Fortuna Redux in Early Imperial Coinage

Fortuna Redux in Early Imperial Coinage
Chelsea Perfect
Honors Thesis
Department of Classics
Dartmouth College
Primary Advisor: Prof. Roberta Stewart
Secondary Reader: Prof. Roger Ulrich
[1]
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements
[3]
Abbreviations
[4]
Introduction to Fortuna Redux and Numismatics
[6]
Chapter One: Fortuna before Augustus
[17]
Chapter Two: Fortuna on Republican Coinage
[26]
Chapter Three: Cult of Fortuna Redux
[36]
Chapter Four: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage from Augustus to Hadrian
[55]
Chapter Five: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage from Lucius Verus to Septimius Severus
[77]
Conclusion
[98]
Appendix I: Summary of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage
[101]
Appendix II: Republican Coins of Fortuna
[102]
Appendix III: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux (Table)
[104]
Appendix IV: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux (Images)
[120]
Bibliography
[148]
[2]
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Classics Department for their support and academic insight. I
would specifically like to thank Professor Stewart for the hours and hours of time she has spent
helping me understand Fortuna Redux and numismatics. Her knowledge and help have been
integral to my thesis. She has kept me going these past months and has enabled me to complete
this thesis in only two terms. I would also like to thank my second reader, Professor Ulrich, for
his words of advice. Additionally, I want to offer my appreciation to Anna Leah BernsteinSimpson, who took on the task of being my thesis tutor so late in spring term. Her advice has
significantly improved my writing. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends who
have been unbelievably supportive these past months.
[3]
Abbreviations
Aug.
RG
BMCRE
Catull.
Caes.
B Afr.
B Alex.
BC
BG
Cic.
Acad.
Amic.
Att.
Brut.
Clu.
Dom.
Fam.
Har.
Inv. Rhet.
Leg. Man.
Mil.
Phil.
Pis.
Prov. Cons.
Q Fr.
Quinct.
Rab. Post.
Red. Pop.
Red. Sen.
Rhet. Her.
Sall.
Sen.
Sest.
Verr.
Dio Cass.
Enn.
Fr.
Martial
Epi.
Naev.
Prae.
Nep.
Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus
Res Gestae
British Museum Catalog of Coins of the
Roman Empire
Gaius Valerius Catullus
Gaius Julius Caesar
De Bello Africo
De Bello Alexandrino
Commentarii de Bello Civili
Commentarii de Bello Gallico
Marcus Tullius Cicero
Academica
De amicitia
Epistulae ad Atticum
Brutus
Pro Cluentio
De domo sua
Epistulae ad familiares
De haruspicum responsis
De inventione rhetorica
Pro lege Manilia
Pro Milone
Orationes Philippicae
In Pisonem
De provinciis consularibus
De Oratore ad Quintum fratrem libri tres
Pro Quinctio
Pro Rabirio Postumo
Post reditum ad populum
Post reditum in senatu
Rhetorica ad Herennium
In Sallustium
Cato Maior de senectute
Pro Sestio
In Verrem
Dio Cassius
Quintus Ennius
Fragmenta
Marcus Valerius Martialis
Epigrammata
Gaius Naevius
Fabulae Praetextae
Cornelius Nepos
[4]
Vitae
Ag.
Dat.
Di.
Ep.
Plaut.
Amph.
Bacch.
Capt.
Cist.
Rud.
Stich.
Trin.
Pliny
NH
Plut.
De Fort. Rom.
Quae. Rom.
Vit.
Caes.
Mar.
Quin. Quad.
Ann.
RIC
RRC
Sall.
BJ
SHA
Had.
Comm.
Suet.
Vesp.
Tac.
Ann.
Ter.
Haut.
Hec.
Varro
Rust.
Vell.
Vitr.
De arch.
Excellentium Imperatorum Vitae
Agesilaus
Datames
Dion
Epaminondas
Titus Maccius Plautus
Amphitruo
Bacchides
Captivi
Cistellaria
Rudens
Stichus
Trinummus
Gaius Plinius Secundus
Naturalis Historia
Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus
De fortuna Romanorum
Quaestiones Romanae
Vitae Parallelae
Caesar
Marius
Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius
Annales
Roman Imperial Coinage
Roman Republican Coinage
Gaius Sallustius Crispus
Bellum Iugurthinum
Scriptores Historiae Augustae
Hadrian
Commodus
Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus
Vespasian
Publius Cornelius Tacitus
Annales
Publius Terentius Afer
Heauton Timorumenos
Hecyra
Marcus Terentius Varro
De re rustica
Gaius Velleius Paterculus
Marcus Vitruvius Pollio
De architectura
[5]
Introduction to Fortuna Redux and Numismatics
Chapter 11 of Augustus’s Res Gestae was solely dedicated to the establishment of an altar
to Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE.1 This particular deity was one of 90 different expressions of the
Roman goddess Fortuna.2 Yet, the details of her altar’s inception mark Fortuna Redux out for
special attention. The Roman Senate not only dedicated an ara to the deity, but likewise
associated the goddess with the person of the emperor through the establishment of an annual
festival known as the Augustalia. Considering the fact that Augustus and the Senate placed
significant emphasis on the goddess’s altar, it is regrettable that there exists no complete study of
Fortuna Redux. Although previous scholars have examined numerous literary and archaeological
sources in their studies of the goddess’s cult, they have failed to look extensively at the
numismatic evidence for Fortuna Redux. Therefore, this study will expand upon the work of
earlier scholars by looking at the goddess’s appearance on imperial coinage during the first two
centuries CE in order to understand the evolution of the cult of Fortuna Redux during the early
Roman Empire.
Previous Studies of Fortuna Redux
Modern scholars have approached Fortuna Redux from a variety of perspectives;
consequently they have reached different conclusions about the significance of her cult. In 1981,
Iiro Kajanto published a comprehensive examination of Fortuna which included an extensive list
1
Aram Fortunae Reducis ante aedes Honoris et Virtutis ad portam Capenam pro reditu meo senatus consacravit, in
qua pontifices et virgines Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit eo die quo, consulibus Q. Lucretio et M.
Vinicio, in urbem ex Syria redieram, et diem Augustalia ex cognomine nostro appellavit. Res Gestae 11.
2
Kajanto (1981), 510-516; Arya (2002), 311.
[6]
of the epithets for the goddess (including Redux).3 Only a few years later, Francesca De Caprariis
studied several monuments to Fortuna as well as the inscriptions and the literary sources
concerning the goddess (particularly Horace’s Ode I.35) in order to understand Augustus’s
relationship with Fortuna before the creation of the altar to Fortuna Redux.4 She predominately
focused on the cult of the Fortunae at Antium and concluded that the two Fortunae, who
protected the interests of Augustus in his war against Sextus Pompey between 37 BCE and 35
BCE, were precursors to Fortuna Redux. Subsequently, Kajanto used predominately imperial
inscriptions to study Fortuna Redux in 1988. He looked at the extent to which the cult permeated
Roman imperial as well as provincial society and he reached several important conclusions.5
Firstly, he surmised that the goddess both protected travelers and safeguarded a person’s general
wellbeing. Furthermore, although the goddess was originally invoked for the welfare of the
imperial family, inscriptions from the first and second century CE reveal that individuals could
appeal to the goddess for the protection of a variety of people, including one’s own friends and
family members. Over a decade later, Darius Arya published his doctoral dissertation on Fortuna
which primarily looked at the similarities between Fortuna and the cult of the Greek goddess
Tyche; however, he also examined her relationship with other Roman and non-Roman deities,
including the Lares, Tutela, Genius, Mars, Venus, and Roma. Arya also used literary works,
inscriptions, and architectural evidence in order to examine the topic from a predominately
archaeological perspective.6 Arya ultimately argued that the Roman cult of Fortuna Redux was
inextricably linked with the legitimization of imperial power. Furthermore, he claimed that the
goddess acted as a guarantor of dynastic succession. Thus, each of these scholars has examined
3
Kajanto (1981).
De Caprariis (1984).
5
Kajanto (1988).
6
Arya (2002).
4
[7]
the problem of Fortuna Redux from a different perspective and they have ultimately reached
varying conclusions concerning the goddess’s cult.
However, although De Caprariis, Kajanto and Arya all used a number of archaeological
and literary sources to study Fortuna and Fortuna Redux, they failed to look extensively at two
important sources of evidence for her cult. Firstly, they did not examine the significance of the
word redux in Republican literature. Kajanto briefly looked at the word’s associations; however
his analysis was incomplete as he focused primarily on its syntax (e.g. active versus passive
meaning or divine versus human subjects) and omitted a thorough examination of the word’s
context in non-epigraphic texts. Most importantly, Kajanto did not focus on the Republican
history of the word but instead cited sources which postdated the creation of the altar of Fortuna
Redux, including Statius, Ovid, and Martial.7 Secondly, none of these scholars fully examined the
imperial coinage of the goddess. De Caprariis mentioned a few Republican coins of Fortuna in
order to show that competing politicians featured the goddess on their coinage. Kajanto used the
number of coins depicting Fortuna Redux in order to assess the popularity of her cult and Arya
primarily cited coins as evidence for the existence of various relationships between the goddess
and certain emperors. However, all three scholars failed to look systematically at the
development of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux on Roman coinage. Furthermore, none of these
studies examined the historical context surrounding the production of these coins. Thus, all three
scholars omitted a complete numismatic analysis of Fortuna Redux and a thorough examination
of the goddess’s epithet.
In contrast to these studies, my investigation of Fortuna Redux will include an analysis of
the Latin language and Roman coins. I will study the Republican use of the word redux so as to
better comprehend what the Senate, as well as Augustus, denoted in their choice of epithet. I will
7
Kajanto (1988), 36.
[8]
then look at the evidence for Fortuna and Fortuna Redux on imperial coinage, beginning with
the creation of her altar in 19 BCE and continuing up until the death of Septimius Severus in 211
CE. My goal is to understand how emperors during the first two centuries CE represented the
goddess in their currency. I am particularly interested in how the goddess’s portrayal changed
over time as well as the historical context surrounding her appearance on coinage.
Coinage as a Medium of Communication
Roman coinage offered an ideal medium for communication in ancient Rome. Not only
were coins frequently produced but they also traveled over long distances and were handled by
members of all classes. The Roman military, which was the single highest expenditure for the
Empire, cost between 32 million and 100 million denarii annually.8 The Roman government
regularly issued currency in order to meet these costs. Moreover, they varied the designs of these
newly minted coins: between 31 BCE and 69 CE, the government annually produced at least 20
different imperial types.9 Coins were also mobile. During their lifetime, they had the potential to
spread throughout the empire. Furthermore, they occasionally remained in circulation for
decades.10 Finally, Roman coins would have been used by an economically diverse audience, as
emperors frequently produced a diverse set of denominations. While primarily the elites and the
military would have used the silver pieces, lower and middle classes would have handled bronze
coins (which Wallace-Hadrill refers to as the coins “for the masses”).11 Additionally, as Norena
concluded in his article, “Coins and Communication,” investigating the development of coin
design from the Republic up through the Empire, the designs would have likely been widely
8
Sutherland (1986), 93; Brunn (1999), 34.
Sutherland (1986), 87.
10
Norena (2011), 256.
11
Wallace-Hadrill (1981), 317 n. 82.
9
[9]
understood by the general public.12 Early on, Roman coinage included iconography which was
recognizable to the Roman people as it often catered to their religious beliefs (Roma, Dioscuri,
Jupiter, Mercury, etc.). Norena charted the development of Republican iconography and
observed that moneyers in the late Republic increasingly focused on a wider range of communal
interests (including martial, civic, and architectural accomplishments).13 Norena also observed
that the designs often advertised historical events (e.g. triumphs, military campaigns, buildings
projects), already known to the general public as a result of other forms of media - namely
monuments and inscriptions (including the Res Gestae).14 Barbara Levick suggested in her
article, “Messages of the Roman Coinage: Types and Inscriptions,” that lower classes, in
particular, would have likely already heard of these events through the “official Gazette or from
hearsay.”15 Thus, most likely, coin designs were not used to communicate new information to the
general public but served instead to reinforce the contemporary political discourse. Furthermore,
over decades, many types repeatedly appeared on Roman coinage. This trend would have
increased the legibility of the designs. Additionally, Norena has argued that the “omnipresence of
public images” on other media forms would have resulted in much of populace being able to
understand the iconography.16 Thus Roman coinage presented an ideal medium for
communicating messages not only across wide expanses of space and extended periods of time,
but also to an economically diverse audience.
12
Norena (2011), 263.
Norena (2011), 262-263.
14
Norena (2011), 251-253, 261.
15
Levick (1999a), 50.
16
Norena (2011), 262.
13
[10]
The Focus of this Study
My study of Fortuna Redux will focus on her depiction in imperial coinage; however, I
will also look more broadly at the cults of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux. I will first look at
Fortuna. I will briefly examine the goddess’s cult and iconography, as well as Fortuna’s
relationship with Roman politicians. I will also study the goddess’s representation on Republican
coinage. Having established a basic understanding of Fortuna, I will then examine Fortuna
Redux. I will discuss the goddess’s name and her altar as well as the history of her cult. Finally,
having established this context, I will examine Fortuna Redux’s depiction on imperial coinage.
My examination of the numismatic material will focus on both the iconography and the
chronology of the pieces. Ultimately, the purpose of this study is to understand the connotations
of Fortuna Redux’s appearance on Roman coinage during the first two centuries of the Roman
Empire.
This argument depends heavily on the assumption that the Roman government used its
currency in order to communicate intended messages. An examination of the writings of various
scholars reveals a range of opinions. Many numismatists, including Norena, Brunn, Newman,
Wallace-Hadrill, Levick, and Metcalf have argued that imperial coin designs not only served an
aesthetic and authoritative purpose but also contained directed messages.17 While Norena argued
against the idea of considering the pieces to be “aggressive[ly]” propagandistic tools on account
of the economic impracticality of minting pieces for the sole purpose of communicating political
messages, Newman and Brunn argued that coinage was in fact imperial propaganda.18 Brunn and
Newman each used different evidence in order to reach their seemingly similar conclusions about
the propagandistic nature of coin design. While Brunn more broadly examined the designs and
17
Norena (2011), 264-265; Brunn (1999), 26; Newman (1990), 63; Wallace-Hadrill (1981), 308; Levick (1999a),
44; Metcalf (1999), 15.
18
Norena (2011), 264.
[11]
legends of Augustus, Newman looked specifically at the exchange of coins between Antony and
Octavian in the years leading up to Actium. Ultimately, although scholars have disagreed about
whether or not the Roman government used coinage as a tool of imperial propaganda, most
numismatists agree that Roman coinage at least conveyed some intended message.
Scholars also continue to debate the role of the emperor in design selection.19 For
instance, numismatist Wallace-Hadrill has argued that the emperor influenced design. He
contended in his article, “Image and Authority in the Coinage of Augustus,” that such coin
iconography was in fact indicative of the emperor’s self-image; however, he also argued against
the idea that the emperor directly dictated coin design.20 He observed that after 4 BCE, when the
moneyers’ names disappeared from the coins, the currency would have all appeared to have
come directly from the emperor himself.21 However, he contended that the emperor would have
had little direct say in the specific type selection. Rather this act would have been the
responsibility of the moneyers (tresviri monetales, a rationibus, or procurator monetae).22 In
contrast to Wallace-Hadrill, Levick has argued against imperial direction entirely. She has instead
claimed that coin designs reflected the attempts of contemporary moneyers to appeal to the
emperor by reflecting back to the emperor what he and his constituents saw or wanted to see.23
She emphasized both the logistics of the minting process and the panegyric nature of some
imperial literature.24 Thus, though scholars disagree about the varying level of influence the
emperor had in type selection, they do all agree that the types reflected and represented the
imperial personality.
19
Buttrey (1972); Brunn (1999); Norena (2001); Norena (2011).
Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 68; Levick (1999a), 44.
21
Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 68.
22
Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 67.
23
Levick (1999a), 44.
24
Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 67.
[12]
20
It is impossible to know the emperor’s exact role in the design of imperial coinage;
however, the currency issues ultimately traced back to the imperial government and, by
extension, the emperor himself. William Metcalf observed in his study, “Coins as Primary
Evidence,” that coinage functioned as an “official document….which reflected decisions made
by and implemented by governments.”25 In the Imperial period, the Roman emperor was the face
of this government. Furthermore, with the disappearance of the moneyers’ names from the coins
in 4 CE, imperial coins, with their imperial portraits, appeared to represent only the emperor
himself or imperial policy.26 With his identity and authority so inextricably linked with these
coin pieces, it is likely that the emperor – even if only indirectly by his implementation of the
important governmental policies - had some role in the determination of coin types.
Considering his interest in the processes of coin production, it is likely that Augustus,
who oversaw the creation of Fortuna Redux, especially had a role in the selection process. The
emperor became directly involved in the production of Roman currency when he introduced
several new denominations (asses, quadrantes, sestertii, and dupondii) into circulation.27
Furthermore, if Newman’s discussion concerning the interplay in coin denominations is to be
believed, the emperor already had experience in the selection of coin designs as a result of his
political struggle against Antony.28 The emperor may have also been interested in provincial
coinage. Brunn has argued that Augustus was involved in the process of determining designs for
several provincial issues. He based his argument on the rise in Latin and imperial titles on
provincial coins as well as the appearance of similar messages within both the text of the Res
Gestae and on the designs of coins.29 Brunn used Augustus’s extensive traveling as well as the
25
Metcalf (1999), 3.
Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 68.
27
Brunn (1999), 26.
28
Newman (1990).
29
Brunn (1999), 28.
26
[13]
similarities between these messages on the coins and Res Gestae to contend that Augustus
dictated the messages to be conveyed by such provincial coin designs.30 He also observed that
several different local bronzes contained similar iconography and legends.31 Thus, Augustus’s
interest in provincial and imperial coinage lends credence to the argument that this first emperor,
who would set the precedent for subsequent rulers, was involved in determining coin design.
Moreover, considering Augustus’s decision to revolutionize other aspects of Roman
society in an attempt to move away from the Roman Republic, it is likely that he also made use
of the medium of coinage. The emperor made significant changes to the architecture of the city,
as well as to the military practices and basic Roman political ceremonies. With his construction
of various buildings, including the Theater of Marcellus, the Temple of Mars Ultor, and the
Temple to Divine Julius, he overshadowed older important Republican structures within Rome.
Furthermore, when he denied M. Licinius Crassus the spolia opima, which were traditionally
awarded to a military general who had defeated an enemy leader in single combat, he redefined
an important part of Roman martial culture. Additionally, his choice to relocate the toga virilis
ceremony from the Capitoline Hill to the Forum Augustum changed a tradition quintessential for
every elite Roman male. Considering Augustus’s exertion of control over these various aspects of
Roman society, I have difficulty imagining that he would have overlooked over an opportunity to
exploit yet another medium. Instead, I believe that he understood the usefulness of coinage as a
vehicle for political and perhaps propagandistic messages across long distances. Following in the
path of Augustus, it is likely that many, if not all, of the subsequent emperors became aware of
these political possibilities and continued to exploit coin designs.
Although ancient coins are useful pieces of historical evidence, it is important to keep in
mind several caveats. As numismatist William Metcalf observed in his study of coins as a source
30
31
Brunn (1999), 28.
Brunn (1999), 30-31.
[14]
of primary evidence, they can only directly provide a limited amount of information.32 Coin
issues can attest to details such as the existence of the minting die, the moneyer’s artistic skill,
the existence of certain politicians, the occurrence of some historical events, and the existence of
certain buildings. However, much of the other information gleaned from currency results from
interpretation. These details include the dates of the pieces and the identity of the moneyers.
Furthermore, for some imperial issues, particularly those during the reign of Hadrian, not enough
information is given in the legend in order to determine the exact date of the coin. In addition,
once produced, coins remained in circulation for an unknown amount of time; therefore, it is
unclear exactly how long their effects lasted. Most importantly, there is the danger of
misinterpreting the evidence.33 Considering the uncertainties in the classical community
regarding the role of the emperor in design selection, the intended audience of the coins, the
extent to which individuals incorporated messages in their coin issues, and the need for
interpretation in the understanding of some of these coin designs, it is possible to misread the
material. Additionally, as with any piece of historical evidence, there is also the chance of overinterpretation. For my study, I will attempt to avoid overanalyzing the coin evidence by keeping
in mind the assumptions upon which I must base my examination.
Considering these caveats, several points should be kept in mind while reading this
investigation of imperial coins. Coins were mobile evidence and many pieces traveled far away
from their original minting site. Furthermore, the fact that the dates of production are based on
the legends of the coins means that they are not always specific. As mentioned earlier, this is
especially the case with the coins of Hadrian. Unfortunately, for these coins, I often cannot
pinpoint exact dates. Although rarely a problem, occasionally it can be difficult to understand the
historical context surrounding the production of these coins. For these coins, most notably those
32
33
Metcalf (1999), 6-7.
Metcalf (1999), 6-7.
[15]
of Hadrian, I must make educated conjectures rather than definitive statements about their
historical contexts. Despite these uncertainties about the spread of the coins and the context of
their production, for the purpose of my examination, the chronology and historical contexts of
the coins are important to understanding the goddess’s associations and her iconography.
With these considerations in mind, I will begin my study by briefly looking at Fortuna
and end with my examination of Fortuna Redux’s coinage. Chapter One will focus on the cult of
Fortuna before the creation of Fortuna Redux. I will draw on previous scholarship as well as my
own individual research in order to look specifically at the goddess’s associations and
iconography as well as her relationship with Roman politicians. In Chapter Two, I will survey the
history of Fortuna on Roman coinage and the Republican connotations of her attributes. Both of
these chapters on Fortuna will provide for a better understanding of the public conception of
Fortuna before the creation of Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE. Chapter Three will examine the
overall cult of Fortuna Redux. I will consider the history of her epithet in Latin literature, the
conditions surrounding the creation of her altar in 19 BCE, and her cult traditions. This
discussion is aimed at establishing a basic understanding of the goddess before I look specifically
at the numismatic evidence. Finally, in Chapters Four and Five, I will look at the appearances of
Fortuna Redux in imperial coinage. I will discuss both the dates and designs of the coins. I will
also map their iconographical development and historical context. In my conclusion, I will draw
together all of these elements in order to argue that Roman emperors used the image of Fortuna
Redux on imperial coins to reference the goddess’s relationship with previous emperors so that
they might legitimize their imperial authority.
[16]
Chapter One: Fortuna before Augustus
Before Fortuna Redux, Roman society attempted to define Fortuna through the creation
of numerous specified cults. These cults were often characterized by the addition of an epithet.
Although each of these expressions linked Fortuna with various groups, peoples, events, and
places, the iconography of the goddess predominately connected her with abundance and
fertility. Meanwhile Roman politicians ranging from kings to military generals attempted to
adopt Fortuna as their patron. Some of these politicians illustrated their associations with the
goddess by constructing monuments; others became connected with the deity by means of
literary sources. As result of her associations with these prominent Roman politicians, Fortuna
became imbedded in both the Roman landscape and the Roman political scene in the years prior
the creation of Fortuna Redux.
When the Senate chose to dedicate an altar to Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE, the Romans
added yet another expression to an already multifaceted goddess. Fortuna, a goddess of “chance”
and “luck” may have her parallels in the religions of Etruria, with the goddess Nortia, and of
Greece, with the goddess Tyche; however, Fortuna herself first appeared in the Roman regal
period as a favorite goddess of King Servius Tullius.34 Subsequent politicians would also pay
homage to Fortuna and, by the time of Augustus, at least eighteen monuments to the different
expressions of the goddess had been constructed in the city of Rome alone.35 Kajanto’s study of
these structures, as well as many of her other epithets, which often focused on certain qualities of
the goddess, highlighted the diversity of her associations. Fortuna’s different epithets identified
34
For Nortia, see Fowler (2004), 171. For Tyche, see Arya (2002), 58. For Fortuna’s associations with Servius
Tullius, see Plut. De. Fort. Rom. 322C-333D and Plut. Quae. Rom. 74.
35
Fors Fortuna, aedes Fortuna, Fortuna Apotropaios, Fortuna Brevis, Fortuna Equestris, Fortuna Euelpis, Fortuna
Huiusce Diei, Fortuna Mala, Fortuna Obsequens, Fortuna Primigenia, Fortuna Privata, Fortuna Respiciens,
Fortuna Tulliana, Fortuna Virgo, Fortuna Virilis, Fortuna Publica Populi Romani Quiritium Primigenia,
Fortuna Publica Citerior. See Richardson (1992), 154-158.
[17]
her with groups (e.g. slaves, women, equestrians) and specific peoples (e.g. the Roman people)
as well as events (e.g. Fortuna “of this day”) and places (e.g. the Curia, the baths, the city of
Antium).36 Still other epithets acknowledged the complex personality of the goddess, including
her fickle nature.37 The establishment of cults to these various expressions of the goddess
associated Fortuna with different facets of Roman life in the years before the creation of the ara
Fortunae Reducis in 19 BCE. For instance, Servius Tullius’s temple to Fors Fortuna on the
banks of the Tiber River, as well as the shrine to Fortuna Felix and Fortuna Victrix at the port
city of Antium associated Fortuna with transportation (particularly sea travel).38 Additionally,
Servius Tullius’s temple to Fortuna in the Forum Boarium linked the goddess with commerce
and trade.39 In contrast, the cult of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste connected the goddess with
fertility and childbirth as well as the military.40 Thus, although the goddess Fortuna was
specifically connected with certain groups, people, places, and events in the years prior to 19
BCE, she was also more generally associated with abundance (biological and financial),
transportation, and military success.
However, Fortuna’s Republican iconography did not fully reflect this diversity of
associations; instead it focused on the goddess’s connection with fertility as well as her fickle
personality. The many different expressions of Fortuna featured only one main attribute in
sculpture: the cornucopia (“horn of plenty”). The goddess first appeared with the object in the
second century BCE.41 Found with agricultural deities such as Ceres, the cornucopia was
36
These various subcategories refer to: (1) groups: Fors Fortuna (slaves), Fortuna Muliebris (women), Fortuna
Equestris (equestrians); (2) people: Fortuna Populi Romani (“the Roman people”); (3) events: Fortuna Huiusce
Diei (“of this day”); (4) places: Curiae (“the Curia”), Balneorum (“the baths”), Antias (“Antium”). See Kajanto
(1981), 509-518.
37
Epithets such as Adiutrix, Conservatrix, Bona, Fortissima, and Felix showed her beneficial nature. Epithets such
as Brevis, Dubia, and Mala hinted at her fickleness.
38
Arya (2002), 66-67; Richardson (1992), 154-155.
39
Richardson (1992), 155. Fortuna’s ties to sea travel strengthened her relationship with commerce.
40
Arya (2002), 66-67.
41
Arya (2002), 72.
[18]
predominately associated with fertility and agrarian abundance.42 Arya has also argued that the
cornucopia additionally connected Fortuna with shipping and commerce since such agrarian
resources needed safe transport to the city of Rome.43 Only literary sources mention the
goddess’s two other attributes – the globe and the wheel. Unlike the prosperous associations of
the cornucopia, these two objects indicated her capricious nature. For example, Pacuvius (220
BCE-130 BCE) wrote about the instability of the goddess whom he described as balancing atop a
globe (Fortunam insanam esse et caecam et brutam perhibent philosophi saxoque instare
globoso praedicant volubilei, “Philosophers allow that Fortuna is insane and blind and irrational
and they proclaim that she stands on a stone and a rolling globe”).44 Later, Cicero (106 BCE-43
BCE) mentioned the wheel of Fortuna (ne tum quidem fortunae rotam pertimescebat, “Then not
even was he afraid of the wheel of Fortuna”).45 In the minds of Classical Greeks, the wheel was
already associated with the cycle of life.46 Cicero’s description of the object’s ability to inspire
fear suggests that this connotation of temporality also existed in Rome during the first century
CE. Both of these literary attributes reinforced the goddess’s sporadically unstable nature already
indicated by several of her epithets, including Brevis, Dubia, and Mala.47 Thus in the period
leading up to the creation of the cult of Fortuna Redux, the iconography of Fortuna
predominately associated the deity with fertility and abundance; however, the goddess’s
attributes also reinforced the complicated nature of her personality, which could be generous but
occasionally fickle.
42
Kajanto (1981), 519; Arya (2002), 71.
Arya (2002), 73.
44
Warmington (1982b), 318; Arya (2002), 81.
45
Cic. Pis. 22. See Arya (2002), 85.
46
Arya (2002), 84.
47
Arya (2002), 154. For more epithets demonstrating her fickleness, see Kajanto (1981).
[19]
43
Patron of Roman Leaders
Fortuna also came to be connected with specific individuals before her association with
Augustus in 19 BCE. Her earliest involvement in Roman politics dates back to the regal period
and the reign of King Servius Tullius. According to Plutarch, the king considered the deity to be
responsible for his success.48 Furthermore, according to tradition, Servius Tullius dedicated at
least thirteen different shrines to the goddess within the city of Rome alone.49 Thus, by the end of
the regal period, the landscape of Rome already confirmed Fortuna’s relationship with at least
one Roman politician.
During the Republican period, several successful Romans decorated the city with shrines
to Fortuna. At least three of the temples were manubial – that is they were constructed by
successful military commanders and funded by war spoils. First, P. Sempronius Tudiatanus
vowed a temple to Fortuna Primigenia at the beginning of his battle in Croton against Hannibal
in 204 BCE.50 Ten years later, Q. Marcius Ralla dedicated Tudiatanus’s monument, which
ultimately stood on the Quirinal Hill as part of a three-temple complex (Tres Fortunae).51 Then,
in 180 BCE, Q. Fulvius Flaccus vowed a shrine to Fortuna Equestris while on a military
campaign in Spain. He eventually dedicated the temple in 173 BCE.52 Finally, in 101 BCE, Q.
Lutatius Catulus vowed a temple to Fortuna Huiusce Diei during the Battle of Vercellae.53 One
year later, he dedicated the building, which scholars now believe to be the modern day tholosshaped Temple B in the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina.54 All of these temples illustrate a
manubial, and thereby militaristic, tradition associated with the cult of the goddess Fortuna
48
Plut. Quae. Rom. 74.
Including Fors Fortuna, aedes Fortuna, Fortuna Apotropaios, Fortuna Brevis, Fortuna Euelpis, Fortuna
Obsequens, Fortuna Primigenia, Fortuna Privata, Fortuna Respiciens, Fortuna Tulliana, Fortuna Virgo, Fortuna
Virilis, and Fortuna Viscata. See Richardson (1992), 154-158.
50
Richardson (1992), 158.
51
Richardson (1992), 158.
52
Richardson (1992), 155.
53
Richardson (1992), 156.
54
Richardson (1992), 156.
[20]
49
during the Roman Republic. Yet, although nearly 23 monuments dedicated to Fortuna still
decorate the Roman landscape, these three shrines are the only extant monuments with manubial
origins. Furthermore, little is known about the context surrounding the creation of many of these
extant monuments. Therefore, Roman politicians before Augustus occasionally associated the
goddess Fortuna with military conquest through the construction of manubial shrines; however
the extent of her cult’s relationship with the manubial tradition is unclear.
Literary sources indicate that several Republican generals, beginning with Marius and
Sulla, likewise wished to associate their own military success with the patronage of the goddess
Fortuna. According to Cicero, the goddess played an important role in the success of M.
Claudius Marcellus (268-208 BCE) and P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (236-183 BCE); however,
several literary sources identify Gaius Marius (157-86 BCE) as the first Republican leader to
adopt the goddess as his own personal patron.55 Yet, according to Plutarch, she soon jilted the
politician.56 Arya rightly suggests that Sulla, Marius’s rival, likewise claimed the goddess’s favor.
However, unlike Marius, who only attributed his success and subsequent downfall to the
attentions of Fortuna, Sulla claimed to have a personal relationship with the goddess. During his
life, the general not only took on the cognomen of Felix but also referred to himself as the son of
Fortuna.57 Consequently, by the beginning of the first century BCE, Fortuna had become
increasingly associated with the success of prominent military leaders as they began to adopt her
as their personal patron.
55
Cic. Leg Man. 47: Ego enim sic existimo: Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario, et ceteris magnis imperatoribus
non solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata atque exercitus esse
commissos; Varro, Marius de Fortuna (now lost); Cic. Marius (now lost); Sall. BJ 63.1: Per idem tempus
Vticae forte C. Mario per hostias dis supplicanti magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat: proinde quae
animo agitabat, fretus dis ageret, fortunam quam saepissime experiretur. See Arya (2002), 165, 197.
56
Plut. Mar. 45.5: νοσοῦντι φάσκων αὐτῷ. Γάιος δέ τις Πείσων, ἀνήρ ἱστορικὸς, ἱστορεῖ τὸν Μάριον ἀπὸ δείπνου
περιπατοῦντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐν λόγοις γενέσθαι περὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν πραγμάτων, ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον: καὶ τὰς
ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα πολλάκις μεταβολὰς ἀφηγησάμενον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς ἔτι τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύειν
ἑαυτόν: ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοὺς παρόντας ἀσπασάμενον καὶ κατακλιθέντα συνεχῶς ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τελευτῆσαι. See Arya
(2002), 165.
57
Pliny NH 7.137: Felicis sibi cognomen adseruit L. Sulla; Plut. Sulla 6.8ff. See Arya (2002), 181. See Erkell
(1952), 88-92.
[21]
Subsequently, in the last decades of the Republic, Romans continued to connect Fortuna
with the success of leading generals. After Sulla’s retirement, L. Licinius Lucullus honored the
goddess by constructing a temple to Fortuna Bona Salutaris near his family villa.58 Likewise,
Gnaeus Pompey fostered a private relationship with Fortuna through the construction of a shrine
to Fortuna Strata in his domus rostrata in Carinae.59 Fellow officials also publicly associated
Fortuna with Pompey’s martial prowess. As early as 66 BCE, Cicero attributed the success of
Pompey’s military campaign in Asia to the favoritism of Fortuna Populi Romani (Cn. Pompeium
ad eas regiones Fortuna Populi Romani attulisset, “Fortuna Populi Romani carried Gnaeus
Pompey to those same regions”).60 Q. Sicinius’s coin issue from 49 BCE may have emphasized
this relationship between the general and the goddess. The denarius featured the head of
Fortuna, crowned with a diadem and surrounded by a legend reading FORT P R on the obverse
(App. II.2).61 The reverse featured a caduceus, palm branch and a wreath – three signs of military
victory. Arya has reasonably argued for a connection between the general and this appearance of
Fortuna Populi Romani. He not only contended that Sicinius was a “partisan of Pompey,” but
also cited Pompey’s previous association with Fortuna Populi Romani in the writings of Cicero
as further evidence for the coin’s connotations.62 The issue would have entered circulation in the
months following Caesar’s decision to cross the Rubicon and march on Rome. Thus, if the coin
did indeed refer to Pompey (which seems likely), then it probably served as an invocation to the
goddess for the protection of the general in his upcoming conflict with Caesar. However, there is
no indication that Pompey, himself, overtly fostered this relationship. Yet, though the general
himself never appears to have directly claimed the deity as his own personal patron, Cicero’s
58
Arya (2002), 189-190, 194.
Arya (2002), 201-202.
60
Cic. Leg. Man. 45. See Arya (2002), 196-197.
61
RRC 440/1. App. II.2 refers to Figure 2 in Appendix II.
62
Arya (2002), 197.
[22]
59
speech and Sicinius’s coin allude to a publicly acknowledged relationship between the goddess
Fortuna and the military success of Pompey.
As with Pompey, fellow Roman politicians associated Julius Caesar’s martial success
with the patronage of Fortuna. P. Sepullius Macer’s coin of 44 BCE presumably connected
Julius Caesar with the goddess. The denarius featured the bust of winged Victory on the obverse
while a standing Fortuna appeared on the reverse of the coin (App. II.3).63 The coin did not
mention Caesar by name; however, the issue did feature Victory alongside Fortuna only a few
months after Caesar’s successful military campaign against Pompey and the armies of the Roman
State. Furthermore, Macer was one of Caesar’s favorite moneyers.64 Both of these details suggest
that the coin did, in fact, refer to Julius Caesar. Thus, Macer’s coin most likely linked Fortuna to
Caesar’s military success on a coin which was minted to pay the armies. Literary sources also
acknowledged the general’s relationship with Fortuna. Velleius wrote after Caesar’s
assassination that the general followed Fortuna into Africa (Sequens fortunam suam Caesar
pervectus in Africam est, “Caesar following his Fortuna was carried into Africa”).65 Years later,
Plutarch told the presumably well-known story about Fortuna’s role in saving the Roman leader
from a storm.66 He described the goddess as the Καίσαρος τύχη (“the Tyche of Caesar”). These
writers postdated Caesar and thus a personalized Fortuna (that is a Fortuna Caesaris) may not
have actually existed during the dictator's life; however these passages further indicate that the
relationship between Caesar and Fortuna was publicly acknowledged, even years after the
leader’s death.
Although other Romans attested to Caesar’s connection with Fortuna, Julius Caesar
himself also actively encouraged the association. The general repeatedly discussed the power of
63
RRC 480/25.
Crawford (1974), 494.
65
Vell. 2.55.1. See Weinstock (1971), 117.
66
Plut. Caes. 38.5. See Weinstock (1971), 121.
64
[23]
the goddess in his writings concerning both the Gallic and Civil Wars.67 However, the goddess
was not only influential in his martial affairs, but, according to Caesar, she also showed a clear
preference for the general during his military campaigns. In a letter to Cicero, Caesar declared
himself favored by Fortuna (si non fortunae obsecutus videberis - omnia enim secundissima
nobis, adversissima illis accidisse videntur, “If you will not have been seen following Fortuna –
for all things most favorable seem to have happened to us [and] all things most adverse to
them”), and in the company of his soldiers, he credited the deity for his conquest of Italy
“without injury” (Habendam fortunae gratiam, quod Italiam sine aliquo vulnere cepissent,
“Thanks must be paid to Fortuna because [the troops] took Italy without any injury”).68 Thus,
Caesar himself also credited the goddess for her involvement in guaranteeing his military
success.
Therefore, before Augustus, Fortuna had become a goddess actively involved in the
Roman world. Her many expressions connected her with specific groups, locations and events.
Furthermore, her various cults associated the goddess with abundance, transportation, and
military success. According to tradition, Fortuna first became involved in Roman politics during
the regal period; nevertheless the goddess’s role as the personal patron of Roman leaders grew in
prominence during the last two centuries of the Republic, during which time various Republican
generals, including Sulla, Lucullus, Pompey, and Julius Caesar increasingly claimed the
patronage of the goddess in their military endeavors. By the time of Julius Caesar’s assassination
in 44 BCE, other fellow Roman citizens as well as generals themselves publicly acknowledged
67
Caes. BG 6.30.2: Multum cum in omnibus rebus tum in re militari potest fortuna; Caes. BG 6.30.4: Sic magnae
fuit fortunae omni militari instrumento, quod circum se habebat, erepto, raedis equisque comprehensis ipsum
effugere mortem; Caes. BG 4.26.5: Hoc unum ad pristinam fortunam Caesari defuit; Caes. BG 5.58.6:
Comprobat hominis consilium fortuna; Caes. BG 6.35.2: Hic quantum in bello fortuna possit et quantos adferat
casus cognosci potuit; Caes. BC 3.68.1: Sed fortuna, quae plurimum potest cum in reliquis rebus tum praecipue
in bello, parvis momentis magnas rerum commutationes efficit. According to Weinstock, even Cicero comments
of the frequency of Fortuna in the writings of Caesar: Cic. Prov. Cons. 35: Qui si Fortunae muneribus
amplissimis ornatus saepius eius deae periculum facere nollet. See Weinstock (1971), 115.
68
Cic. Att. 10.8B.1; Caes. BC 3.73.3. See Weinstock (1971), 115-116.
[24]
and encouraged Fortuna’s patronage of prominent military leaders. This association between the
goddess Fortuna and Republican generals would provide a precedent for the future relationship
between Fortuna Redux and the martial achievements of the emperor in the years that
immediately preceded the creation of her cult.
[25]
Chapter Two: Fortuna on Republican Coinage
Although Fortuna first appeared on the Roman landscape during the regal period, the
goddess only began to be featured on Roman coinage during the last few decades of the
Republic. Beginning in 69 BCE, Fortuna appeared on a nine Republican issues prior to 19 BCE
(App. II.1-9).69 Although the coin corpus is small, the depiction of Fortuna on these nine coins
established an iconographical precedent. The coins associated Fortuna with several different
aspects of the Roman world, including transportation and Roman militarism, previously
unacknowledged in the goddess’s iconography. Ultimately, Fortuna’s appearance on these
Republican issues would create a standard image of the goddess (standing and holding a
cornucopia and rudder) which would provide the model for Fortuna Redux in imperial coinage.
Fortuna appeared on both the obverse and reverse of Republican coins. Originally, her
bust was featured on the obverse of coins, identifiable by an accompanying legend (App. II.12).70 Yet, beginning in 44 BCE, with P. Sepullius Macer’s quinarius, her depiction shifted to the
reverse (App. II.3).71 Although she would appear once more on an obverse in 41 BCE (App.
II.7), following Macer’s coin of 44 BCE, Fortuna almost exclusively decorated the reverse of
coins.72 This shift allowed for representations of the goddess, now standing and holding
attributes. Along with this shift in depiction came the removal of any legend identifying the
goddess. After 44 BCE, all Republican issues featuring the standing goddess omitted any
mention of her name, Fortuna (App. II.3-6, 8-9).73 Thus, in the years leading up Fortuna Redux’s
appearance on imperial coinage, recognition of Fortuna on the reverse of Roman coins must
69
RRC 405/2; RRC 440/1; RRC 480/25; RRC 494/4; RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33; RRC 513/1; RRC 516/1; RRC
525/1.
70
RIC 405/2; RRC 440/1.
71
RIC 480/25.
72
RRC 513/1
73
RRC 480/25; RRC 494/4; RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33; RRC 516/1; RRC 525/1.
[26]
have depended on an understanding of her iconography (particularly the cornucopia). Because of
this emphasis on the goddess’s attributes, this study of the goddess’s depiction on Republican
coinage will also attempt to understand the Republican connotations of her attributes in order to
better understand Fortuna’s associations before Augustus.
M. Plaetorius Cestianus’s denarius of 69 BCE, and again of 57 BCE, was the first Roman
coin to allude to Fortuna (App. II.1).74 The obverse, which appeared without a legend, featured
the draped bust of a female whose hair was pulled back in a bun. The reverse featured the upper
half of a young man holding a rectangular tablet labeled SORS. The words M PLAETORI CEST
S C ran along the top of the reverse. Without a legend or any distinguishing attributes, it is
difficult to identify the female figure on the obverse with certainty; however Crawford
recognizes the female head as that of Fortuna.75 This identification must have arisen from the
content of the reverse. The scene of a youth holding a panel labeled sors likely referred to the
oracular drawing of lots at the Sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste.76 If this
interpretation of M. Plaetorius Cestianus's coin is correct, then it is indeed the earliest depiction
of Fortuna on Roman coinage. Therefore, Fortuna’s earliest appearance in Roman coinage
overtly linked the goddess with the oracular power of Fortuna Primigenia; however, considering
Plaetorius’s relationship with the town of Praeneste, the moneyer may have instead used the
goddess in order to pay homage to his hometown.
Beginning in 49 BCE, Fortuna’s appearance on coinage became overtly associated with
Roman militarism. Q. Sicinius’s denarius was the first coin to identify the goddess by name
(App. II.2).77 The obverse featured a diademed female head accompanied by the label FORT P R.
74
RRC 405/2.
Crawford (1974), 415.
76
Klingshirn (2006), 144. Crawford agrees with this interpretation, elaborating that Plaetorius Cestianus lived in
Praeneste before being adopted by the Plaetorius family. See Crawford (1974), 418.
77
RRC 440/1.
[27]
75
The reverse depicted a caduceus crossed with a palm branch and a wreath hanging above. The
iconography of the reverse, which featured the palm branch and wreath, two signs of military
victory, immediately associated the Fortuna Populi Romani of the obverse with militarism.
Sicinius’s choice to depict the goddess, who was previously connected with the martial success
of Pompey, an associate of Sicinius, emphasized Fortuna’s military associations.78 Furthermore,
as mentioned in the previous chapter, the coin likely served to invoke the goddess’s protection in
Pompey’s (and Rome’s) upcoming conflict with Caesar. Consequently, Fortuna’s appearance on
Republican coinage may have anticipated a successful military campaign. Although Pompey was
killed the following year, Fortuna Populi Romani reappeared on an aureus of M. Arrius in 41
BCE, once again in connection with militarism (App. II.7).79 A diademed female, identified by
the legend F P R adorned the obverse, while the reverse featured a hasta pura, a type of spear,
flanked by a wreath and a phalerae, a piece of Roman armor. This coin followed Octavian and
Antony’s victory over the conspirators at Philippi in October of the previous year. Thus the
appearance of the goddess on Arrius’s coin may have commemorated the return of the victorious
generals. Consequently, with Sicinius’s issue of 69 BCE and Arrius’s coin of 41 BCE, the
presence of Fortuna on Republican coinage not only marked the beginning of a military
campaign, but may have also celebrated its successful conclusion.
Fortuna’s association with the goddess Victory on Republican coinage reinforced the
association between Fortuna and Roman militarism. The two deities first appeared together in 44
BCE on the quinarius of P. Sepullius Macer (App. II.3).80 The obverse of his coin featured the
draped and diademed bust of winged Victory. The reverse showed the goddess Fortuna, standing
and holding both a cornucopia and a rudder. Subsequent Republican issues reinforced this
78
See Chapter One.
RRC 513/1.
80
RRC 480/25.
79
[28]
connection between the two goddesses - in 42 BCE, C. Vibius Varus produced two denarii which
featured Fortuna and Victory together (App. II.5-6).81 The obverses of the denarii differed
slightly. One coin featured the bearded head of Marc Antony, while the other showed the head of
Octavian. However, both coins shared a reverse design: Fortuna standing and holding a
miniature statue of Victory in her right hand while her left arm cradled a cornucopia. Although
removed from the obverse, Victory remained associated with Fortuna on this coin produced two
years after Macer’s quinarius. However, Victory’s role had been diminished as Fortuna, now
holding Victory in her palm, had become the predominant force. Macer’s coin thus not only
connected Fortuna with Roman militarism but also suggested that the goddess was able to
guarantee military victory.
Meanwhile, Fortuna’s appearance with the caduceus on Sicinius’s coin also reinforced
the goddess’s association with transportation. Prior to its connection with Fortuna in 49 BCE, the
object was frequently featured on Republican coins. The type dates early, first appearing on a
coin from between 280 BCE and 276 BCE.82 The simple design of the piece featured the outside
of a scallop shell on the obverse while a caduceus decorated the reverse. The caduceus appeared
over forty times during the next two and a half centuries. Considering the fact that the object was
most commonly associated with Mercury, the caduceus unsurprisingly was featured with the god
on several different issues.83 According to myth, Mercury led souls to the underworld; thus the
repeated appearance of the caduceus with the god on Republican coinage associated the object
with guidance. However, the caduceus also appeared with a number of other gods, including
Venus, Minerva, Roma, Janus, Saturn, Hercules, Mars, the Dioscuri, Victory, Italia, and Honos
81
RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33.
RRC 14/5.
83
RRC 285/6; RRC 60/6; RRC 335/8b; RRC 348/6.
82
[29]
and Virtus.84 Yet other than Roma and the Dioscuri, who frequently featured on early Republican
coinage, as well as the god Mercury, the caduceus does not appear to be associated with any
deity in particular. Furthermore, an analysis of accompanying types reveals a similar distribution
of associations. Throughout the Republic, the caduceus appeared along with a number of
different objects (altar, bull, club, corn-ear, cornucopia, crown, cuirass, fasces, globe, hammer,
quadriga, palm, poppy heads, scales, scallop shell, sickle, spear, and trophy). However these
associations often occurred only once or twice.85 Only one item appeared with any sort of
frequency: the prow. The two objects were featured together on eleven coins.86 This appearance
of the caduceus with the prow associated the object with sea travel, and by extension,
transportation. Thus, the appearance of the caduceus alongside Fortuna in 49 BCE may have
reinforced the deity’s connection with transportation.
The appearance of the rudder, which was also associated with transportation on
Republican coinage, in the hands of goddess most likely reinforced Fortuna’s connection with
travel. Prior to its appearance with Fortuna on Macer's coin of 44 BCE, the rudder had only
been featured on ten different coins. Six of these pieces were contemporaneous, having been
issued between 206 BCE and 195 BCE.87 One of these coins featured a helmeted Roma on the
obverse while the reverse depicted the Dioscuri, mounted, with a rudder at their horses' feet.88
The other five issues appeared as a series.89 The rudder was not associated with any specific god
84
Venus: RRC 357/1a-b. Minerva: RRC 37/1c; RRC 60/4. Roma: RRC 60/1a; RRC 60/1c; RRC 60/7; RRC 108/1;
RRC 367/1-5. Janus: RRC 60/2. Saturn: RRC 60/3. Hercules: RRC 60/5; RRC 348/6. Mars: RRC 296/1a; RRC
335/3c. Dioscuri: RRC 60/1a; RRC 60/1c; RRC 108/1. Victory: RRC 367/1-5. Italia: RRC 405/1. Honos and
Virtus: RRC 403/1.
85
Altar: RRC 348/6. bull: RRC 37/1c. club: RRC 348/6. corn-ear: RRC 357/a-b. cornucopia: RRC 403/1. crown:
RRC 367/1-5. cuirass: RRC 335/3c. fasces: RRC 357/1a-b; RRC 403/1. globe: RRC 403/1. hammer: RRC
335/3c; RRC 335/8b. quadriga: RRC 366/1a-c; RRC 367/1-5. palm: RRC 366/1a-c. poppy heads: RRC 405/3ab. scales: RRC 366/1a-c. scallop shell: RRC 14/5; RRC 25/8. sickle: RRC 25/8. spear: RRC 335/3c. trophy:
RRC 335/3c. Neither these objects nor the caduceus appear to be control marks.
86
RRC 335/8b; RRC 348/6; RRC 357/1a-b; RRC 60/2-7; RRC 335/3c.
87
RRC 117A/1; RRC 117B/1-5.
88
RRC 117A/1.
89
RRC 117B/1-5.
[30]
in this set of issues. Instead, the obverse of the coins cycled through the heads of various deities
including Janus, Saturn, Minerva, Hercules, and Mercury. However, the reverse design, which
featured a bird and a rudder suspended above a prow, did establish a connection between the
rudder and the prow. The fact that the rudder was used in the steering of ships naturally
associated the object with travel. However, as with the caduceus, this repeated appearance of the
prow with the rudder reinforced the rudder’s connection with transportation (particularly sea
travel). As mentioned in Chapter One, Servius Tullius’s temple to Fors Fortuna in Rome as well
as the cult to Fortuna Felix and Fortuna Victrix at the port city of Antium already associated
Fortuna with transportation, particular sea travel. The appearance of Fortuna with the rudder on
Republican coinage would have only reinforced this connection with transportation.
The rudder’s appearance on Roman coinage also associated the object with military and
political authority. In 115/114 BCE, the rudder first appeared with the goddess Victory.90 The
obverse of the coin featured a helmeted Roma, while on the reverse, Victory rode in a biga
chariot. In her hands, the goddess held the reins of the biga and a palm branch decorated with a
ribbon. The rudder lay beneath the chariot. This appearance of the rudder alongside the goddess
Victory and the palm branch associated the object with military success. Carisius's denarii of 46
BCE reinforced the rudder’s relationship with military victory and additionally connected the
object with political authority.91 The obverse of the coin featured the helmeted head of Roma,
while the reverse depicted the rudder along with a cornucopia, standing atop a globe, and a
scepter. The whole reverse was surrounded by a wreath. Although the rudder was only featured
once with these objects (globe, scepter, and wreath), its appearance in conjunction with such
signs of military and political power suggests a connection between the rudder and political
90
91
RRC 289/1.
RRC 464/3a-c.
[31]
authority. Thus, Fortuna’s association with the rudder on Macer’s coin in 44 BCE may have
additionally connected the goddess with martial success and political influence.
Macer’s decision to feature a rudder in conjunction with Fortuna was copied by later
moneyers. Marc Antony’s aureus of 41 BCE was the first coin after Macer’s issue in 44 BCE to
feature Fortuna with the object (App. II.8).92 While the head of Antony adorned the coin’s
obverse, the reverse showed the goddess holding a cornucopia and rudder. A stork stood at the
goddess’s feet. The stork was an unusual object to feature alongside Fortuna because it was most
frequently associated with the goddess Pietas. The legend of the coin, PIETAS COS, creates
further confusion about Crawford’s decision to identify the woman as Fortuna.93 Arya has
suggested that the legend, which at first seems to identify the goddess, may instead refer to the
piety of Lucius Antony towards his brother Marc Antony.94 The presence of the legend COS,
which likely referred to Lucius Antonius’s political office (the consulship), strengthens this
interpretation of the reverse. Thus, the appearance of the stork with the figure of Fortuna on
Antony’s coin would have reinforced a sense of piety and would not have been an attribute of the
goddess. Likely in response to Antony’s aureus, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus also issued a coin of
Fortuna holding the rudder in 40 BCE (App. II.9).95 The coin featured the head of Octavian,
Antony’s co-ruler, on the obverse while Fortuna adorned the reverse. The design showed the
goddess standing and holding both a cornucopia and a rudder. This aureus, which was the third
coin to feature Fortuna with the rudder, would also be the last issue to depict the goddess before
the creation of the ara Fortunae Reducis in 19 BCE. This repeated appearance of Fortuna with
the rudder in late Republican coinage suggests that the object had become especially associated
with goddess in the last years leading up to the Roman Empire.
92
RRC 516/1.
Crawford (1974), 524.
94
Arya (2002), 211-212.
95
RRC 525/1.
93
[32]
Although Fortuna’s appearance on Republican coinage associated the goddess with new
attributes, including the caduceus and the rudder, Fortuna continued to appear with the
cornucopia. She appeared standing in six out of the nine Republican coins on which she was
featured.96 In each of these six coins, she held a cornucopia (App. II.3-6, 8-9).97 The cornucopia
first appeared on Roman coinage in 207 BCE. The object appeared on several issues from that
year but it was not featured with one deity in particular. Rather, the coins from 207 BCE
associated the cornucopia with a number of gods (e.g. Jupiter, Victory, Roma, the Dioscuri,
Janus, Saturn, Minerva, Italia, Hercules, and Mercury).98 In fact, in subsequent years, the
cornucopia would continue to appear with a variety of gods; moreover, the object was never
repeatedly shown with one particular deity. Out of the more than thirty coins featuring the
cornucopia in the years before Augustus, only five issues featured individuals physically holding
the horn.99 Three of these deities are distinguishable: Minerva, Italia, and Roma.100 The other
three individuals (a man crowning Roma, a man sitting in a curule chair, and an anguipede [a
mythological creature with a rooster head and snake-like legs]) are unidentifiable.101 In addition,
the Dioscuri, Roma, and Victory appeared beside, but not with, a cornucopia.102 Several coins
during this time also featured the object on the reverse while the obverse included the portraits of
varying deities (Roma, Mars, Hercules, Honos and Virtus, and Jupiter).103 However, since the
cornucopia did not repeatedly feature with any other particular deity, its frequent appearance in
96
The other three coins instead featured the head of Fortuna on the obverse.
RRC 480/25; RRC 494/4; RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33; RRC 516/1; RRC 525/1.
98
RRC 58/1; RRC 58/2; RRC 58/3-9.
99
RRC 296/1j; RRC 403/1; RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1; RRC 405/1a-b.
100
RRC 296/1j; RRC 403/1.
101
RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1; RRC 405/1a-b.
102
Dioscuri: RRC 58/2; RRC 157/1. Roma: RRC 218/1; RRC 329/1a-d. Victory: RRC 58/1; RRC 397/1; RRC
409/1.
103
Roma: RRC 157/1; RRC 464/3a-c. Mars: RRC 296/1j. Hercules: RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1. Honos and
Virtus: RRC 403/1. Jupiter: RRC 460/1-2.
[33]
97
conjunction with Fortuna on Republican coins suggests that on the Roman coinage the object
was uniquely associated with the goddess.
Although the cornucopia was frequently associated with fertility, its appearance
alongside several other objects on Republican coinage may have additionally connected the
object with other aspects of the Roman world. Although late Republican coinage showed
Fortuna with both the cornucopia and the rudder, in fact the two attributes did not feature on the
same coin until 46 BCE.104 However, beginning in 207 BCE, the cornucopia did appear with
another sign of maritime travel: the prow.105 Additionally, the cornucopia may have also been
connected with political and martial authority. The horn appeared multiple times with a signs of
power, including the curule chair, globe, scepter, crown, or a combination of these items.106 T.
Carisius's series of denarii from 46 BCE particularly associated the cornucopia with several
objects indicative of military and political authority. The coins featured the cornucopia atop a
globe and flanked by a scepter and a rudder while the entire reverse was bordered with a laurel
wreath.107 Thus, although the cornucopia carried connotations of fertility and abundance, its
association with Fortuna on Republican coinage may have also reinforced the goddess’s
connection with military success and additionally linked the deity with political power.
Therefore, several late Republican coins had featured Fortuna before the creation of
Fortuna Redux and the goddess’s subsequent appearance on imperial coinage. Fortuna was most
frequently shown standing and holding a number of objects. Her most popular attributes were the
cornucopia, which appeared on six coins of the goddess, and the rudder, which appeared on three
coins; however Fortuna was also featured with the caduceus, the hasta pura, the phalerae, the
104
RRC 464/3a-c.
RRC 58/3-9
106
Curule chair: RRC 397/1; RRC 460/1-2. globe: RRC 397/1; RRC 403/1; RRC 464/3a-c. scepter: RRC 296/1j;
RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1; RRC 464/3a-c. crown: RRC 296/1j; RRC 329/1a-d.
107
RRC 464/3a-c.
[34]
105
palm-branch, the wreath, and the stork. Additionally, Fortuna also frequently appeared with the
goddess Victory. These objects associated the goddess with several aspects of the Roman world.
The cornucopia emphasized the goddess’s connection with prosperity, while both the caduceus
and rudder linked the goddess with transportation. However, the majority of her attributes
including the hasta pura, phalerae, palm-branch, and wreath, reinforced Fortuna’s association
with military success. Her appearance with Victory on Republican coinage emphasized this
relationship with Roman militarism in the years before the creation of Fortuna Redux. As I will
discuss later in Chapters Four and Five, some of these objects, namely the cornucopia and the
rudder, would also become attributes of Fortuna Redux.
[35]
Chapter Three: Cult of Fortuna Redux
Several details of Fortuna Redux’s cult were integral to shaping the goddess’s public
perception. While her epithet and the location of her altar immediately connected Fortuna Redux
with Roman militarism, the conditions surrounding the creation of the goddess’s altar may have
also associated Fortuna Redux with Augustus’s diplomacy in Parthia. Furthermore, while the
participation of the Vestal Virgins in the altar’s religious ceremonies perhaps associated the deity
with fertility, they were also an important step in the development of Augustus’s relationship
with the priestesses. Additionally, though most of the later imperial religious practices
surrounding the cult of Fortuna Redux reinforced the goddess’s ties with the person of the
emperor, they may have also emphasized Fortuna Redux’s involvement in military affairs.
Consequently, the cult of Fortuna Redux, independent of the goddess’s appearance on imperial
coinage, appears to have been predominately associated with safe travels, Roman militarism, and
the protection of the emperor.
Redux: A new epithet
Fortuna Redux’s epithet was new in 19 BCE; however, the word, redux and its verbal
equivalent, reduco -ere, had previously been featured in Republican literature.108 The adjectival
form appeared in Latin texts thirteen times before the writings of Livy, whereas the verbal form
appeared a total of 143 times.109 The earliest extant example of the adjectival form, redux,
appeared in a fragment of Gnaeus Naevius (c. 270-200 BCE). In a passage attributed to the
Clastidium, a play on M. Claudius Marcellus's successful campaign against the Gauls in 222
108
109
For an overview of Fortuna in the Roman Republic, see Chapters One and Two.
Livy wrote during Augustus’s reign. Therefore, his writings and any texts afterward cannot be considered in this
examination of the words’ usages prior to the time of Augustus.
[36]
BCE, Naevius used redux to modify an unspecified, but successful military campaign (prae. 1
Warmington):110
Vitulantes…vita insepulta laetus in patriam redux.111
The one returning to the fatherland, happy, with an unburied life.
Although the fragment exists without context, the adjective in this earliest usage conveyed a
concrete sense of a movement “into” a location. In this case, it is into the homeland (in patriam).
This phrase, in patriam, appeared in conjunction with the adjectival form in four other passages
before the time of Livy.112 The military context of this particular passage is further indicated by
the presence of the word vitulantes (“celebrating”), which was often associated with Roman
military victory.113
The adjectival form, redux, appeared eight times in the plays of Plautus (late 3rd/early 2nd
century BCE) and was also featured in the writings of Terence (2nd century BCE) and Cicero (1st
century BCE).114 Plautus, like Naevius, used prepositional phrases (in patriam, “into the
fatherland” and ad patrem, “to the father”) to convey a sense of physical movement.115
Prepositional phrases, however, were also used to convey a change in status. In Plautus, this
change in state was political and civic: individuals were led back ex servitute (“out of slavery”)
110
Goldberg (1995), 32.
Naev. Prae.1. See Warmington (1982b), 136-137.
112
Plaut. Capt. 43: reducemque faciet liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum
ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Trin. 823: quom suis med ex
locis in patriam suavissumam reducem faciunt; Ter. Haut. 398: mea Antiphila, tu nunc sola reducem me in
patriam facis.
113
Forsythe (1994), 322.
114
Plaut. Capt. 43: reducemque faciet liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 437: huius reducem facias
filium; Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse liberum in
patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 923: quom reducem tuo te patri reddiderunt; Plaut. Capt. 931: hunc reducem
in libertatem fecis; Plaut. Rud. 908-909: quom me ex suis locis pulchre ornatum expedivit templis reducem,
plurima praeda onustum; Plaut. Stich. Ar. 1.9: facete reduces ludunt; Plaut. Trin. 823: quom suis med ex locis
in patriam suavissumam reducem faciunt; Cic. Mil. 103.4: Quid me reducem esse voluistis? Ter. Hec. 852:
egon qui ab orco mortuom me reducem in lucem feceris sinam sine munere a me abire?
115
Plaut. Capt. 43: reducemque faciet liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum
ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Trin. 823: quom suis med ex
locis in patriam suavissumam reducem faciunt.
[37]
111
and in libertatem (“into freedom”).116 The change in social status often included the physical
movement described earlier (in patriam, ad patrem).117 Cicero indicated a similar sense of
restoration without the use of prepositional phrases.118 Additionally, in one example, the
adjectival form was used to indicate a return to one's natural, biological state.119 Thus, overall,
the adjective seems to have referred to physical movement, especially in a military context.
The verbal form, reduco –ere, appeared 143 times in Latin texts before Augustus. It first
appeared in a fragment of Ennius, which exists without context but is believed to have been part
of the Iphigenia (fr. 392-393 Warmington):120
Eos reduci quam reliqui, devehi quam deseri malui.121
I preferred that they be led back rather than left behind, that they be carried away
rather than abandoned.
Contrasting with reliqui (“to leave behind”), the verbal form's original use referred to the
concrete movement of individuals. Warmington suggests that the passage occurred in a military
context, an interpretation supported by the presence of deseri (“to leave”).122 Furthermore,
although reliqui had a more general meaning, the Oxford Latin Dictionary also includes specific
definitions such as “to forsake,” “to abandon,” or “to desert the ranks.”123
The verb also conveyed a sense of physical movement in the absolute without the
accompaniment of prepositional phrases.124 However, prepositional phrases (including in, ex, ad,
116
“Ex servitute”: Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse
liberum in patriam ad patrem. “In libertatem”: Plaut. Capt. 931: hunc reducem in libertatem feci.
117
Even in the case of Cicero's passage. Although there are no prepositional phrases indicating a sense of
movement, the presence of the verbal form expellerentur suggests that movement is involved.
118
Cic. Mil. 103.4: Quid me reducem esse voluistis?
119
Ter. Hec. 852: egon qui ab orco mortuom me reducem in lucem feceris sinam sine munere a me abire?
120
Warmington (1982a), 366-367.
121
Enn. fr. 392-3. See Warmington (1982a), 366-367.
122
Warmington (1982a), 366-367. Although the verbal form is more general, the noun, desertor, is defined as “one
who abandons (his duty or sim., freq. in a mil. sense).” Glare (1985a); Glare (1985b).
123
Glare (1985c).
124
Enn. fr. 392; Plaut. Capt. Ar. 3; Plaut. Capt. 764; Varro, Rust. 1.4.5.9; Catull. 76.11; Quin. Quad. Ann. 76.3;
Quint. Quad. Ann. 81.6; Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.10; Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.8; Cic. Verr. 2.5.155.1; Cic. Phil. 2.10.3; Cic.
Phil. 3.30.11; Cic. Fam. 1.1.3.5; Cic. Fam. 1.1.3.10; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.10; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.10; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.11;
[38]
intra, a/ab) as well as the locative case could also be used in conjunction with the verbal form to
indicate movement.125 Unlike the adjective, the verb preferred the locative domum (“to home”)
and the phrase in castra (“into the camps”) over in patriam and ad patrem.126
Beginning with Plautus, the verbal form frequently referred to the physical movement of
military units. This usage continued up until the time of Julius Caesar, in whose writings the
Cic. Fam. 1.7.4.6; Cic. Fam. 1.7.4.16; Cic. Fam. 10.32.2.7; Cic. Fam. 12.1.1.16; Cic. Q Fr. 2.2.3.2; Cic. Q Fr.
2.2.3.4; Cic. Q Fr. 2.8.2.6; Cic. Red. Pop. 10.12; Cic. Red. Pop. 15.1; Cic. Dom. 52.5; Cic. Dom. 52.5; Cic.
Dom. 87.10; Cic. Dom. 87.15; Cic. Sest. 56.12; Cic. Sen. 63.3; Cic. Rhet. Her. 2.45.20; Cic. Rhet. Her. 2.45.23;
Cic. Sall. 17.4; Caes. BG 5.22.3.1; Caes. BG 7.68.1.2; Caes. BG 1.28.1.2; Caes. BG 6.29.2.2; Caes. BG 6.32.2.3;
Caes. BG 7.22.2.3; Caes. BG 7.24.5.4; Caes. BG 7.59.5.1; Caes. BC 2.28.4.3; Caes. B. 3.46.3.1; Caes. BC
3.46.3.1; Caes. B Afr. 70.7.4; Caes. B Afr. 75.2.2; B Alex. 33.3.1; B Alex. 60.3.4.
125
“in”: See notes 126 and 127; Varro Rust. 1.8.6.7: furcillas reducit hibernatum in tecta; Vitr. De arch.
10.16.8.4: Diognetus eam helepolim reduxit in urbem; Cic. Att. 4.6.2.10: Philoxeno ignosco qui reduci in
carcerem maluit; Caes. BG 4.38.1.2: Caesar…eis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos; Caes. BC
3.39.2.2: is naves nostras interiorem in portum post oppidum reduxit; Caes. BG 5.53.3.1: copiasque omnes in
Treveros reducit; Caes. BG 7.9.6.2: Vercingetorix rursus in Bituriges exercitum reducit. “ex”: See note 127;
Plaut. Capt. 1014: nam hunc ex Alide huc reduximus; Varro Rust. 1.13.3.5: Boves enim ex arvo aestate reducti
hic bibunt; Caes. BG 4.38.1.2: Caesar…eis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos; Caes. BG
7.88.6.1: ex oppido caedem et fugam suorum desperata salute copias a munitionibus reducunt. “ad”: Varro
Rust. 2.2.15.7: matres... agnos, ad quos...reductae ad vesperum; Cic. Acad. 1.2.1: ad suam villam reduximus;
Cic. Quinct. 61.7: Alfenus...domum reducatur ad Quinctium; Cic. Clu. 59.5: ad subsellia reduceret; Caes. BG
1.53.8.2: M. Metius repertus et ad eum reductus est; Caes. BG 6.32.2.3: ad se ut reducerentur; Caes. BC
2.38.5.5: equites revertuntur captivosque ad eum reducunt; Caes. B Afr. 70.6.1: suos ad unum in castra
incolumis sauciis X factis reduxit. “intra”: See note 127. “a/ab”: Cic. Clu. 101.4: subscripsit reges a se in
gratiam esse reductos; Cic. Fam. 1.5b.2.2: a Pompeio reducatur; Caes. BG 7.88.6.1: copias a munitionibus
reducunt; Cic. Att. 9.14.2.8: ab illo patriae proditores de exsilio reductos esse; Caes. BG 5.26.4.1: desperata re
hostes suos ab oppugnatione reduxerunt; Caes. BG 7.51.4.2: Vercingetorix ab radicibus collis suos intra
munitiones reduxit; Caes. BG 7.72.2.2: reliquas omnes munitiones ab ea fossa pedes quadrigentos reduxit;
Caes. BC 1.42.4.1: longius ab infimo colle progressi copias in castra reducunt. Locative: See notes 126 and
128.
126
The prepositional phrase in patriam accompanies the verbal form twice, both of which appear in the writings of
Cicero: Cic. Red. Sen. 28.7: non reducti sumus in patriam; Cic. Rab. Post. 47.10: Possum excitare multos <in
patriam> reductos testis liberalitatis tuae. “domum”: Plaut. Amph. 208: se exercitum extemplo domum
reducturum; Plaut. Bacch. 1070-1071: atque urbe capta per dolum domum reduco integrum omnem exercitum;
Nep. Vitae Ep. 7.2.3: exercitum obsidione liberatum domum reduxit; Cic. Phil. 14.13.1: me…domum inde
reduxerit; Cic. Brut. 86.7: eum socii domum reduxissent; Cic. Quinct. 61.7: Alfenus…domum reducatur ad
Quinctium; Cic. Verr. 1.7.1: domum reducebatur e campo; Cic. Amic. 12.8: domum reductus ad vesperum est;
Cic. Fam. 7.5.1.5: beneficiis quam ornatissimum domum reducerem; Cic. Att. 1.16.5.5: abiens consulatu sum
domum reductus. “in castra”: Caes. BG 1.49.5.4: legiones…in castra maiora reduxit; Caes. BG 4.34.3.1: in
castra legiones reduxit; Caes. BG 1.50.5.1: copias Ariovistus multis et illatis et acceptis vulneribus in castra
reduxit; Caes. B Afr. 61.4.2: Scipio laetus in castra nocte copias reduxit; Caes. B Gall. 2.9.3.1: Caesar suos in
castra reduxit; Caes. BG 7.53.3.1: Vercingetorix…quattour reliquas in castra exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG
7.19.6.1: milites consulatus eodem die reducit in castra; Caes. BC 1.40.7.7: legiones reducit in castra; Caes. B
Afr. 73.4.5: reducit sub vesperum legiones in castra; Caes. B Civ. 1.42.4.1: longius ab infimo colle progressi
copias in castra reducunt; Caes. BC 2.35.5.2: Curio exercitum in castra reducit; Caes. BC 3.41.2.2: reducto in
castra exercitu; Caes. B Afr. 32.1.3: Scipio…reducit suas copias in castra; Caes. B Afr. 76.2.6: Scipio atque in
antiqua castra copias reducit; Caes. B. Afr. 42.2.1: reductis suis copiis in castra; Caes. B Afr. 52.1.2:
Caesar…copias in castra reduceret; Caes. B Afr. 70.7.4: Scipio…legiones…reducit in castra; Caes. B Afr.
70.6.1: omnis suos ad unum in castra incolumis sauciis X factis reduxit.
[39]
word appeared a total of 56 different times. Caesar, as well as earlier authors, described the units
returning in castra (18 times) but also less frequently in hiberna (“into the winter camps”), ex
urbe (“out of the city”), in oppidum (“into the town”), intra munitiones (“among the
fortifications”), ad mare (“to the sea”), intra fossam (“within the ditch”), in patriam (“into the
fatherland”), and in Italiam (“into Italy”).127 The locative, including domum, also appeared in the
military context but its appearance was not only limited to wartime affairs.128 Thus, Julius Caesar
established a strong, though not solely, military significance for the verb reduco -ere.
127
“exercitum”: Plaut. Amph. 208: se exercitum extemplo domum reducturum; Plaut. Bacch. 1070-1071: urbe
capta per dolum domum reduco integrum omnem exercitum; Nep. Vitae Ep. 7.2.3: exercitum obsidone
liberatum domum reduxit incolumem; Nep. Vitae Ag. 3.2.4: Ephesum hiematum exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG
1.50.2.2: Caesar…exercitum in castra reduxit; Caes. BG 3.29.3.2: Caesar exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG
7.53.3.1: Vercingetorix…in castra exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG 5.23.1.1: exercitum reducit ad mare; Caes. BG
6.29.2.2: reducto exercitu partem ultimam pontis; Caes. BG 6.44.1.2: exercitum Caesar duarum cohortium
damno Durocortorum Remorum reducit; Caes. BG 7.9.6.2: Vercingetorix rursus in Bituriges exercitum reducit;
Caes. BG 7.59.5.1: incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret; Caes. BC 2.35.5.2: Curio exercitum in castra
reducit; Caes. BC 2.35.6.4: exercitum in oppidum reducit; Caes. BC 3.41.2.2: reducto in castra exercitu; Caes.
B Afr. 61.2.2: Caesar dum exercitum intra munitiones suas reducere coepisset. “copias”: Quin. Quad. Ann.
81.6: Sulla...reduxit copias; Caes. BG 1.50.5.1: suas copias Ariovistus multis et illatis et acceptis vulneribus in
castra reduxit; Caes. BG 7.68.1.2: Vercingetorix copias…reduxit. protinusque Alesiam; Caes. BG 5.53.3.1:
copiasque omnes in Treveros reducit; Caes. BG 7.88.6.1: copias a munitionibus reducunt; Caes. BC 1.42.4.1:
longius ab infimo colle progressi copias in castra reducunt; Caes. BC 2.28.4.3: suas uterque copias reducit;
Caes. B Afr. 32.1.3: Scipio…reducit suas copias in castra; Caes. B Afr. 52.1.2: Caesar…copias in castra
reduceret; Caes. B Afr. 61.4.2: Scipio laetus in castra nocte copias reduxit; Caes. B Afr. 75.2.2:
Caesar…reducit copias; Caes. B Afr. 76.2.6: Scipio atque in antiqua castra copias reducit; B Alex. 60.3.4:
Marcellus…copias reducere coepit. “legiones”: Caes. BG 1.49.5.4: legiones...quattour reliquas in castra
maiora reduxit; Caes. BG 4.34.3.1: in castra legiones reduxit; Caes. BG 4.38.1.2: Caesar...eis legionibus quas
ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos; Caes. BG 6.3.3.2: in hiberna legiones reduxit; Caes. BC 1.40.7.7: suas
uterque legiones reducit in castra; Caes. BC 1.41.6.2: Caesar intra hanc fossam legiones reducit; Caes. BC
3.46.3.1: Caesar…legionem reduci iussit; Caes. B Afr. 70.7.4: Scipio...legiones...reducit in castra; Caes. B Afr.
73.4.5: reducit sub vesperum legiones in castra; B Alex. 33.3.1: Legiones ibi veterana sexta secum reducta
ceteras reliquit. “in castra”: see note 126. “in hiberna”: Caes. BG 6.3.3.2: in hiberna legiones reduxit. “ex
urbe”: Caes. BC 1.12.2.2: Thermus cohortes ex urbe reducit. “in oppidum”: Caes. BC 2.35.6.4: exercitum in
oppidum reducit. .“intra munitiones”: Caes. BG 7.51.4.2: Vercingetorix ab radicibus collis suos intra
munitiones reduxit. “ad mare”: Caes. BG 5.23.1.1: exercitum reducit ad mare. “intra fossam”: Caes. BC
1.41.6.2: Caesar intra hanc fossam legiones reducit. “in patriam”: Cic. Red. Sen. 28.7: non reducti sumus in
patriam. “in Italiam”: Caes. BC 3.18.4.6: in Italiam, ex qua profectus sum, reductus existimabor.
128
“domum”: See note 126. Other instances of the locative: Nep. Vitae Di. 3.2.2: Philistum historicum Syracusas
reduxit; Nep. Vitae Ag. 3.2.4: Ephesum hiematum exercitum reduxit; Cic. Dom. 52.5: exsules Byzantium
reducerentur; Cic. Sest. 56.12: reducti exsules Byzantium; Caes. BG 6.29.2.2: reducto exercitu partem ultimam
pontis; Caes. BG 7.59.5.1: incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret; Caes. BG 7.68.1.2: Vercingetorix
copias...reduxit protinusque Alesiam.
[40]
Reduco -ere also conveyed a sense of physical movement in non-military situations. For
instance, Varro used the verb to describe the migration of animal life.129 In contrast, Plautus and
Cicero used the verb to indicate the concrete movement of exiles, fugitives and captives, where
the word also carried a sense of restoration to a prior state.130 Similarly, one passage of the
Rhetorica ad Herennium described the returning exsules (“exiles”) as vi eiectos (“having been
ejected by force”).131 For these individuals, like those in the writings of Plautus and in other
works of Cicero, the verb carried a sense of restoration to a prior state. This sense of restitution
was strengthened by the appositional placement of the verb restituo -ere (“to restore”) in select
passages.132
Beginning with Cornelius Nepos, the verb reduco -ere also referred to the leading back of
individuals into seats of power. The effect was often achieved with the help of prepositional
phrases indicating movement towards an abstract idea (ad officium, “into office,” in rem
publicam, “into the state,” in civitatem “into citizenship,” in senatum, “into the Senate,” or in
regnum, “into power”).133 In some cases, an inanimate subject communicated an understanding
of political restitution.134 In other instances, the restorative understanding of the verb was
129
Varro Rust. 1.8.6.7: dominus...furcillas reducit hibernatum in tecta; Varro Rust. 1.13.3.5: Boves...ex arvo
aestate reducti; Varro Rust. 2 .2.15.7: matres...agnos ad quos...reductae ad vesperum.
130
“exsules”: Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.10: exsules reducantur; Cic. Fam.10.32.2.7: exsules reduxit; Cic. Sall. 17.4:
exsules reduxit in senatum; Cic. Dom. 52.5: exsules Byzantium reducerentur; Cic. Sest. 56.12: reducti exsules
Byzantium; Cic. Fam.12.1.1.16: exsules reducuntur. “de exilio”: Cic. Phil. 2.9.12: tibi per me liceat quendam
de exilio reducere. “de exsilio”: Cic. Phil. 1.24.1: De exsilio reducti a mortuo; Cic. Att. 9.14.2.8: ab illo
patriae proditores de exsilio reductos esse. “fugitavum”: Plaut. Capt. Ar. 8: is reduxit captum, et fugitivum
simul. “captum”: Plaut. Capt. Ar. 8: is reduxit captum, et fugitivum simul. “captivos”: Caes. BC 2.38.5.5:
equites revertuntur captivosque ad eum reducunt.
131
Cic. Rhet. Her. 2.45.23: nam non exules, sed vi eiectos se reducere aiebat.
132
Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.8: damnati in integrum restituantur, vincti solvantur, exsules reducantur; Cic. Prov. Cons.
23.8: me meus in rem publicam animus pristinus ac perennis cum C. Caesare reducit, reconciliat, restituit in
gratiam.
133
“ad officium”: Nep. Vitae Dat. 2.3.5: sine armis propinquum ad officium reduceret; Cic. Verr. 2.2.98.8:
potuit…ratio ad officium sanitatemque reducere. “in rem publicam”: Cic. Prov. Cons. 23.8: me meus in rem
publicam animus pristinus ac perennis cum C. Caesare reducit. “in civitatem”: Cic. Red. Pop. 18.12: me in
civitatem res publica ipsa reduxit. Cic. Sest. 84.7: rerum capitalium condemnatos in liberas civitates per
legatos nostros reduceret. “in regnum”: Caes. BC 3.110.6.3: Ptolomaeum patrem in regnum reduxerant. “in
senatum”: Cic. Sall. 17.4: in senatum per quaesturam est reductus.
134
Cic. Prov. Cons. 25.9: reduxit ordo amplissimus et ordo is.
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communicated by the official title of the object. This situation was most common in the context
of returning/restoring a regem.135 The verb could also indicate the restoration of a prior familial
relationship (uxorem, “wife”) or the restoration of a financial status.136 The occasional presence
of the verb revoco -are strengthened this less concrete understanding of the verbal form.137
Reduco -ere occasionally occurred in conjunction with the adjective incolumis (6 times)
and suggested a sense of safety.138 Both Cornelius Nepos and Julius Caesar used the adjective in
military contexts. However, although Caesar communicated a feeling of security through the
movement of the military units towards safe locations (in castra or domum), Varro used the
combination of reduco and incolumis (“unharmed”) to describe the expulsion of illness and a
return to health. Cicero communicated a feeling of security similar to that of Caesar but without
the help of the adjective when he wrote about being led back ad salutem (“to safety”).139
Additionally, although the verbal form alone did not convey a sense of safety, the context of
many passages indicated that reduco often communicated a return to a safer situation.140
Cicero, writing in the mid-first century was the first extant author to use an extended
meaning of the verb. He communicated this non-concrete use of the word by pairing the
preposition in with an accompanying abstract noun (gratiam, “grace,” memoriam, “memory,”
pristinam concordiam, “former harmony”).141 While it is important to note its existence, this
135
“regem”: Cic. Rab. Post. 19.2: regem reduceret; Cic. Fam. 1.7.4.6: ne quis omnino regem reduceret; Cic. Fam.
1.1.3.5: regem reducas; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.10: tres legati regem reducerent.
136
“uxorem”: Nep. Vitae Di. 6.2.2: uxorem reduxisset. Finances: Plaut. Cist. 559: ego te reduco et revoco ad
summas ditias.
137
Plaut. Cist. 559: ego te reduco et revoco ad summas ditias; Nep. Vitae Di. 6.2.2: uxorem reduxisset...vellet
revocare ad virtutem; Cic. Phil. 3.30.11: ad lucrum praedamque revocaverit...exules reduxerit.
138
Varro Rust. 1.4.5.9: suos comites ac familiam incolumes reduxit; Nep. Vitae Ep. 7.2.3: exercitum obsidione
liberatum domum reduxit incolumem; Caes. BG 5.22.3.1: suos incolumes reduxerunt; Caes. BG 7.59.5.1:
incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret; Caes. BG 2.35.5.2: exercitum...reducit suis omnibus
praeter...incolumibus; Caes. B Afr. 70.6.1: omnis suos ad unum in castra incolumis sauciis X factis reduxit.
139
Cic. Red. Pop. 15.6: consulari medicina ad salutem reduceret.
140
This connotation of safety was later adopted by inscriptions to Fortuna Redux. She was frequently evoked pro
salute et reditu. See Kajanto (1988), 39, 42.
141
“in gratiam”: Cic. Prov. Cons. 25.8: me cum illo in gratiam reducat; Cic. Rab. Post. 19.5-20.1: me si ante Cn.
Pompei auctoritas in gratiam non reduxisset; Cic. Clu. 101.4: subscripsit reges a se in gratiam esse reductos.
[42]
non-concrete use of the word only appeared five times prior to Livy. Instead, the verb reduco
more frequently referred to the physical movement of bodies and, in some cases, the movement’s
impact on the status of an individual.
Thus, in the years prior to the creation of Fortuna Redux, the adjective redux and verb
reduco-ere were associated with movement and restoration. Both the adjective and the verb first
appeared in a military context. Although they would occasionally refer to social and political
restoration as well as the movement of non-military peoples, the two words most frequently
appeared in martial contexts, particularly with regards to military units. Under Caesar, reduco
especially communicated a sense of safety as the troops returned in castra or domum. Thus in the
years immediately preceding Augustus, redux and reduco connoted a safe return in both military
and political contexts; however its usage predominately tended towards militaristic associations.
The Creation of Fortuna Redux’s Altar
In addition to selecting an epithet for the goddess, the Senate also dedicated an altar to
Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE. The Res Gestae summarized the altar’s creation, including its
location and its immediate historical context:
Aram Fortunae Reducis ante aedes Honoris et Virtutis ad portam Capenam pro
reditu meo senatus consacravit, in qua pontifices et virgines Vestales
anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit eo die quo, consulibus Q. Lucretio et M.
Vinicio, in urbem ex Syria redieram, et diem Augustalia ex cognomine nostro
appellavit.142
The Senate consecrated an altar of Fortuna Redux before the temple of Honos and
Virtus at the Porta Capena for my return, at which [place] the [Senate] ordered
that the pontifices and the Vestal Virgins make yearly sacrifices on that very day
on which, during the consulship of Quintus Lucretius and Marcus Vinicius, I had
“in memoriam”: Cic. Inv. Rhet. 1.98.14: id...difficilius est...reducere in memoriam. “pristinam concordiam”:
Cic. Att. 8.15a.1.3: Caesarem et Pompeium perfidia hominum distractos rursus in pristinam concordiam
reducas.
142
Res Gestae 11.
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arrived in the city from Syria and the [Senate] called the day Augustalia from our
name.
According to the text, the Senate dedicated the altar to the goddess in the consulship of Quintus
Lucretius and Marcus Vinicius at the Porta Capena in honor of Augustus’s return. The location of
the altar immediately connected Fortuna Redux with the emperor’s return from the East. Placed
before the Porta Capena, the shrine sat near the southern city gate which allowed entry into
Rome. The road which led up to the gate extended in the opposite direction towards the port of
Antium, where Augustus had originally landed after returning from the East.143
The historical context surrounding the altar’s establishment reinforced this association
between the goddess and Augustus’s eastern travels. According to the Res Gestae, the altar
commemorated Augustus’s safe return from Syria, where he had traveled after finishing talks in
Parthia. Only a year earlier, Augustus had ventured to the Eastern Empire in order to negotiate
the return of the military standards which had been previously lost by M. Licinius Crassus in 53
BCE. Crassus’s contemporaries, including Pompey and Lucullus, had been wary of Parthia and
thus had avoided direct confrontation with the Empire.144 However, Crassus, set on annexing the
Parthian kingdom as a Roman province and, perhaps confident after his successful suppression
of the slave revolt in 71 BCE, ignored their protests and led the campaign against the Eastern
Empire.145 The result was disastrous: he was defeated at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BCE.
Furthermore, by the end of the war, he had not only lost 30,000 of his 40,000 troops, but also the
Roman military standards.146 The defeat was especially upsetting as the Roman army had been
previously successful in Spain, Gaul, the Balkans, Greece, Carthage, Armenia and Pontus.147
143
Horace’s Ode I.35 indicates that Augustus used the port city of Antium during his travels abroad.
Farrokh (2007), 135.
145
Farrokh (2007), 135-136.
146
Farrokh (2007), 140.
147
Farrokh (2007), 140.
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144
Additionally, the Romans had outnumbered the enemy 3-to-1.148 Thus, Crassus’s loss had been
surprising and most likely disheartening for the Roman people and the Roman government.
The conquest of Parthia continued to be a military objective throughout the first century
BCE. In 50 BCE, Julius Caesar collected troops for a campaign to recover the standards, but he
ultimately abandoned his plans.149 In 44 BCE, he began to plot another invasion; however he was
assassinated before he could carry it out.150 Then, in 38 BCE, Marc Antony attempted to invade
Parthia; however, he soon met with defeat after a two year long campaign.151 Subsequently, in 20
BCE, after his predecessor’s many failed attempts to invade Parthia, Augustus resorted to
diplomacy in order to regain the lost standards. He offered to return Farhad IV’s son, who had
been captured in 31 BCE, in exchange for both the previously captured Roman prisoners and
Crassus’s stolen standards.152 After over thirty years of failed military attempts to regain the lost
standards, Augustus proved successful, using diplomacy before returning to Rome in 19 BCE.
However, although Augustus recovered the Roman standards through diplomatic
negotiations, the Roman Senate celebrated their return as if it were a military victory by vowing
a commemorative arch in 19 BCE.153 The arch depicted “defeated” Parthians and showed them
both giving back the Roman standards and running in retreat.154 However, Augustus never
celebrated an actual triumph, although he was voted one by the Senate.155 Instead, he only
allowed a commemorative arch. The construction of a monument and the establishment a festival
148
Farrokh (2007), 136, 140.
Caes. BG 8.54: Fit deinde senatus consultum, ut ad bellum Parthicum legio una a Cn. Pompeio, altera a C.
Caesare mitteretur; neque obscure duae legiones uni detrahuntur. See Weinstock (1971), 130.
150
Weinstock (1971), 130; Dio 43.51.1: Καὶ αἱ μέν ὥσπερ ἅμα πρότερον καθῃρέθησαν, οὕτω καὶ τότε ἃμα
ἀνεβιώσκοντο καὶ ἔμελλον καὶ αὖθτις ἀνθήσειν, πράττοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα ἐπιθυμία τε πᾶσι τοῖς ‘Ρωμαίοις
ὁμοίως ἑσῆλθε τιμωρῆσαι τῷ τε Κράσσω καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ φθαπεῖσι, καὶ ἐλπὶς τότε, εἴπερ ποτέ, τοὺς Πάρθους
καταστρέψεσθαι.
151
Farrokh (2007), 144-146. Pelling (2000), 32. Antony would capture Armenia in 34 BCE and planned for another
Parthian invasion in 33 BCE. See Pelling (2000), 40, 48.
152
Farrokh (2007), 146.
153
Dio Cass. 54.8.1-3.
154
Zanker (1990), 187.
155
Zanker (1990), 186.
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149
rather than a celebration of an actual triumph for the return of the victorious emperor or imperial
family member may have been unusual at the time, but it would soon become characteristic of
Augustan domestic policy. Only three triumphs were celebrated between 19 BCE and 14 CE: one
by L. Cornelius Balbus in 19 BCE for his military success in Africa, one by Tiberius in 7 BCE
for his victory in Germany and another one in 12 CE by Tiberius for his military success in
Pannonia and Dalmatia.156 Furthermore, Augustus refused another of Tiberius’s triumphs in 12
BCE for his success in the Balkans.157 Likewise, Agrippa had the option of celebrating a triumph
in 19 BCE for his victory in Spain, but he turned it down.158 Instead, the government frequently
held games to celebrate the return of an imperial family member from a military front, such as in
8 BCE, when votive games were held in honor of Augustus’s return from Gaul.159 Thus, although
Augustus never celebrated a triumph for his return of the Parthian standards, the Senate’s
dedication of a commemorative arch in 19 BCE still would have most likely portrayed
Augustus’s act of diplomacy as a symbolic conquest of the Eastern Empire.
Imperial coinage further advertised the restoration of the Parthian standards as a military
victory. Like the commemorative arch, Roman coins also repeatedly featured the depiction of the
defeated Parthian, who was often shown kneeling.160 Similar imagery appeared in other media at
the time, including on the statue of Augustus at the Prima Porta. The cuirass of the statue, which
was likely created in the years following 19 BCE, showed a Parthian man returning Crassus’s
standards to a Roman soldier.161 Coins during and after 19 BCE further advertised the defeat of
the Parthians as military in nature by repeatedly showing the placement of Roman standards
156
Lott (1996), 265 n. 17; Eck (2003), 61-62; Levick (1999b), 63.
Levick (1999b), 31-35.
158
Lacey (1996), 46,
159
Eck (1984), 138-139; Lott (1996), 265 n. 17; Lacey (1996), 50.
160
Zanker (1990), 187; RIC1 315, p. 64.
161
Zanker (1990), 188.
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157
inside the Temple of Mars Ultor.162 Yet another issue from 19 BCE alluded to a military victory
of Augustus. The reverse of this aureus of Q. Rustius showed a flying Victory, carrying a shield
labeled S C and placing it atop a rectangular block (possibly a cippus).163 The legend of the
reverse, CAESARI AVGVSTO, suggests that the design depicted the clipeus virtutis, an
honorary shield which was voted by the Roman Senate (S C or Senatus Consultum, “The Senate
having decreed”) for Augustus (CAESARI AVGUSTO, “For Caesar Augustus”) and which was
frequently shown with the goddess Victory.164 Another coin from the same year, which featured a
shield labeled CL V, or CL(ipeus) V(irtutis), placed between Roman standards with the legend
SIGNIS RECEPTIS suggests that this military victory was indeed Augustus’s restoration of the
Parthian standards.165 Thus, imperial coinage during the years following 19 BCE further
advertised Augustus’s diplomatic restoration of the Parthian standards, which act accompanied
the creation of the altar to Fortuna Redux, as a military victory.
Fortuna Redux’s association with Roman militarism was further emphasized by her
altar’s location in front of the Temples of Honos and Virtus. This area outside the Porta Capena
already carried militaristic associations. Originally, Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus constructed a
Temple to Honos in 234 BCE after his campaign against the Ligurians.166 M. Claudius Marcellus
subsequently vowed the temple in 222 BCE after he won the spolia opima in the Battle of
Clastidium and then dedicated it in 208 BCE to both Honos and Virtus, after his campaign in
Syracuse.167 The Senate’s decision to construct an altar to Fortuna Redux on this site which was
already rich with manubial tradition would have emphasized the goddess’s connection with
162
Zanker (1990), 186; RIC 69b, p. 47; RIC1 105b, p. 48.
RIC1 321, p. 64.
164
Zanker (1990), 97.
165
Zanker (1990), 96; RIC1 85a, p. 47.
166
Platner (1929), 258-259.
167
Platner (1929), 258-259.
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163
military victory. Moreover, Augustus’s choice to include this detail about the altar’s location in
Chapter 11 of the Res Gestae would have additionally reinforced these militaristic associations.
The altar itself seems to have been simple in design. Since nothing remains today from its
original structure, the only information that scholars have about its physical appearance stems
from its representation on Rustius’s coin minted between 19 BCE and 4 BCE (App. IV.1).168
According to the coin, the altar was rectangular in shape. It rested atop a short rectangular base.
On the front of the altar at its outside edges were two elements. Their curled shape suggests that
they may have been acanthus leaves. In the center of the altar, the inscription FOR RE identified
the structure as the altar of Fortuna Redux. Atop the altar at its edges rested two rectangular
blocks also decorated with a curl-like design. Thus, the altar of Fortuna Redux seems to have
been relatively simple; however, as Rustius’s coin provides the only evidence for the appearance
of the altar, it is difficult to say, for certain, what the monument actually looked like.
Cult of Fortuna Redux: The Augustalia and the Vestal Virgins
The Res Gestae not only described the dedication of the altar, which was the earliest
evidence for the goddess’s cult and traditions, but also outlined its rites, which included a
festival. In addition to vowing a shrine to the goddess, the Roman Senate decreed that the day of
the altar’s consecration, October 12th, be celebrated annually as the Augustalia (diem Augustalia
ex cognomine nostro appellavit, “[The Senate] called the day Augustalia from our name”).169
This name marked out the festival for special attention. Firstly, it overtly tied Fortuna Redux to
the person of the emperor. Furthermore, the festival was the first known holiday to be named
after a “historical human being.”170 In fact, it was the first capital-lettered holiday to be added to
168
RIC1 322, p. 65.
Arya (2002), 311-312.
170
Feeney (2007), 185.
169
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the Roman calendar following its original creation.171 Consequently, the festivities celebrating
the altar would have publicly and annually advertised the importance of the goddess who was
inextricably tied with the emperor.
The Res Gestae also outlined another aspect of the goddess’s cult: the involvement of the
pontifices and the Vestals in the annual Augustalia rites. The Vestal Virgins already had
numerous other religious responsibilities. Their foremost duty was to tend to the sacred flame of
Vesta. The fire represented the life of the Roman state; thus, as protectors of this flame, the
Virgins served as protectors of the Roman community.172 This association with the safety of the
state also resulted from the Vestals’ role as guardians of the Palladium, a sacred statue carried by
Aeneas to Italy from Troy. The priestesses also prepared the mola salsa, a “meal” which was
necessary for performing sacrifices throughout the year.173 As the makers of the mola salsa, the
Vestal Virgins indirectly had a role in every public sacrifice in Rome. Amanda Staples observed
that the Virgins’ involvement in all three of these areas (the maintenance of the sacred fire, the
guarding of the Palladium, and the production of the mola salsa) continuously reinforced the ties
between the Vestals and the state of Rome. Cicero best articulated the relationship in his work De
Haruspicum Responsis: quod fit per virgines Vestalis, fit pro populo Romano (“that which is
done through the Vestal Virgins, is done for the Roman people”).174 However, considering the
fact that the mola salsa was required for every public sacrifice within the city of Rome, the
priestesses’ involvement in the rites of Fortuna Redux was not exceptional; instead, the Vestals
were connected with most, if not all, Roman cults. Thus, although the attention of the Vestals
emphasized Fortuna Redux’s role in promoting the prosperity of the Roman state, this
association was not unique to the goddess.
171
Feeney (2007), 185; Taylor (1952), 140.
Beard (1998), 52.
173
Staples (1998), 154.
174
Cic. Har. 17.37. See Wildfang (2006), 31.
172
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In addition to these three major duties, the priestesses were also involved in several
public ceremonies throughout the year. Although they occasionally participated in various
processions, including several military triumphs, most of their public rites focused on
purification and fertility.175 In February, the Virgins attended the Parentatio (ceremony which
worshiped the deceased), the Lupercalia (ceremony which used the mola salsa), and the
Fornacalia (ceremony in honor of Fornax, the goddess of ovens). In March, on the Kalends, the
Virgins renewed the sacred flame of Vesta and cleaned the aedes Vestae.176 During April, two
major ceremonies took place: the Fordicidia and the Parilia. During the Fordicidia, pontifices
sacrificed pregnant cows while their unborn fetuses were removed from the womb and reduced
to ashes by the chief Vestal.177 The Vestals then mixed the ashes with the blood of the October
Horse during the Parilia, a ceremony celebrating the founding of Rome.178 On May 1st, the
Vestal Virgins took part in the ceremonies honoring the Bona Dea, and from May 7th until the
15th, they collected the first ears of spelt to use in their mola salsa.179 One of the Vestals’ oddest
duties, which occurred around this time, involved their casting the Argei (straw figures) off of the
Pons Suplicius into the Tiber River.180 Then, during the Vestalia, which occurred during the
month of June, the Vestals ritually cleaned the temple of Vesta whose innermost chamber (penus)
was also open to women during this time.181 The priestesses also attended to the rites of the
Consualia (a ceremony in honor of Consus, the protective spirit of the harvest), which occurred
on August 21st, and the Ops Consivia (a celebration in honor of Ops, a goddess of abundance and
175
Wildfang (2006), 100; Worsfold (1934), 25-26; Staples (1998), 150. For a table of the religious ceremonies
involving the Vestal Virgins, see Worsfold (1934), 28-29 and Rohde (1936), 107-110. For a study of how these
rites related to purification and fertility, see Wildfang (2006), 22-33.
176
Wildfang (2006), 22.
177
Wildfang (2006), 24.
178
Balsdon (1962), 237; Worsfold (1934), 44.
179
Worsfold (1934), 28; Wildfang (2006), 31-32.
180
Wildfang (2006), 27.
181
Wildfang (2006), 48.
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harvest) on the 25th.182 During September, the Virgins were involved in a ceremony to Jupiter
while in October, the Vestals presided over the ceremony of the October Horse (which involved
the sacrifice of a horse and the collection of its blood to be used later in the Parilia).183 Finally,
in December, additional celebrations in honor of the Bona Dea took place.184 Thus, the Vestals
celebrated a variety of deities (Fornax, Vesta, Bona Dea, Consus, Ops, and Jupiter) further
suggesting that the Vestal Virgins’ participation in the rites of Fortuna Redux was not particularly
noteworthy; however their involvement did link the goddess with a number of other deities
essential to the prosperity of the state at the same time that it connected Fortuna Redux with
fertility and purification.
The cult of Fortuna Redux offers the first extant example of the government directly
promoting the relationship between Augustus and the Vestals. It is important to note that though
the Vestals’ involvement in the Augustalia was an important step in the development of their
relationship with Augustus, modern texts focusing on the college of the Vestals have frequently
omitted its mention. Staples, Wildfang, and Worsfold all overlooked the Augustalia in their
discussion of Augustus’s affiliation with the priestesses.185 A public relationship between the
emperor and the Vestals first began in 31 BCE when the Vestals led the procession which greeted
Augustus upon his victorious return from the Battle of Actium. As mentioned earlier, the college
was frequently involved in triumphal processions; however the placement of the priestesses at
the front of the group was unusual.186 The Roman Senate and Augustus would subsequently
foster this association through the creation of an altar to Fortuna Redux and the establishment of
the Augustalia. In fact, it would set the precedent for Augustus and the Roman Senate’s
182
Wildfang (2006), 57; Rohde (1936), 108.
Wildfang (2006), 58.
184
Worsfold (1934), 29.
185
Balsdon (1962); Staples (1998); Takács (2008); Wildfang (2006); Worsfold (1934).
186
Wildfang (2006), 100-101.
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183
subsequent actions. According to the Res Gestae, the Senate also designated the priestesses for
the rites of the Ara Pacis in 13 BCE. Furthermore, the interior altar frieze of the altar featured the
Vestals participating in the sacrificial ceremony and consequently visually solidified their place
in Augustan cult for eternity. After Augustus became Pontifex Maximus in 12 BCE, he built a
new temple to Vesta alongside his palace atop the Palatine Hill and also extended the privileges
of the priestesses.187 The Vestals received special seating at gladiator matches, were escorted by
lictors, were granted the rights of the ius trium liberorum, which were usually only given to
married citizens who had borne three children, or freedman who had borne four children, and
ultimately gained the privilege of safeguarding Augustus’s will.188 Thus, the Vestals’ involvement
in the rites of Fortuna Redux was one, often forgotten, step in the imperial government’s attempt
to link the Vestal Virgins with the imperial household.
The Cult of Fortuna Redux after Augustus
The cult of Fortuna Redux and the Augustalia continued even after Augustus’s death.
Originally only a festival, during Augustus’s lifetime, in 11 BCE, games began to feature as a
part of the celebration.189 Soon after Augustus’s death in 14 CE, the games became an annual
practice, funded by the tribunes.190 Furthermore, Claudius oversaw the expansion of the holiday
from merely a day-long festivity on October 12th to a ten day long festival celebrated between
October 3rd and 12th. The games, which then became known as the Ludi divi Augusti et Fortunae
Reducis (“The Games of Divine Augustus and Fortuna Redux”), continued to feature in the
celebration; however little is known about the actual activities involved in these festivities.191
187
Wildfang (2006), 101.
Wildfang (2006), 101-102.
189
Weinstock (1957), 146 n. 18.
190
Tac. Ann. 1.15: inter quae tribuni plebei petivere ut proprio sumptu ederent ludos qui de nomine Augusti fastis
additi Augustales vocarentur. See Boyce (1942), 133.
191
Arya (2002), 312; Long (1992), 486; Arnold (1960), 246 n. 18.
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188
Romans continued to hold the annual festival for centuries following Augustus’s death in 14 CE:
the holiday’s appearance on a calendar from 354 CE indicates that the festivities continued until
at least the mid-fourth century CE.192 Consequently, for centuries following the Senate’s original
creation of the altar of Fortuna Redux, the goddess remained publicly associated with the divine
Augustus through the annual celebration of the Augustalia.
The cult activities of the Arval Brethren strengthened this relationship between Fortuna
Redux and the imperial person as the college frequently invoked the goddess for the protection of
certain emperors during their travels. The Arval Brethren was most closely associated with the
goddess Dia; however the location of Dia’s sacred grove (the site of one of the college’s
ceremonies) next to the temple of Fors Fortuna, also loosely associated the Brethren with the
goddess Fortuna.193 Starting with Vespasian, the Brethren also began to perform dedications to
Fortuna Redux for the safe returns of several emperors, including Vespasian, Trajan, Domitian,
and Caracalla, from their travels abroad.194 Consequently the rituals of the Arval Brethren
publicly reinforced Fortuna Redux’s association with imperial travel.
The Arval Brethren’s dedications may have also connected the goddess with Roman
militarism. The Brethren’s reference to victory (Fortunae, Victoriae reduci, “to Fortuna and
Victory Redux” and ob salutem victoriamque Germanicam, “on account of their safety and their
German victory”) in a few of their invocations to Fortuna Redux suggests that these imperial
travels were related to military campaigns.195 Furthermore, at least one emperor paid homage to
Fortuna Redux’s association with Roman militarism by constructing a manubial shrine. In 93
192
Levin (1982), 433.
Scheid (2005), 513-514.
194
Vespasian: ob diem quo urbem ingressus est Vespasianus Augustus…Fortunae reduc[i vaccam]. See Henzen
(1874), 86. Trajan: eum reducem facias. See Kajanto (1988), 39. Domitian: pro salute et reditu
Domitiani…Fortunae, Victoriae reduci. See Henzen (1874), 122. Caracalla: ob salutem victoriamque
Germanicam Antonini Severi f.…Fortunae reduci b(ovem) f(eminam) a(uratam). See Henzen (1874), 86.
195
Domitian: pro salute et reditu Domitiani…Fortunae, Victoriae reduci. See Henzen (1874), 122. Caracalla: ob
salutem victoriamque Germanicam Antonini Severi f.…Fortunae reduci b(ovem) f(eminam) a(uratam). See
Henzen (1874), 86.
[53]
193
CE, Domitian dedicated a temple to the goddess upon his return from a campaign against the
Sarmatians in Germania.196 Consequently, Fortuna Redux’s militaristic connotations, begun
under Augustus, were publicly reinforced by both religious figures and subsequent emperors.
Fortuna Redux’s cult repeatedly associated the goddess with the military prowess. Her
epithet, Redux, immediately connected her with the safe return of Roman troops from campaigns
abroad. At the same time, location of the goddess’s altar reinforced this association with Roman
militarism. Meanwhile, the participation of the Vestal Virgins in the rites of Fortuna Redux was
an important step in the development of Augustus’s relationship with the Vestal college. After
Augustus, the imperial government continued to worship the goddess. Both the rituals of the
Arval Brethren and Domitian’s manubial temple in 93 CE emphasized the goddess’s patronage
of the emperor as well as her role in both travel and martial affairs. However, one source of
historical evidence remains unexamined: imperial coinage. The next two chapters will look at the
iconography of Fortuna Redux on Roman coinage and will trace its development during the first
two centuries of the Roman Empire.
196
Martial, Epi. 8.65. See Jones (1992), 87.
[54]
Chapter Four: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage
from Augustus to Hadrian
Fortuna Redux was originally referenced on Roman coinage soon after the creation of her
altar in 19 BCE. Seventy years later, Vespasian became the first emperor to feature the figural
representation of the goddess. Consequently, Vespasian’s depiction of the goddess first defined
her iconography on imperial coinage and set a precedent for subsequent emperors. Vespasian
first featured Fortuna Redux during his war in Judaea and continued to show the goddess in the
years that followed. His son, Titus, likewise showed the goddess on his coins that circulated soon
after his triumphal celebration in 71 CE. Trajan, who was the first emperor to show Fortuna
Redux seated, exclusively featured the goddess on his coinage during his war in Parthia. In
contrast, Hadrian appears to have developed the goddess’s non-militaristic connotations. By the
end of Hadrian’s reign, Fortuna Redux’s appearance on imperial coinage carried a number of
associations, both militaristic and non-militaristic; however, Roman militarism would be a
constant theme that the early emperors explored and either exploited or suppressed, depending
on their own individual needs. For the purposes of this study of Fortuna Redux, I will look
specifically at the extensive coin collection of the British Museum.
Augustus
Fortuna Redux first appeared on a denarius of Q. Rustius minted between 19 BCE and 4
BCE. The obverse showed the jugate heads of the Fortunae at Antium (Fortuna Felix and
Fortuna Victrix) with the legend Q RVSTIVS FORTVNAE / ANTIAT (App. IV.1).197 The
197
RIC1 322, p. 65.
[55]
reverse featured a rectangular altar labeled FOR RE, while the legend CAESARI AVGVSTO /
EX S C also decorated the coin. The depiction of governmental monuments was typical of
Augustan coinage, for example, the Temple of Jupiter Tonans and the Temple of Mars Ultor on
the coinage of 19 BCE.198 Although this practice was not unusual, the appearance of Fortuna
Redux’s altar on Rustius’s coin would have reminded the viewer of the conditions surrounding its
creation. Consequently, the coin may have acted as a visual reminder of the goddess’s militaristic
associations, already indicated by both the contemporaneous vote of a commemorative arch and
the location of the altar in front of the Temples of Honos and Virtus. The coin of Fortuna Redux
also reinforced Augustus’s reception of senatorial honors. The connection was already apparent
in the original dedication of the altar which was voted by the Roman Senate for the return of the
emperor. The dedicatory inscription on the coin, CAESARI AVGVSTO EX S C (“For Caesar
Augustus from the vote of the Senate”) would have reminded the viewer of these honors. Finally,
this first coin of Fortuna Redux reinforced the goddess’s association with Augustus’s travels in
the East. The appearance of the Fortunae of Antium on the obverse of the coin provided a visual
connection between Fortuna Redux and the port city of Antium where Augustus would have
landed upon his return from Syria in 19 BCE. Thus Augustus’s one and only coin of Fortuna
Redux not only connected the goddess with Roman militarism and imperial travels, but also
advertised Augustus’s senatorial honors.
Vespasian
Vespasian was the next emperor after Augustus to depict Fortuna Redux on his coinage
and the first emperor to feature the goddess in her figural form; consequently, he contributed
significantly to her iconography by setting the precedent for later emperors. Between 69 CE and
198
Jupiter Tonans: BMCRE1 362, p. 64. Mars Ultor: BMCRE1 315, p. 58.
[56]
b.
c.
a.
Figure 1: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (70 CE). b. Aureus of Galba
featuring Fortuna Augusta (69 CE). c. Quinarius of Macer featuring Fortuna (44 BCE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fort
una&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2)
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215886&partid=1&searchText=galba+fortuna&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
c.Crawford (1974), LVII
79 CE, he featured the goddess on a total of thirteen coins. On each of his coins, Vespasian’s
laureate or radiate head adorned the obverse, while the goddess featured on the reverse.
In early 70 CE, less than a year after he gained imperial power, and amidst his travels
home, Vespasian oversaw the production of five coins of Fortuna Redux with slightly varied
iconography. All of them were modeled off of earlier numismatic depictions of the goddess. One
sestertius, minted in Rome, showed Fortuna Redux, standing left and holding a cornucopia and a
rudder, which rested upon a globe (App. IV.3) (Fig. 1a).199 The legend, FORTVNAE REDVCI,
which identified the goddess, wrapped around the outside of the coin. Although the design
referenced a recent coin of Vespasian’s rival, Galba, which showed Fortuna Augusta standing
left and holding both a cornucopia and rudder while the legend FORTVNA AVG wrapped along
the outside (Fig. 1b), this design also had Republican origins.200 The first numismatic depiction
of Fortuna in 44 BCE by Julius Caesar’s moneyer, P. Sepullius Macer, likewise showed the
goddess standing left and holding a cornucopia and rudder with the legend P SEPVLLIVS
199
200
RIC2.1 33, p. 61.
RIC1 127, p. 238; RIC1 128, p. 239.
[57]
MACER running along the edge of the reverse (App. II.3) (Fig. 1c).201 Fortuna subsequently
appeared in a similar fashion on the coinage of both Marc Antony (41 BCE) and Octavian Caesar
(40 BCE) (App. II.8-9).202 Vespasian’s political background allowed for this inclusion of older
iconography in his imperial coinage. During his stint in the college of the viriviginti, the future
emperor likely held the position of triumvir monetalis.203 While serving as a moneyer in this
office, he would have gained an extensive knowledge of both Republican as well as earlier
imperial coin design. Furthermore, as T. V. Buttrey showed in his study of Vespasian’s
iconography, the emperor frequently recycled Republican designs on his own coinage. 204 Thus, it
is just as likely that Vespasian’s depiction of Fortuna Redux was inspired by Julius Caesar’s
quinarius of 44 BCE. Therefore, by recycling the iconography of his predecessor, Galba, who
likewise may have been drawn upon an earlier design of Julius Caesar, and by incorporating an
Augustan epithet, Vespasian associated himself with both Julius Caesar and Emperor Augustus
through the adoption of their patron deity.
Although Vespasian referenced Republican depictions of Fortuna in his designs of
Fortuna Redux, the emperor also introduced the globe to the goddess’s iconography. The sphere,
which appeared below the rudder on Vespasian’s sestertius, was unprecedented in numismatic
depictions of Fortuna. Pacuvius’s writings from the second century BCE described Fortuna’s
precarious position as balanced atop a globe; however, this appearance of the globe on
Vespasian’s coinage below Fortuna Redux’s rudder suggests control, rather than instability.205
Similar imagery had been seen in the coinage of Galba who showed Roma Victrix facing left
with a globe under her right foot (Fig. 2b).206 Galba also circulated a coin of a female figure
201
RRC 480/25.
RRC 516/1; RRC 525/1.
203
Buttrey (1972), 108.
204
Buttrey (1972), 101.
205
See Chapter One for a discussion of Pacuvius’s writing.
206
BMCRE1 185-189, p. 341.
[58]
202
b.
a.
c.
Figure 2: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (70 CE). b. Aureus of Galba
featuring Roma Victrix (68 CE). c. Aureus of Galba featuring a female figure performing a
sacrifice.
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortu
na&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2)
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215971&partid=1&searchText=185+roma+galba&fr
omADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215977&partid=1&searchText=38+salus+galba&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
(labeled SALVS GEN HVMANI) who faced left with her foot atop a globe as she sacrificed
over an altar (Fig. 2c).207 Both of these coins, which most likely influenced Vespasian’s coinage
of Fortuna Redux, associated the globe with power, rather than instability.
Vespasian’s substitution of the prow for Fortuna’s typical rudder on his coins of Fortuna
Redux also reinforced the goddess’s link with transportation. Four of Vespasian’s coins from 70
CE (one as, one denarius, and two aurei), which were minted in Rome, Lugdunum, and Tarraco,
showed Fortuna Redux standing left and holding both a cornucopia and a prow (App. IV.2, 46).208 This depiction of the goddess, facing left with the cornucopia, again mimicked earlier
designs of Fortuna. Though the prow had never before appeared in the goddess’s iconography,
Republican temples to Fortuna alongside the Tiber River and in the Forum Boarium, as well as
the presence of the rudder amongst the attributes of Fortuna, already established an association
between the goddess and sea travel. Thus, Vespasian’s substitution of the prow for the rudder
would have simply applied this connection specifically to the cult of Fortuna Redux.
Consequently, Vespasian’s coinage from 70 CE repeatedly reinforced the goddess’s connection
207
208
BMCRE1 38, p. 399.
RIC2.1 19, p. 60; RIC2.1 1104, p. 139; RIC2.1 1305, p. 152; RIC2.1 1337, p. 152.
[59]
with sea travel. Considering that the emperor was abroad at the time, Vespasian’s coins of
Fortuna Redux, which emphasized her role in travel, would have publicly promoted the new
emperor’s safe return home to Rome.
Vespasian’s use of earlier iconography, which emphasized the power of the goddess and
her role in sea travel, thus appears to have been an attempt to legitimize his position as emperor.
In 70 CE, Vespasian traveled back to Rome after spending the last three years leading a military
campaign in Judaea. During that time, Emperor Nero committed suicide and several individuals
attempted to lay claim to the throne. Yet, throughout 69 CE, each leader, from Galba to Otho to
Vitellius, was assassinated until Vespasian alone remained emperor. Vespasian finally entered
Rome in mid-70 CE. However, although the Roman Senate had openly acknowledged Vespasian
as imperator and the emperor had an expansive knowledge of the Roman world through his
various military travels, his imperial position was precarious. Firstly, he had no blood ties to
Nero but had only gained his position through civil war. Although his rivals in 69 CE likewise
could not boast an imperial pedigree, they had come from an elite class. In contrast, Vespasian’s
father had been a provincial money-lender.209 Moreover, Vespasian himself was far away from
Rome at the time that he was declared imperator by his legions. Therefore, Vespasian’s adoption
of Fortuna Redux, who protected Emperor Augustus during his travels to Rome from the East,
would have supported his claim to the imperial office. Vespasian’s decision to include
Republican and civil war iconography indicates that the emperor was also attempting to embrace
the Fortuna of both his recent rivals and even earlier rulers, including Julius Caesar himself.
Moreover, by adopting and altering this earlier iconography, Vespasian not only adopted Fortuna
but also redefined the goddess as his own personal patron. Therefore, Vespasian’s coinage of
209
Suet. Vesp. 1.2-4. See Levick (1999c), 4.
[60]
Fortuna Redux not only established a connection between himself and the goddess, but also may
have legitimized his position as imperator through the incorporation of earlier iconography.
In 71 CE, following his triumph over Judaea, Vespasian issued eight new coins of Fortuna Redux
which likewise recycled older iconography. A few of the coins simply repeated designs from the
previous year. These issues included two sestertii, minted in Rome, which featured the goddess
standing left and holding a rudder on a globe and a cornucopia, as well as an aureus, minted in
Lugdunum, of Fortuna Redux holding a prow and a cornucopia (App. IV.9-10, 12).210 However,
Vespasian also introduced a new design in 71 CE. The aureus, produced in Lugdunum, featured
the goddess standing and holding both a caduceus and a sphere (App. IV.13).211 Neither the
caduceus nor the sphere was unprecedented in the iconography of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux.
The caduceus had previously appeared in a Republican coin of Fortuna (App. II.2), while
Vespasian had already shown Fortuna Redux with the globe (App. IV.3).212 However, though
previously associated with Fortuna, the caduceus was new to the iconography of Fortuna Redux.
a.
b.
c.
Figure 3: a. Aureus of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (71 CE). b. Denarius of Galba
featuring Pax Augusti (68 CE). c. Denarius of Galba featuring Roma Renascens (68 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215783&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+f
ortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201722&partid=1&searchText=320+pax&fromA
DBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1213296&partid=1&searchText=27+roma+galba&f
romADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
210
RIC2.1 157, p. 71; RIC2.1 158, p. 71; RIC2.1 1110, p. 139.
RIC2.1 1111, p. 139.
212
Republican: RRC 440/1. Vespasian: RIC2.1 33, p. 61.
[61]
211
In contrast, though the globe had been shown with Fortuna Redux on earlier Vespasianic
coinage, it only previously appeared below the rudder of the goddess, and not in her hand. In
fact, the aureus of 71 CE may have been modeled after earlier coins issued by Vespasian’s rivals.
The caduceus was reminiscent of Galba’s coin minted in Rome featuring Pax Augusti, which
showed the goddess standing left and holding both a caduceus and a branch (Fig. 3b).213 Galba
had also released a coin of Roma Renascens which depicted the goddess facing left and holding a
sphere with a winged Victory balanced atop (Fig. 3c).214 However, this connection is perhaps
tenuous as the stances of Vespasian and Galba’s goddesses differ (Fig. 3a-c). Furthermore, no
Victory appeared atop the globe of Vespasian’s Fortuna Redux. Nevertheless, the emperor’s
inclusion of the sphere in the palm of Fortuna Redux reinforced the power of the goddess, who
Vespasian continued to redefine as his own personal patron through the adoption and adaptation
of earlier iconography.
Vespasian’s coins of Fortuna Redux in 71 CE also associated the goddess with military
victory following the emperor’s triumph over Judaea. Three of his sestertii, which were all
minted in Rome, featured the goddess standing left and cradling a cornucopia in one arm while
her other hand held both a rudder on a globe and a branch (App. IV.7-8, 11) (Fig. 4a).215 The
branch was featured frequently in Roman coinage, particularly in the coinage of Vespasian’s
predecessors. For instance, Galba’s coin of Concordia showed the goddess standing left holding
a cornucopia and branch (Fig. 4b).216 Additionally, Vitellius’s coin of Pax Augusti likewise
featured the goddess standing left and holding both a cornucopia and a branch (Fig. 4c).217
However, though the branch appeared in the iconography of peace (Pax), it also carried a
213
RIC2.1 320, p. 247.
BMCRE2.1 27-28, p. 313.
215
RIC2.1 75, p. 65; RIC2.1 76, p. 65; RIC2.1 230, p. 75.
216
BMCRE1 216-225, p. 347-348.
217
RIC1 139, p. 275.
[62]
214
c.
a.
b.
Figure 4: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (71 CE). b. Aureus of Galba
featuring Concordia (68 CE). c. Sestertius of Vitellius featuring Pax Augusti (69CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201239&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortu
na&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215962&partid=1&searchText=216+Concordia&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201580&partid=1&searchText=vitellius+139&fromA
DBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
connotation of military victory. Consequently, its incorporation into the iconography of Fortuna
Redux visually connected the goddess with martial success. Thus, Vespasian’s coinage of 71 CE
reflected the emperor’s continued effort to recycle the iconography of his rivals; ultimately,
Vespasian seems to have wished to emphasize the relationship between his patron goddess,
Fortuna Redux, and Roman military victory following his own military triumph over Judaea that
same year.
Vespasian would continue to emphasize the goddess’s militaristic associations in his
subsequent issues of Fortuna Redux. Although Vespasian and his son Titus held a triumph in 71
CE, the Jewish War would continue until 73 CE. During this time, Vespasian produced three
more coins of Fortuna Redux in Rome and Lugdunum (two dupondii in 72 CE and a sestertius in
73 CE) (App. IV.15-17).218 All three of the coins featured the same reverse type: Fortuna Redux
standing and holding a branch, a rudder on a globe, and a cornucopia. This iconography was not
new. Though the coins did contain militaristic imagery (the branch), Vespasian did not visually
expand upon the goddess’s associations with military success in his issues from 72 CE and 73
CE. However, the timing of his coinage did reinforce the goddess’s militaristic connotations as
218
RIC2.1 1187, p. 144; RIC2.1 1188, p. 144; RIC2.1 573, p. 101.
[63]
Vespasian halted the production of his coinage featuring Fortuna Redux in 73 CE, after the war
in Judaea had officially ended. In fact, Vespasian only resumed the production of the goddess
between 77 CE and 78 CE when Gn. Julius Agricola began his campaign in Britain. During this
first year of the campaign, Vespasian issued three more coins of the goddess (two dupondii and
one sestertius), which were minted in either Rome or Lugdunum (App. IV.18-20).219 Again, the
iconography remained unchanged from earlier coins but featured the goddess standing and
holding a branch, a rudder on the globe, and a cornucopia. The fact that Vespasian appears to
have only concerned himself with the goddess during times of war suggests that he ultimately
associated Fortuna Redux almost exclusively with Roman militarism.
Overall, Vespasian’s coinage of Fortuna Redux from 69-79 CE repeatedly strengthened
the emperor’s political authority. Originally, the emperor used the goddess’s iconography in
order to adopt the deity as his patron during his return to Rome. Recycling Republican and
Augustan types as well as the designs of his rivals, Vespasian redefined Fortuna Redux in order
to fit his own political circumstances. In 70 CE, this association between Vespasian and the
goddess strengthened the emperor’s legitimacy following the Civil War of 69 CE. In 71 CE, after
Vespasian’s and Titus’s triumphal celebration in Rome, the goddess’s connotations of safe
transport were overshadowed by Vespasian’s emphasis on her ability to guarantee military
victory. Again during this time, Vespasian adapted the earlier designs of his rivals and Augustus.
Subsequently, between 72 CE and 73 CE, as well as between 77 CE and 78 CE, the emperor’s
depictions of Fortuna Redux remained focused on the goddess’s connection with military
victory. This association would have repeatedly legitimized Vespasian’s right to imperial power
by emphasizing the emperor’s relationship with the militaristic goddess who had previously
watched over Republican generals and the Emperor Augustus.
219
RIC2.1 991, p. 131; RIC2.1 1215, p. 146; RIC2.1 1217, p. 146.
[64]
Titus
Only two coins featured Fortuna Redux and Titus. Titus’s sestertii, minted in Rome in 72
CE and 73 CE, featured the same iconography as his father’s coins from that same year: Fortuna
Redux standing and holding a branch, a rudder on a globe, and a cornucopia (App. IV.21-22).220
The parallel iconography seemingly linked the two men with almost identical designs (Fig. 5ab). Furthermore, Titus’s coin of 73 CE, like that of his father, featured the title CENS. This
legend thus publicly reinforced the relationship between the two men as it advertised the fact
that, in 73 CE, Vespasian and Titus received the office of censor, which had been empty since
Emperor Claudius, and jointly held the position for the following eighteen months.221 Vespasian,
as both emperor and as Titus’s father, was most likely responsible for these decisions. By
circulating these two sestertii clearly modeled after his own coinage, Vespasian would have
marked out Titus as his imperial heir. The timing of the issues, which were produced almost
immediately following Titus’s triumphal celebration, further highlighted the military associations
of the goddess.
a.
b.
Figure 5: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (73 CE). b. Sestertius of Titus
featuring Fortuna Redux (73 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201377&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fort
una&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201364&partid=1&searchText=titus+fortuna+coin
&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
220
221
RIC2.1 421, p. 87; RIC2.1 606, p. 103.
Levick (1999c), 171.
[65]
Trajan
Starting with Trajan’s issues of 112 CE, Fortuna Redux began to appear seated on
imperial coinage; however, this change in iconography did not affect the goddess’s associations.
The coins (two dupondii, three sestertii, seven denarii and two aurei), which were minted in
Rome, appeared consistently between 112 CE and 117 CE and all featured similar iconography:
the laureate or radiate head of Trajan on the obverse while the reverse featured Fortuna Redux
seated and holding a rudder and a cornucopia (App. IV.23-35) (Fig. 6a).222 The legend FORT
RED, which identified the goddess, frequently appeared in the exergue. Although a seated
Fortuna Redux was unprecedented on imperial coinage, Trajan’s predecessor, Nerva, had
previously shown Fortuna seated (Fig. 6b).223 Furthermore, this arrangement was not unique to
Fortuna Redux: Trajan showed a number of other deities in seated positions including Pax, Vesta,
and Victory.224 In contrast, the repeated placement of the identifying legend in the exergue did
a.
b.
Figure 6: a. Aureus of Trajan featuring Fortuna Redux (112-117 CE). b. Aureus of Nerva
featuring Fortuna Populi Romani (97 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215531&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215651&partid=1&searchText=nerva+fortuna+17&
fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
222
RIC2 627, p. 288; RIC2 628, p. 288; RIC2 254, p. 262; RIC2 308, p. 265; RIC2 315, p. 266; RIC2 316, p. 266;
RIC2 317, p. 266; RIC2 318, p. 267; RIC2 319, p. 267; RIC2 321, p. 267; RIC2 629, p. 288; RIC2 652, p. 290;
RIC2 653, p. 290.
223
RIC2 5, p. 223; RIC2 62, p. 277; RIC2 17, p. 224; RIC2 85, p. 228.
224
Pax: BMCRE3 733, p. 152. Vesta: BMCRE3 63, p. 39. Victory: BMCRE3 441-443, p. 92.
[66]
differ from Nerva’s earlier designs; yet, this layout was not unusual for Trajan, who filled the
borders of both his obverse and reverse with imperial titles. Moreover, Trajan frequently moved
the identifying legend to the exergue on his coins which featured seated deities, such as on his
coin of Pax.225 Consequently, this change in iconography does not appear to have had any impact
of the associations of the goddess but instead seems to have been evidence of a wider trend in
Trajan’s coinage.
In contrast to Trajan’s iconography, the chronology of his issues featuring Fortuna Redux
associated the deity with Roman militarism. All of Trajan’s coins date to the years of his Parthian
military campaign from 113 CE until his death in 117 CE. However, although Trajan featured
Fortuna on his coinage as early as 98 CE, he failed to introduce issues of Fortuna Redux during
his Dacian campaign from 101-102 CE and 105-106 CE. Instead, he waited until his war against
Parthia in 113 CE. This pattern suggests that Trajan may have connected the goddess with
eastern travels. The altar of Fortuna Redux as well as the Augustalia would have served as
constant reminders of the goddess’s association with Augustus’s diplomacy in Parthia. Trajan’s
coins, which were first produced at the beginning of the Parthian conflict in 113 CE, may have
attempted to replicate this association between Fortuna Redux and the emperor’s eastern travels
as well as the goddess’s connection with Roman militarism.
Although the appearance of Fortuna Redux on Trajan’s coins, which were produced in
Rome and began to circulate as soon as the emperor disembarked from the city, may have
expressed a concern for the emperor’s safe return after the military conflict, her appearance may
have also legitimized the emperor’s lofty campaign against one of Rome’s strongest rivals. This
usage of the goddess agreed with the connotations of her epithet, redux, which, in Republican
225
BMCRE3 479, p. 97.
[67]
literature, often referred to the safe return of military units.226 However, the appearance of
Fortuna Redux on Trajan’s coinage may have also linked the emperor’s war against Parthia with
Augustus’s prior eastern dealings in order to justify his questionable military campaign. Unlike
his Dacian Wars, which were prompted by repeated tribal invasions, Trajan’s motives for his war
in Parthia remain unclear.227 Publicly, he claimed that the campaign was a response to King
Osroes’s appointment of a Parthian to the throne of Armenia.228 Furthermore, he also may have
had an economic interest in going to war as Parthia oversaw a section of the trade routes bringing
goods from China and India to Rome.229 Yet, privately Trajan appears to have harbored
megalomaniacal reasons for waging a war against the eastern power. Writing nearly a century
later, Dio Cassius ascribed the campaign to Trajan’s desire to emulate Alexander the Great.230
Although Trajan’s exact motives are still unclear, classical historian Graham Webster suggested
in his book, The Roman Imperial Army, that “the Parthian campaigns impressed his
contemporaries, but in the sobering light of historical reassessment, they appear grandiose and
without serious justification.”231 Likewise, Julian Bennet observed that “no strategic need
[could] be discerned for a war with Parthia at this time” as no contemporary literary sources
identified any threats made by the Parthian Empire.232 Instead, Bennet has suggested that Trajan
began to mobilize for war prior to King Osroes slight in 113 CE, as he appointed Hadrian to the
military position of generalissimo in Syria in 111 CE.233 Additionally, Trajan filled his coins with
militaristic themes beginning in 111 CE and continued in 112/113 CE, around the same time that
226
See Chapter Three for a discussion of redux and reduco -ere.
Griffin (2000), 126.
228
Nero and the Parthian King Tiridates had previously agreed in 63 CE that the Roman government must approve
of future appointments to the position of Armenian king.
229
Farrokh (2007), 159.
230
Dio Cass. 68.30: μαθὼν δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Τραϊανὸς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι (καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖσε ἦλθε κατά τε τὴν φήμην, ἧς οὐδὲν
ἄξιον εἶδεν ὅ τι μὴ χώματα καὶ λίθους καὶ ἐρείπια, καὶ διὰ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ᾧ καὶ ἐνήγισεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι ἐν ᾧ
ἐτετελευτήκει). See Griffin (2000), 125-126.
231
Webster (1969), 76.
232
Bennet (2001), 189.
233
Bennet (2001), 189-190.
[68]
227
he began to mint coins of Fortuna Redux, before his departure for Parthia in the Fall of 113
CE.234 Therefore, though Trajan may have featured Fortuna Redux on his imperial coinage in
order to encourage his safe return from his campaigns, the emperor likely also produced these
coins of the goddess in order to promote his shaky imperial campaign against Rome’s most
power rival. By identifying Fortuna Redux, the goddess who had previously watched over
Augustus during his travels to Parthia, as his own personal patron during the foreign war, Trajan
thus advertised his potential for martial success against the Eastern Empire.
Hadrian
Though Hadrian would eventually redefine Fortuna Redux in order to fit his own foreign
policy, his earliest issues of the goddess mimicked the coins of his predecessor. The emperor
oversaw the minting of twenty-four coins showing the goddess between 117 CE and 138 CE. Six
of these coins (one dupondius, two sestertii, two denarii, and one aureus) were minted in Rome
and can be dated to 117 CE, Hadrian’s first year in power (App. IV.36-41).235 The iconography
replicated that of Trajan’s issues: Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a cornucopia and a
rudder (Fig. 7a-b). Moreover, he repeatedly included Trajan’s name and recent title of Parthicus.
This legend was not unique to his coinage of Fortuna Redux but appeared on most of his issues
from this time.236 However, its appearance on Hadrian’s coinage reflected a clear attempt on the
part of the emperor to connect himself with his predecessor. This practice continued in 118 CE,
during which time Hadrian again produced coins of Fortuna Redux which mimicked those of
Trajan (App. IV.54-57).237 The coins included his predecessor’s name; however, unlike his issues
234
Bennet (2001), 189-191.
RIC2 10, p. 340; RIC2 15, p. 340; RIC2 18, p. 341; BMCRE3 1105, p. 398; BMCRE3 1113, p. 400; BMCRE3
1116, p. 400.
236
Mattingly (1936), cxiii.
237
RIC2 41, p. 345; RIC2 41a, p. 345; RIC2 41c, p. 345; Strack (Hadrian) 515.
[69]
235
a.
b.
Figure 7: a. Aureus of Hadrian featuring Fortuna Redux (117 CE). b. Denarius of Trajan
featuring Fortuna Redux (112-117 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215488&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi
n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=13
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211794&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5
of the previous year, they omitted Trajan’s title of Parthicus. Yet, despite this lack of title in 118
CE, Fortuna Redux’s iconography and legends on Hadrian’s coinage during his first two years as
emperor reflected the emperor’s desire to overtly connect himself with his predecessor.
Hadrian’s attempt to establish himself as Trajan’s heir was most likely the result of their
different foreign policies. Hadrian broke with his predecessor’s expansionism and predominantly
sought to consolidate borders during his time as emperor. He started in 117 CE by negotiating
with Parthia and ceding several of Trajan’s hard-won lands.238 He would continue to secure
Roman borders until his death in 138 CE. This policy was seemingly unpopular at the time.
Roman historian Anthony Everitt explained that while the withdrawal was “evidence of
Hadrian’s clear-sightedness and political courage…[it] deeply angered many senior
personalities” who missed the militarism of Trajan.239 In fact, Hadrian appears to have
acknowledged the unpopularity of his diplomatic decision by quoting Cato the Censor in defense
of his foreign policy:
238
239
Farrokh (2007), 162.
Everitt (2009), 174.
[70]
Quare omnia trans Eufraten ac Tigrim reliquit exemplo, ut dicebat, Catonis, qui
Macedonas liberos pronuntiavit, quia tueri non poterant.240
Therefore he leaves behind all across the Euphrates and the Tigris, citing the
precedent of Cato, who declared the Macedonians [to be] free since they, [the
Romans], were not able to watch over them.
It is worth noting that the majority of Hadrian’s coins were silver; thus their messages would
have been primarily communicated to the Roman army. However, Rome’s upper class - that is
the segment of the Roman population which, as Everitt observed, displayed the most
dissatisfaction with Hadrian’s changes to Rome’s foreign policy – would have also likely seen
these denarii. Considering this discontent, it is therefore unsurprising that Hadrian issued coins,
like those of Fortuna Redux, which reinforced his connection with Trajan and consequently
legitimized his right to imperial power.
Although Hadrian’s earliest coins of Fortuna Redux connected the emperor with his
militaristic predecessor, his coinage also demilitarized the goddess who had previously been
associated with Roman military victory on the coins of past emperors. Hadrian’s coinage during
his first two years in power was characterized by a slew of imperial virtues such as Concordia,
Iustitia, Pax, Pietas, Felicitas, and Salus.241 However, there was a notable absence of symbols
characteristic of the Roman military. These coins especially contrasted with his later issues
which featured a variety of militaristic deities, including Minerva, Virtus, Janus, Roma, and most
notably, Victory.242 By counting Fortuna Redux amongst the list of non-militaristic gods in 117118 CE, Hadrian thus categorized the goddess as a peace-time virtue and consequently
disassociated the deity from her militaristic connotations on Roman coinage.
240
SHA Had. 5.3; Everitt (2009), 173.
Concordia: BMCRE3 9, p. 237. Justitia: BMCRE3 11, p. 238. Pax: BMCRE3 13, p. 238. Pietas: BMCRE3 15,
p. 238. Felicitas: BMCRE3 64, p. 248. Salus: BMCRE3 84, p. 250.
242
Minerva: BMCRE3 116, p. 256. Virtus: BMCRE3 110, p. 255. Janus: BMCRE3 100, p. 254. Roma: BMCRE3
147, p. 259. Victory: BMCRE3 229, p. 268.
[71]
241
a.
b.
Figure 8: a. Sestertius of Hadrian featuring emperor and Fortuna Redux (117-138 CE). b.
Denarius of Hadrian featuring emperor and Roma (128-138 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi
n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+co
in&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7
Hadrian would continue to demilitarize the goddess on his undated coinage between 117
CE and 138 CE. Several of Hadrian’s coins of Fortuna Redux (one as, one dupondius, four
sestertii, three dupondii or asses, and six denarii), which were minted in Rome, cannot be dated
due to the ambiguous nature of the legend.243 Another two coins can only be attributed to the
years between 128 CE and 138 CE (two denarii).244 Most of the designs repeated Trajan’s earlier
depictions of the goddess as Hadrian continued to feature Fortuna Redux seated and holding both
a rudder and a cornucopia (App. IV.45-48, 53).245 In addition, he occasionally included a sphere
below the rudder of the goddess (App. IV.42, 49, 52, 58-59).246 However, Hadrian also
introduced a new design. On four of his coins, the emperor shook hands with Fortuna Redux,
who faced left and held a cornucopia (Fig. 8a).247 On three issues, the goddess appeared standing
243
BMCRE3 270, p. 273; BMCRE3 652, p. 323; BMCRE3 634, p. 321; BMCRE3 648, p. 322; BMCRE3 633, p.
321; BMCRE3 1225, p. 420; Strack (Hadrian) 570; Strack (Hadrian) 628; Strack (Hadrian) 646; Strack (Hadrian)
648; Strack (Hadrian) 829; Strack (Hadrian) 830.
244
Strack (Hadrian) 197; Strack (Hadrian) 341.
245
BMCRE3 648, p. 322; BMCRE3 633, p. 321; BMCRE3 1225, p. 420; Strack (Hadrian) 570; Strack (Hadrian)
830.
246
BMCRE3 270, p. 273; Strack (Hadrian) 628; Strack (Hadrian) 829; Strack (Hadrian) 197; Strack (Hadrian) 341.
247
BMCRE3 652, p. 323; BMCRE3 634, p. 321; Strack (Hadrian) 646; Strack (Hadrian) 648.
[72]
a.
b.
Figure 9: a. Sestertius of Hadrian featuring emperor and Fortuna Redux (117-138 CE). b.
Aureus of Trajan featuring emperor and Jupiter (112-117 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi
n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215562&partid=1&searchText=trajan+jupiter&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
(App. IV.43-44, 50), while on one coin, the goddess was seated (App. IV.51). On two coins,
Hadrian held a scroll in his hand (App. IV.50-51). This design was not unusual for Hadrian
who also showed himself interacting with Trajan, Jupiter, Roma, and Felicitas.248 In fact, these
reverses of Fortuna Redux were very similar to Hadrian’s coins of Roma, which showed the
goddess standing and greeting the emperor (Fig. 8b).249 The legends for these coins identify the
scene as that of an adventus (ADVENTVS AVG). Thus these issues showed Roma, standing
right and welcoming Hadrian back from his travels. Hadrian also showed Roma seated, facing
right, and greeting the emperor.250 The legend of Hadrian’s coin featuring the seated Roma does
not directly identify the scene as that of an adventus; however the coins appear to have been
modeled after earlier issues of Trajan. Hadrian’s predecessor also circulated coins which showed
the emperor interacting with deities. Unlike Hadrian, who showed himself on scale with Fortuna
Redux (Fig. 9a), Trajan frequently depicted himself dwarfed by the gods, such as on his coin of
248
Trajan: BMCRE3 1-4, p. 236. Jupiter: BMCRE3 242, p. 269. Roma: BMCRE3 376, p. 287. Felicitas:
BMCRE3 613-617, p. 319.
249
BMCRE3 582, p. 315.
250
BMCRE3 580, p. 315.
[73]
Jupiter (Fig. 9b).251 Trajan, like Hadrian, also produced a coin which showed a seated Roma,
facing right and welcoming a returning Trajan.252 However, though it is tempting to interpret the
unusual reverse designs of Fortuna Redux as likewise showing adventus scenes, there is one
significant difference between the coins of Roma and Fortuna Redux which prevents this
reading: while Roma on the adventus coins of Trajan and Hadrian faced right, Fortuna Redux
looked left (Fig. 8a-b). This difference in orientation suggests that the goddess was not
welcoming the emperor home, but instead sending the emperor off in a profectio.253 By depicting
the goddess in this fashion, Hadrian thus disassociated the deity from her previous connection
with the safe return of the emperor from military campaigns and instead showed her watching
over the emperor throughout all of his travels abroad. Considering the fact that most of Hadrian’s
travels were non-military in nature, this design of Fortuna Redux would have demilitarized the
goddess and instead adapted her to Hadrian’s non-militaristic imperial policy.
Therefore, through his many imperial issues of Fortuna Redux, Hadrian adopted the
militaristic patron of Trajan and redefined her in an attempt to create his own personal
association with the goddess. His earliest coins connected Hadrian with Trajan while also linking
Fortuna Redux with non-militaristic imperial virtues. Hadrian continued to demilitarize the
goddess with the production of profectio pieces. By disassociating the goddess with militaristic
travel, Hadrian adopted Fortuna Redux to fit his own seemingly unpopular foreign policy and
consequently justify his own imperial authority.
251
RIC2 250, p. 261.
BMCRE 757, p. 159.
253
Metcalf (2012) likewise used Hadrian’s orientation on reverse designs in order to determine whether the scene
could be considered an adventus or a profectio.
[74]
252
Conclusion
After her first reference on the coinage of Rustius in 19 BCE, Fortuna Redux would
repeatedly appear in imperial coinage between 19 BCE and 138 CE. Augustus’s lone coin of the
goddess’s altar reinforced the deity’s association with militarism, eastern travels, and senatorial
honors. Vespasian was the next emperor to reference the goddess on his coinage. Unlike
Augustus, Vespasian showed Fortuna Redux standing. Consequently, Vespasian became the first
individual to establish Fortuna Redux’s attributes on imperial coinage. Drawing from both
Republican and imperial designs while also emphasizing the goddess’s link with Roman
militarism, the emperor attempted to adopt and adapt the patron goddess of his predecessors
following the Civil War of 69 CE. During this time, he also featured his son Titus alongside the
goddess. The coins which mimicked his own contemporaneous issues, attempted to identify Titus
as his future heir at the same time that they advertised Titus’s militarism. Trajan would also
reinforce Fortuna Redux’s militaristic connotations on his coinage. His decision to limit her
appearance to the time around his Parthian campaign may have also linked her with the East. In
contrast, Hadrian’s coinage adapted the goddess to his non-militaristic foreign policy. Thus, by
138 CE, Fortuna Redux on imperial coinage carried several connotations: while she was
frequently employed as goddess of safe travels, her appearance on Roman imperial coinage was
frequently linked with Roman militarism. Augustus also used the goddess’s altar to emphasize
his reception of senatorial honors. Beginning with Vespasian and continuing until Hadrian, each
ruler who featured the goddess on his coins played upon both her iconography and her
connotations in the coinage of his predecessors. By either highlighting or suppressing these
earlier connotations, Roman emperors from Vespasian to Trajan frequently attempted to use
Fortuna Redux’s appearance on their own coinage in order to associate themselves both with
[75]
their predecessors and with the Roman value of militarism and consequently legitimize their own
individual imperial authority.
[76]
Chapter Five: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage
from Lucius Verus to Septimius Severus
Fortuna Redux continued to appear on imperial coinage between the reigns of Lucius
Verus and Septimius Severus. First, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius, whose designs did not
expand on the goddess’s earlier iconography, showed Fortuna Redux during their campaigns in
Parthia and against the Marcomanni. Afterward, Commodus who only contributed the wheel to
the goddess’s list of attributes, featured Fortuna Redux on his coinage, most likely in the context
of military travels. Then, between 193 CE and 197 CE, Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger
significantly developed the goddess’s iconography. The two men frequently recycled both recent
and distant iconography while also incorporating new designs in their diverse coinage of Fortuna
Redux. Consequently, they seemingly adopted and redefined the goddess in the context of their
own civil wars. Clodius Albinus would likewise feature Fortuna Redux on his coins between
193-197 CE; however, unlike Severus or Niger, he contributed little to her iconography and
instead mimicked Commodus’s designs. As in the previous chapter, I will base my following
study of Fortuna Redux on the coin collections of the British Museum.
Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius
Lucius Verus was the first emperor after Hadrian to feature Fortuna Redux on his
coinage; however unlike Hadrian, his coins highlighted the goddess’s militaristic associations.
The emperor began his production of coins featuring Fortuna Redux immediately after coming to
power in 161 CE. From 161-162 CE until 164-165 CE, he issued fourteen base metal coins of
[77]
Fortuna Redux (seven asses, one dupondius, and six sestertii) (App. IV.64-77).254 The
iconography for all of these coins, which were minted in Rome, was similar to that of Trajan and
Hadrian: Fortuna Redux seated and holding a rudder (with or without a globe) and a cornucopia
(Fig. 10a, c, d). The earliest base metal issues lined up with Lucius Verus’s campaign in Parthia.
When war with the Eastern Empire broke out in 161 CE, Lucius Verus traveled the Parthian front
while Marcus Aurelius remained in Rome. In general, Verus’s coins minted in Rome from this
time displayed military themes: profectio coins advertised his departure for the East; adlocutio
pieces featured the emperor addressing Roman soldiers who held military standards; other coins
depicted the Roman fleet decorated with the military standards.255 Thus, militarism appears to
have been a consistent theme in his coinage around the time of his earliest issues of Fortuna
Redux. The emperor continued to produce coinage of the goddess until the end of the Parthian
War in 165 CE. Afterward, Lucius Verus halted production of the goddess’s coins for three years.
During this time from 165 CE and 167 CE, the emperor resided in Rome. Then in 167-168 CE,
at the beginning of his campaign against the Marcomanni, Lucius Verus again began to produce
coinage of Fortuna Redux and he continued to feature the goddess on his coinage until he died in
169 CE. Between 167 CE and 169 CE, he produced four coins of the goddess (two sestertii and
two denarii), all minted in Rome (App. IV.78-81).256 Unlike 161-162 CE, his coinage during the
early years of the Marcomanni campaign did not reflect specifically militaristic themes; however,
the fact that he began production of Fortuna Redux as soon as he departed for the northern war
suggests that the emperor associated the goddess with Roman militarism.
254
RIC3 1317, p. 318; RIC3 1341, p. 320; RIC3 1342, p. 320; RIC3 1343, p. 320; RIC3 1345, p. 320; RIC3 1346, p.
320; RIC3 1347, p. 320; RIC3 1350, p. 320; RIC3 1351, p. 320; RIC3 1352, p. 320; RIC3 1354, p. 320; RIC3
1412, p. 325; RIC3 1413, p. 325; RIC3 1414, p. 325.
255
Profectio: RIC3 1321-1323, p. 319. Adlocutio: BMCRE4 1071A, p. 556. Fleet: RIC3 1325-1335, p. 320.
256
RIC3 586, p. 261; RIC3 1476, p. 330; RIC3 596, p. 261; RIC3 1483, p. 331.
[78]
a.
b.
c.
d.
Figure 10: a. Sestertius of Lucius Verus featuring Fortuna Redux (168-169 CE). b. Sestertius of
Marcus Aurelius featuring Fortuna Redux (167-168 CE). c. Aureus of Hadrian featuring Fortuna
Redux (117 CE). d. Denarius of Trajan featuring Fortuna Redux (112-117 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197563&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo
rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197585&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo
rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215488&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi
n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=13
d.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211794&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fro
mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5
Marcus Aurelius featured the goddess on four of his coins minted in Rome between 167168 CE and 169-170 CE (three denarii and one sestertius) (App. IV.60-63).257 His coin
iconography mimicked that of Lucius Verus: Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a rudder
and a cornucopia (Fig. 10a-b). Furthermore, Marcus Aurelius also incorporated Lucius Verus’s
titles (Parthicus and Armeniacus) on his own coinage (ARM and PARTH MAX). This practice
of featuring Verus’s titles was not unique to Aurelius’s issues of Fortuna Redux, but was instead
indicative of a larger trend which occurred throughout their time as co-emperors. In fact,
between 167 CE and Lucius Verus’s death in 169 CE, their coinage in general featured similar if
257
RIC3 185, p. 228; RIC3 957, p. 289; RIC3 205, p. 229; RIC3 220, p. 230.
[79]
not identical iconography.258 Like Lucius Verus, Marcus Aurelius’s depictions of Fortuna Redux
drew upon the coinage of both the militaristic Trajan and the non-militaristic Hadrian. It is worth
noting that neither ruler adopted Hadrian’s demilitarized profectio scene, but instead featured
Hadrian’s re-use of Trajan’s design (Fig. 10a-d). The timing of Marcus Aurelius’s coins also
associated Fortuna Redux with Roman militarism – specifically Marcus Aurelius’s departure for
the northern front (App. IV.60-61).259 Although Lucius Verus died soon afterwards in 169 CE,
Marcus Aurelius continued to issue coins featuring Fortuna Redux in 169-170 CE (App.
IV.63).260 The omission of Verus’s titles (Parthicus and Armeniacus) from the legends of this last
issue indicates that the coin postdated Verus’s death.261 Consequently, Fortuna Redux’s
appearance on Marcus Aurelius’s coinage was not specifically linked with Lucius Verus. Instead,
considering the dates of these coins, it seems that Marcus Aurelius adopted the goddess as his
own patron in the war against the Marcomanni.
Both emperors appear to have connected the goddess with travel as each emperor only
featured the goddess on his coinage when he was at the war front. Though Lucius Verus showed
the goddess on his coins as soon as he departed for the East in 161-162 CE (App. IV.64), Marcus
Aurelius refrained from releasing any coins of the goddess during this time.262 This difference in
issues was particularly notable as the two emperors frequently issued identical coinage.263
Marcus Aurelius’s decision not to release a coin of Fortuna Redux while he remained in Rome,
despite the Roman Empire’s involvement in a major foreign war, suggests that he associated the
goddess, not with military prowess, but instead with a safe return from campaigns abroad. This
understanding of Fortuna Redux agrees with the goddess’s epithet. Lucius Verus appears to have
258
Mattingly (1940), cxxii-cxxiii.
RIC3 185, p. 228; RIC3 957, p. 289.
260
RIC3 220, p. 230.
261
Mattingly (1940), cx.
262
RIC3 1317, p. 318.
263
Mattingly (1940), cx, cxiii-cxiv, cxv-cxxii, cxxxiv-cxxxvii.
[80]
259
had a similar conception of the goddess. When he returned in 165 CE, he halted production of
her coinage. However, he continued to produce militaristic designs. For example, between 165
CE and 167 CE, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius issued coins which showed Parthia
subdued.264 Their coins also celebrated their victory over the Eastern Empire, for instance, their
aureus from 165-166 CE, minted in Rome, showed Victory carrying a shield labeled VIC
PAR.265 Nevertheless, the two emperors omitted Fortuna Redux from their coinage until they
departed for the Marcomanni front. Thus, it seems that the two emperors inextricably associated
the goddess with travel.
Considering the emperors’ lack of attention to the goddess during their stints in Rome as
well as the omission of overtly militaristic iconography on their designs of Fortuna Redux, it is
perhaps tempting to dismiss their coins of the goddess as merely indicative of travel in general,
rather than militaristic travel. In looking at the chronology of their coinage, it is in fact difficult
to understand Marcus Aurelius’s and Lucius Verus’s exact purposes in issuing these coins of the
goddess since foreign travel for both emperors was inextricably linked with war. Furthermore,
although it is possible to glean the goddess’s militaristic associations from the iconography of
Lucius Verus’s other coins at the time, the connotations of her iconography on the coins of
Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus are confusing as the designs mimicked the coins of both the
non-militaristic Hadrian and the militaristic Trajan (Fig. 10a-d). Yet, the omission of Hadrian’s
profectio reverse design from their collection of Fortuna Redux coins does suggest that they
associated the goddess with more than merely travel, in general. Furthermore, an examination of
other historical evidence suggests that the emperors did in fact link Fortuna Redux with Roman
militarism. In 166 CE, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus credited Fortuna Redux for their
military victory in the East by celebrating their Parthian triumph on October 12th, the date of the
264
265
BMCRE4 412-414, p. 442.
BMCRE4 430, p. 444.
[81]
Augustalia.266 Therefore, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius seem to have reinforced the
goddess’s militaristic connotations by specifically focusing on her role in guaranteeing the
emperor’s safe (and perhaps victorious) return from military campaigns.
Commodus
Like his predecessors, Commodus appears to have associated Fortuna Redux with
imperial travel and Roman militarism; however, considering the relative absence of historical
information regarding his reign, it is difficult to ascertain his intentions in including the goddess
on his imperial coinage. Commodus first featured Fortuna Redux on a sestertius minted in Rome
in 179-180 CE (App. IV.82).267 The emperor replicated Lucius Verus’s and Marcus Aurelius’s
earlier depictions of the goddess with one minor addition: the wheel (Fig. 11a-c). Commodus’s
sestertius showed Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a rudder and a cornucopia while a
wheel rested against her chair. Cicero had previously associated Fortuna with the wheel.268
a.
b.
c.
Figure 11: a. Sestertius of Lucius Verus featuring Fortuna Redux (168-169 CE). b. Sestertius of
Marcus Aurelius featuring Fortuna Redux (167-168 CE). c. Denarius of Commodus featuring
Fortuna Redux (184-185 CE)
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197563&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo
rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197585&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo
rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1208985&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+commodus
&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4
266
Gilliam (1961), 229 n. 16.
RIC3 295, p. 401.
268
See Chapter One.
267
[82]
Furthermore, Marcus Aurelius had already included the wheel in his numismatic depictions of
Fortuna.269 Moreover, the wheel may have already been featured on reliefs from the Roman
Temple of Fortuna Redux, though the exact dates of these sculptures (whether Hadrianic or
Aurelian) remains disputed.270 However, the attribute was new to the numismatic iconography of
Fortuna Redux in the coinage of Commodus. Once indicative of Fortuna’s instability in the
writings of Cicero, the wheel, now situated against the seat of Fortuna Redux, appears to become
associated with travel in the iconography of Commodus’s father, Marcus Aurelius.271 The wheel
continued to feature in Commodus’s later issues of the goddess. Though the emperor omitted
Fortuna Redux from his coins between 180 CE and 184 CE, he began to reissue coins in Rome
featuring the goddess in 184 CE (App. IV.83).272 During the next four years he would produce
five coins of Fortuna Redux (one as, one dupondius, two sestertii, and one denarius) (App.
IV.84-88).273 The coins stopped in 188 CE when a new expression of Fortuna, Fortuna Felix,
began to appear on Commodus’s coins. The goddess’s epithet directly associated her with the
emperor as Commodus had taken on the title of Felix in 184 CE.274 However, her iconography
linked her with travel as Commodus’s coins repeatedly showed the goddess standing left and
holding both a caduceus and a cornucopia while her right foot rested on a ship’s prow.275 The
emperor’s substitution of this new goddess, so directly connected with transportation, for
Fortuna Redux likely reinforced Fortuna Redux’s association with travel already indicated by the
addition of the wheel to her iconography.
269
RIC3 343, p.240; RIC3 344, p.240; RIC3 402, p.244; RIC3 409, p.245.
Arya (2002), 326.
271
Cic. Pis. 22: ne tum quidem fortunae rotam pertimescebat. Marcus Aurelius features the wheel with his
personification of a road (via) on the arch of Marcus Aurelius. See Arya (2002), 303.
272
RIC3 111, p. 378.
273
RIC3 131, p. 380; RIC3 469, p. 420; RIC3 477, p. 421; RIC3 513, p. 425; RIC3 521, p. 426.
274
Mattingly (1940), cli, clix.
275
BMCRE4 622, p. 819; BMCRE4 700, p. 838.
[83]
270
The substitution of Fortuna Felix for Fortuna Redux may have also indicated
Commodus’s desire to separate himself from his father, Marcus Aurelius. In 191 CE, only a few
years after the emperor introduced Fortuna Felix into his coins, Commodus dropped the names
“Marcus” and “Antoninus,” which he adopted in 180 CE and which linked him with his father,
instead preferring his earlier name of Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus.276 He appears to have
rather preferred to associate himself with Hercules (appellatus est etiam Romanus Hercules, “He
was even called the Roman Hercules” and έαυτῷ δὲ ἄλλας τε παμπόλλους ἐπωνυμίας καὶ τὴν
Ἡρακλέους ἀπήνεγκε, “He gave to himself many other names, especially Hercules”).277
Although Commodus’s adoption of Fortuna Felix preceded his change of name, the emperor’s
preference for Fortuna Felix, whose epithet directly linked the goddess with Commodus, over
Fortuna Redux, who had been associated with Marcus Aurelius in imperial coinage, may have
served a similar purpose of separating Commodus from his father. Consequently, it appears that
nearly two centuries after the establishment of the Augustalia, Fortuna Redux continued to be
strongly linked with the personhood of the emperor.
Commodus’s coins may have also reinforced Fortuna Redux’s association with Roman
militarism. The emperor produced his first issue of the goddess in 179-180 CE during his travels
back to Rome from the Marcomanni front (App. IV.82).278 Between 181 CE and 183 CE, the
emperor’s coins featured militaristic deities such as Mars, Roma, and Pax, but no Fortuna
Redux.279 However, the reverse designs in the years between 181 CE and 183 CE never showed
the emperor at military fronts or interacting with the Roman troops. Instead the emperor was
shown sacrificing, celebrating his previous victory against the Marcomanni, or dispensing money
276
Birley (2000), 191.
SHA 7.5; Dio 73.15.2. See Birley (2000), 191.
278
RIC3 295, p. 401.
279
Mars: BMCRE4 76, p. 701. Roma: BMCRE4 79, p. 701; BMCRE4 104, p. 706. Pax: BMCRE4 86, p. 702.
[84]
277
with the goddess Liberalitas.280 In contrast, starting in 184-185 CE, the same year that
Commodus began to circulate coins of Fortuna Redux in Rome, the emperor also started to
produce coins that, in general, suggested he had traveled to Roman military fronts. An aureus
minted in Rome in 184-185 CE showed the emperor dressed in military gear and addressing
soldiers from a raised platform.281 The soldiers carried military standards and the legend of the
coins read FID EXERC in the exergue. The emperor continued to mint similar coins until 186187 CE.282 Commodus’s actions during these few years following the betrayal and subsequent
execution of the military leader, Perennis in 184 CE, are unclear. However, these coins suggest
that Commodus may have been traveling to guarantee the army’s support. If so, Commodus most
likely featured Fortuna Redux on his coinage in order to advertise his trip abroad to the military
camps and express a desire for his safe return.
Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus
The civil wars that marked the years from 193-197 CE were characterized by an
explosion of new iconography. Of the five emperors from those years, only Septimius Severus,
Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus would feature Fortuna Redux on their coinage. Septimius
Severus’s coin designs were especially experimental. Therefore, it is difficult to discuss, in depth,
the changes to Fortuna Redux’s iconography during this time. However, I will survey the overall
trends in the evolution of her iconography between 193 CE and 211 CE as well as the historical
context of her coins in order to understand how emperors used her appearance on imperial
coinage at the end of the second century CE.
280
Sacrificing: BMCRE4 466, p. 774. Celebrating: BMCRE4 518, p. 787. Dispensing money: BMCRE4 453, p.
772.
281
BMCRE4 160, p. 718.
282
BMCRE4 557, p. 805; BMCRE4 221, p. 729.
[85]
193-194 CE
Both Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger experimented with Fortuna Redux’s
iconography. Between 193 CE and 194 CE, Septimius Severus produced twenty-five coins
featuring the goddess while Pescennius Niger issued four. Both circulated coins (minted in
Antiochia ad Orontem for Niger and Cappadocia, the Eastern Roman Empire, and Alexandria for
Severus) which repeated the standard design of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus: Fortuna
Redux seated and holding a rudder (with or without a globe) and a cornucopia (App. IV.89, 100,
104-105, 110, 115-117).283 Like some of Aurelius’s and Verus’s coins, the identifying legend ran
along the border of the reverse. Although the obverse of one of these coins featured the head of
Julia Domna, Septimius Severus’s wife (App. IV.104), this design was not unusual as Julia
Domna repeatedly appeared on the coinage of Severus.284 Though some of these coins mimicked
those of their predecessors, most of Severus’s and Niger’s
coin designs differed significantly from recent iconography of Fortuna Redux. Not only did their
coins copy designs from the previous century, but they also used different elements of the
goddess’s iconography in order to create entirely new designs. Some of this iconography
reinforced the goddess’s association with military victory. Furthermore, the two men additionally
incorporated attributes in their coinage of 193-194 CE which identified Fortuna Redux with
other popular deities.
Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger repeated designs and recycled elements from
the coinage of earlier emperors in their own issues of Fortuna Redux from 193-194 CE. Six of
Septimius Severus’s coins, which were minted in the Eastern Roman Empire, Antiochia ad
Orontem, and Cappadocia, showed Fortuna Redux standing and holding both a rudder and a
283
RIC4 23, p. 26; RIC4, p. 138 note 1; RIC4, 626, p. 176; RIC4 350, p. 135; RIC4 451, p. 152; RIC4 378a, p. 142;
RIC4 379, p. 142; RIC4 381, p. 142.
284
RIC4 626, p. 176.
[86]
a.
b.
c.
d.
Figure 12: a. Aureus of Septimius Severus featuring Fortuna Redux (193 CE). b. Quinarius of
Macer (Julius Caesar) featuring Fortuna (44 BCE). c. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna
Redux (70 CE). d. Aureus of Didius Julianus featuring Fortuna (193 CE).
a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214741&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+septimius+s
everus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=11
b.Crawford (1974), LVII
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fort
una&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2
d.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214781&partid=1&searchText=Didius+Julianus+Fo
rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
cornucopia (App. IV.102, 106-107, 112-114) (Fig. 12a).285 This design was originally on a
Caesarean coin of Fortuna (Fig. 12b) but had also appeared on coins of Fortuna minted by
Galba, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus as
well as on the more recent coins of Pertinax and Didius Julianus (Fig. 12d).286 However, though
it had frequently appeared in depictions of Fortuna, the design only featured with Fortuna Redux
on the coinage of Vespasian and his son Titus (App. IV.15, 21) (Fig. 12c).287 The two men also
created new reverse designs by recycling older iconography. For instance, Pescennius Niger
adapted Vespasianic iconography for two of his issues of Fortuna Redux, minted in Caesarea
285
BMCRE5 318, p. 82; RIC4 448, p. 152; RIC4 448b, p. 152; RIC4 376b, p. 142; RIC4 377, p. 142; RIC4 378, p.
142.
286
Caesar: RRC 480/25. Galba: RIC1 127, p. 238. Domitian: RIC2.1 141, p. 275. Nerva: RIC2 42, p. 226.
Trajan: RIC2 442, p. 276. Hadrian: Strack (Hadrian) 112. Antoninus Pius: RIC3 49, p. 31.Marcus Aurelius:
RIC3 215, p. 230. Commodus: RIC3 388, p. 412. Pertinax: RIC4 2, p. 7. Didius Julianus: RIC4 15, p. 17.
287
RIC2.1 1187, p. 144; RIC2.1 421, p. 87.
[87]
Mazaca and Antiochia ad Orontem, which showed the goddess standing left and holding a
caduceus and a cornucopia (App. IV.90-91).288 Although the cornucopia appeared in the
majority Vespasian’s coins of Fortuna Redux, it did not feature in the aureus which showed the
goddess standing and holding a caduceus (App. IV.13).289 Some of these hybrid designs
specifically reinforced the goddess’s association with Roman power and militarism. One of
Severus’s denarii from 194 CE, minted in Cappadocia, showed the goddess standing and holding
both a branch and a cornucopia (App. IV.121) (Fig. 13a), while another denarius, also minted in
Cappadocia, featured the goddess seated and likewise holding both the branch and cornucopia
(App. IV.122).290 The design was unique although it drew upon elements from earlier depictions
of the goddess. The standing Fortuna Redux may have been an adaptation of Vespasian’s design
which likewise showed the goddess standing left and holding a branch and a cornucopia as well
as a rudder on a globe (App. IV.16) (Fig. 13a, c).291 This interpretation is strengthened by the fact
that Septimius Severus’s other coins of Fortuna Redux appear to have been inspired by
a.
b.
c.
Figure 13: a. Denarius of Septimius Severus featuring Fortuna Redux (194 CE and later). b.
Denarius of Hadrian featuring Fortuna Redux (117-138 CE). c. Dupondius of Vespasian
featuring Fortuna Redux (77-78 CE).
a.http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/i.html
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211112&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+c
oin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201115&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fo
rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
288
RIC4 28, p. 27; RIC4 28b, p. 27.
RIC2.1 1111, p. 139.
290
RIC4 385a, p. 142; RIC4 386, p. 143.
291
RIC2.1 1188, p. 144.
289
[88]
Vespasianic issues. In contrast, the coin of the goddess seated instead appears to have been
influenced by the designs of multiple emperors. While the branch of the goddess most likely
originates in Vespasian’s coinage, the goddess’s seated position can be seen in the coins of
emperors ranging from Trajan to Septimius Severus (Fig. 13b). Two of Severus’s coins, minted
in Antiochia ad Orontem and Cappadocia, showed the goddess holding a cornucopia and scepter
(App. IV.108, 124).292 The scepter had already appeared in earlier issues of Fortuna, including
those of Nerva, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius.293 Furthermore, Severus’s immediate
predecessors had also shown the scepter on their coins. Pertinax and Didius Julianus featured it
alongside Janus, Mens, Laetitia, Roma, and Juno.294 Although some of these coins carried
militaristic connotations, these associations were not consistent. Additionally, like his
predecessors, Severus had also featured the object in conjunction with several gods during this
time, such as Roma and Jupiter.295 The scenes on these reverses were predominately militaristic
as both Roma and Jupiter held Victory alongside their scepter. Thus, it seems that the
introduction of this new attribute to the iconography of Fortuna Redux may have reinforced her
militaristic associations. Consequently, both Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger appear to
have adopted and adapted the goddess’s iconography on the coinage of their predecessors, which
occasionally, though not always, emphasized Fortuna Redux’s connection with Roman
militarism.
The two men may have mimicked the iconography of earlier emperors, including
Vespasian, on account of the civil war between 193-195 CE. Like Vespasian, both Septimius
Severus and Pescennius Niger, stationed thousands of miles away from Rome, were involved in
292
RIC4 449, p. 152; RIC4 388, p. 143.
Nerva: RIC2 5, p. 223; RIC2 62, p. 227; RIC2 17, p. 224; RIC2 85, p. 228; RIC2 42, p. 226. Antoninus Pius:
RIC3 467b, p. 87. Marcus Aurelius: RIC3 467b, p. 87.
294
Janus: BMCRE5 2, p. 1. Mens: BMCRE5 4, p. 2. Laetitia: BMCRE5 6, p. 2. Roma: BMCRE5 31, p.6. Juno:
BMCRE5 10, p. 13.
295
Roma: BMCRE5 33, p. 87. Jupiter: BMCRE5 431, p. 108; BMCRE5 67, p. 31; BMCRE5 68, p. 31; BMCRE5
369, p. 94.
[89]
293
a civil conflict for the imperial position. Consequently, the two men may have repeated earlier
iconography of Fortuna Redux so as to associate themselves with Vespasian; by connecting
themselves with the emperor who likewise may have used the goddess in order to legitimize his
authority following the Civil War of 69 CE, Niger and Severus would have thus justified their
own right to imperial power.
Both Severus and Niger also introduced new attributes to Fortuna Redux’s repertoire.
Some of these objects connected the goddess with other Roman deities. In 194 CE, Niger
circulated a denarius, minted in Antiochia ad Orontem, which showed Fortuna Redux standing
and holding both corn-ears and a cornucopia (App. IV.92).296 While similar iconography had
been seen on Nerva’s coins of Fortuna, the attribute was new to the coinage of Fortuna Redux
and predominately associated her with the goddess Ceres.297 Septimius Severus’s denarius,
minted in Cappadocia, which featured the goddess seated and holding a poppy, corn-ears, and
cornucopia, reinforced this connection between the two goddesses (App. IV.123).298
Furthermore, Septimius Severus’s two coins, which were minted in the Eastern Roman Empire
and Antiochia ad Orontem, and which showed the goddess standing and holding a cornucopia in
each hand, emphasized this association between Fortuna Redux and fertility (App. IV.103,
109).299 In contrast, Severus’s three denarii, which were minted in Antiochia ad Orontem and
Cappadocia and featured Fortuna Redux standing and holding a long-palm and cornucopia,
linked the goddess with the deity Hilaritas (App. IV.111, 118-119).300 Severus’s also seems to
have associated Fortuna Redux with the goddess Pietas in at least two of his coins minted in
Cappadocia and Antiochia ad Orontem. The denarii showed Fortuna Redux facing left and
296
RIC4 29, p. 27.
RIC2 5, p. 223; RIC2 62, p. 227; RIC2 17, p. 224; RIC2 85, p. 228; RIC2 42, p. 226.
298
RIC4 387, p. 143.
299
RIC4 623, p. 176; RIC4 449a, p. 152.
300
RIC4 453, p. 152; RIC4 383, p. 142; RIC4 384, p. 142.
[90]
297
a.
b.
d.
c.
Figure 14: a. Sestertius of Clodius Albinus featuring Fortuna Redux (194-195 CE). b. Denarius
of Commodus featuring Fortuna Redux (184-185 CE). c. Denarius of Septimius Severus
featuring Fortuna Redux (194 CE). d. Denarius of Pescennius Niger featuring Fortuna Redux
(194 CE).
a.http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=383869
b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_image.aspx?objectId=1208985&partId=1&searchText=fortuna+commodus
&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&numPages=10&currentPage=4&asset_id=666167
c.http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0453v.jpg
d.http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=233136
sacrificing over a lighted altar with a patera in hand (App. IV.101, 120).301 The reasoning behind
Niger’s and Severus’s decision to incorporate these attributes of other deities into the
iconography of Fortuna Redux is unclear; however these designs most likely reflected the rivals’
desires to redefine the goddess.
Around this time, Clodius Albinus, Septimius Severus’s ally, and most likely heirdesignate, also began to circulate several issues of the goddess while he was stationed in
Britain.302 Between 194 CE and 195 CE, he produced six coins featuring Fortuna Redux (one
dupondius or as, three sestertii, one denarius, one aureus).303 All six issues, which were minted
in Rome, repeated Commodus’s iconography: Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a rudder
301
RIC4, p. 138, note 5; RIC4 385, p.143.
Dio Cass. 74.14.3-15.2. See Campbell (2000), 3.
303
RIC4 5b, p. 44; RIC4 5c, p. 44; RIC4 53a, p. 52; RIC4 53b, p. 52; RIC4 53c, p. 52; RIC4 59a, p. 53.
[91]
302
on a globe and a cornucopia while a wheel rested against her seat (App. IV.93-98) (Fig. 14a-b).
These coins were most likely a response to the 193 CE issues of Septimius Severus. In fact, most
of Albinus’s coins from 194 CE depicted deities who had previously appeared on the coinage of
his ally, Severus, including Aesculapius, Felicitas, Minerva Pacifera, and Saeculum
Frugiferum.304 Although Albinus’s iconography differed from that of Severus (Fig. 14a, c), this
inconsistency most likely resulted from the physical distance between their respective minting
sites: that is between Clodius Albinus’s production sites in Rome as compared to Septimius
Severus’s in Alexandria, Antiochia ad Orontem, Cappadocia, and the Eastern Roman Empire.
Produced in Rome, Albinus’s coinage would have likely adopted the most recent examples of the
goddess: those of Commodus. Thus, though Albinus’s iconography did not agree with that of
Septimius Severus, his decision to feature Fortuna Redux on his coinage from 194-195 CE most
likely reflected an attempt to connect himself with the emperor.
Thus, in 193-194 CE, Fortuna Redux was repeatedly used by Septimius Severus and
Pescennius Niger in order to justify their individual right to imperial power. Both men referenced
earlier coinage in their own issues as a means of connecting themselves with previous emperors.
In particular, they repeatedly recycled and adapted several designs of Vespasian, who, like both
of them, rose to power as the result of a civil war. Moreover, Septimius Severus, in particular,
emphasized Fortuna Redux’s connotations of power and militarism. They also attempted to
redefine the goddess with the addition of new attributes. At the same time that Septimius Severus
and Pescennius Niger circulated these diverse coins of the goddess, Clodius Albinus, stationed in
Britain, issued several coins of Fortuna Redux which copied the designs of his predecessor,
Commodus. Although his reasons for producing such coinage still remain unclear, he may have
been attempting to emphasize his relationship with Septimius Severus through his issues of
304
Mattingly (1950), lxxxix.
[92]
Fortuna Redux. As a result of these repeated appearances of the goddess on imperial coinage
between 193 CE and 194 CE, Septimius Severus, and by extension, Clodius Albinus, emerged
from the civil war in 194 CE publicly associated with Fortuna Redux; not only had they adopted
the militaristic goddess, already connected with their imperial predecessors, but they had also
redefined Fortuna Redux as their own personal patron through the adaptation of her iconography.
195-197 CE
Between 195-197 CE, both Clodius Albinus and Septimius Severus, now at odds,
continued to feature Fortuna Redux on their coinage; however, while Albinus’s interest in the
goddess soon dropped off, Septimius Severus repeatedly reinforced his relationship with the
deity until the end of the civil war in 197 CE. Albinus only featured the goddess on one of his
coins after 195 CE. The issue, which depicted Fortuna Redux seated with a rudder on globe and
cornucopia marked a change from Albinus’s earlier coins (App. IV.99).305 The as, minted in
Lugdunum, now featured Albinus’s new title of Augustus. Although he would continue to
produce coins for another year, this issue would be the emperor’s only coin of the goddess after
he broke his short alliance with Septimius Severus in 195 CE. Considering the fact that Albinus
may have previously featured the goddess on his coinage in an attempt to connect himself with
Severus, Albinus’s lone coin of Fortuna Redux in 196-197 CE suggests that he may have
recognized the goddess as the patron of Severus.
In contrast to Albinus who circulated only one coin of Fortuna Redux during his war with
Septimius Severus, Severus repeatedly fostered a public relationship between himself and the
goddess on his imperial coinage. Between 195 CE and 197 CE, Severus circulated ten new coins
of the goddess. These issues recycled older Severan iconography. Three of the coins, minted in
305
RIC4 64, p. 53.
[93]
Rome and Antiochia ad Orontem, showed the goddess seated and holding both a rudder (with or
without a globe) and cornucopia (App. IV.126, 131-132).306 Four of his coins minted in Rome
also featured the wheel against the seat of the goddess (App. IV.125, 127-128, 134).307 One issue,
minted in Antiochia ad Orontem, showed the goddess standing and holding two cornucopiae
(App. IV.130).308 Yet another coin, minted in Antiochia ad Orontem, repeated Vespasian’s
iconography by depicting the goddess standing and holding both the cornucopia and the rudder
(App. IV.129).309 Using a minting site in Antiochia ad Orontem, Severus also reproduced his
denarius of Fortuna Redux standing and sacrificing over an altar with a patera (App. IV.133).310
Consequently, Severus’s issues during his conflict with Clodius Albinus continued to recycle
earlier iconography in an attempt to associate Severus with Fortuna Redux, who had likewise
supported his imperial predecessors.
198-211 CE
Although Septimius Severus traveled extensively and became involved in several foreign
wars during the remainder of his reign, he only featured Fortuna Redux on four coins after the
conclusion of his war with Clodius Albinus. One coin, which showed the goddess seated and
holding both a rudder and cornucopia while a wheel rested against her seat, was produced in
Rome sometime between 201 CE and 210 CE (App. IV.135).311 An aureus from 203 CE, also
minted in Rome, featured Septimius Severus sacrificing with a patera over a tripod while
Fortuna Redux sat in front, holding both a rudder and cornucopia with a wheel lying against her
306
RIC4 470, p. 155; RIC4 478, p. 155; RIC4 479, p. 155.
RIC4 78c, p. 100; RIC4 78a, p. 100; RIC4 78b, p. 100; RIC4 720, p. 189.
308
RIC4 477a, p. 155.
309
RIC4 477, p. 155.
310
RIC4 479b, p. 156.
311
RIC4 264a, p. 124.
[94]
307
a.
b.
Figure 15: a. Aureus of Septimius Severus featuring the emperor and Fortuna Redux (203 CE).
b. Denarius of Septimius Severus featuring emperor (194-195 CE).
a.RIC v.4, plate 6, 13
b.http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=56&pos=116
throne (App. IV.136) (Fig. 15a).312 Though the overall design seems unprecedented on Roman
coinage, a similar design can be seen in the coinage of Hadrian. In his adventus series, Hadrian
showed himself standing right while a variety of figures faced left and sacrificed over an altar
with a patera.313 However, the emperor may not have been inspired by this earlier coin of
Hadrian: the depiction of the provincial figures sacrificing on Hadrian’s coins contrasts with the
scene on Severus’s coin which showed the emperor himself performing the sacrifice. Instead,
Severus may have drawn from several different issues as the individual elements of the reverse
had appeared on previous coinage. Beginning with Trajan, Roman emperors had repeatedly
shown themselves interacting with gods. In addition, Commodus had also appeared standing and
sacrificing on the reverse design of numerous coins.314 Furthermore, in 194 CE, Septimius
Severus would depict himself standing and holding a patera while sacrificing over a tripod with
the legend PIETAT AUG (Fig. 15b).315 The emphasis on piety in Septimius Severus’s earlier
scenes of sacrifice suggests that this later depiction of Severus performing a sacrifice before a
seated Fortuna Redux was intended visually to reinforce the connection between the goddess and
312
RIC4 188, p. 116.
Mattingly (1936), 487-496.
314
BMCRE4 441, p. 416; BMCRE4 472, p. 775; BMCRE4 566, p. 801.
315
BMCRE4 387, p. 97.
[95]
313
the emperor. Then, in 211 CE, Severus’s two final coins of Fortuna Redux entered circulation in
Rome. Both showed the goddess seated and holding both a rudder on a globe and a cornucopia
with a wheel against her seat (App. IV.137-138).316 However, though Severus appeared on the
obverse of the coins, the emperor was either deathly ill or had already passed away by the time
these coins entered circulation. Thus is it is possible that he never even authorized their issue.
Although it is unclear if Severus minted all four of these later issues, the infrequency of coins
featuring Fortuna Redux during this latter half of Septimius Severus’s reign suggests that he
primarily used the goddess’s appearance on imperial coinage to legitimize his claim to imperial
power during civil struggles.
Conclusion
Emperors after Hadrian continued to adopt and adapt their predecessor’s iconography on
their own coins of Fortuna Redux. Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius, as well as Commodus,
appeared to have been inspired by the iconography of Trajan and Hadrian. Unlike many of their
predecessors, their coinage of Fortuna Redux does not appear to have had any strong political
connotations. Instead, Lucius Verus, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus all incorporated Hadrian’s
understanding of the goddess as a patron of travel while also including the goddess’s militaristic
associations in the issues of Trajan. Consequently, under the three emperors, Fortuna Redux’s
appearance on imperial coinage came to be associated with the safe return of the emperor from
military business. In contrast, Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus, seem
to have repeatedly associated themselves with Fortuna Redux in order to legitimize their political
authority (Table 1). While Clodius Albinus used the goddess’s appearance on coinage to link
himself with Septimius Severus, Severus and Niger attempted to adopt Fortuna Redux, the
316
RIC4 246, p. 122; RIC4 810, p. 201.
[96]
193-194 CE
195-197 CE
198-211 CE
Septimius Severus
Pescennius Niger
Clodius Albinus
25
10
4
4
0
0
6
1
0
Table 1: Summary of Fortuna Redux’s appearance on the coins of Septimius Severus,
Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus. 193-194 CE covers the civil war between Septimius
Severus and Pescennius Niger while 195-197 CE covers the civil war between Septimius
Severus and Clodius Albinus.
protective yet militaristic goddess of their predecessors, by incorporating her iconography from
the coinage of previous emperors. They also appear to have redefined the goddess and
consequently claimed her as their own patron through the introduction of new iconography.
Ultimately, Septimius Severus appears to have seen little use for the goddess after he obtained
sole power over the Empire and consequently halted his production of her coinage. Thus, by the
end of Septimius Severus’s reign, Fortuna Redux was not only inextricably linked with Roman
militarism in general but was likewise associated with the military success of previous leaders.
Consequently, her appearance on Roman coinage was frequently, though not always, used by
emperors who wished to legitimize their own right to imperial power through the adoption of
their predecessors’ patron.
.
[97]
Conclusion
My examination of the coin evidence from the first two centuries CE for Fortuna Redux
reveals that the goddess’s appearance on imperial coinage was directly associated with
militarism. Unsurprisingly, the goddess Fortuna was already connected with the Roman military
before the creation of the altar to Fortuna Redux, and had at least three manubial temples in the
city of Rome alone. Late republican coin iconography solidified the relationship between
Fortuna and the army. Not only was she featured in conjunction with the goddess Victory, but
several of her attributes (wreath, hasta pura, phalerae) directly linked her with martial victory.
Furthermore, a study of the history of her attributes on Republican coinage reveals that her
cornucopia may have additionally connected the goddess with the success of the military.
Literary and numismatic sources also recognized the goddess’s patronage in the careers of
several Republican politicians (Marcellus, Scipio, Marius, Sulla, Pompey, and Julius Caesar).
Fortuna’s increasingly public role in the political and military successes of several Republican
generals during the last years of the Republic, as well as her iconography in Republican coinage,
provided a precedent for the personal involvement of Fortuna Redux in the foreign affairs of
Augustus in 19 BCE.
The Senate’s choice of epithet for the Augustan cult of Fortuna Redux as well as the
location of the goddess’s altar further developed Fortuna’s associations with Roman militarism.
Redux, and its verbal equivalent, reduco -ere, frequently occurred in martial contexts. Although
the words were not solely used to describe military activities, they predominately appeared in
conjunction with the movement of military units. The Augustan creation of the altar to the
goddess, Fortuna Redux, may have drawn on the epithet’s association with the troops’ safe return
[98]
to camp or their homeland in order to connect the goddess with Roman militarism. At this same
time, the location of the goddess’s altar in front of the manubial Temples of Honos and Virtus
reinforced this militaristic association.
Augustus’s earliest coin of Fortuna Redux predominately advertised the emperor’s
senatorial honors, though the appearance of the goddess’s altar may have also reminded the
viewer of the goddess’s connection with Roman militarism. In contrast, Augustus’s successors
would focus primarily on the goddess’s association with the Roman military and sought either to
highlight or suppress her militaristic connotations. Vespasian was the first emperor to feature the
figure of the goddess on his coinage. His issues emphasized the goddess’s role in guaranteeing
both safe travels and military victory in an attempt to legitimize his right to imperial power after
the Civil War of 69 CE. Vespasian also used the Fortuna Redux both to identify Titus as his
future heir and to justify his choice of successor by highlighting Titus’s military prowess.
Though Domitian would omit the goddess from his coinage, Trajan subsequently included
Fortuna Redux on his coins beginning in 117 CE. The emperor, who now featured the goddess
seated, used her appearance on his coinage in an attempt to adopt the militaristic patron of
Augustus, Vespasian, and Titus, so that he might justify his own lofty war against Parthia as well
as guarantee a safe return home. Hadrian, whose foreign policy, unlike that of his predecessor,
focused on securing the Roman borders, used the image of Fortuna Redux but recast the goddess
as his own personal patron of travel. As a result of these numerous different uses of the goddess’s
appearance on imperial coinage between 19 BCE and 138 CE, Fortuna Redux came to be
defined by her association with both travel and military success; different emperors during this
time would repeatedly exploit these connotations in order to legitimize their own imperial
authority and imperial policies.
[99]
After Hadrian, emperors continued to feature Fortuna Redux on their coinage. Marcus
Aurelius and Lucius Verus both used the goddess in order to advertise their campaigns abroad;
however, their coinage appears to have emphasized their safe return from the military front, like
Trajan, rather than celebrate their military victories, as with Vespasian. Commodus reinforced
this association between the goddess and militaristic travel in his own coinage. Then, during the
two civil wars that followed Commodus’s death, Fortuna Redux’s appearance on coinage once
again carried political connotations as Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger recycled older
attributes while also adding new iconography to the goddess’s repertoire. Ultimately, the two
men appeared to have used the goddess’s connections with previous emperors in order to justify
their right to the imperial office. Consequently, though Fortuna Redux was occasionally
associated with safe travels, emperors during the first two centuries CE predominately
highlighted or suppressed the goddess’s militaristic associations on their coinage. Moreover,
Roman emperors frequently played upon earlier iconography in order to associate themselves
with Roman values. By connecting themselves with their predecessors and with Roman
militarism, emperors thus frequently used Fortuna Redux’s appearance on imperial coinage in
order to legitimize their own imperial authority.
[100]
Appendix I: Summary of Fortuna and Fortuna
Redux on Imperial Coinage 317
Emperor
Augustus
Tiberius
Caligula
Claudius
Nero
Galba
Otho
Vitellius
Vespasian
Titus
Domitian
Nerva
Trajan
Hadrian
Antoninus Pius
Marcus Aurelius
Lucius Verus
Commodus
Pertinax
Didius Julianus
Pescennius Niger
Clodius Albinus
Septimius Severus
317
Dates of Reign Fortuna
27 BCE – 14 CE
2
14 – 37 CE
0
37 – 41 CE
1
41 – 54 CE
0
54 – 68 CE
0
68 – 69 CE
1
69 CE
0
69 CE
0
69 – 79 CE
0
79 – 81 CE
2
81 – 96 CE
0
96 – 98 CE
5
98 – 117 CE
10
117 – 138 CE
10
138 – 161 CE
39
161 – 180 CE
11
161 – 169 CE
0
177 – 192 CE
20
193 CE
2
193 CE
5
193 – 194 CE
0
196 – 197 CE
1
193 – 211 CE
16
Redux
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
19
2
0
0
13
24
0
4
18
7
0
0
4
7
39
Augusta
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
3
0
19
10
1
6
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
The table reveals several trends in the imperial coinage of Fortuna. After Augustus, Fortuna and Fortuna Redux
disappeared from imperial coinage until the Civil War in 69 CE. Beginning with Galba and Vespasian, Fortuna
and Fortuna Redux were repeatedly, though not ubiquitously, featured on imperial coinage until Septimius
Severus. Antoninus Pius, followed by Commodus and Septimius Severus, most frequently depicted Fortuna. In
contrast, Septimius Severus, followed by Hadrian, Vespasian, and Lucius Verus most frequently featured
Fortuna Redux. The table also shows that Fortuna Augusta only began to feature on Roman coinage with Galba.
Though she would repeatedly appear on the coins of subsequent emperors, she disappeared from imperial
coinage after Antoninus Pius until Septimius Severus. Septimius Severus would only feature the goddess on a
few of his coins. Overall, Fortuna Augusta appeared less frequently on imperial coinage than Fortuna or
Fortuna Redux.
[101]
Appendix II: Republican Coins of Fortuna
Figure 1: Denarius of Marcus Plaetorius Cestianus. 69 BCE.
Crawford RRC 405/2
Obverse: Female draped.
Reverse: Boy holding plate labeled SORS. M PLAETORI
CEST S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se
arch_object_details.aspx?currentpage=1&fromadbc=ad&toadbc=ad&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&partid=1&searchtex
t=405%2f2&objectid=3078221&numpages=10
Figure 2: Denarius of Quintus Sicinius. 49 BCE. Crawford RRC
440/1
Obverse: Diademed Fortuna. FORT P R
Reverse: Palm branch tied with fillet and crossed with
caduceus. Wreath above. III VIR / Q SICINIVS
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se
arch_object_details.aspx?currentpage=1&fromadbc=ad&toadbc=ad&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&partid=1&searchtex
t=440%2f1&objectid=1146747&numpages=10
Figure 3: Quinarius of Publius Sepullius Macer. 44 BCE. Crawford
RRC 480/25
Obverse: Bust of winged Victory.
Reverse: Fortuna standing holding rudder and cornucopia.
P SEPVLLIVS MACER
Source: Crawford (1974), LVII
Figure 4: Aureus of Publius Clodius. 42 BCE. Crawford RRC 494/4
Obverse: Bareheaded Lepidus. M LEPIDVS III VIR R P C
Reverse: Woman standing with scepter and cornucopia
while cuirass at her feet. P CLODIVS M F IIII VIR A P F
Source: Crawford (1974), LVIII
Figure 5: Denarius of Gaius Vibius Varus. 42 BCE. Crawford RRC
494/32
Obverse: Bearded head of Marc Antony.
Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding both cornucopia and
a winged Victory in hand. C VIBIVS VARVS
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se
arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=1144164&partid=1&searchText=varus+
fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch
%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
[102]
Figure 6: Denarius of Gaius Vibius Varus. 42 BCE. Crawford RRC
494/33
Obverse: Head of Octavian.
Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding both cornucopia and
a winged Victory in hand. C VIBIVS VARVS
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se
arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=3080974&partid=1&searchText=varus+
fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch
%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 7: Aureus of Marcus Arrius. 41 BCE. Crawford RRC 513/1
Obverse: Draped and diademed bust of Fortuna Populi
Romani. F P R M ARRIVS SECVNDVS.
Reverse: Central hasta pura flanked by wreath and
phalerae.
Source: Crawford (1974), LXII
Figure 8: Aureus of Marc Antony. 41 BCE. Crawford RRC 516/1
Obverse: Bare head of Marc Antony. ANT AVG IMP III V
RPC
Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a stork at her feet. PIETAS COS
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se
arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=1193400&partid=1&searchText=fortuna
+aureus+stork&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fr
esearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 9: Aureus of Tiberius Sempronius Graccus. 40 BCE or later.
Crawford RRC 525/1
Obverse: Head of Octavian. DIVI IVLI F
Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TI SEMPRON GRACCVS IIII VIR Q D
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se
arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=3072038&partid=1&searchText=525%2
f1&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fs
earch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1
[103]
Appendix III: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux
EMPEROR
AUGUSTUS
VESPASIAN
YEAR
19-4
BCE
70 CE
70 CE
70 CE
70 CE
70 CE
71 CE
71 CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Lugdunum
Tarraco
Tarraco
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Jugate heads of
Fortuna Victrix
(helmeted) and
Felix (holding
patera). Q
RVSTIVS
FORTVNAE /
ANTIAT
Altar labeled FOR RE.
CAESARI AVGVSTO
EX S C
RIC1 322, p. 65
Denarius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG
Fortuna Redux
standing with prow
and holding
cornucopia. COS
ITER FORT RED
RIC2.1 19, p. 60
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG P M T P
P P COS II DES
III
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder on globe and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 33, p. 61
Aureus
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG TR P
Fortuna Redux
standing with prow
and cornucopia. COS
ITER FORT RED
RIC2.1 1104, p.
139
Aureus
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG
Fortuna Redux
standing with prow
and cornucopia. COS
ITER FORT RED
RIC2.1 1305, p.
152
As
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG P M TR
P
Fortuna Redux
standing with prow
and cornucopia. IMP
V P P COS II DESIG
III FORT RED
RIC2.1 1337, p.
154
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG P M T P
P P COS III
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 75, p. 65
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG P M T P
P P COS III
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 76, p. 65
[104]
EMPEROR
YEAR
71 CE
71 CE
71 CE
71 CE
71 CE
71 CE
72 CE
72 CE
73 CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Lugdunum
Lugdunum
Lugdunum
Lugdunum
Lugdunum
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESPASIAN
AVG P M TR P
P P COS III
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder on globe and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 157, p. 71
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESPASIAN
AVG P M TR P
P P COS III
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder on globe and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 158, p. 71
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESPAS AVG
P M TR P P P
COS III
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 230, p. 75
Aureus
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG TR P
Fortuna Redux
standing with prow
and holding
cornucopia. COS III
FORT RED
RIC2.1 1110, p.
139
Aureus
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANV
S AVG TR P
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
sphere and caduceus.
COS III FORT RED
RIC2.1 1111, p.
139
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Vespasian. IMP
CAES
VESPASIAN
AVG COS III
Victory flying with
SPQR shield.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 1153, p.
142
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Vespasian. IMP
CAESAR
VESPASIAN
AVG COS IIII
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 1187, p.
144
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Vespasian. IMP
CAESAR
VESPASIAN
AVG COS IIII
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 1188, p.
144
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESP AVG P
M T P P P COS
IIII CENS
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 573, p. 101
[105]
EMPEROR
YEAR
77-78
CE
77-78
CE
77-78
CE
TITUS
72 CE
73 CE
TRAJAN
112114
CE
112114
CE
112117
CE
112117
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Lugdunum
Lugdunum
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESPASIAN
AVG P M TR P
P P COS VIII
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 991, p. 131
Dupondius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESPASIAN
AVG COS VIII
PP
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder on globe and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 1215, p.
146
Dupondius
Laureate head
of Vespasian.
IMP CAES
VESPASIAN
AVG COS VIII
PP
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 1217, p.
146
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Titus. T
CAES
VESPASIAN
IMP PON TR
POT COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 421, p. 87
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Titus. T
CAESAR VESP
IMP PON TR
POT COS II
CENS
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch, rudder on
globe, and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2.1 606, p. 103
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2 627, p. 288
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2 628, p. 288
Denarius
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
TRAIANO
AVG GERM
DAC P M TR P
COS VI P P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. S P Q R
OPTIMO PRINCIPI /
FORT RED
RIC2 254, p. 262
Denarius
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG
GERM DAC P
M TR P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. COS VI P
P S P Q R / FORT
RED
RIC2 308, p. 265
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAS NERVAE
TRAIANO
AVG GERM
DAC P M TR P
COS VI P P
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES
NERVAE
TRAIANO
AVG GERM
DAC P M TR P
COS VI P P
Sestertius
Sestertius
[106]
EMPEROR
YEAR
112117
CE
112117
CE
112117
CE
112117
CE
112117
CE
112117
CE
112117
CE
115116?
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIAN
OPTIM AVG
GERM DAC
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
PARTHICO P M TR P
COS VI S P Q R /
FORT RED
RIC2 315, p. 266
Denarius
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIAN
OPTIM AVG
GERM DAC
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
PARTHICO P M TR P
COS VI P P S P Q R /
FORT RED
RIC2 316, p. 266
Denarius
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIAN
OPTIM AVG
GERM DAC
PARTHICO
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS VI P P S P Q R /
FORT RED
RIC2 317, p. 266
Denarius
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG
GERM DAC
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS VI P P S P Q R /
FORT RED
RIC2 318, p. 267
(1) Denarius and (2)
Aureus
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG
GERM DAC
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS VI P P S P Q R
FORT RED
RIC2 319, p. 267
Aureus
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG
GER DAC
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS VI P P S P Q R /
FORT RED
RIC2 321, p. 267
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
RIC2 629, p. 288
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
SENATVS
POPVLVSQVE
ROMANVS / FORT
RED / S C
RIC2 652, p. 290
Radiate head of
Trajan. IMP
CAES
NERVAE
TRAIANO
AVG GERM
DAC P M TR P
COS VI P P
Laureate head
of Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG
GER DAC P M
TR P COS VI P
P
Dupondius
Sestertius
[107]
EMPEROR
YEAR
115116
CE
HADRIAN
117
CE
117
CE
117
CE
117
CE
117
CE
117
CE
117138
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Trajan. IMP
CAES NER
TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG
GER DAC P M
TR P COS VI P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
SENATVS
POPVLVSQVE
ROMANVS / FORT
RED / S C
RIC2 653, p. 290
Denarius
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAES TRAIAN
HADRIANO
AVG DIVI
TRA
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PARTH F
DIVI NER NEP P M
TR P COS / FORT
RED
RIC2 10, p. 340
Aureus
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAES TRAIAN
HADRIANO
AVG DIVI
TRA PART F
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. DIVI
NER NEP P M TR P
COS / FORT RED
RIC2 15, p. 340
Denarius
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS DES II / FORT
RED
RIC2 18, p. 341
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. DAC
PARTHICO P M TR P
COS P P / FORT RED
BMCRE3 1105, p.
398
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PONT
MAX TR POT COS /
S C / FORT RED
BMCRE3 1113, p.
400
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIANVS
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PONT
MAX TR POT COS
DES II / S C / FORT
RED
BMCRE3 1116, p.
400
Denarius
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
P M TR P COS IIII /
FORT RED
BMCRE3 270, p.
273
Rome
Sestertius
Rome
(1) Dupondius and
(2) Sestertius
Rome
Rome
[108]
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAES DIVI
TRAIAN AVG
F TRAIAN
HADRIAN
OPT AVG GER
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAES DIVI
TRA PARTH F
DIVI NER NEP
TRAIANO
HADRIANO
AVG
EMPEROR
YEAR
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
117138
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Bareheaded
Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVG COS III P
P
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia while
shaking hands with
Hadrian. FORTVNAE
REDVCI
BMCRE3 652, p.
323
Denarius
Bareheaded
Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVG COS III P
P
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia while
shaking hands with
Hadrian. FORT
REDVCI
BMCRE3 634, p.
321
Denarius
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVG COS III P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
BMCRE3 648, p.
322
Denarius
Bareheaded
Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVG COS III P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
REDVCI
BMCRE3 633, p.
321
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG P M TR P
COS IIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
BMCRE3 1225, p.
420
As
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS III / FORT RED /
SC
Strack (Hadrian)
570
(1) Dupondius and
(2) Sestertius
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
S C / FORT RED /
COS III
Strack (Hadrian)
628
(1) Denarius, (2)
Dupondius or As,
and (3) Sestertius
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVG COS IIII
PP
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia while
greeting Hadrian who
holds a scroll. S C /
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Strack (Hadrian)
646
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVG COS III P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding
cornucopia while
greeting Hadrian who
holds a scroll.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
/SC
Strack (Hadrian)
648
[109]
EMPEROR
YEAR
117138
CE
117138
CE
118
CE
118
CE
118
CE
118
CE
128132
CE
128138
CE
MARCUS
AURELIUS
167168
CE
LOCATION
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Rome
(1) Dupondius or As
and (2) Sestertius
Bareheaded
Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
COS III P P / S C /
FORT RED
Strack (Hadrian)
829
Dupondius or As
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. COS II P
P / S C / FORTVNAE
REDVCI
Strack (Hadrian)
830
Denarius
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P TR P
COS DES II / FORT
RED
RIC2 41, p. 345
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS II / FORT RED
RIC2 41a, p. 345
Aureus
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P
COS II / FORT RED
RIC2 41c, p. 345
(1) Dupondius and
(2) Sestertius
Radiate head of
Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIANVS
HADRIANVS
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PONT
MAX TR POT COS II
/ S C / FORT RED
Strack (Hadrian)
515
Denarius
Laureate head
of Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder
(with and without a
globe) and cornucopia.
COS III / FORT RED
Strack (Hadrian)
197
Denarius
Bareheaded
Hadrian.
HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
COS IIII P P / FORT
RED
Strack (Hadrian)
341
Denarius
Laureate head
of Marcus
Aurelius.
ANTONINVS
AVG ARM
PARTH MAX
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR P XXII IMP
V / COS IIII
RIC3 185, p. 228
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Laureate head
of Hadrian. IMP
CAESAR
TRAIAN
HADRIANVS
AVG
Aureus
[110]
EMPEROR
YEAR
167168
CE
168169
CE
169170
CE
LUCIUS
VERUS
161162
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Marcus
Aurelius. M
ANTONINVS
AVG ARM
PARTH MAX
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT
XXII IMP V COS IIII
/ S C / FORT RED
RIC3 957, p. 289
Denarius
Laureate head
of Marcus
Aurelius.
ANTONINVS
AVG ARM
PARTH MAX
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR P XXIII IMP
V / COS IIII
RIC3 205, p. 229
Denarius
Laureate head
of Marcus
Aurelius. M
ANTONINVS
AVG TR P
XXIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED COS IIII
RIC3 220, p. 230
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
TR POT II COS II / S
C / FORT RED
RIC3 1317, p. 318
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
FORT RED TR POT
IIII / S C / COS II
RIC3 1341, p. 320
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
TR POT IIII COS II /
S C / FORT RED
RIC3 1342, p. 320
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT
IIII COS II / S C /
FORT RED
RIC3 1343, p. 320
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT
IIII COS II / S C /
FORT RED
RIC3 1345, p. 320
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. IMP
CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
TR POT IIII COS II /
S C / FORT RED
RIC3 1346, p. 320
[111]
EMPEROR
YEAR
162163
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
162163
CE
164165
CE
164165
CE
164165
CE
167168
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. IMP
CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT
IIII COS II / S C /
FORT RED
RIC3 1347, p. 320
As
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR POT IIII / S
C / COS II
RIC3 1350, p. 320
As
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus.
IMP CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR POT IIII / S
C / COS II
RIC3 1351, p. 320
As
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. IMP
CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR POT IIII / S
C / COS II
RIC3 1352, p. 320
As
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. IMP
CAES L
AVREL
VERVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR POT IIII / S
C / COS II
RIC3 1354, p. 320
As
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARMENIACVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
FORT RED TR P V
IMP II COS II / S C
RIC3 1412, p. 325
As
Bareheaded
Lucius Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARMENIACVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR P V IMP II
COS II / S C
RIC3 1413, p. 325
As
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARMENIACVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR P V IMP II
COS II / S C
RIC3 1414, p. 325
Denarius
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARM PARTH
MAX
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR P VIII IMP V
/ COS IIII
RIC3 586, p. 261
[112]
EMPEROR
YEAR
167168
CE
168169
CE
168169
CE
COMMODUS
179180
CE
184185
CE
186
CE
186
CE
186
CE
187188
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARM PARTH
MAX
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT
VIII IMP V COS IIII /
S C / FORT RED
RIC3 1476, p. 330
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
RED TR P VIIII IMP
V
RIC3 596, p. 261
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT
VIIII IMP V COS IIII
/ S C / FORT RED
RIC3 1483, p. 331
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Commodus.
L AVREL
COMMODVS
AVG TR P V
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel below seat.
FORT RED IMP IIII
COS II P P / S C
RIC3 295, p. 401
Denarius
Laureate head
of Commodus.
M COMM ANT
P FEL AVG
BRIT
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel below seat. P M
TR P X IMP VII COS
IIII P P / FOR RED
RIC3 111, p. 378
Denarius
Laureate head
of Commodus.
M COMM ANT
P FEL AVG
BRIT
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel below seat. P
TR P XI IMP VII COS
V P P / FOR RED
RIC3 131, p. 380
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Commodus.
M
COMMODVS
ANT P FELIX
AVG BRIT
Dupondius
Radiate head of
Commodus.
COMM ANT P
FELIX AVG
BRIT
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Commodus.
M
COMMODVS
ANT P FELIX
AVG BRIT
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARM PARTH
MAX
Laureate head
of Lucius
Verus. L
VERVS AVG
ARM PARTH
MAX
Denarius
Sestertius
[113]
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. P M TR P XI
IMP VII COS V P P /
S C / FOR RED
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. P M TR P XI
IMP VII COS V P P /
S C / FOR RED
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel below seat. P M
TR P XIIII IMP VIIII
COS V P P / S C /
FOR RED
RIC3 469, p. 420
RIC3 477, p. 421
RIC3 513, p. 425
EMPEROR
YEAR
187188
CE
PESCENNIUS
NIGER
193194
CE
193194
CE
193194
CE
194
CE
CLODIUS
ALBINUS
194195
CE
194195
CE
194195
CE
194195
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Caesarea
Mazaca
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
As
Laureate head
of Commodus.
M COMM ANT
P FELIX AVG
BRIT
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel below seat. P M
TR P XIII IMP VII
COS V P P / S C /
FOR RED
RIC3 521, p. 426
Denarius
Laureate head
of Pescennius
Niger. IMP
CAES C PESC
NIGER IVS
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE RED
RIC4 23, p. 26
Denarius
Laureate head
of Pescennius
Niger. PESCE
NIGER IVST
AVG
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
caduceus and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 28, p. 27
Denarius
Laureate head
of Pescennius
Niger. IMP
CAES C PESC
NIGER IVS
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
caduceus and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 28b, p. 27
Denarius
Laureate head
of Pescennius
Niger. IMP
CAES C PESC
NIGER IVS
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
corn-ears and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 29, p. 27
Aureus
Bareheaded
Clodius
Albinus. D
CLOD SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORT REDVCI
COS II
RIC4 5b, p. 44
Denarius
Bareheaded
Clodius
Albinus. D CL
SEPT ALBIN
CAES
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel under
seat. FORT REDVCI
COS II
RIC4 5c, p. 44
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Clodius
Albinus. D CL
SEPT ALBIN
CAES
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORT REDVCI
COS II / S C
RIC4 53a, p. 52
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Clodius
Albinus. D CL
SEPT ALBIN
CAES
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORT REDVCI
COS II / S C
RIC4 53b, p. 52
[114]
EMPEROR
YEAR
194195
CE
194195
CE
196197
CE
SEPTIMIUS
SEVERUS
193
CE
LOCATION
Rome
Rome
Lugdunum
Cappadocia
193
CE
Cappadocia
193
CE
Eastern
Roman
Empire
193197
CE
Eastern
Roman
Empire
193197
CE
Eastern
Roman
Empire
194
CE
Alexandria
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Sestertius
Bareheaded
Clodius
Albinus. D CL
SEPT ALBIN
CAES
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORT REDVCI
COS II / S C
RIC4 53c, p. 52
Dupondius or As
Bareheaded
Clodius
Albinus. D CL
SEPT ALBIN
CAES
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORTVNA
REDVCI COS II / S C
RIC4 59a, p. 53
As
Laureate head
of Clodius
Albinus. IMP
CAES D CLO
SEP ALB AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
COS / II
RIC4 64, p. 53
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS I
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVN
REDVC
RIC4 p. 138, note
1
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS I
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia while
sacrificing with patera
over altar.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 p. 138, note
5
Aureus
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
BMCRE5 318, p.
82
Denarius
Bareheaded
Julia Domna.
IVLIA
DOMNA AVG
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia in each
hand. FORT REDVC
RIC4 623, p. 176
Denarius
Bareheaded
Julia Domna.
IVLIA
DOMNA AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 626, p. 176
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERTIN
AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia.
FORT REDVCT COS
II
RIC4 350, p. 135
[115]
EMPEROR
YEAR
194
CE
194
CE
194
CE
194
CE
194
CE
194
CE
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
LOCATION
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERTE AVG
IMP II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia and
rudder. FORT REDVC
RIC4 448, p. 152
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERTE AVG
IMP II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia and
rudder. FORT REDVC
RIC4 448b, p. 152
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERTE AVG
IMP II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia and
scepter. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 449, p. 152
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERET AVG
IMP II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia in each
hand. FORT REDVC
RIC4 449a, p. 152
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERET AVG
IMP II
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 451, p. 152
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERTE AVG
IMP II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
long palm and
cornucopia. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 453, p. 152
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 376b, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNA REDVC
RIC4 377, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CE L SEP SEV
PERT AVG CO
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 378, p. 142
[116]
EMPEROR
YEAR
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
194
CE and
later
LOCATION
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
Cappadocia
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTV
REDVC
RIC4 378a, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVN
REDVC
RIC4 379, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia.
FORTVNA REDVCI
RIC4 381, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
long palm and
cornucopia. FORTVN
REDVC
RIC4 383, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
long palm and
cornucopia.
FORTVNA REDVCI
RIC4 384, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia while
sacrificing over altar
with patera.
FORTVNA REDVCI
RIC4 385, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
branch and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 385a, p. 142
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG COS II
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding branch
and cornucopia.
FORTVNAE REDVC
RIC4 386, p. 143
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CAE L SEP
SEV PERT
AVG C II C
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding poppy,
corn-ears, and
cornucopia.
FORTVNAE RE
REDVC
RIC4 387, p. 143
[117]
EMPEROR
YEAR
194
CE and
later
195196
CE
195196
CE
196197
CE
196197
CE
196197
CE
196197
CE
196197
CE
196197
CE
LOCATION
Cappadocia
Rome
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Rome
Rome
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Antiochia ad
Orontem
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. IMP
CA L SEP SEV
PER AVG COS
II
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia and
scepter. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 388, p. 143
Aureus
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORTVNAE
REDVCI
RIC4 78c, p. 100
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 470, p. 155
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORTVNAE
REDVCI
RIC4 78a, p. 100
Aureus
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORTVNAE
REDVCI
RIC4 78b, p. 100
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
rudder and
cornucopia. FORTA
REDVC
RIC4 477, p. 155
Denarius
Laureate head
Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIIII
Fortuna Redux
standing with
cornucopia in each
hand. FORT REDVC
RIC4 477a, p. 155
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 478, p. 155
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTA
REDVC
RIC4 479, p. 155
[118]
EMPEROR
YEAR
196197
CE
196197
CE
201210
CE
203
CE
211
CE
211
CE
LOCATION
Antiochia ad
Orontem
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome
DENOMINATION
OBVERSE
REVERSE
IDENTIFICATIO
N NO.
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux
standing and holding
cornucopia while
sacrificing over altar
with patera. FORT
REDVC
RIC4 479b, p. 156
Sestertius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus. L
SEPT SEV
PERT AVG
IMP VIII
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. S C /
FORTVNAE REDVCI
RIC4 720, p. 189
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus.
SEVERVS
PIVS AVG
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel below seat.
FORTVNA REDVX
RIC4 264a, p. 124
Aureus
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus.
SEVER P AVG
P M TR P XI
COS III
Denarius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus.
SEVERVS
PIVS AVG
BRIT
(1) As and (2)
Dupondius
Laureate head
of Septimius
Severus.
SEVERVS
PIVS AVG
BRIT
[119]
Septimius veiled and
draped, sacrificing
over tripod with patera
and scroll in hand.
Fortuna Redux seated
in front of him,
holding rudder and
cornucopia with a
wheel under seat.
FORTVNA REDVX
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORT RED P M
TR P XIX / COS III P
P
Fortuna Redux seated
and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia
with a wheel below
seat. FORT RED P
TR P XIX COS III P P
RIC4 188, p. 116
RIC4 246, p. 122
RIC4 810, p. 201
Appendix IV: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux
Figure 1: Denarius. 19-4 BCE. RIC1 322, p. 65
Obverse: Jugate heads of Fortuna Victrix (helmeted) and
Felix (holding patera). Q RVSTIVS FORTVNAE /
ANTIAT
Reverse: Altar labeled FOR RE. CAESARI AVGVSTO
EX S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=3086995&partid=1&searchText
=augustus+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=1
0&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.
aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 2: Denarius. 70 CE. RIC2.1 19, p. 60
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and holding
cornucopia. COS ITER FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1213150&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=2
Figure 3: Sestertius. 70 CE. RIC2.1 33, p. 61
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG P M T P P P COS II DES III
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=2
Figure 4: Aureus. 70 CE. RIC2.1 1104, p. 139
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG TR P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and
cornucopia. COS ITER FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215788&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=3
[120]
Figure 5: Aureus.70 CE. RIC 2.1 1305, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and
cornucopia. COS ITER FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215800&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=7
Figure 6: As.70 CE. RIC2.1 1337, p. 154
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG P M TR P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and
cornucopia. IMP V P P COS II DESIG III FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1153315&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=4
Figure 7: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 75, p. 65
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG P M T P P P COS III
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201239&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=2
Figure 8: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 76, p. 65
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG P M T P P P COS III
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201238&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=7
Figure 9: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 157, p. 71
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS III
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201241&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=3
[121]
Figure 10: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 158, p. 71
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS III
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201240&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=3
Figure 11: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 230, p. 75
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPAS AVG P M TR P P P COS III
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201534&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=2
Figure 12: Aureus. 71 CE. RIC2.1 1110, p. 139
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG TR P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and holding
cornucopia. COS III FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215784&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=3
Figure 13: Aureus. 71 CE. RIC2.1 1111, p. 139
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIANVS AVG TR P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding sphere
and caduceus. COS III FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215783&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=2
Figure 14: Dupondius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 1153, p. 142
Obverse: Radiate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPASIAN AVG COS III
Reverse: Victory flying with SPQR shield. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201179&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=5
[122]
Figure 15: Dupondius. 72 CE. RIC2.1 1187, p. 144
Obverse: Radiate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIAN AVG COS IIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201155&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 16: Dupondius. 72 CE. RIC2.1 1188, p. 144
Obverse: Radiate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR
VESPASIAN AVG COS IIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201458&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 17: Sestertius. 73 CE. RIC2.1 573, p. 101
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES VESP
AVG P M T P P P COS IIII CENS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201377&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=4
Figure 18: Sestertius. 77-78 CE. RIC2.1 991, p. 131
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201278&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 19: Dupondius. 77-78 CE. RIC2.1 1215, p. 146
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPASIAN AVG COS VIII P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201116&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=1
[123]
Figure 20: Dupondius. 77-78 CE. RIC2.1 1217, p. 146
Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES
VESPASIAN AVG COS VIII P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201115&partid=1&searchText
=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=
10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database
.aspx&currentPage=1
Figure 21: Sestertius. 72 CE. RIC2.1 421, p. 87
Obverse: Laureate head of Titus. T CAES VESPASIAN
IMP PON TR POT COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201412&partid=1&searchText
=titus+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&i
mages=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx
&currentPage=1
Figure 22: Sestertius. 73 CE. RIC2.1 606, p. 103
Obverse: Laureate head of Titus. T CAESAR VESP
IMP PON TR POT COS II CENS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,
rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201364&partid=1&searchText
=titus+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&i
mages=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx
&currentPage=1
Figure 23: Sestertius. 112-114 CE. RIC2 627, p. 288
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NERVAE
TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200086&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3
Figure 24: Sestertius. 112-114 CE. RIC2 628, p. 288
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NERVAE
TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200088&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3
[124]
Figure 25: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 254, p. 262
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP TRAIANO
AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. S P Q R OPTIMO PRINCIPI / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211885&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6
Figure 26: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 308, p. 265
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP TRAIANO
OPTIMO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1164280&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&imag
es=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&cu
rrentPage=2
Figure 27: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 315, p. 266
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PARTHICO P M TR P COS VI S P Q R /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211775&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4
Figure 28: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 316, p. 266
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PARTHICO P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q
R / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211770&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4
Figure 29: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 317, p. 266
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC PARTHICO
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211794&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5
[125]
Figure 30: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 318, p. 267
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GERM DAC
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211814&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5
Figure 31: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 319, p. 267
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GERM DAC
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211809&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5
Figure 32: Aureus. 112-117 CE. RIC2 321, p. 267
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER DAC
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215531&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6
Figure 33: Dupondius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 629, p. 288
Obverse: Radiate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NERVAE
TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: Romanorum
http://www.romanorum.com.au/view.asp?ID=4135
Figure 34: Sestertius. 115-116? CE. RIC2 652, p. 290
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS
VI P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS /
FORT RED / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200022&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3
[126]
Figure 35: Dupondius. 115-116 CE. RIC2 653, p. 290
Obverse: Radiate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER
TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS
VI P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS /
FORT RED / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200018&partid=1&searchText
=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=
%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3
Figure 36: Denarius. 117 CE. RIC2 10, p. 340
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES
TRAIAN HADRIANO AVG DIVI TRA
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PARTH F DIVI NER NEP P M TR P COS
/ FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211695&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=13
Figure 37: Aureus. 117 CE. RIC2 15, p. 340
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES
TRAIAN HADRIANO AVG DIVI TRA PART F
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. DIVI NER NEP P M TR P COS / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215488&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=13
Figure 38: Denarius. 117 CE. RIC2 18, p. 341
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS DES II / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211680&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=13
Figure 39: Sestertius. 117 CE. BMCRE3 1105, p. 398
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES DIVI
TRAIAN AVG F TRAIAN HADRIAN OPT AVG GER
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. DAC PARTHICO P M TR P COS P P /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199923&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=7
[127]
Figure 40: Sestertius. 117 CE. BMCRE3 1113, p. 400
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES DIVI
TRA PARTH F DIVI NER NEP TRAIANO
HADRIANO AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PONT MAX TR POT COS / S C / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199915&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=11
Figure 41: Dupondius. 117 CE. BMCRE3 1116, p. 400
Obverse: Radiate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PONT MAX TR POT COS DES II / S C /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199911&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=11
Figure 42: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 270, p. 273
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. P M TR P COS IIII / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211488&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=12
Figure 43: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 652, p. 323
Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG
COS III P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia while shaking hands with Hadrian.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211102&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=1
Figure 44: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 634, p. 321
Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG
COS III P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia while shaking hands with Hadrian. FORT
REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211124&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=1
[128]
Figure 45: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 648, p. 322
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG
COS III P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211112&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=1
Figure 46: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 633, p. 321
Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG
COS III P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211126&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=1
Figure 47: Dupondius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 1225, p. 420
Obverse: Radiate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG P M TR P COS IIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199782&partid=1&seasearchT
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=10
Figure 48: As. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 570
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS III / FORT RED / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199730&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=4
Figure 49: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 628
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. S C / FORT RED / COS III
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199615&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=3
[129]
Figure 50: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 646
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG
COS IIII P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia while greeting Hadrian who holds a scroll. S
C / FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=7
Figure 51: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 648
Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG
COS III P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding cornucopia
while greeting Hadrian who holds a scroll. FORTVNAE
REDVCI / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199435&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=7
Figure 52: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 829
Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. COS III P P / S C / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199555&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=9
Figure 53: Dupondius or As. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 830
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. COS II P P / S C / FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199496&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=8
Figure 54: Denarius. 118 CE. RIC2 41, p. 345
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P TR P COS DES II / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211489&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+hadrian+41&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=1
[130]
Figure 55: Aureus. 118 CE. RIC2 41a, p. 345
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS II / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215471&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+hadrian+41&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=1
Figure 56: Aureus. 118 CE. RIC2 41c, p. 345
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. P M TR P COS II / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215470&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=5
Figure 57: Dupondius. 118 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 515
Obverse: Radiate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR
TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. PONT MAX TR POT COS II / S C / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199882&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=10
Figure 58: Denarius. 128-132 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 197
Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS P P
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. COS III / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211252&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=5
Figure 59: Denarius. 128-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 341
Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. COS IIII P P / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211223&partid=1&searchText
=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10
&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP
age=6
[131]
Figure 60: Denarius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 185, p. 228
Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius.
ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR P XXII IMP V / COS IIII
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209487&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=3
Figure 61: Sestertius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 957, p. 289
Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius. M
ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT XXII IMP V COS IIII / S C /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197585&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=4
Figure 62: Denarius. 168-169 CE. RIC3 205, p. 229
Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius.
ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR P XXIII IMP V / COS IIII
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209469&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=3
Figure 63: Denarius. 169-170 CE. RIC3 220, p. 230
Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius. M
ANTONINVS AVG TR P XXIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED COS IIII
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209433&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=1
Figure 64: Sestertius. 161-162 CE. RIC3 1317, p. 318
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. TR POT II COS II / S C / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197901&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=8
[132]
Figure 65: Dupondius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1341, p. 320
Obverse: Radiate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C /
COS II
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197867&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 66: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1342, p. 320
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197871&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 67: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1343, p. 320
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197872&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=8
Figure 68: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1345, p. 320
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197873&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 69: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1346, p. 320
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197870&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
[133]
Figure 70: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1347, p. 320
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAESL
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C / FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197869&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 71: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1350, p. 320
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197864&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 72: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1351, p. 320
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197865&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 73: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1352, p. 320
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197861&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
Figure 74: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1354, p. 320
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L
AVREL VERVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197862&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=7
[134]
Figure 75: As. 164-165 CE. RIC3 1412, p. 325
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. L VERVS AVG
ARMENIACVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORT RED TR P V IMP II COS
II / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197658&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=6
Figure 76: As. 164-165 CE. RIC3 1413, p. 325
Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. L VERVS AVG
ARMENIACVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR P V IMP II COS II / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197654&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=6
Figure 77: As. 164-165 CE. RIC3 1414, p. 325
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS
AVG ARMENIACVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR P V IMP II COS II / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197656&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=6
Figure 78: Denarius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 586, p. 261
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS
AVG ARM PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR P VIII IMP V / COS IIII
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209476&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=8
Figure 79: Sestertius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 1476, p. 330
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS
AVG ARM PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT VIII IMP V COS IIII / S C / FORT
RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197577&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=6
[135]
Figure 80: Denarius. 168-169 CE. RIC3 596, p. 261
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS
AVG ARM PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT RED TR P VIIII IMP V
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209457&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=8
Figure 81: Sestertius. 168-169 CE. RIC3 1483, p. 331
Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS
AVG AR PARTH MAX
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. TR POT VIIII IMP V COS IIII / S C /
FORT RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197563&partid=1&searchText
=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages
=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr
entPage=6
Figure 82: Sestertius. 179-180 CE. RIC3 295, p. 401
Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. L AVREL
COMMODVS AVG TR P V
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT RED IMP
IIII COS II P P / S C
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197208&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=4
Figure 83: Denarius. 184-185 CE. RIC3 111, p. 378
Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M COMM ANT
P FEL AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR P X IMP
VII COS IIII P P / FOR RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1208985&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=4
Figure 84: Denarius. 186 CE. RIC3 131, p. 380
Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M COMM ANT
P FEL AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P TR P XI IMP
VII COS V P P / FOR RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1208949&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=4
[136]
Figure 85: Sestertius. 186 CE. RIC3 469, p. 420
Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M
COMMODVS ANT P FELIX AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR
P XI IMP VII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196979&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=4
Figure 86: Dupondius. 186 CE. RIC3 477, p. 421
Obverse: Radiate head of Commodus. COMM ANT P
FELIX AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR
P XI IMP VII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196972&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=3
Figure 87: Sestertius. 187-188 CE. RIC3 513, p. 425
Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M
COMMODVS ANT P FELIX AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR P XIIII
IMP VIIII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196936&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=3
Figure 88: As. 187-188 CE. RIC3 521, p. 426
Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M COMM ANT
P FELIX AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR P XIII
IMP VII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196935&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&
orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa
ge=3
Figure 89: Denarius. 193-194 CE. RIC4 23, p. 26
Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. IMP
CAES C PESC NIGER IVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE RED
Source: Baldwin’s Auctions Ltd
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=177415
[137]
Figure 90: Denarius. 193-194 CE. RIC4 28, p. 27
Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. PESCE
NIGER IVST AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding caduceus
and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Figure 91: Denarius. 193-194 CE. RIC4 28b, p. 27
Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. IMP
CAES C PESC NIGER IVS
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding caduceus
and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: Numismatik Lanz München
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=157135
Figure 92: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 29, p. 27
Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. IMP
CAES C PESC NIGER IVS AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding corn-ears
and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=233136
Figure 93: Aureus. 194-195 CE. RIC4 5b, p. 44
Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CLOD SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT
REDVCI COS II
Source: Numismatica Ars Classica
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=4026
Figure 94: Denarius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 5c, p. 44
Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat. FORT
REDVCI COS II
Source: Coin Archives
http://www.coinarchives.com/a/lotviewer.php?LotID=448092&AucID
=819&Lot=436&Val=773ec1ca0823d5eb0c233254be4ebfbd
[138]
Image Not Available
Figure 95: Sestertius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 53a, p. 52
Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT
REDVCI COS II / S C
Source: Numismatica Ars Classica
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=383869
Figure 96: Sestertius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 53b, p. 52
Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT
REDVCI COS II / S C
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/clodius_albinus/RIC_0053b.jpg
Figure 97: Sestertius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 53c, p. 52
Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT
REDVCI COS II / S C
Source: Coin Archives
http://www.coinarchives.com/a/lotviewer.php?LotID=472436&AucID
=861&Lot=345&Val=07503568bd8be9ac6426bd7f2757f906
Figure 98: Dupondius or As. 194-195 CE. RIC4 59a, p. 53
Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT
ALBIN CAES
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat.
FORTVNA REDVCI COS II / S C
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=232727
Figure 99: As. 196-197 CE. RIC4 64, p. 53
Obverse: Laureate head of Clodius Albinus. IMP CAES
D CLO SEP ALB AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI COS / II
Source: RIC v. 4, plate 4,10
[139]
Figure 100: Denarius. 193 CE. RIC4 p. 138, note 1
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS I
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVN REDVC
Figure 101: Denarius. 193 CE. RIC4 p. 138, note 5
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS I
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia while sacrificing over altar with patera.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
Image Not Available
Image Not Available
Figure 102: Aureus. 193 CE. BMCRE5 318, p. 82
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder
and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214741&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+septimius+severus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpag
es=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&cu
rrentPage=11
Figure 103: Denarius. 193-197 CE. RIC4 623, p. 176
Obverse: Bareheaded Julia Domna. IVLIA DOMNA
AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia in each hand. FORT REDVC
Figure 104: Denarius. 193-197 CE. RIC4 626, p. 176
Obverse: Bareheaded Julia Domna. IVLIA DOMNA
AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
[140]
Image Not Available
Image Not Available
Figure 105: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 350, p. 135
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERTIN AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia. FORT REDVCT COS II
Source: Barry P. Murphy Collection
http://bpmurphy.ancients.info/severan/ssalex3.htm
Figure 106: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 448, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERTE AVG IMP II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder
and cornucopia. FORT REDVC
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/thumbnails.php?album=14
73
Figure 107: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 448b, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERTE AVG IMP II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia and rudder. FORT REDVC
Source: Numismatik Lanz München
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=119464
Figure 108: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 449, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERTE AVG IMP II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia and scepter. FORT REDVC
Figure 109: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 449a, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERET AVG IMP II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia in each hand. FORT REDVC
[141]
Image Not Available
Image Not Available
Figure 110: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 451, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERET AVG IMP II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT REDVC
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0451v.jpg
Figure 111: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 453, p. 152
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERTE AVG IMP II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding long palm
and cornucopia. FORT REDVC
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0453v.jpg
Figure 112: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 376b, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder
and cornucopia. FORT REDVC
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=
1533&pos=4
Figure 113: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 377, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder
and cornucopia. FORTVNA REDVC
Source: Auktionshaus H. D. Rauch GmbH
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=84472
Figure 114: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 378, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG CO
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder
and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: Barry P. Murphy
http://bpmurphy.ancients.info/severan/ssemesa6.htm
[142]
Figure 115: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 378a, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTV REDVC
Source: Numismall
http://www.numismall.com/acc/FORTV-REDVC-silver-denarius-ofSeptimius-Severus-193-211-AD-Emesa-mint-RIC-378a-v4549.html
Figure 116: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 379, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVN REDVC
Source: Auktionshaus H. H. Rauch GmbH
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=124430
Figure 117: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 381, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTVNA REDVCI
Source: Dirty Old Coins
http://www.dirtyoldcoins.com/roman/id/Coins-of-Roman-EmperorSeptimius-Severus.htm
Figure 118: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 383, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding long palm
and cornucopia. FORTVN REDVC
Source: Auktionshaus H. D. Rauch GmbH
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=428103
Figure 119: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 384, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding long palm
and cornucopia. FORTVNA REDVCI
[143]
Image Not Available
Figure 120: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 385, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia while sacrificing over altar with patera.
FORTVNA REDVCI
Source: Auktionshaus H. D. Rauch GmbH
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=41291
Figure 121: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 385a, p. 142
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch
and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI
Image Not Available
Figure 122: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 386, p. 143
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding branch and
cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVC
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/i.html
Figure 123: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 387, p. 143
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE
L SEP SEV PERT AVG C II C
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding poppy,
corn-ears, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE RE REDVC
Figure 124: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 388, p. 143
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CA
L SEP SEV PER AVG COS II
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia and scepter. FORT REDVC
[144]
Image Not Available
Image Not Available
Figure 125: Aureus. 195-196 CE. RIC4 78c, p. 100
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214750&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+septimius+severus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpag
es=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&cu
rrentPage=11
Figure 126: Denarius. 195-196 CE. RIC4 470, p. 155
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT REDVC
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0470.jpg
Figure 127: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 78a, p. 100
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=211153
Figure 128: Aureus. 196-197 CE. RIC4 78b, p. 100
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat.
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: British Museum Collections
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas
e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214751&partid=1&searchText
=fortuna+septimius+severus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpag
es=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&cu
rrentPage=11
Figure 129: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 477, p. 155
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder
and cornucopia. FORTA REDVC
[145]
Image Not Available
Figure 130: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 477a, p. 155
Obverse: Laureate head Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with cornucopia in
each hand. FORT REDVC
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=233692
Figure 131: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 478, p. 155
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORT REDVC
Figure 132: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 479, p. 155
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia. FORTA REDVC
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0479.jpg
Figure 133: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 479b, p. 156
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding
cornucopia while sacrificing over altar with patera.
FORT REDVC
Source: Wildwinds
http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0479b.jpg
Figure 134: Sestertius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 720, p. 189
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT
SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below. S C /
FORTVNAE REDVCI
Source: Numismatica Ars Classica
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=383872
[146]
Image Not Available
Figure 135: Denarius. 201-210 CE. RIC4 264a, p. 124
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus.
SEVERVS PIVS AVG
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and
cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORTVNA
REDVX
Source: Forum Ancient Coins
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=213302
Figure 136: Aureus. 203 CE. RIC4 188, p. 116
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. SEVER P
AVG P M TR P XI COS III
Reverse: Septimius veiled and draped, sacrificing over
tripod with patera and scroll in hand. Fortuna Redux
seated in front of him, holding rudder and cornucopia
with a wheel under seat. FORTVNA REDVX
Source: RIC v. 4, plate 6, 13
Figure 137: Denarius. 211 CE. RIC4 246, p. 122
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus.
SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT
RED P M TR P XIX / COS III P P
Source: Numismatik Lanz München
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=199728
Figure 138: As. 211 CE. RIC4 810, p. 201
Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus.
SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT
Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on
globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT
RED P TR P XIX COS III P P
Source: UBS Gold and Numismatics
http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=68400
[147]
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