Bodacious Berry, Potency Wood and the Aging Monster: Gender

Bodacious Berry, Potency Wood and the Aging Monster:
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads
Toni Calasanti, Virginia Tech
This paper situates age discrimination within a broader system of
age relations that intersects with other inequalities, and then uses
that framework to analyze internet advertisements for the anti-aging
industry. Such ads reinforce age and gender relations by positing old
people as worthwhile only to the extent that they look and act like those
who are middle aged or younger, by defining manhood and womanhood
in opposition to each other, and by defining old age as an unhealthy
loss of gender identity. These ads promote a reversion to middle age
and white, middle-class, heterosexual norms of male performance and
female beauty. The analysis demonstrates the utility of understanding
age discrimination in terms of intersecting relations of inequality rather
than learned attitudes alone.
Introduction
In 1969, coincident with equal rights movements, Robert Butler defined ageism as
the "systematic stereotyping of and discrimination against people because they
are old, just as racism and sexism accomplish this with skin color and gender"
(Butler 1969:243) This means that while ageism may include stereotyping, or
prejudice, it always involves exclusionary behavior Such activity prevents full
participation in the social networks - occupations, status groups, families, etc.
- that govern distribution of resources and privileges. Such exclusion occurs
because of the way in which society is structured, rather than as a result of
individual failure (Gibson 1998). For example, the dependence of older populations
on state retirement schemes can be attributed to the changing labor force needs
of capitalist economies (Townsend 1981) rather than low productivity or an
inability to take care of oneself. Thus, discrimination not only expresses prejudice
but also limits the life chances of its targets.
Since this classic formulation, however little theorizing concerning ageism,
particularly in the United States, has occurred. Despite sociologists' focus on
inequalities, they have been curiously silent on this topic. Similarly, despite its
focus on aging, social gerontology has seldom theorized how ageism operates
and why. Instead, scholars have tended to assume but not demonstrate its
widespread practice, often in ways that ignore Butler's insights. Thus, ageism
is sometimes discussed only in terms of attitudes or in relation to "positive
I am indebted to Neal King for his comments and advice on earlier drafts of this paper.
Victor Marshall's suggestions, and those ofthe anonymous reviewers, have also strengthened
this paper. I appreciate the coding assistance ofValentina Lukyanova, Libbey Bowen and
especially Anna LoMascolo. Finally, I am grateful for the research support provided by a
Dean's Fellow grant from the College of Liberal Arts and Human Sciences at Virginia Tech.
Direct correspondence to Toni Calasanti, Department of Sociology, 560 McBryde Hall,
Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA 24061. E-mail: [email protected].
© The University of North Caroiina Press
Social Forces. Voiume 86. Number 1. September 2007
336 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
ageism" (e.g.. Levy 2001; Palmore 1999) - a concept that, though descriptive of
a social phenomenon, bears little relation to the exclusion that Butler specified.
And though attitudes are important, individuals may or may not otherwise act in
accordance with stated beliefs. As a set of exclusionary behaviors that operate
independent of intent, ageism can be institutionalized such that individuals'
conscious wishes may not be the bases of its perpetuation.
The work of Glenda Laws (1995) provides an exception to this lack of theorizing
and provides a useful way to think about age discrimination. She argues that
ageism is founded on "a set of oppressive social relations" (p. 112), and considers
multiple sites of struggle around ageism, including the workplace, the household,
the state, families and households, and popular culture.
This paper combines the critical insights of Butler and Laws to argue,
first, that old age is a basis for discrimination, which is integral to a concept
of ageism. Second, it places ageism in the context of power relations based
on age; and discusses how these age relations intersect with other systems
of inequality. Finally, it applies this lens to explore one example of the practice
of age discrimination - the strong encouragement provided by a marketing
discourse to its consumers to hide their physical signs of aging and thus restore
heterosexual function. Analysis of this systematic, public application of stigma
to old people allows for an assessment of both ageism and its intersection with
other inequalities, particularly, gender relations.
Age Relations and Age Discrimination
Laws' (1995) notion that ageism is part of a set of oppressive social relations
refers to a hierarchical system of age relations. Although a full discussion of
the operation of age relations is beyond the scope of this paper a brief outline
provides a theoretical backdrop for the discussion of age discrimination and
subsequent analysis of the data on the anti-aging industry.^
Similar to theories of power relations that underlie other systems of inequality,^
my discussion of age relations begins with the widely documented observation that
societies differentiate life stages and organize tasks, responsibilities and behaviors
based on age (Quadagno 2008; Sokolovsky 1997). What makes this a system of
inequality, however is the fact that different age groups not only gain identities but
also power in relation to one another iVIembership in age categories shapes our
self-concepts and interactions in ways that have material consequences, such as
unequal access to resources, and thus influence our life chances.
Age relations are thus ones of privilege and oppression, i.e., unearned
advantage and disadvantage that accrue to age category membership, in which
systemic inequalities in distributions of authority, status and money influence
life chances. In concrete terms, this means that some age groups - those who
are "not old" - benefit from ageism at the expense of those designated as "old"
by, for example, facing less competition for valuable resources. Those who are
advantaged by this system view their position as "natural" and beyond dispute.
They stigmatize the oppressed group and entitle themselves to own or manage
resources that might otherwise go to the latter By contrast, people who are seen
as old lose power, even if they are advantaged in terms of their position in other
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads '337
hierarchies. Old people lose autonomy and authority, for example, in relation to
their ability to be heard and exert control over personal decisions concerning
their bodies. They are marginalized in the labor market and in the workplace,
and become dependent upon the state; as such, they are seen as less than full
citizens (Townsend 1981; Wilson 2000:161). Finally, the "cultural imperialism"
of youth (Laws 1995:113) means that being old is to be avoided at all costs;
even being around old people is akin to a sort of "social contagion" that would
devalue anyone associated with them (Hurd 1999; Minichiello, Browne and
Kendig 2000; Slevin 2006).
While old age may exacerbate inequalities that accrue over the life course, it is
a political location in its own right such that old people will experience exclusion,
even if other privileged locations shape when and how this might occur At the
same time, age relations intersect with others such that the point at which one
is designated "old" and experiences exclusion as a result will vary with race,
ethnicity, class, sexuality and gender Thus, for example, a white, middle-class,
heterosexual woman, whose age will be judged primarily on the basis of her
allure, might be able to "pass" as "not old" by using such techniques as cosmetic
surgery and do so for a longer period of time than her less advantaged peers.
However such a fix is temporary and doomed to failure unless she dies before
other signs of age appear
Although age relations are similar to other power relations in many ways,
one critical difference obtains: age is fluid such that group membership shifts
over time. Over the course of their lives, people can experience both advantage
and disadvantage in terms of age relations, in patterned ways that include
such dynamics as the accumulation of advantage and disadvantage over the
life course (Dannefer 2003). While people can change locations along other
dimensions of inequality, (e.g., shifting within the system of gender relations
through sex re-assignment surgery), such mobility remains uncommon
(Calasanti and Slevin 2001).
Because ageism has implications for power and life chances, people may
accept their chronological age but will avoid identifying themselves as "old"
(Minichiello et al. 2000; Townsend, Godfrey and Denby 2006), a denial not
observed in other age groups (other than among children vying for adult benefits).
Negative aspects can accrue to other age categories, such as the dependence
of infants or the immaturity of children. But, as Molly Andrews (1999) astutely
notes, old age is the only life stage that we seek to eradicate. Unlike other age
categorizations, in Western cultures old age carries little, if any, positive content
that might serve to balance the negative.
In the view provided by this framework, we can understand patterns in the
concrete practice of marketing anti-aging to consumers. This industry makes
of aging a disciplinary activity governed by expensive regimens that attempt to
prevent the inevitable slide into a low-status group.
Aging Bodies, Age Discrimination and the Anti-Aging Industry
Similar to other forms of inequality, "ageism... is an embodied form of
oppression" such that, "We cannot separate ageist practices from the bodies
338 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
at which they are directed or in which they are constructed." (Laws 1995:114)
People interpret their physical changes in the context of inequalities of age
(and sex, race, class and sexual orientation) (Calasanti and Slevin 2001; Laz
2003). For example, they construct the onset of menstruation differently from
menopause, and treat problems with physical mobility differently for infants
and for old people (Sheets 2005).
Several constructions of bodies shape experiences of aging and old age in this
society. First, members of this society equate old age with disease and decline.
Second, people assume that health is self evident, appearing on the surface of a
body. And third, we believe that people have control over their bodies and their
health, through such means as diet or exercise regimens, by being "active," or by
consuming appropriate lifestyles (Estes, Biggs and Phillipson 2003; Katz 2000;
McHugh 2000). Taken together these folk beliefs create a situation in which
people who appear unhealthy can be judged as deserving their suffering because
they are to blame for not having altered their lifestyles to maintain health.
By opposing old age to health, we stigmatize and exclude those who show
signs of advancing age. Physical evidence of aging not only enables categorization
but promotes differential treatment: "Old age is a disease, the symptoms of
which are sagging, wrinkling, and graying - all of which are... symbols of a lack
of control, which is unacceptable in contemporary society." (Jones and Pugh
2005:254) Further if good health is under an individual's control and can be
inferred from how bodies look and act, then bodies that appear to be old deserve
differential treatment, even from one's age peers:
"[l]n a modern world in which the body is a symbol of selfexpression, is it likely that older people want to present
themselves as lacking in self-control, as diseased? There...
are numerous opportunities available for alleviation of many
of the symptoms [of old age]. Not to resist signs of physical
decay may be perceived as evidence of moral decline."
(Jones and Pugh 2005:255)
Indeed, Hurd's (1999:420) research among older women finds that "old age and
old bodies... generate fear animosity, and distancing;" and, in the process of
distancing, these women distinguished between those who are old and those
who are not. The ways in which bodies are marked or experienced as "old" may
vary by location within the intersections of gender race, ethnicity, class and
sexual orientation, but discrimination results in any case.
The regulation of bodies and thus claims to full citizenship occurs in the context
of what is commonly known as the "anti-aging industry." This commercial and
clinical industry "offers anti-aging products, regimens, and treatments" touted
to forestall or even reverse aging (Binstock, Fishman and Johnson 2006). It is an
interesting sign of the entrenchment of ageism that such nomenclature does not
raise eyebrows or objections.
Describing or estimating the size of the anti-aging industry is difficult;
government agencies, analysts and marketers do not agree on exactly what falls
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads • 339
under this rubric. Using a restrictive definition that included only the "marketing
of dietary and specialty supplements that particularly target... elderly and senior
citizens," the U.S. Senate Special Committee on Aging (2001:1) put the figure at
$27 billion a year A more expansive classification that includes five categories
of products and services including: "cosmetic treatments and surgery; exercise
and therapy; food and beverages; vitamins, minerals, and supplements; and
cosmetics and cosmeceuticals" (Mehlman, Binstock, Juengst, Ponsaran and
Whitehouse 2004:305) has led to estimates of $43 billion in 2002, with the
expectation of a rise to $64 billion by 2007 (Mehlman et al. 2004). It is worth noting
the growing numbers of medical clinicians who devote practices to "longevity
medicine" or who belong to the American Academy of Anti-Aging Medicine
(A4M), which reported net assets of 5.3 million in 2000 - up from $650,000 just
three years earlier
However defined, the anti-aging industry is both profitable and growing. As
a profit-seeking industry, advertisements for the anti-aging industry draw on
cultural constructions thought to resonate with the most potential customers;
they can thus be seen as both reflecting and reshaping cultural constructs
about aging, bodies, and gender Laws (1995:116) maintains that, "Ageism is
produced, reproduced, and contested" in such expressions of popular culture.
Although popular culture representations do not cause self-identity in a unilateral
fashion, they certainly influence it; they also do more than reflect society. Though
the ageism apparent in anti-aging advertisements can be, and is, resisted, the
representations remain powerful forces shaping the exclusion of old people.
Exploring these advertisements, from product claims to images, helps us
understand the intersections of ageism and sexism inscribed in aging bodies.
In this article, the anti-aging industry serves as an example of broader
practices of ageism that operate in the context of intersecting inequalities to
marginalize old people in clearly gendered ways. In the following analysis of the
anti-aging industry as represented by its internet advertisements, I demonstrate
the depiction of those designated "old" as unhealthy and in need of expensive
cures. This discourse constructs white, middle-class, and heterosexual men
and women in terms of the bodily signs that justify age discrimination in such
arenas as paid work and intimate relationships. That is, the ads present the realworld fact of age discrimination as inevitable and urge consumption of products
designed to delay consumers' entrance into that stigmatized group.
My goal is to demonstrate that age is a social location that serves as a basis for
exclusion, and that it intersects with other inequalities to shape the experience of
being old. Though these sites equate old age with declining health, the promise
of anti-aging products is less health than aduithood (full citizenship) within raced,
classed, aged and heteronormative standards. By analyzing what these men and
women are told to control as they age, I will show how gender and age relations
intersect to shape their experiences of their bodies.
Methods
To provide an analysis of a concrete practice of ageism, I collected examples of
marketing discourse and subject them to content anaiysis, a "...qualitative data
340 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
reduction and sense-making effort that takes a volume of qualitative material
and attempts to identify core consistencies and meanings." (Patton 2002:453)
Such analysis would demonstrate the extent to which the vocabulary of social
inequality - age, gender etc. - appears in this discourse.
Sample
The sample of 96 anti-aging websites was derived by first typing in the key
phrase "anti-aging" into a search engine (www.altavista.com) and then identifying
appropriate sites for analysis. The original 86,349 hits were culled by checking to
see which of the sites were still active and appeared to sell anti-aging products or
services. Sites that offered only education, advice, thoughts or debates on antiaging, etc. were excluded, as were sites that merely mentioned the word "antiaging" in passing or were subpages of sites already chosen. In addition, many
hits were duplicates. Overtime, duplicates and subpages became so numerous
that the search of urIs was abandoned after several pages of search results
provided no new sites. This first screening yielded 120 sites.
Subsequently, more careful analysis revealed that some of these 120 sites
were not relevant or no longer existed. For example, closer inspection found that
some sites served merely as clearinghouses for other sites or listed products
but provided no further information and thus no codabie data. In addition, three
sites were added as a result of links from other sites. The final number of
usable sites was 96.
Analysis
Coding occurred in two steps. First, I developed the original coding scheme
for the content analysis of pictures and text (most of which were archived in
order to allow for repeated coding), drawing on my interest in the ways aging
was depicted, how bodies were discussed, and how inequalities based on race,
ethnicity, class, gender and sexual orientation might shape/be shaped by these.
Thus, the code sheet recorded the following: a description of the site (its purpose
and the presence or absence of testimonials); how problems of old age/aging are
defined; the proposed solutions for these problems/old age; gendered aspects
of old age; aspects of aging bodies seen on the site; and depictions of other
social locations (class, race and sexual orientation).
Data analysis proceeded by analytic induction, which involves "examining
the data in terms of theory-derived sensitizing concepts" while "look[ing] at
the data afresh for undiscovered patterns and emergent understandings
(inductive analysis)." (Patton 2002:454) For example, my interest in gendering
and bodies led to coding data for both men and women in relation to different
aspects of their bodies, such as muscle mass/tone, sexual performance/libido,
appearance and the like. In the process of exploring these coded data, other
themes emerged, such as "andropause" for men. In this manner the data were
recoded as themes emerged.
The gendering of sites is ascertained in a variety of ways. Obvious indicators
were sites or products geared only for women or only for men. On sites that had
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads • 341
products or services for both men and women, gendering might be apparent in
the language used or in pictures that accompanied the text.
Coding was done in an open-ended manner such that text from websites
could be copied and inserted into the code sheet. After an initial coding run with
my research assistant, during which intercoder agreement was reached through
a series of practice runs and discussion, I then modified and finalized our coding
scheme.^ After training, later assistants practiced coding some of the sites
together to establish agreement. In addition, all the web pages were archived so
that I could return to them to check codes and resolve discrepancies." The data
were then imported into OSR NUD*IST 6.0 to allow for further manipulation.
I present the main findings of this analysis, beginning with a discussion of the
depictions of aging as the equivalent of decline, and the mandate that people
control aging bodies. The key to ageism is the notion that if one can discipline
one's body so as to forestall aging, one should do so - or else be deserving of
marginalization. The following sections explore the ways in which men's and
women's aging bodies are portrayed. Women are to focus on appearance, and
men, performance. The final section demonstrates that, because femininity and
masculinity are based on youthful standards, being old also means not being
a woman or a man. The implications of these depictions for gender and age
inequality are explored in the discussion and conclusion section.
Aging Bodies and the Anti-Aging Industry
Anti-aging websites offer similar products and services as those advertised in
print and other media, but they often go further, probably because of the ease
and relatively low cost with which advertisements can be posted. As a result,
products with sometimes dubious claims can be marketed, often with the legal
disclaimer that, "Information and statements regarding dietary supplements
have not been evaluated by the Food and Drug Administration and are not
intended to diagnose, treat, cure, or prevent any disease." Thus, one of the most
common products advertised on these sites is human growth hormone (hGH);
various other hormones, dietary supplements, as well as topical products and
technologies are also sold, along with a variety of anti-aging services. In this
sense, sites target those interested in conventional products and services and
also customers willing to take additional risks (and spend money) to forestall
or reverse aging.
The websites reinforce constructions of aging bodies as markers of poor health
and thus aspects of ourselves that we not only can, but should, control. Not
following this dictate justifies stigmatization and exclusion. This is accomplished
by first equating old age with disease and decline; it is characterized as the
opposite of health, and thus negative. For example, the site Anti-Aging with HGH
states that aging is the "disorganization, deterioration, dissolution, wear and
tear that breaks our bodies down and causes us to look older" (http://wvwv.antiaging-hghtherapy.com, accessed 9/11/02) Similarly, Dr Lam maintains that "Aging
is a disease accelerated by vitamin deficiency and malnutrition of monumental
magnitude ignored for the past century. This silent epidemic affects 80% of all
adults." (http://www.drlam.com, accessed 3/24/04)
342 • Soda/forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
The negativity of aging-as-disease is magnified by depictions of old age
offered. There is, of course, the immediate physical threat: "Aging is Hazardous
To Your Health. If you want to stay healthy, don't get any older!" (http://www.
youth-forevercom/hormones.htm, accessed 8/6/02) But the outcomes of growing
old are social as well. We are told that decreased levels of hGH also lead to
"decreased.... socialization and energy levels." (http://www.anti-aging-product.
co.za/faq.html, accessed 8/10/02) Aging "will make you increasingly physically
and mentally disabled, sluggish, forgetful and depressed, ultimately making life
not seen worth living." (http://www.genmedsys.com/antiaging.html, accessed
9/5/02) And the connection between aging and how one looks is made clear on
many sites, such as Anti-Wrinkle Product with GHR-15: "At the age of 25, the
HGH level in the body is around 600ug. But by age 60, the amount can gradually
go down to only 15% of that... These people look saggy, worn out, and, well, just
plain older!" (http://www.anti-wrinkle-product-ghr-15.com/, accessed 3i21iO&i
Pathologizing aging, and all that accompanies it, including social conditions
that are more correctly attributable to ageism, enables anti-aging merchants
to provide products and services to "cure" it: "Now there is a way to stop
the Aging Monster in it's (sic) tracks and actually get it to recede." (http://
www.21stcenturyhgh.com/, accessed 7/14/02) We can now think of aging as
under an individual's control. As the Reverse Aging Now web site tells us,
"Take charge of how you age!" (http://www.reverseagingnow.com, accessed
09/05/02) Similarly, The Juice Guy says, "Depending upon who you listen to,
only 27% to 35% of aging is genetics, YOU control the rest." (http://www.
juiceguy.com/anti-aging.shtml, accessed 09/11/02) And the Los Gatos Longevity
Institute (http://www.antiaging.com/anti-aging.html, accessed 08/28/02) says
it is "Helping You ... Grow Younger With many new and exciting tools now
available to medical science, we now know that aging is a treatable condition
that can be slowed and reversed by the customized approach unique to your
diagnostic profile." The Life Spring Medical Group (http://www.lifespringmed.
com, accessed 08/28/02) proclaims that "Regardless of age, anyone can take
very simple, inexpensive steps today to slow down and even reverse the aging
process; "the Lifestyle Doctor Anti-Aging Website (http ://www.thelifestyledoctor
net/antiaging, accessed 12/06/05) also notes that "there are things that you can
do right now to slow down the aging process." Finally, Anti-Age (http://www.
anti-age.com, accessed 8/10/02) tells us that, "As our lives advance, more of our
health depends on the control of age related decline... With recent scientific
advances, more of the aging process can be controlled and reversed."
The message is not merely that one can control aging, however In terms of
shaping and justifying age discrimination, the point is that individuals shouid
control aging. Beautiful Reflections (http://www.beautifulreflections.com/
pages/inside.html, accessed 3/20/06) tells potential clients that, "To look fresh
and energetic is no longer the private domain of the young. You have the right
to look your best and to seek the kind of medical help that will provide good
results." The Laser Beauty web site (http://www.laserbeauty.com, accessed
11/25/05) tells us that "anyone who desires a more youthful appearance can
have one... All those reasons you might have had for denying yourself the
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads • 343
right to beautiful, younger-looking skin are now a thing of the past!" Anti-Aging
Formulas (http://www.ghspecial.com, accessed 9/11/02) notes that, "Those who
want to maintain their youthful vitality and stamina should include an effective
growth hormone therapy as part of their health regimen." And according to Age
Reversal Formulas, "the fountain of youth lies in the cells of all of us... all you
need to do is release it!" Ultimately, aging is optional: "Science and technology
have just made the onset effects of aging an option, rather than an inevitable
fact of life," (http://www.agereversalformulas.com/?source=overture, accessed
8/7/02) a sentiment echoed by Miracle Face Highlights: "Now you have a choice
- to face a future where time won't tell." (http://www.facemiracle.com/miracle2.
htm, accessed 12/5/05) Scientific breakthroughs "[mark] the beginning of the
end of aging, and the birth of the ageless society." (www.hgh-pro.com/hghaging.
html, accessed 9/11/02)
Important for age discrimination, the message is clear: if you don't make the
proper choice, you are to blame. Products and services are promoted on the
premise that we need to get rid of old age and, by extension, distance ourselves
from "old." If you can "stop the Aging Monster in its tracks," then not using
products and services means you deserve to be excluded.
Gender and Old Age: Intersecting Inequalities
The webpages displayed little variety by race, sexuality or class. They generally
took whiteness and middle class as a standard; of the few pictures of racial or
ethnic minorities that appeared, all were depicted as middle-class or better as
judged by such things as the style of dress or the environment (in an apparently
expensive location, engaged in costly recreation, etc.) as well as the fact that
products and services advertised were not inexpensive. Heterosexuality was the
implicit standard throughout. While some web pages were fairly vague in this regard
(these tended to be sites with very limited information or pictures), most assumed
heterosexuality in text, pictures or both. Thus, gender was the main inequality that
determined variation on these webpages because, in most cases, the men and
women are assumed to be white, middle-class or better and heterosexual. Of the
96 sites analyzed, only 8 were deemed to be gender neutral.
Anti-aging ads directed at aging men emphasize bodies that perform while
those for aging women focus on appearance. Further these ads do so in such
a way as to make clear that, first, men and women are opposites; second, the
differences between men and women make them unequal; and, finally, gender
implies youth and thus old age implies a shameful loss of same.
Women: Attracting Men
The gendering on anti-aging websites is conveyed both implicitly and overtly. For
example, on the website. Tides of Life: Anti-aging for Men and Women (http://
www.tidesoflife.com/Anti-Aging.htm, accessed 8/5/02), the women's health link
is simply called "Women's Health," while the men's health link is called "Men's
Health, Energy, and Libido" and focuses on "potency," "duration," "stamina,"
"drive" and athleticism. This gender difference is spelled out even more clearly
344 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
on the website for the Center for Anti-Aging Medicine and Cosmetic Surgery
(http://www.facefaqs.com/cgi-bin/cp-app.cgi?pg=antiaging, accessed 9/11/02).
The cosmetic surgery page, titled "Reshaping Your Body," shows a thin, young,
naked woman from the pelvis to the shoulders, with her arms folded over her
breasts. Breast reshaping is offered for women: "Breast reshaping involves
enlarging or reducing the breast size as well as lifting and reshaping sagging
breasts to give a more up-lifting, youthful appearance." By contrast, the goal of
male breast reduction is "to provide men with more masculine shaped pectorals."
Breast surgery for her recasts her appearance as alluring; and though a man also
relates to appearance, his goal is to evince muscularity and strength.
Gender behavioral goals are often defined in terms of "toned bodies," which
translates into gaining muscle and athleticism (masculine/performance), and
losing weight/not being flabby (feminine/appearance). Again, both men and
women might be told to lose weight, but the motivations for this and products to
be used reveal differences. Two web pages linked from the Center for Anti-Aging
Medicine and Cosmetic Surgery, both directed at nutrition and fitness, illustrate
how these same goals may diverge by gender The "Introducing NutriFit" link,
featuring a program of weight reduction/management, exercise and good
nutrition, is geared towards women. It displays an image of a young, naked
woman's derriere, and protein powder featured in flavors such as "Vigorously
Vain Vanilla" and "Bodacious Berry." The Nutrition, Fitness and Weight Loss page
is a more masculine page, accompanied by the picture of a muscular man's torso,
and text reading, "Peak nutrition and optimal exercise yield peak health, greater
energy and productivity, greater self-esteem and success." Words such as peak
health, productivity and success have a more masculine ring to them, whereas
the more feminized pages emphasize things like "vanity" and "radiant skin."
Similarly, the supplements section on Terry's Total Fitness site (http://www.
ttfit.com/GHreleaserhtm, accessed 9/8/02) shows a photo of a woman standing
on a scale next to the weight loss supplements section. This contrasts with the
male weight lifter pictured by the sports performance section. On several other
sites, men are pictured in athletic contexts (swimming in pools, lifting in weight
rooms, flexing muscles in competition, etc.). Although women are sometimes
depicted athletically, lifting small free weights or riding a bike, they often pose
more as models. Thus, the Weight Loss page on the Drugstore-Pharmacy (http://
www.drugstore-pharmacy.com accessed 9/11/02) is gender-neutral in terms of
the way the products are targeted, but men's bodies are shown in muscle flexing
poses, while women are in modeling, sexy poses. And the many sites that offer
"tummy firming" and "breast firming" are geared toward women, and emphasize
appearance, not muscle-building or athleticism.
Such notions about "toning" extend to women's skin (but, with a few
exceptions, not to men's), and the many webpages targeting wrinkles, age spots
and the like convey, even without pictures, that these are problems for women's
bodies. Thus, we see skin care products for firming skin advertised as "for mature
or menopausal skin." (http://www.anti-age.com, accessed 8/10/02)
All of this recasts aging women as potentially alluring to men and in competition
with other women in doing so. In the case of aging women, their heterosexual
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads • 345
competition is increased, as they must compete with younger women, as well as
their peers, for the attention of a smaller and diminishing group (a situation not
paralleled among heterosexual men). Thus we find the following "warnings" on a
website for "Amazing Anti-Aging Skin Care" (http://www.1skincareproduct.com/
anti-aging-skin-care.html, accessed 3/22/06) with its product, Anti-Aging Super
Serum "specifically designed for women's skin, that's 27 years old and over:"
Warning # 1 : This mega-potent anti-aging formula is so
powerful, that your friends might be gossiping behind your
back! You could be accused of using Botox, chemical peels
or getting a facelift! Can you handle being the youngest
looking among your friends? You might receive a lot of
"dirty looks" from other females.
And,
Warning #3: If you're married watch out! Your husband's
'animal drive' might kick-into overdrive! I'm serious about
this! if you're single, well... Can you handle 2, 3 or even 10
guys a day asking you out? How will you react, when an
irresistible George Clooney look-a-like, asks you for a date?
The ways in which women are to defy old age and recast themselves
as attractive are thus based on idealized gender relations that prevail among
younger men and women. The emphasis on women's allure tells aging women
that femininity is based in middle-aged and younger bodies; and that, to avoid
old age, they must preserve these bodies and behaviors through strenuous
consumption.
Men: Performing in the Bedroom and the Boardroom
Aging men are given a similarly gendered and age-based message concerning
how they should defy old age. These sites warn that even the most privileged
men will lose their masculinity - hence, power - if they age. Performance is thus
a main theme on these sites; the vast majority of ads urge men to stay young by
enacting a masculinity that involves performance in areas of physical strength and
sex. Age Force promises that human growth hormone can "Increase Energy and
Endurance - And That Translates Into Improved Athletic Performance!" (http://
www.age-force.com, accessed 7/14/02) The emphasis on physical strength and
sex are often equated; LifeSpring sells "OptiMale Products... formulated for
Men who want to take the Sexual and Athletic performance to a higher level....
[to] regain your youthful energy, vitality and competitiveness." (http://www.
lifespringmen.com/AntiAging.htm, accessed 8/28/02)
Sex is discussed on the majority of anti-aging sites; but, in contrast to the
depictions of women iuring men, they describe men in terms of sexual potency
and performance. Thus, "The Lifestyle Doctor" (http://www.thelifestyledoctor
net/antiaging, accessed 12/6/05) discusses sexual potency only in relation
to men, while its "sister company" (http://cynthia.mynuskinusa.com/cgi-bin/
gwpweb/igwp/splash/splashlnit.jsp, accessed 12/6/05) sells Nu Skin products
346 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
to "reduce the appearance of wrinkles" on women. Similarly, the Newport
Anti-Aging Medical Association site (http://www.newportantiaging.com/index.
html, accessed 9/5/02) associates fitness, libido and musculature with men,
but weight loss and estrogen replacement with women. And on the site. Tides
of Life, Anti-Aging for Men & Women (http://www.tidesoflife.com/Anti-Aging.
htm), the men's health link, called "Men's Health, Energy, and Libido," features
products that focus on libido (using such words as "potency," "duration,"
"stamina" and "drive") and athleticism.
As is appropriate for men's more active sexuality, men's products begin by
stimulating their libidos: "Think of it as priming the pump - the body has to
want to do it." (http://www.renewman.com/SexualFunction0319.htm, accessed
9/5/02) And the ad for the supp!ement. Super Testron, makes the link between
strength (power) and sex clear. Beginning with its suggestive ingredients ("Trillium
Erectum and Potency Wood"), Super Testron promises to restore strength and
thus youth:
Originally created for sports enthusiasts, body builders and
power lifters. Super Testron has also proven to "revive" male
libido.... This supplement increases sexual drive, frequency
and duration, especially in middle-aged and older men. (http://
www.tidesoflife.com/supertestron.htm, accessed 9/11/02)
In addition to the gender relations implied by this quote, we also see how
the anti-aging industry affirms age relations by promoting youth-based ideals of
old age. The importance of sexual function for forestalling old age is made clear
on the AgingPrevent website, where potential customers are greeted first by
the sight of the Mars symbol (c5*) thrusting forward as the page loads, and then
(after clicking on the "seX button"), by the heading, "Good, ethical sex is the best
anti-aging medicine we have." (http://www.agingprevent.com/flash/index.html,
accessed 7/17/02) The "good, ethical sex" promoted on these sites has, as its
standard, a type of activity that is defined in relation to youth. It is based, first,
on penile penetration, as this pitying depiction of sexual performance in later life
conveys:
Without hormonal input, the muscles gradually wither and
sustained fullness of erection becomes impossible. Even
more catastrophically, a decrease in the tension of the
ischio cavernosa prevents blood from being maintained
in the chambers of the penis, with results as "deflating to
the ego as a flat tire in the Indianapolis 500." (http://www.
renewman.com/SexualFunction0319.htm, accessed 9/5/02)
Sexual performance is also to mimic the frequency of earlier years: "Feel alive
again, feel positive about yourself, and have the same sex drive you had when
were younger." (www.feel21 .com/cgi-bin/feel21/09282, accessed 8/14/02) Failing
pumps cannot provide the force that manhood requires. These sites offer by way
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads • 347
of solution the consumption of anti-aging products, which can restore youthful
performance: "RxErect: You've heard many promises. Get ready. Have fun! Be
fulfilled! Do it again! And again! And again!" (http://www.tidesoflife.com/rxerect.
htm, accessed 9/11/02)
This image of a mechanical drive restored is contrasted to those who "give in"
to aging, and the marginal status that such acquiescence brings. The reNEWMAN
site describes such a scenario:
[M]en are blasted with a reality check during their midforties.... [T]he erection that once greeted them in the
morning ceases while their muscle definition fades and they
notice they are getting a bit flabby around the middle. 'It's
all part of aging,' they are told and they settle grudgingly
into old age. (http://www.renewman.com/Andropause0319.
htm, accessed 9/11/02)
Of course, sexual activity is just one area in which old men lose their ability
to perform. A less prevalent but significant theme related to the performance of
paid work. A testimonial on the web site, Anti-Wrinkle Product with GHR-15, gives
a clear picture of how and why men are considered old and thus marginalized:
"Is there anything worse than being an obsolete old man?.... It's no longer
inevitable to become old, weak and incapable." (http://www.anti-wrinkle-productghr-15.com, accessed 3/24/06) Defying old age means not just demonstrating
strength and capability, but competing in the paid work realm as well. And the
anti-aging industry can help men maintain their competitiveness. Cosmetic
surgery is one possibility; according to one site,
[TJhousands of forty-something men have been undergoing
surgery... Most have been more concerned with how the
surgery will boost their success in the boardroom than in
the bedroom... Executive plastic surgery allows the active
businessman to plan and prepare for procedures that will
allow for excellent rejuvenating procedures with a minimum
of downtime and quick return to a busy schedule... [M]en
saythattheircosmetic surgery procedures often provide that
jump start for success in a new job position, a competitive
edge in a highly visible job... (http://www.jromano.com/
text/mlprocedures.html, accessed 8/13/03)
According to a testimonial from another web site, other anti-aging products,
such as supplements, can help aging men dominate in the work place and thus
avoid becoming old:
I'm the oldest salesperson (62 years old) on a sales force
of 52 people. I physically work hard at a Ford Dealership
for 12 to 14 hours a day, six days a week. ... [With this
348 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
product] I got an unexpected increase of energy.... I
outwork salespeople one-third to one-half my age... My
mental alertness increased and I've attained "salesman of
the month" many times, (http://www.fromthepines.com/
testimonials.html, accessed 8/14/02)
Old People: Curing the Degendered
Anti-aging products geared toward men often pose manhood and womanhood
as mutually exclusive and also oppose being gendered to being old. In this
discourse, one cannot be a man or a woman and be old. Sex-specific hormones
are the key to both gendering and aging. For example, on sites that deal with
women's health, menopause emerges as a significant concern as it leaves
hormones "out of balance:"
Dr. Jonathan Wright in his book, 'Natural Hormone
Replacement for Women' likens [menopause] to a spinning
top that begins to wobble as it slows. The out of balance
hormones result in the characteristic hot flashes and mood
swings. If left untreated can also result in depression, night
sweats, insomnia, memory lapse, thinning skin and hair,
osteoporosis, reduced libido, heart disease and a general
increased rate of aging." (http://www.renewyouth.com/
menopause.shtml, accessed 9/5/02)
The decreased estrogen associated with menopause is to be feared not only
because it renders women less feminine/sexual, but also because it hastens
their descent into old age. Replacing these hormones - restoring that which
makes women feminine - also forestalls aging: "Natural hormone replacement
therapy is not the secret to the fountain of youth; it is the secret to the fountain
of 'youthfulness.' " (http://www.renewyouth.com/naturalhormonereplacement.
shtml, accessed 9/5/02)
Similarly, many web pages posit testosterone as the basis for masculinity
(and difference from femininity). Then, by saying that old age robs men of
testosterone, they suggest that one cannot be gendered and old at the same
time. Letting one's testosterone levels decline, as they do with age, dooms one
to genderlessness. Given gender's salience as master status, the message is
that growing old results in a loss of adulthood.
Consider assertions such as following, from LifeSpring Medical Group
(http://www.lifespring.com/Antiaging, accessed 8/28/02): "Testosterone....
Makes you a MAN." ReNEWMAN (www.renewman.eom//testosterone03.htm,
accessed 9/5/02) uses pseudo-scientific language to warn potential customers
that testosterone is necessary for "masculinization, anabolism (tissue building)
and sexual arousal." Thus, the slight, age-based decrease in testosterone that
is labeled "andropause" (or sometimes male menopause, male hypo-gonadism
or even "manopause") keeps men from being MEN. What exactly is involved in
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads • 349
"masculinization" includes socially defined hegemonic traits, such as "purpose,
decisiveness, courage and motivation." (http://www.antiaging.com/andropause.
html, accessed 8/28/02)
Ominous messages concerning the loss of testosterone are sometimes
paired with assertions that men are being "assaulted" by "estrogen" such that,
"Mother nature and father time are not only depleting your testosterone reserves
but are also trying to overload you with estrogen." (http://www.lifespringmen.
com/HormoneHealth.htm, accessed 8/28/02) Men are warned that "studies have
shown that the estrogen levels of the average 54-year-old man is higher than
those of the average 59-year-old woman!" (http://www.antiaging-systems.com/
extract/estroblock.htm, accessed 8/19/02)
The combined loss of testosterone and "estrogen assault" not only threatens
an aging man's masculinity, but is also physically threatening. Some websites
decry the "testosterone/estrogen imbalance that directly causes many of
the debilitating health problems associated with normal aging." (http://www.
antiaging-systems.com/extract/estroblock.htm, accessed 8/19/02) The Newport
Anti-Aging Medical Association maintains that, "Testosterone may in fact be
the single factor that links all age-related degenerative diseases. It is certainly
intimately tied to the male cycle of aging... Many age-related chronic and even
acute diseases are associated with a decrease in production of testosterone..."
(http://www.newportantiaging.com/docs/testosterone.html, accessed 8/19/02)
Some even contend that, contrary to medical wisdom, "replacing testosterone
does not increase but rather decreases the chances of developing prostate
cancer One of the primary causes of prostate cancer is excess estrogen." (http://
renew.sonstone.com/Testosterone/rabid/779/default.aspx, accessed 9/5/02)
Becoming less masculine and more feminine will thus take a physical toll, even
leading to death.
Finally, some ads equate the loss of testosterone itself with aging:
Until the early 199O's medical science believed certain key
hormones declined because we age. We now know the
opposite is true. We age because those hormone levels
decline. (http://www.renewyouth.com/why_we_age.htm,
accessed 9/5/02)
Thus, LifeSpring Medical Group proclaims that they "have now discovered the
secrets of the Fountain of Youth!" !t is testosterone:
Optimum Male Performance, Vitality and Health can be
achieved if you maintain your testosterone levels as high as
they once were in your youth. Testosterone is... essential
for providing you with a youthful sex drive, high mental
and physical energy, muscle size and strength, focus and
concentration and slowing down the aging clock, (http://
www.lifespringmen.com/AntiAging.htm, accessed 8/28/02)
350 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
Thus, men and women are not only socially but biologically opposed and must
remain so in orderto avoid growing old. Those who have grown old have ostensibly
lost their claim to gendered status and must seek expensive treatment so that
they may return to gendered health.
Discussion and Conclusion
Haber (2001/2002) shows that attempts to defy aging have been around for
centuries; and the current push to view it as a disease and cure it with lifestyle
change has precedent in earlier forays. Consistently rooted in social and economic
conditions, the antipathy toward aging and those who are old that fuels anti-aging
is based in faulty demographic assumptions, predictions of economic crises, and
a depiction of "the nation on the verge of disaster, overwhelmed by the needs
of the incapacitated elderly." (Haber 2001/2002:12) Our belief in the ability of
science and technology to solve life's difficulties is not new, though perhaps we
cling to it more fiercely than in previous historical contexts. Global communication
enhances the ability of those scientists and marketers who proclaim that "aging
is not inevitable" to be heard around the world. The available markets are both
iarger and more easily reached, and the internet allows for anyone to get involved
in the business of selling anti-aging products and services. The ageism that is
part and parcel of the anti-aging industry is thus spread wider than before.
Given that "[w]e respond to the representation of an old person as much as ...
we respond to old people," (Laws 1995:116) the aversion to aging that these
anti-aging ads express justifies the exclusion of old people from many of the
occupational, consumer and other social networks. When we combine the belief
that we should control aging ("disease") with promises of slowing or altering it,
the pressure to not appear old (i.e., have visible markers of aging) increases. The
presumed ability to control this process through lifestyle and consumer choices
can justify the ageism heaped upon those who do not "choose" to stem their
aging. Old people are no longer adults in the sense of being entitled to the equal
rights attendant to that status.
At the same time, the anti-aging advertisements reviewed here convey a
second message, one that has been largely unexamined. The hegemonic adult
body is a gendered body, as well as one inscribed with a race (white), class
(middle class or better), and sexual orientation (heterosexuality). While the race,
class and sexual orientation remained constant on the web pages, thus rendering
all "others" invisible, the ways in which white, middle-class and heterosexual men
and women were displayed suggest that what constitutes being old - the basis
for discrimination - varies by gender. On these websites, men's and women's
bodies are defined as opposites, with different hormones that dictate both the
physical and social aspects of femininity and masculinity. The social inequality
that accrues to being a man or a woman is thus rooted in biology; to maintain
youthfulness, then, one must maintain this hierarchy.
Appearances account for larger shares of women's social capital than they
do for men; as a result, "many women are permanently dissatisfied with their
appearance and feel they must strive to change or enhance it to meet some
unattainable standard of beauty." (Jones and Pugh 2005:253) The stress on
Gender and Age Relations in Anti-Aging Ads '351
appearance is exacerbated by aging. Grey hair or wrinkles wil! mark women
as "o!d" well before they do for men; and other superficial changes, such as
"sagging," also appear to affect the status of women more strongly. Thus, antiaging web sites dictate that women's bodies should approximate younger years
by being "toned" and alluring to men. Here, we see the intersection of ageism
and sexism with other social locations: the hegemonic ideal of this erotic body
is inscribed with an age, youth, as well other privileged statuses (whiteness,
heterosexuality, middle-c!ass status). And interviews with aging women reveal
that their motivations for bodily change are at least as much (if not more) about
appearance as about health (Hurd Clarke 2002).
This variation in ageism by gender has important implications not only for
age relations, but for gender inequality in old age. In contrast to the experiences
of young people, the intersection of ageism and sexism changes women's
subordinate position away from sexual exploitation to that of being sexually
cast aside. While younger women were to worry about predation, old women
disappear from the public realm, their sexual invisibility part of a larger nonpresence. Old women, like old men, are not found on these websites unless they
look and act like they are middle-aged. In this sense, old age disadvantages both
men and women.
However, the anti-aging industry seeks to rescue aging women from this castaside status by casting them as alluring sexual partners instead or as competitors
with younger women and as sexually receptive to men. In keeping with the
contemporary belief that the maintenance of sexual function can keep old age
at bay (Katz and Marshall 2003), women are to work at being receptive, their
activities directed not toward displays of power but toward luring men. They are
thus to be sexual, but not assertive.
Men's bodies will be deemed old on the basis of how they perform; to avoid
aging, men must display dominance through competition in athletics or at work,
and be sexually assertive. Their memberships in privileged networks depend less
on displays of beauty than on shows of competitive force with other men. These
websites describe men's bodies in terms of "force," "strength," "competitiveness"
and "performance." These ads suggest that one cannot be old and be gendered
at the same time, at least in terms of a white, middle-class, heterosexual ideal.
They define hegemonic masculinity and femininity in terms of their potential loss
to old age. To avoid aging in this sense, one must reinforce the gender relations
of youth, a tendency noted by Marshall and Katz (2006) in relation to technologies
for "sexual health" in old age.
The awful specter made of old age in the ads legitimates age discrimination
and the power of younger groups. We receive many "positive" images related
to old age consumerism today, and these are reflected in the advertisements
put forward by the anti-aging industry. But the empowerment promised by the
anti-aging industry not only comes packaged with obligation to consume and
exercise, it ultimately leaves ageism intact. These ads tell us that we can and
should prolong middle age; that we should try "not to age at all, or at least
to minimize the extent to which it is apparent that one is ageing." (Andrews
1999:305) And these dictates intersect with sexism such that old women and
352 • Social Forces Volume 86, Number 1 • September 2007
men are expected to shape their bodies to fit youthful ideals of occupational
and sexual competence, while re-inscribing the gender inequalities embedded in
these. The double-bind encourages consumers to spend ever more time, money
and effort on not aging, and stigmatizes them for inevitable failure. It exacerbates
the burden that old people, and women in particular, face as they age to "do the
right thing" and. their guilt for being unable to do so. Such dictates do not really
counter ageism let alone sexism; and no matter what, bodies have impulses that
we cannot control (Laz 2003), and they will alter with age. At best, we forestall
the point at which individuals bodies become marked as old and hence deserving
of exclusion.
Notes
1.
For a longer discussion of age relations, see Calasanti 2003.
2. Classical and modern theorists of inequality focus on skewed distributions
of land and labor power (Marx 1967; Wright 1989), authority (Weber 1978;
Dahrendorf 1959), honor or prestige (Collins 2004; Treiman 1977), and
access to social networks (Warner and Low 1949; Coleman 1990). A relation
of oppression is one in which the group with more and better resources
can use its authority to control those with less; and ideologies justify the
inequities with reference to nature, the needs of complex societies, or the
will of higher powers.
3. The majority of the sites were coded in the late summer and fall of 2002.
Funding constraints delayed the completion of coding until 2005-2006.
4. Nearly al! sites were archived; but a few disappeared so quickly after the
initial search and coding run that they could not be saved. Stil!, many of the
sites used in this paper sti!! exist (and some even carry the same text); some
have a new home page !ink.
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