
is carved in tiny letters on a single line measuring 94cm.
The inscription reads: “In this coffin lie I Batnoam, mother
of King Azbaal, King of Byblos son of Paltibaal, priest of the
Mistress, in a robe and with a tiara on my head and a gold
bridle on my mouth, as was the custom with the royal ladies
who were before me”.
Figure 5: Funerary urn | Tell Rachidieh | 9th – 7th c. BC
| Clay | H. 33,7. D. 21 |Beirut National Museum. 26482.
A light beige and yellowish bichrome painted amphora of
Cypriot origin with two vertical handles and a flattened
rim. It is poorly preserved with some concretions on the
upper part. The neck and shoulder are adorned with
concentric black circles. The lower section of the body is
decorated with a series of black and red horizontal lines
and the handles with black stripes and hatching.
68
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
69
Figure 7: Bowl | Khirbit Silm | Iron Age I | Clay |
Beirut National Museum. Black on red deep bowl
painted with circular bands both on the inside and
outside. Several concentric black circles adorn the exterior
of the vessel. It has a single black painted vertical handle
attached to the bell-shaped body. The vessel rests on a
small and shallow annular base.
Figure 6: Wailing women register of the Ahiram
Sarcophagus | Byblos | 13th-12th c. BC | Limestone |
Beirut National Museum. 2086. The register depicts four
wailing women in profile, the two on the left side holding
their breasts in a similar fashion to the iconic Astarte
figurines, while the women on the right hold their hands
above their heads. The register sits below a floral motif,
and above two lion heads protomes.
70
Figure 8: Trefoil-mouth juglet | Khalde | 8th - 7th
c. BC. | Clay | H. 18. D.max 10. | Beirut National
Museum. 49570. Light orange, clear red slip trefoil juglet.
The slip is badly preserved or misapplied in some places
giving the vessel an orange color.
This vessel has a trefoil rim on top of a relatively long
conical neck. A handle extends from the rim to the
bottom of the neck. The main body has a globular shape
supported on a flattened base.
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
71
Figure 9: Ridged-neck juglet | Tyre, El-Bass | 9th – 7th
c. BC | Clay | H. 20,5. D. 9,5 | Beirut National Museum.
27622. This is an orange-red slip juglet, badly preserved
in some places with concretions covering the surface
of the body and neck. This type of vessel is known as a
“mushroom lip” due to the shape of the rim. The juglet
has a long neck with a ridge in the middle imitating
welding in metallic vessels and two parallel horizontal
black lines right above that ridge. A small handle connects
the lower part of the neck with the bell-shaped body of
the juglet. The body of the vessel leans to one side, a
characteristic that seems to be made intentionally by the
potter.
72
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
73
Figure 10: Plate | Khalde | 10th – 8th c. BC | Clay |
H. 9,3. D. 24 |Beirut National Museum. 49574. This
plate has an everted rim, two handles on opposite sides,
and is supported on a ring base. The inside of the plate
is decorated with black horizontal stripes on the rim, as
well as concentric circles decreasing in diameter towards
the bottom of the vessel. The outside is decorated with
horizontal bands on the handles as well as on the outside
of the body. The base is decorated with a cross motif.
74
Figure 11: Figurine of the God Bes | Kharayeb |
Hellenistic | Clay | H. 15,2 | Beirut National Museum.
2499. Figurine representing Bes seated with his feet
resting on a wild goat. A wide collar around the neck is
indicated. The figures stand on a square base. Bes is
an Egyptian god of fertility represented as a dwarf with
accentuated genital organs whose cult was very popular
in Phoenicia.
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
75
Figure 12: Horus eye amulet | Sheikh Zenad | Iron
Age III | Bronze – Semiprecious Stones | Beirut
National Museum. Square-shaped bronze cloisonné
amulet depicting the Eye of Horus inlayed with turquoise
blue, red, white, yellow and black enamel. The lower
left corner of the amulet is damaged and the inlays are
highly chipped and fractured. The composition of this
piece highlights the mastery achieved by local craftsmen
in the field of miniature metalworking and enamelling
techniques. These amulets were worn by individuals to
ward off the evil eye and hint at the influence of Egyptian
art and religion in the Phoenician lands.
76
Figure 13: Golden ring | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon
| Mid-5th c. BC | Gold | D. 1,9 | Beirut National
Museum. 16505. Gold signet ring having an oval shaped
rigid bezel incised with a scene depicting a lion attacking
a stag from behind, a popular oriental motif recurring in
Phoenician art and culture. These signet rings were used
to seal documents by pressing the intaglio designs into
molten wax. This specimen was retrieved from the royal
tombs of Magharat Tabloun, on the outskirts of Sidon,
and undoubtedly symbolized the owner’s prominent
status in the Phoenician society.
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
77
Figure 15: Necklace | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c.
BC | Gold – Semiprecious Stones | L. 36 | L. 36 | Beirut
National Museum. 16508. The strand of this necklace
is compiled of numerous small gold globules adorned at
intervals with agate, turquoise, cornelian and coral stones
carved in the shape of a wadjet eye, or the Eye of Horus,
and highlighted with several white beads. Two gold wadjet
eyes decorated with granulation are also inserted in the
lower part of the strand. The centrepiece of the necklace
is composed of two convex multi-coloured agate stones
mimicking a pair of eyes. These semi-precious gems are
set in a gold frame decorated with two rows of granules
and bordered by a tightly arranged file of uraei seen in
profile. In between, the silhouette of a turquoise wadjet
eye set in a delicate gold frame hangs from a barrel loop
flanked by two engraved white beads.
Figure 14: Silver bracelet with an amethyst intaglio
stone set in a gold bezel | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon |
5th - 4th c. BC | Gold – Silver – Semiprecious Stone |
D. 7 | Beirut National Museum. 16157. The bracelet is
shaped from thick silver wire of circular section slightly
tapered at both ends and receiving an ellipsoidal gold
bezel, decorated with coiled spiral patterns around its
outer frame, supported by two medium sized globules.
The bezel is set with an intaglio amethyst stone depicting
a worshipping scene in stunning detail. On the right a
female figure (Astarte?) is seated on a throne, flanked
by sphinxes, with raised left hand and holding a long
sceptre in her right. On the left a figure clad in a Persian
style garment stands with both hands raised in a gesture
of prayer. Between the two is a thymiaterion (incense
burner) and above them a winged sun-disk and a star.
78
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
79
Figure 16: Comb | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c.
BC | Ivory |Beirut National Museum. This double-sided
comb carved from ivory consists of two pillar-shaped
side frames flanking a central panel. The delicately
tapering comb-teeth on top, some of which are partially
broken or entirely missing, have a finer width than their
counterparts below, which consist of sixteen sharpended teeth, two of which are missing. In the center, a
rectangular panel situated within a zigzag frame depicts
a recumbent winged sphinx with a bearded human head
wearing a crenelated crown. The imagery and decorations
on the opposite side of the comb is identical to the above
with the exception that the sphinx has a female head. The
comb is assembled from several components combined
together.
80
Figure 17: Shrine model | Tyre el-Bass | 8th c. BC |
Clay | H. 18. L. 10. Th. 10 | Beirut National Museum.
22536. This model represents a temple with a “roofingplate” with several parallels attested in the region. It is
a rectangular box, open to the front and not very deep
with a floor plate drawn out to the fore. The frontal side
resembles a shield plate that extends from the floor to
the roof.
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
81
Figure 18 Polychrome terracotta mask | Tyre, el-Bass
| 8th c. BC | H. 30. L. 18. Th. 10 | Beirut National
Museum. 22534. Terracotta mask of a bearded man
reconstructed from fragments. Possibly the largest
terracotta human mask from the 1st millennium BC;
maybe a votive mask. The facial features are carefully
molded with the man’s beard and mustache both
represented in low relief. Two horizontal rows of curly
hair above the forehead; a flat band with traces of painted
decorations could represent a diadem.
82
Figure 19: Figurine of a divinity placed in a niche |
Tyre | 7th c. BC | Clay | H 10,4. L. 8,2. W. 5,4 |Beirut
National Museum. 903. Roughly modelled handmade
terracotta figurine of a divinity placed in a niche, the
upper part and right section of which is broken. She
wears a conical headdress and her face has somewhat
grotesque proportions, particularly the button-like eyes,
the heavy eyebrows and the projecting nose. She has a
rounded body and her navel is indicated with an applied
disc. On the chest flat strips of clay indicate a necklace
with a moon crescent and full moon or sun disc hanging
from it.
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
83
Figure 20: Stele | Khalde | 9th c. BC | Beach-Rock |
Beirut National Museum. This stele, which is cut from
the local beach-rock and is trapezoidal in shape, was
excavated from the necropolis of Khalde. The four letters
of the personal name, gtty, start from the foot of the
stele and run towards the slightly tapering top. It is worth
noting that unlike most stelae the inscriptions on this
specimen are inscribed lengthwise indicating that it was
intended to be displayed on its broad side. There are two
possible interpretations of the name: either it denotes
a gentilic or, less likely, it is a reference to a musical
instrument.
84
PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
85
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE
Anderson, W.P. 1988
Sarepta I. The Late Bronze and Iron Age Strata
of Area II, Y. Beirut, Lebanese University Publications.
Aubet, ME 2001
The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies, and Trade, 2nd ed. Cambridge University
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Aubet, ME 2004
The Iron Age Cemetery, Bulletin d’Archéologie
et d’Architecture Libanaises, Hors-série I, 9-62.
Aubet, ME and Nunez, F. 2008
Tyre, in Doumet-Serhal et al. eds., Networking
Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Age Levant, The
Lebanon and its Mediterranean Connections,
Archaeology and History in the Lebanon
Special Issue in memory of N. Coldstream,
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Ballard, R., Stager, L., et al. 2002
Iron Age Shipwrecks in Deep Water off Ashkelon, Israel, American Journal of Archaeology,
Vol. 106, No. 2, pp. 151-168
Baramki, D. 1961
Phoenicia and Phoenicians
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Baurain, C. and Bonnet, C. 1992
Les Phéniciens: marins des trois continents.
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Bonnet, C. and Niehr, H. 2010
Religionen uin der Umwelt des Alten Testaments
II. Phönizier, Punier, Aramäer, Kohlhammer.
Bunnens, G. 1979
L’expansion phénicienne en Méditerranée.
Essai d’interprétation fondé sur une analyse
des traditions littéraires. Rome.
Bunnens, G. 1985
Le luxe phénicien d’après les inscriptions royales assyriennes, in Phoenicia and Its Neighbours, Studia Phoenicia III, Leuven, Peeters,
121-133.
Coldstream, N. 2008
Early Greek Export to Phoenicia and the East
Mediterranean, in Doumet-Serhal et al. eds.,
Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron
Age Levant, The Lebanon and its Mediterranean
Connections, Archaeology and History in the
Lebanon Special Issue in memory of N. Coldstream, Beirut, 167-188.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE
Doumet-Serhal, C. 2008 ed.
Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron
Age Levant, The Lebanon and its Mediterranean
Connections, Archaeology and History in
the Lebanon Special Issue in memory of N.
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Elayi, J. 2009
Byblos, cité sacrée (8e - 4e s. av. J.-C), Paris:
Gabalda
Frede, S. 2000
Die phönizischen anthropoiden Sarkophage.
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Ghadban, Ch. 1998
La nécropole d’époque perse de Magharat
Tabloun à Sidon, in V. Matoian (ed.), Liban,
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Gibson, J.C.L. 1982
Syrian Semitic Inscriptions Vol. 3, Oxford
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L’Univers Phénicien. Arthaud: Paris
Grayson, A.K. 1991
Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC,
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Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC,
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Katzenstein, H.J. 1997
The History of Tyre, revised edition, Jerusalem.
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Sarepta II. The Late Bronze and Iron Age Periods of Area II, X. Beyrouth, Lebanese University Publications.
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The History of Tyre
88
89
- On page 77, text under “Figure 15: Crown”,
does not describe the object in the photograph and should be replaced by the
following:
“This diadem is crafted from a pair of twisted
gold foil ribbons and embellished with a
central rosette. The overlapping two-tiered
petals are inlaid with alternating blue and
red semi-precious stones (turquoise and carnelian?), most of which are partially damaged
or missing. In the center a smaller rosette
with eight petals, the inlays of which are
entirely missing, is set on a leafy background.
In the field between the two rosettes eight
individual semi-spherical beads bordered
by tiny granulations are placed in a circular
arrangement.
This diadem was retrieved from the 5th century BC royal tombs uncovered in Magharat
Tabloun near Sidon and undoubtedly belonged to local nobility. It highlights the mastery achieved by goldsmiths in Phoenicia.”
ERRATA CORRIGE
- On page 59, paragraph starting with “ In
Phoenicia several types of stone coffins are
attested….”, line 8, reference “(Fig.2)” should
be replaced by “(Fig. 2-3)” and reference “(Fig.
3)” at the end of the paragraph should be
removed.
- Page 61, paragraph starting with “The
archaeological evidence clearly shows the
important influence Egyptian religion had….”,
reference “(Fig. 11)” should be removed.
- On page 65, text under “figure 3: Greek
influenced Anthropoid Sarcophagi” does not
describe the object in the photograph and
should be replaced by the following:
“This marble anthropoid sarcophagus was
excavated from a shaft-cut tomb at Ain Hilweh, in the region of Sidon. On it is a simple
depiction of a female face. There were once
seen traces of color that have now faded.
They were described as follows: “reddish
brown hair, tie about the hair apparently left
uncolored, back of scalp hair - same color
90
as hair, white of eyes tinged with blue; outer
circle of iris dark, dark red with fine eyelashes
indicated lines (Torrey 1919/20, 23). The head
is in high relief while the neck and shoulders
are depicted in low relief. The Greek character “X” was carved into the sarcophagus.”
- On page 67, text under “Figure 5: Crater
of Cypriote type with bichrome decoration”,
does not describe the object in the photograph and should be replaced by the
following:
“On the upper part of the vessel birds, floral
and geometric motifs are represented. Below
these motifs are circular horizontal bands of
black paint of varying thickness. Two small
ringlet-like handles are attached to the upper
body. The vessel rests on a pedestal base.
Thi s elaborately decorated specimen is comparable to the Philistine pottery.“
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93