Ballcourts and Ceramics: The Case for Hohokam Marketplaces in

Transcription

BALLCOURTS AND CERAMICS: THE CASE FOR
HOHOKAM MARKETPLACES IN THE ARIZONA DESERT
David R. Abbott,Alexa M. Smith, and Emiliano Gallaga
During the middleSedentaryperiod (ca. A.D. 1000-1070) in the deserts of southernand centralArizona, crowdsfrom near
andfar regularlygatheredat the centers of Hohokamvillages to participate in ritual ballcourtfestivities. These events were
ideal venuesfor barter and exchange, leading some theorists to hypothesize that periodic marketplaceswere associated
with the ritual ballgames. Recent ceramic provenance and vessel-form evidencefrom the Phoenix basin have shown that
the productionof decorated and utilitarianpots was highly concentratedduring this time and large numbersof bowls and
jars were evenly distributedtofar flung consumers. Thesefindings have supportedthe marketplacehypothesis, suggesting
that an efficient and reliable mechanismwas available for moving large numbers of commodities across the region. The
high volumeof ceramic transactions, however,seems to have placed the Hohokamcase beyond the capabilities of nascent
marketplacesdocumentedfrom ethnohistoric and ethnographic evidence. In this paper, we support the idea that marketplace barter was a central componentof the Hohokameconomy by presenting new ceramic datafrom the lower Salt River
valley, which temporallylinks the demise of the ballcourt ceremonialismwith a transformationin the organization of potteryproductionand distribution.Wethen examine some unusualcircumstancespertaining to the Hohokamregional system
that may help to explain how consumers could have so heavily depended on a networkof horizontallyorganized,periodic
marketplacesfor basic necessities like earthenwarecontainers.
Duranteel periodo Sedentariomedio(1000-1070 d.C) en los desiertosdel centroy sur de Arizona,multitudesde cerca y lejos
se juntaban regularmenteen los centros de las villas Hohokampara participar en las festividades rituales de los juegos de
pelota. Estos eventoseran lugares ideales para regateare intercambiar,llevandoa hipotetizara algunos teoricos que la realizacionperiodica de mercadosestaba asociada con los rituales de los juegos de pelota. Recientes investigacionesde provenienciacerdmicay evidenciadeforma-de-vasijade la cuencade Phoenix,han mostradoque laproduccionde vasijasdecoradas
y utilitariasestaba concentradaprincipalmenteduranteel periodo Sedentariomedio y un gran numerode cuencos y ollas
fueron distribuidasequitativamentea consumidoreslejanos. Estas investigacionesdan soporte a la hipotesis del mercado,
sugiriendoque un eficientey confiablemecanismoestaba en uso para mover un gran numerode comodidadesa travesde la
region.Sin embargo,el alto volumende transaccionescerdmicas,parecen haberpuesto el caso Hohokammuypor encima de
las capacidadesde los incipientesmercadosdocumentadosmediantela evidencia etnohistoriacay etnogrdfica.En este articulo, apoyamosla idea de que el regateo en los mercadosfue un componentecentral de la economia Hohokampresentando
nueva evidencia e informacioncerdmica del Vallebajo del Rio Salado, que temporalmentese conecta con la debacle ceremonial de los juegos de pelota con la transformacionen la organizacionde la producciony distribucioncerdmica.Posteriormenteexaminamosalgunascircunstanciasinusualesconcernientesal sistemaregionalHohokamquepuedenayudara explicar
como los consumidorespudierondependertantode una red organizadahorizontaly periodicamenteen mercadospara cubrir
necesidadesbdsicas como recipientesde barro.
conceptualizetheHohokam
regionalsystemas a set of geographically
Archaeologists
separatebut interactingprehistoriccommunitiesspreadacrossa vastregionalterritoryand
dependenton one anotherthroughthe exchangeof
goods and services(CrownandJudge,eds. 1991;
Wilcox 1979).DuringthemiddleSedentaryperiod
(ca. A.D. 1000-1070), when the regionalsystem
hadexpandedto its largestextent,it encompassed
some 80,000 km2that includedmost of southern
andcentralArizona(Doyel 1991a:247).One manifestationof the system's integrationwas a dense
networkof ballcourts,whose limitslargelydemarcated the regionalsystem boundariesand whose
David R. Abbott School of HumanEvolutionand Social Change,Arizona State University,Tempe,AZ 85287-2402
Alexa M. Smith 1233 N. 5th Avenue,Tucson,AZ 85705
Emiliano Gallaga Calzadade los HombresIlustress/n (Museo Regional de Chiapas),c.p.29000, Col. Centro,Tuxtla
Gutierrez,Chiapas
AmericanAntiquity,72(3), 2007, pp. 461-484
Copyright© 2007 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
461
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[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
of the largestandmostimpressiveirrigationworks
of the prehistoricNew World.At severallocations
alongboth sides of the lowerSalt andmiddleGila
Rivers(knowncollectivelyas the Phoenixbasin),
the desertfarmersmaintaineda centuries-oldpatternof constructingintakefacilitiesto drawwater
fromthe riverchannelintohundredsof kilometers
of main and distributioncanals thatdeliveredthe
flow to tens of thousandsof hectaresplantedin
corn, beans, squash,and cotton (e.g., J. Howard
1991, 1993; Hunt et al. 2005). As OmarTurney
( 1929) noted,thehydrauliclayoutin eachrivervalley was dividedinto canalsystems,each of which
consistedof canalswith a commonheadgatelocation and the irrigatedfarmlandsand settlements
spreadoutalongthecanalroutes.Clearly,thefarmers in each canal system cooperated with one
anotherto operate and maintaintheir irrigation
facilities.In the lowerSaltRivervalley,therewere
four majorirrigationunits- CanalSystems 1 and
2, the ScottsdaleCanalSystem,andtheLehiCanal
System- as well as severalsmallerandunnamed
systems (Figure1).
The denselyinhabitedandirrigatedlowlandsin
the Phoenixbasinconstitutedthe heartlandor core
of theHohokamregionalsystem.Probablynearthe
beginningof the ninthcentury,the firstHohokam
ballcourts were constructedthere. These large,
oval-shapedfeatureswere flat-bottomedexcavations with preparedfloors and sidewallsthatconEmil
tinuedupontothesurrounding
embankments.
Haury(1937a) was the firstto proposethatthese
earthenconstructionswereballcourts,wherea versionof theMesoamericanballgamewasplayed.He
cited similaritiesin various attributes,including
high parallelembankmentsthatflankeda playing
alley withinwhich threemarkers,one in the centerandone ateachendwereplaced(see alsoWilcox
1991b:103). Haury(1937b) also documentedthat
rubberballs,probablymadefromguayule,a plant
nativeto the ChihuahuanDesert, were presentin
the Hohokamterritory.
Some of the largestof the Hohokamballcourts
were built along the middle Gila River at Snaketown (Haury1937a) and Grewe (Marshall2001)
andhad embankmentsthatstood 2.5 m abovethe
surroundingterrainand stretchedaroundan area
The Hohokam Regional System
more than 60 m long and 33 m wide (crest to
The Hohokamare best known for theirhydraulic crest). Doyel (1991b:249) has estimatedthat as
infrastructure
of ditchesandcultivatedfields,some manyas 500 spectatorscould havebeen seatedon
presenceimplied a sharedset of religiousbeliefs
acrosstheregion,whichprovideda basisfor social
and economic interaction (e.g., Wilcox 1991a;
Wilcox and Steinberg 1983). At last count, 238
ballcourtsat 194 sites have been identified(Marshall 2001:120).
Crowdsof spectatorsandparticipantsin the ritual ballgamespresumablygatheredfromnearand
far, providing an ideal venue for barter and
exchange. Indeed, theoristshave long suspected
thatballcourtfestivitieswereconduitsforthemovement of various commodities, leading them to
hypothesizethatthe largegatheringsaffordedthe
opportunityfor tradefairs and incipientmarkets
(e.g., Bayman 2002; Doyel 1979, 1985; Haury
1976:78;Heidke2000;Wilcox 1991a;Wilcox and
Sternberg1983:213).Inthispaper,we explainhow
recent ceramicevidence has supportedthis idea.
The potterydatasuggestthattheremusthavebeen
a reliable and efficient mechanism during the
eleventhcenturyfor distributinglargenumbersof
clay containers from concentrated production
sources.We concurwith those theoristswho suggest thatperiodicmarketplacesassociatedwithritual ballgamesare good candidatesfor explaining
thedistributionpattern.However,theceramicfindings also imply a level of dependenceon marketplacebarterfor basic necessities,like earthenware
containers,thatis greaterthantypicallyassociated
with nascent marketplaces. Concerned by the
imperfectfit betweenthe Hohokamevidence and
extantmodelsdrawnfromethnohistoricandethnographicevidence, we asked ourselvesif the marketplace hypothesis for the Hohokam is
supportable.We have respondedwith additional
ceramic information that temporally links the
demise of the Hohokamballcourtswith a transformationin theorganizationof potteryproduction
anddistribution.
Finally,we considersomeunusual
circumstancesthat characterizedthe Hohokam
regionalsystem and offer some tentativepropositions, which, if correct,imply that the variability
among emergent economies, like that of the
Hohokam,exceedstheprevalentmodelsof nascent
marketingnetworks.
Abbott et al.]
BALLCOURTS AND CERAMICS
463
Figure 1. Canal Systems and major Hohokam settlements in the lower Salt River valley (based on information in Howard
and Huckleberry 1991:Figure 1.1).
the berms in stadium-likefashion to watch the
game below.
During subsequentcenturies,the network of
ballcourtsin southernand central Arizona was
expandedgreatly,as mostlycourtsof a smallertype
were built on the edges of the central plazas in
nearlyeveryvillagein theHohokamterritory.DuringthemiddleSedentaryperiod(A.D. 1000-1070),
whenthe networkhadgrownto its greatestextent,
the densest distributionremainedin the Phoenix
basin,butmorewidely spacedlines of courtsparalleledthe watercoursesthatextendedin all directions from the centralclusters (Figure 2). These
linesreachedintovariousecologicalzones,including non-Hohokamlandsinhabitedby the Sinagua,
Cohonina,andmiddleVerdeculturalgroupsin and
aroundthe Flagstaff and Prescottareas (Wilcox
1999;Wilcox et al. 1996).
The irrigatedvalleys were highly productive
agriculturallybut were poor in naturalresources.
In contrast,the surroundinguplandsto the north,
east,andsouth,andthe desertlowlandsto the west
werejust the opposite:marginalagriculturallybut
environmentally diverse and rich in natural
resources.Not surprisinglythen,rawmaterialsand
finishedproductsmade from obsidian,turquoise,
argillite,galena, steatite,serpentine,and shell, as
well as manos, metates,tabularknives, wild vegetablesand fruits,large-bodiedgame, and probably hideswere importedfromthe outlyingareasto
the villages lining the banks of the Salt and Gila
rivers.Paintedred-on-buffceramicsandprobably
surplusesincludingcottonmovedin the
agricultural
directions
(e.g., Doelle 1980; Doyel
opposite
Kwiatkowski
and
Gasser
1991; Teague
1991a;
1998). Most Southwesternarchaeologistsagree
thattheballcourtgatheringsfacilitatedthe transfer
of the richdiversityof goods fromvariousecological districtsacross considerabledistances.This
connection between ballcourts and regional
exchangehas become a centraltopic of research
and is consideredby many analyststo be of the
utmostsignificancefor comprehendingHohokam
prehistory(e.g., CrownandJudge,eds. 1991).
Previouswork has establishedthat the assortmentof tradegoods was impressive,althoughwith
a closer look we see thatthe mix of materialculturevariedfromone end of the regionalsystemto
the other.The variationimplies that the network
lacked an overarching,centralizedcontrol (e.g.,
redistributionfrom a centralplace) thatregulated
the exchange transactionsand other associated
activities (Bayman 2002:70; Crown 1991:402403). Instead,thenetwork'sdecentralizedstructure
was a patchworkof communities,horizontallytied
together for the benefits afforded by the farreaching interaction(e.g., Crown 1991: Wilcox
1979). The Hohokampresentresearcherswith a
case studythatcan informon how largequantities
of goods can be transferredin the absenceof overarchingpoliticalunity.
therearevarBeyondthatgeneralconfiguration,
ious butoverlappingideasabouthow the ballcourt
network and the movement of goods throughit
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[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
Figure 2. Distribution of Ballcourts in Arizona (based on information in Marshall 2001:Figure J.l.)«
toproducegoodsandservices
shouldbe characterized.In one of the best devel[T]heobligations
forceremonies,whenharnessedto a scheduled
oped of these models, Wilcox conceptualizesthe
roundof ceremonialevents among a set of
ballcourtceremonialismand some of the associated exchanges as embedded in social arrangenearbycommunitieswouldhavecreatedperitocarry
odicpoolsof goodsandthemotivations
mentsandritualobligations.He proposedthatthe
themto anotherplaceas giftsor presentations
ballcourteventsfacilitatedthecirculationof exotics
in a continuingseriesof reciprocalexchanges
and other goods among emergent local leaders,
who usedthe commoditiesto buildandmaintaina
[WilcoxandSternberg1983:213].
constituency (Wilcox 1991b:123-124). He pre- Inaddition,he also
positedtheexistenceof regional
sentedevidencethatthe ballgameswere calendritrade fairs associated with ballgames to supplecally timed (Wilcox 1991b: 115-122), and ment
exchangescontingenton kinshipconnections
suggestedthat:
(Wilcox 1991b:123-124).
Abbott et al.]
Doyel(1979, 1981:58,1985, 1991a,1991b:252)
has offeredan economic perspective.He has also
proposed that trade fairs or incipient markets
accompaniedtheballgames,emphasizingthatpeople of all socialstatusesenjoyedfull anddirectparticipation in the exchange of goods. By this
reckoning,the games themselveswere clearlyritualaffairs.Undera ceremonialumbrella,however,
bargainingandbarterof a purelyeconomicnature
tookplace.Periodicmeetings,wherelargegatherings formfor ritualperformances,inevitablyfacilitatesecularintercourseas well, which,as Renfrew
(2001:19, 22) notes, can sometimesincludeperiodic markets.Recent advancesin the Hohokam
ceramicchronology,pottery-provenance
research,
and subsequentfindingsconcerningthe organization of ceramicproductionanddistributionduring
the middle part of the Sedentary period have
stronglysupportedthe marketplaceidea.
Wallace's Refinements of the
Red-On-Buff Typology
465
MiddleSacaton2 Red-on-buff."
Therecanbe many
such combinationswith differentdegreesof temporalprecision.
Pottery Provenance
Also in recentyears,a significantadvancementhas
been achievedin the analysisof Hohokampottery
fromthe lowerSaltandmiddleGilaRivervalleys.
Previousworkhadnotedmineralogicalvariability
in the temperof Hohokampots and suggested a
provenancerelationshipbetweentempervarieties
andproductionsources(Abbott1983, 1988;Doyel
and Elson 1985; Lane 1989;Weaver1973). New
compositional and geological studies, begun at
Pueblo Grande(Abbott 1994, 2000; Abbott and
Schaller1994;Schaller1994) andcontinuedelsewhere(Abbott1993, 1995,2001a;AbbottandLove
2001; Miksa 1995, 2001; Miksaet al. 2004), have
subsequentlyextendedand refinedthe documentation of tempervariation,codified it in termsof
geological zones, and demonstratedthat the prehistoric artisansrelied on the raw materialsthat
werenearestathand(Figure3). Consequently,
tempertype has been shownto be an excellentindicator of productionsource.
Because the tempertypes are mineralogically
distinctive,theyaredistinguishablewithjusta standardbinocularmicroscope,makingit possible to
determinethe provenanceof individualceramics
quicklyandinexpensively.As a result,tensof thousandsof ceramicshavebeenlinkedto spatiallynarrow productionsources, and pottery exchanges
have been tracedwith remarkableprecision.The
movementof earthenwarevessels betweeninhabitantswho lived as little as 5 km apartis now recognized,demonstratingthatlargenumbersof clay
containerschangedhands.By tracingtheseceramic
exchanges,the organizationof potterymanufacture,thespatialandtemporalpatternsof potterydistribution,andthesocialandeconomicrelationships
impliedby theceramicdataarebeingreconstructed
withunprecedented
detail(e.g.,Abbott1993, 2000,
2003; Abbott and Walsh-Anduze 1995; WalshAnduze 1996).
workforbuildingtheHohokam
Themostimportant
chronologysince Haury's(1937c, 1976) eminent
studies at Snaketownis Wallace's (2001, 2004)
recenttypologicalrefinementsof the red-on-buff
ceramicsmadealongthe middleGilaRiver.Using
a rigorouslydesigned, fine-scale, temporalseriationof thepainteddesignsandvessel forms,Wallace modeled the rise and fall of decorative
traditions, leading to temporal subdivisions of
Haury'spottery types and objective criteriafor
assigningindividualceramicsto the moreprecise
forourpresentation
temporalcategories.Important
is thefour-partdivisionof SacatonRed-on-buff,the
type that Haurydefinedto representthe Sacaton
phase,whichis equivalentto the Sedentaryperiod.
Wallacehas been ableto dividethe type intoEarly
Sacaton,MiddleSacaton1, MiddleSacaton2, and
LateSacatonRed-on-buff.Ineffect,whathadbeen
a single potterycategoryrepresentinga 200-year
block of prehistoryhas been split into four types,
each associatedwith a relativelyshortintervalof
time.In the applicationof Wallace'srefinedtypology, some decoratedsherdscanbe pinneddownto
a specific type (e.g., Late SacatonRed-on-buff),
Concentrated Production
whereas others are sometimes assigned to categoriesthatencompassa smallandcontinuousrange Potterywas not madein most villages of the lower
of new types. One example is "EarlySacatonto Salt River valley during the middle part of the
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[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
Figure 3. Zones of sand and rock types in the lower Salt River valley: la = basalt, Phoenix Mountains; Ib = basalt,
Fountain Hills; II = phyllite; III = Squaw Peak Schist; IV = Camelback Granite; V = quartzite; VI = quartzite and schist;
VII = South Mountain Granodiorite;VIII = Estrella Gneiss; IX = Usery Mountains sand (based on information in Abbott
2000:Figure 5.1).
Sedentaryperiod.Instead,morethan90 percentof
the bowls andjars in the valley householdscould
be accountedfor by the outputof artisansresiding
in only five pottery source areas.Three of these
sourcesexisted in the lower Salt Rivervalley and
twootherswerepresentalongthemiddleGilaRiver
to the south.
The first production source, associated with
phyllitetemper,has been pinpointedat Las Colinas, a sprawlingsettlementat the terminalend of
CanalSystem2 (see Figure1). Onthewesternedge
of the site, thick layers of well-sortedclay were
repeatedlyaccumulatedin and mined from two
huge settlingbasins(approximately10 m in diameterand5 m deep)intowhichcanalwaterwithsuspendedsedimentshad been divertedand allowed
to dry (Nials and Fish 1988). The levigated clay
was ideal for fabricatingthousandsof mediumandlarge-sizedplain-warejars (probablyused for
cookingandstorage)andlesser numbersof plainware bowls, which were distributedthroughout
CanalSystem 2 andthe ScottsdaleCanalSystem.
The secondandthirdsupplyzones werelocated
on the southside of the Salt River.The two halves
of SouthMountainwerethebedrockoriginsof two
distinctive sands (South MountainGranodiorite
and EstrellaGneiss; see Figure3). Local artisans
used the sandtypes to producelarge,wide-orifice,
thick-walled ollas, which possibly functionedas
water coolers. These vessels were widely traded
acrossthe lowerSaltRivervalley,includingto Las
Colinas,wherejars of this shapeandsize were not
made.Becausetwo discretesourcesfor these pots
can be discriminatedby their temper, we have
inferredthatat least two groupsof potterslabored
to makethem.Wehaveno knowledge,however,of
precisely where and at how many places in the
South Mountain vicinity these producers were
located.
Manufacturersof plain-warecontainers also
workedin the middleGila Rivervalley,supplying
nearlyall of the medium-and large-size jars and
some bowls to the Phoenix-areahouseholdson the
south side of the Salt River.Many of these Gila
Abbott et al.]
467
Figure 4. Distribution of Red-on-buff Jars and Bowls during the Middle Sedentary Period.
Riverimportswerelikewisetransported
to the residentsof theScottsdaleCanalSystem.Ineffect,the
middleGila plain-waremakerssuppliedthe communitieson the south side of the Salt River with
the samevessel formsmadeat Las Colinas,which
weredistributedto the settlementson thenorthside
of the river.Only in the ScottsdaleCanalSystem
do we finda significantoverlapof the plainwares
from Las Colinas and the middle Gila River valley.The middleGilaceramicsweretemperedwith
coarse-grainedmica schist,whichoutcropsat severalbedrockexposuresthatencirclethe valley and
exist along Queen Creek, a short distanceto the
north.Consequently,we do not knowthe extentto
which plain-wareproductionwas concentratedin
thatsouthernpartof the Phoenixbasin.
Finally,thosepottersspecializingin red-on-buff
bowls and smalljars were also situatedalong the
middleGilaRiverat Snaketownandprobablyelsewhere in that vicinity (Figure4). Haury's(1976)
excavationsat Snaketownunearthedthe facilities,
tools, andrawmaterialsforpotterymanufacturein
a workareanearthecenterof the site. Experiments
with those raw materialsdemonstratedthat they
were intendedfor buff-waremanufacture(Abbott
and Love 2001). Analogous evidence has been
reportedfromthe MaricopaRoad site, a few kilometers to the west of Snaketown(Lascaux and
Ravesloot 1993), and extreme densities of buffwarepieces areknownfromthe surfaceof the Gila
Butte site, suggestingbuff-wareproductionthere,
about4 km east of Snaketown(Rafferty1982).
Nearly all of the bowls in use in the lower Salt
River valley duringthe middle Sedentaryperiod
were decoratedforms, and the small red-on-buff
jars complementedthe largerplain-ware containers in size and aperturediameter,with little overlap. The buff-warepots were also temperedwith
coarse-grainedmica schist,butapproximatelyhalf
the decoratedceramicsthatreachedthe lowerSalt
River valley also contained a sand component.
Extensivegeological analysis of the sands in the
middleGila Rivervalley has yielded a petrofacies
model that demarcatesseveral sand-composition
zones (Miksa 2001; Miksa et al. 2004). Recent
analyses of the sand fractionin severalhundred
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[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
weremadeby specialistsforbroadscaleexchange.
We define"specialistproducers"as those artisans
who practicedtheircraft,at least in part,to supply
theirwaresbeyondtheirown householdsto external consumers. Specialized production and
exchange have been proposed for several commoditytypes, althoughthe supportingdataarenot
as well-developedas theyarefortheceramics(e.g.,
shell jewelry [A. Howard1993], projectilepoints
[Hoffman1997], manos and metates[Hoffmanet
al. 1985],tabularknives[Bernard-Shaw
1983],axes
[Doyel 1991a],andsome kindsof plantfoods and
fibers [Fish et al. 1992; Gasserand Kwiatkowski
1991; Hutira1989; Teague 1998]).1The one-way
flow of potteryfromthe middleGila Riverpotters
to the communitiesalongthe lowerSaltRiveralso
implied that large quantitiesof othergoods were
moved in the oppositedirection.At Grewe,in the
heartof the middleGila area(see Figure1), it was
recentlyestimatedthata paltry.03 percentof the
pottery(i.e., 3 sherdsper 10,000)originatedin the
lower Salt River valley (Abbott 2001b:265). In
contrast,probablythousandsof pots each year,
roughlyaccountingfor half of all ceramicsalong
the lower SaltRiver,were importedfromthe middle Gila sources.2
Second,whenconsideringthehugenumbersof
consumersrelativeto the muchsmallernumberof
potterysuppliers,we recognizethatthe clay pots
musthavebeendistributed
beyondthelimitsof kinship networksand othersocial ties. Artisansmust
havemanufacturedsome of theirwaresfor people
they did not know. For instance,the uniformdistributionof a standardset of red-on-buffceramics
over a large territory(Abbottet al. 2001) clearly
differedfromexpectationsfordown-the-linetransactions typically associatedwith reciprocalkinbased exchange. Presumably,the trade in other
commoditiesalso transcendedthe connectionsin
the social field.
Third,the ceramicresultsimplythatthe Sedentaryperiodwas markedby an efficientandreliable
mechanismfor commoditydistribution.One idea
to
considerwas a politicaleconomyarticulatedby
Economic Implications
dominatingelites(e.g.,Earle1997:70-75;Feinman
Theceramicresultshaveatleastfourobviousimpli- et al. 1984:169;Johnsonand Earle2000), but the
cationsforhow to conceptualizethemiddleSeden- available evidence offers little support.In such
taryperiodeconomy.First,whereproductionwas economies, an obligatoryproductionof surplus
concentratedfor one kind of commodity(i.e., the goods and labor was paid to a centralfigure for
pots), it standsto reasonthatotherkindsof goods financingthe activitiesof governinginstitutions.
Sedentaryperiodbuff-waresherdsrecoveredfrom
varioussites along the lower Salt Riverhave tentativelyshown thatmost of these specimenscontainedsandfromthe Snaketownarea(Abbottet al.
2007). These findingssuggestedthatthose middle
Gila potterswho suppliedpaintedpots to the Salt
River communitieswere mostly concentratedat
and aroundSnaketown,on the northbank of the
Gila River.
Despitethisconcentration,a standardset of redon-buffvessel forms was uniformlydisseminated
fromthemiddleGilaRiverregionto domesticunits
throughoutthe lower SaltRivervalley.Duringthe
middleSedentaryperiod,buff-waresherdsconsistently accountedfor about20 percentof the total
ceramic assemblagesin all parts of the Phoenix
area. Moreover,the ratios of decoratedbowls to
decoratedjars andthe relativenumbersof red-onbuff bowls of particularsizes were repeatedfrom
each locationin the lower Salt Rivervalley to the
next (Abbottetal. 2001).
Wenow recognizethatceramicproductionduring the middle Sedentaryperiod was organized
acrossanexpansiveterritoryso thatartisangroups,
sometimesseparatedfrom one anotherby one or
two days'travel,each fabricateda restrictedset of
waresandvesselformsthatoftenfunctionallycomplementedthecontainersmanufactured
by theother
pottergroups.In this way, each Salt Riverhousehold was dependenton multipleand often distant
producersfor the full complementof its domestic
potteryinventory.This concentrationof production could not havebeen moredissimilarfromthe
patterndocumentedfor the subsequentearlyClassic period(ca.A.D. 1100-1 300), whena full range
of vessel forms was produced by local potters
throughoutthe lower Salt River valley (Abbott
1993, 1995, 2000, 2003). This shift implieda radically reducedscale of productionduringthe later
time periodwith a greateremphasison self sufficiencyandless dependenceon distantsuppliersfor
basic domesticneeds.
Abbott et al.]
This mechanism of accumulationand reapportionmentprobablydoes notexplainthedistribution
of Hohokampottery.Inotherculturalsettings,elites
had little interest in a monopoly control over
domestic pottery production and distribution
andRowlands1978;Fry 1980;Rice
(Frankenstein
1987),probablybecauseit wouldhavebeen especially difficultto attain.Cheaplymade utilitarian
items thatcould be and often were manufactured
across wide areaswere not the stuff from which
political hierarchieswere built (Costin 1991:11;
cf. Earle 1987).
controlover
FortheHohokam,anadministrative
potterymakingprobablywouldhavebeen impossible becausethe clays andtemperfor fabricating
pots were some of the few rawmaterialsfor crafts
productionthatwerewidespreadin the valleylowlands (see Abbott 2000; Abbott and Love 2001;
Miksa 2001). The knowledge and skill to utilize
these materialswere probablyeasy to acquireas
well, as witnessedduringthe Classicperiodwhen
pots were made in all sections of the lower Salt
Rivervalley (Abbott2000). Moreover,we findno
evidence for stockpilingat redistributivecentral
placesduringthe Sedentaryperiod.In fact, as discussed above, we know of productionduringthe
Sedentary period outside the most politically
prominentvillages (e.g., large headgatevillages
thatmayhavecontrolledwaterdistribution
through
the canals), which contradictsexpectations for
interestedin controllingmanufacadministrators
tureby locatingit in administrativecenters.
Fourth,we can rejectthe idea thatpotteryproductionwas regulatedas partof a tributeeconomy.
Costin( 199 1:11) has notedthatthe outputof independentspecialistswas usually governedby the
generalprinciplesof supply and demand,where
costs servedto regfabricationandtransportation
ulatedistributionfrom makersto consumers.She
also noted, however, that politics and taxation
sometimesinfluencedtheiractivitiesto fulfilltheir
obligations.In the case of potteryproductionat
LasColinas,we couldentertainthepossibilitythat
thelocal artisanssuppliedcookingandstoragejars
to the othervillages in theircanal system as tribute or in exchangefor assuredwaterdeliveriesto
theirfields at the tail end of the irrigationworks.
LasColinas,however,notonly suppliedCanalSystem2 withutilitarianvesselsbutalsopartiallyfilled
the householdinventoriesin the ScottsdaleCanal
469
System.The Scottsdalevillagesimportedthe same
vessel formsfromthe middleGilaplain-waresuppliers as well. In fact, the ScottsdaleSystem was
theone portionof thelowerSaltRivervalleywhere
a significantoverlapexistedfor the distributionof
both the Las Colinas and middle Gila plain-ware
ceramics,and it was the place within the supply
areas of both producergroups that was furthest
from the source.In the Scottsdalearea,both potter groups incurredtheir greatest transportation
costs, andpresumablytheydirectlycompetedwith
one anotherin thatvicinity (Abbott2001c). From
theperspectiveof the ScottsdaleCanalSystem,the
potteryproductionat Las Colinas and along the
middle Gila appearedto have been an economic
undertakinggovernedby the forces of supplyand
demandratherthan the dictates of a controlling
centralauthority.Moreover,productionas tribute
poorly explains the massive importof clay containersfromthe middleGila throughoutthe lower
Salt River valley. Political hegemony that influencedthedistributionof largenumbersof clay containersat an intervalleyscale duringthe Sedentary
periodseems farfetched.
Marketplace Hypothesis
A likely candidatefor the mechanismthat facilitated commodity distributionwas periodic marketplacesassociatedwith the ritualballgames.As
notedabove,this idea is not new. But whatis new
concernsthe greatquantitiesof materialsthatpossibly changed hands via marketexchange. Marketplacebarterhasimportantadvantagesfromboth
theperspectivesof supplyandof distribution.Markets offer ideal conditionsfor producersby minimizing their transportationcosts when multiple
buyersassemblein one place (Alden 1982:86-88;
Belshaw 1965; Stine 1962). We can imagine
Hohokampottersin the middle Gila Rivervalley
packinguploadsof theirwares,walkingone ortwo
daysto ballcourteventsin thelowerSaltRivervalley,whileeagerbuyersanticipatedthesemerchants'
arrival.Manykindsof artisanscanalsobe attracted
to a single marketplacethereby concentratinga
greatvarietyof goods at a particularlocation(Hassig 1982; Hirth1998).
On the distributionside, a supplier'swarescan
reach sparsely settled, low-demand areas when
buyersare drawnfrom the countrysideto a mar-
470
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
ketplace (Hassig 1982). This process creates a
homogenizingeffect on the distributionof goods
producedin limitedareas(Hirth1998),exactlylike
the uniformdistributionof Hohokamred-on-buff
potteryin the lower Salt River valley duringthe
middle Sedentary period (Abbott et al. 2001).
Finally,participantsin marketexchangerequireno
priorkinshiprelationshiporothersocialtie in order
to transactwith one another(Carrasco1983;Hirth
1998). As noted above, barterbetween strangers
almost certainlycharacterizedthe distributionof
Hohokamceramics.
At thisjuncture,we shouldclearlystatethatthe
econHohokamdidnotinitiatea market-dominated
omy,suchas thosein industrializednations,where
all membersof the society acquiretheirlivelihood
by selling something(includingtheirlabor)to the
market.Instead,the Hohokampossibly operated
whatBohannanandDalton(1962:7-9) havecalled
"peripheralmarkets"within a multicentriceconomy.Distincttransactionalsphereswere probably
extantamongtheHohokam,eachdistinguishedby
differentmaterialitemsandservices,differentprinciplesof exchange,anddifferentmoralvalues(e.g.,
Abbott2000:133-140). One of thosetransactional
spheresmay have been marketplaceexchangein
whichtheforcesof supplyanddemanddominated.
In otherspheres,"themovementof materialgoods
in reciprocative[sic]andredistributive
transactions
cannot be understoodoutside the context of the
social situationof which they [formed]an integral
part"(BohannanandDalton 1962:4).
Ceramicbowls andjars were basic necessities
of Hohokamlife, yet householdsacrossthe lower
Salt River valley did not make their own pots.
Instead,each familydependedon multiplepottery
suppliers, often situated considerable distances
away.As such, the clay containerslead us to an
interestingconundrum.The ceramicdata, on the
one hand,imply thattheremust have been a reliable andefficientmechanismfor distribution,thus
idea.Ontheotherhand,
supportingthemarketplace
if basicnecessitieswereindeeddistributedvia marketplace barter,there must have been a heavy
dependenceon those kinds of transactions,which
seems inconsistentwith expectationsassociated
with extantmodels of nascentmarketplaces.
Nascent marketingsystems, often called market rings, include uniformlydistributedmarketplaces wheretradeat each locationis periodicand
[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
scheduledto offset with marketingdays at other
nearbysites. Differentcommoditiesare available
more or less equivalentlyat each location,where
barteris horizontal,withoutoversightfrom some
overarching,verticallystructuredinstitution.Marketringseverywherearecomposedof mostlylocal
people, who are small-scaleandpart-timesuppliers, servingonly a single centeror a single market
ring (Bromley et al. 1975; Hodder 1962; Smith
1974). Theirproductiondecisions are little influencedby the markets,whicharesimplyoutletsfor
occasionalsurplusesof craftsand foodstuffs.For
these reasons, consumers are unable to obtain
necessitiesin marketrings with regularityor certainty(Smith 1976:39^4).
Marketringsarerootedin a setof economicconditions,namelydirectparticipationof small-scale
producers,horizontalorganization,and a considerabledegreeof local self-sufficiency.The conditionsimplya low dependenceon marketexchange
and a poorly developeddivision of labor.In contrast, what we find in the Hohokam case is an
advanceddivisionof laborevidentby transactions
of productsthatcouldhavebeen,butwerenot,produced by self-sufficienthouseholds (cf. Blanton
1983:53; Formanand Riegelhaupt 1970; Smith
1974, 1976) and a scale and efficiencyof market
distributionthat exceeded expectationsfor periodic, horizontallyorganizedmarketrings.
The poor fit between the Hohokamcase and
othermarketringscausesus concern,to whichwe
respondwith new information.Ournew findings
will not settle the issue, but they do link ballcourt
of ceramicproceremonialismandtheorganization
ductionanddistribution
morecloselythanhadbeen
accomplishedbefore,therebyaddinga new measureof supportto thepropositionthattheritualballgames were associatedwith marketplaces.
Supporting The Marketplace Hypothesis
Our results are based on Wallace's(2001, 2004)
refinementsto the Hohokamceramicchronology
and on precise controlsover potteryprovenance.
Southwesternarchaeologistsgenerallyagree that
mostif notall of theHohokamballcourtshadfallen
into ruin by the Classic period, and the ceramic
provenancedata from the Classic period in the
lowerSaltRivervalleyalso implythatpotteryproductionhadrevertedto the local manufactureof a
Abbott et al.]
full rangeof vessel formsby thattime. The question thatwe posed was whetheror not those two
developmentswere linkedsynchronously.
Webeginwith a reviewof the evidencethatthe
ballcourtnetworkcollapsedrathersuddenly,probably nearthe end of the middleSedentaryperiod.
Wethenpresentnew evidencefromLasColinasto
supportthatclaim. Then, using ceramicpercentages and provenancedata from Las Colinas and
elsewhere,we show thatthe organizationof pottery productionand distributionchangedconsiderably,preciselyatthetimethattheballcourtswere
abandoned.
Collapse of the BallcourtNetwork
Thefirstapplicationof Wallace'srefinementsto the
red-on-bufftypologyimmediatelyyielded significantresults.EvenbeforeWallace'sstudyappeared
in print,his typologicalcriteriawereappliedto the
Sedentaryperiodassemblageat Palo VerdeRuin,
located in the uplandzone northof the Phoenix
basinandapproximately35 kmfromtheSaltRiver
(see Figure 2). The Palo Verde analysis demonstratedthatpartof a stringof single-familyfarmsteads,parallelingthe west bankof the New River,
existedon the easternmarginof the site duringthe
earlypartof the Sedentaryperiod.Then,quitesuddenly, a large Hohokam village, complete with
courtyardgroupsof pithousesclusteredinto residence units with associatedcemeteries,was constructedarounda centralplazaandballcourtduring
the middleportionof the Sacatonphase.The ballcourt village was short-lived,being abandoned
priorto the inceptionof LateSacatonRed-on-buff
(Abbott2002a). WithoutWallace'stypology, we
wouldhaveneverdiscernedthis rapidtransformationof the site structurein themiddleof the Sedentaryperiod.In addition,an abundanceof tree-ring
dated intrusive ceramics and a large suite of
absolutedatestentativelyindicatedthatthe middle
Sedentaryballcourtvillagewasestablishedaround
A.D. 1010-1020 andsecurelydatedthesite'sabandonmentby A.D. 1070 (Abbott2002a).
A chronologicalreassessment(Abbott2002b)
of the ceramicdatafromvarioussmall sites previously investigatedalong the New Riverby Doyel
and Elson (eds., 1985) implied that the ballcourt
village at Palo VerdeRuin representedan aggreTheabsolutedatingsupgationof localinhabitants.
Wilcox's
(1999) hypothesis for the
ported
471
expansionof the regionalballcourtnetwork,when
the Palo Verdeballcourtbecame an intermediary
node in a rapidly expanding ceremonial and
exchangenetwork.It helpedto link the Hohokam
core area with otherethnic groups in the middle
Verde,Cohonina,and Sinaguacultureareasto the
north(cf. Wilcoxet al. 1996). The abandonmentof
PaloVerdeRuinby A.D. 1070 impliedthe loss of
those northernconnections.
Doyel (2000) has also describeda majordisruptionof theHohokamregionalsystembeginning
at A.D. 1075, which correspondedwith the abandonmentof Snaketownbasedon the presenceand
absenceof tree-ring-datedintrusiveceramictypes
(Doyel 1993). In additionto the abandonmentof
thetwoballcourtsat Snaketown,Doyel pointedout
thattheballcourtsatGatlinandPuebloGrande(see
Figure2) were also abandonedat aboutthe same
time, suggestingto himthatthatballcourtnetwork
haddisintegratedaroundA.D. 1075 andno longer
functionedas a key element of horizontalsocial
integration.Doelle and Wallace (1991:319-321)
havealso suggesteda ballcourtcollapsein theTucson Basin wheretherewere no settlementswhose
occupationswere spatiallyfocused on a ballcourt
by the beginningof the Late Rinconphase,probably datingto aroundA.D. 1100 (HenryWallace,
personal communication 2003) - an idea supportedby Heidke (1996:62). To these instances,
we can now addthe demiseof the PaloVerdeRuin
ballcourtat A.D. 1070. Admittedly,only a handful of Hohokamballcourtshave been excavated
andevenfewercourtsarewell-dated,buttheavailable evidence does suggest thatthe ballcourtnetworkwas in rapiddecline,if not totallycollapsed,
by the end of middle Sacatontimes, aroundA.D.
1070.
Dating the Ballcourtat Las Colinas
Duringthe excavationsat Las Colinasin the early
1980s,the fieldcrewencountereda ballcourtfilled
with dense depositsof soil andculturaldebristhat
includedan abundantquantityof ceramicpieces.
Below the uppertrashfill, they removeda lower
stratumin whichfew artifactswerepresent.Based
on our applicationof Wallace'srefinedbuff-ware
types, we suggestthatthe upperstratumaccumulated duringthe late partof the Sedentaryperiod,
indicatingthatthe courtwas abandonedand partiallyfilledpriorto thattime (Table1).Amongthe
472
[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Table 1. TemporallyDiagnostic Buff WareSherdsin the Las Colinas Ballcourtand Associated Pits.
Feature
Ballcourt(upperstratum)
4024 (intrusivepit)
4025 (possible intrusivepit)
4029 (possible intrusivepit)
4178 (pit in ballcourtfloor)
E Sacaton- E Sacaton- Middle
M Sac 1
M Sac 2
Sacaton 1
11
12
few buff-warespecimens saved from the lower
deposits,nonecouldbe placedin a temporallydiagnostic category.
In addition, a large trash pit (Feature4024)
intrudedthe ballcourtfill andtwo otherpits (Features4025 and4028) probablyintrudedthe court's
embankment,which was not preservedon the historicsurface(see Gregory1988a:273).All threepits
containeddecoratedceramics that indicatedthe
featureswere filled duringor after Late Sacaton
times(see Table1).Feature4178 was a sherd-lined
pit that in contrastprobablywas coeval with the
ballcourt's use, possibly marking the division
between the playing floor and the northernend
court(see Gregory1988a:272-273).The sherdlining was composed, in part, of decorated bowl
sherds,oneof whichwe identifiedas pre-LateSacaton.An abandonmentdateduringthemiddleSacaton2 intervalseemedlikelyfortheballcourt,which,
interestingly, precisely agreed with Teague's
(1988:56) assessment,publishedin the Las Colinas projectreport.Based on the presenceof redslipped sherds in the upper stratum and their
absencein the lower stratumof the ballcourtfill,
Teague suggested that the court was abandoned
beforethe late end of the Sedentaryperiod.
Dating the Reorganizationof
PotteryProduction
Previousevidence has shown that the supply of
buff-warevessels fromthe middleGila Rivervalley declined duringthe Sedentaryperiod from a
high of roughly 20 percent of the total ceramic
assemblageto a low of about5 percentin the Classic periodassemblages.Moreover,thatdeclinehas
been characterizedas a reductionin the manufactureof paintedbowls.The earlierworkat Las Colinasestablishedthatanincreaseinplain-warebowls
replacedthe shortfallin buff-wareforms during
the Sedentaryperiod(Abbott1988).We havenow
recognizedthatthe shift occurredduringthe Mid-
Middle
Sacaton 1/2
4
3
1
pre-Late
Sacaton
4
11
Late
Late Sacaton/
Sacaton Casa Grande
12
1
4
1
dle Sacaton2 times and that the decline in buffwarepercentageswas not a gradualandprotracted
of thebuff-ware
declinebuta one-timeinterruption
the timingof thatinterruption
supply.Importantly,
preciselycorrespondedto the demise of the ballcourt.
We evaluatedthe sherdcountsfor each feature,
which allowedus to assignsome featuresto a specific temporalcategory(e.g., MiddleSacaton2) or
to a slightlylongertemporalinterval(e.g., Middle
Sacaton2/Late Sacaton).In addition,there were
numerousinstanceswheretheceramicset included
specificallydatedsherdsthattogetherrepresented
threeor moretemporalunits (e.g., an assemblage
containinga Middle Sacaton 1 sherd, a Middle
Sacaton2 sherd,and a Late Sacatonsherd).We
interpretedthese cases as featureswithtemporally
mixed deposits.
Usingthedatapublishedin theLasColinasproject report(Gregory1988b),we thencalculatedthe
percentageof buff-ware ceramicsfor each of the
features in our sample (see Table 2). When we
excluded the temporallymixed assemblagesand
plottedthe featuresby buff-warepercent,we got
an unexpectedresult(Figure5). Insteadof a continuousdecline over time, thereseemedto be two
somewhatvariablegroups,with a distinctgap in
the distributionof buff-warepercentages,between
12 and 17.5percent.Thisgapwas a resultto which
we assignedconsiderablesignificance.Wesuggest
thatit representeda disruptionin the supplyof redon-buffcontainersat Las Colinas. Small relative
frequenciesof decoratedsherdsexistedin all of the
MiddleSacaton2/LateSacatonfeaturesandall of
the Late Sacatonassemblages.In contrast,all of
the Middle Sacaton 1 and all but one of the Middle Sacaton1/2 featurescontainedmorethan 17.5
percentbuff ware.The one exceptionwas Feature
4029, fromwhichfivetemporallydiagnosticsherds
were collected: four cases classified as pre-Late
Sacaton and one piece that was either a Middle
Abbott et al.]
473
Table 2. CeramicData from Contextsat Las Colinas.
Plain WarePercent
4254
22.3
South
Middle
Canal
Mt.b
Gila R.c System 2d
Early Sacaton/MiddleSacaton 1
46.9
38.8
2.0
2.0
4001
4122
4124
4125
4179
4262
5066
5103
7089
25.4
18.7
17.8
22.7
21.1
27.9
28.1
17.5
19.8
34.0
58.0
52.7
62.0
53.8
48.0
43.1
51.0
.
Middle Sacaton 1
50.9
9.4
30.0
4.0
14.5
0.0
16.0
0.0
23.1
7.7
40.0
4.0
33.3
7.8
19.6
3.9
.
.
4000
4029
4178
4253
5314
7021
7023
21.1
7.8
21.3
20.2
18.2
18.7
18.6
37.7
62.7
70.0
43.1
50.0
42.0
66.7
Middle Sacaton 1/2
43.4
7.5
13.7
0.0
20.0
5.0
35.3
7.8
38.2
5.9
34.0
4.0
18.5
3.7
0.0
5.9
0.0
2.0
2.9
6.0
0.0
0.0
3.9
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
11.3
13.7
5.0
11.8
2.9
14.0
11.1
53
51
20
51
34
50
54
4091
4215
5034
5073
5116
5126
7.5
10.7
19.9
9.2
11.7
18.5
83.3
53.1
56.9
26.4
66.0
63.5
Middle Sacaton 2
10.4
0.0
24.5
4.1
27.5
2.0
15.1
5.7
13.2
0.0
21.2
5.8
4.2
2.0
0.0
22.6
9.4
0.0
0.0
2.0
0.0
0.0
1.9
0.0
2.1
14.3
13.7
30.2
9.4
9.6
48
49
51
53
53
52
4025
4150
4280
8.1
9.5
7.6
60.8
64.0
35.3
27.5
18.0
13.7
9.8
6.0
7.8
0.0
0.0
5.9
0.0
12.0
31.4
51
50
51
4019
4060
4250
4273
5038
11.2
8.6
9.5
11.2
11.1
51.0
64.7
64.3
42.0
36.0
8.2
11.8
10.7
14.0
10.0
4.1
5.9
1.8
8.0
6.0
20.4
0.0
16.1
10.0
34.0
2.0
0.0
0.0
2.0
6.0
14.3
17.6
7.1
24.0
8.0
49
51
56
50
50
5074
1O5
23A
46,2
O0
1L5
7/7
11.5
42
Feature
Buff %
Local3
Scottsdalee
Otherf
Total
0.0
10.2
49
0.0
0.0
1.8
0.0
2.6
0.0
2.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
...
5.7
8.0
30.9
22.0
12.8
8.0
13.7
3.9
53
50
55
50
39
50
51
51
Middle Sacaton 2/Late Sacaton
2.0
0.0
5.9
Late Sacaton
aphyllite
bSouthMountainGranodiorite,EstrellaGneiss
ccoarse-grainedmica schist
dCamelbackGranite,Squaw Peak Schist
equartzite,quartziteand schist
fotherschist, unidentified.
Sacaton1 ora MiddleSacaton2 Red-on-buffsherd.
Based on the low percentage of buff-ware, we
stronglysuspectthatthis featureactuallydatedto
the MiddleSacaton2 interval.Finally,the Middle
Sacaton 2 features straddledthe gap, with four
cases to the left and two cases to the right, suggesting that the disruptionin buff-ware supply
occurredduringthattemporalspan.
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
474
[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
Figure 5. Buff Ware Percentages in Features of Different Time Intervals at Las Colinas.
Consequently,the disruptionin buff-waresupplies fromthe middleGila Rivervalley transpired
at Las Colinasexactly at the time the Las Colinas
ballcourtwas abandonedand when the regional
ballcourtnetworkis now thoughtto have been in
rapiddecline.As we discussnext,thoseeventswere
coeval with a reorganizationof plain-wareproductionas well.
Las Colinas Plain Ware
We beganwith the plain-ware sherdsat Las Colinasrecoveredfromthe3 1 Preclassicstructuresand
pitsthatwereeithercoevalwiththe ballcourt's use
or postdatedit.3 From each of these features,we
randomlyselectedabout50 plain-waresherdsand
carefully reviewed each sherd set to eliminate
pieces fromthe samevessel (see Table2). Locally
madecases containedcrushedphyllitefragments.
The ceramicsmadein the centralandeasternportionsof CanalSystem2 weretemperedwithSquaw
Peak Schist and CamelbackGranite,respectively.
Thosespecimensmadein theScottsdaleCanalSystem containeda quartzite-richsand or a sand of
mixed quartziteand schist. Othercases included
those tempersrepresentingproductionin the two
SouthMountainareas(SouthMountainGranodiorite,EstrellaGneiss),manufacturealongthemiddle GilaRivervalley (coarse-grainedmica schist),
and a few cases with undifferentiatedtempering
material.
Forour analysis,the percentagesof plainware
with eitherSquawPeak Schist, CamelbackGranite, quartzite,orquartziteandschistin eachfeature
was of interestbecauseceramicswith these "eastern"tempertypes were not madein the lowerSalt
Rivervalley duringthe middle Sedentaryperiod.
As discussedabove, nearlyall of the ceramicsin
usein thevalleyduringthemiddleSedentaryperiod
were made either at Las Colinas, in the South
Mountainarea,or along the middleGila River.In
contrast,bowls andjars were producedin abundance throughoutthe valley during the Classic
period,includingthe upperreachesof CanalSystem 2 and the ScottsdaleCanalSystem, and were
commonly exchanged among the valley inhabitants at that time (see Abbott 1995, 2000). We
variwantedto knowwhenthe"eastern-tempered"
eties fromthecentralandeasternportionsof Canal
System 2 and the ScottsdaleCanal System were
first importedto Las Colinas, which presumably
was the time when plain-wareproductionbecame
localizedacrossthe region.
Not surprisingly,we found only tiny amounts
of the eastern-temperedvarieties in the middle
Sedentarycontexts coeval with the ballcourt.In
contrast,the contextsthatpostdatedthe ballcourt
typicallycontainedconsiderablygreaterpercentages of these ceramics (Figure6). Based on the
importsreceivedby peoplelivingatthewesternend
of CanalSystem2, it appearedthatjust at the time
thattheballcourtatLasColinaswasabandonedand
the supplyof red-on-buffpotteryfrom producers
far to the southrapidlydeclined,local production
of plain-warebowls andjarsbeganthroughoutthe
lower Salt Rivervalley.
Pueblo GrandePlain Ware
A similarresultwas obtainedfromthe plain-ware
potteryatPuebloGrande.Recentexcavationsthere
by Soil Systems, Inc. (Abbott,ed. 2003), at the
Abbott et al.]
475
Figure 6. Percentages of Plain Ware Ceramics with "Eastern"Tempers in Features at Las Colinas.
easternend of CanalSystem 2, uncovered11 late
Sedentaryperiod structures,all containing late
Sacatonphaseceramicassemblages(Abbottet al.
1994). The locally made plain ware contained
sands,whichwere abundantin the
granite-derived
Classicperiodcontextsat PuebloGrande(Abbott
2000).As indicatedin Table3, theywerealsoabundant at Pueblo Grandeduringthe late Sedentary
period,indicatingthatlocalproductionbeganin the
PuebloGrandevicinityjust afterthe ballcourtsystem collapsednearthe end of the middle Sedentary period. Also in the late Sedentary period
structureswere large quantitiesof Squaw Peak
Schist-temperedplain ware from the centralportion of CanalSystem2, whereplain-wareproduction was rareor absentpriorto the late Sedentary
period(see Table3).
Los Hornos Plain Ware
Finally,we turnedto two late Sedentaryandeight
middle Sedentary assemblages at Los Hornos,
which we identifiedusing Wallace'srefinedbuffwaretypology.These featureswere excavatedby
ArizonaStateUniversity(Wilcoxet al. 1990) and
SWCA,Inc.,(Chenaultet al., ed. 1993).The number of plain-waresherdswas few in each feature,
and all pieces clearlyfrom differentvessels were
includedin our analysis.
Los Hornoswas situatedneartheeasternendof
South Mountainand in Canal System 1, on the
southside of the Salt River.The readerwill recall
thatthe villagerson the southside, includingthose
residing at Los Hornos, received much of their
plain-warepotteryfromthe middleGilaRivervalley duringthe middle Sedentaryperiodwhen the
ballcourtnetworkwas at its height. The middle
Gila wares were temperedwith copious amounts
of the glitterycoarse-grainedmica schist. In the
eight middleSedentaryperiodassemblagesin our
sample,themicaschist-tempered
potteryaccounted
forhalformoreof theplain-warespecimens(Table
4). In the two later contexts, which presumably
correspondedto the time after the ballcourtcollapse,the middleGila Riverimportsdroppedsubstantially.In orderto adjustfor the shortfall,local
artisansrampedup theirown productionof plainwarepots (i.e., SouthMountainGranodioritetemper),just as theircounterpartshaddone elsewhere
throughoutthe valley.
Summary
Ourresultshave indicatedthatthe collapse of the
Hohokamballcourtnetworkwas synchronouswith
the dissolutionof a regionallyorganizeddivision
of labor for the manufactureand distributionof
clay containersin the Phoenix basin. Priorto the
collapse,duringthe middleSedentaryperiod,artisanswho madea narrowrangeof vessel formsand
laboredto supplythe householdsof the lowerSalt
Rivervalley were highly concentratedin only five
productionzones. Thousandsof pots were probably tradedandexchangedeachyear.Theyincluded
[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
476
Table 3. CeramicData from Late SedentaryContextsat Pueblo Grande.
Plain WarePercent
CentralCanal
System 2b
37.8
28.6
37.2
21.8
29.4
17.6
15.0
24.9
35.6
19.3
WesternCanal
System 2C
19.7
22.6
30.9
21.2
23.5
17.6
49.6
33.7
18.0
20.7
424
Total
Otherd
12.2
360
30.3
591
168
13.1
614
35.7
94
8.5
23.4
687
170
23.3
34.7
710
68
28.0
780
19.1
51
17.7
47.1
786
274
13.9
21.5
2027
193
9.2
33.2
2032
239
22.6
23.8
2099
14.8
135
45.2
2233
125
110
224
2786
23^2
6,0
aCamelbackGranite,arkosicsand wih minor Squaw Peak Schist
bSquawPeak Schist
cphyllite
dSouthMountainGranodiorite,EstrellaGneiss, quartzite,quartziteand schist, coarse-grainedmica schist, unidentified.
Feature
Buff %
5.7
9.0
7.6
1.3
7.7
9.0
7.3
4.7
11.9
7.0
Local3
largequantitiesof red-paintedbowlsandsmalljars,
distributedthroughoutthe valley fromproduction
localities on the northside of the Gila River,and
thousandsmore plain-warejars deliveredto Salt
Rivercommunitieson the south side of the river
fromproducersto the south.But as the ballcourts
atLasColinas,PaloVerdeRuin,Snaketown,Gatlin,
across the Tucson basin, and elsewhere fell into
ruins,probablyaroundA.D. 1070, buff-ware supplies to the Salt River householdswere abruptly
reduced.At Los Hornosand probablyelsewhere
on the south side of the Salt River, the coarsegrainedmicaschist-tempered
plainwaresfromthe
middleGila regionwere also cut, as local potters
filledthe local demandsby fabricatinga full range
of vessel forms to replacethe formerlyimported
decoratedandplain-warecontainers.InCanalSystem 2, across the riverfrom Los Hornos,red-onbuffsupplieswerealso severelydiminishedas local
ceramic productionin all parts of that area was
begunanew.
We suggestthatthe underpinningsof the economy, repletewith marketplacesand concentrated
production,werelost,including( 1) a moralauthority that promotedcooperationacross the region,
guaranteedthe peace of the market,andfacilitated
barterandtradeamongstrangers;(2) regional-scale
integrationthat fostered the flow of information
aboutsupplyanddemandat distantplaces;and(3)
a dense andwell-organizednetworkof interaction
that minimizedtransportation
costs. As indicated
by the analysis of Classic period ceramics(e.g.,
Abbott 2000; Abbott and Walsh-Anduze1995),
pockets of specialized productionwere reestablishedduringthattime,butneverto the impressive
scale associatedwith the ballcourtsof the middle
Sedentaryperiod.4
Some Tentative Propositions
Now thatwe have addednew evidenceto support
the Hohokammarketplacehypothesis,we return
to the problemof reconcilingthe specifics of the
Hohokamcase with expectationsfor nascentmarket rings. Economic anthropologistsand cultural
geographershavelong notedthatmarketexchange
occurs sporadicallyin all kinds of societies.Various formsandscales of marketsystemscreatedifferentconditionsfor marketparticipationfor both
suppliersand consumers(Bohannonand Bohannon 1968; Bohannonand Dalton 1962; Brumfiel
1980;Haggettetal.1977:157;Plattner1975, 1985,
1989; Smith 1976:51).In the Hohokamcase, theoristshavesuggestedthata systemof marketrings
was in place, where marketdays were timed in
accordancewitha calendricalscheduleof ballcourt
events.As thenameimplies,marketringsarecharacterizedby relativelylocal, noncentralized,overlappingmarketsthataremoreorless equivalentfor
meeting local needs. Commoditiesflow horizontally, ratherthan vertically througha settlement
hierarchyandwithoutconstraintby politicalbound-
Abbott et al.]
477
Table4. CeramicData from Contexts at Los Hornos.
Plain WarePercent
Feature
12
15
16
146
157
172
485
10
174
176
Excavator
Middle
Gila R.a
ASU
ASU
ASU
ASU
ASU
ASU
ASU
SWCA
70.5
55.5
47.8
50.0
48.2
87.5
68.7
50.0
ASU
32.4
ASU
[5,6
acoarse-grainedmica schist
bSouthMountainGranodiorite
cEstrellaGneiss
dphyllite,Squaw Peak Schist, unidentified.
WesternSouth
Localb
Mountains0
Middle Sacaton 1/2
16.4
11.5
28.6
6.3
37.7
7.2
25.0
17.6
17.2
20.7
0.0
0.0
13.2
10.5
0.0
25.0
Late Sacaton
37.8
594
aries.Both producersand consumershave access
to multiplemarkets,andtheirregularvisits aredue
as muchto socialreasonsas to economicconcerns.
Noncentralizedoverlappingmarketingsystems
tend to be characterizedby weakly specialized
economies in which marketplacebarterhas little
influenceontheorganization
of production.Dependence on the marketsis minimal.And withouta
developedmarkethierarchy,economicinteraction
tends to rapidlydecline with distance.Goods are
overshortdistances,anddecisionsabout
transported
productionare little effectedby the conditionsof
supplyanddemandin otherlocalities.Intheseways,
theHohokamcircumstancesmatchpoorlywiththe
expectationsfor marketrings.Specializedproductionaccountedfor nearlyall of thepotteryin use in
thelowerSaltRivervalleyduringthemiddleSedentaryperiod,therewas a heavy dependenceon the
marketforacquiringbasicnecessitieslikeclay conwas
tainers,anda considerable
degreeof articulation
evident among distantly separatedartisanswho
respondedto one another'sproductionanddistributiondecisions.Thesetraitsaretypicallyassociated
withmorehierarchically
organizedmarketarrangements(e.g.,Alden1982;Bromleyetal. 1975;Brumfiel 1980;Hirth1998;Smith 1974, 1976).
Do Hohokammarketplacesmake sense? We
havearguedthatthereis mountingevidenceto indicate thatthey did exist and played a largerpartin
theHohokameconomythanpreviouslyrecognized.
2.7
3J
Otherd
Total
1.6
9.5
7.2
7.4
13.8
12.5
5.2
25.0
61
63
69
68
29
8
38
4
27.0
2L8
37
32
But to defend that proposition,we have had to
diverge from currentthinking about the modest
extentto whichmarketringscanintegratea regional
economy.Wemakeno claimthatwe thoroughlyand
completelyunderstandhow thatshouldbe so, but
we can offer some observationsand suggestions.
We posit that severalimportantcircumstances
werecombinedduringthemiddleSedentaryperiod
in theHohokamterritoryto fostera noncentralized
overlappingmarketingsystemon whichthedependencefor a varietyof goods, includingsome basic
necessities,was considerable.Thesecircumstances
included(1) widely acceptedreligiousbeliefs that
promotedcooperationacrossanexpansiveterritory,
(2) large-scaleirrigationinfrastructure
capableof
surplusproduction,(3) benignenvironmentalconditions that fosteredregionalinteraction,and (4)
ecological diversity that encouragedspecialized
production.
We startwith a simple fact: one or more ballcourts stood near the center of just about every
moderateto large-sized Hohokamsettlementduring themiddleSedentaryperiod.Theballcourtceremoniesprobablydrewpeople togetherfromnear
andfar andmusthavebeen commonlycelebrated
throughoutthe Hohokamterritory.In a palpable
sense, cooperationwas writlargeacrossthe desert
landscapewith the constructionand use of ballcourtsat nearlyeveryplace of consequencein the
Hohokamworld.
478
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
[Vol. 72, No. 3, 2007
Anothercrucial factor to consideris the ecoIf true,the Hohokamregionalsystem,by virtue
of thedensityandfrequencyof theballcourt-related logical diversityin the Hohokamregion and its
events,may have been characterizedby consider- potential relationshipto specialized production.
caseshaveshownthatecoableconnectivitythatpromoteda broad-scale eco- Numerousethnographic
nomic integrationbasedon moralauthorityrather nomic specializationcan thrivein politicallysimthanon a hierarchicallyorganizedpoliticalecon- ple societies (Cobb 1993). In the absence of a
omy of powerrelations.We postulatethatthe hin- politicalhierarchy,butin the presenceof a reliable
drancesto regionalexchange and otherforms of mechanismfor exchange,increasesin productivinteractionweremetby extending ity via specialized productionfor regional scale
intercommunity
the moraleconomy of kinshipwith a sharedcon- distributioncanbe stimulatedin at leasttwo ways.
sciousnessof religiousidentity(Rappaport1971, Both of them are dependent on pronounced
1984; Yoffee 1994). As suggested by Yoffee inequalitiesin the availabilityof naturaland agri(1994:353), similarpatternsmay have been com- culturalresourcesassociatedwith ecological hetmon in the Southwest where centralization erogeneity.
remainedweak even though social and religious
The firstis surplusproductionfor the purpose
institutionsintegratedrelativelylarge geographic of bufferingagainst agriculturalshortages(food
regions (see also Renfrew 2001:21). Among the andcotton).It is interestingto notethatthe known
Hohokam,commoditiesandtheinformationabout suppliersof decoratedceramics,the craftspersons
demand and prices may have efficiently flowed at andnearSnaketown,were situatedat the downhorizontally,therebyminimizingthe risk of sell- streamend of the middleGila Rivervalley,in one
ing at distantmarketsand rewardingthe efficien- of the last canalsystemsin line to takewaterfrom
cies of concentratedproduction.
the river channel. Similarly, Las Colinas was
The couplingof favorableenvironmentalcon- locatedatthe tailendof CanalSystem2. Whenthe
ditions and large-scale irrigationmay have also firstLasColinasinhabitants
establishedthemselves
been a crucialpartof the middleSedenatryperiod there,they immediatelybegan supplyingthe rest
case. Graybill's (1989) tree-ring-based recon- of theirirrigationcooperativeandthepeoplein the
structionof the streamflowhistoryin the SaltRiver ScottsdaleCanalSystem with cooking pots, stordemonstratedthatthe waterwaywas a dependable age jars, and plain bowls. Perhaps,as is common
benefactorof the Hohokameconomy,providinga cross-culturallyamong intensivecultivatorswho
steady and predictablesource of irrigationwater. haveexcesslaborandinsufficientarablelandand/or
Inturn,theirrigationagriculturesustainedlargeand water (e.g., Arnold 1985; Netting 1990:43;Rice
geographicallystablepopulations,allowingthem 1987:195;Stark 1991:72), agriculturaldisadvanto enter into long-term relationships with one tages due to relativelocationin the Phoenixbasin
anotherand with surroundingpopulations.The stimulatedpotteryproductionforexchangeatthose
Sedentaryperiod, in particular,was a salubrious locations.
intervalfor the Hohokam,duringwhich both the
Second, one need only look at the maps of
andthe ballcourtnetwork Hohokamcanalsystems,andespeciallythe irrigairrigationinfrastructure
were expanded.And it seems to have been partof tion infrastructureon the broadvalley floor sura wider pattern. As noted by LeBlanc roundingthe lower Salt River (see Figure 1), to
(1999:195-196), the A.D. 900-1 150 intervalwas appreciatethe prehistoricpotentialfor agricultural
an exceptionaltime of peace and culturalflores- surpluses.As notedabove,thatpotentialprobably
cence across the Southwest that coincided with variedwith locality,but,at the regionalscale, agriwarmingclimaticconditions.At thattime, a wide culturalcapacitywas considerablygreaterin the
rangeof habitatswas farmed- leadingto a period irrigatedrivervalleys thanelsewhere.One idea is
of raisedcarryingcapacity,littlestresson resources, that raw cotton fiber,thread,or cloth, functioned
and little incentivefor warfare.It is certainlynot as a medium of exchange to facilitatethe barter
happenstancethat the expansionof the ballcourt among suppliersof differentcommodities (e.g.,
networkand probablyits associatedmarketplace Schele and Freidel 1990:92-93; Wilcox 1987).
exchangecoincidedwith a time of favorableenvi- Withoutsometypeof generalcurrency,onlytraders
ronmentalconditionsand dampenedhostilities.
who were interestedin each others'wares would
Abbott et al.]
successfullyexecute a transaction.If cotton productionwas literallya cash crop and agricultural
productswere key componentsof the interaction
network,thenperhapswe shouldconceptualizethe
of thelowerSaltRivervalhydraulicinfrastructure
ley as a centrally located economic engine that
poweredthe regionalsystem.In thepresenceof an
efficient mechanismfor trade,the regularavailabilityof agriculturalsurplusesmay havewhetted
the appetite of regional demand, whereby the
widely desirableagriculturalproductsof the irrigated valleys were exchanged for the relatively
abundantnaturalresourcespresentin the desert
lowlands and the upland zones surroundingthe
Phoenix basin. Geographicalvariabilityand the
relatedresourceinequities,whenmatchedwiththe
high connectivityengenderedby the widespread
acceptanceof religiousbeliefs, the regularparticipationin the ballcourtceremonialism,andfavorableenvironmentalconditionsmayhelpto explain
theassociationbetweena networkof periodicmarketplacesanda specializedeconomyintegratedat
a regionalscale.
Conclusion
Evidencehasbeengrowingin recentyearsthatthe
manufactureof plain-wareand red-on-buffpots
duringthe middle Sedentaryperiod was highly
concentratedandthatlargenumbersof those conto consumersacross
tainerswerewidelydistributed
the Phoenix basin. Interestingly,those arrangementswere in effect at a time when the Hohokam
ballcourtnetworkhad reachedits greatestextent,
in terms of the numberof settlementswith ballcourtsandthe territoryover whichthose ballcourt
Archaeologistshavelong
villagesweredistributed.
speculatedthat because the ballgames probably
drewcrowdsfromnearandfar,theeventswerealso
ideal venues for the exchange of goods. The
ceramicdatacertainlysupportthatidea,and,in fact,
the heavy volume of potterytransactionsimplies
thatperiodicmarketplacesserveda moresubstantialrole in the Hohokameconomythanpreviously
thought.Insupportof thathypothesis,we havepresentednewceramicdatafromLasColinasandelsewhere,whichdemonstrateda temporalconnection
among the Las Colinas ballcourt, possibly the
demise of the ballcourtnetworkin general,and a
radicalreorganizationof the productionand dis-
479
tributionof clay containersin the Phoenixbasin.
The new andpreviousevidence,however,have
confrontedus with a conundrum.The Hohokam
ballgamesarethoughtto havebeenassociatedwith
horizontally organized market rings, which, as
observedelsewhere,supplyconsumerswith basic
necessitiesonly unreliablyandwithoutregularity.
However,Hohokammarketplacesmay have been
heavily relied upon by specializedproducersand
consumers alike for the distribution of goods,
including some basic necessities. We have suggestedthatseveralunusualcircumstancesmaycollectively clarify how the Hohokam economy
exceeded the dependenceon marketplacebarter
typically associatedwith nascent marketingsystems. Those circumstancesincluded (1) widely
acceptedreligiousbeliefs thatpromotedcooperation, consensus, social stability,and the peace of
the marketplace;(2) a large-scaleirrigationinfrastructure
capableof surplusagricultural
production;
(3) a benignenvironmentalregimethatreinforced
the cooperativespiritof the ballcourtceremonialism andfosteredthe geographicallyexpansiveand
horizontallyintegratedsocial, religious, and economic network across which commodities and
informationfreely flowed; and (4) a diverseecological landscapein which the availabilityof various and important resources were
distributedand, when coupled
disproportionately
withsocialandenvironmentalstability,led to "reliable dependencies"among populations.Clearly,
ourtentativemodelhas not explainedthe developmentof a region-sizeeconomythatincludedmarket rings. Less ambitiously, we have simply
attemptedto enumeratesome,butnotall,of thenecessaryconditionsfor the unusualcoexistenceof a
periodic and horizontallystructuredmarketplace
networkwith a high dependenceon markettransactions for the supply of commodities,including
some basic necessitieslike pottery.
Acknowledgments.A portion of this paper was first presented at the Spring 2003 meeting of the Arizona
Archaeological Council, organizedby Sarah Herr.Funding
and support for the ceramic analyses were provided by
grants from the National Science Foundation (DCB9201161, BCS-0204330), Southwest Parksand Monuments
Association, the Arizona Archaeological and Historical
Society, and a Robert H. Lister Fellowship from Crow
Canyon Archaeological Center. The work at Las Colinas,
Pueblo Grande,and Los Hornosresultedfrom contractswith
the Arizona Departmentof Transportationto the Arizona
480
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2002b Ceramicsand the Organizationof Regional Ceremonial and ExchangeNetworksat Palo VerdeRuin. In
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Notes
1. Most scholars who study the Hohokam would agree
that the Sedentaryperiod specialistswere part-timeartisans,
and,following Feinman(1999; FeinmanandNicholas 2000),
would concur that the craft activities were generallylocated
in householdcontexts.
2. Obviously,this estimate will depend, in part,on how
many people lived in the lower Salt River valley at any one
time duringthe Sedentaryperiod, which is a topic of much
debate.Nevertheless,a roughidea of the productionand distributionscales can be achieved with a few assumptions.If
we accept the conservativeestimate that only 4,000 people
were present in the lower Salt River valley during the
Sedentaryperiod (Doelle 1995), and if we assume that each
residentrequiredone new pot per year, then 4,000 new pots
were producedannuallyfor the Salt Riverhouseholds.If half
of them were made at middle Gila locations,then 2,000 vessels were transportedfrom the Gila to the Salt Rivercommunities each year.In contrast,if we acceptCraig's(2001) more
liberal population estimates, then, perhaps, 8,000 pots or
more were importedeach year to the lower Salt River valley
from the middle Gila producers.Assuming higherconsumption rates would, of course, yield still higher estimates.For
instance, Judge (1989:231) estimates a rate of potteryconsumption in domestic contexts in Chaco Canyon that was
threetimes higher.
3. The plain-ware ceramicsfrom Feature7089 could not
be located for analysis.
4. It is also interestingthat during the Sedentaryperiod
most of the domestic laborfor crafts was devotedin particular householdsto a predominantproductratherthanto multicrafting (Mills 2000:314). These productiondecisions may
have relied on the regional-scale integrationand reduced
transportationcosts of the markets.In contrast,during the
Classic period,when the economy was characterizedby more
localized exchangenetworks,the craftactivitiesof individual
households were often more diverse (Crownand Fish 1996;
Mills 2000).
Received February27, 2006; RevisedFebruary9, 2007;
AcceptedJanuary18, 2007.

Ballcourts and Ceramics: The Case for Hohokam Marketplaces in

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