Humanizing Heinrich Himmler
Transcription
Humanizing Heinrich Himmler
Humanizing Heinrich Himmler: Power and Alliances in Transition A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences Florida Gulf Coast University In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Arts in History By Sara Elise Gottwalles July 24, 2014 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History ___________________________________________ Sara E. Gottwalles Approved:August 25, 2014 ___________________________________________ Paul R. Bartrop, Ph.D. Committee Chair/ Advisor ___________________________________________ Erik Carlson, Ph.D. ___________________________________________ Eric Strahorn, Ph.D. The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. Abstract Heinrich Himmler was known as Hitler’s executioner, the Architect of Genocide, an evil genius, a murderous monster, and der treue Heinrich. But the Reichführer SS, once a sickly child bent on placating and pleasing all of those around him had a great deal of influence during his rise to become one of the most dangerous individuals of the twentieth century. His rivalries formed his political career just as much as his friendships—interestingly enough, the two lines often crossed. This work examines Himmler’s rivalries on his rise, and peak of power. Some would argue that his downfall was also brought on by his enemies, but the evidence contained in this work states otherwise. Himmler was the cause of his own fall from power with at the very most, mere assistance from an outside source. Himmler was naive, manipulative, easily persuaded, an obsessive people pleaser, and had a weak personality. These qualities and faults ultimately were self-damaging to Himmler. This work specifically focuses on Himmler’s relationships with Göring and Heydrich, discussing his rise to power, and Bormann is studied in relation to Himmler’s peak of and halt to power. The first two men assisted Himmler in his ascent, and Bormann, wavering between friend and enemy, quite literally acts as the preventative gatekeeper between the Reichsführer-SS and Hitler, and thus prevents any further ascent to power. By examining these rivalries we are able to get a better view into Himmler’s mind and personality. Each of these relationships were quite diverse, and Himmler was able to gain various positions, knowledge, and experience. Hitler was supportive of rivalries within his Reich, and many of these have been closely examined by contemporary historians. What this work offers which has previously not been scrutinized is a close examination of the relationship of Himmler and Bormann. Though the thesis is dense through this chapter, its preceding chapters are vital to building knowledge of Himmler’s interactions with various other leaders. Additionally, the Bormann chapter examines Himmler’s ability to retain power until Bormann prevented his further ascension, subsequently leading to Himmler’s fall from power. This thesis includes primary and secondary documentation from sources such as diaries, captured German records, memoirs, and monographs. Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the support and assistance of so many people. I would like to thank my parents for always being near a phone during the final stages of writing to listen to a draft, talk me through a bump in the road, and to assist in a game of “what is the word I’m looking for?” They each nurtured my love for history throughout my adolescence, encouraging me to learn, ask questions, and maintain an open mind capable of critical thinking. My Aunt Cheryl instilled in me an interest which has grown into a scholarly passion during my years of Holocaust study. Her early education proceeding with caution due to my young and impressionable mind sparked a curiosity in me to continue developing my Holocaust knowledge. My friends and colleagues deserve my most sincere gratitude for their patience and support. Many of them acted as captivated (or held captive) audiences, offering helpful advice and words of encouragement. To Tristan Laznovsky, Alisa Platas, Jessamyn Inglis, Martha Rosenthal, Matthew Seifert, Gary Coleman, Tom Santin, Linda Keene, Michael Elliot, Heather Kiszkiel, Anna Waite, Tom Bailey, and Crystal Clemons, thank you all for joining me on this long journey. To Ms. Eve Grimm—We have made it! Thank you for everything you have done for me. I am truly grateful to you for your encouragement, kind heart, and tough love. Finally, I must extend an immeasurable amount of gratitude to the man who has acted not only as an advisor, but as a caring father-figure to me, Dr. Paul Bartrop. For all the conversations over coffee, the hours of labor, and your overall genuine interest in my well-being and my future, there are not words to express my gratitude. Thank you, sir. You are The Great Red Pen. Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….…1 Himmler…………………………………………………………………………..…………..…13 Personality and Brief Biographical Study of a Studious Boy Turned Executioner Göring…………………………………………………………………………………………..38 Ascent to Power: Himmler’s Rise Under the Navigation of the Last Red Baron Heydrich………………………………………………………………………………………...54 The Architect and the Aryan Archetype Bormann………………………………………………………………………………………...77 Written Out of Power Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….…….…115 Bibliography………………………………...…………………………………………………119 1 Introduction “The best political weapon is the weapon of terror. Cruelty commands respect. Men may hate us. But, we don’t ask for their love; only their fear.”- Heinrich Himmler When considering the senior members of the Third Reich hierarchy, and more specifically, Heinrich Himmler, it becomes apparent that scholarship on the Reichsführer-SS contains gaps concerning his psychological profile. Due to this missing information, there has previously been a lack of cohesion between work concerning Himmler’s personality and his relationships with his rivals. The assessment in the pages that follow discuss the important impact of three rivalries on the political career of Heinrich Himmler. These relate to fellow Reich leaders Hermann Göring (Hitler’s designated successor from 1934 until 1942), Reinhard Heydrich (Himmler’s immediate subordinate), and Martin Bormann (Secretary of the Reich Chancellery). Exploring Himmler’s relationships with each of his rivals substantiates the contention that he would not have ascended to power without a substantial measure of infighting with these three men. This work will provide a new approach to the study of Himmler’s personality. His character will become apparent through an analysis of his personal life, and the interactions with his contemporaries. Limited work was published specifically on Himmler until the 1990s. Though he was included in books examining the Third Reich as a whole, such as William Shirer’s Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, published in 1959, and a specific study of Third Reich personalities in 1970 2 by Jochim C. Fest, The Face of the Third Reich: Portraits of the Nazi Leaders.1 Monographs relating specifically to Himmler’s biography have been sporadic. There have been entire decades devoid of scholarship explicitly devoted to Himmler. In 1953, the first major biography of Heinrich Himmler was written by journalist Willi Frischauer. Frischauer allowed his bias against Himmler to affect his writing, resulting in a skewed view of his subject. Both of Frischauer’s parents perished in the Theresienstadt concentration camp, explaining Frishauer’s disdainful portrayal. His journalistic integrity suffers in the writing of his work. Interestingly, Frischauer’s book on Reichsmarshall Hermann Göring published two years prior in 1951, is a well written and researched piece, also standing as one of the first published biographies on Göring.2 Following Frischauer’s work, the most prominent biographies on Himmler were published by Roger Manvell and Heinrich Fraenkel in 1965, and Bradley Smith in 1971.3 While Manvell and Fraenkel utilized secondary sources as well as primary sources comprised of memoirs and diaries, Smith’s work was primarily based on Himmler’s unpublished diaries. The confusion surrounding scholarly writing about the Nazi State has been impacted by author bias, the complex nature of the topic, the availability of primary sources, and, often, absence of conceptual connections within the available information. Many of the authors previously mentioned were challenged by at least one of these complications. Smith presented his audience with a worthwhile biography of the first twenty-six years of Himmler’s life. He 1 See William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1959) ; Joachim Fest, The Face of the Third Reich: Portraits of the Nazi Leadership (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970). 2 See Willi Frischauer, The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering (Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1951). 3 See Roger Manvell, and Heinrich Fraenkel, Heinrich Himmler: The Sinister Life of the Head of the S.S. and Gestapo (New York:Fall River Press, 1965) ; Bradley Smith, Heinrich Himmler: A Nazi in the Making (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1971). 3 utilized Himmler’s diaries as a primary source, and then explains the historiographical importance of the information discussed. His work is concise and well written. Though Manvell and Fraenkel provide a useful study where some interactions of contention between Third Reich members are brought to light, upon closer examination, their study of Himmler does not include his personal diaries. Himmler’s diaries and letters were employed during the Nuremberg trials of 1945-1946, yet the inclusion of Himmler’s own thoughts and correspondence into research did not come to pass until Smith published his study in 1971. An attempt to interpret Himmler without his own words is weak scholarship. One must gain insight to Himmler’s personality and critical thinking skills in order to knowledgably write about the Nazi leader. One example of the biased complications caused by a lack of inclusion of these primary sources can be found in Frischauer’s work. Frischauer describes Himmler as a despicable child who was unable to make friends and was often avoided.4 Smith counters this argument with evidence of close childhood friends, some of whom remained with Himmler well into his years of political activism. 5 Smith is able to provide this matter-of-fact information by citing Himmler’s diary. After the appearance of Smith’s work, Himmler was overlooked within the field of scholarly writing until 1990. Nearly two decades passed before Himmler was taken on as a topic of study. Furthermore, until the works of Peter Padfield in 1990, recently followed by that of Peter Longerich in 2012, little if any in depth attention was given to the study of Himmler’s personal relationships.6 If one wished to understand Himmler from as many angles as possible in 4 Frischauer, Himmler, 20. Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 28. 6 See Peter Padfield, Himmler (New York: MJF Books, 1990) ; Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 5 4 order to develop the strongest comprehension of a personality profile of the Nazi leader, however, the literature falls short. As the majority of Himmler’s diaries remain unpublished and distributed through several repositories in at least three different countries, this work relies upon the entries gathered and translated by Smith. None of Himmler’s diaries had been published in any form until co-authors Peter White and Stephen Tyas published their work, Himmler’s Diary 1945: A Calendar of Events Leading to Suicide, in June 2014.7 As this included only five months of diary records, and has so far been available only in limited circulation, there was, unfortunately, no opportunity to access it as the current work was being completed. To help compensate for the lack of a diary from Himmler, the diaries and memoirs of Himmler’s subordinates and colleagues have been employed, instead. These have contributed to establishing a profile of Himmler’s personality as seen from the perspectives of his closest contemporaries. These accounts provide insights to Himmler’s character and interactions with other Third Reich leaders. Post-war interrogations were also useful in helping to understand Himmler’s relationships. While secondary sources and biographies were also utilized in gaining background information regarding Himmler, these diaries, memoirs, interrogations, and personal accounts generally provide the most important information for a work of this kind. The United States Army drew up G-2 reports in 1938 on the rivalry between Göring and Himmler. Reports were also drawn up by United States authorities during the early 1940s discussing the tension between Reinhard Heydrich and Himmler. Though the studies of Himmler’s relationships with Göring and Heydrich have added to scholarly knowledge of the 7 Peter White and Stephen Tyas, Himmler Diary 1945: A Calendar of Events Leading to Suicide (London:Fronthill Media, 2014). 5 Nazi Party, little work has placed the Bormann-Himmler rivalry in the foreground. Intensive inclusion of Martin Bormann is a requirement of Third Reich history—not only to comprehend the relationship between Himmler and Bormann, but also to understand how Himmler related to other leaders, particularly Göring and Heydrich. The relationship between Himmler and Bormann certainly deserves the same amount of attention as has been allotted to the Himmler-Göring rivalry. While previous historians such as Jochen von Lang, and Anthony Read may have included mention of Himmler’s association with Bormann, the scholarship was not focused on this Bormann-Himmler aspect. 8 Instead, the relationship was utilized to provide further evidence of another broad topic such as Bormann’s reputation as a disliked member of the Nazi Party. Read approached the topic of rivalries in his work, yet the pages which follow further the connections omitted in his study. In examining Himmler’s personality, Bormann’s influence on the Reichführer-SS is pivotal in studying the larger scope of the infighting Himmler involved himself in with Göring, Heydrich, and Bormann. These aforementioned historians include Jochen von Lang, who wrote The Secretary: Martin Bormann: The Man Who Manipulated Hitler, originally published in Germany in 1977, and the biography by Roger Manvell and Heinrich Fraenkel co-authored in 1965. Each work fails to provide an understanding into the Bormann-Himmler relationship (and thus further ascertaining closer comprehension of Himmler’s personality). For instance, von Lang discusses Bormann’s attempts at controlling Himmler’s security intelligence agency, the Sicherheitsdienst (SD), but does not explain the full detail of Bormann’s efforts. While von Lang states, “Bormann 8 See Jochen von Lang, The Secretary: Martin Bormann: The Man Who Manipulated Hitler (Athens: Random House Inc., 1979) ; Anthony Read, The Devil’s Disciples: Hitler’s Inner Circle (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2003). 6 forbade all Party functionaries to supply the SD with any further information or reports,”9 Ernst Kaltenbrunner stated during a post-war interrogation that not only did Bormann forbid Party functionaries from SD membership, but the 1936 Emergency Law was drawn up providing Himmler with sole supreme command over the Gestapo.10 Currently, this evidence is preserved in German documents captured by the United States where it is publicly available. However, von Lang may not have had full access to these documents, as he researched his work in the late 1970s. Had von Lang provided this crucial evidence of the power struggle between Bormann and Himmler, his attempts to illustrate the rivalry between these two men would have become evident to readers. Given that von Lang’s work may seem to fall short in primary documentation, it is apparent that the author largely employed secondary information. Even the Bormann letters were cited from a secondary source rather than consulting the originals. From these early historians of the 1950s until the work in the late 1970s, there is an egotistical attitude in conveying the history of the Third Reich. It seems as if early authors felt themselves inherently masters of the topic since they had lived through the World War II era. In reality, the organization and chain of command of the Reich was difficult for even its leaders to fully understand. Though there are several exceptions such as William Shirer and Gerald Reitlinger each of whom wrote studies on the Third Reich and the SS, these early publications, 9 Von Lang, The Secretary, 289. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner, RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 10 7 especially biographies during the 1950s, were products of personal interpretation rather than useful academic studies. 11 Certainly, many of these books have served as pioneering studies over the decades. However, the works of these authors have been employed by later historians to improve upon the field. With further knowledge gaining the attention of historians, new documents and evidence becoming available, and additional connections being made within the field, it is clear that World War II studies will continue to develop. Thus the problem with these early authors is not necessarily that they were poor researchers who attempted to explain the Third Reich within a short period after its collapse, but rather that they thought they could fully explain the history. Continuing to forge connections within the history, this thesis is unlike any other academic work as it devotes a chapter solely to the study of the Himmler-Bormann rivalry. The relationship between these two men proves not only essential to the understanding of the political career of Heinrich Himmler, but this rivalry is also pivotal in explaining Himmler’s relationship with his contemporaries (particularly Heydrich and Göring). This is an aspect of Third Reich history overlooked by previous authors. By reviewing the biographies of both of these men, and creating similar personality profiles, this work provides an analysis of the Himmler-Bormann rivalry based on these men as individuals. Each man has been studied in the attempt to gain insight into their psychological character. Removing the pervasive Nazi categorization in favor of humanization and personal identification of these men renders the current work different from others. While historians have examined Himmler’s childhood and wondered what made him become a mass murderer, little is 11 See Gerald Reitlinger, The SS: Alibi of a Nation 1922-1945 (New York: Viking Press, 1957). 8 known of Bormann’s childhood. Therefore, the simple examination of adolescence alone cannot provide insight into the minds of these criminals. By their twenties, both Himmler and Bormann had become members of political groups to satisfy their needs for attention from a source of authority.12 Their similar desires for control, power, and reputation were the cause of their rivalry. Each considered himself an excellent record keeper. They built their secret personal files on their enemies, and had their own entourages. Though Himmler had other adversaries who were equally skilled in espionage or collecting supporters, the cat and mouse game which Himmler and Bormann played with one another is unmatched by any other relationship Himmler managed. The focus on Bormann brings this study full circle in explaining how Himmler’s ascent to power was predicated by the infighting in which he involved himself. This rivalry led to the prevention of further power by his sometimes friend and supporter, Martin Bormann. Göring provided Himmler with positions allowing him to become a worthy adversary for Bormann. Near the end of the war, Göring tried to advise Himmler against trusting Bormann. Heydrich provided an opportunity for Himmler to continue gaining and retaining power, reinforcing animosities with Bormann. Thus, by including the Himmler-Bormann rivalry as the final case study, this work proves the full strength of the conflict between the two leaders coincided with the end of the war. Where previous work has focused on the Himmler-Göring rivalry as the most important of Himmler’s career, this work demonstrates that the relationship with Bormann was the most turbulent of Himmler’s associations. The documentation of the Himmler-Göring rivalry prepared by the United States Army in 1938 presents a very matter-of-fact, description of two men fighting over control of policing 12 Von Lang, The Secretary, 24. 9 agencies. In reality, Himmler and Göring enjoyed a friendship which indicates a tutelage relationship. The infighting of the two became to a working relationship. This was visible as Göring attempted to assist Himmler in early 1944 and 1945. This particular relationship humanizes Himmler. The association illustrated a young politician seeking the guidance and friendship of a father-figure. Himmler then demonstrated his immense desire for control as he attempted to oust Göring from his leadership roles. In the final stage of the Himmler-Göring relationship, humility was present in Himmler as he begged Göring for forgiveness and assistance. Himmler and Heydrich were known rivals, especially after Heydrich’s appointment as Reich Protector of Bohemia and Moravia. Himmler led Heydrich into power, and had a hand in his death. The Himmler-Bormann relationship becomes important during the latter part of Himmler’s infighting with Heydrich as both Himmler and Bormann stood to gain with Heydrich no longer serving as a threat. Following this thought, it would make sense if Bormann and Himmler agreed to work together to remove their mutual rival permanently from power. Himmler and Heydrich shared a business-oriented relationship in which at times it was difficult to discern who was in charge of whom. While the two seem to have been friendly from their first meeting in 1931 until the outbreak of war in late 1939, Himmler was eventually pushed to perceive his right-hand-man as such a threat as to take part in a plot against his life. The role the Himmler-Bormann relationship played during Heydrich’s assassination, perhaps even extending to Bormann being the vocal encouragement Himmler needed to carry out the deed, cannot be overlooked in this examination of Himmler’s rivals. By utilizing his political rivalries, Heinrich Himmler attained notoriety as one of the most dangerous personalities of the twentieth century. Himmler’s contentious relationships with his 10 colleagues and rivals within the Nazi Party, Hermann Göring, Reinhard Heydrich, and Martin Bormann, each played a pivotal role in his leadership positions. Göring initiated Himmler’s ascent to power. Heydrich aided his control further while helping maintain the positions Himmler possessed. Finally, Martin Bormann prevented Himmler’s continued success. He removed Himmler’s power through sabotage of his leadership and his relationship with the Führer, Adolf Hitler. These three relationships formed Himmler’s roles within the Nazi Party and were the most essential to his overall leadership. To understand the rivalries of Heinrich Himmler, his personality and family background must first be examined. Himmler grew up during World War I, during a time in which battle was still romanticized and young men aspired to serve in the military and see combat. Himmler proved no different, but he did not meet the age requirements for military acceptance. This was a disappointment Himmler never overcame. This frustration combined with his complex family relationship, especially with his mother, and added to Himmler’s unhappiness. The typical anxieties associated with adolescence, placed him in a state of depression which he recorded in his diary.13 During his search for acceptance and a political career he so strongly desired based on his numerous diary entries, Himmler began his work with the Nazi Party in 1924. The Party was at first a haven organization for misfit revolutionaries and military veterans seeking to rebuild Germany while feeding their narcissism, debauchery, and need for gratification. Himmler, the misfit aspiring revolutionist, fitted in well. Each member of the Nazi Party sought to provide himself with control and respect within the party, thus inevitably earning his share of enemies. Himmler’s political conflicts were each due to his aspirations for further ascension to power. In a government in which the Nazi Party Leader, Adolf Hitler, encouraged rivalries and infighting to ensure the most brutally loyal men 13 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 89. 11 were rightfully in their roles, leaders were forced to intrigue against one another to assure themselves to be the most qualified man for their position. As the man who ultimately controlled most of the secret intelligence and internal security services in Germany, Himmler rose to the position of one of the most despised leaders of the Third Reich of whom his rivals wished to rid themselves. Ironically, three of his most challenging adversaries also presented themselves as friends or advisors. Hermann Göring was an experienced war veteran who greatly assisted Himmler in his ascent to power by providing him with roles of leadership for which he was well-suited. Himmler and Göring formed a mutually respectful relationship, which even through their most serious infighting, seemed to remain present, even if only on a surface level. Reinhard Heydrich was the stone-hearted subordinate Himmler needed. Though Himmler hired him for his “Aryan” appearance and to work with him closely as a right-hand-man, there were times when it became difficult to discern exactly who controlled whom. Heydrich continued to help to elevate Himmler’s leadership roles while also guarding the positions he possessed. Much of Heydrich’s defense was against Martin Bormann, who was perhaps Himmler’s greatest adversary. Manipulative and merciless, Bormann had no qualms about gaining and retaining power at any expense. He made certain that Himmler’s power came to a standstill, and after the assassination of Heydrich, Bormann turned Hitler against Himmler. Ultimately, Hitler’s growing hatred of Himmler, cultivated by Bormann, ended his political career, causing Himmler to flee Berlin in April 1945. This work discusses the important impact of these three rivalries on the political career of Heinrich Himmler. The relationship of Himmler with each personality is explored to substantiate the contention that Himmler would not have ascended to power without the infighting he 12 participated in with these men. Each association was vital in shaping his role within the Nazi Party, whether that should have been for his personal betterment or detriment. 13 Himmler Personality and Brief Biographical Study of a Studious Boy Turned Executioner To understand the rivalries of Heinrich Himmler, his personality and background must first be examined. Himmler was not born or raised into the antisemitic disposition for which he is widely known, rather he was self-indoctrinated. Once he discovered a political party which not only allowed him to express his views, but also fostered antisemitic, occultist, overt German nationalism, Himmler immediately sought leadership positions. In his attempts to create a position of control for himself within the Nazi Party, Himmler additionally found satisfaction for his need for praise, and to constantly please others. Heinrich Himmler came to embody the ideology of the Nazi Party. There is a great amount of discrepancy in the description of the personality of Heinrich Himmler among historians who have considered him as a topic for study. Himmler’s first biographer, Willi Frischauer illustrates Himmler as cold, calculating and callous. 14 His research is based on the Nuremberg interviews of Himmler’s comrades and older brother Gebhard, while Bradley F. Smith presents a deeper psychological view of Himmler from childhood until age twenty-six, utilizing Himmler’s diary.15As Smith observed, emphasis on the “interaction between the process of maturation and the changes in the environment in which he matured” should not be overlooked in favor of his later political activism. 16 These concepts dovetail to form Himmler’s overall psychological and political temperament, thus grooming him for the odious tasks which he later accepted. 14 See Willi Frischauer, Himmler: The Evil Genius of the Third Reich (Boston: The Beacon Press, 1953). See Bradley Smith, Heinrich Himmler: A Nazi in the Making (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1971). 16 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 5. 15 14 Heinrich Himmler was not always a man operating purely on cold and pitiless behavior. The ruthlessness of his actions became a keystone of his personality over time. As Smith points out, historians such as Frischauer stripped Himmler of his “pedestrian characteristics,” presenting only what Frischauer noted as “The Evil Genius.”17 Himmler evolved into this malicious person after his appointment as Reichsführer-SS in 1929. His reading up to this point bolstered his elitist mindset through Social Darwinism, antisemitism, and puritanical thought. Yet under the icy, calculating, exterior which he presented to the outside world, the boy who enjoyed motherly attention and pampering still existed. He toured the concentration and death camps which he oversaw, but never developed the ability of being able to directly oversee and view the executions he approved without showing signs of physical illness. Evidence of this can be found in a 1973 interview of his Chief of Personal Staff, Karl Wolff.18 To understand the evil which Himmler came to personify, one must first recognize how this character was able to evolve. Himmler’s antisemitism was not a result of his upbringing. There is no evidence of racial or cultural hatred taught within the Himmler household.19 Himmler’s antisemitism was a result of self-driven interest turned obsession. He chose on his own terms to embrace this discrimination and educated himself to become one of the most notorious antisemites the world has ever known. 17 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 3. Jeremy Isaacs, The World At War, Vol.6, Episode 1, Genocide, Documentary, Jeremy Isaacs, A&E Home Video, 1973. 19 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 3. 18 15 Childhood Heinrich Himmler was born on October 7, 1900 in Munich. The second son to Gebhard and Anna Himmler, they raised their three boys in Bavarian. Heinrich took great delight in listening to his father’s tales which often featured themes of German nationality and strength with his elder brother, named for their father. Gebhard senior was a school teacher who prided himself on his German ancestry. Heinrich and his brothers grew up surrounded by portraits of relatives as a constant reminder of their descent. 20 Antisemitic views were prominent in the völkisch movement which was made up predominantly of middle-class citizens, especially in Munich.21 Though their father was proud of his family’s lineage, there are no documented signs of antisemitism or of Gebhard and Anna teaching their sons that they were members of a master race.22 Despite his childhood seeming to contain all the necessities of love, support, nurturing and education, Himmler always sought more. He wanted constant attention and praise and would do everything within his capabilities to obtain respect, accreditation, and success throughout his life. Be it from his parents and teachers as an adolescent, or from his Führer as an adult, Himmler held a burning desire to stand out from the crowd and be commended on any and every action he undertook. Himmler grew up an average middle-class German child. He was prone to sickness, and was a bit of a know-it-all, which made him the target of a certain amount of ridicule at school. While Frischauer indicates that the boy had few friends and was avoided, Smith asserts the 20 Roger Manvell, and Heinrich Fraenkel, Heinrich Himmler: The Sinister Life of the Head of the S.S. and Gestapo (New York:Fall River Press, 1965), 2. 21 Peter Padfield, Himmler, 36. 22 Willi Frischauer, Himmler, 16. ;Willi Frischauer, Himmler,3. 16 opposite, directing readers to observe journal entries and letters from Himmler’s childhood friends. Some of his childhood companions with him up until his political memberships .23 Himmler’s numerous occasions of illnesses and convalescence caused his father to seek out additional tutoring for the boy so as to ensure he did not fall behind in his education. Gebhard senior insisted that each of his boys’ academic performance would be nothing less than stellar. It appears as if he was especially strict with Heinrich, who, as a result, became compulsive about his academic performance. Even through his years at the university level, Himmler would often equate his self-worth with his scholarly performance.24 The bedrock of Himmler’s many challenges lies in his childhood. Himmler was a people pleaser. This deep-rooted concern began in adolescence and remained with him into adulthood. While Himmler did have childhood companions, he could not help himself when it came to snitching on a culprit. Himmler constantly sought the approval and appreciation of an adult. If this meant denouncing one of his peers in order to gain attention, Himmler was willing to do so.25 Anna began to notice this behavior, and realizing that her son was troubled, did not spare him criticism.26 Though she wrote that she was proud of him, until Himmler’s suicide in 1945, Anna still took her son in hand and made her opinions and preferences known to him.27 Though documentation does not specify precisely at what age she began to worry for her son, it seems to have been before Himmler reached his teenage years that the characteristic first became 23 Frischauer, Himmler, 20 ; Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 28. Padfield, Himmler, 22-23. 25 Ibid, 25. 26 Frischauer, 19. 27 Padfield, Himmler, 141. 24 17 apparent.28 Himmler strove to excel. He wished to make the highest grades in school not only to please his father, but also himself. Himmler seems to have been very tough on himself as a child academically, and was disappointed when he fell short of his goals.29 In many ways, Himmler maintained this child-like desire for attention until the day he took his own life. In fact, it was this selfish longing to be recognized which caused his capture and subsequent death.30 The son of a school teacher, Himmler reprimanded himself if his class work fell below standards he and his father set. He excelled in the subjects of religious education and history.31 By the age of ten, Himmler was able to converse about famous German battles.32 Yet he was clumsy, and his athletic ability was pathetic.33 When Himmler was 10 years old, his father insisted that he begin keeping a journal, which Gebhard edited himself. This was to be the beginning of the boy’s obsessive attention to detail and record keeping, and his father’s corrections deeply seeded a need for perfectionism in Himmler.34 Recording each minute detail occurring in his life, Himmler not only created extraordinary entries for personal use and recollection, but the journals also serve as vital tools for historians and psychologists to attempt to understand Himmler. Young Himmler included the most mundane details in his diary. At times, he seemed more the accountant of his young life than the boy meant to enjoy childhood, paying close attention to even the minutest details. In 1911 for example, the boy kept track of each time he swam during the family vacation. “First swim,” “second swim,” and so on is listed up until the 28 Frischauer,Himmler, 19. Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 29. 30 Frischauer,Himmler, 10. 31 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 19. 32 Padfield, Himmler, 23. 33 Frischauer, Himmler, 20. 34 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 13-14. 29 18 “thirty-seventh swim.”35 Himmler’s diaries begin to show more spirit and excitement in his entries on the outbreak of war. On July 29, 1914, Himmler wrote, “Gebhard’s Birthday. Beginning of war between Austria and Serbia. Outing to the Waginger See. Agnes and Julie go with us…En route we become very sick. I go right to bed. During the night Mommy became very sick.”36 Through the details of his day, it is interesting to note that there is a sense of importance still present in his list of events. It was Gebhard’s birthday. Family was still most important, followed by the announcement of the beginning of war. In the original diary, Himmler italicized and underlined this sentence.37 Another entry describing the family’s return from their holiday reads “at 10:20 dear Mommy and we three boys left for Lindau.”38 Through these entries the personality of a fussy, prissy little boy clinging to his mother’s skirt hems becomes visible. The war brought out a more mature, masculine desire in Himmler to grow to become a soldier. Himmler kept details of radio announcements, troop positions, wartime news, and his emotional reactions to this information. Himmler found news of the war very exciting. He was a maturing fourteen-year-old boy during the outbreak of World War I. The combat came at a time when boys his age were still excited about the prospect of serving their countries, having never dealt with a great war where the knowledge of the carnage was widespread. In 1914, war was still romanticized, and Himmler and his friend, Faulk Zipperer, “would like best of all, to be in the middle of it,” Himmler wrote on August 28.39 An August 26 entry demonstrates how the war was intermingled with the events of Himmler’s daily life: “played in the garden with Falk. 1,000 Russians captured by our troops 35 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 31. Ibid, 33-34. 37 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 33. 38 Ibid, 30. 39 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 36. 36 19 east of Weichsel. Advance of Austrians. In the afternoon worked in the garden. We now have 42 cm. cannons.”40 Himmler’s personality would be greatly influenced by World War I. Psychological Issues Concerning his Mother As a child it is apparent that Himmler was doted upon and spoiled. It is clear through reading his early journal entries how important family was to him. He recalled and noted birthdays and even his parents’ anniversary. And though he began showing signs of maturing with his entries about the war, he obviously held an especially close connection to his mother. Himmler always called Anna “Mommy” in letters and journal entries well into his late twenties.41 Anna, being the doting mother, gave in to every plea for “goodies” in his letters home from his studies and praktikums (on-the-job-trainings), but remained critical of her middle son, even as he sat in his Nazi position of power.42 Their relationship became strained over the years. Throughout Himmler’s sickly childhood primarily caused by digestive problems and constant bouts of the flu and bronchitis, Anna attempted to make her son’s life as comfortable as possible .43 She fulfilled the boy’s every need and whim, and as a result, she inadvertently created a seemingly weak-minded, narcissistic child. Especially in his letters home during his late teenage years, Himmler shows classic characteristics of an only child, not expecting to have to share, wishing constant instant gratification, and attention solely paid to him. Himmler angrily lashed out or attempted to make his mother feel guilty when these desires were not fulfilled.44 40 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 35. Ibid, 51. 42 Frischauer, Himmler, 19. 43 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 23. 44 Ibid, 116. 41 20 Himmler shows a great deal of homesickness in his letters when he was away studying, and constantly fretted over his health. He shows signs of living in self-pity in which cases he always played the role of the victim, and was often pessimistic about the future or outcome of tasks.45 He would write to Anna requesting “goodies” only to turn around in a subsequent letter to demand needed affection which he manipulatively insisted he was not receiving. He would play the innocent victim to her neglect through numerous letters while he was away studying from 1919 until 1921.46 As Padfield showed, Dr. Harry Guntrip’s theory of Schizoid Phenomena can be used to explain Himmler’s behavior.47 Guntrip, a British psychologist, specialized in psychological relationships, and was a major contributor to the object relation theory. This theory primarily states that once a positive object is introduced, a positive ego is formed. With the removal of the object, the positive ego is replaced with a negative ego. Utilizing Guntrip’s theory, it can be speculated that as a result of his separation from Anna while away at school, for which he apparently was not prepared for whatever reason, Himmler’s ego suffered. These effects led to an “anti-libidinal” mode which essentially caused him to embrace a sadomasochistic side emerging in his personality. 48 This was caused by Himmler’s inability to work through the anger or resentment he felt with the withdrawal of his mother—both physically and most likely emotionally as she realized her son’s abnormality. In addition, he may have suffered from a sense of abandonment caused by the absence of his father while he was teaching in neighboring cities. This triggered Himmler to seek a sense of belonging elsewhere. Though he wanted his 45 Padfield, Himmler, 39. Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 80-81. 47 Padfield, Himmler, 12. ; See Harry Guntrip, Schizoid Phenomena: Object-Relations and the Self (London: Hogarth Press, 1977). 48 Harry Guntrip, Schizoid Phenomena,21. 46 21 parents to be pleased with him, he would later seek out attention and praise from those whom he considered greater men. These men would have their right arms emblazoned with the swastika. Himmler became easily aggravated with his parents—especially toward his mother, insisting his problems were of her causing in an effort to ensure that he was in control of himself.49 As there is no evidence of clinically documented mental illness, Himmler’s behavior can only be studied ex post facto. This desire for control was to be another of Himmler’s personality defects present and thriving throughout his life. He struggled to maintain a sense of authority, control, and ability. Though he desired and received attention and affection from his parents, this was never enough for Himmler. This behavior demonstrates a need for perfection which is often equated with a sense of emotional abandonment.50 Yet through his journal entries of family interaction, it is difficult to locate the outlet from where this self-victimization manifested. Though historian Gerald Reitlinger was of the opinion that Himmler did not quarrel with or feel estranged from his parents, the evidence demonstrates otherwise from Himmler’s own words. 51 Himmler Begins to Self-Educate Perceiving himself to have been robbed of the glory of battle during World War I owing to his youth, Himmler clashed with his parents over the focus of his life ambitions. His shortsightedness prevented him from joining the navy, as had been his dream as an adolescent.52 Though he passionately wished to become a military officer and completed some preparation at the military training school, the timing was never right, and each group he became involved with 49 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 53. Claudia Black, Changing Course: Healing from Loss, Abandonment, and Fear (Center City: Hazelden, 1993), 3841. 51 Gerald Reitlinger, The SS: Alibi of a Nation 1922-1945 (New York: Viking Press, 1957), 17. 52 Padfield, Himmler, 25. 50 22 fell by the wayside. In 1919, when Himmler was 19 years old, there was a marked anticommunist attitude and interest in politics in his journals.53 He joined the Freikorps and became the deputy to the commander of the Oberland in the spring of 1919.54 But when the group was absorbed into the Reichswehr and his services were no longer required, Himmler found his political and military ambitions thwarted once again. Though Himmler had shown no previous interest, upon his parents’ requests to find a practical career, he entered the Technical High School of Munich to study agronomy.55 However, Himmler did not entirely drop his political aspirations. While in school, he read a great deal of military, anti-communist, and Freemasonry-themed books. His Catholic background caused him to form a bias against Freemasons. Freemasonry is spoken of in Catholic canon law 2335, which states: “Persons joining associations of the Masonic sect or any others of the same kind which plot against the Church and legitimate civil authorities contract excommunication.”56 Additionally, Himmler read Austrian politician and lawyer, Friedrich Wichtl’s, work on Freemasonry. Wichtl also discusses anti-communism and antisemitism. Himmler noted the work in his journal as being “a book that explains everything and whom we must fight against next time.”57 Though it is not apparent that at this time he did not fully accept the “Jewish Conspiracy,” Himmler was exposing himself to the antisemitic mindset. Himmler fell into a depression while at school. He was self-conscious, awkward, and did everything in his power to avoid seeming weak. In his attempts to portray himself as stronger, Himmler took on the persona of a young man wise beyond his years. He began to be more 53 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 65. Ibid, 66. 55 Padfield, Himmler, 37. 56 “Catholicism vs. Freemasonry—Irreconcilable Forever,” EWTN, Global Catholic Network, accessed April 2, 2014, https://www.ewtn.com/library/ANSWERS/BACAFM.HTM. 57 Smith, Heinrich Himmler 74. 54 23 overtly critical of his parents, brother Gebhard, and friends, as the tattletale child grew into a domineering adolescent. This created a great deal of strain in these relationships. Though he would often apologize later with obvious remorse for his actions, the damage was done.58 This discomfort, coupled with the desire to overcompensate and appear powerful became driving forces in his pursuit for military authority. Himmler thrived on a strange dichotomy, desiring constant doting from his mother, yet also attempting to keep a distant relationship with her. His frequent illnesses as a child had solidified her role as a strong loving mother in his youth, yet as Himmler aged, the two personalities apparently attempted to wean from one another. Himmler perhaps put forth the role of independent adult more so than he was honestly capable of in order to support this process and appearance. Himmler’s self-righteousness was only to worsen as he got older. In 1924 Himmler crossed numerous lines of acceptable behavior when he forced the breaking of his brother Gebard’s engagement. Himmler had obtained information that his brother’s fiancée was perhaps not the most innocent girl of choice. He then wasted no time in making his discoveries popular knowledge.59 This was the first example of action rather than simply words being exercised to have an effect on the lives of others. Given to continuing bouts of depression throughout his life, his diary entries from his teenage years to his twenties reveal a fragile, overprotected young man bent on finding acceptance.60 According to schoolmates, he was not the lonely, friendless student as some historians have portrayed, but rather he was an intelligent student his friends respected while also 58 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 116. Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 73-75. 60 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 89. 59 24 being the informer they resented if they found themselves on the receiving end of punishment for their actions. He was very attached and loving toward his parents, even during their quarrels. Himmler observed two groups of people, classifying himself as “melancholic and stern” in one of his 1922 diary entries. This was opposed to the other group which he perceived to be the “easy-going and hot-blooded sort who followed their desires without too much thought or sense of responsibility.”61 This sense of self-control and self-righteous piety seem to have in part been the cause for his states of depression. In his writing, he often pondered his future and reasons for living.62 Himmler recorded in his diary all the various books he read. In his early twenties, he made notes of several philosophy books, and in his numerous entries, a corresponding sense of melancholy bordering on suicide can be found during his readings. Especially when he was away from home, Himmler wondered about his purpose and if he would be missed if anything was to happen to him.63 He was serious and concerned that he had already failed in his still young life. This attitude was amplified by his parents’ constant push to focus on his agricultural work, obtain a proper job, and abandon his military ambitions and political interests. Himmler also began dabbling in New Age practices and spirituality. He read Mathius Fidler’s Die Toten Leben (The Living Dead) and learned about transmigration of souls, and turned to philosophers such as Schopenhauer and Ibsen for assistance in finding personal 61 Padfield, Himmler, 48. Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 89. 63 Ibid, 72. 62 25 truths.64 From these readings he reaffirmed in himself that his decisions to maintain stern selfcontrol, abstinence were justifiable. Possessing a strong sense of Catholic ethics and morality, Himmler was skittish when it came to the topic of sex. In fact, some of his closest friends claimed to believe Himmler maintained his virginity until the age of 26, when he married Margarete Boden.65 Though he read many books on the subject and participated in listening to the encounters of his male peers, Himmler was cautious to keep his own sexual desires at bay. Himmler was a member of the Apollo fraternity at Munich’s Technical University. If he attended a dance with his Apollo brothers, and escorted a young lady home, he always ensured they were joined by one of his fraternity brothers. This was to prevent any possible temptations. 66 As Smith suggests, Himmler seems to have gone through a period as a young adult when he constantly observed and judged young women, as evident in his treatment of his brother’s fiancée. He would note his opinions in his diary including the appearance and location of the girl if a name was not applicable, as well as his perception of her morality based on how she carried herself and interacted with others.67 If he found a young lady to be favorable, he often wrote of her as a “good German Gretchen.”68His readings on sexuality led him to attempt to enlighten himself on homosexuality, but he found the lifestyle to be immoral and repulsive. Himmler’s repugnance to homosexuality may lay to rest the suspicion that Himmler was a latent homosexual. He seems genuine in his reaction from his academic research of the topic.69 64 Smith, Heinrich Himmler 106. Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 9. 66 Smith, Heinrich Himmler 85. 67 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 49-51. 68 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 113-114. 69 Ibid, 86-87. 65 26 In all topics he studied, he approached the subject from an academic perspective. Naturally the topic of sex proved no different. More than likely from his father’s scholarly influence, Himmler always researched for himself any information he encountered which piqued his interest. Himmler was prudish in his education and personal handling of sex, yet he was deeply interested in the topic of propagation. This interest would later reemerge as he instructed his SS men to become promiscuous, impregnating as many women as possible to reproduce for the sake of the Reich. Himmler must have overcome his apprehension as he himself took on a mistress who bore him two illegitimate children.70 What Himmler gained from his reading was self-awareness, pride, and elitism. These were new concepts for this chronically people pleaser. His pre-existing qualities of neediness, desire for control, and manipulation never dissolved. Thus these new characteristics added to his growingly dangerous personality as he became more passionate about his mission and dogmas throughout his life. His pride, combined with his tendency to fret over details, turned his people pleasing into an obsession that he would have to fulfill for himself, using Hitler as an ideal. He rarely admitted failure, and had a strong desire to be admired. This characteristic would be present while he was in school, trying to assist his fraternity brothers with their troubles, and, later, in his Nazi career when he led the SS and its branches. Himmler’s Attention Turns to Antisemitism After World War I, antisemitism and the “Jewish Conspiracy” were thriving and spreading throughout Germany. He had begun reading books with an antisemitic theme in midApril 1920,71 one of these being Artur Dinter’s Die Sünde wider das Blut (The Sin Against the 70 Katrin Himmler, The Himmler Brothers: A German Family History (London:Pan Macmillion Ltd, 2007), 246-253. Padfield, Himmler, 46. 71 27 Blood). Himmler noted that the work was a clear introduction to the Jewish question; however the author seemed “somewhat blindly enraged in his hatred of the Jews.” 72 The meticulous student examined and sought out information on one of the most popular conspiracy topics of his era. Himmler’s antisemitism is an example of the times in which he was situated. Hearing the “Jewish World Conspiracy” as the cause for Germany’s state of affairs and the loss of the war led to Himmler’s initial interest in the belief. Placed in the hands of this deadly mind, antisemitic books, propaganda, and lore became lethal. Himmler, with his unmerited sense of elitism, began educating himself on how to become a bigot. The “Jewish Conspiracy” after World War I gained his attention, and he became interested in political leaders spouting the same information combined with the indoctrination of their personal neurotic ideals. Himmler was impressionable yet cunning, governed by his desire to please and conform. By 1922, Himmler’s relations with his parents were intensely strained, and his political views were clearly more radical judging by entries in his journal. Constantly attempting to vindicate his latest acquired knowledge, Himmler was unable to help himself from embracing the schoolmasterly persona he had inherited from his father.73 In January, his desire for facts rather than just hatred about the Jews, so he could formulate his own opinion, turned him to pseudoacademic texts. His writing began to take on a nationalistic tone, he wrote of land reform, antihomosexuality, degeneration of bloodlines, and the Jewish question.74 Peter Padfield states that at the age of twenty, Himmler was willing to believe Jewish stereotypes and grotesque exaggerations of Jewish attributes.75 Smith wrote that at twenty-two-years-old, Himmler was showing clear signs of becoming a racist and an antisemite. This is evidence of a steady stream 72 Ibid,, 47. Reitlinger, The SS, 15. 74 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 122-23. 75 Padfield, Himmler, 47. 73 28 of “study” and “examination” for two years caused Himmler to accept the animosity. Not only was he not raised an antisemite, but the mindset was not one he accepted overnight. During this time there was a marked decline in Himmler’s attendance at mass. Instead, he turned his attention to readings he noted in his journal as citing Catholicism as “too doctrinaire” or “fanatical.”76 He wrote of religious doubt, and of spiritualism and occultism as “unbelievably deep and significant.”77 Where Himmler had been studying texts on the Jews, he now turned to making his decisions of Jewish character. He no longer sought only “academic” work, but also propaganda on the Jewish culture to foster his antisemitism. Likewise, Himmler began seeking out texts on the history of ancient societies and religious relics to further his knowledge of the occult. As a child, Himmler went on hiking trips with his family in the summer of 1912. The Jesuit relics and other religious artifacts, as well as the German occultist Thule Society history to which he was exposed to on the trip left a lasting impression on him.78 Himmler was greatly impressed by the Teutonic Knights and the Jesuit order. He found the combination of their fearless valor and steadfast devotion to be highly desirable characteristics by which to live and model his S.S. order.79 In 1934 he allowed his fascination with the occult to mingle with his obsession with the Teutonic Knights when he refurbished and expanded Wewelsburg castle, completed in 1609 in the town of Westphalia, dating back to Charlemagne.80 Rituals and spiritual practices took place among those of the S.S. who were chosen to gain access to regular retreats. 76 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 145. Ibid, 145. 78 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 30. 79 Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 48. 80 Ibid, 49. 77 29 Himmler would later allow his occult interests to catch him in a firm grasp, building great halls and dedicating rooms to German historical figures and dedicating hours to their study.81 Political Aspirations Attained The standstill of Himmler’s political life changed in 1922 when he linked himself with the paramilitary group known as the Reichskriegsflagge (Imperial War Flag Society.) This organization was of special interest to Nazi paramilitary leader, Ernst Röhm, who used the group to assist in the 1923 putsch. Hitler staged the putsch in an attempt to overthrow the Weimar government and supplant it with the Nazi Party. Once Himmler formed a connection with Röhm his political advancement seems to have been set. This would prove to be a connection which would repay Himmler greatly later on. His relationship with Röhm is especially interesting as it shows the ruthlessness of his desire to ascend to power. Himmler was drawn to the old fighter’s desire to restore Germany to its pre-World War I state, rebuilding a strong, financially independent Germany with an improved military. Röhm told him of the Nazi Party, and deciding to solidify his support, he joined the party in 1923. During the Putsch, Himmler’s Company Werner Unit of the Bavarian Army supported Röhm and thus Hitler, yet the men remained neutral and disarmed.82 As Röhm awaited orders with the Reichkreigflagge to seize the War Ministry buildings, the men were surrounded and prevented from assisting Hitler’s efforts. As the groups were disbanded and ultimately banned, Himmler found his political aspirations upset once again. Despite the failure, grass roots Völkisch (people’s movement) organizations continued to form. Himmler visited Röhm during the latter’s time in Stadelheim prison for his association 81 82 Manvell and Frankel, Himmler, 49. Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 136. 30 with the putsch, and absorbed more of the political leader’s ideologies. Longerich cites Röhm as a mentor for Himmler, and this seems to be accurate.83 Without the assistance of Röhm, Himmler would not have been able to advance within the party, gain attention, or been given the responsibilities which he was shouldered. Himmler began presenting speeches on behalf of the Völk, writing newspaper articles, and networking with leaders growing in popularity. One of these leaders was Gregor Strasser of the Nationalsozialistiche Freiheitsbewegung (National Socialist Freedom Movement or NSFB) in lower Bavaria. The formation of this single relationship would later prove to be the springboard of Himmler’s political and later Nazi career. Where Röhm was the connection, Strasser was a major figurehead within the party. Strasser observed Himmler’s marked disappointment in not seeing active military duty. He knew Himmler would take pride in the party and any position he was assigned as he was so supportive of the cause. It was due to this drive and enthusiasm coupled with his impeccably tidy recordkeeping ability that Himmler later became Strasser’s adjunct, claiming the title of Deputy Gauleiter (deputy leader of a regional branch of the party) of the NSFB in early 1924. 84 In this position, Himmler was charged with keeping schedules, maintaining files, correspondence, transportation arrangements, assisting with details of the group newspaper, and general business duties. 85 This proved to be vital experience later, and Strasser continued to assist Himmler to obtain leadership roles within the party which aided in his rise to power. Strasser bragged about Himmler’s propaganda abilities, noting his superior education and ability to adapt.86 Strasser described Himmler as “A remarkable fellow. He looks like a half-starved 83 Longerinch, Heinrich Himmler, 119-20. Padfield, Himmler, 80. ; Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 154 85 Smith,Heinrich Himmler, 154. 86 Padfield, Himmler, 84-84. 84 31 shrew. But keen I tell you, incredibly keen. He is underway the whole day-from one farm to another- from one village, to the next.” 87 Difficulties met the unsuccessful attempt of the rise of the “Strasser wing” of the Nazi Party. While Strasser shared Hitler’s antisemetic and anti-capitalistic views, Strasser held a more socialized option of economics. Strasser had little support, and could not compete with Hitler as an orator.88 The conformist in Himmler was slipping to Hitler’s side despite everything Strasser had done for him. Himmler realized Hitler could provide the power, control and attention he desired, and Strasser simply became a stepping stone. But most of all, Hitler provided a successful group which Himmler greatly wanted to be a part , especially as he had never experienced being part of a group with the upper hand. Hitler gained Himmler’s allegiance, and for the man who truly gave Himmler a start to his political career, and put money into his hands, came an assassination bullet in 1934 when Strasser was murdered during the S.A. purge. During this party purge, also known as the Night of the Long Knives, members of Hitler’s entourage, including Heinrich Himmler, Hermann Göring, and Minister of Propaganda, Joseph Goebbels, executed those who were viewed to be a current or possible threat to the Nazi Party. The S.A. paramilitary organization was the primary target as the group grew more difficult to control. Himmler employed the Gestapo and his Schutzstaffel (SS) to carry out the executions. Though Strasser was viewed as a political enemy of Hitler, Himmler could have taken actions to change the outcome of Strasser’s murder by the Gestapo. Himmler had surrendered his support to Hitler in exchange for respect and authority. In the same vein, Röhm had also assisted Himmler in his rise through leadership ranks within the party. When Heydrich executed Röhm, 87 88 Padfield, Himmler, 80. Ibid, 117. 32 Himmler experienced mixed feelings: first questioning the decision, and later, accepting the murder.89 This callousness is evidence of Himmler’s acceptance of Nazi ideology and growing desire to succeed, regardless of consequences. Himmler Adopts Nazism By 1924, there was a visible ruthlessness to Himmler’s writing. This cruelty increased over the years and enabled him capable of the executions he assisted in conducting ten years later. He read a pamphlet on Hitler and wrote, “truly a great man, and above all, a genuine and pure one. His speeches are splendid works of Germandom and Aryanism.” 90 Himmler was captivated by Hitler’s messages, and when the NSFB decided to dissolve their organization in 1925, Himmler followed Röhm to the NSDAP.91 But a difference of opinion between Hitler and Röhm caused the latter to leave Germany and take up a role as German military adviser to the Bolivian Army.92 Fortunately for Himmler, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) absorbed Strasser’s entire organization in February 1925, and he was able to maintain his position as deputy.93 One of Himmler’s added tasks was occasionally to present public speeches at campaign rallies across Germany.94 With this responsibility, Himmler could add “orator” to the list of qualifications for his future leadership positions within the Nazi Party. 89 United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 90 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 146. Ibid, 156-157. 92 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 157. 93 United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 94 Smith, 158. 91 33 Himmler joined the SS in 1925.95 He was member number 168.96 His skills as an orator served him well when he was appointed Deputy Reich Propaganda leader in September of 1926.97 It came as no surprise to Himmler’s friends and colleagues that he became such a devoted follower of Hitler. Even as he worked under Strasser, Himmler exhibited a “schoolboyish adulation” of Hitler.98 One of Himmler’s acquaintances, Hans Erhard, knew him to have a framed photograph of Hitler hanging from his walls. Erhard recalled that he, “secretly observed Himmler not only looking up at Hitler, but addressing the picture as a sort of rehearsal for the time he would meet the Führer.”99 The exact date Himmler met Hitler is uncertain but, it is most commonly agreed that Himmler met his idol sometime in 1926.100 Another important meeting took place in September 1927 with Margarete Boden, who he began courting. Himmler specifically marked September 12 in his pocket diary, and it is assumed he was noting the day he first saw her in the town of Sulzbach in Bavaria.101 Seven years his senior, with light hair and blue eyes, Margarete was a good match for Himmler. 102 Not only did she conform to the ideal Nazi concept of a perfect German type, but due to her age (34), Himmler could view Margarete as a makeshift mother to attempt to fill the negative void in his ego caused by the sense of withdrawal he felt from his own mother. Additionally, Margarete was a nurse, which certainly acted as an attraction to Himmler’s hypochondriac nature.103 95 United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 96 Manvell, and Frankel, Himmler, 16. 97 Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 167. 98 Heinz Höhne, The Order of the Death’s Head: The Story of Hitler’s SS (New York: Penguin Books, 2000), 43. 99 Frischauer, Himmler, 24. 100 Richard Breitman, The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf Inc, 1991), 33. 101 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 103. 102 Joachim Fest, The Face of the Third Reich: Portraits of the Nazi Leadership (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), 116. 103 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 103. 34 After proving himself a likeminded and loyal party member and leader, Himmler was appointed deputy to Reichführer SS Erhard Heiden in 1927.104 Life progressed rapidly over the next two years. In 1928 he and Margarete married, and though it appeared the two would make for a perfect union, this was not the case. Himmler was never much of a family man, allowing love for his work rather than the love for his wife to take precedence.105 The contents of Himmler’s letters and infrequent visits home show that Himmler was much more attached to his career. He replaced Heiden as Reichsführer, at Hitler’s insistence on January 6, 1929.106 In just five short years, Himmler went from Deputy Gauleiter to the role that would later authorize him to execute the Final Solution. In the summer, a daughter was born to Himmler and Margarete on August 8, 1929. They named the child Gudrun after the German heroine from Werner Jansen’s book, Das Buch Liebe (The Love Book), one of Himmler’s favorites.107 Though he loved his child, his SS provided her with competition. Based on her letters to her husband, it seems Margarete spent a great deal of time alone pining for Himmler. In one correspondence she wrote, “only today I was thinking how we should celebrate your birthday…My love, let’s go to some exhibition together. We’ve never done that.”108 One of the few documented occasions of Himmler spending time with his wife was in 1936 when the couple undertook a spa excursion at Wiesbaden in Hesse.109 104 Padfield, Himmler, 86. Ibid, 91. 106 Manvell and Frankel,Himmler, 17. 107 Padfield, Himmler, 93. 108 Ibid, 93. 109 “Himmler and his wife at Wiesbaden, Hesse Germany, 1936,” World War II Database, accessed April 2, 2014, ww2db.com/image.php?image_id=7638. 105 35 Though he had a family of his own to care for, with an infant daughter who needed his attention and affection, Himmler selfishly remained at Hitler’s side instead, seeking admiration from his leader. This serves as a strong example of the intense need for gratification through pleasing others Himmler harbored. He has been noted as a supreme conformist, and as possessing a mind that was easily swayed. 110 This is evident through his adoption of antisemitism. Himmler was consumed by his need to gain authority, power, and admiration. He came to depend on his personal crusade against the Jews to gain admiration and approval from Hitler. It could be argued that while the Shoah was carried out by other leading Nazi Party members out of a sense of duty, fulfilling a task, or commitment, for Himmler this was a private mission. He was on a crusade to save not only Aryan blood, but the entire world from what he saw as the poisoned grasp of the Jews. He wished to prevent the Jewish population from procreating. Himmler was convinced that members of the Jewish community were sexual miscreants, acting as sexual villains who were on a mission to violate and exploit the Germanic bloodline.111 Himmler blamed eroticism as a cause of moral decay. He named the Jews as the leading culprit of this problem. A great deal of Himmler’s antisemitism contained a sexual aspect.112 This is evident in his later treatment of the Jews during the Shoah. Himmler’s desire to sterilize Jews, ban “interracial marriages,” and discontinue assimilation of Jews into German culture, leads back to his view of the importance of ending the procreation of the Jewish people. Being impressionable, Himmler sought to become a part of a larger cause. He simply needed acceptance, a leader who would provide him with direction and recognition from that 110 Padfield, Himmler, 25. Smith, Heinrich Himmler, 143. 112 Ibid, 144. 111 36 leader. Himmler found this acceptance in the Nazi Party. Under the principles of the party, Himmler was able to work towards the goals he desired for Germany and the people of the country as well as practice his antisemitic views, interests in German folklore, and belief in the occult. Yet it was his hatred of the Jews and his steadfast support of the Final Solution which provided Himmler his ascent to power. For Himmler, antisemitism was not simply a mindset presenting a task to be carried out, but a value of his passionate belief system. Himmler, like his comrades, believed that his actions were for the betterment of the German people. Himmler delivered a speech to German army officers in February 1938, which gave some insight to his beliefs. “We are a nation of 70 million in the heart of Europe. We will survive only because we are qualitatively more worthy than the others, who will always outstrip us in numbers. We are of better Quality. We are fortunate that we live in this age when once in 2,000 years an Adolf Hitler was born.”113 Right up to the end of the war, Himmler’s loyalty would remain steadfast to Hitler. Throughout his career, there were three defining men who stood out as important factors in Himmler’s leadership positions within the Third Reich. Two comrades assisted in Himmler’s ascent to power. Hermann Göring and Reinhard Heydrich elevated Himmler to leadership roles either by direct actions or successful guidance of measures Himmler himself should pursue. The third influence was Himmler’s long-time adversary Martin Bormann, who performed his key role as the man who unmade Himmler after preventing his further ascent to power, rapidly followed by Himmler’s downfall in the Third Reich. 113 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Memorandum for Mr. Nichols, May 10, 1941, RG 65 Entry A1 136P, Box 1, Section 001, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 37 Himmler was not truly an adult until he assumed his role within the Party. “An adult Heinrich Himmler separate from the Party and its ideologies never existed. Himmler was Nazism.”114 He went figuratively from the teat of his mother to the arms of the party. For Himmler, this was the movement of one security to another, yet in his mind only Hitler would elevate him to become the powerful and respected person he desired to be. 114 Padfield, Himmler, 82. 38 Göring Ascent to Power: Himmler’s Rise Under the Navigation of the Last Red Baron Of all of Himmler’s rivalries, his animosity toward Hermann Göring is the most readily comprehensible and straightforward. A decorated World War I ace fighter pilot, Hermann Göring joined the Nazi Party and established the Gestapo in 1933. Göring assisted Himmler in his ascent to power. He provided Himmler with positions, insider knowledge, and personal advice. Later, Göring foolishly passed along some of his important roles to Himmler, thereby inadvertently elevating Himmler to political strength he had not intended. Though not the most crafty politician in the Reich, Himmler proved himself more calculating than Göring. Göring created the Gestapo and began building secret intelligence files which Himmler later inherited, yet he was not the vengeful, slippery person that Himmler was.115 Göring was also not the type who needed the attention and reassurance that Himmler required. He was personable and gregarious, a capable executive, popular with the masses, an art lover, and continuously carried an air of respectability and “something of the atmosphere of an air lieutenant out on a spree.”116 When Göring first met Himmler, his young comrade was still trying to make a name for himself in the Nazi Party. By 1945, Göring was trying to get Himmler to find safety by leaving Berlin. It was during (and because of) his rivalry with Göring that Himmler ascended to most of his power. 115 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner, RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 116 United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 39 As Himmler found himself excited to participate in the Beer Hall Putsch November 8-9, 1923, forceful political activity was nothing new to the old fighters. He at last had the opportunity he had been waiting for— involving himself in a revolutionary political movement. Despite the protests of his parents, Himmler had become a member of a political movement. Himmler’s fresh, young face was among the war-weathered military men, Hitler, Röhm, and Göring. While Himmler remained in the background holding the flag, Göring loyally marched alongside Hitler, the man he hoped could take Germany back to its pre-World War I glory days of strength and self-sufficiency.117 Himmler also held these aspirations for Germany, and this was one of the commonalities between Himmler and Göring that drew the seasoned veteran and the eager aspiring politician together. Additionally, Himmler held to the admiration his father instilled in him of old German nobility—nobility of which Göring was bred. 118 Though he has been marked in history as “brutal,” Göring also attempted to maintain his sense of dignity and aristocratic heritage.119 He was not a true antisemite, and focused much of his attention on the military and economic aspects of the Reich. Despite his efforts, Göring lost his dignity when he used Himmler as a scapegoat after the end of the war. Göring claimed to the Allies that he had no knowledge of the extent of Holocaust; Himmler’s extermination of the Jews was a “fiendish pleasure” Göring imagined he acquired. “It is beyond me, just what was behind all that.”120 117 Willi Frischauer,The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering (Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1951), 38. United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 119 United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 120 Investigatory Records Repository, Interrogation of Goering, June 25, 1945, RG 319 Entry A1 134B, Box 235, XE00096, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 118 40 Like other leaders of the Third Reich, Göring possessed qualities which, had they been put to positive use, he could have had a beneficial effect on his country. Himmler truly believed he was working for the betterment of the German people. Leaders of the Third Reich were convinced that their form of government could save and revitalize Germany. Due to the early support of the masses prior to 1938 when the party began acting upon its expansion and extermination agenda at a public level, the desire to rejuvenate Germany seemed to have been a general post-war objective. He also offered his unique qualities to the party, such as his tactful diplomatic skills. Göring played a pivotal role as an ambassador for Hitler in helping create an ally in Italian leader, Benito Mussolini. As Mussolini was not initial a supporter of Hitler’s ideology, this alliance could not have been formed without Göring’s assistance.121 Aristocratic Beginnings On January 12, 1893, Hermann Wilhelm Göring was born to Germany’s MinisterResident for Southwest Africa, Heinrich Ernst Göring, and his second wife, Franziska Tiefenbrunn.122 When Franziska found she was pregnant with her fourth child, she left Haiti where her husband was acting as consul-general, to give birth in the Marienbad Sanatorium at Rosenheim in Bavaria. Though Prussian by ancestry, Göring always regarded himself as Bavarian, and it would later be the “Bavarian Group” of the Nazi Party of which he became a member.123 121 Rodger Manvell and Heinrich Fraenkel, Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, Inc, 2011), 60. 122 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 21. 123 Frischauer, The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering, 9. 41 Göring had a strong, impressive, Prussian background. Tracing back his heritage, he found that his ancestral lineage included Goethe, Bismarck, and Count Zeppelin.124 Göring grew up taking pride in his family history and was raised among the aristocracy, influenced by his father’s gifts for diplomacy and financial acumen. Typical of highly indulged children with a lack of discipline, Göring was an extremely willful child. His every desire was met as his parents apparently showed him no other form of affection or instillation of respect by way of discipline.125 Not noted as a good student, Göring disliked school, and was labeled “wild and difficult to control, ordering his companions about in his eagerness to play at soldiers” by the master of his boarding school in 1900.126 His desire to become a soldier was made a reality in 1906 when Göring began attending military college at Lichterfelde near Berlin. He was nineteen years old when he became a commissioned officer in the Prinz Wilhelm Regiment, the 112th Infantry, in 1912.127 From this point forward, Göring spent many of his waking hours in a military uniform. His time at Muelhausen with his infantry regiment were happy days in which he made friends among his fellow officers and popularized himself among the ladies with the assistance of his personal allowance of two thousand marks.128 But Göring’s life took a serious turn when he was called to live up to his promise when he stated, “if war breaks out, you can be sure I’ll give a good account of myself and live up to the name of Göring.”129 On June 29, 1914, Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie were assassinated in Sarajevo. On July 27, Göring poured 124 Ibid, 6. Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 24. 126 Ibid, 24. 127 Manvell and Fraenkell, Goering, 27. 128 Frischauer, The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering, 14. 129 Manvell and Fraenkell, Goering, 27. 125 42 his heart out into a letter to his mother, and two days later Germany mobilized.130 Göring was finally fulfilling his dream of participating in military combat. By the end of the war, Göring’s credentials included acting as the last commander of the Richthofen Fighter Squadron (making him the last Red Baron), being awarded the Pour le Mérite, and demobilized as a decorated ace pilot with rank of captain.131 Göring returned home with his medals and honors to a broken post-war Germany. He found himself in the same situation as so many World War I veterans reverting to ordinary citizens with little to no experience outside of the military realm. Göring was lost in this new and dismal country. Göring Finds the Party and a Ruthless Young Man In the autumn of 1922, Göring heard Hitler speak, and the message resonated. Göring joined the Nazi Party that year, and devoted himself to Hitler.132 During the failed Beer Hall Putsch of early November, 1923, Göring was shot and suffered a groin injury. He was medicated with morphine. He became addicted to the drug, and despite his four years at the Langbro Asylum in Sweden to cure his dependency, Göring would continually have problems with his usage after his return to Germany in 1927.133 When Hitler selected Göring to act as leader of the SA, he was delighted to have such an experienced and decorated veteran at his service. Hitler boasted, “moreover, he has money and doesn’t cost me a cent!”134 Göring served as Oberster SA-Führer (commander of the SA) from 1923 until what became known as the Stennes revolt in 1930. During the revolt, SA troops 130 Frischauer, The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering 14-15. Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 32-36. 132 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 45. 133 William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1959), 146. 134 Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 74. 131 43 attempted a coup against the party. Hitler quelled the revolt, placating the group with funding and recognition, and assumed an overall command position. Hitler then called on his fellow World War I veteran and friend, Ernst Röhm to lead the SA on January 5, 1931. The promotion of Röhm would later cause a purge, during which many old fighters (including Röhm) lost their lives. The Stennes revolt provided evidence that even under the command of Göring, the SA was a difficult paramilitary group to control. Hitler believed that by placing Röhm in command of the organization, he and his party would be protected. In May 1933, Göring worried that Hitler had poorly placed his security. Tensions were rising in the SA with feelings of resentment from the “old fighters” toward the new Nazi Party members they felt were simply jumping on the bandwagon. Despite these complaints, SA membership grew. In 1934, membership increased six times its count from the previous year.135 During the beginning of 1934, Röhm spoke of the need to launch open attacks on the Party and German army in an attempt to intimidate the Nazi Party into accepting the SA as a national militia, capable of supplanting the army.136 Göring is Benefactor of Himmler’s Ascent to Power This affected Göring directly, who realized that a political crisis would soon be at hand if action was not taken. He had been building his collection of secret intelligence since 1933 as head of the Gestapo. His files included information to support action taken against the SA. Göring gained the support of Goebbels, Himmler, and Heydrich as the main actors in the purge. He knew of the plot to execute Röhm and his organization of revolutionaries would work as 135 136 Richard J. Evans, The Third Reich in Power (New York: Penguin Books, 2005), 22. Evans, The Third Reich in Power, 24 44 long as he obtained the proper allies to assist him. Worried that his Gestapo director Rudolf Diels would not be capable of carrying out the tasks placed before him, Göring replaced Diels with Himmler, whose ideals he found to be ruthless and in the best interests of the party. 137 The Gestapo transition to power occurred on April 20, 1934, and it was no coincidence that it just happened to fall on Hitler’s birthday. Göring explained at the Nuremberg trials how he came to pass his Gestapo forces to Himmler. At that time I did not fully oppose it. [Himmler gradually taking over the German police states.] It was not agreeable to me, I wanted to handle the police myself. But when the Führer asked me to do this and said it would be the correct thing and that it proved necessary that the enemies of the State should be fought throughout the Reich in a uniform way, I actually handed the police over to Himmler, who put Heydrich in Charge.138 Göring was especially reluctant to hand over control of his Gestapo as he felt it was the real key to his power in Prussia.139 Heydrich ultimately gaining this source of power would become a point of rivalry between Himmler and Göring. Likewise, as Göring did not seem to approve of Heydrich, there would be a sense of animosity between these two men as well. With Himmler now commanding both the Gestapo and SS, Göring felt confident that the young Reichsführer would dutifully carry out and delegate as necessary. Though Göring did not fully trust Himmler’s right-hand-man, Reinhard Heydrich, Göring knew they each represented power and fear. Each man drew up lists of SA members, leaders, and other political adversaries they believed posed a possible problem in the future. Göring went so far as to take measures to protect himself, Himmler, and their men in declaring that he was prepared to intervene with an 137 Ibid, 54. Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 108. 139 Padfield, Himmler, 141. 138 45 “iron hand” against anyone posing as enemies to the State. 140 His declaration further stated that in the event of an incident, the punishment would include “the death penalty or long terms in the penitentiary for attacks or even plans for an attack upon members of Hitler’s Brown Army.”141 The round-ups and executions began on June 30, 1934 and were completed by July 2. “The executions were carried out by the SS and at this time Himmler ‘rubbed out’ several innocent persons against whom he had some personal grudge” as did Göring.142 In a special interview for the German press, Göring later claimed that the Röhm Purge, or Night of the Long Knives as it came to be known, was a result of he and Himmler combining forces to defend and protect the Party. Göring clarified the situation with, “That is to say, my office and that of Himmler, the Reich leader of the SS…that a portion of the highest SA leaders had turned away from the purpose of the movement.”143 Hitler was shocked at the thoroughness of the executions, shouting at Waffen-SS General, Sepp Dietrich, “You have gone too far!”144 Hitler was in hysterics as many of the victims had been his old friends. 145 Göring walked him into the Berlin operation’s headquarters, and handed Hitler the telegram from German President Paul von Hindenberg. The telegram was addressed to Göring and read, “Accept my approval and gratitude for your successful action in 140 Confidential Letter No. 34, E.I.C. Germany: Internal Situation, Enclosure, Minister President Goering on the subject of the “Cleansing Process”, July 10, 1934, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080, 3600-3700, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 141 Confidential Letter No. 34, E.I.C. Germany: Internal Situation, Enclosure, Minister President Goering on the subject of the “Cleansing Process”, July 10, 1934, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080, 3600-3700, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 142 Thomas C. Van Cleve, Lt. Col. AUS, Special Detention Center “Ashcan” Detailed Interrogation Report: Forschungsamt Des Reichsluftfahrtministeriums, June 15, 1945, RG 165 Entry UD 27, Box 2, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 143 Confidential Letter No. 34, E.I.C. Germany: Internal Situation, Enclosure, Minister President Goering on the subject of the “Cleansing Process”, July 10, 1934, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080, 3600-3700, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 144 145 Frischauer, The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering, 107. Ibid, 107. 46 suppressing this high treason stop with comradely thanks and greetings.”146 This of course changed Hitler’s outlook. Though he was still not thrilled with the events of the purge, those who would seek to remove him from power could no longer pose a concern. Göring and Himmler had shown their loyalty to the Führer and with this attention came further contention between the two. With the army safe from any SA displacement, Göring aspired to take on the role of Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Reich.147 Though he had given responsibility of the Gestapo to Himmler, who passed it down to Heydrich, not all of his secret information went with the organization and its members. Göring refused to allow his Forschungsamt (FA) secret military communication intelligence agency to be taken from him. Both Himmler and Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop attempted to gain control of the agency and failed. Himmler went to Hitler at the recommendation of Heydrich and SS Foreign Intelligence Chief, Walter Schellenberg, and claimed all intelligence should fall under the jurisdiction of his Reich Security Main Office. Hitler merely deflected, instructing Himmler to speak directly with Göring on the matter.148 As Göring’s organization had a reputation of being the most successful in decoding and capturing foreign military intelligence, it is understandable why the FA was so desirable to other intelligence directors.149 Himmler had a difficult time dropping the notion of gaining control of the FA. Schellenberg recalled a conversation in which Himmler said, “Göring should bear vis-à-vis Hitler the responsibility for all telephone monitoring, for if he [Himmler] would do this, Hitler might suddenly conceive the idea that his own telephone conversations 146 Frischauer, The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering, 107. Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 108. 148 United States Army, Goering’s Replies to Sharp Interrogation Brief: Forschungsamt, June 22, 1945, RG 153 Entry A 144, Box 56, Göring 100-159, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 149 Thomas C. Van Cleve, Lt. Col. AUS, Special Detention Center “Ashcan” Detailed Interrogation Report: Forschungsamt Des Reichsluftfahrtministeriums, June 15, 1945, RG 165 Entry UD 27, Box 2, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 147 47 were overheard.”150 Here, Himmler seems to be accusing Göring of the ability to listen in to Hitler’s phone calls. Though he most likely said this out of frustration at not attaining his wishes, his outburst also carries his vengeful intention of causing trouble for Göring. The FA presented yet another point of contention in the relationship between Göring and Himmler. The personalities of these two men allow for distrust and minor squabbles, but the infighting never reached the level of Himmler’s other rivalries. Göring was seven years Himmler’s senior, well established within the party, popular with the German people, and was a capable executive.151 Himmler lacked his military experience, but was clever, and shared Göring’s gift of executive ability. After studying the relationship of these two men, it seems as if there were times when Göring could easily have harmed Himmler politically. Instead, he let the situation pass, perhaps due to Himmler’s youth, lack of experience, or respect. During the 1935 anniversary reenactment of the Beer Hall Putsch, Göring and Himmler both stood next to Hitler. In photographs taken of the event, there are several intimate images of Himmler and Göring speaking and laughing. They stand close to one another, and in the photos where they are each laughing, Himmler is leaning into Göring’s circle of personal space. Himmler speaks animatedly in nearly all of them, utilizing his hands, while Göring stands cool and collected with his hands on his hips or resting at his side, actively participating in the conversation.152 The body language in these photographs provides evidence of the relationship of two men competitively seeking to further their respective positions within the Nazi Party. These men conspired with each other almost as much as against one another. Of Himmler’s 150 Office of Strategic Services, Schellenberg Interrogation, June, 1945, RG 226 Entry 119A, Box 26, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 151 United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 152 “Kätha Zahler,” Kätha Zahler, last modified November 9,2011, accessed on April 6, 2014, http://kathazahler.tumblr.com/page/34. 48 rivalries, Göring seems the most predictable and level-headed in his behavior. Himmler respected Göring’s military experience, and Göring had faith in Himmler’s abilities. Though he knew he must be cautious of Himmler, Göring does not present a sense of fear of Himmler as he later does Heydrich who appeared “more immediately dangerous” to Göring.153 On June 16, 1936 all police organizations were consolidated from individual state forces into one entity for the Reich. Himmler was charged with the new title of Chief of the German Police. This placed all policing agencies in the hands of the SS, which was rapidly increasing in power and membership.154 Himmler had been expanding the SS by use of the Gestapo, which, under the leadership of Göring, had been little more than an organization employed for the arrest and murder of political opponents. Under Himmler and Heydrich, the Gestapo grew to become feared. Now with the entire German police force under his command, Himmler could utilize this strength as an extension of the SS.155 His position of Chief of German Police remained separate from his Reichsführer-SS title.156 On October 18, 1936, Göring was placed in charge of the Four Year Plan. Assigned with creating jobs, creating public works, stimulating the economy, and otherwise bettering German life, Göring, with his experience as a diplomat, economic knowledge, and “doer personality,” proudly accepted the task.157 This position lessened any resentment Göring felt over the loss of his policing forces as he was able to focus his attention to the causes which brought him to join the party. 153 Padfield, Himmler, 122. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, 274. 155 Ibid, 270. 156 Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 56. 157 United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 154 49 The Minister of War Dispute In 1938, Göring and Himmler met with another disagreement over power. When Werner von Blomberg, Minister of War, was removed from his position in January that year after a scandal involving accusations that his new wife previously employed herself as a prostitute, his position was left unfilled. Göring, with his military aspirations, naturally coveted the ministry. Himmler could utilize the post to strengthen his SS forces and supplant the German Army.158 The disagreement was not helped by the fact that both men had collected information showing Blomberg’s new bride was of low moral standards and each used this information against Blomberg to oust him from his role. The post carried with it more power than any other single cabinet post.159 This placed pressure on the uneasy alliance between Göring and Himmler. It was believed among the party that in the event that Hitler should somehow fall from power, Göring would immediately purge Himmler and the SS in the same manner that he had participated in the Röhm and SA purge, and establish a “conservative regime, or perhaps a monarchy.” 160 Though Göring kept a close watch on both Himmler and Heydrich, his plot was unnecessary. Himmler may have spoken of a desire for ultimate power, yet unlike Göring, Himmler knew he could not handle ultimate leadership. This is evident in his desertion from the Reich in April of 1945. Hitler ended the quarrel by taking on the position himself. Rather than name Göring Minister of War, he instead awarded him the title of Reichsmarschall, the highest rank of the 158 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 166. United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 160 Donald R. Heath, 1st Secretary of Embassy, Memorandum on the International Opposition to the National Socialist Regime, February 17, 1941, RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1081, 3600-3700, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 159 50 armed forces. After this clash, Himmler and Göring seem to have generally gone their separate ways. With the exception of Hitler’s line of succession, their organizations and respective powers rarely came into contact. A working relationship formed once more in 1942 when Himmler supplied Göring with labor workers and supported some prisoner experiments such as the high altitude and exposure experiments relevant to the interests of his Luftwaffe.161 While Himmler and Göring maintained a working cooperation, attention to the connection between the two had waned. This came in useful to Göring during the Nuremberg Trials. In an attempt to distance himself from the Reichsführer, when asked about the exterminations of the Final Solution, Göring stated, “Himmler must have suddenly gotten a fiendish pleasure out of such things. I have heard such stories before, for example that a large load of Jews left for Poland during the winter, where some of the people froze to death in their vehicles…When I made inquiries, I was told that such things would not happen again—it was claimed that the trains had been sent on the wrong route.”162 Göring Encounters Himmler the Human Göring was not fond of Himmler’s subordinate Heydrich, who at times acted in direct defiance of Göring’s wishes—as exemplified when Heydrich established an SD office in Berlin against Göring’s demands.163 Heydrich possessed the ability to influence and persuade Himmler to make decisions, give orders, and take certain actions. The real question in dealing with the rivalry between Göring and Himmler is how much of an impact Heydrich had on the 161 Anthony Read, The Devil’s Disciples: Hitler’s Inner Circle (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2003), 799800. 162 Investigatory Records Repository, Interrogation of Goering, June 25, 1945, RG 319 Entry A1 134B, Box 235, XE00096, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 163 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 109. 51 relationship between these men. Despite Himmler’s best efforts, he never actually seems to have surpassed Göring in Hitler’s favored entourage. Without Göring, Himmler would not have ascended to the level of power he was able to attain. Even though his control of the Gestapo came at the behest of Hitler, the strength and intelligence information the organization came with was a direct result of Göring’s leadership. Throughout Himmler’s leadership within the party, Göring was present offering his opinion as he felt necessary to assist the young leader to the benefit of the party. Interestingly enough, each man ultimately experienced his downfall at the hands of the same man—Martin Bormann. Göring had long suspected Bormann of intrigues against him, his power, and his role as successor to Hitler. During one of their walks, Speer confirmed these suspicions, telling Göring of Bormann’s comments against him when he was not present at Hitler’s tea times.164 Speer informed Göring that Bormann was working to place Hitler against Head of the Hitler Youth, Baldur von Schirach, and Göring was next. 165 “As a final clincher, Speer told Göring he had evidence that Bormann was planning to supplant him as Hitler’s successor and presented him with a number of examples to prove it.”166 This of course infuriated Göring, and in their discussions, he warned Himmler against him as well. While Göring took it upon himself loyally to advise Himmler to use caution, he never seems to have suspected the secretary would control his own collapse of power. While Göring suspected Himmler of standing as his main rival for ultimate power, he came to realize the truth sometime after 1942. Though he did not recall an exact time during which his influence decreased, during his Nuremberg interrogation, he simply stated it was some 164 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 791. Ibid, 791-792. 166 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 792. 165 52 time in the middle of 1942.167 When asked who his competitors for power were, he replied, “Himmler, later Bormann.”168 Evidence of Himmler’s weakness came to Göring’s attention when he detained Himmler at Hitler’s birthday gathering on April 20, 1945 to privately discuss Himmler’s contacts with the Allied powers, which had come to his attention. Göring attempted to convince Himmler to drop his attempts and leave Berlin. Göring told Himmler, “don’t take offence, but I doubt that they’ll [the Western Allies] find you acceptable as a negotiating partner.”169 Himmler became prickled, and responded, “sorry to contradict you, but I have incontrovertible proof that I am considered abroad to be the only person capable of maintaining order.”170 Himmler then asked Göring if he would appoint him Chancellor should anything happen to Hitler. Astounded, Göring replied that the request was impossible as the offices of Chancellor and Führer were lawfully combined. Göring was met with both a chilling and pathetic request when Himmler responded, “Herr Reichsmarschall, if anything should prevent you from succeeding the Führer—say you are eliminated—can I have the position?”171 This bizarre request was spoken from a man reverting to a timid child. This question of “can I have the position,” demonstrations the true control Himmler knew Göring possessed. Göring had Himmler’s measure, and they each were aware of the fact. Himmler suddenly found himself back into his position of 1926, when he was trying to make a place for himself on the political stage. Here he was, graciously asking Göring to once more, assist him in his ascent to power. 167 Investigatory Records Repository, Interrogation of Goering, June 25, 1945, RG 319 Entry A1 134B, Box 235, XE00096, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 168 Ibid. 169 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 893. 170 Ibid, 893 171 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 893. 53 With all the grace and dignity bred into him, Göring gently but authoritatively replied, “my dear Himmler, we shall have to wait and see. That will depend upon circumstances. I can’t for the life of me see what might prevent me from taking up the office.”172 Himmler heeded Göring’s advice and left Berlin that night. 172 Ibid, 894. 54 Heydrich The Architect and the Aryan Archetype Just as Göring assisted in Himmler’s ascent to power after 1929, Reinhard Heydrich further elevated Himmler’s leadership positions through a combination of subtle persuasion and outright suggestion. Heydrich utilized his insight to select roles and political maneuvers which would benefit Himmler and, through the trickledown effect, himself as well. Heydrich was able to influence the naïve Reichsführer undetected, an ability Heydrich would maintain over his superior until his death. Determined to maintain and fully reap the benefits of his work, Heydrich ultimately acted as a protecting agent for Himmler. Heydrich needed Himmler, but only to a certain point, and once he recognized his opportunity to unburden himself from his superior and pursue his own leadership opportunities, Heydrich took his chance. Heydrich’s own vanity proved to be his downfall. His arrogance was the cause of his rivalries within the party, his reason for driving in an open car through a city which despised him, and the cause of his assassination. Heydrich aided Himmler in achieving and maintaining his leadership roles until his death in 1942. Though Heydrich was a dangerously close rival, working as Himmler’s aide-de-camp, Himmler could not have politically survived or prospered without Heydrich’s efforts. The likeness Reinhard Heydrich bore to the perfect Aryan ideal set the precedent within the Nazi Party. When Himmler held the self-portrait Heydrich had sent along with his application, he knew he was viewing the personification of Aryan perfection. Heydrich’s shrewdness served him well, and he included a self-portrait along with his application. He knew that his appearance would only place the odds of obtaining employment in his favor. 55 Heydrich’s height, blond hair, and facial features all satisfied the racial requirements Himmler demanded of his SS recruits. This was a man of Nordic descent. Looking at Heydrich’s photograph, Himmler was forced to recall all of his readings of the German occultist Thule Society, pan-Germanic purity, and proclamations of the Aryan race as “masters of the world”— he was impressed. Here was a potential SS member who could serve as the poster boy for his SS organization.173 Himmler felt he had to obtain Heydrich for his entourage;174 preferably through leadership as Heydrich would ultimately be representing Himmler, but a member of Himmler’s inner circle for the pure sake of acting as the model of Aryan appearance would suffice as well. Heydrich was viewed as the ideal German man. After sending his application and weeks of waiting without a response, Heydrich journeyed to Himmler’s home in the summer of 1931. He was permitted by Margarete Himmler to speak to her husband who had taken to his bed with the flu. “Himmler simply entered the room and said to him, ‘You have twenty minutes to write down on this piece of paper the functions of a security service of the SS’.”175 Heydrich had not the slightest idea what to write, but was aware that he had to make his best effort with this opportunity. When Himmler reentered the room, he was apparently pleased with what Heydrich had written. He offered Heydrich the position of organizer of the Sicherheitsdienst, SD—the security office of the SS. Neither man was entirely sure what was required of a security office, nor how properly to formulate such an organization. Yet these two men were able to forge a working relationship which created a security organization unlike any before, and which has used as an example for other fledgling organizations. Himmler admired Heydrich’s wireless telegraphy and signals 173 Padfield, Himmler, 107. G.S. Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich (London: Robert Hale Limited, 1980), 43. 175 Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 46. 174 56 knowledge, as well as his antisemitic views. 176 Heydrich’s Navy service, while also admired, though it may later have served as a source of envy for Himmler, having not been physically capable of joining the service branch of his choice much earlier in his life.177 Still, Himmler appreciated this experience in Heydrich. It showed his ability to follow orders, work for the greater good, and his dedication to Germany. Troubled Youth Born in the Halle province of Saxony on March 7th, 1904, Heydrich was four years Himmler’s junior. His father was the Director of a private music academy, and his mother also came from a musically inclined family.178 With education and culture held in positions of importance in Heydrich’s middle class family, he strove for excellence in school and, like his father, participated in fencing clubs.179 He showed signs of both courage and arrogance in his youth. In high school, he was given a B in chemistry after arguing with his professor in the presence of his peers that his work in fact deserved an A. Despite this instance occurring in an era when one did not argue with teachers over grades, the professor was somehow inspired to raise Heydrich’s grade.180 Heydrich’s mother, Elisabeth, realized her eldest son’s attitude needed to be corrected, and she had no difficulty being a disciplinarian. However, Elisabeth’s method of choice was caning. One uncomfortable recollection of Heydrich inquiring “what about the other cheek” after his corporal punishment is evidence that the boy had a dark side frighteningly close to a 176 Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 46. Padfield, Himmler, 107. 178 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Nazis in the News: Reinhard Heydrich, May 27, 1942, RG 65 Box 21, File 202554, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 177 179 180 Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 11. Ibid, 10. 57 masochistic personality.181 Due to his experience with “tough love,” no matter how apparently unsuccessful, Heydrich was hardened. Yet he seems to only have been disciplined according to the acceptance of his strong will. He knew how to behave to obtain what he desired, and outside of this he was selfish and narcissistic. Combining these traits with his intelligence and craftiness made him dangerous. The comparison of Heydrich’s and Himmler’s respective childhoods provides insight to their later working relationship. Heydrich was an avid sportsman and an excellent musician. He excelled on the violin.182 On the other hand, Himmler was clumsy and unskilled in gymnastics. His lack of coordination made him a failure with his piano lessons.183In contrast to Heydrich, who showed evidence of a quick temper even as a child, Himmler retained his faint smile, never showing his anger, but retaining his vengeful thoughts for a later date – a reaction to anger which remained with him through adulthood.184 Both men were raised by a father in the education field, and emotionally strong, intelligent women. Himmler and Heydrich each had a mother who realized her son was troubled, but whereas Himmler’s mother would verbally reprimand Himmler and continue to coddle him, Heydrich’s mother would physically correct her son. Though both men have been branded “brutal” by historians over the decades, Heydrich was mentally and physically able to inflict the terror of the Third Reich and the Final Solution. Himmler simply was not capable of such actions. Heydrich’s good grades awarded him the opportunity to attend the Reformgymnasium (a respectable reform school for secondary education), where he was able to practice the latest 181 Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 11. Padfield, Himmler, 107. 183 Smith,Heinrich Himmler, 27. 184 Ibid, 27. 182 58 technologies and sciences. “In 1906, no fewer than 95 percent of Protestant and 91 percent of Catholic children were educated in schools of their own confession. Reinhard Heydrich’s educational experience was therefore exceptionally modern and forward-looking in more than one sense.”185 Heydrich was well educated, learning science, mathematics, and physics, but also was exposed to German literature and languages. Unlike Himmler’s childhood, which was rich in pride of German heritage, there was a nagging question mark over the possibility of a Jewish connection in his background. As a child, he was taunted over this. In response, as an adolescent through his young adulthood, he became a staunch antisemite. He wished to distance himself from the possibility of shared lineage with this culture. 186 Historian G.S. Graber writes that while Heydrich’s younger brother Heinz threatened his own tormentor who referred to the boy as “a dirty Jew” with a knife and thus proved his nerve, Heydrich would simply whine about the teasing to adults.187 This childhood behavior of assuming the position of the victim was quite out of character in contrast to the heartless killer Heydrich would become in the future. Likewise, these experiences during Heydrich’s youth pose a possible cause for the merciless hatred of the Jews which he would grow to embrace. Noted as being cruel to the servants in the household of his parents, unruly in public toward strangers, and described as a “truculent, unhappy loner” by those acquainted with the family, something must have snapped within Heydrich to progress his grumbling and rude behavior into acts of violence and murder. 188 Whereas Himmler chose to brainwash himself against the Jewish people, Heydrich, it could be argued, found a cause for his hatred. He did not 185 Robert Gerworth, Hitler’s Hangman: The Life of Heydrich (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 24. Padfield,Himmler, 107. 187 Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 9. 188 Ibid, 9. 186 59 wish to feel “different,” but rather blend into the masses.189 Though the allegation Heydrich’s father Bruno was of Jewish ancestry was proven false, this was an audible stigma Heydrich lived with during his childhood, shifting to fearful whispers as an adult member of the Nazi Party. 190 In 1932, after receiving several inquiries from party members, Gregor Strasser had Heydrich’s ancestry examined. Dr. Achim Grecke, head of the Information Office, was charged with the task. His report of June 22, 1932 clearly stated Heydrich to be “of German origin and free from any influence of colored or Jewish blood.”191 Shaken by the resurfacing of the Jewish blood rumor, Heydrich continued to research his ancestry privately, utilizing the SD services. Heydrich’s fears were unnecessary, however, as his heritage had been cleared. He became respected, protected, and feared within the party so much so that in 1940, when a baker in Halle attempted to spread the rumor once more that Heydrich was a Jew, he was tried for libel and incarcerated for one year. Evil Behind Blue Eyes Aside from his concerns about his heritage, Heydrich also differed from his superior in that he was anything but a sexual prude. In 1922, he joined the Reichsmarine (Navy) and was commissioned as Sub-Lieutenant by 1926. Promoted to Lieutenant in 1928, he became an Intelligence Officer in the Baltic Command. In 1931, he abruptly resigned from the Navy and sought other employment.192 Martin Bormann created a security file on Heydrich including information about his sudden resignation from the Navy after he engaged in pre-marital relations 189 Padfield, Himmler, 107. Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 10. 191 Gerwarth, Hitler’s Hangman, 61. 192 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Nazis in the News: Reinhard Heydrich, May 27, 1942, RG 65 Box 21, File 202554, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 190 60 and impregnated his fiancée, daughter of a high-ranking marine engineer. Heydrich refused to marry the girl claiming that she had indulged in pre-marital relations (though he had been the other participating party), and the girl’s father insisted to Heydrich that he resign from the Navy before he was dismissed. 193 Heydrich was a frightening character. As his roles grew within the party, his tasks and expectations seem to have become increasingly trying to his psyche. Historian Joachim C. Fest recounts a night out as described by one of Heydrich’s colleagues. When the “Blond Beast” returned home to his apartment after a night of drinking, he shot his reflection in the mirror. “He was the prisoner of this figure of negation, he lived in a world populated by the self-created chimeras of a hostile distrust, scented behind every treachery, intrigue or snares of the hidden enmity… Himmler said of him that he was ‘the embodiment of distrust.”194 Heydrich collected information, and judged who should live or die based on the loyalties and reports of others. Though he seems to have enjoyed his work and his power—and performed his duties effectively—it seems something was taxing Heydrich’s mind. Heydrich was a cunning and transparently charming man. He was able to gain supporters through his charismatic performances or from the fear he instilled. Behind his piercing blue eyes lay a cold, calculating, and murderous mind. Pathologically jealous, Heydrich became greatly offended if he presented work, such as a criminal file he built on one of his many victims, only to have his efforts minimized or laid aside by Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.195 both He would then become irritable with Ribbentrop. Heydrich knew how to gain information, 193 Frischauer, Himmler, 35-36. Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 102. 195 Walter Schellenberg, The Labyrinth: Memoirs of Walter Schellenberg, Hitler’s Chief of Counterintelligence (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956), 107. 194 61 blackmail, and continue his rise within the Third Reich. Heydrich purposefully sought out information to build files which would place him in Hitler’s favor.196 He was able to manipulate Himmler in such a way that he could convince his superior to make certain decisions and actions which would help not only Himmler, but himself as well. One example was Himmler’s decision to not allow control of the Gestapo from leaving his hands. Heydrich working under Himmler’s command knew that it would benefit him greatly to ensure that the man he could easily influence remained his superior, preventing all outside influence. Heydrich recognized that anything he was able to convince Himmler to do, say, or command would in turn benefit him. Schellenberg recalled, “he supplied Himmler with brilliant ideas so that he could shine in conferences with Hitler, Hess, Bormann, and the General Staff, and yet would do this so tactfully that Himmler never suspected these ideas were not his own.”197 Heydrich had the foresight to see that Bormann needed to be kept at arm’s length. Yet he never saw that Heinrich Müller, his own trusted recruit to the SS and Gestapo, had established a relationship with Bormann and was in fact informing on Heydrich and Himmler. 198 Müller handed information from the SD and Gestapo to Bormann. In 1943, after Heydrich’s death, Müller turned completely against Himmler. Himmler attempted to shield Admiral Wilhelm Carnaris, Chief of German Military Intelligence for resistance against the State. He ordered Müller to drop the case.199 After this, Müller joined with Bormann, turning Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Heydrich’s replacement as Director of the Reich Main Security Office, from having loyalty to that of Himmler to Bormann as well.200 196 Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 211. Ibid, 14. 198 Gerwarth, Hitler’s Hangman, 76. ; Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 188. 199 Padfield, Himmler, 422. 200 Padfield, Himmler, 427. 197 62 Himmler was aware that his subordinate was talented in deception, but it would not be until approximately eleven years later, during 1942, that he would fully realize and come to terms with the fact that his right hand man was resigned to take orders and follow direction. Heydrich wished to make his own commands. He was extremely cold, controlled, and approximating—perhaps even more so than Himmler. The latter was aware that his subordinate had the ability to rise into further power. Himmler coupled this awareness with his growing sense of inferiority to Heydrich, and came to realize that he actually feared the man he had brought to power as his right hand.201 Heydrich’s Intelligence At the time of their meeting, Heydrich had no idea of Himmler’s military ignorance, assuming that Himmler’s position of Reichsführer-SS had to account for his experience. On the other hand, Himmler was under the impression that given his military background, Heydrich was at least familiar with the inner workings of a security service.202 Heydrich would spend the next several years building and re-organizing the SD, performing his job so well “that the mopping up of political opponents in 1933 was done with a thoroughness and swiftness which was decisive for the continuation of Hitler’s regime.”203 Heydrich, however, did not completely build the SD from the ground up. Hermann Göring had already been building secret police files on personalities of interest. At Hitler’s behest, Göring passed power over the Gestapo to Himmler on April 20, 1934. Himmler then 201 Fest, Faces of the Third Reich, 101. Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 46-48. 203 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Nazis in the News: Reinhard Heydrich, May 27, 1942, RG 65 Box 21, File 202554, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 202 63 named Heydrich the head of the Gestapo on April 22, 1934.204 Göring’s pet, the Forschungsamt (FA) secret military communication agency was activated in 1933 to act as a military communication intelligence agency. Heydrich then suggested Himmler absorb the agency, claiming the organization should be a branch of the police. Each time Himmler brought up the subject, Göring adamantly refused. The FA was a useful tool to the Luftwaffe and army. Göring had given intelligence information and agencies to Heydrich and Himmler before in accordance with Hitler’s orders, and this was one organization he was not going to pass down. 205 Against Göring’s wishes, and in direct defiance of his authority, Heydrich established an SD office in Berlin.206 During the 1934 purge of the SA, Party Leader and rival to Hitler, Gregor Strasser was “murdered by the hand of Reinhard Heydrich to satisfy Göring’s animosity and also, it seems to pay off a Heydrich grudge.”207 Though he may have been attempting to pass off some sort of olive branch to Göring, for the sake of their personal and working relationship, Himmler had mixed feelings on the execution of his previous superior who had brought him up in the party. Heydrich could have been the cause of rivalries among Himmler and other members of the Reich, especially Göring. Heydrich possessed the ability to manipulate Himmler, to the point where it was sometimes difficult to differentiate just who was the superior. While on the surface, some of Heydrich’s prodding of Himmler may appear to be to the Reichsführer’s advantage, Heydrich quite often stood to gain from the advancement as well. Heydrich helped Himmler continue his rise to power without losing any previously gained footing by swaying Himmler to a decision—no matter how unintentional. Kaltenbrunner later claimed that Himmler 204 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goring, 108-109. United States Army, Goering’s Replies to Sharp Interrogation Brief: Forschungsamt, June 22, 1945, RG 153 Entry A 144, Box 56, Göring 100-159, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 205 206 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 109. United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 207 64 was “not capable of an unequivocal decision.”208 Therefore, Heydrich’s actions truly benefited both men. Himmler was encouraged to seek the position of Police President of Munich by Heydrich. Though Hitler was relieved that his faithful Himmler requested the position, Heydrich knew that Himmler would entrust him to share the power and work load. 209 Heydrich then convinced Himmler that the SS should side with the Army rather than the rowdy SA, which was on the brink of self-destruction. 210 Hitler was already facing the difficult dilemma of turning from his old comrade Röhm and his SA in favor of the Army to maintain his own control, lest he side with the SA against the wishes of President Paul von Hindenberg. The additional support of Himmler to join forces with the Army was beneficial to both Hitler and Himmler for the very same reason—ousting Röhm would secure each of their positions and put to rest any worry of a coup of power or overthrow of position. Hitler feared Röhm would wish to lead the Nazi Party, utilizing his SA paramilitary forces as physical support, and Himmler knew that the man who trained him would be capable of overtaking his position if he was not mindful. Heydrich was highly intelligent, and possessed the foresight to predict the concerns of his superiors, and prepare a solution. Thus Heydrich was able to secure his own position, validate loyalty, and keep the men who were able to assist him in his ascent within their own realms. There were times, however, when Himmler was fully aware of Heydrich’s plan to encroach on his authority. In such situations, Himmler would reprimand his subordinate.211 If Himmler and Heydrich were in a meeting and the latter overstepped his boundaries in attempting to push 208 United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 209 Frischauer, Himmler, 44. Ibid, 46. 211 Mario R. Dederichs, Heydrich: Face of Evil (Drexel Hill: Casemate Publishers, 2003), 122. 210 65 Himmler into a decision, Himmler would storm from the office, postponing any decisions which had been made out of vindictiveness. “I have had enough of your cold, rational criticism,” Himmler once said before his exit.212 After all, it was Heydrich who was able to aid Himmler into arriving at the realization that Röhm had to be executed to prevent any possible future uprising. Himmler and Heydrich on the Rise With the combined power of Himmler controlling the SS and Heydrich commanding the Gestapo, the two were able to crush the SA and political opponents who were a possible threat to the Party and Hitler’s command. In 1936, Heydrich attained further power as a result of his proven ability to plot, command, and execute objectives. The Security Police (SiPo) and Criminal Police (Kripo) were placed under the control of the SD. The Gestapo and Kripo became agencies under the SiPo. Heydrich thus oversaw the Gestapo, SD, Kripo, and SiPo, all being weapons of intelligence and police forces. To all intents and purposes, this made Heydrich the “chief of the whole security police.”213 Another joining of organizations occurred on September 27, 1939 when the SD and the SiPo were integrated into the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA), remaining under the command of Heydrich.214 He was given the title “Chief of Security Police and SD” on October 1. Heydrich’s career flourished as he gained power. The admired sportsman, fencer, horseman, and avid swimmer was awarded the Reich Sport Badge in 1940.215 Heydrich’s comrades experienced a mixture of pride and jealousy when it came to “the blond beast.” Certainly Himmler felt both 212 Mario R. Dederichs, Heydrich, 122. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Nazis in the News: Reinhard Heydrich, May 27, 1942, RG 65 Box 21, File 202554, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 213 214 215 Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 84. Dederichs, Heydrich, 123. 66 proud to have Heydrich as his right-hand-man, as well as envious that his subordinate was the capable sportsman he had wished to be. For Bormann, Heydrich’s added attention was undesirable, and jealousy forced him to action. Exactly two years after the RSHA absorption, Heydrich was appointed Deputy Reich Protector of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia on September 27, 1941. Heydrich’s new position came at the recommendation of Bormann.216 Bormann jumped at the opportunity to not only be able to act as a channel between Heydrich and Hitler, making Heydrich even more dependent on him, he also wished to elevate Heydrich to a position where he was closer to Himmler’s rank. Heydrich had always “stood in Himmler’s shadow. Now he had the opportunity to draw level.”217 This was the perfect opportunity for Bormann to attempt to create a rift between Himmler and Heydrich in the hopes that the SD, SS, or one of the police organizations may be destroyed or better yet, passed to Bormann himself as per his previous requests. Though Heydrich indeed grew in power, Bormann’s plan was foiled when Himmler and Heydrich continued working alongside one another. The “Butcher of Prague,” as Heydrich came to be known, wasted no time in thinning out the 10.3 million Czech population with the assistance of approximately 1,841 Gestapo officers. Between Heydrich’s arrival in Prague and the end of November 1941, “a total of 404 official death sentences were carried out and some 6,000 arrests were made. “ On September 30 alone, “fifty-eight people were executed, and 256 sent to Gestapo prisons.”218 Driven by egotism, Heydrich crowned himself with the jewels of the Kingdom of Bohemia on November 19, 1941. The occasion was so ghastly, no photographs or films were permitted to be taken of the 216 Ibid, 123. Dederichs, Heydrich, 122. 218 Gerwarth, Hitler’s Hangman, 227. 217 67 “coronation.”219 This demonstrates Heydrich’s overall narcissism, conceit, and growing desire for power. There was no doubt that Heydrich was gaining influence. On January 20, 1942, when Heydrich himself called for the commencement of the Wannsee Conference to discuss the Final Solution, his ascent to power became clear. On July 31 of the previous year, Göring had written to Heydrich, personally authorizing him to prepare a plan for the “total solution of the Jewish question.”220 Göring would later claim that the extermination of the Jews had been instigated by Himmler and Heydrich; murder had never been his intention. He claimed he “could never have approved of such a measure.”221 Whether Göring was telling the truth will never be known. It is interesting that he assigned the plot designing to Heydrich and not Himmler. Heydrich was Chief of the RSHA, however, it was Himmler who commanded the SS branch of the Einsatzgruppen. This special force acted as the mobile killing squads. Going from town to town, the Einsatzgruppen systematically rounded up the Jewish population and executed them in nearby forests. A power struggle between Göring and Himmler serves as one explanation why Göring would have depended on Heydrich instead of the Reichsführer. In addition, Heydrich’s qualifications for ensuring information remain secret and be carried out covertly could have been an attraction to Heydrich over Himmler. Returning to Prague, Heydrich continued his tasks of governing. When Albert Speer, Minister of Armaments and War Production, visited Heydrich in December 1941, he was horrified to discover Heydrich’s lack of urgency for his personal security. Whereas his home in Berlin was fully alarmed and his cars bore a likeness to mobile armories, Heydrich commuted 219 Dederichs, Heydrich, 121-122. Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 259. 221 Ibid, 386. 220 68 through the streets of Prague in his open top Mercedes. He refused an escort claiming it would create an image of German weakness to the Czechs222 and that bodyguards were for ‘the Party big-wigs.’223When Speer voiced his concern for Heydrich’s safety to the Protector, Heydrich replied, “why should my Czechs shoot me?”224 The following spring, Heydrich’s arrogance would cost him his life. The Death of the “Beast” On May 27, 1942 the reckless governor was shot near the city boundary of Prague as his car slowed to take a sharp bend.225 Heydrich was being driven by a different chauffer that day, prompting Schellenberg to write that “had Heydrich’s old and experienced chauffeur been at the wheel, he certainly would not have let himself be duped by the assassin who jumped out into the road.”226 The first man, Josef Gabcik, leapt into the road shooting, and the driver made the poor decision of slowing rather than quickly accelerating from the ambush. The second assailant, Jan Kubis, then rolled a bomb underneath the vehicle. After the bomb detonated, Heydrich jumped from the car and opened fire on the assassins, who escaped on bicycle.227 Kubis and Gabcik met at the French Foreign Legion in Poland where they volunteered for the mission to assassinate Heydrich. 228 The men were parachuted in to Czechoslovakia by British Royal Air Force planes, and then waited several hours until Heydrich, consistent as ever, 222 Gerwarth, Hitler’s Hangman, 276. Dederichs, Heydrich, 140. 224 Ibid, 140. 225 Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 108. 226 Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 291. 227 Ibid, 291. 228 Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, 211. 223 69 traveled down his daily route. After the attack Heydrich collapsed and was cared for by top doctors sent by both Hitler and Himmler.229 Shrapnel from the bomb penetrated Heydrich’s body, causing an infection. Material from his uniform and fragments from the car seat had entered the wounds causing further infection. Despite efforts, infection spread to Heydrich’s spleen, and he died on June 4, 1942. 230 Before Heydrich’s death, Himmler visited him on May 31. It seemed Heydrich was slowly recovering, and the two held a conversation. Shortly after, Heydrich relapsed and died. As penicillin had been discovered in 1928 and experimented throughout the 1930s, the antibiotic could have been brought into Germany if requested—and most certainly would have to save Heydrich’s life had it been suggested. Supporters of this idea include historian Robert Gerwarth who wrote, “had penicillin been available in Germany in 1942, Heydrich would have survived.”231 The fact that Heydrich had been trying to surpass Himmler in power and similarly obtaining a position of poor standing with Bormann may have contributed to Heydrich’s death. Himmler had some of his own doctors present to treat Heydrich, and though he “is said to have wept when he heard the news,” it is still debatable if the doctors Himmler dispatched were charged with saving Heydrich. 232 As Heydrich was showing signs of recovery, only to die in agony just a few days after Himmler visited him, contemporary historians wonder if doctors were perhaps sent to ensure Heydrich’s death.233 Given the evidence of Himmler’s jealousy of Heydrich, the power Himmler stood to gain with his removal, and the suspicious details surrounding Heydrich’s last days, the possibility that Himmler influenced the death of Heydrich cannot be ruled out. 229 Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 108. Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 290. 231 Gerwarth, Hitler’s Hangman, 13. 232 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 749. 233 Ibid, 749. 230 70 Himmler said fate had “snatched Heydrich away at the zenith of his power.”234 Heydrich had the knowledge, ability, and personality that if he wished, he could have removed each of these men. Heydrich possessed the organizational, political intelligence, and diplomatic characteristics necessary to serve as Hitler’s secretary. Heydrich certainly had a history of pressuring Himmler into decisions and acting of his own accord. Together, Himmler and Heydrich dominated the paramilitary and secret intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany. Himmler acted as the representative power and as Göring put it, “the brain was called Heydrich.”235 Heydrich possessed ruthlessness, conniving ability, and comprehension of how the SS and Gestapo were to run. He was both liked and feared within these organizations, and a coup to over throw Himmler would not have been out of the realm of possibilities for Heydrich. In fact, Heydrich had become quite a threat to both Himmler and Bormann. During a drunken stupor, Heydrich bragged that he planned to become Minister of the Interior, taking the RSHA with him and leaving Himmler with a crippled SS, devoid of a Gestapo or secret intelligence.236 As it was, when Himmler obtained the position of Minister of the Interior, he ensured that no one could even attempt to command his security organizations—which he had controlled for nearly a decade by 1943 when he was promoted. According to Schellenberg, Heydrich was afraid that Bormann and Himmler’s mounting jealousy would prompt them to ruin and murder him. Heydrich believed that Bormann would be the more vicious of the two; that he would destroy Heydrich both personally and politically out of jealousy. Heydrich believed that Himmler on the other hand, would confront him head on, verbally and cruelly.237 Though there would be a great deal of personal anger and resentment, 234 Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 109. Ibid, 103. 236 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 749. 237 Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 288. 235 71 Heydrich felt Himmler would keep the issue among the two of them. This makes sense for each man. Bormann was always the manipulative schemer, and Himmler would be so upset and borderline mortified that someone else had taken the spotlight, he would not wish to draw outside attention which may in return make him look weak or like a fool. Other Party leaders did not put aside the possibility of the assassination having been organized by a Heydrich rival. In a post war interview with the Office of U.S. Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Kaltenbrunner stated that he did “not know whether Himmler had anything to do with the death of Heydrich, but does not deny the possibility.238 According to Schellenberg, Heydrich was becoming nervous for his position. He asked Schellenberg to join Hitler’s entourage to act as an insider spy on his behalf. It was in the spring of 1942 that Schellenberg recalled that Heydrich shared with him that there was a great deal of rigidity between he and Himmler. He was attempting to be as agreeable as possible. Heydrich told Schellenberg he was concurring with decisions out of necessity. Heydrich said, “if Himmler insists on it, and just at this moment I just show my goodwill. The situation between us is pretty tense just now.”239 Himmler’s jealousy toward Heydrich, coupled with Bormann’s aggression and acts of intrigue against Heydrich, had the latter quite concerned for his safety. Both men were envious of Heydrich’s relationship with Hitler, including his ability to confer alone with the Führer. Heydrich’s ability to speak directly with Hitler especially annoyed Bormann.240 To attack either of them was dangerous not only due to their individual retaliations, but Hitler was intensely 238 Records of the United Stated Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Goering as a War Criminal, RG 238 Entry P1-21, Box 1, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 239 240 Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 288. Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 128. 72 passionate about internal SS loyalty. The breaking point for the three was Heydrich’s promotion as Protector of Bohemia- Moravia.241 “It was the practice of Hitler and Himmler to rule by playing their associates off one against the other. But with a man like Heydrich this was impossible. Besides, as head of the Reich Security Office, and also as Acting Reich Protector, he had become too powerful for them.”242 Schellenberg said this in reference to Himmler and Bormann. Heydrich could no longer divert attention from the honors and attention paid to him by Hitler. The very power and control Heydrich had so strongly desired eventually cost him his life. Upon reception of the news of the assassination attempt, the United States Office of Strategic Services wrote a report stating, “Heydrich was one of the most important members of the Himmler group within the Nazi Party, all the more important as he controlled the Gestapo, the most important instrument of power in Germany.”243 With Heydrich removed, the constant threat of being overthrown by his subordinate was cleared from Himmler’s mind. Whether or not he did indeed have something to do with the assassination, Himmler now could replace Heydrich with controllable personalities over whom he could keep a firm grip. Heydrich had turned out to be too intelligent, charismatic, and fearsome than Himmler anticipated. He was not going to make the same mistake again. After Kaltenbrunner replaced Heydrich, he claimed that the SD became part of the SS, leaving him only as the head of the Internal Information Service, though he was titled Head of the RSHA.244 Himmler never placed his trust in another subordinate as he had Heydrich. 241 Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 288-289. Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 289. 243 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Nazis in the News: Reinhard Heydrich, May 27, 1942, RG 65 Box 21, File 202554, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 244 Records of the United Stated Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Goering as a War Criminal, RG 238 Entry P1-21, Box 1, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 242 73 Himmler realized he had been so preoccupied by his fascination with this image of Heydrich’s “perfect” Aryanism that he failed to recognize the dangerous mind behind the features. Schellenberg said of Heydrich, He was far superior to all his political colleagues and controlled them as he controlled the vast intelligence machine of the SD. …Heydrich had and incredibly acute perception of the moral, human, professional, and political weaknesses of others, and… his unusual intellect was matched by the ever-watchful instincts of a predatory animal… he operated on the principal of ‘divide and rule,’ and even applied this to his relations with Hitler and Himmler. The decisive thing for him was always to know more than others… and to use this knowledge and the weakness of others to render them completely dependent on him, from the highest to the lowest… Heydrich was in fact, the puppet-master of the Third Reich.245 Photographs and Schemes In observing photographs of Himmler and Heydrich together, their complex relationship comes into focus. In addition to the many photographs of the two in deep conversation, there are also images of the two talking and smiling. There are images from Himmler’s 35th birthday in 1935 where Himmler and several other SS dignitaries are giving Heydrich’s car a push after it refuses to start.246 245 Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 80. Himmler and six other SS dignitaries push Heydrich’s car, photograph reproduced in G.S. Graber, The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich, London: Robert Hale Limited, 1980. 246 74 Figure 1. Above second from right, Heinrich Himmler. Driver’s seat, Reinhard Heydrich. In one, Himmler is leaning on the driver’s side of the car laughing with Heydrich. Was Himmler sharing a laugh with Heydrich about his misfortune on that October day? Was Heydrich the sort of man who could laugh at a joke at his expense and return the favor? If Himmler’s swastika armband is removed, along with his uniform insignia, the picture tells a story of two friends.247 247 Himmler, Heydrich, and Wolff, photograph reproduced in Rober Gerwarth, Hitlet’s Hangman: The Life of Heydrich, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011. 75 Figure 2. Above center, Heinrich Himmler; center, Reinhard Heydrich; bottom left, Karl Wolff. Figure 3. Above left, Kurt Daluge; center, Reinhard Heydrich; right, Heinrich Himmler. They appear as ordinary citizens smiling in a photo in their hunting garb with their Chief of German Order Police, Kurt Daluege. No armbands, no death’s heads, just overcoats and their rifles.248 To the uninformed eye, these images could speak of two men, working alongside one another while maintaining both a working and outside friendship. This is not altogether untrue. There were times when these men seemed to get along well, and even enjoy each other’s company. But at the core of the relationship, this was a pair independently trying to climb the ladder of achievement to Hitler. Though they each had their reasons for desiring success as well as their methods of obtaining their ascent to power, their careers depended on one another. 248 Himmler, Heydrich, and Daluege, photograph reproduced in Rober Gerwarth, Hitlet’s Hangman: The Life of Heydrich, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011. 76 Despite the infighting between the two, when they were in front of the camera, it was clear who was the superior. In group photos where Himmler is speaking before a group with Heydrich’s face blended into the crowd, or Himmler leading a meeting where Heydrich leans in to hand off a report249 there is a sense of authority in Himmler. But no photographs are quite as telling as the images taken of a triumphant Himmler walking several paces ahead of Heydrich in Vienna after the Anschluss in March 1938. Himmler employed Heydrich and elevated him to positions which gained him attention, notoriety, and further power. Heydrich manipulated Himmler into much of his decision making which, as a result, worked to further the careers of each man. Himmler brought Heydrich into the upper echelons of the Third Reich, and perhaps when Heydrich’s influence grew uncomfortable for Himmler, he and Bormann removed Heydrich. Though this theory has not yet been proven, there seems to be strong evidence leading to this possibility. When Heydrich died, Himmler’s political powers became threatened. Himmler’s subordinates, such as Heydrich’s replacements Ernst Kaltenbrunner and Heinrich Müller, criticized and intrigued against him. He now had no one to act as a buffer between him and his leading rival, Martin Bormann. Heydrich was no longer able to intimidate Bormann and thus defend Himmler. 249 Himmler, Heydrich, and Wolff, photograph reproduced in Peter Padfield, Himmler, New York:MJF Books, 1990. 77 Bormann Written Out of Power To understand the relationship between Bormann and Himmler, a specific examination of Bormann is necessary. This proves a difficult undertaking as both men were talented deceivers. Bormann’s method of operation was to select a victim, gain their trust, weaken them, and then remove them from power. When Bormann challenged Himmler, perhaps he initially believed he could strip him of his positions easily, and take on his roles. However, Himmler proved himself to be a worthy adversary whose inner circle included those who worked actively to protect him and his leadership. Bormann was able to establish a cautious relationship which worked both professionally and personally with Himmler. Though he seemed to assist Himmler in his ascent, Bormann actually prevented him from attaining further power. Once Himmler’s influence reached its peak, and there was no one strong enough to come to his aid, Bormann destroyed Himmler politically. Martin Bormann was seemingly the most disliked high ranking leader within the Nazi Party based on the personal diaries and accounts of his cohorts. Himmler and Baldur von Schirach Found him to be common and coarse.250 Göring despised Bormann for his smug personality, “his boorish ways, and above all for his malign influence on Hitler.”251 Hitler’s mistress and later wife, Eva Braun, hated Bormann. “He caused her a lot of trouble. She had known for a long time about his intrigues for power.”252 He was constantly trying to outdo his fellow Nazi leaders, or strike them down at whatever cost. Bormann was devious and crafty. He 250 Jochen von Lang, The Secretary: Martin Bormann: The Man Who Manipulated Hitler (Athens: Random House Inc., 1979), 52. 251 Read,The Devil’s Disciples, 791. 252 James McGovern, Martin Bormann (New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1968), 145. 78 had such a way of planning and executing plots to bring about the downfall of a rival—of which he had many. He maintained the persona of an innocent aid to his rival, while in reality, it was Bormann who had preordained their downfall. Such behavior was especially prevalent in his relationship with Himmler. Born on June 17, 1900 in the town of Wegeleben in Prussia, Martin Bormann was the son of Theodor and Antonie Bormann. His father was a postal clerk who had been a sergeant-major in the Army.253 Much like Heinrich Himmler, he came into adolescence in the shadow of World War I. When it came time to join the armed forces, though Bormann claimed to have volunteered, it seemed that he was drafted into the 55th Field Artillery Regiment the month of his eighteenth birthday. Whereas Himmler was not old enough to see action during the Great War, Bormann was rumored to have avoided front-line duty. Though Bormann’s lack of experience was a result of the end of the war rather than avoidance, Schirach remained unconvinced, openly calling Bormann a coward. 254 Himmler “rose higher so far as offices were concerned than any other member of the hierarchy.” 255 While Himmler ascended to power while in the public eye, Bormann obtained his offices privately, behind closed doors. Himmler worked in such a way that his results were visible to all—and this was primarily a conscious effort to prove his worth. If Himmler was thought of as the people pleaser, forever seeking attention and approval, Bormann on the other hand must be considered crafty and manipulative, bent on personal success at any cost. A master 253 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 687. Von Lang, The Secretary, 21. 255 United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 254 79 at exploiting people to gain his greatest advantage, Bormann politically damaged whomever he felt necessary to become noticed by and thus obtain approval of the Führer. Himmler and Bormann had devoted time and effort to gaining their positions. Neither was capable of simply allowing someone to step in and rob them of power. This leads to the question of Reinhard Heydrich’s death. Was the assassination conducted by agents of the exiled Czechoslovakian government, or was his death an inside job conducted by Heydrich’s own peers? In a report from the U.S. Chief of Council for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Kaltenbrunner, Heydrich’s successor, apparently claimed to not know for certain if Himmler had anything to do with Heydrich’s death, but did not discard the possibility. 256 In his memoirs, SS Foreign Intelligence Chief Walter Schellenberg claimed that in the spring of 1942 Heydrich told him that he feared upsetting Bormann or Himmler. Hitler had taken a great liking to Heydrich. With his pure Aryan appearance, and successes in Bohemia and Moravia, Heydrich was quickly growing to become one of the Führer’s favorites. Hitler would meet privately with Heydrich, and though he was honored, Heydrich was quite aware of the jealousy this relationship sparked with Himmler and Bormann.257 He may have even feared for his life as he was well aware of the extremes these men would go to in order to seek prevention of his further success. Heydrich realized the importance of placating his superior, and agreed to discuss matters at Himmler’s request regardless of his own personal opinion. As Heydrich allegedly told Schellenberg, the relationship between the two leading SS men was tense, and Heydrich knew 256 Records of the United Stated Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Goering as a War Criminal, RG 238 Entry P1-21, Box 1, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 257 Schellenberg, The Labyrinth, 288. 80 the best plan of action was to keep his head down and continue showing his loyalty to Himmler.258 Himmler had devoted his efforts to entering Hitler’s circle of trust, yet despite his best attempts, he was unable gain the intimacy with his Führer he desired. The main obstacle Himmler faced was Bormann, who most certainly could not allow anyone to jeopardize his own position with the Führer. Bormann alone could carry out Hitler’s wishes and act as a buffer between him and the harsh realities of the regime and the war.259 Heydrich’s relationship with Hitler presented a challenge to each of these men. For Himmler, Heydrich seemingly eased into a position of acceptance and trust which the Reichsführer desperately desired. And if Bormann guarded his position with Hitler against Himmler, the cunning, charming Heydrich certainly posed a threat. Schellenberg accompanied Heydrich to deliver an economic report of the Protectorate to at the Wolf’s Lair bunker. The date of the meeting is unclear, but could have been some time after September 1941. Schellenberg recalled that Hitler appeared displeased and returned to the bunker. Bormann later explained that Hitler was no longer interested in the report. This seems a strange meeting and reaction. The fact that Heydrich was assasinated on May 27, 1942 after his return to Prague, however, lends some credibility to his intuition. Indeed, perhaps his fears of Bormann disliking him were not creations of Heydrich’s paranoia. 260 If Reinhard Heydrich was assassinated by his peers, Himmler would have assisted in the act as he stood to gain from the removal of Heydrich as Himmler feared Heydrich would gain Hitler’s attention and the Führer would supplant him with Heydrich, or Heydrich would at least surpass him in power. Himmler’s subordinates such as Kaltenbrunner believed him to be connected to the murder in some way, but 258 Ibid, 288. Von Lang, The Secretary, 222. 260 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 87-88. 259 81 it was Bormann who would have organized the preparations. 261 Be it genuine nervousness or intuition guiding Heydrich to share his concerns with Schellenberg, he was dead by June 4, 1942. Despite being one of the most disliked personalities among the Third Reich, Bormann was able to obtain a working relationship with Himmler during certain points in their career. This relationship may have been provided by Bormann as leverage to be utilized at a later time, as actions toward the betterment of the Party, or bribery in the face of a blinded Himmler. Though Himmler was cold and calculating, he seems to have still been naïve when it came to the game of extortion. If it was not naïveté, then perhaps Himmler thought only he was capable of coercion. The leader of the secret police and secret intelligence should have always been able to suspect when he was being misled, but perhaps this shortsightedness was present in his personal life as he trusted the wrong person in Bormann. By the time Himmler stopped wavering between friendship and rivalry with Bormann, finally realizing Bormann for the danger he was, it was too late for Himmler’s career. Bormann was conniving when showing any kindness or camaraderie towards Himmler. Usually, he acted when the situation worked best in his favor. A son was born to Himmler and his mistress, Hedwig, in February 1942. A boy born of Aryan stock and Nazi leader parentage was of course greatly welcomed, but Himmler lacked the funds to place Hedwig and the child they named Helge into a home of their own. Whereas other Nazi leaders had obtained material gain through corruption and exploitation, Himmler had not accepted such benefits. Upon Himmler’s request, Bormann provided a loan of 80,000 marks skimmed from the Party.262 This assisted in building a congenial relationship between the two which was also bolstered by the 261 Records of the United Stated Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Goering as a War Criminal, RG 238 Entry P1-21, Box 1, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 262 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 747. 82 growing friendship between Hedwig and Bormann’s wife, Gerda.263 In June of 1944, Hedwig gave birth to a daughter. Once again, Bormann provided a loan from Party funds which was used to purchase a home near Schönau in Berchtesgaden. Himmler’s mistress and illegitimate children were to be kept a secret.264 Most likely out of respect for the party and propagation of the Reich, Bormann was respectful of Himmler’s privacy in this matter. The assistance Himmler received in 1942 strangely coincides with Heydrich’s concerned conversations with Schellenberg.265 Bormann and Himmler both stood to gain with Heydrich removed. Heydrich repeatedly spoke to Schellenberg of his suspicions of Himmler and Bormann plotting against him during the spring of 1942. As stated however, by June he was dead. In 1944, Bormann once again loaned funds to Himmler to gain his trust. This happened to coincide with the two working together to create the Volkswehr home defense to act as a military unit of ordinary male German citizens between the ages of sixteen and sixty capable of bearing arms.266 Bormann then nominated Himmler to lead the Army Group Vistula in a failed battle against the Russians in January 1945. Bormann expected the loss, but wrote to his wife of “Uncle Heinrich’s” unfortunate failure so as to seem innocent of any ill intent.267 Bormann was constantly trying to weed Himmler out of power. When Bormann felt he could gain something he desired from cooperating with a comrade, he would take advantage of the situation, often crippling his associate later. Commonalities 263 Ibid, 747. Himmler, The Himmler Brothers, 253-254. 265 Schellenberg,The Labyrinth, 289-290. 266 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 712. 267 Martin Bormann, The Bormann Letters, Editer by H.R. Trevor-Roper (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1954),189. 264 83 One of several similarities shared by the two rivals was their love of attention and power. After proving their merit, each obtained advancements at the order of Hitler. In a pamphlet discussing the career of Heinrich Himmler, the United States government claimed that Himmler was “more indispensible to Hitler than any other figure in the regime.”268 With his SS troops, Himmler had the ability to perform both as a security organization as well as a replacement army. Yet Bormann was the gatekeeper to Hitler; and herein lies a great source of rivalry, not only between Bormann and Himmler, but Bormann and seemingly the entire upper echelon of the Nazi Party. While Bormann may have been charged with keeping Hitler’s head clear, Himmler could have ensured that his life was ended. Himmler, with his SS forces behind him, presented a challenge even the cunning Bormann could not easily overcome. They also shared a commonality in each choosing to spearhead the battle with religion. Himmler targeted the Jehovah Witnesses as a collective religious group. The persecution of Protestants and Catholics was based on their own individual actions or involvement. This went against the advice of Göring who recalled, “I told Himmler on one occasion that I did not think it was clever to arrest clergymen, and that as long as they talked only in church they should say what they wanted .”269 FBI agent R.C. Hendon wrote in a May 10, 1941 memorandum for a Mr. Nichols within the bureau that because of this trilateral hatred, Himmler was known as “the only two-hundred-percent Nazi.”270 Likewise, Bormann lost his Catholic faith during the war, and began his own antiChristian actions. Though he never publicly professed his anti-religious views, Bormann made his feeling toward the church clear. In January 1940, Bormann forced the Protestant and Catholic 268 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 61. Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 137. 270 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Memorandum for Mr. Nichols, May 10, 1941, RG 65 Entry A1 136P, Box 1, Section 001, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 269 84 churches to donate funds to the Reich. He demanded that salaries and clergy members be cut, if need be, to afford the required contributions. 271 An unnamed source for the United States War Department recalled during an interrogation that he or she “blame[d] Bormann for the actions against the Church.” The source discussed Bormann’s brutality especially against religious groups. “Bormann is said to have been the most brutal of all and according to Source, was more to blame for the treatment of the Jews than any other.”272 Though the source claimed Bormann acted as the most brutal Nazi, it is important to reiterate that this was the source’s opinion. There is no documented proof that Bormann controlled anything other than verbal warfare against the Jews. However, it is important to note this view as it obviously reflects an opinion of Bormann, his brutality, and his outlook on the Jewish people. While Bormann stole from the wallets of the clergy and spoke openly against the Jews, Himmler took their lives. Though the source may claim Bormann held the most brutal mindset toward the Jews, Bormann was not building death camps, having Jews shot in the streets, or commanding death squads to murder thousands in trenches and ravines. In August 1920 Bormann became the manager of a large farm estate near the village of Parchim.273 Only a few weeks after obtaining his new employment, he began modifying himself to adapt to his new environment. This included adopting the political beliefs of his employers, the von Treuenfels. Bormann accepted the antisemitic notion of a Jewish world conspiracy, became an antisemite, and began participating in Freikorps activities.274 This aspect of Bormann’s background is quite similar to Himmler’s young adult life. Both worked in 271 Von Lang, The Secretary, 183. Thomas C. Van Cleve, Lt. Col. AUS, Special Detention Center “Ashcan” Detailed Interrogation Report: Forschungsamt Des Reichsluftfahrtministeriums, June 15, 1945, RG 165 Entry UD 27, Box 2, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 272 273 274 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 12. Von Lang, The Secretary, 24-25. 85 agriculture, participated in political groups, and each felt the need to manipulate themselves and those around them to obtain praise and gratification from others. Similarly to Himmler, Bormann was a farmer. But unlike his rival, Bormann was successful. He acted the part of a treasurer to keep affairs in order on the Mecklenburg farm as banned Freikorps members performed the labor, ensuring them employment when no one else would hire them. 275 With ravaging inflation rendering money useless in Germany, average farm hands became disgruntled with their pay, and estate owners became leery of rebellions. Freikorps members, as they were recently banned and no longer receiving government wages for their war service, found themselves without homes in many cases. It was decided by many estate owners to hire these ex-paramilitary men not only to protect their land and goods but to provide them with room and board in exchange for a day’s hard labor.276 During his own farming years, Bormann dominated with an iron fist. Many of his workers disliked him for his domineering and brash manner. It also came to light after World War II that Bormann had been involved in crooked deals with foodstuffs, utilizing inflation and gouging his prices. He was fined 3,000 marks for “violation of an agriculture ordinance” between 1922 and 1923 which Von Lang translates to Bormann’s involvement in black-market deals.277 This corruption and profiteering would re-emerge later in his Nazi career when he seemingly sensed no shame in accepting his illicit wealth. Bormann’s Criminal History Begins On May 31, 1923, Bormann was involved in the murder of a school teacher Walther Kadow suspected of spying for the German communist regime and filtering Freikorps 275 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 687. Von Lang, The Secretary, 26. 277 Ibid, 26. 276 86 information to the French government.278 Kadown was at a tavern in the northern German town of Parchim when the men Bormann sent to “give him a proper thrashing” found him. Kadow was loaded into a hunting cart provided by Bormann and transported him to a meadow where he was beaten to death and buried in the woods of Gut Neuhof that night.279 It was none other than Rudolf Höss, later the commandant of Auschwitz, who delivered the fatal blow to Kadow’s skull with a maple sapling.280 The police exhumed Kadow’s remains, and Bormann was sentenced to a year in prison for his complicity in the murder. 281 On March 12, 1924, Bormann’s hearing determined the murder was not premeditated and therefore not actually murder but manslaughter.282 Just as Himmler was able to offer his compliance and even assistance in the execution of his mentors and superiors, Strasser and Röhm during the 1934 SA purge, Bormann was able to be an accomplice in the murder of the man who had been one of his school instructors. 283 Höss took full blame for the murder, receiving a ten year sentence for his crime. Before his execution in 1945, he said of the murder, “Every betrayal was punished by death. Many traitors were eliminated this way.284 Historian Jochen von Lang insinuates that Höss protected Bormann during the murder trial. Höss recalled in his memoirs, “When I noticed in the course of the hearing that the comrade who actually did the deed could be effectively indicted only by me, I took the guilt upon myself, and he was released during the inquiry.”285 Bormann was sentenced to only a year for procuring the hunting cart. The conclusion Lang draws from this statement is that “It may be assumed with certainty that even with the 278 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 687. Secretary, The Secretary, 30. 280 Ibid, 30. 281 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 688. 282 Secretary, The Secretary, 32-33. 283 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 687. 284 Von Lang, The Secretary, 29. 285 Ibid, 29. 279 87 gallows looking him in the face, he was still covering for Bormann as the instigator.”286 A great deal can be drawn from this. Bormann allowed a fellow comrade take the blame for a crime that perhaps he committed. Is the reaction of Höss a sign of his intimidation by Bormann, the strength of camaraderie, or perhaps both? Was Bormann a coward as Shirach alleged, or did he inflict enough fear into his contemporaries that Höss shouldered Bormann’s crime? While Bormann’s intimidation ability received missed reviews from his contemporaries, the loyalty among comrades certainly would support Höss’ decision to assume punishment for the crime rather than inform on Bormann and be labeled a traitor among Freikorp members. Regardless, the camaraderie of Höss and Bormann is an instance of guilty-by-association. Bormann would become a desk criminal while Höss continued as a murderer. Martin Bormann did not come from a bourgeoisie or military upbringing. Instead, he utilized his intelligence and abilities of persuasion and cautious scheming to enter the minds of his opponents and superiors and manipulate his way to his end goal. He came from the working class, having no advantage of nobility, nor had he any experience in battle during the war. Should the regime fail, Bormann had no power or plan to fall back on. He had ensured through his deceitful actions that he would have no friends or support.287 His only experience prior to his role in the NSDAP was as a glorified farm hand. Though Bormann had dropped out of school, he was a gifted administrator. He was also excellent at reading people. His greed for power and material goods far exceeded his sense of ethics and morals. Perhaps one of the most interesting aspects of the Himmler-Bormann relationship lies in how the two men rose individually to their respective positions. Himmler’s ascent can be charted, when read chronologically. Bormann’s timeline however, is so fragmented with missing 286 287 Von Lang, The Secretary, 29. Fest, The Face of the Third Reich 128. 88 information, it is an uncompleted puzzle. Himmler, in complete view of the public, climbed the metaphorical stairs of influence within the Nazi Party. Each political position brought him to another landing on his way to the party’s peak. Bormann, on the other hand, performed only a few acts early in his political career to gain public attention. He performed his first recorded criminal deed in early 1923. But Bormann was not yet associated with the Nazi Party at this time. He did not take part in the Beer Hall Putsch of November 8-9, 1923. Instead, Bormann was involved in the murder of the school teacher Walther Kadow in the spring of 1923. Bormann Commences His Career with the NSDAP Bormann was released from prison in February 1925, and by the end of 1926 he had become a full-time employee of the Nazi Party. He was tasked with small administrative duties, but built himself up to be of significant use with his knowledge of insurance for the NSDAP and its members, as well as relief and support funds for paramilitary group members. 288 It was not until February 17, 1927 that Bormann actually joined the Nazi Party, however, as number 60,508. From this point, his ascent within the Nazi administration continued steadily. During 1927, he served as press chief of the Party of Thuringia. By April 1, 1928, he had become the district leader and business manager of Thuringia. The following year on November 15, he was selected for the staff of the Supreme Command of the Sturmabteilung (SA.) Utilizing his previous experience in party and member affairs, Bormann then left the SA, accepting a position as Leader of the Aid Fund of the Nazi Party on April 25, 1930.289 288 289 Richard J. Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich (New York: Penguin Books, 2003), 220. McGovern, Martin Bormann, 19-20. 89 Bormann began testing his blackmailing abilities, as well as the reception of his deeds in the Third Reich. On October 5, 1932 he wrote a 5-page letter to Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess, containing complaints lodged against SA leader Ernst Röhm. Bormann did not yet feel as if he could go directly to Hitler with his concerns, but hoped that Hess would relay the information to the Führer. Hess did not like to be the bearer of bad news to Hitler. Therefore, it is still unknown if Bormann’s claims that Röhm was ensuring “every SA man has it drummed into him…that he must cover for his comrades and leaders—and then the most prominent SA leader of all goes ahead with flagrant betrayal and slander,” ever reached Hitler.290 Bormann stated, “I am convinced that the post of chief of staff could be filled by any SA leader with an understanding of people and a talent for organization. I was never much of a soldier myself, but I’d bet my boots that even I could manage it. Take a look at the SS. You know Himmler and you know Himmler’s capabilities.”291 This was all Bormann said of Himmler, perhaps deliberately understated. Whether this comment meant that Himmler was true to the party, predictable, or controllable, is uncertain. It does, however, seem as if Bormann was lifting Himmler above Röhm as a better leader and more loyal to the party. Hitler considered a putsch “not only politically wrong, but hopeless.”292 Nonetheless, the 1934 Röhm purge plotted and carried out by his subordinates cleared the way for Hitler to lead without fear of uprising of opponents or political enemies. Be it coincidence or a case of cause and effect, after Bormann took a chance and wrote to Hess, his ascent within the Third Reich truly began. If Himmler took the metaphorical stairs to gain ruling positions in the Nazi Party, visible to all who cared to look on, Bormann stepped inside the elevator and allowed his dealings to 290 Von Lang, The Secretary, 60. Ibid, 60. 292 Von Lang, The Secretary, 61. 291 90 occur behind closed doors. Whether it was through coercion, manipulation, or corruption, Bormann’s ascent fails to follow a prescribed pattern or sensible cause and causality flow. Certainly, his documented rise to power is traceable. However, there seem to be accounts and documentation missing. For example, little is known of Bormann’s actions between April 1930 when he led the Aid Fund and 1933, when Bormann’s career took an incredible upward turn. In July 1933, Bormann was appointed Rudolf Hess’ Secretary. On October 10, 1933 he became Reichsleiter, the second highest political rank below Führer, and in November he was made a member of the Reichstag. 293 The advantage Bormann had over Hess was organizational ability and knowledge of how to construct an administrative apparatus. 294 Thus, Bormann was granted certain powers which he otherwise would never have been permitted. It must be understood that though Hess possessed the skills of oratory that Bormann lacked, he otherwise had no bureaucratic abilities. This is why Bormann was seemingly able to overstep Hess’ orders. Deeply interested in the occult and astrology, Hess was looked upon as a ridiculous day dreamer. With Göring beating him out in the publicity polls, Bormann knew it would not be difficult to work his way into the administration.295 Bormann wasted no time in furthering his attempting to impress the Führer. When Hitler began his building project of the Obersalzberg in 1935, Bormann saw to the financing and adopted the project as his own. He bought up farms and destroyed the pre-existing centuries-old buildings and skimmed off party funds to add to the construction. Bormann commissioned the construction of the Kehlsteinhaus (The Eagle’s Nest) addition to be presented to Hitler on his 293 Von Lang, The Secretary, 69. Ibid, 66. 295 Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 192. 294 91 50th birthday on April 20, 1939.296 Ultimately, Bormann began overseeing Hitler’s finances altogether. Even Hitler’s girlfriend, Eva Braun, depended on Bormann to provide her with her allowance.297 Hitler did not partake in alcohol, tobacco, or the consumption of meat. In the presence of Hitler, Bormann also abstained from these commodities, though there are several photographs of Bormann smoking and witness accounts of him enjoying a beef steak in Hitler’s absence.298 As he became accepted into Hitler’s inner circle, Bormann was permitted to take lunch with the Führer. To seem important and highly involved, Bormann regularly arranged for an adjutant to call him away to tend to business during the meal.299 While this was a clever plan, Bormann’s actions also point to his desire to appear significant within the party and able to take on any responsibility accorded to him. Each instance, that of Bormann’s adaptability, his characteristic of needing to be accepted by and please his superiors, becomes apparent. Bormann’s deceitfulness became more identifiable to his peers as he gained standing within the party. Reich Minister of Food and Reich Peasant Leader Richard Walter Darré was awarded an honorary SS rank after he and Himmler developed a relationship based on the shared beliefs in the need for selective human breeding. After the enthusiasm of his new title wore off, Darré grew leery of the SS, and knowing of the mutual mistrust between Bormann and Himmler, he turned to Bormann for guidance. Bormann attempted to gain as much information to use against Himmler from Darré as possible. When Darré became aware of Bormann’s scheme, he realized his mistake in alliances. In late 1935 Darré wrote, “all threads of political intrigue came 296 “Eagle’s Nest- The History,” Kehlsteinhaus, accessed on March 22,2014, http://www.kehlsteinhaus.de/en/geschichte.php?navid=3 . 297 Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich: Memoirs by Albert Speer (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1970), 85-86. 298 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 36. 299 Ibid, 36. 92 together in Bormann… I noticed that Bormann passed [ultimate] judgment on leading personalities in Berlin.”300 Darré then reported, “I warned Himmler first of all, and he was taken aback.”301 Himmler was taken aback, of course, by the realization that Darré had acted disloyally, intriguing with Bormann against him. Yet he must have allowed Darré an opportunity for redemption as the two continued to work together in subsequent years. This report enlightened Himmler of just how cautious he was required to be in the presence of Bormann. Though they were not the best of friends, Himmler and Bormann had found they could be useful to one another.302 Yet this placed a strain on the situation. Even when Bormann was not actually present, Himmler now knew there were those who would work as informants for his rival. It must have also caught Himmler’s attention when Darré said Bormann passed judgment on personalities in Berlin. Though this was the responsibility of he and Heydrich, policing and political intrigue were tasks Bormann aspired to control. For Bormann to attempt to overstep his boundaries so soon after the SA purge must have served as evidence of Bormann’s immense ego. He apparently did not fear Göring, Himmler, or Heydrich. Where Himmler claimed to his entourage that he understood Bormann to be a dangerous man, he did not distance himself from Bormann as Göring did, nor did he study Bormann in an attempt to understand the enemy as did Heydrich. Instead, Himmler decided to seek a common ground by which he could try to exploit Bormann—and herein lay the problem. By the spring of 1945, Himmler would prove himself an unworthy adversary to Bormann as the latter would allow Himmler to ascend to the peak of his power, and then solely prevent any further acquisitions of prestige. 300 Von Lang, The Secretary, 85. Ibid, 85. 302 Von Lang, The Secretary, 85. 301 93 The relationship between Himmler and Bormann was one of cautious cordiality before the spring of 1936. Though each mistrusted the other, Himmler recognized Bormann’s growth within the party. Though Bormann tended to avoid personal relationships, he accepted Himmler as at least an ally, and more likely, a tool. When Bormann’s fourth child was born on June 13, 1936, he was named Heinrich Ingo, and Himmler served as his godfather.303 It was common for Bormann to refer to Himmler as “Uncle Heinrich” in letters to his wife, Gerda. The Himmler-Bormann Rivalry The infighting began with the consolidation of power as a result of the 1934 purge of the SA. Himmler and Göring banded together for the destruction of Ernst Röhm, head of the SA. Röhm had been a thorn in the sides of both Himmler and Göring who expected to gain control of the armed forces with the removal of Röhm.304 The SS became a free standing paramilitary organization after its separation from the SA on July 20, 1934. Bormann took serious issue when Himmler consolidated all German police forces, including the Gestapo, into the SS. This action provided Himmler with command of the SS, the Gestapo, and the Sicherheitsdienst (SD). Thus Himmler controlled all forces capable of arrests, interrogations, and paramilitary activity. Hess announced on June 9, 1934 that “in the future the SD was to be the NSDAP’s official intelligence service.”305 Himmler began this consolidation on June 17, 1936—four days after the birth of his godson, and on Bormann’s birthday. Bormann was enraged by his “gift.” During the shift in powers, Himmler made it quite clear to his senior officers that no orders were to be passed without his authority. This included any “Chief of 303 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 25. Reitlinger, The SS, 74. 305 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 165. 304 94 Ministerial Department.”306 Himmler decreed the directive of when internment in a concentration camp was justified, including: by order of the Gestapo, by order of the Kripo, a court decree, or by order of Himmler himself. Himmler, as leader of the SS and overseer of the Gestapo, enacted this “Emergency Law” also known as the “Frame Law.” By binding justifications for internment, Himmler created regulations which banned Bormann from encroaching upon his power. While the Emergency Law protected Himmler’s orders from being infringed upon by any other leader shy of Hitler, Himmler was aware that Bormann was his primary rival. Though both Göring and Bormann could have presented a threat, it was Bormann who would do so, as Göring had set his attention to the army and building of the Luftwaffe. Himmler deliberately enacted this law to keep Bormann in check. If Himmler had been previously perceived as naive, this is evidence of his cunning mistrust of his fellow party members. Furthermore, what the law meant at its core acted as most likely the first bristle between Himmler and Bormann. “This law authorized the Stapo [political police] to take all measures deemed suitable for the protection of the Party and the safeguarding of the State against any internal enemy. The Gestapo was not bound expressly by this law to respect the existing laws and decrees.”307 Bormann believed that Himmler was himself and his organizations not only the law, but above the law. He was furious that Himmler had written out the ability of any other leader short of Hitler to authorize commands. “This exceptional concentration of power was not only the constant cause of envy and mistrust of Bormann, Chief of the Party Chancellory, but often the frequent subject of 306 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner, RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 307 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner, RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 95 differences with Göring, although only of a temporary character. Nevertheless, it is certain that this ‘Emergency Law’ inspired Himmler never to give up the direct and personal command of the Gestapo,”308 Kaltebrunner stated during a post-war interrogation. Here, Kaltenbrunner provides evidence of Himmler’s fear of his rivals, as well as his actions taken to maintain and control his position. Once again, Himmler was not bleary-eyed and trusting. He was either aware of the need for caution, or he was being well advised by a source. Though Himmler provided Bormann a commission as an SS-Gruppenführer on January 30, 1937, it was simply an honorary position. If this was a gesture of appeasement on Himmler’s part, the attempt could not have hurt. However, if Himmler believed this would somehow cause Bormann to feel or believe himself a subordinate of Himmler, he was gravely mistaken. The Flight of Hess and SD Arguments When Rudolf Hess left Germany to seek a peace agreement with Britain shortly after midnight on May 11, 1941, he crashed his Messerschmitt Bf 110 in Scotland, where he was captured. 309 On May 29 1941 Bormann was appointed Head of the Party Chancellery by Hitler’s decree. 310 In this capacity, Bormann would choose continually to make power plays seeking to dismantle Himmler’s organizations and intelligence services. Incensed that Himmler had removed ability for multiple commanders, “Bormann especially, repeatedly demanded the surrendering of all I.S. [Intelligence Services,] and reporting work covering subjects which the Party Chancellery claimed came within the scope of its work. These covered in fact all special 308 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner, RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 309 “Rudolf Hess,” Holocaust Encyclopedia, last modified June 10, 2013, accessed on March 27, 2014, http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007113 . 310 Von Lang, The Secretary, 162. 96 questions regarded spheres of life. Compliance with the demand would therefore have meant winding up the work of the SD, while the Party Chancellery would not have been in the slightest degree capable of further performing the tasks of the SD. ”311 Himmler had backed Bormann into a corner, and Bormann did not react well. Bormann responded by forbidding SD membership to those “officially employed in the political organization of the Party, and demanded the dismissal from the SD of al bearers of high office and political leaders.”312 He repeatedly attempted to create counter measures toward Himmler’s orders, but to his aggravation, his work was to no avail. Even direct subordinates of Himmler were not awarded direct command—especially after the death of Heydrich in June 1942. In a post war interrogation, Kaltenbrunner attested this fact in his testimony stating that he was “never given executive power over the Gestapo or Kripo.” He believed “he was given the title of Chief of RSHA in 1943 by Himmler, because Himmler at that time was losing influence with Hitler as compared to Bormann.”313 Ultimately, Bormann’s interest in having influence over the SD was spurred by his interest in appeasing the Gauleiters who acted as regional branch party leaders and were answerable only to Hitler and the Reichsleiter. Bormann had held the position of Reichsleiter since October 1933, and systematically began turning the Gauleiters against Himmler. One main interest Bormann had in controlling the SD was to protect his regional leaders who felt that the SD were spying on their personal and political lives. The Gauleiters also feared SD apprehension 311 Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre (United Kingdom), SS Gruppenführer Ohlendorf, May 21. 1945, RG 319 Entry 134B, Box 578, XE00083, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 312 Ibid. Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre (United Kingdom), SS Gruppenführer Ohlendorf, May 21. 1945, RG 319 Entry 134B, Box 578, XE00083, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 313 97 as they were not above the law. Some regional branch leaders had a great deal to hide, and were well aware that the SD would waste no time in drawing up and rendering reports.314 On February 14, 1935, Bormann declared, All complaints concerning inside party matters received by the Main Security Office should be transmitted without review or examination of the facts to the Deputy of the Führer. The Main Security Office will arrange that also in the future all cases of a criminal nature, even though they may concern fellow party members should be submitted automatically to the competent state prosecutor, in accordance with the law affecting all German citizens. This regulation will eliminate in the future all possible friction between the SD and all party offices.315 As secretary to the Deputy Führer at the time, Bormann would inevitably take on the task of reviewing reports himself. Rather than the SD examining and acting upon the report, Bormann suggested the State—he being the acting agent representative, look into the concern, thus removing power from the SD. During his interrogation conducted by the Seventh Army Interrogation Center, SS Obergruppenführer Kurt Knoblauch stated Bormann was “completely unscrupulous, very egotistic, and wanted full powers and unlimited authority. He ruthlessly opposed those who did not submit to his wishes.”316 As Heydrich and Himmler often opposed Bormann, this could be one motive for taking part in Heydrich’s murder. Regardless of the circumstances, Bormann stood to gain from Heydrich’s absence. 314 Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre (United Kingdom), SS Gruppenführer Ohlendorf, May 21. 1945, RG 319 Entry 134B, Box 578, XE00083, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 315 Office of United States Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, SD and Party Offices, February 14, 1935, RG 238 Entry NM-66 38, Box 1, Folder 9, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 316 Department of Defense, OMGUS, Civil Affairs Division, Public Safety Branch, Final Interrogation Report: The Liaison Between Himmler and Hess, November 21,1945; RG 260, Box 393; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. 98 In June 1943 Bormann was successful in forbidding party functionaries from even supplying the SD with information. With Heydrich no longer alive to defend his organization, Himmler actually did allow this to happen. Yet by this point Himmler was also looking for an exit plan, so perhaps the loss of one responsibility could be handled—especially as the SD was not Himmler’s only line of defense. He still held to the Gestapo. According to Kaltenbrunner, Himmler refused to let this “instrument of power” be taken from him.317 Bormann would have been less likely to challenge Himmler if Heydrich had still been alive and leading the SD. What was truly problematic was Himmler’s poor rapport with the Gauleiters who seemingly worked against Himmler to the benefit of Bormann. Bormann presented the regional leaders with the belief that he could control Himmler and his SD, resulting in Gauleiters complaining to Bormann “and because he quickly came to their rescue, they rallied to him more strongly than ever.”318 Bormann had been studying the structure of the Nazi Party since he joined. He knew that should he wish to ever rise further in the party, or even succeed Hitler, support of the Gauleiters would be vital. Hitler’s Successor The ultimate goal for these two men, though at the surface identical, was that it was based on differing expectations. There were speculations that Bormann wished to succeed Hitler by party leaders such as Göring. Though Himmler did wish to be second in command, due to his unyielding desire for attention and gratification, Himmler would not have been pleased to be at the head of the party. Though he displayed his interests of succeeding Hitler when asking Göring 317 Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner, RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 318 Von Lang, The Secretary, 288. 99 to name him his own successor, Himmler would have been incapable of performing as Führer. He needed to be commanded and rewarded for his efforts. This was all he had ever known, and despite his overwhelming desire to be an impressive persona with total power, Himmler knew he was incapable of commanding the entire Nazi Party and its organizations. Bormann, on the other hand, seems to have been making all the proper adjustments and wisely placing himself in the event that his rise was possible. After the attempt on Hitler’s life on July 20, 1944, Himmler focused a great amount of attention to his peace negotiation possibilities. Escaping Nazi Germany with the support of the Allies became Himmler’s end goal, whereas leading Nazi Germany, having learned from Hitler’s mistakes, was Bormann’s intention. Following the model Stalin had set after his succession of power after Lenin in the Soviet Union, Bormann plotted to work as Hitler’s secretary to gain information, experience, and trust. Clever Bormann knew that if he were to succeed, he had to possess the same information as Hitler, and then be able to improve upon Hitler’s “legacy.” Bormann would have to prove where Hitler went wrong, what could be done to solve the issue, and then enforce the change. Though he craved the limelight, was accepted during his Nazi career, and accumulated leadership roles, Himmler could not handle command of the party. Himmler was happy controlling his SS and Gestapo. He had the ability to inflict terror and massive chaos into the lives of his enemies and victims, and could focus all of his attention on this endeavor. Perhaps Himmler realized that there were those who would not take him seriously, and he realized his value to the party was already in play. 100 The Ascent of Bormann’s Power and the further decline of His Popularity with Comrades Himmler’s strategy altered after Hess left Germany. Hitler eliminated the position of Deputy Führer, and replaced it with Head of Party Chancellery—a title which he delegated to Bormann. With this access to information, ability to manipulate messages sent to Hitler, and his overall closeness with Hitler brought by this position, Bormann ascended further in power and arrogance. In the process, he made enemies with Himmler, Heydrich, Göring, and Goebbels as well as Alfred Rosenberg, Reich minister of the Eastern Territories and racial theorist, Hans Frank, Hitler’s personal lawyer, and Albert Speer, Minister of Armaments and War Production.319 Göring’s dislike of Bormann was no secret. There were especially two acts of behavior Bormann exhibited which disgusted Göring: Bormann moved his mistress into the home he shared with his wife, Gerda, and “once when a stray dog had attacked his own pet, he had doused it with petrol, set it alight, and roared with laughter as he watched it run away in flaming agony.”320 Himmler and Schellenberg discussed what reason should be given to the German people to explain Hess’ departure. Though Himmler believed Hess had come to fear Bormann and resent his slow but steady ascent to power, the other option was to provide a cover story of Hess’ madness. The problem with claiming Hess was not of sound mind was that it could reflect negatively on the other leaders of the party to have someone unstable acting as Deputy Führer. Schellenberg told Himmler that at any rate, he felt the claim of mental illness would not hold as “he considered the German people much too intelligent” to believe such a farce. 321 Himmler 319 Speer, Inside the Third Reich, 87. Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 791. 321 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 61. 320 101 replied “[well,] that was Bormann’s influence.” Himmler stared at Schellenberg in thought for a few moments, and then quietly added “it is too late to do anything about it now.”322 Though the contemporary perception of Himmler is that he was a sly man in the corner taking notes, building intelligence files, and implanting himself within the Party as a force to be feared, Himmler simply could not live up to this persona. His personality required attention and accreditation from a superior. For a time, Heydrich adopted this role to Himmler’s advantage. After Heydrich’s death in 1942, though Himmler took up the position of Director of RSHA, Bormann increased his activities as an independent secret intelligence collector. Bormann had always aspired to control the SD, and with Himmler as the face, desiring to be noticed and awarded attention, this presented Bormann with his opportunities to stealthily obtain information and intrigue against his rivals without constant observation. Evidence from diaries, memoirs, and interrogation reports from Third Reich leaders shows that while there were some who found Himmler to be a thorn in their side, everyone it seemed, loathed and distrusted Bormann. Though the personalities of these men differed (and this factor must be taken into consideration) they were each intriguing against their comrades and seeking to further themselves in their roles within the Party, actions which Hitler encouraged and cultivated an assurance of loyalty and individual ability. Perhaps the fact that in reality Himmler had the position of SS leader and, ultimately, RSHA overseer, played a role in his reception by his peers as they knew to expect this activity from him. Bormann, on the other hand, possessed no qualifications or title enabling him to collect secret files and build a personal card index against anyone other than for the sake of his personal usage and in furthering power. 323 While Himmler did indeed utilize such information accordingly, he also truly believed in the cause of 322 323 Ibid, 61. Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 131. 102 the Third Reich and the Final Solution. Bormann on the other hand was seemingly bent on his personal ascent to power rather than following any party dogma. What Himmler meant in his response to Schellenberg was that Bormann had risen within the Party and was needed by Hitler. Bormann could no longer be removed from power. Himmler realized there was no visible end to his rival. Bormann’s ascent after the departure of Hess set him on track to gain the ability to prevent any further addition to Himmler’s position within the party. Himmler no longer had Hess’ protection of proclaiming the SD as the official intelligence service of the Nazi Party, and Bormann was obtaining more and more dependency and trust from Hitler. Perhaps in an attempt to draw Himmler’s attention away from the parting of his superior, Bormann wrote Himmler a letter stating his beliefs for Hess’ flight. Bormann blamed Hess’ sense of inferiority apparently caused by his impotence for Hess’ desire to leave, thus proving his virility. Though Hess had fathered a son during the period he was supposed to be unable to reproduce, Bormann wrote, “in the opinion of the Führer, these are in fact the real causes.”324 According to his behavior toward Bormann, it appears Himmler believed these views were not original to Hitler but rather instilled by Bormann. At this point, it was accepted in even the upper leadership circles of the Nazi Party that Bormann held a strong influence over Hitler. If Himmler has been mistakenly perceived by contemporary audiences, Hitler has been misunderstood much more so. Weak in the ways of comprehending military strategy, though possessing a firm grasp on leadership necessities, he actually thrived on the rivalries within the upper echelon of the party. Hitler nurtured and depended on this infighting,; and required this dualism. These rivalries not only provided security Hitler that each task and role was fulfilled by the most suitable men, but also that his subordinates would be too involved with their personal battles to attempt to 324 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 61. 103 challenge him. As von Lang writes, “The two power machines always canceled each other out. Moreover, Himmler never managed to get a firm foothold in the entourage,” a problem Bormann overcame.325 Bormann committed himself to performing any act in his power which would further separate Himmler from Hitler. Aware of Himmler’s inferiority complex, Bormann utilized every opportunity to further offend Himmler and make him feel as if he were unappreciated or being neglected from party meetings or events. When Himmler complained to Bormann that he felt Hitler had been treating him unjustly for years while others were favored, Bormann patronized him, saying that he was certain Himmler was imagining it, however he had heard the Führer criticize the activities of the SD. This of course was not altogether true. Hitler’s criticisms of the SD were instigated by Bormann’s lies.326 In a letter to his wife, Bormann alleged Himmler’s reaction was so strong that “in other circumstances I should have had no choice but to get up and say, “I’m sorry, but I must take my leave of you, and take off your uniform. The Führer is the Führer, and he is beyond all criticism.”327 For Bormann to suggest he was capable of making anyone take off their uniform was a extreme example of his smugness. There could have been several reasons why Bormann would have made this claim. Whether he simply said this to his wife to appear virile, and powerful, if Bormann truly believed he was capable of such an act, or what his other motives could have been is unclear. As biographer Jochen von Lang wrote, “Martin Bormann and his legendary rise to power can be explained only by written testimony. He was never the hero of dramatic scenes; he never 325 Von Lang, The Secretary, 284. Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 798. 327 Martin Bormann, The Bormann Letters, ed. H.R. Trevor-Roper (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1954), 126. 326 104 stood in the limelight. He deliberately remained in the shadow of a bigger man.”328 This description differs greatly from that of the attention-seeking Himmler. Himmler should have acted as the man lurking the shadows, collecting information to be used against his peers. Instead, Bormann took on this persona and was constantly secretive about his operations. Himmler was most stealthy when gathering intelligence on his personal enemies. Whereas Himmler received mixed reviews from his comrades, especially from his subordinates who worked closely with him, Bormann was looked upon with trepidation by the party. Baldur von Schirach attempted to give Bormann an opportunity to prove himself to him, but resolved instead to never be a Bormann enthusiast. At first we Reichsleiters had no reason to complain about Bormann. He dealt with matters needing Hitler’s attention more quickly than Hess, who was always vague and slow. Originally Hess was supposed to be present at every conference between Hitler and the party leaders, but he soon passed that duty to Bormann. From then on, whether Hitler was in Berlin, Munich, or Obersalzberg, without Bormann there would be no conference. He pretended to be your good friend, innocent of any self-serving, who represented the interests of the Party leaders. It took quite a while before I saw through him and realized how dangerous he was.329 Incidentally, after the war, Hess and Shirach served twenty years together in Spandau prison. Schirach was of the opinion that Hess’ flight was a result of slowly losing his power to Bormann. Schirach offered “perhaps it was in protest against this silent degradation that Hess took himself off on his mystery-shrouded flight to England.”330 Hess would never say. Minister of Food and Agriculture, Richard Walther Darré’s opinion of Bormann was also enlightening, noting the Reichsleiter’s “mixture of personal ambition, hunger for power, 328 Von Lang, The Secretary, 82. Ibid, 84. 330 Von Lang, The Secretary, 155. 329 105 pragmatism in questions of organization and administration, including money management, and pronounced inferiority complex because of his subordinate position.”331 Darré made the interesting connection of Bormann’s actions to those of Stalin in their leadership and activities within the party. After the loss of the Battle of Stalingrad in February 1943, Bormann increased his role as an information filter, ensuring that Hitler was guarded as much as possible from the news of the war’s harsh reality. Hitler’s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann, recalled Hitler becoming intensely defensive of Bormann should he believe someone was being critical of him. Hoffman later recalled Hitler as having said, “Whoever is against Bormann is against the State! I’ll shoot the lot of them, even if they number in the tens of thousands.”332 Bormann abused his influence with Hitler and the loss of Stalingrad to convince Hitler to allow for a three-man board to act as the head of the Reich Chancellery in February 1943. This new entity came to be known as the Committee of Three. At its controls were Marshal Wilhelm Keitel for the military sector, Minister Hans Lammers controlling the government sector, and Bormann was in charge of Party affairs. The intention was to create an ad hoc committee to control specific areas of responsibility.333 Goebbels came to refer to them as the “Three Wise Men.” He and Göring attempted to force the Committee to dissolve, but were unsuccessful.334 Their efforts were not in vain, however, Bormann’s compulsive need for control coupled with the continued loss of power commanded by Keitel and Lammers made the committee unsuccessful.335 331 Von Lang, The Secretary, 84. McGovern, Martin Bormann, 101. 333 Von Lang, The Secretary, 220. 334 McGovern, Martin Bormann, 101. 335 Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1936-1945:Nemesis, Volume 2 ( NY W.W. Norton & Company, 2001), 569-577. 332 106 Lammers, especially, felt the overbearing pressure of Bormann’s rise. He came to expect his orders from the Führer to be delivered by Bormann rather than Hitler personally. Lammers found himself and his position in the Committee greatly disparaged as Bormann melded the government and party positions together to benefit himself, edging out Lammers. Whether Lammers was mindful of his need to be as diplomatic with Bormann as possible is not completely clear, however, his caution suggests that perhaps he was aware of the special file Bormann kept on him in the event he felt Lammers was becoming a problem.336 Bormann had simply made two more enemies, offering further evidence of his ability to undermine and bully his peers in order to further ascend in positions of influence. Bormann as Secretary On April 12, 1943, Bormann was finally awarded the position he most coveted (aside from the title of Fürer.) After meeting with Hitler in his study at the Berghof at the Obersalzberg, Bormann emerged from the room with a folder containing a sheet of paper announcing, “As my personal assistant, Reichsleiter M. Bormann will bear the title ‘Secretary to the Führer’.”337 Bormann had of course been playing the role of secretary without the title for quite some time. During a post-war interrogation with the Allies, an anonymous source claimed that Hitler mentioned Bormann as a possible successor to Hess, but the informant “was not in favor of him, so they decided to take some time to consider the question.” The source learned two weeks later that Bormann had been appointed after reading the information in the newspaper.338 The official 336 Von Lang, The Secretary, 224. Ibid, 225. 338 Thomas C. Van Cleve, Lt. Col. AUS, Special Detention Center “Ashcan” Detailed Interrogation Report: Forschungsamt Des Reichsluftfahrtministeriums, June 15, 1945, RG 165 Entry UD 27, Box 2, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 337 107 position was all Bormann needed to assert further power over his rivals. His new task allotted him free admittance to Hitler’s presence as well as access to any and all internal knowledge. After Bormann was appointed Secretary to the Führer, Bormann’s long-time rival Joseph Goebbels immediately altered his sentiments in his diary. Suddenly whatever faults Bormann had previously been accused of were resolved by his extraordinary loyalty to Hitler.339 Goebbels was intelligent and possessed the foresight to believe that his diaries could one day come under scrutiny. He did not wish to present Bormann with any evidence which could be used against him. This is quite similar to the letters Bormann wrote to his wife. He often altered the truth to his benefit, informing Gerda of the foolishness of Goebbels or the mistake “Uncle Heinrich” had made when it was actually Bormann who caused his comrades’ misfortune. Bormann also knew of the ability to use his communications against him; additionally, he wished to appear in a positive light to his wife. Hitler developed a dependency on Bormann. While Himmler had the support of Schellenberg, Goebbels, and, by 1943, Göring (to some degree), Bormann stood supreme with the support of Hitler. The secretary had long been in the making as Bormann had actually been speaking for Hitler and taking actions which had previously been reserved for the Führer. One such example was the disagreement between Himmler and Reich Minister of Justice Otto Georg Thierack in September 1942. After Himmler met with Thierack, expressing his concerns with Thierack encroaching on his responsibility of determining who should be put to death, the stalemate argument was taken to Hitler. But rather than speak with the Führer, Bormann intervened and attempted to act as mediator.340 Bormann claimed he had final jurisdiction over 339 340 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 796. Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 636. 108 the life and death of a human being by acting on behalf of Hitler. Even more appalling, Bormann added, “in principle the Führer’s time will no longer be taken up by matters of this kind.”341 Himmler’s Final Ascent Any sense of cordial behavior between Himmler and Bormann began to wane, especially during this period. Himmler viewed his treatment by Bormann, such as in the instance of the incident with Thierack, as arrogant, showboating his inflated power, and unruly. It was difficult for Himmler not to take this treatment personally, as the two seemingly had established a mutually beneficial working relationship. After Bormann was given the title of Hitler’s private secretary, letters sent from Bormann to Himmler were no longer addressed with the familiar “Du” reserved for friends and acquaintances, but were instead addressed with the more formal “Sie.”342 It was the equivalent of Bormann changing “Dear Heinrich,” to “Dear Comrade Himmler.” Himmler was able to set aside Bormann’s pettiness and instead revel in another achievement. Hitler was quite pleased with his reports of exterminated Jews from the end of 1942, and that new extermination camps were being constructed. Hitler agreed to allow Himmler to set up his own armament factories. This allowed Himmler to move one step closer to his vision of a self-contained SS state where he was only answerable to Hitler. Additionally, Himmler shared his views that the Hungarian Jews should be included in liquidations. Himmler insinuated that Hitler would be capable of such persuasion.343 Though he was crafty, Himmler was not as convincing as Bormann. 341 Von Lang, The Secretary, 223. Ibid, 226. 343 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 799-798. 342 109 Himmler’s last promotion was achieved on August 20, 1943 when he was appointed Minister of the Interior by Hitler. Himmler replaced Wilhelm Frick, who had held the position since 1933. This completed Himmler’s control of the police state. The SS, the RSHA, and the Ministry of the Interior which controlled the general German police were all under Himmler’s command.344 Whereas Bormann felt comfortable with the tired old man Frick, now his young adversary held the very position Bormann desired for himself. Minister of the Interior would have awarded Bormann control of a policing force which he had coveted for years. Yet Bormann was able to console himself with the realization that taking up this post would have meant not being able to remain constantly at Hitler’s side.345 His position as secretary was much more valuable to him due to intimacy and ability to control messages to and from the Führer, altering information if he saw necessary. Bormann’s greed for control still would not allow him to accept Himmler’s new title, and he actively sought ways to discredit Himmler. The secretary was determined to ensure the Reichsführer would ascend no further. Indeed, in the summer of 1944, Himmler reached the peak of his power.346 The Hungarian occupation took place in March 1944, with commencement of Jewish deportations beginning in early May.347 Yet due to Himmler’s covert attempts at peace negotiations with the Allies, Himmler assigned Obergruppenführer Adolf Eichmann to act as a proxy in the deportations and extermination of the Hungarian Jews. Amid discussions on peace talks with his subordinates and inner circle, Himmler still battled with the concept of turning his back on his Führer, and their cause, the Final Solution. During a conversation with his masseuse 344 Ibid, 812. Von Lang, The Secretary, 287. 346 Ibid, 289. 347 Randolph L. Braham, The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2000), 135. 345 110 and confidant, Felix Kersten, Himmler said, “I can’t get rid of the Führer, to whom I owe everything.”348 With this, Himmler provided evidence of his remaining devotion to Hitler. After the July 20, 1944 attempt on Hitler’s life at Rastenburg, Poland, Himmler wanted to have Bormann arrested. Himmler was aware of the suggestion in some quarters that Bormann was acting against Hitler’s life in attempts to succeed him as Führer. Himmler immediately suspected him of foul play. Göring feared Bormann would instigate a coup and assassinate Hitler. Himmler agreed that this seemed possible. After all, Bormann was not present for this meeting at the Wolfschanze—one of the few of Hitler’s meetings he missed. A group of young men who were leaders in the Hitler Youth were closely watching Bormann for any sign that he may attempt to succeed Hitler, willing to murder Bormann if necessary.349 After the culprits of the assassination attempt were found, no actions were taken against Bormann.350 However, Himmler kept a closer watch on Hitler, further gaining the Führer’s trust. Just before the assassination attempt, Hitler bequeathed Himmler the responsibility of ensuring “training, National Socialist indoctrination, disciplinary penal codes, and court martial” knowledge be instilled into fifteen new army divisions. 351 This essentially provided the opportunity of creating new Waffen-SS units. This extension of power was the honor for which Himmler had been waiting. In November 1944, though Himmler lacked any tangible military training, Hitler named him Commander-in-Chief of the Upper Rhine. After failing to make any visible contribution during the Battle of the Bulge, Himmler was transferred to the Army Group Vistula under 348 Manvell and Fraenkel, Himmler, 163. Von Lang, The Secretary, 296. 350 Ibid, 296. 351 Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 699. 349 111 Hitler’s command, inevitably advised by Bormann.352 Himmler was a failure as a military leader, allowing the Russians to cross the Vistula and advance on the German line.353 Keeping to his habitual reaction when he performed poorly, Himmler suddenly “fell ill” and took to a sanatorium to convalesce, thus avoiding reprisal from his Führer. Hitler was severely disappointed in Himmler’s failed leadership skills as well as his lack of ability to accept his shortcoming. This event marked a great loss of faith in Himmler, and it can be certain that Bormann was coaxing Hitler against Himmler the entire time. 354 Himmler had Hitler’s favor after the July 20 plot up until this loss. Göring stated during his June 10, 1945 interrogation, “from then on, Bormann was supreme.”355 In addition to Himmler’s military failure, sending him away from Führer Headquarters would provide Bormann with a private audience to Hitler. Bormann was free to instill whatever plots he wished into the mind of his weakening leader. One of those possible plots materialized in Hitler’s order of the destruction of the concentration camps, all evidence of the Final Solution, and remaining prisoners to prevent their capture by Allied forces.356 The news hit the highly nervous Himmler, still recuperating, quite hard. This meant the removal of one of Himmler’s major power bases. On March 15th, 1945 Himmler traveled to Berlin to meet with Hitler where according to Goebbels’ diary entry, Himmler received “an extraordinarily severe dressingdown.”357 352 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 876. Longerich, Heinrich Himmler, 715-717. 354 Ian Kershaw, Hitler: A Biography (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008),914. 355 Thomas C. Van Cleve, Lt. Col. AUS, Special Detention Center “Ashcan” Detailed Interrogation Report: Forschungsamt Des Reichsluftfahrtministeriums, June 15, 1945, RG 165 Entry UD 27, Box 2, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 353 356 357 Read, The Devil’s Disciples, 876. Ibid, 876. 112 Bormann Divides the Reich Bormann examined every piece of information addressed to Hitler. The most controversial example was Bormann’s interception of Göring’s April 23, 1945 telegram. According to General Karl Koller and Reichsleiter Philipp Bouhler, Göring feared Bormann becoming Hitler’s successor: “He is merely waiting for his chance to liquidate me.”358 He continued discussing his options with his comrades. “If I act now, they’ll call me a traitor. And if I don’t act, I’ll be reproached for having failed Germany in the decisive hour.”359 Göring had grown accustomed to Hitler’s outbursts blaming him for military losses or issues within the Party. He was debating whether or not to send a telegram Hitler asking what action should he take, and should he still take into consideration Hitler’s decree of June 29, 1941 naming Göring his successor should he somehow be removed from power.360 Koller suggested “if you want to make absolutely sure, why not send Hitler a message that puts the matter quite clear?”361 Though Göring’s original message can never be retrieved, at the Nuremberg Trials, Göring claimed that the telegram which was read to Hitler had been altered. He suspected he had been challenged by none other than his adversary, Bormann. Once again, Bormann successfully manipulated information to his benefit. Rewording the message to sound more like an ultimatum than a question of procedure, Bormann condemned Göring, having him arrested and expelled from the Party.362 By the April 1945, it was finally clear to Himmler that he had been underestimating his rival, and repeatedly presented himself as a target over the years. In realizing his mistake of believing he could outwit Bormann, he recognized his best choice of action was to flee Berlin. 358 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 315. Ibid, 315. 360 Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, 1116. 361 Manvell and Fraenkel, Goering, 315. 362 Ibid, 315-319. 359 113 He spent one last birthday with Hitler, leaving the bunker on April 20, 1945. Himmler knew he had to concede to Bormann. Otherwise, just as his adversary had convinced Hitler to distrust Himmler, he feared Bormann would persuade Hitler to demand his murder.363 It was true that “Himmler rose higher, so far as offices were concerned, than any other member in the hierarchy, and those offices were derived from Hitler.”364 Ultimately, though Bormann held influence over Hitler’s actions, orders, and perceptions, it was Himmler who held the power over life or death for Hitler.365 Himmler had the power, but lacked the personality and mental stamina to utilize his SS forces to carry out a coup, assassinate Hitler and assume leadership power. The man who did have the desire and capacity to take up power so was Bormann, but for all his drive and aspiration, he lacked the support from any Special Forces or comrades. In fact, there were those who would murder Bormann if Hitler was removed from power. Bormann allowed Himmler to rise as far as Minister of the Interior before sullying his relationship with Hitler. By creating antagonism between Himmler and the gauleiters, Bormann attempted to ensure that in the absence of himself or Hitler, Himmler would be blocked from power by these regional leaders, though it is doubtful that Bormann had fully calculated the strength of Himmler’s S.S. units. Himmler could have worked around this barrier. What finally saw Heinrich Himmler’s ultimate demise was the loss of trust, respect, and loyalty from Hitler. Destruction of the relationship Himmler had worked for years to establish, costing him his leader 363 Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre (United Kingdom), SS Gruppenführer Ohlendorf, May 21. 1945, RG 319 Entry 134B, Box 578, XE00083, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 364 United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961, RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3-263-02-008, National Archives and Records Administration (College Park, MD.). 365 Ibid. 114 whom he struggled to please and gain admiration from, was the true death stroke of Himmler’s power. 115 Conclusion Himmler was present in the Berlin bunker to celebrate his Führer’s last birthday on April 20, 1945. It was the final time he saw Hitler. Himmler then spent several days wandering through Germany. He apparently had not made any prior plans for himself. No evidence exists of Himmler having written letters or preparing a suicide plot, and, he had decided he did not wish to die in battle, either.366 His realization that the Allies would somehow secure him safe passage from Germany was a false hope and a tough blow. In accordance with what we know of his personality, Himmler lacked the necessary decisiveness to hand himself over as a prisoner, as Göring had done, and he believed he would be hunted as a war criminal. On May 11, 1945, Himmler traded his glasses for an eye patch, shaved his moustache, and disguised himself as “Sergeant Heinrich Hitzinger.” He began traveling through the country without an apparent pattern or reason, leaving Flensburg, in the far northern German state of Schleswig-Holstein, for Freidrichskoog, to the southwest.367 Ironically, Himmler’s narcissism remained so strong that his false name bore the same initials to his given name. Himmler was captured with his two escorts at a checkpoint near Bremerförde on May 21.368 Himmler presented his suspiciously false papers, and his escorts kept glancing back to check that he was still with them—making it overly obvious to the British patrol that something strange was occurring. The Nazis were taken to British Second Army Headquarters in Barnstedt, in Lower Saxony.369 When word came to Captain Tom Selvester that there were three men insisting to see the officer in charge, he had them brought to him. Selvester saw through Himmler’s disguise, 366 Longerich, 735. Ibid, 735. 368 Longerich, 736. 369 Frischauer, Himmler, 9. 367 116 recognizing him immediately.370 Upon being seated, in a quiet voice, without being asked, the disheveled man said, “Heinrich Himmler.”371 The men were searched, but their British captors were not certain they had found all of the poison on Himmler’s person after finding only a phial in the lining of his jacket.372 Company Sergeant Major Edwin Austin was present that night acting as an interpreter. Austin ordered Himmler to get undressed, to which Himmler indignantly said from behind an army blanket “he does not know who I am!” Austin assured Himmler he was aware of his identity, and repeated his order. Himmler was inspected thoroughly, and when the medical officer came to his mouth, Himmler acted. “Himmler drew his head away and, clamping down on the doctor’s fingers, crushed a phial of poison.”373 Himmler had carried the cyanide in his mouth for hours waiting for the right moment and most dramatic moment to take his own life.374 Himmler fought to maintain control right up to his death. In committing suicide, he not only commanded his own destiny, but he also died in the same manner as his Führer. Göring and Heydrich brought Himmler to power and assisted in its retention. Bormann ultimately removed him from his leadership, but through his death Himmler perceived himself as being in total control once more. No one could interfere with the decision he held between his teeth. It took him forty-five years, but Himmler was finally a man in control of himself. Despite this accomplishment, Himmler remained the people pleaser who needed to be noticed. Rather than escaping the country and hoping to live out his remaining years undetected, Himmler announced his identity, and made a spectacle of himself, a victim of his own narcissism. 370 Manvell and Fraenkel, 245. Ibid, 254. 372 Manvell and Fraenkel,247. 373 Frischauer, 10. 374 Ibid, 10. 371 117 His rivals proved themselves personally stronger than Himmler, even through their deaths. Göring was tried at Nuremberg and took his own life rather than hang. He felt it better suited a decorated soldier to commit suicide than be executed by hanging.375 Heydrich was assassinated, and it was determined that Bormann committed suicide after emerging from Hitler’s bunker in Berlin on May 2, 1945.376 Himmler allowed the Nazi Party to consume his identity. His leadership skills were formed by his three leading rivals. In battling Himmler, they in turn strengthened him. For Göring and Heydrich, their associations meant survival. In the Göring-Himmler relationship, survival meant Göring ensuring his ability to call upon Himmler for assistance. As Göring had elevated Himmler to such a powerful position within security leadership, the two experience a fair-weather association. For Heydrich, his rapport with Himmler was mostly of necessity and greed, but Bormann’s aims were destruction. Though Himmler asserted control over his destiny, it was his rivals that had dominated his past. Without these three rivalries, Himmler would never have become such a strong force within the Third Reich. Hermann Göring, Reinhard Heydrich, and Martin Bormann provided Himmler not only with competition, but with ascension to power. Hitler desired infighting among his leaders as a sign of strength, loyalty, and brutality. Göring and Heydrich clearly provided Himmler with leadership roles or inspired Himmler to seek out a position. Yet the underlying irony was that these men also made Himmler appear desirable to the Führer by engaging him in clashes for power. The same can be said for Bormann, who, despite his lack of assisting Himmler’s further acquisition of power, provided Himmler with a relationship 375 376 Manvell and Fraenkel, 392-393 Von Lang, 335. 118 characterized by animosity. Given the evidence, it can be said with certainty that Himmler’s leadership roles within the Third Reich were shaped by these men. Heinrich Himmler would not have ascended to power without his rivalries with these three close Party comrades. 119 Bibliography Primary Sources Bormann, Martin. The Bormann Letters. Edited by H.R. Trevor-Roper. London:Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1954. Schellenberg, Walter. The Labyrinth: Memoirs of Walter Schellenberg, Hitler’s Chief of Counterintelligence. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956. Speer, Albert. Inside the Third Reich: Memoirs by Albert Speer. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1970. Archival Sources *As some information is housed in identical boxes and files, descriptions of each item are provided. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Appendix II: Concentration Camps: Report on their origin, persons responsible, motive, judicial status, and their organization in Germany. Statement by Kaltenbrunner; RG 65, Entry A1 136Z, H.Q. Class 100; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Memorandum for Mr. Nichols, May 10, 1941; RG 65 Entry A1 136P, Box 1, Section 001; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Nazis in the News: Reinhard Heydrich, May 27, 1942; RG 65 Box 21, File 202554; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. United States Army, Goering’s Replies to Sharp Interrogation Brief: Forschungsamt, June 22, 1945; RG 153 Entry A 144, Box 56, Göring 100-159; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Thomas C. Van Cleve, Lt. Col. AUS, Special Detention Center “Ashcan” Detailed Interrogation Report: Forschungsamt Des Reichsluftfahrtministeriums, June 15, 1945; RG 165 Entry UD 27, Box 2; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. United States Army, The Military Attache, Berlin, The Inner Political Situation in Germany: The Rivalry of Goering and Himmler, November 24, 1938; RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080 G-2 Regional File Germany; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Confidential Letter No. 34, E.I.C. Germany: Internal Situation, Enclosure, Minister President Goering on the subject of the “Cleansing Process”, July 10, 1934; RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1080, 3600-3700; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. 120 Donald R. Heath, 1st Secretary of Embassy, Memorandum on the International Opposition to the National Socialist Regime, February 17, 1941; RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1081, 3600-3700; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Review of the Foreign Press, The Nazi Party and the German People, December 14, 1943; RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1082, 3700; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Office of Strategic Services, Personalities of the Nazi Party, November 10, 1943; RG 165 Entry 77, Box 1082, 3700; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Office of Strategic Services, Schellenberg Interrogation, June, 1945; RG 226 Entry 119A, Box 26; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Office of Strategic Services, Schellenberg Interrogation, June27- July 10, 1945; RG 226 Entry UD 125A, Box 2; National Archives and Records Administration College Park, MD. Central Intelligence Agency, An Outline of the Organization and the Development of the SS; RG 230 Entry NM-70-205, Box 1; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Records of the United Stated Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Goering as a War Criminal; RG 238 Entry P1-21, Box 1; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Office of United States Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Document Room Interrogation Analysis: Kaltenbrunner, October 5, 1945; RG 238 Entry P1-21 51, Box 7; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Office of United States Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, SD and Party Offices, February 14, 1935; RG 238 Entry NM-66 38, Box 1, Folder 9; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Department of Defense, OMGUS, Civil Affairs Division, Public Safety Branch, Final Interrogation Report: The Liaison Between Himmler and Hess, November 21,1945; RG 260, Box 39; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. United States Department of War Strategic Services, The Career of Heinrich Himmler, Classified November 29, 1961; RG 263 Entry ZZ-19, Box 28, CIA 2nd Release Name Files NN3263-02-008; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Investigatory Records Repository, Interrogation of Goering, June 25, 1945; RG 319 Entry A1 134B, Box 235, XE00096; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. 121 Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre (United Kingdom), SS Gruppenführer Ohlendorf, May 21. 194; RG 319 Entry 134B, Box 578, XE00083; National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Secondary Sources Black, Claudia. Changing Course: Healing from Loss, Abandonment, and Fear. Center City: Hazelden, 2002. Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2000. Breitman, Richard. The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and The Final Solution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991. Dederichs, Mario R. Heydrich: The Face of Evil. Drexel Hill, PA.: Casemate Publishers, 2009. Evans, Richard J. The Coming of the Third Reich. New York: Penguin Books, 2003. Evans, Richard J. The Third Reich in Power. New York: Penguin Books, 2005. Fest, Joachim C. The Face of the Third Reich: Portraits of the Nazi Leaders. New York: Random House, 1963. Frischauer, Willi. The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering. Cambridge, MA.: The Riverside Press, 1951. Frischauer, Willi. Himmler: The Evil Genius of the Third Reich. Boston: The Beacon Press, 1953. Gerwarth, Robert. Hitler’s Hangman: The Life of Heydrich. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011. Graber, G.S. The Life and Times of Reinhard Heydrich. London: Robert Hale Limited, 1980. Guntrip, Harry. Schizoid Phenomena: Object-Relations and the Self. London: Hogarth Press, 1977. Himmler, Katrin. The Himmler Brothers: A German Family History. New York: Pan Macmillian Ltd., 2007. Höhne, Heinz. The Order of the Death’s Head: The Story of Hitler’s SS. New York: Penguin Books, 2000. 122 Kershaw, Ian. Hitler, 1936-1945: Nemesis, Volume 2. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2001. Kershaw, Ian. Hitler: A Biography. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2008. Krausnick, Helmut and Martin Broszat. Anatomy of the SS State. Great Britain: Paladin, 1970. Longerich, Peter. Heinrich Himmler. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Manvell, Roger and Heinrich Fraenkel. Heinrich Himmler: The Sinister Life of the Head of the SS and Gestapo. New York: Fall River Press,2009. Manvell, Roger and Heinrich Fraenkel. Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader. New York: Skyhorse Publishing Inc., 2011. McGovern, James. Martin Bormann. New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1968. Padfield, Peter. Himmler. New York: MJF Books, 1990. Read, Anthony. The Devil’s Disciples: Hitler’s Inner Circle. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2003. Reitlinger, Gerald. The SS: Alibi of a Nation 1922-1945. New York: Viking Press, Inc., 1957. Shirer, William. The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1959. Smith, Bradley F. Heinrich Himmler: A Nazi in the Making, 1900-1926. Stanford, CA.:Hoover Institution Press, 1971. Von Lang, Jochen. The Secretary: Martin Bormann: The Man Who Manipulated Hitler. Athens, OH.: Ohio University Press, 1979. Weale, Adrian. Army of Evil: A History of the SS. New York: Nal Caliber, 2012. Websites “Eagle’s Nest- The History.” Kehlsteinhaus. Accessed on March 22,2014. http://www.kehlsteinhaus.de/en/geschichte.php?navid=3 . “Rudolf Hess.” Holocaust Encyclopedia, last modified June 10, 2013. Accessed on March 27, 2014. http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007113 . “Catholicism vs. Freemasonry—Irreconcilable Forever.” EWTN, Global Catholic Network. Accessed April 2, 2014. https://www.ewtn.com/library/ANSWERS/BACAFM.HTM. 123 “Himmler and his wife at Wiesbaden, Hesse Germany, 1936.” World War II Database. Accessed April 2, 2014, ww2db.com/image.php?image_id=7638. “Kätha Zahler.” Kätha Zahler. last modified November 9,2011. Accessed on April 6, 2014. http://kathazahler.tumblr.com/page/34. Documentaries Jeremy Isaacs. The World at War, Volume 6, Episode 1, “Genocide.” Documentary. Jeremy Isaacs. A&E Home Video, 1973.