Schriften des Historischen Kollegs

Transcription

Schriften des H istorischen Kollegs
H erau sg eg eb en
v o n der
S tiftung H isto risch es K olleg
K o llo q u ien
30
R. O ld e n b o u rg Verlag M ü n ch en 1997
Recht, Staat und Verwaltung
im klassischen Indien
T he State, the Law, and A d m in istra tio n
in C lassical In d ia
H erau sg eg eb en von
B ern h ard K ölver
u n te r M itarb eit v on
E lisabeth M ü ller-L u ck n er
R. O ld e n b o u rg Verlag M ü n ch en 1997
S c h rifte n des H isto risc h e n K ollegs
im A uftrag der
Stiftuni; H istorisches Kolleg im Stifterverband für die D eutsche W issenschaft
herausgegeben von
H o rs t F uhrm ann
in V erbindung m it
R udolf C oh en , A rnold Esch, L o th ar Gail, H ilm a r K opper, Jochen M artin,
H o rst N iem eyer, Peter Pulzer, W infried Schulze, M ichael Stolleis und E berhard Weis
G eschäftsführung: G eorg K alm er
R edaktion: E lisabeth M iiller-L uckner
O rganisationsausschuß:
G eorg Kalmer, H e rb e rt Kießling, E lisabeth M üller-L uckner,
H ein z-R u d i Spiegel
D ie Stiftung H istorisches Kolleg hat sich für den Bereich der historisch o rientierten W issen
schaften die F ö rd e ru n g von G elehrten, die sich du rch herausragende L eistungen in F o r
schung und L ehre ausgew iesen haben, z u r A ufgabe gesetzt. Sie vergibt zu diesem Z w eck
jährlich bis zu drei Forschungsstipendien und ein F ö rd erstip en d iu m sow ie alle drei Jahre den
„Preis des H istorischen K ollegs“ .
Die Forschungsstipendien, deren V erleihung zugleich eine A uszeichnung für die bisherigen
L eistungen darstellt, sollen den berufenen W issenschaftlern w ährend eines K ollegjahres die
M öglichkeit bieten, frei von anderen V erpflichtungen eine größere A rbeit abzuschließen.
P rofessor Dr. B ernhard K ölver (Kiel, jetzt Leipzig) w ar - zusam m en m it P rofessor Dr. E li
sabeth F ehrenbach (Saarbrücken), Prof. Dr. H an s-W ern er H a h n (Saarbrücken, jetzt Jena)
und P rofessor Dr. L udw ig Schm ugge (Z ürich) - Stipendiat des H isto risch en Kollegs im K ol
legjahr 1991/92. D en O bliegenheiten der Stipendiaten gem äß hat B ernhard K ölver aus sei
nem A rbeitsbereich ein K olloquium zum T hem a „R echt, Staat und V erw altung im klassi
schen Indien - T he State, the Law, and A dm inistration in Classical In d ia “ vom 10. bis 13. Juni
1992 im H istorischen Kolleg gehalten. D ie Ergebnisse des K olloquium s w erden m diesem
Band veröffentlicht.
D ie S tiftung H istorisches Kolleg w ird vom S tiftungsfonds D eutsche B ank z u r F ö rderung der
W issenschaft in F o rschung und Lehre und vom Stifterverband für die D eutsche W issenschaft
getragen.
D ie D eutsche B ibliothek - C IP -E inheitsaufnahm e
R e c h t, S ta a t u n d V e rw a ltu n g im klassischen In d ie n = T he state,
the law, and adm in istratio n in classical [ndia / hrsg. von
B ernhard K ölver u n ter M itarb. von E lisabeth M üller-L uckner. M ünchen : O ld e n b o u rg , 1997
(Schriften des H isto risch en K ollegs : K olloquien ; 30)
ISB N 3-486-56193-6
N E : Kölver, B ernhard [H rsg.]; T he state, the law, and adm in istratio n in
classical India; H istorisches Kolleg <M ünchen> : Schriften des
H isto risch en Kollegs / K olloquien
© 1997 R. O ld e n b o u rg Verlag G m b H , M ünchen
R osenheim er Straße 145, D-81671 M ünchen
Telefon (089) 4 5 0 5 1 -0 , Internet: h ttp ://w w w .o ld en b o u rg .d e
D as W erk
außerhalb
lässig und
film ungen
einschließlich aller A bbildungen ist u rheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede V erw ertung
der G re n ze n des U rhcberrechtsgesetz.es ist ohne Z u stim m u n g des Verlages u n z u
strafbar. D as gilt insbesondere für V ervielfältigungen, Ü bersetzungen, M ik ro v er
und die E inspeicherung und B earbeitung in elektronischen System en.
G e d ru ck t auf säurefreiem , alterungsbeständigem Papier
G esam therstellung: R. O ld e n b o u rg G raphische Betriebe G m b H , M ünchen
ISB N 3-486-56193-6
Inhalt
Bernhard K ölver
Z u r E i n f ü h r u n g ............................................................................................................................
V erzeichnis d e r T a g u n g s te iln e h m e r
I.
...............................................................................
V II
X V III
M odelle
Brajadulal C hattopadhyaya
‘A u to n o m o u s Spaces’ a n d th e A u th o rity o f th e State: th e C o n tra d ic tio n
an d its R e so lu tio n in T h e o r y a n d P ractice in E arly I n d i a ..............................
1
B urton Stein
C o m m u n itie s, States, a n d ‘C lassical’ In d ia
II.
........................................................
15
K o n ste lla tio n e n
Michael W itzel
E arly S a n sk ritiz a tio n . O rig in s an d D e v elo p m en t o f th e K u ru
S t a t e .......................................................................................................................................
29
H ein z Bechert
D ie G esetze des b u d d h istisc h e n Sangha als indisches
R e c h ts s y s te m ......................................................................................................................
53
Georg Berkem er
T h e C h ro n icle o f a L ittle K in g d o m : Som e R eflectio n s o n th e Tekkalitälüka Ja m im d ä rlä V am sävali
HI-
..................................................................................
65
Z u r N a tu r d er R ech tsq u e lle n
Richard W. L ariviere
D h arm asästra, C u sto m , ‘R eal L aw ’ an d ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
..................
97
M a terialien
M arlene N jam m asch
S taatlich e S tru k tu re n im R eich d e r M a itra k as v o n V a lab h l . . .
B ernhard K ölver
D o n a tio n s C alled D e p o sits, o r, th e M alla States a n d P riv a te
R itu a ls
................................................................................................................
D inesh R a j P ant
T h e In s titu tio n o f S lavery in N e p al a n d its A n a ly sis Based
o n th e D h a r m a s ä s t r a s ...................................................................................
Mahes R a j P ant
Six 15th- a n d 16th- C e n tu r y D eeds fro m T ir h u t R e co rd in g
th e P u rc h a se o f Slaves
................................................................................
In te rp re ta tio n e n
C hitrarekha G upta
W o m e n , L aw a n d th e State in Classical In d ia
................................
M aria Schetelich
D ie m andala-T h e o rie in A rth a - u n d N itis ä s tra
.............................
H e rm a n n K u lke
Som e O b s e rv a tio n s o n th e P o litic al F u n c tio n s o f C o p p e r-P la te
G ra n ts in E arly M edieval I n d i a ..............................................................
E va R itschl
Ü b e rle g u n g e n zu a ta v i u n d a n d ere n G ru p p e n d e r A näryaB e v ö lk e ru n g im a lte n In d ie n nach S a n s k r itq u e lle n ........................
W o rtre g is te r
....................................................................................................
S a c h r e g i s t e r .......................................................................................................
Bernhard Kölver
Zur Einführung
R echt, Staat u n d
V erw altung — fü r die frü h e n
Stadien
in d e r
G e sc h ich te
des
h in d u is tisc h e n In d ie n ist das k e in e E in h e it; es sin d v ielm eh r versch ied en e u n d g e tre n n te
T ra d itio n e n , die d e r T ite l des gegenw ärtigen C o llo q u iu m s z u sa m m e n fü h rt. Z u Staat u n d
V erw altung b ezeu g t d e r w ic h tig ste einschlägige T e x t, das S ta atsle h rb u ch (A rthasästra) des
K au taly a, ein stre n g u tilita ristisc h e s, w o n ic h t m acchiaveilistisches D e n k e n : sein Z iel d e r
sta rk e Staat, d e r so u v e rä n h e rrsc h e n d e K önig, d e r seine M a c h t u m jed en Preis e rh ä lt u n d
stä rk t; M itte l d e r P o litik k ü h l u n d sachlich e rö rte rt in g ro ß e r V ielfalt, bis h in z u K rieg
u n d B estech u n g u n d M o rd . L e itp rin z ip ie n sin d E ffizienz u n d O p p o r tu n itä t; an ih n e n
o rie n tie rt sich die A rg u m e n ta tio n ; R e ch t u n d M oral tre te n g an z z u rü c k . W as d a n n
letz tlich , se h r w e se n tlic h in tra d itio n e ll h in d u istisc h e m K o n te x t, au ch b e d eu tet, d a ß die
M ittel w a n d e lb a r sin d . D as R e ch t hingegen, d e r dharrna — w ir w e rd e n auf die K o n n o ta tio n e n des in d isch e n B egriffs z u r ü c k z u k o m m e n hab en — z u n ä c h st S piegelung u n d V e r
w irk lic h u n g e in e r ew ig en O rd n u n g , die als u n v e rrü c k b a r gilt, w eil sie auf R ic h tig k e it
u n d W a h rh e it b e ru h t: ein S ta n d a rd b e iw o rt d a ru m sanätana, ,ew ig, d a u e rn d , b e stä n d ig 1.
D ie b eiden K o m p lex e zeigen also alle A n z eic h en ein e r p rin z ip ie lle n D ic h o to m ie : Sie
b e n en n e n zw ei B ereiche, die e in a n d e r z u n äc h st u n v e rb u n d e n g e g en ü b e rsteh e n u n d k a u m
v ereinbar w irk e n .
W er so d e n k tj v e rk e n n t a b er die N a tu r dieses R echts, des d h a rm a , d e r nach R ealisieru n g
d rängt, u n d z w a r im L eben des E in z e ln e n , in sein er L eb e n sfü h ru n g , w ie auch im L eben
des G em ein w esen s, in K aste u n d D o r f u n d Staat. A u f c h ristlic h e m H in te rg ru n d sie h t das
aus nach G ö ttlic h e r S atzu n g , die das L eben u n d also auch das R e c h t b e stim m t. In
indischen O h re n k lin g t es an d ers. D e n n d e r dharm a b e n ih t auf W a h rh e it. „W ahrlich:
Was die W a h rh e it ist, das ist R e ch t. D e sh a lb sagt m an v o n dem , d e r w a h r sp ric h t, ,er
spricht re c h t“, u n d v o n dem , d e r re ch t sp ric h t, ,er sp ric h t w a h r 1. D e n n es ist ganz so:
das(selbe) sin d sie b e id e “, h e iß t es in e in e r der g ro ß e n a lte n U p a n isa d en (B rhadäranyakaU panisad 1.4.14). U n d als W a h rh e it galt beizeiten die W irklichkeit, eine in d e r S tr u k tu r
der W elt e rk e n n b a re , h iera rch isc h e O rd n u n g , die alles G eschaffene e in sch ließ t u n d ih m
seinen P la tz a n w eist — im T y p n ic h t so radikal versch ied en v o n d e m W eltb ild , das sich
noch bis in die englische e lisab eth an isch e L ite ra tu r e rh a lte n h a t 1.
E ine so v e rstan d e n e O rd n u n g ist n ic h t w eltfern es Ideal, so n d e rn m u ß sich v e rw irk
lichen. D e n n sie g ilt als ra tio n a l, u n d sie w irk t n o tw e n d ig nach a u ß e n . A us N e p a l — auf
N epalisches w erde ich ö fte r z u sp re ch e n k o m m e n , d e n n v o n allen h in d u is tisc h e n S taaten
hat sich das H im äla y a-K ö n ig re ic h am längsten die U n a b h ä n g ig k e it, die E ig e n stä n d ig k e it
'T VSL vor allem A .O . Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge/M ass. 1936); E.M.W.
tilyard, The Elizabethan W orld Picture (London 1943) usw.
Bernhard Kölver
V III
u n d d a m it a u ch se in en h in d u is tisc h e n C h a ra k te r b e w a h rt — aus N e p a l also b e ric h te t
eine C h r o n ik , w ie e in K ö n ig im 14. Jh . seine B e v ö lk e ru n g nach d e m K a sten sy stem
d u rc h k la ssifiz ie re n ließ, u n d z w a r nach d e m o rth o d o x e n M o d ell, dessen H a u p tlin ie n
sc h o n im R igveda, d e m ä lte ste n e rh a lte n e n L ite ra tu rd e n k m a l In d ien s, e rw ä h n t sind. D as
S tre b en n a c h V e rw irk lic h u n g d e r O rd n u n g zeigt sich n o c h p rä g n a n te r in d e n V e rfah re n ,
die m an e n tw ic k e lt h a t, u m V erg eh en u n d V e rb rec h e n zu ah n d en . V o rn e h m stes A n lie
gen ist, sie u n g e sc h e h e n z u m ach en , d .h . die g e stö rte O rd n u n g w ie d erh e rzu ste lle n .
S trafen tre te n ins z w e ite G lied z u rü ck ; w as m an in e rste r L inie b ra u c h t, sin d E n t
sü h n u n g u n d , H e ilu n g “ (u n d die w erfen n a tü rlic h P ro b le m e auf: W ie soll m an bei
so lc h e n P rä m isse n m it e in e r T ö tu n g um gehen? So e n ts te h t ein ausgefeiltes System
sy m b o lis c h e r H a n d lu n g e n , u n d das R e ch t gerät in u n m itte lb a rs te N ä h e z u m p riesterlic h e n W issen , z u m R itu al).
D as gleiche D e n k e n auch in d e r In te rp re ta tio n v o n F a k te n . U n h e il, M ißgeschicke
usw . sin d Z e ic h e n fü r ein e g e stö rte O rd n u n g . D e r fro m m e k a sh m irisc h e K ö n ig T u n jin a
(so e rz ä h lt die R ä ja ta ra n g im aus fe rn e n Z eiten , die sich d e r h isto risc h e n F ix ieru n g
e n tz ie h e n ) sc h lie ß t aus e in e r H u n g e rs n o t in seinem R eich a u f u n g e sü h n te s F e h lv erh a lte n ,
u n d d a fü r w e iß e r sich selbst v e ra n tw o rtlic h u n d d e n k t an S elb stm o rd . D as ist die
K e h rse ite des h in d u is tisc h e n Begriffs v o m a b so lu te n H e rrsc h e r, d e n n in ih m z ie h t sich
— w ie es z.B. das K rö n u n g s ritu a l u n m iß v e rstä n d lic h a u sd rü c k t — das G em ein w e se n in
allen sein en G lie d e rn z u sa m m en ; l'état c'est m oi anders als g e w o h n t.
M .a.W ., d e r d h a rm a greift nach dem Staat, im m er, beständig. E r tu t das, o h n e d a ß die
E x p o n e n te n des R ic h tig e n d ie ä u ß ere n M a c h tm itte l besaßen. Sie h a tte n n ic h ts a u ß e r d em
G e w ic h t d e r T ra d itio n , a u ß e r den R itu a len , a u ß e r den V o rz ü g en eines th e o re tis c h e n
M o d ells, das ein e k lare h iera rch isc h e O rd n u n g der G esellschaft fo rd e rte o d e r verh ieß .
U n d w e n n d e rg le ic h e n das Bild d e r W irk lic h k e it b e stim m en u n d d a n n auch die R ealität
u m s tru k tu rie re n k o n n te , so d e m o n s trie rt das die M acht e in e r geschlossenen K o n z e p tio n .
D e r B e fu n d lä ß t sich auch an d ü rre n F a k te n ablesen. Jenes w ic h tig ste u n d klarste
Q u e lle n b u c h z u r in d isc h e n Staats- u n d V e rw a ltu n g sle h re, das A rthasästra des sc h o n fast
leg en d ären K autalya, d e r K a n zle r des M a u ry ak ö n ig s C andragupta gew esen sein soll, ist
p ra k tisc h v e rsc h o lle n gew esen u n d erst nach d e r W ende z u m 20. Jh . in einigen w en ig en
M a n u s k rip te n in sü d in d isc h e n B ib lio th ek e n aufgetaucht. D ie H a n d sc h rifte n d e r angesehe
n e n T e x te z u m d h a rm a sin d h ingegen in u n z äh lig en E x em p lare n v e rb re ite t, im m e r neu
heran g e zo g e n , d u rc h d a c h t, k o m m e n tie rt w o rd e n . D e r dharm a schien die S taatslehre
fö rm lic h aufgesogen zu h a b en . E rst in diesen J a h re n , w o u n s D o k u m e n te aus dem A lltag
zu g än g lich w e rd e n , le rn e n w ir, daß. sich sozusagen u n te rh a lb d e r lite rarisc h en E bene, in
d e r O rg a n is a tio n des A lltags, viel v o n den alten S tru k tu re n e rh a lte n h a t.
F ü r das V e rstä n d n is d e r S c h riftg e leh rten m u ß te d e r G eg en satz R echt : S taat (und das hieß
au ch Theorie : R ea litä t) die N a d el im F leisch sein, u n d m an ta t viel dazu, ih n zu
ü b e rw in d e n . M o d elle, d ie sich a u f die W a h rh e it, die eig en tlich e O rd n u n g d e r D in g e
g rü n d e n , h a b e n die R e alitä t n a c h h a ltig g eform t. S akralisierungen — das W o rt ist falsch,
fü h rt in d ie Irre: Es ist das R ich tig e, das W ah re , es ist E ig e n tlich e R e alitä t, d ie da
n a ch g e b ild e t w ird — fin d e n sich überall. K osm ische O rd n u n g z eich n e n n ach o d e r neu:
bei d e n T a n tr ik e r n
d e r O p fe rp la tz m it se in er sy m b o lisc h e n R e p rä s e n ta tio n der
E lem en te; das H a u s u n d seine U m lag e, die sich a u sric h te n n ach d e r S e m an tik d e r H irn-
Einführung
IX
m e lsric h tu n g e n 2; in N e p a l die v o n E m a n a tio n e n d e r G ö tte r u n d G ö tte rs y s te m e n
u m g e b e n e S tadt; im m itte la lte rlic h e n (vorislam ischen) Java die S tr u k tu r des Staates: D e r
w a r in 27 P ro v in z e n gegliedert, die die 27 M o n d h ä u se r w ie d e rh o lte n 3. D as ist ein in
m y th is c h e r A s tro n o m ie b e g rü n d etes Schem a, das sich m it M y th e n ü b e r H e rrs c h e r
g esc h le ch te r z u sa m m en fü g t. D e n n h in d u istisc h e K ö n ig sh ä u se r f ü h rte n sich auf zw ei
g ro ß e , in e n tfe rn te ste r V o rz e it w u rz e ln d e G e sc h lec h te r z u rü c k , Sürya- o d e r S o m a v a m sin ,
d .h . S o n n e n - o d e r M o n d d y n a stie , u n d das javanische M odell g e h ö rt n a tü rlic h in den
U m k re is d e r zw eiten . — D as alles w a r dharm a, auch da, w o es die F o rm
und
O rg a n isa tio n des Staates b e stim m te , u n d in so fe rn spiegelt es geistige R e a litä t, w e n n die
S taatsleh re in d e r L eh re v o m R ich tig en V e rh alten aufging.
D e r P ro z e ß ist in d e n h isto risc h e n Q u e lle n d e r H in d u s ü b e rd e u tlic h . In ih n e n tr itt,
v o n se lte n e n A u s n a h m e n abgesehen, die individuelle G e sta lt e b en so z u rü c k w ie das
e in z eln e h isto risch e E reignis. B e zeich n en d z.B. die K e tte v o n E p ith e te n , m it d e r
sü d in d isc h e In sc h rifte n aus dem frü h e n 16. Jh . die E m p fä n g er v o n L a n d s c h e n k u n g e n
b e sc h re ib en . (D am als h a tte m an die M uslim e n ic h t b lo ß im L an d , so n d e rn sogar
,w a h rg e n o m m e n 1; d e r
K ö n ig
lä ß t
sich
u.a.
,S ultan
u n te r
den
H in d u -K ö n ig e n ,
him d u rä ya su ra trä n o ', n e n n e n .) D e r jew eils B eschenkte, H a u p t e in e r relig iö sen I n s titu tio n ,
ist ein er, ,der E rlösung w ünscht, dessen G lieder m it Asche bestäubt sind, der eine K ette v o n
Rudräksa-Beeren trägt'-, das h e iß t, e r stilisie rt sich u n v e rk e n n b a r n a c h d e m Bild des
G o tte s 3iva, u n d so h e iß t e r d a n n auch, ganz k o n se q u e n t, ,$iva-gestaltig‘. U n d w elch en
S tatus e r e rre ic h t h a t, sie h t m an se h r d e u tlich daran, d a ß e r ,das L e id v o n Paaren w ie h eiß
u n d k a lt usw. überschritten hat*': m .a.W ., e r h a t die R e a k tio n e n a u f sein e U m w e lt, auf
die c o n d itio h u m a n a h in te r sich gelassen; die gegensätzlichen E m p fin d u n g e n d e r
n o rm alen E x iste n z b e rü h re n ih n n ic h t m ehr.
N u n h ä tte m an zu b e d e n k e n : D ie E m p fä n g er der S c h e n k u n g s in d V o rs te h e r e in e r
n ich t u n b e d e u te n d e n h in d u is tisc h e n religiösen In s titu tio n , u n d so w e rd e n
ih n e n
n a tü rlich die E ig en sch aften zu g esch rieb en , die d e r H in d u ism u s m it d e m L eitb ild v o m
E rlö su n g ssu c h e n d en
v e rb in d e t.
A ls T estfall also
aus d e r g leic h en
In sc h rift sein
G egenstück, d e r S pender, d e r K ö n ig , fü r den jedenfalls in se in er g e g en w ä rtig e n E x iste n z
die T ra d itio n ein a n d eres L eitb ild v o rz e ic h n e t, v o rz e ic h n e n m u ß . D e n n e r h a t fü r ein
fu n k tio n ie ren d e s Staatsgebilde zu sorgen. Ih n p re ist die In sc h rift a u f 49 Z eilen , fast
fünfm al so lang w ie d e n E m pfänger. D as h e b t an m it d e r G e n ea lo g ie , in ein ig er
A u sfü h rlic h k eit (er g e h ö rt z u r M o n d d y n a stie: s, eben) u n d h a n d e lt au ch im w e ite re n
S ta n d ard th em en ab. D a r u n te r eine längere L iste fro m m e r G a b en , d ie d e r K ö n ig darge2 Das zieht sich bis nach Bali, d.h. ans äußerste Ende des K ulturraum s: s. F. B. Eiseman, Bali:
Sekala & Niskala 1 (Berkeley, Singapore 1989) p.5.
3 skt. naksatras: bestim m te Him m elskonstellationen, Sternbilder, in denen der M ond in der
Periode eines Umlaufs jeweils eine N acht verbringt.
[...] mumuksave bhasmoddhülitagäträya rudmksävalidbärine sitosnädidvamdvaduhkhavyatitäya
[•..] sivarüpine usw.: K upferplatte von Saka 1429 aus dem Besitz des K äm akoti-Pitha in
Kumbhakonam, Z. 63 ff.: m it den vom Herausgeber nach den Parallelstücken vorgenom m enen
Emendationen zitiert nach T. A. Gopinatb Rao, Copper-Plate Inscriptions belonging to the SriSankaracharya of the Kam koti-Pitha, R eprint (Delhi 1986) S. 24 f. Sehr ähnliche W ortketten
a.a.O., S. 44 (gleiches Jahr, gleicher Adressat); S. 75 (aus !>aka 1450: anderer Adressat in gleicher
Funktion). — Die Liste der königlichen Gaben a.a.O., S. 23; das E pithet h im dum ya0 ebenda,
X
Bernhard Kölver
b ra c h t hat: ein Weltei, eine juw elene K uh, die Sieben O zeane u n d äh n lic h e, a u f den
u n b e fan g e n en L eser ein w enig irreal w irk e n d e P o ste n u n te r ih n e n . A u c h das ist n ich ts
als H e rk o m m e n , B rauch o d e r w e n n m an so w ill, K lischee. D e n n es gib t ein e k a n o n isc h e
Liste v o n 16 sog. ,G ro ß e n G a b e n ' (rnahädänasf, u n d an d e r h a t sich e rsich tlic h d e r
V erfasser d e r In sc h rifte n o rie n tie rt: es w ird k a u m m öglich sein h e ra u sz u fin d e n , w as an
R e alitä t sich h in te r dieser L iste verbarg. M .a.W ., die M ajestät w ie auch d e r fro m m e
M a n n sin d z w a r d u rc h ih re N a m e n faß b ar, a b er die ih n e n z u g esch rieb e n en T a te n , ih re
B e fin d lich k e it, sin d vorg eg eb en d u rc h ih re soziale R olle.
,D e r dharm a greift nach dem S taat': D arau s e rg ib t sich d a n n z.B., d a ß den F rag en d e r
religiösen, ritu e lle n L eg itim atio n des K ö n ig tu m s eine se h r w e se n tlich e B e d eu tu n g
z u k o m m t, u n d das n ic h t n u r im e ta b lie rt h in d u istisc h e n Staat. D e r ausgefeilte A p p a ra t
des h in d u is tisc h e n K rö n u n g s- u n d K ö n ig sritu als w ird d a rü b e r h in au s ein n ic h t zu
u n te rs c h ä tz e n d e r F a k to r in d e r A u s b re itu n g des H in d u ism u s gew esen sein: D e r
V e rlo ck u n g , so sic h tb a rlic h aus d e r M asse der M en sch en h e rau sg e h o b e n z u w e rd en , w ird
sich ein ö rtlic h e r .ch iefta in ' sc h w e r h ab en e n tz ie h e n k ö n n e n .
A ll dem a b er m u ß m an so fo rt eine se h r w esen tlich e E in s c h rä n k u n g anfügen. D iese
G e d an k e n g e b äu d e , o b realisiert o d e r n ic h t, diese In te rp re ta tio n d e r W elt n a ch M o d ellen ,
die die W e lta n sc h a u u n g v o rg a b — sie w a re n z u n ä c h st n ich ts als ein e o b e rste S c h ich t, ein
m e h r o d e r w e n ig er d ü n n e r F irn is, den G e leh rte a u ftru g e n a u f v ielfältigste R e alitä t. Im
P ro z e ß se in er allm äh lich e n A u sb re itu n g , die v o m P anjäb a u sg eh en d nach N o rd e n bis in
de n H im ä la y a , n ach S üden bis Sri L anka, sü d ö stlich bis an die G re n z e n V ietn am s, bis
Bali reichte, ü b e rla g erte d e r H in d u ism u s n a tü rlic h die alle rv e rsc h ied e n sten L okal- u n d
S ta m m e sk u ltu re n , u n d w ie w e it die o rth o d o x e n M odelle ein n o rm ales A lltag sleb en im
K ö n ig re ic h X b e stim m te n , ist eine d u rc h au s offene Frage. N o c h ein m al d e r nepalische
K ö n ig , d e r seine B e v ö lk e ru n g n a ch den V orgaben der O rth o d o x ie o rd n e n ließ. N a tü rlic h
w ill m an w issen, w as vorher w a r, d e n n im 14. Jh . h a tte n gew iß sc h o n e in Ja h rta u s e n d
u n d m ö g lich erw eise n o c h län g er h in d u istisc h e K önige im T al v o n K a th m a n d u ge
h e rrsc h t. A u c h sie fü h lte n sich, w ie w ir aus ih ren In sc h rifte n w issen, d e n L eit
v o rste llu n g e n des H in d u ism u s v e rp flic h te t, u n d h ä tte m an n ic h t d e n e rw ä h n te n B e ric h t
d e r C h ro n ik , w e r w ü rd e n ic h t v e rm u te n , d a ß auch zu ih re n Z e ite n , z u m al in ein e m
so lc h en Z e n tra lp u n k t R ic h tig e n V e rh alten s, das R eich n ach d e r v o rg eg eb en en O r d n u n g
o rg a n isie rt w ar. W e r so d e n k t, k ö n n te z.B. a u f eine In sc h rift aus dem 7. Jh . verw eisen
die die E in w o h n e r e in e r W a c h ts ta tio n (dranga) u n te r d e r K u rz b e z e ic h n u n g ,v o n Brahm an e n bis zu C ä n d älas6' e rw ä h n t. Sie m e in t d a m it alle, u n d u m das zu sagen, n e n n t sie
die b eid en ä u ß e rste n E n d en d e r sozialen Skala b eim N a m en : m .a.W ., das w a r das
S ta n d ard b ild , u n te r dem der V erfasser im E in k la n g m it se in er V o rb ild u n g soziale
R e alitä t begriff. D a ß d erg leich en k a u m d e r R ealität e n ts p ro c h e n h a b en w ird , k a n n m an
aus dem o b e n sk iz z ie rte n V ersu ch seines N a c h fa h re n , ein D re iv ie rte lja h rta u se n d später,
m it ein ig er S ich erh eit sc h ließ en . A b e r w as die In sc h rift sagt, ist ein B eispiel fü r jen e n o ft
b e h a n d e lte n , e ig e n tü m lic h e n U m g a n g In d ien s m it se in er G e sc h ich te, d e r grosso m odo im
5 Näheres z.B. bei P. V. Karte, H istory of D harm asästra 11,2 (Poona 21974), S, 869 ff.
6 Die Anantalirigesvara-Inschrift Narendradevas: vgl. Dh. Vajräcärya, Licchavikälkä a b h i l e k h a
(Käthmädaum 2030 [V.S.]) S. 485 ff., Z. 13.
Einführung
XI
m er a u f das P arad ig m a zielt, a u f das Id e alty p isch e u n d n ic h t auf die C h a ra k te ris tik a des
E inzelfalles, d e r e in z eln e n G e sta lt sie h t, jedenfalls n ic h t v o n ih n e n b e ric h te n mag.
D iese E in s c h rä n k u n g m a c h t sich fü h lb a r auf S c h ritt u n d T r itt. D ie T e x te , die u n s den
dhamna leh re n o d e r am E x em p el v o rfü h re n , sin d v e rfa ß t v o n B ra h m a n e n , w ill sagen v o n
V e rtre te rn d e r H o c h tra d itio n , v o n E x p o n e n te n jen e r K lasse, die die Idee v o n e in e r im
G ru n d e e in h e itlic h e n u n d h iera rch isc h e n O rd n u n g d e r S c h ö p fu n g b e stä n d ig zeleb rierte:
in der P h ilo so p h ie , im O p fe r, in d e r S tru k tu r v o n H a u s u n d Stadt u n d w o n ic h t n och.
D ie a b er w ar, auch w e n n m an sie ü b e rall z u v e rw irk lic h e n tra c h te te , Ideal, u n d d a m it
stellt sich zw angsläufig die Frage, die L ariviere (u n te n S. 97 ff.) au fg re ift u n d d isk u tie rt,
die F rage n ach d e r R e alitä t d e r V o rs c h rifte n , die die R e c h ts lite ra tu r d e r H in d u s in k a u m
ü b e rsch a u ter M enge7 ü b e rliefe rt. W aren sie v e rb in d lic h , u n d w e n n ja, fü r w en u n d w ie
weit?
E ine e in d eu tig e A n tw o r t w ird m an n ic h t geben k ö n n e n , u n d das liegt an dem U m feld ,
in dem die k lassischen L eitv o rste llu n g e n zu w irk e n h a tte n .
E in e rster, w e se n tlic h e r F a k to r w a r die h isto risch e S itu a tio n , je n e r eben gestreifte
P ro z e ß d e r a llm äh lich e n A u s b re itu n g des H in d u ism u s, bei d e r m ilitä risc h e E ro b e ru n g
(das ,E rsiegen d e r W e ltg eg e n d en ', das z u m S te reo ty p u n d Id ealb ild des h in d u istisc h e n
K ö n ig tu m s g e h ö rt hat) sic h er eine w ich tig e, u n d eb en so sic h er n ic h t d ie d o m in ie re n d e
R olle gespielt hat. D ie lite ra risc h e n Q u e lle n , u n te r a u sd rü c k lic h e m E in s c h lu ß des
S taatslehrbuchs, zeigen, d a ß E ro b e ru n g d u rc h au s n ic h t g le ic h b e d e u te n d w a r m it ein e r
M issio n ieru n g m it F e u e r u n d S ch w ert. U n te n S. 243 ff. fü h r t E. R itsch l aus, w ie ein
E ro b ere r n ach dem A rth a sä s tra v e rfa h re n soll: n ä m lich in d em e r den E ro b e rte n
w eitgehende A u to n o m ie im In n e rn b e lä ß t. (H ie r s tö ß t m an auf das S tr u k tu r p r in z ip d e r
S ubsidiarität, das sich in a b g ew a n d e lte r F o rm n ic h t selten in den sog. L an d sc h e n k u n g e n
w ied erh o lt,
die
dem
B e le h n ten
o ft
genug
sam t
dem
L and
au ch
die
N ie d ere
G e rich tsb a rk eit ü b e rtra g e n : s.u. M . N jam m asch.) — U n d n o c h einm al: G egeben die h o c h
über andere h erau sg e h o b e n e S tellung, die das h in d u istisc h e K rö n u n g s ritu a l dem K önig
zuspricht,
m uß
das
S taatsm o d ell,
das
die
B ra h m a n e n
p ro p a g ie rte n ,
fü r
einen
Stam m esfürsten d u rc h a u s lo c k e n d gew esen sein. B ra h m a n isch e G e le h rsa m k e it w a r n u r
allzu willig, ih m die rich tig e H e rk u n ft zu verschaffen, z.B. G e n ea lo g ie n z u .fin d e n “,
erfinden, zu fa b riz ie re n , die sein H a u s leg itim ierten , in d e m sie es e tw a a u f die S o n n e n
oder auf die M o n d d y n a stie z u rü c k fü h rte n .
D am it w ar ein e n tsc h e id e n d e r S c h ritt zu e in e r K o n s te lla tio n getan, w ie es sie w o h l
oft gegeben hat: D ie G e le h rte n v e rtra te n O rth o d o x ie , in w e lch e r F o r m auch im m er; d e r
H o f stand m e h r o d e r w e n ig er d e u tlic h u n te r ih re m E in flu ß , u n d im ü b rig e n b le ib t alles
beim A lten.
A uf den ersten B lick sc h e in t das eine labile V e rteilu n g . A b e r n u n h a t m an zw eiten s
der b e h arre n d en T e n d e n z e n d e r S o z ia lo rd n u n g z u g ed en k e n , w o jed e r h in e in g e b o re n
w ird in seine Fam ilie, in seine K aste (: d e r indische A u s d ru c k fü r K aste, jä ti, h e iß t n ich t
zufällig im W o rts in n ,G e b u rt‘), u n d z eitle b en s dieser se in er G e b u rt v e rh a fte t b leib t. D ie
zeichnen ih m L eb e n sfo rm u n d -fu n k tio n vo r. ,Besser d e r eigene d h arm a, auch w e n n er
ohne V orzüge ist“ (und fü r ,o h n e V o rz ü g e “ k ö n n te m an so g ar setzen: ,sc h le c h t“), ,als der
eines anderen, w o h l befolgt; besser ein S terben im e igenen d h a rm a ; d e r dbarm a eines
^Vom Dharmakosa, der bislang größten, noch unvollständigen K om pilation der Rechtsquellen,
sind bislang 20 starke Q uartbände erschienen.
VTT
X.II
B e r n h a r d K ö lv e r
an d ere n is t g e f ä h r l i c h 1, s a g t die B hagavadgitä (3.35), u n d solche Sätze v e rp flic h te n
n a t ü r l i c h d e n E i n z e l n e n auch z u V erh alten sw eisen , die w enig angesehen w aren . M an
n e h m e n u r d ie H a n d w e r k e r , die ih r B eruf z u gew altsam en E in g riffen in die N a tu r
z w i n g t . Z u m Bau b ra u c h t m an H o lz ; das m u ß gefällt w erd en ; ab er ich k a n n m ir k a u m
d e n k e n , d a ß in d e r H o c h lite ra tu r irg en d w o das L ob des H o lz fälle rs gesungen w ird .
W o h l a b er g ib t es in e in e r n e p alisch e n C h ro n ik (über die R e n o v ie ru n g eines H e ilig tu m s)
e in en Passus, d e r u n ü b e r h ö rb a r sagt, w ie m an ih re A rb e it ein sch ä tz te: Sie z ie h en aus, u m
ein L ebew esen z u tö te n . D a tu t sich also ein Z w iesp alt auf. S elb stv erstän d lich ist ein en
B aum fällen sc h le c h te r als ih n ste h e n lassen (ein Satz w ie das biblische .M ach et euch die
E rde u n te r ta n 1 ist im H in d u is m u s u n d e n k b a r); H o lz ist aber n ö tig , u n d so schafft es d e r
h e ran , d e m das sein d harm a aufgibt.
D as D ile m m a h a t das tra d itio n e lle In d ien auf die v ersch ied en ste W eise zu bew ältig en
v e rsu ch t: d u rc h W e ltflu c h t; d u rc h die T h e o rie v o n d e r V e rg eltu n g d e r T a te n (: im
g eg en w ärtig en L eb en s ü h n t m an die F e h le r d e r frü h eren ); d u rc h eine L ehre v o n den
L eb en sstad ien (: n a c h d e r E rfü llu n g d e r sozialen P flich te n h a t m an das R ech t, d e r
eigenen E rlö s u n g zu leben); u n d eben auch d u rc h das R e c h t, in einem m erk w ü rd ig e n
u n d b e d e n k e n sw e rte n R e c h tsg ru n d sa tz , dem vom .B rauch des L andes, B rauch d e r K aste,
d e r F a m ilie 1 (desäcära usw .), d e r d e n th e o re tisc h e n R a h m e n z u r E in o rd n u n g so lc h er
L e b e n sfo rm en abgab, die den N o rm e n des angesehenen, rich tig en V erh alten s z u w id e r
liefen. D ie Begriffe w a re n n ic h t b lo ß e T h e o rie , in d e r A rt e in e r v e rb alen K o n z essio n .
Selbst die o rth o d o x e s te n u n te r den klassischen indischen R e c h tsb ü c h e rn lassen das h ie r
u n d da e rk e n n e n . D as A lltagsleben im Staat k a m h alt n ic h t m it d e m R e g elk an o n aus,
den die B ra h m a n en fü r ih r eigenes R ichtiges V e rh alten e n tw ic k e lt h a tte n .
Sehen w ir u n s ein Beispiel an. F ü r das H e ira te n z äh lt die M a n u sm rti, d e r re p u tie rlich ste R e ch tste x t v o n allen, a ch t F o rm e n auf, d a ru n te r zw ei, die in e in em z e n tra le n
P u n k t e in a n d e r d iam e tra l entgeg en g esetzt sind. N a ch ein er, d e r äsura-Form , k a n n die
B raut gek au ft w e rd en (3.31); in d e r bm hm a- u n d d e r daiva-F o r m (3.27-28) w ird sie
w eggegeben, u n d z w a r m it e in e r M itg ift. D ie T e rm in i verw eisen n o c h d e u tlich a u f d e n
Z u sta n d , w o m an sich d e r p o la re n G e g en sätz lic h k eit b e w u ß t w ar. Sie leiten sich ab v o n
dem O p p o s itio n s p a a r G ö tte r : W id e rg ö tte r, d e v a s : asuras, d e ren K äm p fe lange Passagen
in d e r M y th o lo g ie e in e r F rü h p h a se d e r in d isch e n sp e k u lativ en P h ilo so p h ie b e stim m te n .
U n d d e r B ra u tk a u f, d ie .F o rm , die zu den W id e rg ö tte rn g e h ö rt1 (3.24), w ird b lo ß den
b eiden u n te rs te n d e r v ie r a lte n K asten gestattet. D ie W e rtu n g ist fü r die M a n u s m rti
völlig klar: D ie K in d e r aus sc h le c h te n H e ira tsfo rm e n , äsura u n te r ih n e n , g e h ö re n zu
de n en , die .g rau sam u n d u n w a h r sp re c h e n 1 (3.41). (A u f die Seite d e r G ö tte r g e h ö rt
n a tü rlic h auch d e r d r itte F a c h a u sd ru c k , brähm a; e r leitet sich ab v o n dem N a m e n
d esjenigen P rin z ip s , das die G ö tte r ü b e rh ö h te .)
M an z ö g ert, d erg le ic h e n in ein e d ire k te h isto risch e H y p o th e s e u m z u se tz e n , ab er es ist
m itu n te r n ic h t leich t, d e r V e rlo c k u n g z u w id e rsteh e n . W a ru m so llte es d e n B ra u tk a u f
n ic h t gegeben h a b e n , a u c h w e n n w ir v e rm u tlic h n ic h t h e rau sfin d e n w erd en , auf w elch e
F a k te n , w e lch e E th n ie n M a n u s R egeln zu rü ck g e h en . D as W esen tlic h e ist, d a ß e r die
A b w e ic h u n g t r o tz d e u tlic h e r M iß b illig u n g b u c h t u n d B e dingungen fe stsc h re ib t, u n te r
d e n e n sie gelten soll.
D e rg leich e n ist z u e in e m a u sfo rm u lie rte n R e c h tsp rin z ip g e w o rd en , u n d g a n z im
E in k la n g m it d e r T e n d e n z d e r o b e n z itie rte n Stelle aus d e r B hagavadgitä (lieber d e n
Einführung
X III
eig en en , sc h le c h te n d harm a befo lg en als d e n besseren eines anderen) sagt ein a n d e re r
u n te r d e n an g eseh e n en a lte n in d isch e n Ju riste n , N ä rad a , d a ß in der A d m in is tra tio n des
R e c h ts dieser L okal-, K asten- o d e r F a m ilie n b ra u c h V o rra n g v o r dem d harm a genieße
(den au ch e r n a tü rlic h als das a b so lu t R ich tig e v e rstan d e n seh en will). M an sie h t, das ist
n ic h ts als das fo rm ale A n e rk e n n tn is des P rin z ip s , das sc h o n M anus R egeln ü b e r die
H e ir a t z u g ru n d e lag.
Es k o n n te bis in die jü n g ste V e rg an g e n h e it gelten. K ü rz lic h sin d die U m risse e in e r
d ö rflic h e n V erfassu n g p u b liz ie rt w o rd e n 8, die in den frü h e n F ü n fz ig e r Ja h re n dieses
J a h r h u n d e rts im n ö rd lic h e n N e p a l k o d ifiz ie rt w o rd e n ist. D a b ild en R e p rä s e n ta n te n v o n
13 D ö rfe r n e in e n sog. d harm a pancäyat, ein e A rt ,R e c h ts-R a t', w ie m an den A u s d ru c k
in e tw a p a ra p h ra sie re n k ö n n te , u n d die K o n s titu tio n b e stim m t u.a., d a ß ein D o r f
b e w o h n e r, d e r in e in e m R e c h tsstre it die sta atlic h en G e ric h te b e m ü h t, o h n e v o r h e r den
Fall diesem d ö rflic h e n ,R e ch ts-R a t' v o rgelegt z u h ab en , m it ein e r (gar n ic h t n iedrigen)
G e ld strafe belegt w ird . D e rg leich e n w u rd e , u n d das ist das B e m e rk en sw e rte , v o n der
Z e n tra lre g ie ru n g n ic h t e tw a n u r to le rie rt, so n d e rn regelrecht g efö rd ert. D ie S chw ie
rig k e ite n u n d die K o s te n , im z e rk lü fte te n T e rra in des H im ä la y a a lle n th a lb e n eine
au sd iffe re n z ie rte V e rw a ltu n g u n d J u d ik a tu r z u u n te rh a lte n , sin d sic h er n u r ein T eil d e r
E rk lä ru n g . W ir fin d e n ja V ergleichbares in d e n E rsc h ein u n g en , die B. Stein z u m B egriff
des ,S e g m e n ta ry S ta te ' z u sa m m e n fa ß t; w ir h ab en eine N o tiz aus den u n te r dem N a m e n
K ä ty äy a n a ü b e rlie fe rte n F ra g m e n te n , die o ffe n b a r ein S ta d iu m m a rk ie rt, w o d e r Staat
sich u m die K o d ifik a tio n so lc h e r R egional- u n d V e rb an d srec h te b e m ü h te o d e r d o c h sie
w e n ig sten s sam m elte.
In so lc h e r Lage w a ren K o n flik te u n v e rm e id lic h . A u sg erech n et z u m K o m p le x L an d
b e sitz v o n F ra u e n , dessen fa k tisc h es G e rü st F ra u G upta u n te n S. 199 e ta b lie rt u n d d e r
w o m ö g lic h ein e se in er W u rz e ln in e in e r ü b e rp e rsö n lic h e n K o n z e p tio n v o n L a n d b e sitz
h at, h a t u n s e in g lü c k lic h e r Z u fall e in e n F all e rh alte n . E r sta m m t aus d e m T al v o n
K a th m a n d u u n d sp ie lte sich u n te r den seit J a h rh u n d e rte n d u rc h h in d u is tisc h e K önige
b e h e rrsc h te n N e w a rs ab, bei d e n en die F ra u e n tra d itio n e ll ein d e u tlich g rö ß e re s M a ß an
S e lb stän d ig k e it g e n ie ß en , als ih n e n die klassischen L eitv o rstellu n g e n z u b illig e n . D a
w o llte ein V a te r se in er T o c h te r L an d ü b e reig n en , u n d u m das d u rc h z u se tz e n , g riff e r zu
e in e r ju ris tisc h e n F ik tio n . E r m ac h te ih r ein v erb rieftes G eld g esch en k u n d z a h lte d a n n
n ic h t. So w u rd e e r z u ih re m S c h u ld n e r u n d k o n n te ih r als S ich erh eit fü r die g e schuldete
S um m e ein F e ld v e rp fä n d e n .
D e r Fall ist n ic h t u n in te re s sa n t in d e r A rt, w ie er die allm äh lich e R e z e p tio n d e r
h in d u is tisc h e n N o r m e n illu strie rt. E rsic h tlic h w a r die R egelung d e r O rth o d o x ie b e k a n n t,
aber g leic h ze itig fa n d sich ein A usw eg, d e r es erla u b te , b eim L o k a lb ra u c h 9 z u v e rh a rre n .
A ll das h e iß t, w ir h a b e n n ic h t m it b lo ß zw ei F a k to re n zu tu n , d e m v o n d e r H o c h
tra d itio n g e fo rm te n u n d k o d ifiz ie rte n R e ch t u n d dem ,B rau ch ‘ z ah llo ser E th n ie n , K asten
8 M. L. Karrnacharya, People’s Participation in the Management of Local Affairs in Southern
Mustang in the 19th and 20th Centuries, in: Ancient Nepal 136 (1994), pp. 17-22.
’ Jedenfalls verm ute ich, daß es L okalbrauch war, obw ohl Parallelen zu dem einen bisher
gefundenen Stück noch nicht aufgetaucht sind. A ber die Landverkaufsdokum ente zeigen in der
nach F orm ular obligatorischen Aufzählung der N achbarn eines verkauften G rundstücks gar
nicht so selten ganz eindeutige Frauennam en.
Bernhard Kölver
X IV
u n d K o rp o ra tio n e n , so n d e rn m üssen zusätzlich m it In te rfe re n z e n re c h n e n . P restig e
g e n o ß n a tü rlic h , w as d e r H o f m achte, u n d d e r w ird in aller R egel u n te r dem E in flu ß
d e r H o c h tr a d itio n g estanden h ab en . D ie p ro d u z ie rte unablässig exem pla, M y th e n ,
E rz ä h lu n g e n , u n d
p ro p a g ie rte
so ih r L eitbild. D as w irk te n a tü rlic h ; die fik tiv e
S c h e n k u n g des V aters an seine T o c h te r zeigt se h r sc h ö n , w ie die K a teg o rien d e r
O rth o d o x ie allm äh lich nach u n te n d u rc h sic k e rte n . D erlei h a t v e rm u tlic h m e h r z u r
A u s b re itu n g des H in d u ism u s beigetragen als E ro b e ru n g u n d G e w a lt.
N a c h d e m A rb e ite n z u m tra d itio n e lle n R e ch t u n d Staat im k lassischen In d ie n lange die
P a ssio n E in z e ln e r gew esen sind, b e g in n t d e r T h e m e n k re is u n te r dem E in flu ß d e r H is to
rik e r in diesen Ja h re n , w ied er eine etw as g rö ß ere Z ah l v o n F o rs c h e rn a n z u z ie h e n , die
sich n a ch u n d nach u m festere G ru n d la g en b e m ü h e n : verläß lich e T ex tau sg ab e n ; S tu d ien
z u A u fb a u , G e d a n k e n fü h ru n g , c h ro n o lo g isc h e r S c h ich tu n g u n d re g io n a le r H e rk u n ft
e in z e ln e r T ex te. V ersu ch e z u r sy stem atisch en D a rste llu n g e in z eln e r R e c h tsm a te rie n sin d
sc h o n älter.
A ll das gib t w en ig h e r ü b e r das V e rh ältn is v o n V o rsch rift zu p ra k tiz ie rte r R ealität.
B echens H in w e is a u f die R egeln des b u d d h istisch e n Sangha als K o d ifiz ie ru n g eines
so lc h e n C o rp u s w a r überfällig. A n so n ste n ist die A rb e it w egen d e r u n g ü n stig e n Q u e lle n
lage m ü h sa m . N a tü rlic h h a t m an sch o n frü h v e rsu ch t, die L ücke w e n ig sten s teilw eise
d u rc h die D a te n z u sc h lie ß en , die sich aus der ,S ch ö n en L ite ra tu r“ g e w in n e n lassen,
o b w o h l sich jed e r d e r F ra g w ü rd ig k e it eines V erfahrens b e w u ß t ist, das E p o s, E rz ä h lu n g ,
G e d ic h t rein w eg als Q u e lle fü r Sozialgeschichte n im m t. G erad e in in d is c h e r L ite ra tu r
sin d ja F o rm e n u n d In h a lt w e itg eh en d d u rc h die V o rg a b en des jew eilig en lite rarisc h en
G e n res b e stim m t, u n d exempla classica spielen fast überall eine d o m in ie re n d e R o lle ; ein
in d isc h e r P ita v a l ist u n d e n k b a r.
D a ß D o k u m e n te n , die tatsäch lich e T ra n s a k tio n e n b e u rk u n d e n , in diesem Z u sa m m e n
h a n g ein g anz b e so n d e re r W ert z u k o m m t, h at v o r allem die G e sc h ich tsw issen sch a ft e r
k a n n t; D ie S ta atsin sc h rifte n g ro ß e r H e rre n , sp rich d ie K u p fe rp la tte n , als In sz e n ie ru n g
d e r L Ierrsch en d en , ja selbst d e r H errsch aftsid eo lo g ie sin d ein e in d ru c k sv o lle s B eispiel
d a fü r, w as sich m it diesem A n satz erreichen lä ß t —
gerade w eil sie, S tic h w o rt
L e g itim a tio n , d e n jew e ils d o m in ie re n d e n Idealbildern v e rp flich te t sin d .
D ie s n u r e in A s p e k t u n te r v ielen d e n k b are n , ganz ebenso w ic h tig e n . D e n n sie e rh a lte n
u n s au ch S pecim ina jenes ,R e g io n a lb rau c h s“ der in d isch e n Ju riste n : des gan zen u n ü b e r
sc h a u b a re n B ündels v o n Sonder- u n d V e rb an d srec h ten v o n religiösen G e m e in sc h a fte n ,
K asten , C lan s, F am ilien .
D a m it a b er g erät m an in den U m k re is einer w e ite ren ergiebigen, eb en so w ic h tig e n
w ie p ro b le m a tisc h e n , sc h w e r b e n u tz b a re n Q uelle. D as sin d die e th n o g ra p h is c h -e th n o
lo g isch e n B e sch reib u n g en . Sie m it den sc h riftlich e n Q u e lle n z u k o rre lie re n , w irft
e rh e b lic h e m e th o d isc h e P ro b le m e auf. D ie S tru k tu ra le A n th ro p o lo g ie h a t ja m it sp e k ta
k u lä re n E rfo lg e n das v o n Saussure in die S p rachw issenschaft e in g e fü h rte P rin z ip
ü b e rn o m m e n , das u n s a u ffo rd e rt, die einzelne B e o b ac h tu n g als T eil eines S ystem s zu
b egreifen, aus dem h erau s das isolierte F a k tu m seine B ed eu tu n g e m p fä n g t. G le ic h w o h l
E inführung
XV
ist dieser m e th o d isc h e G ru n d s a tz in tra d itio n e lle n südasiatisch en G esellsch aften n ic h t
leic h t z u h a n d h a b e n . D e n n m an hat auf S c h ritt u n d T r it t m it d e n e rw ä h n te n In te r
fe re n z en z u tu n , die d e r p re stig e b eh a fteten H o c h tra d itio n e n tsta m m e n . Ö lp re sse r g e h ö
ren v ie le ro rts, so auch f rü h e r in den K ö n ig re ic h en des K a th m a n d u ta ls, zu den
U n b e rü h rb a r e n . Im w enige K ilo m e te r sü d lich d e r K ö n ig ssta d t P ä ta n gelegenen K h o k ä n ä
je d o c h g e h ö rt das G esch äft des Ö lp re sse n s z u den n o rm a le n b ä u erlic h e n T ätig k eite n .
W ie soll m a n n u n m it e in e m ö lp resse n d en B auern u m gehen? Im T y p ist das ein ä h n
liches P ro b le m w ie das fik tiv e G eld g esch en k an die T o c h te r, das sich a u ch n u r aus dem
G e g e n e in a n d e r v o n H o c h tr a d itio n u n d L o k alb rau c h v e rsteh e n läßt: Z u e in e r E rk lä ru n g
b ra u c h t m an die jew eils g ü ltig e n L eitb ild er. H ie r liegt e in w eites F e ld z u fru c h tb a re r
Z u sa m m e n a rb e it zw isc h en T ex tw issen sch a fte n u n d E th n o lo g ie,
*
>5-
>5-
A ls letz te s w äre z u e rin n e rn an reine S e lb stv erstä n d lic h k eiten des p h ilo lo g isc h e n
H a n d w e rk s, die g leic h w o h l in d e r E rk lä ru n g d e r T ex te z u m k lassischen in d isch e n Staats
u n d R e ch tsw esen g elegentlich ins zw eite G lied z u rü c k tre te n . D e n n in A n le h n u n g an die
ausgefeilte B e g rifflich k e it d e r w e stlic h en W issenschaft (u n d ihres Jarg o n s) b e d ie n en sich
viele U n te rs u c h u n g e n des an d e r B eschreibung a b e n d län d isc h e r S y ste m zu sam m en h ä n g e
e n tw ic k e lte n In s tru m e n ta riu m s — u n d fü h re n d a m it in A s so z ia tio n e n , die ein adäquates
V e rstä n d n is d e r Q u e lle n e rsch w ere n .
E in zw eites, e rh eb lic h e s H in d e rn is liegt in d e r v iele ro rts ü b lic h e n T e rm in o lo g ie . D e r
im w e stlic h e n G e sc h ic h tsb ild so e n o rm b elastete B egriff d e r Sklaverei, w ie ih n z.B. die
B eiträge v o n D . R. P a n t u n d M. R. P ant u m re iß e n , ist gut geeignet, das P ro b le m zu
v e rd e u tlic h e n . U n te r den A rte n v o n ,S klav en ', die d e r u n te n (S. 148) z itie rte locus
classicus aus d e n in d isch e n J u ris te n a u fzä h lt (N ärad a 5.24-26 ed. Lariviere), ist au ch der
anäkälabhrtah, d .h . ,d erjenige, d e r w ä h re n d e in e r H u n g e rs n o t U n te rh a lt e rh ä lt'. D e n
zw ei S. 136 z itie rte n D o k u m e n te n e n tn im m t m an ein en w e ite re n w e se n tlic h e n F a k to r,
n ä m lich d e n , d a ß es F älle gab, w o eine zeitlich e L im ita tio n eines so lc h e n D ie n st
verh ältn isses v o n v o rn h e re in v e re in b a rt w u rd e ; ,S c h u ld k n e c h tsc h a ft' w äre also der
bessere Begriff. D ienstverhältnisse: d a m it ist das en tsch e id e n d e W o rt sc h o n gefallen. M an
h at also die v e rsch ie d en e n A rte n d e r A b h ä n g ig k eit zu u n te rs u c h e n ; sie u n te r d e r einen
Ü b e rsc h rift S klaverei b u c h e n gib t ein ein ig erm aß en v e rze rrte s Bild, le n k t die G e d a n k e n
in eine b e stim m te R ic h tu n g , u n d d ie ist n ic h t die d e r Q u e lle n . W. R a u h a t ein indisches
G eg en b ild g e zeich n et, das v o n d e r V e rp flic h tu n g zum U n te rh a lt au sg eh t, d e n e in e r den
Seinen sc h u ld et, u n d das d e n D ie n e r, bhrta-, als ,den U n te rh a lte n e n 1 eb en so u m fa ß t w ie
die G a ttin , bhäryä-, d e r m an , w ie das W o rt sagt, U n te rh a lt sc h u ld et. D .h ., m an b ra u c h t
die U n te rs u c h u n g des gan zen N e tz e s v o n A b h ä n g ig k eiten , b e v o r m an sin n v o ll v o n
Sklaverei in In d ie n red en k a n n , u n d dem h ä tte m an d a n n auch bei d e r G lo ssie ru n g
einschlägiger Stellen R e c h n u n g zu tragen.
D ie P ro b le m e d e r B eg rifflich k eit in a n d e re r F a c e ttie ru n g zeigt d e r B eitrag v o n C.
G upta. E r g ilt d e n R e c h te n v o n F ra u e n an L an d b esitz, so w ie sie sich aus d e n in sc h rift
lichen Q u e lle n re k o n s tru ie re n lassen. D as R e su lta t lä ß t sich k n a p p zusam m enfassen:
F ra u e n k o n n te n n a ch d e n in d e n R e c h tsb ü c h e rn n iedergelegten V o rs c h rifte n k e in L and
b e sitzen , u n d die in sc h riftlic h e E videnz, die C. G upta z u sa m m e n ste llt, fü g t sich lük-
XVI
Bernhard Kölver
k e n lo s in dieses Bild ein. A n d e n B efund k a n n m an n a tü rlic h w e ite re F ra g e n ric h te n .
N a c h gängiger in d isc h e r V o rs te llu n g scheidet b e k a n n tlic h eine F ra u m it d e r H e ira t aus
d e m F a m ilie n v e rb a n d aus, in d e n sie h in e in g e b o re n w u rd e , u n d t r it t in d e n ihres
E h em an n e s üb er; ih r ü b e reig n ete s L an d w äre also ih re r v ä te rlic h e n F a m ilie a u f D a u e r
e n tz o g e n . D as a b e r galt o ffe n b a r als n ic h t a k zep tab el. U n d n u n k o m m t ein z w e ite r
U m s ta n d h in z u . D ie n ep alisch en L a n d v e rk a u fsd o k u m e n te n e n n e n als ,Z e u g e n ' (säksinah)
eines L an d v e rk au fs stets F a m ilien a n g eh ö rig e , u n d z w a r b e m e rk e n s w e rt h äufig die
A b k ö m m lin g e des V erkäufers. Z u un p a rteiisch en D r itte n , d ie die G ü ltig k e it des V er
kaufs b ezeu g en k ö n n te n , ta u g e n V e rw a n d te schlecht. W as so llen d a n n die S ö h n e, E n k el
o d e r N e ffe n , die den V e rk a u f ,bezeu g en '? N a tü rlic h liegt die V e rm u tu n g n ah e, d a ß z u m
A tte s tie re n diejenigen h eran g e zo g e n w e rd en , die n eb en d e m p a ter fa m ilia s w ie im m e r
g eartete R e ch te an dem v e rä u ß e rte n G ru n d s tü c k h ab en . N im m t m a n n u n ab er das z u
sam m e n m it den fe h le n d en R e c h te n v o n F ra u e n an L an d , d a n n w ird m an in die N ä h e
jenes V o rste llu n g sk reise s g e fü h rt, d e n sc h o n v o r m e h r als e in em J a h rh u n d e rt Sir H en ry
M aine in sein em ,A n c ie n t L aw ' sk iz z ie rt hat: das e re rb te L an d g e h ö rte selbst bei d e r
p a tria rc h a lisc h e n in d isch e n F a m ilie n s tru k tu r d e r F am ilie u n d n ic h t d e m E in z e ln e n , d e r
zufällig ih r O b e rh a u p t w ar. W as d a n n ziem lich d ire k t d ie F rage n a ch F u n k tio n u n d
R e c h tsste llu n g des In d iv id u u m s in n e rh a lb eines F a m ilien v e rb an d e s a u fw irft u n d u.a. auch
z u m A u s g a n g sp u n k t, G uptas S c h ild e ru n g der S tellung d e r F ra u , z u rü c k fü h rt.
U n d w e n n sc h o n die B egriffe z u m g u ten T eil d e r n o tw e n d ig e n gen au en K lä ru n g
h a rre n , gilt das u m so m e h r fü r ih re V e rn etz u n g . N o c h ein m a l z u d e n H e ira tsfo rm e n .
U n te r B ra h m a n en gelte b e so n d e rs viel, sagt die M a n u sm rti 3.35, die ,G abe eines
M äd ch en s m i t W assern'. W as diese W asser sind, w issen w ir d u rc h Luders: M an pflegte
sie bei e in em E id au sz u g ie ß en , so w ie die G rie c h e n b e im W asser d e r S tyx g esc h w o ren
h a b en . Bei L an d sc h e n k u n g e n z.B. ist dieses A u sg ie ß e n v o n W asser bis tie f ins in d isch e
M itte la lte r h in e in g e b räu c h lic h gew esen. Als B e k räftig u n g eines V e rsp re ch e n s, als S c h w u r
w ü rd e sich d e r R itu s glatt in d e n K o n te x t eines V erlö b n isses ein fü g en . N u n gibt es a b er
eine A sso z ia tio n , die z ie m lich n a h e liegt. Es w ird n ä m lich in d e r in d isch e n L ite ra tu r des
ö fte re n die F ra u m it e in e m F e ld v erglichen. So bei d e n J u riste n in d e r E r ö rte ru n g des
P ro b le m s , o b ein a u ß ere h elich gezeugtes K in d sein em E rze u g er o d e r dem E h e m a n n d e r
M u tte r z u z u re c h n e n sei: w as a n F ru c h t a u f e in em F elde w äch st, g e h ö re dessen E ig n er,
gleichviel, w o h e r d e r Sam e k o m m t. U n d n u n m u ß die F rag e e rla u b t sein, o b dieses
W asser, das bei d e r ,G ab e eines M äd ch en s' ausgegossen w ird , n ic h t auch im Z u sa m
m en h a n g m it d e m W asser b ei d e r S ch e n k u n g eines F eldes gesehen w e rd en sollte. W as
d a n n A n la ß geben k ö n n te , w e ite r ü b e r die S tellu n g d e r F ra u n a c h z u d e n k e n . D e n n bei
so lc h en P a ra llele n h a t m an ste ts in R e ch n u n g zu stellen, d a ß In d ie n e h e r dazu neig t, sie
als sin n stifte n d e G le ic h u n g e n z u b e tra c h te n d e n n als b lo ß e B ilder (solange m an u n te r
B ild ern u n e ig e n tiic h e A u sd ru ck sw e isen v ersteht).
*
>&
■ ^
So etw a lä ß t sich die S itu a tio n sk iz ziere n , aus d e r das C o llo q u iu m e n ts ta n d . M an sieht:
die G e sc h ich te In d ien s ist ein e ju n g e W issenschaft, die sich d e r e le m e n ta re n F a k te n n o c h
z u v e rsic h e rn h a t. In d o lo g e n k ö n n e n n ic h t a u f die e ta b lie rte n R e su lta te ja h rh u n d e rte
langer, w e iträ u m ig e r, g e w isse n h afte r P h ilo lo g ie z u rü ck g re ife n ; w ir äch zen u n te r der
Einführung
X V II
F ü lle des g änzlich u n b e a rb e ite te n o d e r u n z u lä n g lic h ersch lo ssen en P rim ä rm a te ria ls u n d
sin d bei all d e r K le in a rb eit v e rw irrt u n d gereizt v o n d e n vielfältigen A n s ä tz e n d e r a b en d
län d isc h en H isto rio g ra p h ie . D ie schärfen das A uge fü r M ö g lic h k e ite n , v e rlo c k e n z u r
Ü b e rn a h m e . D ie aber, sc h e in t m ir, w ird v o r allem d a n n fru c h tb a r sein, w e n n sie die
indigene B eg rifflich k eit des in d isch e n K u ltu rra u m s in ih r K alk ü l e in b e z ie h t. A b e r die
E rfo rs c h u n g so w o h l d e r V o rste llu n g e n w ie d e r In s titu tio n e n , die in In d ie n G e sc h ich te
u n d G e sc h ic h tsb ild geprägt h a b e n , s te h t in vieler H in s ic h t n o c h ganz am A n fan g . —
D u rc h v ersch ied en e tec h n isc h e P ro b le m e , m ein e n W echsel nach L eipzig an d e r Spitze,
hat sich die P u b lik a tio n dieses Bandes ü b e r G e b ü h r h in au sg ezo g en , w o fü r ich u m
E n tsc h u ld ig u n g b itte . So fe h lt d e r B eitrag v o n G érard T o ffin , d e r u n se re Ü b e rleg u n g e n
in se h r w illk o m m e n e r W eise e rg än zt h a t10: e r b e h a n d e lt die S tru k tu rie ru n g des
stä d tisc h e n A m b ie n te v o n K a th m a n d u , so w ie die M aharjans (B auern) sie sich z u re c h t
gelegt h ab en . In n e rh a lb des w e itg e fäc h e rte n K o n tin u u m s z w isch en H o c h tra d itio n u n d
L o k a lb ra u c h ist e r v o n a lle rg rö ß te m Interesse, au ch als ein ,u n g e le h rte s‘ P e n d a n t z u den
fü r die S tadt B h a k ta p u r e n tw ic k e lte n M o d ellen , d en en ich w ä h re n d m eines K ollegjahrs
ein S tü c k w e it n a ch g e h en k o n n t e 11.
D as H isto risc h e K o lleg h a t u n s u n te r a n g en e h m ste n B ed in g u n g en die G e leg e n h eit zu
ru h ig er A rb e it u n d z u m A u s ta u sc h gegeben. M it ih re n O d e n u n d Z u e ig n u n g e n h a tte n
frü h ere Z e ite n ein e V ielzah l e xpressiver F o rm e n , ih ren D a n k a b z u sta tte n : unsere
h e u tig e n , v e rh a lte n e n sin d ä rm lic h u n d d ü n n ; sie lassen n ich ts d u rc h sc h e in e n v o n der
F reu d e, ein ganzes J a h r in e in e r u rb a n e n U m g e b u n g den eigenen A rb e ite n leben zu
d ü rfen . M ein D a n k gilt dem K u ra to riu m d e r S tiftu n g H isto risc h e s K olleg u n d seinem
V o rsitz e n d e n , H o rs t F u h rm a n n ; e r gilt Elsa L ang, Inge H a b e re r, G e o rg K alm er, die dem
H a u s in d e r K a u lb ac h straß e se in en C h a ra k te r geben d u rc h R u h e , F re u n d lic h k e it, H ilfs
b e reitsch a ft u n d G e d u ld ; e r g ilt v o r allem E lisa b e th M iille r-L u c k n er, die m it ih rem
w achen In teresse, ih re r L eich tig k eit, ih re r B e h a rrlic h k e it m e h r z u m G elin g en des
G a n z e n beig etrag en h a t, als d e r B and e rk e n n e n läßt.
L eipzig, im A u g u st 1995
B ernhard K ö lve r
,v U nter dem Titel Tlje Farmers in the City inzwischen publiziert in: A nthropos 89 (1994), S.
433-459.
11 V f, Ritual und H istorischer Raum. Zum indischen Geschichtsverständnis. M ünchen 1993.
(Schriften des H istorischen Kollegs. Vorträge. 35.)
Verzeichnis der Tagungsteilnehmer
P ro f. D r. H e in z B echert, G ö ttin g e n
D r. G e o rg B e rk em er, K iel
P ro f. D r. B rajadulal C h a tto p a d h y a y a , N e w D e lh i
P ro f. D r. E lisa b e th F e h re n b a c h , S aarb rü ck en
(S tip e n d ia tin des H isto risc h e n K ollegs 1991/92)
D r. Je a n Fezas, L aboissiere-en-T helle
D r. G ü n te r G r ö n b o ld , M ü n c h e n
D r. C h itra r e k h a G u p ta , C a lc u tta
P ro f. D r . O s k a r v o n H in ü b e r , F re ib u rg
D r. H a iy a n H u -v o n H in ü b e r, W ien
P ro f. D r. B e rn h a rd K ö lv er, K iel (S tipendiat des H isto risc h e n K ollegs 1991/92)
P ro f. D r. H e r m a n n K u lk e , K iel
P ro f. D r. R ic h a rd W . L ari viere, A u s tin /T e x a s
D r. E lisa b e th M iille r-L u c k n er, M ü n c h e n (H isto risch es Kolleg)
P ro f. D r. M a rlen e N ja m m a sc h , B erlin
D in e sh Raj P a n t, K a th m a n d u
D r. M ah es Raj P a n t, K a th m a n d u /K ie l
D r. E va R its c h l, B erlin
D r. M a ria S ch etelich , B e rlin /L e ip z ig
P ro f. D r. D ie te r S chlingloff, M ü n c h e n
P ro f. D r. B u rto n S tein, L o n d o n
D r. G é ra rd T o ffin , P aris
P ro f. D r. F rie d ric h W ilh e lm , M ü n c h e n
P ro f. D r. M ichael W itzel, C a m b rid g e /M a ss.
I. Modelle
Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya
‘Autonomous Spaces’ and the Authority of the State:
the Contradiction and its Resolution
in Theory and Practice in Early India
‘T hrough tatter’d clothes small vices do appear, / Robes and
fu rr’d gowns hide all. Plate sin w ith gold / A nd the strong
Lance of Justice hurtless breaks; / A rm it in rags, a pigm y’s
straw does pierce it’.
King Lear, IV.6.164
It is n ecessary, at th e b e g in n in g o f th is essay, to o ffer so m e ju stific a tio n fo r w ritin g o n
a th e m e th e scope o f w h ic h is v e ry m u ch im p e rfec tly defin ed b o th in te rm s o f its
disparate tim e sp a n s a n d reg io n al foci a n d th e diffused n a tu re o f th e em p irica l evidence
it is goin g to be based o n . It w ill be seen, as th e essay progresses, th a t w e have, at least
in itially , c h o se n
m ate ria l fro m so u rces w h ic h c a n n o t be c o n sid ere d to relate to
‘C lassical’ In d ia b y a d o p tin g even a m o st flexible d e fin itio n o f th e te rm ‘C lassical’. It is
o n ly in th e sec o n d p a rt o f th e essay th a t w e have trie d to situ ate th e focus o n w h a t w e
w o u ld p re fe r to call th e ‘e a rly ’ o r ‘e arly h isto ric a l’ p e rio d o f In d ia n h is to ry 1. M e
th o d o lo g ic ally , th is a p p ro a c h w o u ld c e rta in ly a p p ea r to be a rb itra ry to th o se a m o n g us
w h o in sist o n a rra n g in g th e ir d a ta in a c h ro n o lo g ica l o rd e r
a n d w h o , ju stifia b ly ,
h ig h lig h t reg io n al v a ria tio n s. T h e ju stific a tio n th a t w e can o ffer at th is stage fo r th e
a p p ro ach w e have a d o p te d in th is essay — a n d in fact th e rest o f th e essay is an
e la b o ra tio n o f th is ju stific a tio n — is th a t th e essay is n o t c o n ce rn ed w ith th e h is to ry o f
any p a rtic u la r S tate a n d th e range o f re la tio n s w ith in it, b u t ra th e r w ith p o sin g a
p ro b le m w h ic h a p p ears to have c h ara cte riz ed state sy stem s in d iffere n t phases o f In d ia n
h isto ry . In o u r view , th e p ro b le m w as o f th e fo rm o f a m easure o f c o n tra d ic tio n
in h erin g all sta te s tru c tu re s, a n d all sta te societies2, in o rd e r to be able to c o n tin u e in to
1 Term inologies w hich relate to attem pts to periodize Indian history are often found
unsatisfactory and do not represent consensus. The term s being used in this essay are those
generally current am ong Indian historians. F or a recent discussion of the problem see B. D.
Chattopadhyaya, The M aking of Early Medieval India, Delhi, 1994, C hapter I.
In this particular context, the term ‘state society’ is being used for several reasons. O ne, the
term ‘state society’ rather than simple ‘state’ brings into clear focus the very m ajor distinction
between tw o radically different types of societies, one in w hich the ‘State’ did n o t exist, and the
second in which the emergence of the State altered patterns of relations w ithin com m unities and
between com m unities. Secondly, although the appearance of the State in historical India dates
from about the m iddle of the first m illennium B. C., one cannot consider the history of the
State in India in term s of the history of an Indian State. Actual States existed for varied spans
of time, and state form ation in regions w ithout p rio r experience of the State was a continuing
process. These trends in Indian history seem to be better expressed by using the term ‘State
2
existence, h a d re so lu tio n o f th is c o n tra d ic tio n b u ilt in to th e m . B o th th e c o n tra d ic tio n
a n d th e w a y its re so lu tio n m an ifested itself th ro u g h th e w o rk in g o f th e a p p a ra tu s o f th e
sta te can be lo o k e d fo r n o t o n ly in p ractice b u t in early p e rc e p tio n s o f th e sta te as w ell.
T h is search is th e m a jo r c o n c e rn o f th is essay, a n d since o u r a ssu m p tio n is th a t th e
c o n tra d ic tio n is p re sen t, in so m e fo rm o r th e o th e r, in all p re -m o d e rn state stru c tu re s,
w e have n o t felt, at least fo r th e p u rp o se o f th is essay, m e th o d o lo g ic a lly in h ib ite d in
d ra w in g u p o n sources p e rta in in g to d iffe re n t p e rio d s a n d d iffere n t regions.
I
T o e lu c id ate th e c o n tra d ic tio n th a t w e are try in g to fo rm u la te , w e shall cite em p irical
m ate ria l w e have c h o se n fro m th e ‘e arly m ed ie v a l/m e d ie v a l’ p e rio d o f In d ia n h is to ry
a n d th e n w o rk b a c k w a rd in tim e to th e e arly h isto ric a l p e rio d . T h e first piece o f
evidence is an e p ig ra p h ‘incised o n a p illa r in th e tem p le o f S om esvara’ at N a d o l3, th e
p o litic a l c e n tre o f th e N a d o l b ra n c h o f th e C ah am an as, in th e d istric t o f Pali in s o u th
east M a rw a r. D a te d in A . D . 1140-41, th e in sc rip tio n b elongs to th e tim e o f M aharajad h iraja ¡>rf R a y ap a la d e v a a n d gives c ertain details o f th e p re p a ra tio n o f a d o c u m e n t b y
re p re se n tativ es o f a s e ttle m e n t called D h a lo p a s th a n a , p re su m a b ly a to w n s h ip id en tica l
w ith D h a lo p , lo ca ted 4 m iles so u th -so u th w e st o f N a d o l. T h e re c o rd refers t o 16
b ra h m a n a s o f D h a lo p a , re p re se n tin g its e ig h t spatial segm ents o r w ards; th e sp atial
d is trib u tio n o f th e b ra h m a n a s can be sh o w n in th e fo llo w in g c h art;
B rahm anas
1.
V irigu
2.
P ra b h â k a ra
3.
A sadeü
4.
M ahadu
5.
D eu
6.
G hàhadi
7.
M u h a m k a ru
8.
D iv â k a ru
Spatial Segm ent o f D halopa
M eriv àd â4
D ïp a v àd a
D u m d a n a v a su
B h âm g u rav âd aü
Footnote fro m p. 1, continued
society’ rather than ‘State’ because ‘State society’ w ould highlight the continuity of the
institution o f State in India w ith its associated characteristics, w ithout, how ever, im plying the
existence of the Indian State.
3 D. R, Bhandarkar, The Chaham anas of M arwar, in: Epigraphia Indica, vol. 11 (1911-12),
reprinted (Delhi, 1981), pp. 37-41.
4 Bhandarkar {ibid.} pointed out that vdcia, vadaii, vasu and padi were term s w hich, in
contem porary usage, referred to wards o r localities of a tow n.
‘A utonom ous Spaces’ and the A uthority of the State
9.
3
D ev aicu
P ipalavada
10. D h a raii
11. N a ra y a n a
A m b ilav ad a
12. M ahaica
13. A sigu
14.
K hai'khannalavada
A sapalu
15. D e v am g u
16. A m b ig u
=
B h u m d av ad a
M ed iated b y D e v aic a (madbyaka-D evdica-sabitab) a n d head ed b y th e 16 b ra h m a n a s, th e
e n tire s e ttle m e n t o f D h a lo p a ‘ten d e re d a d o c u m e n t w ritte n (i.e. signed) w ith th e ir o w n
h a n d s ’ (sam asta-loko... svahastaksarapatram prayacchati). T h e aksarapatram stip u la te d th a t
th e y w o u ld fin d o u t, in accordance w ith th e c u sto m o f th e c o u n try , ‘b y m eans o f
caukadika sy s te m 5...
w h a te v e r
is lo st by,
o r sn a tch e d
a w ay
fro m ,
th e
bhata6,
bhattaputra7, d a u v d rika s, kdrpatika'', vanijjdrakas10, a n d o th e rs o n th e ir w a y " . If it
w as, h o w e v er, lo st at th e ir o w n place, i.e. at a n y p a rtic u la r w a rd at D h a lo p a , th e
resp o n sib le in d iv id u a ls th e re o f alread y nam ed w ere to fin d it o u t in p e rs o n .’ R eso u rces
such as m o n e y , w e ap o n s a n d w a tc h m e n c o u ld be p ro v id e d b y ru lers like R ay ap ala, a n d
a d e clara tio n w as also m ade to th e effect th a t ‘if a n y B ra h m a n a a m o n g st th e m w h o b e in g
asked b y chiefs (rdnaka) to fin d o u t som e lo st p ro p e rty , refused to d o so, asked fo r
m eans o f su b sisten ce o r fled aw ay, o r, if a p p re h e n d e d , h a d reco u rse t o k d ya vra ta o r selfim m o la tio n , h e w o u ld die like a cu r, d o n k e y o r candala, and th e chiefs (rdnaka), such
as R ayapala, a n d o th e rs, w o u ld in n o w ise be o p e n t o b lam e ’. T h e re co rd c o n ta in s a
long list o f w itnesses to th e d o c u m e n t, m o stly b ra h m a n as a tta ch e d to tem p les o f 3 aivite
affiliation, a n d n o t all necessarily located at D h a lo p a o r even at N a d o l. In fact, th e
w itnesses in clu d e d , a p art fro m b ra h m a n as, ‘th e w h o le class o f b a n k e rs (m abdjana)
b elonging t o A n a h iiia p u ra ’ o r A n h ilw a ra , th e capital o f th e C a u lu k y a s, a n d a g ro u p o f
m erch an ts, suggested b y th e te rm sresthi prefix ed to th e n am e o f o n e o f th em .
5 Caukadika seems to correspond to caukadiya or cautbiya, which, according to /. Tod, was a
council of m em bers elected by the residents of a village or a tow n. D. C. Sircar w ho has cited
Tod also cites inscriptional evidence on the institution of caturjdtaka which, according to him ,
corresponded to a ‘board o f four’: D. C. Sircar, Studies in the Political and A dm inistrative
Systems in Ancient and Medieval India (Delhi, 1974), pp. 78 ff. The N adol inscription however
mentions only the principle of caukadika, the actual num ber of m em bers being different.
Bhata, according to Bhandarkar (op. cit.), w ould refer to bhats or bards.
Bhandarkar (op. cit.) w ould consider bhattaputra to correspond to ‘B harhot, a higher class of
professional panegyrists’.
Dauvdrikas were doorkeepers of kings, know n as cludiddrs (ibid.).
io *îe ,;erin kdrpatika referred to pilgrims or caravans of pilgrim s (ibid.).
Vanijjaraka refers to vanjdris or vanjdras who were itinerant groups transporting goods from
°ne point to another. F or other references to this group and their activities in this region in the
early medieval period see B. D. Chattopadhyaya, Aspects of Rural Settlements and R ural Society
>n Early Medieval India (Calcutta, 1990), chapter 3.
4
T h e re co rd m akes several references to th e local C a h am an a ru le r R a y ap alad ev a a n d to
th e resources he w as e x p ected to p ro v id e to th e c o m m u n ity at D h a lo p a fo r th e
im p le m e n ta tio n o f th e c o n te n ts o f th e d o c u m e n ts, b u t it is th e c o m m u n ity o f D h a lo p a
w h ic h is o v e rw h e lm in g ly p re se n t a n d visible in th e reco rd . A lth o u g h N a d o l, th e
p o litica l c e n tre o f th e local C a h a m a n a state, w as o n ly 4 m iles aw ay, local se c u rity w as
th e c o n c e rn o f th e c o m m u n ity o f D h a lo p a (.friD halopiyalokasya sa m m a ten a ), and,
fu rth e r, it ends w ith th e e xp ressio n Sam asta-SriD balopiyalokasya m ate.
T h e sec o n d piece o f evidence, w h ic h is in m an y w ays d issim ilar to th e o n e fro m
R ajasth an , dates to th e se c o n d h alf o f th e 12th
c e n tu ry (A. D . 1173), b elo n g s to th e
reign o f Ja y a cc an d ra o f th e G ahadavala d y n a sty and is available also in th e fo rm o f an
e p ig ra p h discovered in e aste rn U tta r P ra d e sh 12
—
a reg io n
w ith w h ic h th e
G ahadavalas, w ith th e ir m a jo r p o litica l cen tres in V aranasi a n d K a n y a k u b ja , w ere closely
asso ciated .13 T h e e p ig ra p h , a lth o u g h it to o begins w ith a reference t o th e ru le o f
Jay accan d ra, is essen tially a c o m m u n ity d o c u m e n t w h ic h o rig in a te d in th e village
{grama) o f L ah a d ap u ra a n d w as d ra fte d b y th e brahnvana resid en ts o f th e village. T h e
te rm sth iti o c c u rrin g in th e re c o rd w as ta k e n to c o rre sp o n d to sthiti-patraka o f S m rti
lite ra tu re b y D. C. Sircar. Sircar tran sla te d th e term as a ‘fixed d ecisio n , o rd in a n c e o r a
decree’. T h is sthiti w as racita o r co m p o sed b y b ra h m in s d escrib ed in th e re c o rd as
sam vit-sam dgata,u i.e. b y th o s e w h o had com e to a ‘m u tu a l ag ree m e n t o r c o n tr a c t’; th e
sth iti is th u s d efined as a ‘d o c u m e n t re co rd in g th e fixed decisio n o f a c o rp o ra te b o d y ’.
T h e ‘decree’ w as th e c o m m u n ity ’s response to d e p ra d a tio n s b y anti-social elem en ts,
p ro m u lg a te d
in o rd e r to p ro te c t th e local p eople w h o w ere su ffe rin g fro m th e ir
d e p ra d a tio n s. T h ese d e p ra d a tio n s are specified as lu n th a n a m (p lu n d erin g ) a n d m ahisyadivestanam (seizure o f cattle). T h e d ecision stip u la te d th a t th e p e rso n fo u n d g u ilty o f such
crim es sh o u ld be killed
kd rya h i:) sarvasvaharanam
at o n ce and his p ro p e rty co n fiscated (tasya caksurvadhah
tathd),
his a b e tto r sh o u ld
be expelled
and
his h o u se
d em o lish e d (b h a m k tv a grha?n niskdlya) a n d th e in stig a to r o f th e crim e (v im a n tn ) w as to
be tre a te d like a dog, an ass a n d a C a n d ala (vdrayam stulyah sa sva-Candala-garddabhaih).
T h e w itn ess to th e sth iti w as god D vadasarka, th e a p p ro p ria te n e ss o f in v o k in g th e d e ity
as a w itn ess bein g suggested b y his a p p e lla tio n ‘loka-locana’, i.e. ‘th e eye o f th e w o r ld ’.
D e sp ite th e ir o b v io u s d issim ila ritie s, th e c o n te n ts o f th e tw o early m edieval records
p re sen te d above w ill ju stifia b ly evoke an im m ed iate q u ery : if su c h v ital areas of
a d m in is tra tio n as se c u rity , p o lic in g a n d ju stice w ere e ssen tially c o n ce rn s o f th e re sid en ts
” The relevant part of the record reads: marge gacchamdnabhata-bhattaputra-dauvarika-kdrpatikavanijjdrakddi-samastalokasya ca satkam gatam apahrtam ca desdcdrena caukadikdpravabendsmdbbih
nirgamaniyam, Bhandarkar, op. cit.
u D. C, Sircar, Ladahapura Inscription of the tim e of Jayachchandra, V.S. 1230, in: Epigraphia
Indica, vol. 32, part 7 (Delhi, 1960), pp. 305-09. T he contents of the record have been discussed
also in D. C. Sircar, Studies in Political and A dm inistrative Systems in A ncient and Medieval
India, pp. 82-87.
13 F or the Gahadavalas see R om a Niyogi, The H istory of the Gahadavala D ynasty (Calcutta,
1959).
11 Sam vit appears to mean the venue of a assembly and is likely to correspond to sam vid of
M anusm rti, 8.218-219.
15 Caksurvadhah has been explained by Sircar as ‘slaughter-at-sight’, op. cit.
5
o f a village o r a to w n , did th e n th e a u to n o m y o f th e village o r th e to w n c o m m u n ity
re n d e r th e a p p a ra tu s o f th e sta te re d u n d a n t? Indeed, in th e tw o cases c ite d above,
w h e rea s it is th e local c o m m u n ity w h ic h is o v e rw h e lm in g ly d o m in a n t, th e a d m in i
stra tiv e m a c h in e ry o f th e state is, in th e sam e m easure, invisible. T o th o se fa m ilia r w ith
e arly m edieval e p ig ra p h y , evidence o f th is k in d is h a rd ly u n iq u e ; o n th e c o n tra r y , it is
p le n tifu l, p a rtic u la rly in e arly m edieval s o u th India, even in th e c o n te x ts o f state
s tru c tu re s w h ic h are o fte n c o n sid ere d to have been c h ara cte riz ed b y o rg a n iz a tio n a l
stre n g th
a n d c o h esio n . T h e evidence o f th e v isib ility o f w h a t w e have te rm e d
‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ is o b v io u sly in a large m easure a n tith e tic a l to th e a p p a ra tu s o f th e
State a n d can b e u n se ttlin g to a s tu d e n t o f even early p o litic a l h isto ry . H o w u n se ttlin g
such evidence can be is illu stra te d b y th e w ay D . C. Sircar reacted to th e e vidence o f th e
L a h a d a p u ra reco rd : ‘T h e q u e stio n is n o w as to th e cap a city in w h ic h th e B rá h m a n as of
L ah a d ap u ra issued th e d ecree’.16 In th e absence o f a n y reference to ro y a l a p p ro v al in
th e re co rd , Sircar c o n sid ere d th e p o ssib ility o f th e B ráh m an as o f L a h a d a p u ra h a v in g
been specially e m p o w e re d b y th e G á h ad av ála k in g ‘to act in th e m a n n e r d e sc rib e d in th e
in s c rip tio n ’; an a lte rn a tiv e s u p p o s itio n o f Sircar w as th a t ‘th e re p re v aile d a s o rt o f
a n a rc h y re su ltin g fro m m a la d m in istra tio n in th e re g io n in q u e stio n a n d th e leaders o f
th e local p o p u la tio n h a d to m ake th e ir o w n a rra n g e m e n ts fo r th e su p p re ss io n o f a n ti
social e le m e n ts’. A lth o u g h Sircar d id n o t really su b scrib e to e ith e r a lte rn a tiv e a n d cam e
to c o n sid e r dharm asastric in ju n c tio n s as a s o lu tio n to th e p ro b le m p o se d b y th e reco rd ,
his analysis o f th e evidence rem a in e d essentially c h ara cte riz ed b y am b iv a le n ce all
th ro u g h . W h ile p o in tin g o u t th a t m o st a n cien t law givers absolved th e b rá h m a n a s fro m
capital p u n is h m e n t, Sircar n e v erth ele ss felt it necessary to suggest th a t th e b rá h m a n as
o f L ah a d ap u ra ‘d id n o t fin d th e p re sc rip tio n s su itab le fo r th e p re se rv a tio n o f law a n d
o rd e r in th e ir area u n d e r prev ailin g c o n d itio n s ’. E lsew h ere to o , Sircar's c o m m e n ts m ake
it a b u n d a n tly clear th a t he fo u n d it d iffic u lt to m ake th e c o n te n ts of th e re c o rd c o n fo rm
to dharm asastric n o rm s.
In a n y case, th e evidence b earing u p o n th e w ays in w h ic h c o n tin g e n t s itu a tio n s w ere
m et b y locally o rg a n iz ed social g ro u p s p re sen ts o n ly o n e facet o f th e p ro b le m being
posed in th is essay. E vidence o f th is k in d needs to be ju x ta p o se d w ith evidence o f
a n o th e r k in d fo r desig n in g th e p ro b le m in th e ro u n d , a n d we n o w tu r n to a n o th e r
epigraphic reco rd , again n o t e n tire ly u n iq u e in its c o n te n ts , o f th e se c o n d h a lf o f th e
14th c e n tu ry (A. D .) fro m th e D eccan. E ngraved o n a s to n e at B h a n d ara basadi at
Sravana Belgola, th e m o st celeb rated Ja in a c e n tre in th e D eccan, th e re c o rd is co n cern ed
w ith a m ajo r d isp u te a n d its re so lu tio n b e tw e e n th e V aisnavas a n d th e Ja in a s .'7 A rele
vant p a rt o f th e reco rd reads: ‘. . . a d isp u te hav in g arisen b e tw ee n th e Jainas a n d th e
16 Epigraphia Indica, vol. 32, part 7, p. 307.
Epigraphia Carnatiea, vol. 2, second revised edition (Institute of Kannada Studies, U niversity
of Mysore, 1973), pp. 513-14. T. V. Mahalingam refers to a sim ilar dispute, centering around the
sharing of the produce of tem ple land, between the áaiva and Vaisnava priests of a place called
Tirum ayum , in the Hoysala period. T he dispute was adjudicated by a ‘special trib u n a l’ composed
of the members of the nadu, the sarnayamantris or the royal priests, the priests of b oth the sects
belonging to Tirum ayam and im portant temples of the neighbourhood and presided over by the
Hoysala general Appanna Dandanáyaka: see South Indian Polity, second edition (University of
Madras, Madras, 1967), p. 225.
6
bhaktas (V aisnavas), th e
blessed
p eople
(the jain as)
o f all th e
nadus in c lu d in g
A n e y a g o n d i, H o s a p a tta n a , P e n u g u n d e a n d th e c ity o f K alleha h a v in g p e titio n e d to
B u k k a ra y a a b o u t th e injustice d o n e b y th e bhaktas, th e kin g , ta k in g th e h a n d o f th e
Jain as a n d p lac in g it in th e h a n d o f th e isrivaisnavas o f th e e ig h te en nadus, in c lu d in g all
th e dcdryas o f th e places, th e ch ie f o f w h ic h are K ovil T iru m a le , P e ru m a l K ovil, a n d
T iru n a ra y a n a p u ra ; all th e sam ayis; all th e sdtvikas; m osbtikas; th o se o f th e h o ly service,
o f th e h o ly feet a n d o f th e (holy) w ater; th e fo rty -eig h t p eople; th e sdvanta-bovas; and
th e T ir u k u la a n d Ja m b a v a k u la — a n d d eclaring (at th e sam e tim e) th a t th e re w as n o
d ifference b e tw e e n th e V aisnava darsana (or faith) a n d th e Ja in a darsana, (d ecreed )...’
T h e ro y a l p re sen c e in th is re co rd , in c o n tra st to th e k in g ’s n e ar-in v isib ility in th e
re co rd s c ite d earlier, d id n o t sim p ly m ean th e k in g a ctin g as a d ista n t m e d ia to r in a
religious d isp u te . T h e decree w h ic h in th is case e m a n ate d fro m th e k in g did a tte m p t to
b rin g a b o u t a n am icable s o lu tio n b e tw ee n th e tw o religious c o m m u n itie s b y declarin g
th a t ‘if loss o r a d v an c em e n t sh o u ld be caused to th e Jain a darsana th ro u g h th e b h a k ta s,
th e V aishnavas w ill k in d ly d eem it as loss o r a d v an c em e n t caused (to th e ir o w n
darsana)... F o r as lo n g as th e su n a n d th e m o o n
e n d u re, th e V aishnava creed w ill
c o n tin u e to p ro te c t th e Ja in a darsana. T h e V aishnavas a n d th e Jain as are o n e (body);
th e y m u st n o t be view ed as d iffe re n t.’ H o w e v e r, th e decree w 'ent m u c h b e y o n d th ese
p ro n o u n c e m e n ts . F irs t, it stip u la te d th a t th e Jain a darsana w o u ld be, as b efo re, e n title d
to th e five g reat m usical in stru m e n ts a n d th e kalasa o r th e vase — o b v io u sly im p ly in g
re s to ra tio n o f se c u la r sy m b o ls o f sta tu s to th e J a in a c o m m u n ity , th e loss o f w h ic h m u st
have b e en o n e re aso n fo r th e ir d isp u te w ith th e c o m m u n ity o f th e V aishnavas. S econd,
a lth o u g h th e a rra n g e m e n t appears so m e w h a t in c o n g ru o u s, th e decree stip u la te d th e levy
o f cash fo r th e a p p o in tm e n t o f a n u m b e r o f guards a n d fo r re p air to d ila p id a te d
Jin alay as. T ra n sg re ssio n o f th e a rra n g e m e n ts stip u la te d in th e re co rd b y a n y in d iv id u a l
w o u ld m ak e h im ‘a tr a ito r to th e kin g , a tr a ito r to th e samgha a n d th e sa m u d a y a '.
T h ird , th e in d iv id u a l Basuvi-setti w h o in itia te d th e p e titio n to th e k in g B u k k a ray a in
o rd e r th a t th e d isp u te be resolved w as given b y b o th th e sam ayas o r c o m m u n itie s, in
u n is o n , ‘th e d ig n ity o f Sam g h a n d ya ka '. It m ay be argued th a t th e c o n te x t o f th e Sravana
B elgola re co rd , b e in g p u re ly religious, does n o t m erit c o m p a ris o n w ith th e situ a tio n s
reflected in th e N a d o l and L ahaclapura in sc rip tio n s o r th a t th e scale o f in v o lv e m e n t o f
local social g ro u p s in tw o sets o f re co rd s w as d iffere n t. T h e a rg u m e n t w o u ld , in o u r
o p in io n , n o t be to ta lly relev an t; b o th sets o f records relate to w h a t w as perceived as th e
d o m a in o f vyavahdra, o n e o f th e w ay s in w h ic h th e sta te was e xpected to reg u late, o r
ra th e r k e ep , social re la tio n s in p ro p e r o rd e r. T h e significant d ifference b e tw e e n th e tw o
sets o f evidence, in o u r view , is th a t in o n e set th e space o f a u th o rity is o v e rw h e lm in g ly
local a n d a p p ears a u to n o m o u s; in th e o th e r, th e presen ce o f th e apex a u th o rity , a lth o u g h
it is n o t a rtic u la te d th ro u g h th e use o f th e a d m in istra tiv e m a c h in e ry o f th e state, is v e ry
m u c h v isible in th e re so lu tio n o f a situ a tio n o f c o n flict. T h e c o n tra d ic tio n , th e n ,
c o n sisted in th e pre sen c e o f a u to n o m o u s spaces w ith in th e s tru c tu re o f a state, b u t th a t
it w as n o t th e o n ly k in d o f c o n tra d ic tio n in existence w ill be a p p a re n t as w e p ro c ee d
fu rth e r.
‘A utonom ous Spaces’ and the A uth o rity of the State
7
II
‘T h e re la tio n b e tw e e n a k in g d o m a n d a n o th e r c o m m u n ity c o u ld n o t be clear-cut; it
m ig h t be d iffic u lt to say w h e th e r th e o th e r c o m m u n ity was inside it, o r o u tsid e it, o r
su b ject to it, o r in d e p e n d e n t o f it’.18
W e sta rt th is se c tio n w ith th e a b o v e q u o te because, in a w ay, it is c h ara c te ristic o f th e
w a y h isto ria n s g e n era lly a p p ro ac h early evidence b earin g u p o n th e S ta te a n d th e
c o m m u n ity , fo r th e evidence, as w e have seen above, does n o t seem to m ak e it clear to
w h a t e x te n t th e c o m m u n ity /c o m m u n itie s w ere in te g rate d in to th e sta te s tru c tu re a n d
to w h a t e x te n t th e y w ere at a ‘d istan c e ’ fro m th is stru c tu re . W e can n o w tu r n to
c o n sid erin g b riefly th e evidence fro m th e e arly h isto ric a l p e rio d to d e m o n s tra te th a t th e
p ro b le m o f th e d e m a rc a tio n o f spaces o f a u th o r ity w as p re se n t n o t o n ly in th e c o n te x t
o f early m ed ie v a l/m e d ie v a l In d ia, it w as p re se n t in early h isto ric a l In d ia as w ell. In o th e r
w o rd s, a n y a tte m p t to u n d e rsta n d e arly In d ia n State sy stem s in th e o r y a n d in practice
has to g ra p p le w ith th e ex isten ce o f d iffere n t spaces o f a u th o r ity and w ith th e p ro b le m
o f th e ir re la tio n s h ip w ith in a stru c tu re .
T o stu d e n ts o f th e h is to ry o f th e M a u ry a n state, th e fact is q u ite fam iliar th a t it w as
afflicted b y severe fam ines, and th e evidence o f tw o M a u ry a n p e rio d records, th e
M a h a sth an fra g m e n ta ry sto n e p laq u e in sc rip tio n fro m B ogra d istric t o f B an g lad esh 15
and th a t o f th e S o h g au ra B ro n z e P laq u e in sc rip tio n fro m G o ra k h p u r d istric t o f U tta r
P ra d e sh ,20 is o fte n c ite d as illu stra tiv e o f th e d irec t in v o lv e m e n t o f th e M a u ry a n state
and its m a h d m a tra officials in fam in e relief m easures. T h e in sc rip tio n s in d ee d refer to
th e officials, to th e Kosthdgdra o r to th e sto re -h o u se a n d to p ro v isio n s m ade b o th in
kin d a n d cash. A t th e sam e tim e , o n e m u st be aw are o f th e evidence available, fo r
exam ple in th e Ja tak a s, th a t fam ine relief c o u ld also be th e c o n ce rn o f th e local
a u th o rity .21 It is really u n n e ce ssa ry to keep o n ad d in g to exam ples o f th is k in d ;
concrete cases w h ic h c o u ld co m e u n d e r p u rv ie w o f e ith e r th e apex a u th o r ity o r a
cohesive social g ro u p p e rta in e d n o t o n ly to vyavahdra b u t to o th e r areas as w ell. T h e
p o in t can p e rh a p s be effectively m ade, w ith o u t digressing in to a detailed discussion o n
th e n a tu re o f th e M a u ry a n state, b y sta tin g th a t w h ile th e M a u ry a n state h a d a n u m b e r
o f a d m in istrativ e c en tres in its c o re reg io n s a n d d iffe re n t categories o f o fficials,22
references to th e m in A so k a n edicts w ere o n ly in cid e n ta l w h ereas references to d b a m m a
were regular a n d d e lib e ra te. It was d h a m m a w h ic h e ncom passed d iffere n t e th n ic c o m m u
nities o f his em pire:
th e Y avanas, K am bojas, Bhojas, R a th ik a s, A n d h ra s, P u lin d as,
18 /. iV. Mabbett, T ru th , M yth and Politics in Ancient India (Delhi, 1972), p. 111.
19 For the text of the inscription see D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions bearing o n Indian H istory
and Civilization, vol. I (From the Sixth C entury B. C, to the Sixth C entury A. D.), Second
edition (Calcutta U niversity, 1965), pp. 79-80.
" ibid. , pp. 82-83. T his inscription refers to the adm inistration (sasand) of the mahamatras at
Sravasti, to the presence of three-storeyed kosthdgdras at villages and to the distribution of grains,
obviously, through official channels, at the tim e of famine.
For example, see R. C. Majiimdar, C orporate Life in Ancient India, third edition (Calcutta,
1969), pp. 126-127.
I
he nature of the M auryan state has been the them e of some lively debate in recent times.
Some relevant bibliographical references are to be found in B. D. Chattopadbyaya, T he Making
of Early Medieval India, pp. 15-16.
8
N a b h a k a s, N a b h a p a m th is in a d d itio n to n u m e ro u s o th e r c o m m u n itie s. A so k a did
m e n tio n his o w n prabhdva o r p ro w ess m ak in g p o in te d reference to th e s itu a tio n o f
c o m p u lsio n w h ic h p ro v o k e d h im ;23 he also sto o d fo r viyohala-sam ata o r e q u ity in
ju stic e .24 B ut A s o k a ’s rep eated claim s th a t it w as d h a m m a w h ic h b ro u g h t a b o u t
h o m o g e n e ity in social b e h a v io u r am o n g c o m m u n itie s in his e m p ire to th e e x te n t to
w h ic h it w as a b se n t fo r ‘m a n y h u n d re d s o f years in th e p a s t’ c o n s titu te a n a d m issio n of
th e ex isten ce o f m u ltip lic ity o f p a tte rn s in social b e h av io u r. O b v io u sly , A s o k a ’s d h a m m a
w as d iffe re n t fro m w h a t R obert L in g a t calls ‘d h a rm a ’s d o m a in ’23 in th e sam e m a n n e r
in w h ic h his d h am m a-vijaya w as d iffere n t fro m dharm a-vijaya o f th e B ra h m a n ica l tex ts.
H is d h a m m a a n d d ham m a-vijaya w ere u n ifie rs, w hereas dharm a a n d dharm a-vijaya o f
B ra h m a n ica l te x ts c o u ld at best sta n d fo r a cc o m m o d a tio n .26 In try in g to u n d e rs ta n d th e
p re sen c e o f a u to n o m o u s spaces o f a u th o r ity w ith in th e stru c tu re o f a State it is th e re fo re
necessary to u n d e rs ta n d h o w sources o f a u th o rity w ere perceived a n d h o w th e y w ere
so u g h t to be related to th e a u th o r ity o f th e State. It has been o b se rv ed 27: ‘... d e sp ite
d e fin ite sim ila rity o f arthasastra lite ra tu re w ith dharmasastras, th e e arly sch o o ls o f
p o litic a l th o u g h t in a n cien t In d ia had been largely in d e p e n d e n t o f th e b ra h m a n a ‘codes
o f la w ’. M o re o v e r, a large n u m b e r of ‘sta te ’ and ‘p o litica l p lo ts ’28 w e re b o rro w e d b y
th e a u th o rs o f dharm asastras fro m arthasastra lite ra tu re . G ra d u a lly , h o w e v er, th e
o r th o d o x b ra h m a n a s, especially in th e G u p ta and th e su b se q u e n t ep o ch s, trie d to
re p re se n t th e a n cien t In d ia n p o litica l th o u g h t, closely c o n n e c te d w ith ra tio n a listic
c o n c e p tio n s , as an integral p a rt o f th e b ra h m a n a tra d itio n ’. W e are n o t su re w h e th e r o n e
can
really d ise n ta n g le th e p re h is to ry o f n o n -o rth o d o x B ra h m a n ica l, ra tio n a listic
A rthasastra tr a d itio n from , o rth o d o x b ra h m a n ic a l D harm asdstra tr a d itio n , b u t it w o u ld
ap p e a r th a t all th ro u g h th e p re -G u p ta early histo rical phase, th e n o tio n o f dharm a, in
w h a te v e r fo rm , rem a in e d e m b ed d ed in th e th e o ry o f th e State. B riefly sta te d , dharm a
c o rre la te d w ith d istin c t segm ents in society, and th e segm ents c o u ld be o f m a n y fo rm s
o r c o u ld be d iffe re n tly c o n stitu te d . T h u s, th e re c o u ld be gram adharm a, srenidharm a,
2J A soka’s Major R ock Edict 13, Shahbazgarhi version; see D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, I,
pp. 34-37.
24 A soka’s D elhi-Topra Pillar Edict IV; see D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, I, p. 57.
25 Robert Lingat, T he Classical Law of India, translated from the French w ith additions by /.
Duncan M. Derrett, Indian reprint (Delhi, 1973), p. 226.
26 F o r example, in the concept of dharma-vijaya in Brahmanical texts, w hich is distinguished
from asura-vijaya and lobha-vijaya, the conquered dom inion exists autonom ously in relation to
the conquering State. A soka’s dhamma-vijaya, on the other hand, discards territorial conquest
altogether; it envisages unification through dhamma because the recom mended code o f behaviour
constituting dhamma w ould remain identical in all cases. F or the concept of dhaynma-vijaya see
A soka’s M ajor Rock Edict 13, Shahbazgarhi version; D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, i, pp. 3437. U, N. Gboshal cites Kalidasa to show that Raghu as a righteous conqueror (dharmavijayi)
to o k away the wealth (though not the dom inion) of a conquered king: see A H istory of Indian
Political Ideas (The Ancient Period and the Period of Transition to the Middle Ages), reprinted
w ith corrections (Madras, 1966), p. 356.
27 G. M. Bongard-Levin and A. A. Vigasin, Society and State in Ancient India, in: T he Indian
H istorical Review, vol. 5, parts 1-2 (1978-79), pp. 16-30. F or details see A. A. Vigasin and A M .
Samozvantsev, Society, State and Law in Ancient India (Delhi, 1985), C hapter I.
28 T he expression appears to be m istakenly used here for ‘idea’ or ‘concept’.
9
k u la d h a rm a , niga m a d h a rm a a n d so o n ;25 in o th e r w o rd s, th e re c o u ld be m u ltip lic ity o f
dharm as as d istin c t fro m th e h o m o g e n o u s d h a m m a o f A soka, a n d th e relevance o f th e
m u ltip lic ity o f dharm as fo r th e s tru c tu re of th e State is th a t like ‘a u to n o m o u s ’ p o litica l
spaces, th e y w ere p o te n tia l spaces o f a u th o rity , since th e k in g o r th e apex a u th o r ity w as
e n jo in e d to ta k e cog n izan ce o f a n d m a in ta in these dharm as. As e arly a te x t as th e
G a u ta m a D h arm asutra reco g n ized th a t ‘c u ltiv a to rs, trad e rs, h e rd sm en , m o n ey -len d e rs
a n d a rtisa n s (have a u th o r ity to lay d o w n rules) fo r th e ir respective classes. H a v in g
lea rn ed th e (state of) affairs fro m th o se w h o in each case have a u th o r ity (to speak, he
shall give) th e legal d e c isio n ’30. T h e vyavahdra-vidhi o r th e legal p ro c e d u re o v e r w h ic h
K h arav ela, k in g o f K alinga in th e first c e n tu ry B. C ., is re p u te d to have a cq u ired
ex p e rtise ,31 w o u ld have id eally in v o lv e d fa m ilia rity w ith a m u ltip lic ity o f dharm as.
E ven a ‘ra tio n a lis tic ’ te x t like th e Arthasastra o f K a u tily a has a p ro v isio n to th e effect
th a t th e ‘R eco rd s a n d A u d it o ffice ’ m u st have, a m o n g o th e r th in g s, re c o rd o f ‘law s,
tra n s a c tio n s, c u sto m s a n d fixed rules o f regions, villages, castes, fam ilies a n d c o rp o
r a tio n s ’32. In fact, it becam e th e sta n d a rd p ractice o f all D harm asastra te x ts to refer to
th e m u ltip lic ity o f dharm as o r dcaras in th e c o n te x t o f vyavahara. Y ajn av a lk y a fo r
e xam p le ch ara cte riz es svadharm a in term s o f kula, jdti, sreni, gana, a n d janapada ,33 H e
in fact goes a step fu rth e r a n d e n jo in s th a t w h e n a parardstra o r a n o th e r State is
su b ju g ated , even th e n th e dcdra, vyavahara a n d th e k u la sth iti o f th e su b ju g a te d State
sh o u ld c o n tin u e in th e fo rm in w h ic h it existed u n d e r th e p re v io u s k in g .34 O n th e issue
o f p recedence, M a n u ’s p o s itio n is suggested b y th e fo llo w in g : ‘A k in g w h o k n o w s
dharm a (sacred law) sh o u ld carefu lly e n q u ire in to th e c u sto m s o f castes, o f c o u n trie s , o f
guilds a n d o f fam ilies a n d se ttle (or enforce) th e c u sto m s p e cu liar to each. W h a te v e r m ay
have been p ra ctised
by th e good a n d b y th e tw ic e -b o rn m en d e v o te d to d h a rm a , th a t
shall be e stab lish e d (by th e king) as th e law , p ro v id ed it he n o t opposed to the (customs)
o f countries, fa m ilie s a n d castes’3:1 (italics added). T h e caveats th a t th e m u ltip le dharm as
w ere a u th o rita tiv e a n d b in d in g if th e y w ere n o t o p p o se d to V edic sc rip tu re s o r to th e
w elfare o f th e S ta te 36 w ere th u s n o t really in k e ep in g w ith th e essence o f w h a t th e
dharm asastra te x ts in te n d e d to convey.
If w e agree w ith R o b ert L in g a t th a t ‘legislative p o w e r is a rig h t a ttrib u te d to a
c o n stitu tio n a lly c o m p e te n t a u th o rity to p ro n o u n c e rules h aving a general a p p lic a tio n
and possessing, in p rin c ip le , a p e rm a n e n t c h a ra c te r’ a n d th a t ‘law m u st be d istin g u ish e d
fro m an o rd e r w h ic h is a c o m m a n d addressed to an in d iv id u al o r a g ro u p o f in d iv id u 25 For relevant material see P. V. Katie, H istory of Dharm asastra (Ancient and Medieval
Religious and Civil Law in India), vol. 3, second edition (Poona, 1973), passim; also R. C.
Majumdar, C orporate Life in Ancient India, passim.
^ Cited in R. C. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 14.
31 See the text of the H athigum pha Inscription of Kharavela in D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions,
I, pp. 213-220.
32 Arthasastra, II.7.2; see R. P. Kangle, The Kautiliya A rthasastra, part 2, second edition
(University of Bom bay, Bombay, 1972), p. 81.
35 Yajnavalkyasm rti, 1.361.
M ibid., 1.342-343.'
’ M anusmrti, 8.41 and 46, cited in P. V. Kane, H istory of D harm asastra, vol. 3, p. 859.
ibid., chapter 33; also Charles Drekmeier, Kingship and C om m unity in Early India (Stanford
University Press: Stanford, 1962), pp. 143-44.
10
ais’37, th e n th e w ide range o f dharm as c a n n o t be c o n sid ere d to have c o n s titu te d law fo r
th e State. A t th e sam e tim e , legislation d id n o t em a n ate fro m th e apex a u th o rity a n d
fin d e x p ressio n in v yavahdra; th e e p ig ra p h ic evidence c ited a b o v e as w ell as evidence o f
o th e r k in d s o n th e o th e r h a n d sh o w th a t sources o f a u th o rity a n d th e e x p ressio n o f th is
a u th o r ity w ere m an y . W h at, th e n , held th e State sy ste m to g e th e r and m ade th e State
so c iety c o n tin u e to exist?
H is to rio g ra p h y , in o u r o p in io n , has n o t y e t faced th is q u e stio n sq u a rely so far,
p e rh a p s because it has generally e n d ea v o u red to m easure th e a u th o rity o f th e State in
te rm s o f in s titu tio n s alone. E ven w ith o u t g oing in to detail as to h o w th e a u th o r ity o f
th e
State
has been view ed,
b e y o n d th e
sim p listic c e n tra liz a tio n -d e c e n tra liz a tio n
d ic h o to m y , in h isto rio g ra p h y , it w ill be in o rd e r to tak e n o te o f it b rie fly for, as w e
have m e n tio n e d earlier, th e p ro b le m has to be designed a n d u n d e rs to o d in th e ro u n d ,
b o th in te rm s o f actu al h isto ric a l situ a tio n s as w ell as in te rm s o f h o w th e S tate w as
perceived in th e c o n te m p o ra ry society. It w o u ld seem th a t a m o n g th e m u ch -m alig n ed
n a tio n a list h isto ria n s, th e p resence o f w h a t w e have term e d ‘a u to n o m o u s sp aces’ did n o t
a p p ea r to be c o n tra d ic to ry to th e a u th o rity o f th e State; th e State p o w e r, re p re se n te d
b y th e a u th o rity o f th e king, co u ld reach ‘a p itc h o f a b so lu tism ’ in d iffe re n t phases. K.
A . N ila k a n ta Sastri, fo r exam ple, envisaged ‘th e a b so lu tist s p ir it’ o f th e th ird c e n tu ry B,
C . c o m p a rab le to w h a t o n e finds in P to le m a ic a n d o th e r states th a t arose o n th e ru in s
o f th e A le x a n d rin e e m p ire .38 Sastri, in his analysis o f th e ‘G o v e rn m e n t o f th e C o la
e m p ire ’, sim ila rly c o n tra sts ‘th e p rim itiv e a n d so m e w h a t trib a l c h ie fta in cy o f th e earlie r
tim e ’ w ith ‘th e a lm o st B y z a n tin e ro y a lty o f R ájarája a n d his successors’ a n d ‘a n u m e ro u s
a n d p o w e rfu l b u re a u c ra c y ’39. Sastri at th e sam e tim e w as clearly aw are th a t th e e x te n t
to w h ic h th e b u re a u c ra tic a p p ara tu s of th e State fu n c tio n e d w as th a t o f ‘c o n tro llin g ,
su p e rv isin g , a n d re g u la tin g an ex istin g o rd e r, ch an g in g it, if at all, o n ly b y im p e rc e p tib le
steps. N o g o v e rn m e n t o f an In d ian state ev er en jo y e d in th o se days legislative p o w e r in
th e m o d e rn sense o f th e te r m .........In d ia n society did n o t c o m m it to th e care o f th e
g o v e rn m e n t
a n y th in g m o re th a n th e tasks o f police a n d ju stic e ’10. Sastri d id n o t fin d
an y c o n tra d ic tio n b e tw e e n his n o tio n s o f ‘B y z an tin e r o y a lty ’ a n d ‘a n u m e ro u s a n d
p o w e rfu l b u re a u c ra c y ’ a n d ‘g o v e rn m e n t b y m eans o f p rim a ry assem blies’, w h ic h , in T,
V. M a h a lin g a m ’s te rm in o lo g y , re p re se n ted th e ‘m a c h in e ry o f ru ra l a d m in istra tio n a n d
self-governing in s titu tio n s ’41.
37 Robert Lingat, op. cit., p. 224.
38 K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, cited by R. S. Sharma, Rajasasana: Meaning, Scope and A pplication,
in: Proceedings of the Indian H isto ry Congress, 37th session (Calicut, 1976), pp. 76-77.
39 K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas, reprint of second edition (U niversity of Madras: Madras,
1975), pp. 447, 461.
40 ibid., p. 461.
41 ibid., C hapter 18, p. 487. In branding K. A. Nilakanta Sastri as an historian w ho repeatedly
talked about Cola centralized adm inistration when such centralization is not w arranted by
evidence, his references to Dharma and to the local bodies are often overlooked. H e, however,
did not posit any contradiction between ‘central governm ent’ and ‘local a u th o rity ’, and w ould
consider these tw o spheres of authority as com plem entary to each other. N o te, for example,
what he says further on legislation: ‘W hat legislation there was to o k the form of declarations
(vyavasthas) by local associations of sons, m eant to meet the requirem ents of new situations as
they arose. Such declarations in so far as they conform ed to a general conception of w hat was
11
In te rm s o f th is p e rsp ec tiv e , to q u o te G.S. D ik sh it'1, ‘T h e C e n tra l g o v e rn m e n t was n o t
su p p o s e d to be in te re s te d in th e in te rn a l affairs o f th e ndclus’ [i.e. local assem blies].
H o w e v e r, th e re are at least tw o view s w h ic h p o sit to ta l o p p o s itio n b e tw e e n State
a u th o rity a n d ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’. T o cite o n e exam ple, K .R . H a ll, w h o like o th e r
a d h e re n ts o f th e c o n c e p t o f ‘S eg m en tary S ta te ’ is h ig h ly critical o f th e view s o f
N ila k a n ta Sastri, k eep s o n u n d e rlin in g th e essential o p p o s itio n b e tw ee n th e a u to n o m y
o f local in s titu tio n s 43 lik e nadus a n d ‘th e su d d e n e x p a n sio n a n d c o n tra c tio n ’ o f th e
ro y a l p o lity o f th e C o las, a n d does n o t c o n sid er it necessary to a n aly ze th e presen ce o f
th e ‘local a u to n o m y ’ w ith in th e C o la State system . A m o re d ia c h ro n ic a p p ro a c h is
p re se n t in th e ‘fe u d a l’ view o f early In d ia n p o lity , w h ic h co n sid ers th e em ergence o f
a u to n o m o u s spaces as d e v ia tio n fro m a b u re au c ratic S tate system . In try in g to h ig h lig h t
th e c o n tra s t b e tw e e n th e M a u ry a a n d G u p ta p e rio d s, R. S. Sbarm a, fo r exam ple,
w rite s44: ‘T h e [G u p ta ] p e rio d m ark e d th e su d d e n e le v atio n o f th e village a d m in is tra tio n
to a h ig h p o s itio n o f a u th o rity . T h is was a necessary c o n c o m ita n t o f th e re d u c tio n o f
th e b u re a u c ra tic staff. L ocal elem en ts also play ed an im p o r ta n t p a rt in th e a d m in istra tio n
o f law a n d ju stic e w h ic h seem s to h av e been far m o re o rganised in th is th a n in an e a rlie r
p e rio d ’. U n d e rs ta n d a b ly , th is ‘fe u d al’ view w o u ld c o n sid er it fu tile t o lo o k fo r th e
p resen ce
o f ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ in th e p re -‘feu d al’ State sy ste m o f th e M a u ry an
p e rio d .45
Ill
A . ‘[...] th e p o w e r o f social n o rm s in re g u la tin g c o n d u c t is o ften m o re valid in th e s tu d y
o f a n cien t ideas a n d values th a n in th e sociological m o d el th a t stresses th e d irec t p o w e r
re la tio n sh ip a n d describes society sim p ly in te rm s o f c o erc io n o f so m e m en b y
o th e rs ’.46
B. ‘W h en m en h a d d h a rm a as th e ir so le p u rp o se a n d w ere sp eak ers o f th e tr u th , th e n
th ere was n o legal p ro c e d u re , n o e n m ity , a n d n o selfishness. Legal p ro c e d u re cam e in to
Footnote from p. 10, continued
fair and proper (dharma), that is in so far as they com m anded support from the public opinion
of the class or group concerned, form ed part of the social code, and were liable in the ultim ate
resort to be enforced by the king’s governm ent’ (ibid., p. 461). Cf. also T. V. Mahalingam, South
Indian Polity, chapter 8.1.
42 G.S. Dikshit, Local Self-government in Medieval Karnataka (Dharwar, 1964), p. 181.
43 K.R. Flail, Trade and Statecraft in the Age of the Colas (Delhi, 1980), pp. 20-21.
44 R. S. Sbarma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, third revised edition
(Delhi, 1991), p. 347.
45 N ote the contradiction in the way R. S. Sbarma characterized M auryan bureaucracy, w hich
is distinguishable in qualitative terms from m odern bureaucracy. Sharma feels that the ‘ancient
bureaucracy seems to have been dom inated by the brahm anas and ksatriyas’ but at the same tim e
makes the follow ing statem ent: ‘ ... we cannot overlook the fact that the orders issued by the
central governm ent operated even in distant areas, though guilds, caste/kin organisations and local
potentates also managed the local administration (emphasis added): see Aspects of Political Ideas
and Institutions in A ncient India, pp. 401-402.
Charles Drekmeier, Kingship and C om m unity in Early India, p. 2.
12
b e in g at th e tim e w h e n ciharma w as lo st a m o n g m en. T h e overseer o f legal p ro c e d u re s
is th e kin g ; he has been m ade th e ro d -b e a re r’.47
T h e a b o v e tw o q u o tes, th e first fro m a m o d e rn te x t c o n c e rn e d w ith th e re la tio n s h ip
o f ‘K in g sh ip and C o m m u n ity
in E arly In d ia ’ a n d th e sec o n d fro m
an a n cien t
D hannasàstra te x t, relate to th e issue raised in th is essay in th e fo llo w in g m a n n e r. ‘T h e
p o w e r o f social n o rm s in re g u la tin g c o n d u c t’ w o u ld c o n fo rm to th e n o tio n o f dharm a
in th e sense in w h ic h th e D harm asâstras e n jo in th e k in g to m a in ta in social o rd e r b y
ta k in g c o g n izan ce o f d iffere n t d h arm as; at th e sam e tim e, th e D harm asâstra te x t q u o te d
above refers to th e loss o f d harm a a n d goes b e y o n d d harm a b y lo ca tin g th e o rig in o f
v yavahara a n d its im p le m e n ta tio n th ro u g h danda in th is loss. W e m e n tio n e d above th a t
th e
pre sen c e
o f a u to n o m o u s
spaces w ith in
State stru c tu re s
w as n o t th e
o n ly
c o n tra d ic tio n o n e has to re c k o n w ith ; it seem s th a t th e b u ilt-in re s o lu tio n o f th is
c o n tra d ic tio n is im p licit in th e w ay th e Dharmasâstras calculatedly c o n tra d ic t them selves.
In try in g to m ake th is p o s itio n a little m o re clear, w e ch o o se th re e ideas in te rw o v e n
in to e arly In d ia n p e rc e p tio n s o f th e sta te — ideas w h ic h m u st be fa m ilia r to all stu d e n ts
o f e arly In d ia n p o litica l th o u g h t. T h ese ideas relate to : (a) th e o rig in o f th e sta te 48, (b)
th e e le m en ts o f th e State a n d th e p o s itio n o f th e S v â m i in it49, (c) th e f o u r feet o f legal
p ro c e d u re .
T h e essence o f early In d ia n th o u g h t e x p la in in g th e o rig in o f th e S tate m ay be
ex p ressed in th e fo llo w in g w ay:
D h a rm a
X
D anda
;
D h a rm a
=
D anda
It w as loss o f D h a rm a w h ic h m ad e th e origin o f th e S tate necessary; a t th e sam e tim e
D a n d a w h ic h w as necessary fo r th e m ain ten a n ce o f social o rd e r w as so im p o rta n t as to
be e q u a te d w ith d h a rm a ,50B y im p lic a tio n , d harm a w hich existed w ith in th e fra m e w o rk
o f th e S tate, w h ic h in t u r n arose in a situ a tio n o f c o n flict, c o u ld n o t have b e e n iden tical
w ith D h a rm a w h ic h w as su p ersed ed b y vyavahâra and danda.
N à ra d a h ig h lig h ts th a t th e ‘k in g w as th e o verseer of legal p ro c e d u re ’; he w as m ade th e
w ie ld e r o f d a nda o r force. B u t th e tex ts m ak e it a b u n d a n tly clear th a t th e s v â m î o r th e
m a ste r did n o t c o n s titu te th e State; he w as o n e am o n g several lim bs (angas) c o n s titu tin g
it. T h e c o n c e p t o f angas31 u n d e rlin e s th a t various e le m e n ts o f th e S ta te w e re in te r
related; th is in te rre la te d n e ss is suggested also b y o th e r ‘allegories’ e m p lo y e d to describe
17 N âradasm rti. 1.1-2; the translation is from Richard W. Lariviere, T he N âradasm rti 2
(Philadelphia, 1989), p. 3.
48 F or origin of the state in early Indian political thought see R. S. Sharma, Aspects of Political
Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, Chapters 4 and 5.
49 F o r discussions on the Saptànga theory of the State see R. S. Sharma, C hapter 3; U. N.
Gboshal, op. cit., pp. 84-86. The constituent elements of the State were also called prakrtis.
50 M anusm rti, V II.17. See also Drekmeier, op. cit., pp. 10-11. The antiquity of the identification
of danda w ith dharma has been stressed in Yâjnavalkyasm rti, 1.354 : dharmo hi dandarüpena
brahmanà nirm itah purà, i. e. 'dharma was created in the form of danda by Brahm an in the
past.’
51 R. S. Sharma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, C hapter 3.
13
th e State, l i . Scharfe has cited th e evidence o f an in sc rip tio n o f R a stra k u ta ru le r
A m o g h a v arsa I (9th c e n tu ry ), w h ic h c o m p a re d th e k in g ‘t o th e soul, th e m in iste rs to th e
m in d , a n d th e se rv an ts to th e senses’; Scharfe also refers to th e Jain a a u th o r Som adeva
‘w h o c o m p a red th e sta te w ith a tree, in w h ic h th e k in g is th e ro o t, his p e o p le all th e
re st’.32
If th e s v d m l o r th e m aste r alone d id n o t c o n s titu te th e State, th e State w as n o t an
ag g lo m e ra tio n o f v a rio u s c o m m u n itie s e ith e r. T h e c o n stitu e n ts o f th e State c o m p rise d
pura o r clurga a n d th e janapada, o r th e c ity (i.e. resid en ts o f th e city) a n d th e c o u n tr y
(i.e. ru ra l p o p u la tio n ) alo n g w ith a m d ty a (officials), tre a su ry , a rm y a n d so o n . T h e
c o n c e p tu a liz a tio n o f th e State th u s m ade it an e n tity in w h ic h vario u s c o m m u n itie s o r
te rrito ria l segm ents d id n o t sim p ly exist to g eth e r; th e in te rre la te d lim bs o f th e State did
n o t c o rre s p o n d to th ese c o m m u n ity o r te rrito ria l segm ents b u t reflected a sch em a in
w h ic h th ese v a rio u s segm ents had an o rd e re d existence. Since th e State o rig in a te d in a
situ a tio n o f c o n flict, th e svarni as th e M ahdsam m ata o r th e ‘G re a t E le ct’ h a d to be
c o n sid ere d as ‘th e p r o te c to r ’ o f a social o rd e r w h ic h n egated su ch c o n flict. F in a lly , as
th e State w as n o t an a g g lo m eratio n o f c o m m u n itie s, so vyavahdra to o c o u ld n o t sim p ly
be an a g g lo m e ra tio n o f vario u s dbarm as. N o te , fo r exam ple, th e fo llo w in g sta te m e n ts
m ade in N a ra d a : (i) ‘Local g roups, guilds, assem blies, an a p p o in te d judge, a n d th e king:
these are th e v en u es fo r legal proceedings. T h e y are m e n tio n e d in ascen d in g o rd e r o f
im p o rta n c e ;’ a n d fu rth e r, (ii) ‘T h e fo u r feet o f legal p ro c ed u re are dharm a, legal
p ro c ed u re , c u sto m , a n d th e k in g ’s decree; each la tte r o n e overrules th e fo rm e r ’.5:1 T h e
sam e ty p e o f o rd e rin g is p re sen t in a passage, c o n sid ere d to be late, in th e A rthasdstra,
w h ich to o ‘speaks o f fo u r feet o f law su it, d harm a ( tr u th o r m o ra lity ), vyavahdra
(tran sac tio n s reg ard in g sale, pu rch ase, debts, d ep o sits, w ages etc.), carita (usages relatin g
to tim e, place, fam ily, guild, etc.) a n d rdjasasana (ro y al edicts o r o rd e rs )’.54 T h e re is n o
need to th in k th a t th is is w h a t was fo llo w ed in actual practice; w h a t is im p o rta n t in th e
schem a is th e presen ce o f th e n o tio n o f h ie ra rc h y w h ic h clearly places d iffe re n t sources
o f a u th o rity at d iffe re n t levels.
H o w does all th is relate to th e ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ w e referred to earlier a n d to th e
concrete exam ples o f local a u th o rity h a v in g been exercised b y such ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’?
By n o w it sh o u ld be clear th a t w e d o n o t view ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ as ex istin g o u tsid e
a State s tru c tu re b u t inside it. A s an h y p o th e sis, if th e State is view ed as a sy ste m o f
c o o rd in a tio n b e tw ee n d iffere n t ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ th r o u g h th e m e d ia tio n o f an apex
a u th o rity , th e n th e ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ c a n n o t be v iew ed as e xisting in iso la tio n fro m
one a n o th e r o r as h o m o g e n o u s e n titie s. In an earlier w o r k 55 w e h a d a tte m p te d to sh o w
th a t p hysical spaces, even w h e n sh a rp ly d iffere n t fro m one a n o th e r, ex isted in a
rela tio n sh ip o f c o n sta n t in te ra c tio n a n d change; so d id vario u s spaces o f a u th o r ity . In
the sam e w o rk w e trie d to sh o w th a t in Bengal o f th e G u p ta p e rio d , local b o d ies w h ic h
52 H. Scharfe, The State in Indian T radition (E.J. Brill: Leiden, N ew Y ork, K0benhavn, Koln,
1989), p . 3.
Naradasm rti, 1.7 and 1.10; transl. by Richard W, Larivierc, op. cit., pp. 4, 5.
R. S. Sharma, Rajasasana: Meaning, Scope and A pplication, loc. cit.
B. D. Chattopadhyaya, Aspects of Rural Settlements and R ural Society in Early medieval India,
(Calcutta 1990), I and V.
14
w o u ld c o rre s p o n d to o u r n o tio n o f ‘a u to n o m o u s space’ c o u ld fu n c tio n in active
a sso c iatio n w ith re p re se n tativ es o f th e apex a u th o rity . T h e local b o d ies w ere, h o w e v e r,
n o t c o n s titu te d b y th e e n tire local c o m m u n ity ; th e c o m m u n ity itself w as d iffe re n tia te d ,
a n d th e re fo re th e local bodies to o re p re se n ted h ie ra rc h y a n d p o in ts o f a u th o rity at local
levels.36
In c o n c lu sio n , w e w o u ld like to stress th a t b y in sistin g th a t ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’
ex isted in d iffe re n t p e rio d s o f th e h is to ry o f State in In d ia, w e d o n o t view th e S tate as
a sta tic sy ste m . T h e s tru c tu re o f th e ‘a u to n o m o u s spaces’ c o u ld change, as in d ee d it did
in G u p ta a n d p o s t- G u p ta B engal; th e s tru c tu re o f th e apex a u th o r ity w as o b v io u sly n o t
id en tica l in M a u ry a , K usana, G u p ta a n d early R a jp u t p e rio d s. It w o u ld th e re fo re be
illogical to su p p o s e th a t th e re la tio n s h ip b etw ee n th e ch an g in g s tru c tu re s o f th e lim b s
o f th e State w o u ld have rem ain ed sta tic in H isto ry .
56 A lthough the assum ption is im plicit in m ost nationalist historical writings that local bodies
were institutions organized, and functioning, democratically, the admission that sharp inequality
characterized such institutions is present even in this genre of writing. G. S. D ikshit (op. cit., p.
181) for example initially tries to explain this away by suggesting that ‘... the leaders represented
the people’; he, how ever, admits that while the mahdjanas o r the brahm ana m em bers of agrahâra
organizations talked about ‘the principle that all were equal and should share alike, the principle
applied only to themselves. T hey did not allow others to buy their share o f landed property,
in some agrahâras. T he segregation of untouchables was quite com m on in this period, as before
and later.’
Burton Stein
Communities, States, and ‘Classical’ India
A n a n n o y in g a ssu m p tio n in creasin g ly fo u n d in general, c o m p a rativ e w o rk s o n h isto ric a l
p o lities, is th a t w h a t is c o m m o n ly called ‘civil so c ie ty ’ c a n n o t be e x te n d ed to classical
o r m edieval India. In c o n tra st to o ld e r reasons fo r th is re serv a tio n , associated w ith th e
su b s ta n tia liz in g c o n c e p tio n s o f M a rx ’s ‘A siatic M ode o f P r o d u c tio n ’ a n d M a in e ’s ‘In d ia n
village c o m m u n ity ’, th e p re se n t re serv a tio n a b o u t a p p ly in g ‘civil so c ie ty ’ tak es its
m ea n in g fro m a n o th e r s o rt o f su b s ta n tia liz a tio n , o n e th a t is so c en tere d u p o n w e ste rn
E u ro p e th a t c o n te m p o ra ry p o st-c o m m u n ist states in w e ste rn E u ro p e c o n sid e r th e ir o w n
h isto rie s are excluded. A re ce n t essay b y Charles Taylor traces th e o rig in a n d v a rio u s
u n d e rsta n d in g s o f th e p h ra se ‘civil so c ie ty ’ a n d th e uses to w h ic h it is n o w bein g p u t b y
m a n y seek in g to re c o n s titu te th e p o litics o f E astern E u ro p e o n w h a t are reg ard ed as a
w e ste rn E u ro p e a n basis, w h e re so m e th in g called ‘civil so c ie ty ’ is a n d has lo n g been
deem ed to exist.
T aylor id en tifies a w eak a n d tw o s tro n g senses o f ‘civil so c ie ty ’. T h e first sense is
stated as bein g ‘w h e re th e re are free asso ciatio n s, n o t u n d e r th e ‘tu te la g e ’ o f sta te p o w e r;
a stro n g sense o f ‘civil so c ie ty ’ is: ‘w h e re so c iety as a w h o le can s tru c tu re itself a n d c o
o rd in a te its a ctio n s th ro u g h such a sso c iatio n s’, w h ic h are free o f states; a n d a y e t m o re
stro n g sense is w h e n : ‘we can sp eak o f civil so c iety w h e n e v e r th e en sem b le o f
associations can sig n ific a n tly d e te rm in e o r in fle ct th e co u rse o f sta te p o lic y ’1. Pie is
c o n fid e n t th a t all th re e senses o f ‘civil so c ie ty ’ existed in E u ro p e a n d th a t m o st
c o n te m p o ra ry p ra c titio n e rs o f p o litica l th e o r y w o u ld agree. B ut, th is b ro a d a g reem en t
ab o u t h isto ric a l tra je c to ry o f d e v e lo p m e n t o f ‘civil so c ie ty ’, fo r th e v e ry re aso n o f its
very persuasive h isto ric a l specificity, m akes th e a p p lic a tio n o f a n o tio n o f ‘civil so c ie ty ’
to In d ia — o r a n y n o n -w e ste rn -E u ro p e a n h isto ric a l societies — d ifficu lt, p o ssib ly
im possible.
T h e fo llo w in g phases in th e e v o lu tio n o f E u ro p e a n civil so c iety fro m m edieval tim es
are d e lin eated b y T aylor and w id e ly assum ed b y o th ers. T h e re w as th e fo u n d a tio n a l
principle th a t so c iety a n d p o lity w ere d iffere n t a n d in d e p e n d e n t, as w ere p o litica l
in stitu tio n s fro m o th e rs , a n d n o ta b ly fro m th e C h u rc h . A n o th e r aspect o f E u ro p e a n
m edieval p o litica l th o u g h t w as its em phasis u p o n subjectiv e rig h ts, th e n o tio n th a t th e
abstracted in d iv id u a l possessed rig h ts such th a t u n d e r vassalage th e su p e rio r had
o bligations as w ell as s u p e ro rd in a te e n title m e n ts, and th a t failure to m ee t o b lig a tio n s w as
felonious; su b je ct rig h ts p ro v id e d th e basis fo r th e fo rm a tio n o f self-governing to w n s as
well as fo r th e relative a u to n o m y o f c o rp o ra te estates fro m th e ro y a l o p p re ssio n d u rin g
the m edieval age. T h e e v o lu tio n o f p o sitiv e to n a tu ra l rig h ts in th e se v e n te e n th c e n tu ry
Modes of Civil Society’, Public Culture, 3, 1 (Fall, 1990), p. 98; in the same issue see Panha
Chatterjee’s ‘A Response to T ay lo r’s "Modes of Civil Society’” , pp. 119-32.
B urton Stein
16
p ro c e e d e d fro m th e secular a u to n o m y o f to w n s a n d social estates fro m m o n a rc h s a n d
fo u n d full e x p ressio n in th e w ritin g s o f Locke and M ontesquieu. B o th agreed th a t
su b je ctiv e
rig h ts
deriv ed
fro m
‘n a tu ra l
c o m m u n itie s’, b u t
each
c o n fig u re d
th e
re la tio n s h ip b e tw ee n kings a n d th e ir subjects d iffe re n tly , acco rd in g to w h e th e r ‘n a tu ra l
c o m m u n itie s ’ w ere p rio r to states a n d engaged w ith ru lers o n a c o n d itio n a l c o n tra c tu a l
basis, as L ocke p o sited , o r w h e th e r c o m m u n ity a n d sta te arose sim u lta n e o u s ly , a n d a
c o n tra c tu a l re la tio n s h ip re so rted to in o rd e r to b lu n t th e o p p re ssio n o f th e state, in
M ontesquieu's u n d e rsta n d in g .
B o th
o f th ese
sem inal
fo rm u la tio n s
a ttrib u te
first
im p o rta n c e to subjective rig h ts, a n d th ese rig h ts are seen to lodge in a c o m m u n ity .
F r o m th is fo rm u la tio n , is w as b u t a s h o rt step fo r Hegel to be seen to assert th a t
c o m m u n ity , n o t c o n tra c t, was th e so u rc e o f sta te h o o d a n d th a t th e fo u n d a tio n fo r th e
sta te w as love. A ffective b in d in g w as th u s at o nce th e fo u n d a tio n o f th e fam ily and, as
‘u n iv e rs a l fa m ily ’, th e fo u n d a tio n o f 'civil so c ie ty ’ its e lf, Hegel jo in e d th e c o n c e p tio n s
o f Locke a n d M ontesquieu; at th e sam e tim e a ‘p u b lic ’ a n d ‘p u b lic o p in io n ’ em erg ed in
E u ro p e c ap ab le o f d ev isin g such radical u n d e rsta n d in g s a b o u t civil so c iety a n d th e state,
as th o s e o f Thom as P aine, b u t m o re im p o rta n tly fo rm u la tin g a n d p u b lic iz in g n a tio n a list
d o c tr in e s at th e sam e tim e as capitalism was laying th e m aterial fo u n d a tio n fo r b o th
states a n d societies.
N o n -E u ro p e a n societies o f w h a te v e r a n tiq u ity sh a red little o f th is. W h a t th e y w ere
o ffere d w as th e d isto rte d c o n c e p tio n s fit fo r c o lo n iz e d subjects, ra th e r th a n as free
citize n s; n o t fo r th e m th e in h e rita n c e o f a rich m edieval tra d itio n o f rig h ts. M o re o v e r,
as c o lo n iz e d subjects, th e y w ere d e p riv e d o f th e b en efits o f capitalism w h ilst se rv in g a n d
even fin a n c in g p a rt o f th e capitalist d e v elo p m en t. In d ia h elped fu n d B ritish in d u stria l
d e v e lo p m e n t fo r a c e n tu ry . Still, it is a s trik in g aspect of th e e n tire p o st-L o c k e a n
n a rra tiv e th a t th e n o tio n o f c o m m u n ity lo o m e d large, and in th is sense th e re w o u ld
seem a b ro a d c o m p a rativ e advantage to c o n sid er th a t c o m m u n ity a n d state have as m u c h
c o n c e p tu a l v a lid ity as a d isco u rse fo r In d ia as fo r E u ro p e.
W h ile th e re are d o u b ts a b o u t w h e th e r p re -m o d e rn eastern , w e ste rn a n d s o u th e rn A sia
c o u ld b e th o u g h t to possess ‘civil so c ie ty ’, th e re are n o d o u b ts a b o u t th e state: A sian
so c ieties are th o u g h t to h ave k n o w n states as general p o litica l fo rm a tio n s as e arly as
E u ro p e , if n o t earlier. N o t all are th o u g h t to have b e en as extensive a n d e la b o ra te as th e
H a n k in g d o m o f C h in a , b u t varieties o f m o n arc h ic a l states are reco g n ized , a n d o fte n
given exaggerated ru lin g c o m p e ten c e, fro m as early as th e M a u ry a n fo u n d e d b y
C a n d ra g u p ta in B. C . 324. O f c o u rse th a t ag reem en t a b o u t th e u n iv e rsa lity o f states was
based u p o n c o n c e p tio n s a b o u t states fo rm ed to th e te m p la te o f th e a b so lu tist states o f
s ix te e n th -c e n tu ry E u ro p e — th e cen tralize d m o n arc h ie s o f F rance, S pain a n d E n g la n d .
To
m o st sch o lars, th ese k in g d o m s b y b re ak in g w ith th e ‘p y ra m id a l, parcellized
so v e re ig n ty o f th e m edieval social fo rm a tio n s ’, as A n d erso n o b se rv ed , o p e n e d th e w ay
fo r th e m o d e rn sta te form : u n ifie d te rrito ria lly , cen tralize d a d m in istra tiv e ly , a n d
possessed o f all coercive m ean s3. T h is w as the state; all o th e r p o litic a l fo rm s m ere ly
a p p ro a c h e d th is m odel. Som e p eoples w ere d estin e d to achieve it a c c o rd in g to som e
e v o lu tio n a r y logic, w h ile o th e r p eo p les fell b y h is to r y ’s w ayside, su b ju g a te d to th e rule
o f o th e rs .
2 Chatterjee p. 127, quoting Philosophy of R ight (O xford 1967).
3 Perry Anderson, Lineages of the A bsolute State (London 1974), p. 15.
C om m unities, States and ‘Classical’ India
17
T h e re ce n t w o r k o f W. G, R u n c im a n indicates th a t such a re stric te d sense o f state
c o n tin u e s to e n jo y c red ib ility ; in d eed his is even m o re lim ite d th a n m o st fo llo w e rs o f
M ax Weber, th o u g h he begins at a b o u t th e sam e p o in t. R u n c im a n d efin ed w h a t h e called
‘m odes o f th e d is trib u tio n o f p o w e r ’ arising fro m o f a set o f h isto ric a l processes: th e
e v o lu tio n
o f so cially
stra tified
societies
w ith
c o m p le x
d iv isio n s o f la b o u r
and
c o n tra d ic tio n s in th e re la tio n s o f p ro d u c tio n . T h ese co n fig u re , fo r t h e ir p a rt, several p re
sta te fo rm s, so m e o f w h ich a tta in e d th e p o sitio n o f fu lly fo rm ed ‘n a tio n -sta te s’ based
u p o n in d u stria l societies4.
Such a v iew th a t o n ly ‘sem i-states’ ex isted b efo re th e a d v en t o f in d u stria l so c iety is
congenial to so m e p o in ts o f view . T o fo rm u la tio n s such as A n d e r s o n ’s, feudal fo rm s , as
sem i-states — are seen to c o n tin u e to exist th ro u g h th e e ra o f a b so lu tism in w e s te rn a n d
eastern E u ro p e u n til th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry ; th e n , in d u stria liz a tio n b ro k e th e p o litica l
a u th o r ity o f v estigial a risto c ra c ra tic class su rv iv ers fro m th e feudal p ast a n d a llo w e d a
bo u rg eo is class h e g e m o n y to becom e c o n so lid a ted . T h e n o tio n th a t th e re w ere o n ly
sem i-states u n til th e last c e n tu ry o r so also gives so m e th e o re tic a l c o m fo rt to th o s e in
India w h o h o ld th e view th a t th e re was so m e th in g called ‘In d ia n fe u d alism ’, b u t w h o
have n e v er so u g h t t o define th e feudal sta te th a t allegedly existed d u rin g th e f o u rth and
th irte e n th c e n tu ry feudal era. F o r, h o w does o n e d efin e a ‘sem i-state’? If it is a ‘m o d e
of p o w e r d is tr ib u tio n ’ m erely a w aitin g an in d u stria l base fo r th e e c o n o m y to h a p p e n ,
th en th e feudal sta te is b o u n d to be as u n in te re s tin g as it has p ro v e n elusive in In d ia n
h isto rio g ra p h y .
Resituating Com m unities and States
T his is a fo rm u la tio n w ith w h ic h I c o n tin u e to disagree. R e ce n tly , in an issue o f th e
journal P um sàrtha?, I o u tlin e d th ese differences a n d recalled th a t a decade ago, I a d o p te d
the seg m en tary sta te c o n c e p tio n fro m its use b y th e A frica n a n th ro p o lo g is t, A id a n
Southall, fo r m y Peasant State a n d Society in M edieval South In d ia 6. H u n d re d s o f local
societies, called nâdu in th e in sc rip tio n s a n d lite ra tu re o f C h o la tim e s, c o n s titu te d a
c o m m u n ita ria n s tru c tu re in m edieval S o u th In d ian so c iety , th e fu n d a m e n ta l c o m p o n e n ts
of th a t so c iety . I saw th e se nâdus as social a n d p o litic a l c o m m u n itie s a n d I also saw , a n d
con tin u e to see, th e re la tio n s h ip b etw ee n these h u n d re d s o f c o m m u n itie s a n d th e C h o la
kings as cru cial fo r a n u n d e rs ta n d in g o f th is In d ia n , o r p e rh a p s o th e r p re -in d u s tria l
societies.
C o m m u n ity in th is usage is t o be u n d e rs to o d in its u su al E n g lish sig n ific a tio n o f b e in g
sim ultaneously a p e o p le and a place, ra th e r th a n in its lim ite d sense o f sub-caste o r reliA Treatise on Social T heory, vol. 2, Substantive Social T heory. Cam bridge 1989, p. 160.
An issue edited by /. Pouchepadass and H. Stern, entitled: ‘D e la royauté à l’état dans le m onde
Indien’, vol. 13. Paris 1990, pp. 217-35.
New Delhi: O xford U niversity Press, 1980, ch. 7. Southall's first form ulation was in his 1956
A-lur Society; A Study in Processes and Types of D om ination (Cambridge); for his later
reflections on the concept, see his ‘The Segmentary State in Africa and A sia’, in: Com parative
Studies in Society and H istory, 30 (January, 1988), pp. 52-82.
B urton Stein
18
gious g ro u p . In s h o r t, c o m m u n ity is to be u n d e rs to o d as janapada, n o t jd ti. C o m m u n ity
in th is sense p e rta in s to sh ared se n tim e n ts a n d values; h o w e v er, c o m m u n ity is also a b o u t
sh a re d rig h ts o r e n title m e n ts o v e r h u m a n a n d m aterial resources, a n d th u s , in its
p a rtic u la ritie s , p e rta in s to sm aller, local spatial e n titie s u n d e r c o n d itio n s o f p re -m o d e rn
te c h n o lo g y . It is because v e ry localised affinities, se n tim e n ts and, especially, e n title m e n ts
— a n d the cultural, social, a n d p olitical m eans f o r defending them — c o n tin u e d to p e rsist
in In d ia u n til w ell in to c o n te m p o ra ry tim es, th a t I have been en co u ra g ed to see
se g m e n ta ry p o litica l fo rm s as e x te n d in g in to th e last c e n tu ry , giving th e c o n c e p t
c o n sid era b le h isto rio g ra p h ic a l reach.
T h e c o n c e p tio n I have used can be o u tlin e d in th e fo llo w in g te rm s, th o u g h d e ta ile d
u n d e rs ta n d in g m u st d e p en d o n a reading o f m y 1980, Peasant State a n d Society a n d m y
re ce n t w o rk o n th e V ijayanagara k in g d o m 7.
T h e se g m e n ta ry state refers to a p o litica l o rd e r w h ic h is d istin g u ish e d fro m o th e rs.
It is d istin g u ish e d fro m th e usual m odel o f polities th a t lu rk s a n a c h ro n is tic a lly in all o f
o u r heads — in c lu d in g R u n c im a n ’s: th e u n ita ry sta te w ith its fixed t e r r ito r y , its
c e n tralise d a d m in is tra tio n a n d coercive p o w e r; it is also d istin g u ish e d fro m th e fa v o re d
a lte rn a tiv e genus o f p o lity o f h isto ria n s, ‘feudal1, b y w h ic h is m e a n t a v a rie ty o f p o litica l
re la tio n sh ip s, b u t m o st u su a lly — as th e A n g lo -F re n ch species — a fo rm o f p re b e n d a lism
based u p o n a h ig h degree o f p o litica l centeredness. In p o sitiv e term s, th e se g m e n ta ry
sta te is a p o litic a l o rd e r in w h ich :
1. th e re are n u m e ro u s cen tres, o r p o litica l dom ains;
2. p o litic a l p o w e r (in In d ia n classical reference, ksatra) a n d so v e reig n ty (or rajadharm a)
are d iffe re n tia te d in such a w ay as to p e rm it a p p ro p ria te p o w e r to be w ield ed b y m a n y ,
b u t full, ro y a l so v e re ig n ty , o n ly b y an a n o in te d king;
3. all o f th e n u m e ro u s cen tres, o r d o m ain s, have a u to n o m o u s a d m in istra tiv e cap ab ilities
a n d co ercive m eans;
4. th e re is a sta te in th e re c o g n itio n , b y lesser p o litica l cen tres, o fte n th ro u g h ritu a l
fo rm s, o f a single ritu a l c en tre, an a n o in te d king.
In th e m edieval s o u th In d ia n se g m en tary state, th e n u m e ro u s c o m m u n a l a n d p o litic a l
localities w ere u su a lly designated as nadu d u rin g th e C h o la p e rio d (9th to 1 3th c e n tu ry ).
T h ese w ere stra tifie d a n d ra n k ed , o c c u p a tio n a lly diverse, a n d c u ltu ra lly v a rie d te rrito rie s
w h ic h d isp lay e d w h a t I to o k to be c o m p le m e n ta ry o p p o sitio n s . T h o u g h evidence o f th e
tim e is a d m itte d ly frag m e n ta ry evidence o n th e p o in t, it is arg u ed th a t lineage a n d o th e r
k in s h ip affin ities w ere in te rn a lly o p p o se d and also b alanced b y o c c u p a tio n a l a n d
sectarian p rin c ip le s o f a ffiliatio n , su c h as th e rig h t a n d left d iv isio n o f castes; th e in te rests
o f p easan t g ro u p s w ere o p p o se d a n d , again, balanced, b y th e in te rests o f h e rd sm e n o r
a rtisa n al p ro d u c e rs; a n d a m o n g th e la tte r, b e tw ee n th o se p ro d u c in g fo r th e m a rk e t a n d
th o se w h o se p ro d u c ts o r services w ere locally c o n su m e d a n d m ed iated b y th e clientage
re la tio n s u su a lly d esig n ated b y th e te rm , ja jm d n i. M o re o v e r, I argued th a t th e e n stru c tu ra tio n o f localized, p y ra m id ally -o rg an iz ed segm ents w as sh a p e d b y varied social, p o litic a l
a n d c u ltu ra l d e v e lo p m e n ts as w ell as b y ecological, o r e co ty p ic, c o n d itio n s. T h is re su lte d
7 E ntitled, Vijay anagara, vol. 1.2 of The New Cambridge History o f India (Cambridge 1989).
19
Com m unities, States and ‘Classical’ India
in th re e d iffe re n t ty p e s o f localities w h ic h I designated as ‘c e n tra l’, ‘in te rm e d ia te ’, a n d
‘p e rip h e ra l’ zo n es o f th e se g m en tary p o litica l sy ste m o f C h o la tim es.
L o rd sh ip f o r H in d u s in classical tim e s c o m b in e d ritu a l a n d p o litica l a u th o rity . T h a t
is, th e p ra ctic e o f p o litic a l a u th o r ity , o r a p p ro p ria te p o w e r, m ade it in c u m b e n t u p o n a n y
lo rd t o fo ste r a n d to be in v o lv e d w ith ritu a l actio n s a n d services, w h e th e r th is w as in
re la tio n to gods o r to th e ir subjects. A n d th is is tru e w h e th e r w e are sp e a k in g a b o u t
g reat k in g s o r m in o r chiefs a n d w h e th e r w e are sp e a k in g o f th e ritu a l o f th e abbiseka o r
th a t o f receiving th e first h o n o rs o f a goddess tu te la ry . A sso c ia tin g ritu a l a n d p o litic a l
a u th o rity has th e a d d itio n a l c la rify in g advantage o f re in fo rc in g Southall's p y ra m id a l
p rin cip le. T h is p e rta in s to th e a u th o rity o f great a n d lesser lo rd s, w h e re it w as p o site d
th a t th e n a tu re o f th e a u th o r ity o f b o th w as th e sam e — th a t o f th e lesser bein g b u t a
reduced v e rsio n o f th e g re ater lo rd ; hence it was th e scope o f a u th o rity , ra th e r th a n its
q u a lity th a t w as d iffere n tia tin g .
T h e re is a need to be m o re clear a b o u t w h a t is m ea n t b y ‘p y ra m id a lity ’, an essential
e lem en t in m y t h in k in g a b o u t th e se g m en tary state. C o m m u n ity in th e sense th a t I
suggested a b o v e in h a b its th e core o f th e n o tio n o f p y ra m id a l se g m e n ta tio n , b o th so c io
e co n o m ic a n d p o litica l. E n title m e n ts d erived fro m c o m m u n ity in s titu tio n s , as w ell as
being based in th ese in s titu tio n s , d o n o t m ere ly reflect th e n a tu re o f v aried c o m m u n ity
stru c tu re s in p re -m o d e rn S o u th In d ia, b u t can be deem ed c o n stitu tiv e o f th ese stru c tu re s.
Shared social g ro u p rig h ts w ere e stab lish ed b y th e p o litica l e n a c tm e n ts o f m a n ya a n d
later o f i n ’a m g ra n ts fro m kings a n d chiefs, a n d th ese rig h ts w ere c o n firm ed , as w ell as
co n te sted , in tem p les. In being th e so c io -ec o n o m ic fo u n d a tio n o f th a t m edieval
m etaso ciety , th ese lo ca lity societies sh o u ld n o t be th o u g h t o f as isolated o r c o m p le te in
them selves; all w e re part-societies, lin k e d to m o re ex ten siv e fo rm a tio n s in w ays d ic ta te d
by h isto ric a l c o n tin g e n c ie s in re la tio n to th e ir o w n a ttrib u te s. C o m m u n itie s, o r locali
ties, w ere th u s lin k e d b y p o litica l a n d c u ltic affiliatio n s to th e p ro te c tio n o f g reat o r
small k in g s a n d gods and, in creasin g ly in late r tim es, b y c o m m ercial ties to even q u ite
distant places in In d ia a n d b e y o n d . Still, as part-so cieties th ese c o m m u n itie s o f p re
m o d ern S o u th In d ia re ta in e d h isto ric id en titie s a n d th e c a p a b ility to act w ith c o n
siderable in d e p e n d e n c e reg ard in g th e ir in te rn a l c o n s titu tio n s a n d th e ir ex te rn al linkages.
Tow ard a Typology of States and Com m unities in Early India
Recent fin d in g s a n d in te rp re ta tio n s o n a set o f m ajo r issues in th e stu d y o f th e In d ia n
past inv ite an a tte m p t t o trace th e e x te n d ed dialectical fo rm a tio n o f c o m m u n itie s a n d
states in th e s u b c o n tin e n t. I refer to th e n e w evidence o n pre- a n d p ro to -h is to ry a n d its
early
u r b a n iz a tio n ;
new
fo rm u la tio n s
about
early
m edieval
In d ia;
re v isio n istic
conceptions a b o u t th e In d ia n e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry w h ic h s h a tte r m u c h o f th e received
w isdom a b o u t th e M u g h al p e rio d ; th e evidence o f class fo rm a tio n in th e e ig h te e n th
century a n d especially th e em ergence o f in d ig e n o u s b o u rg eo ises a n d p e tty -b o u rg eo ise s;
and th e c o m p e llin g ly clear a n d d a n g ero u s c o m m u n a lism o f recen t tim e s, w h o se o rig in s
and m o rp h o lo g y re q u ire u rg e n t a tte n tio n .
As a first step in d e lin e a tin g th e lo n g c o n jo in e d h is to ry o f states a n d c o m m u n itie s in th e
B urton Stein
20
s u b c o n tin e n t, I p ro p o se th e fo llo w in g ‘m e ta -c h ro n o lo g y ’:
(a) c o m m u n itie s w ith o u t states fro m B. C . 7,000 to 800;
(b) c o m m u n itie s as states (mahajanapadas) fro m B. C . 800 to 300 A . D . w h e n th e
G u p ta m o n a rc h y w as fo u n d e d ;
(c) c o m m u n itie s a n d states, A . D . 300 to 1700; and
(d) states w ith o u t c o m m u n itie s, fro m 1700 to th e p re se n t, w h e n th e h isto ric
c o n c e p tio n o f ‘c o m m u n ity ’ h a d been red u ced fro m w h a t had been h isto ric a lly v ita l a n d
c h an g in g c o m m u n ity fo rm a tio n s to c o rtic a te d shells o f ideology.
O n ly p a rt o f th is m e ta -c h ro n o lo g y can be d ealt w ith in th e p re se n t p a p er, w h ic h m u st
tre a t th e re la tio n s h ip o f c o m m u n ity a n d sta te in ‘C lassical In d ia ’. A n o b v io u s p ro b le m
arises a b o u t w h a t ‘Classical In d ia ’ is d eem ed to be. Ju d g in g fro m colleagues like K u lke
a n d C hattopadhyaya I can assum e th a t early m edieval tim e is en co m p assed in ‘classical’.
H a v in g in d ic a te d th e b ro a d c o n te x t w ith in w h ic h I shall u ltim a te ly e x am in e th e
re la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n c o m m u n itie s a n d states, let us tu r n to th a t m ain issue. D e fin itio n s
o f b o th te rm s are essential. I have suggested th a t ‘c o m m u n ity ’ sh o u ld n o t be ta k e n to
m ean caste o r re lig io n in th e usual usage b y h isto ria n s and social sc ien tists o f India;
r a th e r it d e n o te s p e o p le w h o live in so m e p a rtic u la r place a n d o n ly se c o n d arily a p e o p le
w h o sh are so m e c o m m o n q u a lity a p art fro m co-residence, such as a caste o r relig io u s
a ffilia tio n 8. N o r does ‘sta te ’ m ean th e so rt o f u n ita ry p o litica l fo rm a tio n th a t R u n c im a n
a n d o th e rs req u ire; ‘sta te s’ are ta k e n here to be p o lities o f w h a te v e r degree o f c e n tra liz e d
a u th o r ity a n d p o w e r, th a t sta n d c o n c e p tu a lly a n d e m p irica lly a p a rt fro m a n d are o fte n
c o n s titu te d b y c o m m u n itie s. It m u st be reco g n ized th a t th e re is alw ays so m e fo rm o f
p o litic a l in s titu tio n a liz a tio n in c o m m u n itie s: chiefs, elders, p riests o r som e such; w h e n
th ese c o m m u n a l a u th o ritie s are assim ilated w ith in en co m p assin g p o litica l fo rm a tio n s,
th r o u g h sta te service a n d o th e r m eans, th e n states m ay be deem ed to exist even as
c o m m u n a l leaders re ta in (and o fte n even fo rtify ) th e ir c o m m u n a l bases o f a u th o r ity . T h e
d is tin c tio n as w ell as th e in te r-re la tio n sh ip w h ic h I am d ra w in g here b e tw e e n c o m m u
n ity a n d sta te is o b v io u sly related to th e c o n c e p tio n o f ‘se g m en tary s ta te ’ o f w h ic h I
have m ade use.
T h e c o n c e p tio n o f c o m p lex c o m m u n itie s p e rsistin g o v e r ex te n d ed tim e a n d space
fo rce d itself u p o n m e som e years ago w h e n , in P aris, I visited th e su p e rb e x h ib itio n o n
th e m ic ro lith ic site o f M e h rg arh , n e a r th e B olan Pass. D a tin g fro m a ro u n d B. C . 7,000,
th is site c o m p le te ly o v e rtu rn e d th e p ro b le m a tic o f th e pre- a n d p ro to -h is to ry o f th e
s u b c o n tin e n t. It h a d lo n g b een held th a t th e u rb a n p h a se in th e n o rth w e s t w as p re ce d ed
b y so sh a llo w a p re -u rb a n era th a t th e cities o f th e In d u s — M o h e n jo -D a ro a n d H a ra p p a
— m u st have b e en co lo n ies o f M e so p o ta m ia n city -states o f th e th ir d m ille n n iu m B. C.
C iv iliz a tio n w as th o u g h t th e n to have been in tro d u c e d in to th e s u b c o n tin e n t in th ese
w e ste rn A sia n c o lo n ies. M e h rg a rh ’s c a rb o n -d a te d evidence o f o c c u p a tio n fro m a b o u t B.
C . 7,000 to p o ssib ly 2,000 sh o w s th a t sto n e -u sin g fa rm e rs and an im al h u s b a n d m e n lived
in c o m m u n itie s w ith large storage b u ild in g s a n d o th e r p u b lic a rc h ite c tu ra l w o rk s of
m u d -b ric k s a n d su sta in ed a v a rie ty o f ceram ic, m eta llic a n d te x tile in d u strie s. T h is backp r o je c tio n o f so p h istic a te d c o m m u n ity fo rm s reversed th e fu n d a m e n ta l q u e stio n o f s u b
8 C ollins C obuild Englis'h Language D ictionary (L ondon 1987), p. 280.
21
c o n tin e n ta l p re -h is to ry . T h e earlie r c o lo n iz a tio n e x p la n a tio n w as n o w suspected, if n o t
rejected; n o w th e lo n g delay in th e ap p earance o f u rb a n fo rm s re q u ire d e x p la n a tio n .
M o re o v e r, M e h rg a rh is seen to have been lin k e d to o th e r p re -u rb a n sites in th e
n o rth w e s t th r o u g h p o tte r y ty p o lo g ie s a n d signs o f extensive trad e n e tw o rk s a n d c o n ta c t
b e tw e e n C e n tra l A sia a n d B alu ch istan suggesting a w h o lly n ew se q u en cin g o f p re
h isto ry .
C o n s e q u e n tly , a rch aeo lo g ists have b egun to re th in k a n d reevaluate m a n y aspects o f
th e u rb a n p h a se in th e n o rth w e s t o f w h a t has co m e to be called ‘H a ra p p a n C u ltu r e ’ a n d
a p p a re n tly arose a ro u n d 3,500 B. C . in th e valley o f th e In d u s. T w o d ifferin g ideas a b o u t
th is u rb a n p h a se c o n tin u e to be held, th e o n e e m p h a sizin g a gradual e v o lu tio n fro m th e
base o f a g rarian c o m m u n itie s associated w ith K o t D iji in Sind, w h ile th e o th e r fav o u rs
a sh a rp e r d e v e lo p m e n t o f u rb a n fo rm s, p o ssib ly th e in tru s io n o f e x te rn al M e so p o ta m ia n
m o d els u p o n w h a t w as p re v io u s ly a v e ry slo w and lo n g d e v e lo p m e n t fro m sites like
M e h rg a rh . In b o th , e la b o ra te a n d com p lex c o m m u n itie s are ta k e n as th e base stru c tu re .
T h e re is n o lo n g e r general ag reem en t th a t H a ra p p a n m aterials w ere as h o m o g e n e o u s
as lo n g believed; fa r g re ater v a rie ty in m aterial c u ltu re o v e r tim e a n d fro m place to place
is n o w su p p o s e d . O th e r o ld e r n o tio n s have also been challenged, in clu d in g th a t p o w e rfu l
states c rea te d th e p u rp o r te d c u ltu ra l, m aterial a n d p o litica l u n ifo rm ity o v e r th e In d u s
basin. S till u n d e c ip h e re d , th e sc rip t c o n tin u e s to lack th e long sam ples necessary fo r
d e c ip h e rm e n t, n o r has m o re evidence com e fo rw a rd a b o u t state granaries a n d palaces,
as p ro m ise d in e arlie r finds. C o n v in c in g evidence o f h e av ily w alled cen tres o f th e so rt
th a t m ig h t h ave sh e lte re d a g o v e rn in g elite are a bsent, as is b u ria l evidence th a t m ig h t
have e x te n d e d th e base fo r assessing social stra tific a tio n ; lo n g exp ected d o c u m e n ta tio n
on these a n d o th e r m a tte rs, p ro m is e d in o ld e r stu d ies o f H a ra p p a a n d o th e r c h alco lith ic
cities, h ave failed to em erge.
Instead, o th e r view s have co m e to be held b y scholars o f H a ra p p a n c u ltu re , in c lu d in g
the idea th a t c o m p le x ch ieftain cies ra th e r th a n u n ifie d states w ere th e p re v ailin g p o litica l
form a n d th a t so m e o f th ese u rb a n places — sim u lta n e o u sly a n d successively — w ere
actually in d e p e n d e n tly g o v e rn ed ‘gatew ay s’ to a grarian a n d p a sto ral h in te rla n d s a n d
p o in ts o f tra d e , ra th e r th a n im p e rial capitals. A n d th e H a ra p p a n phase is seen to have
begun a d isp ersal a ro u n d 2,000 B. C . as u rb a n cen tres m o v ed s o u th a n d w est in to
farm ing c u ltu re s o f th e G a n g etic P la in , R a ja sth a n a n d c en tra l a n d p e n in s u la r India.
T hese w e re a g rarian a n d iro n -u sin g c o m m u n itie s a n d ch ie fd o m s w h ic h e v en tu ally
attained q u ite ex ten siv e fo rm in th e janapada o rg a n iz a tio n s th a t can be d ated c e rta in ly
from a r o u n d 800 B. C . a n d m ay have b egun earlier.
Since th e t u r n o f th e tw e n tie th c e n tu ry , In d o lo g y a n d In d ian h is to ry has k n o w n a
type o f p o lity , d u b io u sly a n d alw ays w ith in in v e rte d com m as, called ‘re p u b lic ’. T h ese
so-called ‘re p u b lic s ’ are fa r b e tte r designated: c o m m u n itie s as states, o r, janapada, a m o re
useful te rm ; fo r a s h o rte r te m p o ra l range, th e te rm m ahdjanapada is also a p p ro p ria te . In
some re c k o n in g s, th ese c o m m u n itie s as states arose as early as 1500 B. C . a n d lasted u n til
B. C. 500, b u t fo r m o st sch o lars, an earlie r tim e is a llo tte d , fro m a b o u t B. C . 800 to th e
tim e o f K a u tily a ’s A rtbasastra, first ta k e n as th e fo u rth c e n tu ry B. C . b y T. W. RhysDavids, H is w ritin g s w e re th e first to id en tify clan-based p o lities fro m th e Pali sources
of the B u d d h ist a n d Ja in a c an o n s; sc h o larly successors ad d ed o th e r so u rces, som e ta k in g
later V edic tra d itio n s (in clu d in g B rah m an as a n d U panisads) as a p p o site, b u t m o st m o v in g
B urton Stein
22
fo rw a rd in tim e fro m th e B u d d h ist a n d Jain a sources to th e M ahdhharata, th e A rth a sdstra, a n d to P a n in i’s Astadhrydyl. T h ese late r tex tu a l tr a d itio n s also sh ift th e g ro u n d o f
in v e stig a tio n to n o rth e a s te rn In d ia n d u rin g th e six th to fo u rth c e n tu ry B. C.
Janapadas an d m ahajanapadas w ere se ld o m m o n arc h ic a l. A c co rd in g to R.S. Sharm a a n d
so m e o th e r h is to ria n s o f a n cien t In d ia, th e social k e y o f these regim es is gana, glossed
b y th e te rm ‘tr ib e ’, th o u g h Sharm a so u g h t to reduce a n y rigid k in sh ip , o r b lo o d ,
a ffin ity , c h o o sin g in stea d to tak e gana as an association o f p e o p le living in th e sam e area.
F o r o th e rs , th e k e y te r m d esig n atin g th is fo rm is sangha, o r th e c o m b in e d gana-sangha,
b u t th e re seem s to be n o significant d ifference in m ean in g , n o r less general a g ree m e n t
a b o u t a d istin c tiv e fo rm o f p o litica l o rg a n iz a tio n th a t m ay have co m e in to ex isten ce
a ro u n d 800 B. C . T h is n ew fo rm w as c h ara cte riz ed b y colleagiate g o v e rn m e n t; its
lea d in g m em b e rs w ere re cru ite d p a rtly th ro u g h b irth in a p a rtic u la r place, h e n c e th e
te rm s ja n a , b ir th place, a n d janapada, b e lo n g in g to a p a rtic u la r place, a n d janardjya, as
‘s o v e re ig n ty ’9. A c c o rd in g ly , ru lin g cred e n tia ls deriv ed p a rtly fro m clan a ffilia tio n a n d
th e ir c o rp o ra te e n title m e n ts to sta tu s a n d p ro p e rty , a n d p a rtly fro m in d iv id u a l m e rit.
In su c h p o lities th e re m ig h t o r m ig h t n o t be a m an designated as k in g , raja, b u t if th e r e
w ere, h e w o u ld a p p a re n tly have been a c rea tu re o f a co u n cil, selected b y a n d re sp o n sib le
to th e m . M odels fo r n o n -m o n a rc h ic a l g o v ern an ce c o u ld leg itim ately be d a te d fro m la te r
V edic in s titu tio n s lik e th e sahhd a n d sa m iti, a n d th ese are tak e n as th e m o d els f o r th e
‘Sixteen M ahajanapadas' k n o w n
fro m
la te r V edic as w ell as fro m
Ja in a
te x ts.
M ahajanapadas are tran sla ted , v a rio u sly , as: realm , state, d o m ain , a n d p o litic a l re g io n .
H o w e v e r, ta k in g
a so m e w h a t m o re
literal gloss a n d
m in d fu l o f R.S.
S h a rm a ’s
d istin c tio n s , I o ffer th e gloss o f ‘great c o m m u n ity ’, th a t is, a c o n jo in t sense o f p e o p le
a n d place, th e g o v ern an ce o f w h ic h w as o ften c arried o u t b y so p h istic a te d a n d
re lig io u sly -le g itim ated colleagueal in s titu tio n s . F o r th is reason, I id e n tify a lo n g e ra —
fro m 800 B. C . to 300 A . D . — as o n e d u rin g w h ic h c o m m u n itie s were states.
T h is a sse rtio n c o n tra d ic ts m u ch o ld a n d som e n e w w isd o m to be sure. F o r ex am p le,
it is a fo rm u la tio n th a t can o n ly p a r tly be reconciled w ith th a t o f R o m ila Thapar’s
‘F ro m
L ineage to S ta te ’ o f 1984 w h e re she argues th a t lineage-based p o litie s, o r
janapadas, a tta in e d a fu n d a m e n ta lly n ew stage in b e in g tra n s fo rm e d in to m o n a rc h ic a l
states w ith th e e sta b lish m e n t o f th e M a u ry a n regim e in th e w e ste rn G a n g e tic p lain .
H o w e v e r, if th is tra n s fo rm a tio n is ta k e n ad eq u ately to e xplain th e su p e rse ssio n o f o n e
basic p o litica l fo rm — th e c o m m u n ity -b a se d polities o f lineage — b y a n o th e r, th e
im p e rial regim e, in p a rt o f th e G a n g etic p lain , m an y q u e stio n s re m a in a b o u t th e e x te n t
a n d q u a lity o f th a t im p e riu m . E ven if w e accept M e g asth en es’ te s tim o n y a b o u t th e size
o f P a ta lip u tra , m a k in g it th e largest c ity o f th e a n cien t w o rld , a n d even if w e lim it th e
k in g d o m to its c o re in th e eastern G an g es valley, so as to a cc o m m o d a te th e p o s s ib ility
th a t th e A rthasastra w as a d e scrip tiv e te x t in p a rt, v e ry large u n c e rta in tie s re m a in a b o u t
th e M a u ry a n state. In p o litica l te rm s, w h a t is to be m ade o f th e vast te r r ito ry d e lim ite d
b y th e d is tr ib u tio n o f A so k a n edicts? If it is c o n ced ed th a t a n e w sta te fo rm a tio n cam e
in to b e in g in th e e aste rn G anges d u rin g th e th ir d m ille n n iu m B. C ., w h a t o f th e re st of
n o r th e r n a n d p e n in s u la r In d ia a n d w h y w as it th a t n o sim ila r states w ere c o n s tru c te d
a lo n g lines sim ila r in id eo lo g y a n d in s tru c tu re to th e M a u ry an state? U n le ss d o u b ts su ch
9 M. Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit D ictionary (O xford 1963), p. 418.
23
th ese can be stilled , are w e e n title d to h o ld to th e n o tio n th a t c o m m u n itie s as states
c o n tin u e d to exist in m u c h o f th e su b c o n tin e n t u n til th e fo u n d in g o f th e G u p ta regim e?
T h e n , it w o u ld seem , a d iffere n t c o n c e p tio n o f m o n a rc h y to o k h o ld , o n e in w h ic h
c o m m u n itie s a n d m o n arc h ie s fo rm ed th e basis o f state regim es.
T h is s o rt o f re aso n in g can be defended w ith th e evidence th a t Thapar has, in h e r u su al
c o m p e te n t fa sh io n , assem bled to d o c u m e n t h e r a rg u m e n t a b o u t th e passin g o f o n e o rd e r
a n d its su p e rse ssio n b y a n o th e r. In fact, s o m e th in g like w h a t is p ro p o se d here is
co n ce d ed in th e last th re e pages o f Lineage to S tate, w h e re she observes th a t lineages did
n o t cease to exist w ith th e em ergence o f th e State. C la n p o lities — gana-sarigha, i.e.,
c o m m u n itie s as states — p ersisted in m a n y places u n til th e G u p ta p e rio d , a n d even
w h e re m o n a rc h ic a l states em erged fully a n d p o w e rfu lly as th e M a u ry an s in th e e aste rn
G anga re g io n , c o m m u n ity p o lities w ere n o t a b so rb ed since a d m in istra tio n re m a in e d a
local m a tte r a n d w as in e v ita b ly based u p o n c o m m u n a l fo rm s o f an a n tiq u e o rig in . T h is
c a n n o t be u n d e rs to o d to m ean som e so rt o f c o m m u n a l stasis — u n c h a n g in g social fo rm s
th a t m ig h t be th o u g h t to c o n s titu te y et a n o th e r s o rt o f ‘o rie n ta lis t’ d is to rtio n . Thapar’s
evidence is ric h in references to m u ltip le m odes o f p ro d u c tio n , d iv isio n s o f la b o u r as
w ell as social stra tific a tio n , a n d con sid erab le u rb a n iz a tio n as w ell. T h ese e n d u re d w ell
b e y o n d th e o n se t o f m o n arc h ic a l p o lities o f M a u ry a n im pressiveness as w e are re m in d e d
in th e w o r k o f T hapar’s a n d o u r colleague, B.D. Chattopadhyaya, o n e arly R a jp u ts 10.
A c c o rd in g to his a rg u m e n t, ro y al lineages a m o n g st R a jp u ts w ere still in th e pro cess of
em ergence in th e n in th c e n tu ry A. D.!
B ut, is th e re n o t also th e q u e stio n o f th e M a u ry an s them selves: w as th e irs n o t a
fu n d a m e n ta lly d iffe re n t m o n a rc h y fro m th o se m ahajanapada c o m m u n itie s as states, a n d
is th a t n o t w h a t R o m ila Thapar is expressly arguing? In o n e sense th a t a n sw e r m u st
c ertain ly be yes: th e re w as a p ro fo u n d difference, and th a t w as th e ideological c o n te n t
of th e h e g e m o n ic e x p ressio n s o f A soka. H is in sc rip tio n s w ere lo n g held to delineate th e
gigantic te r r ito r y o f th e M a u ry an k in g d o m , b u t th a t is less su p p o se d th ese days;
h ow ever, th e re is n o q u e stio n th a t th ese in sc rip tio n s m u st be seen as th e e x p ressio n o f
one o f th e g reat c o m m u n itie s o f In d ian h isto ry , th e B u d d h ist sahgha, suggesting th a t th e
M au ry an s w ere th e a p o th e o sis o f th e c o m m u n ity as state. C e rta in ly , M a u ry a n kings
failed to a tta in th e sam e m odel existence as th e G u p ta s, w h o p ro v id e d a te m p la te fo r a
m illen n iu m o f states b y w h ic h , in p a rt, w e are able to define a m edieval e p o c h in In d ia.
A g o o d deal o f u n c e rta in ty exists a b o u t how ' to c h ara cte riz e th e p o litics o f th e
m edieval age. M o st o f us w h o argue a b o u t th e issue agree th a t it is q u ite essential to tak e
in to a c c o u n t b o th fo rm al state fo rm s — h o w e v e r w e designate th e m — a n d a civil
society th a t is still localized, o r, as I w o u ld say, ‘c o m m u n a liz e d ’: such w ere th e p o litica l
regim es o f c o m m u n itie s a n d states th a t seem to have b eco m e general a ro u n d G u p ta
tim es.
This I ta k e to be th e sta rtin g c o n d itio n fo r C hattopadhyaya’s in flu e n tia l fo rm u la tio n s
of a few years ago a b o u t th e early m ed iev al11. H e has asserted th a t o u r th in k in g a b o u t
‘O rigin of the Rajputs: The Political, Econom ic and Social Processes in Early medieval
Rajasthan’, in: The Indian Historical R eview , 3, July, 1976, pp. 59-82.
‘Political Processes and Structure of Polity in Early medieval India: Problem s of Perspective’,
m: Proceedings o f the Indian Histoiy Congress, Burdwan, Decem ber, 1983; Presidential Address,
Ancient India Section.
B urton Stein
24
h isto ric a l changes in p o lity are fix ated u p o n a d ic h o to m y b e tw ee n th e ‘u n ita ry e m p ire ’
a n d ‘c o n s titu e n t s ta te ’ fo rm s as th ese are m an ifest in th e f o u rth c e n tu ry A . D ..
It is w o r th p r o b in g C hattopadhyaya’s n o tio n o f ‘c o n s titu e n t sta te ’ a n d p a rtic u la rly to
n o tic e w h a t he tak e s to be c o n stitu tiv e , fo r th e re are fo u r senses a d v erted to b y h im in
re la tio n to m edieval states o f th e f o u rth c e n tu ry o n . T h e first is a logical, o r p e rh a p s
logistical, sense th a t th e tec h n o lo g ic al basis fo r s o m e th in g like a single focus a n d level
o f p o w e r fo r th e su b c o n tin e n t was p la in ly n o n -e x iste n t; indeed, he n o tes th a t d u rin g th e
ele v e n th c e n tu ry th e re w ere a b o u t fo rty ru lin g h o u ses in th e s u b c o n tin e n t. Id eo lo g y
seem s to c o n s titu te fo r h im a seco n d basis fo r th e states o f th e p e rio d , th a t is th e sp read
o f th e idea o f so m e th in g he calls ‘sta te so c ie ty ’. T h e d isp e rsin g agency o f th e
so c ie ty c o n c e p tio n
sta te
w ere B rahm ans: c u lt leaders, ritu a l c o g n o sc en ti, a n d p rie s tly
cu sto d ia n s o f th e n u m e ro u s sacred cen tres th a t h a d b egun to exist a fte r th e fo u r th
c e n tu ry A. D .. A c c o rd in g to C hattopadhyaya's schem e, B rah m an s w ere p a rt th e th ird
sense o f c o n stitu tiv e n e ss, o n e o f a set o f social tra n s fo rm a tio n s, in clu d in g th e religious
ones; o th e r e le m en ts o f social tra n s fo rm a tio n a n d also o f d isp e rsio n w ere: e x p a n d in g
ag rarian s e ttle m e n t a n d p ro d u c tio n a n d caste in s titu tio n s in v o lv in g th e sam e B ra h m a n
agents. W h a te v e r sta te so ciety is ta k e n to m ean, C hattopadhyaya has n o t in m in d sim p ly
sm a lle r scale u n ita ry po lities, em p ires in m in ia tu re , b u t ra th e r system s co g n ate w ith
feudal ones. H e d iffere n tia te s h im self c arefully fro m u p h o ld e rs o f ‘In d ian fe u d alism ’,
d isp lay in g sim ila rities w ith fo rm u la tio n s o f ‘fra g m e n ta ry ’ p o lities b y K u lke, a n d
‘s e g m e n ta ry ’ c o n c e p tio n s b y m e in th e sense th a t in all th re e salience is given to th e
fo rm a tio n a n d s tru c tu ra l im p o rta n c e o f c o m m u n itie s — localized a n d in te g rate d sy stem s
o f social, c u ltu ra l, e co n o m ic a n d p o litica l re la tio n s a n d in stitu tio n s . C o m m u n itie s are
seen in s o m e th in g o f balanced re la tio n s w ith states. S om etim es, as in th e case o f th e
R a jp u ts a n d th e O rissa n k in g le ts discussed b y Chattopadhyaya a n d K ulke, states em erge
d ire c tly fro m p re v io u s c la n /c o m m u n a l fo rm a tio n s; a n d so m etim es, as in th e case o f th e
C h o las a b o u t w h o m I w ro te , im p erial-lik e states em erged fro m localistic ch ie fd o m s a n d
e n d u re w ith o u t e lim in a tin g th a t sam e s tra tu m o f th e ir p ro v e n an c e. I call th is th e p o litics
o f c o m m u n itie s a n d states, a n d I see th is fo rm d o m in a tin g In d ia n p o litic s u n til th e
e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry , w h e n th e d iffe re n tia te d m o d e rn sta te com es in to b e in g in th e
s u b c o n tin e n t a n d w ith th a t th e gradual decline o f c o m m u n itie s in to shells o f an
ideological so rt.
T h is w as a gradual d e v elo p m en t. D u rin g th e M u g h al age, localized c o m m u n ity
in s titu tio n s o f clan, sect a n d caste w ere n u m e ro u s a n d o fte n e m b ra ce d ten s o f th o u sa n d s
o f p e o p le w h o w ere stra tified in v a rio u s w ays, reflectin g ideologies o f d iv in e a n d ro y al
h o n o u r, caste a n d b lo o d ties; local c o m m u n itie s w ere also m u ltip le , in te rse c tin g a n d
c ro ss-c u ttin g o n e a n o th e r to give m u ltip le x id en titie s to fam ily- a n d to in d iv id u al-sh arers
o f co llectiv e p ro p e rty ; extensive exchange re la tio n s trac ed a logic o f re -d is trib u tio n
a cc o rd in g to d iffere n tia l ‘h o n o u r ’ a n d ‘sta tu s’; a n d localized c o m m u n tie s p e rfo rm e d
ju rid ic al a n d p o litica l fu n c tio n s deem ed to be a p p ro p ria te ly th e irs 12.
12 The nature of com m unitarian rights and institutions has been m ost explored in the context
of South India: see B. Stew, Peasants, Politics and the D econstruction of Feudalism in Medieval
India, in: Journal Peasant Studies 12, 1985; also N. B. Dirks, The H ollow C row n (Cambridge
1987); A. Appadurai, W orship and C onflict (Cambridge 1982), ch.l.; but also see, in the context
o f R ajput clans, R. Fox, Kin, Clan, Raja and Rule (Berkeley, 1971) and in the context of N o rth
25
S o u th A sia m edieval p o lities c o u ld n o t be c en tralize d a n d tra n s fo rm e d fro m above,
even b y th e p o w e rfu l M ughals, n o t least because th e y failed to d evelop a b u re a u c ra tic
s tru c tu re b e y o n d th e p a trim o n ia l fo r m 13. R a th e r, th e M ughal regim e w as b ein g
tra n s fo rm e d b y d e v e lo p m e n ts fro m below , w h e re local a n d regional in s titu tio n s a n d
ru lers cam e in to c o n flic t w ith a n d u n d e rm in e d im p erial a u th o rity . I n S o u th e rn , W e s te rn
and, to a degree, E aste rn In d ia, a n o ticeab le featu re, p e rh a p s d a tin g back to th e late
m edieval p e rio d , b u t b e co m in g clearer b y th e se v e n te e n th c e n tu ry , w as th e rise o f local
‘lo rd sh ip s’ o r ‘little k in g sh ip s’ o u t o f c o m m u n ity in s titu tio n s 14. In th e N o r t h , w h e re
th e M u g h al E m p ire cam e to rest u p o n a n d to u tilise p rio r k in g sh ip s based u p o n th e clan
stru c tu re s o f p re d a to ry R a jp u t w a rrio rs, th e case w as ra th e r differen t. Because th e y w ere
n e v er e x p u n g e d b y M u g h al a u th o rity , th e re-em ergence o f th o se c o m m u n ity -b a se d p o li
ties th a t u ltim a te ly tra n s fo rm e d th e M ughal p o lity c a n n o t be a su rp rise . I say
‘u ltim a te ly ’ because p o litica l d e v elo p m en ts to o k a lo n g a n d tw istin g p a th b eset b y
co u n tle ss c o n tin g e n cies. T h e ten d e n cie s to w a rd s lo rd sh ip existed at several d iffe re n t
levels o f th e sy ste m , crea tin g te n s io n and c o n flic t betw een regional a n d local w o u ld -b e
kings: re su lta n t te n s io n s a n d c o n flicts w o rk e d th em selv es o u t in d iffe re n t p a tte rn s in
d iffere n t places. A lso , a vital ‘c o n ju n c tu re ’ w ith these processes w as th a t w h ic h Cbr.
Bayiy has te rm e d th e in r u p tio n o f ‘th e trib a l frin g e ’. F ro m th e late r se v e n te e n th c e n tu ry ,
large n u m b e rs o f lig h tly -arm ed , fast- m o v in g C e n tra l A sian cav a lry m e n p e rc o la te d in to
th e S o u th A sia n p lain s, lo o k in g fo r m ilita ry w o r k o r to fo u n d k in g d o m s o f th e ir o w n .
T h e y w ere w id e ly available fo r h ire b y w o u ld -b e lo rd s (w h o m th e y so m e tim e s
su b s e q u e n tly displaced), a n d th e ir m ilita ry tec h n iq u e s p a rtia lly tra n s fo rm e d th e n a tu r e
of w arfare in S o u th A sia, u n d e rm in in g th e su p re m ac y p re v io u sly a tta ch e d to th e h eav y
cavalry a n d siege e q u ip m e n t o f th e cen tral M ughal a rm ie s13. T h e n ew m ilita ry c u ttin g
edge su p p lie d b y th e trib a l in flu x m ade it p o ssib le fo r o fte n c o m m u n a lly -fo u n d e d
lo rd sh ip s to e m a n cip a te th em selv es f u r th e r fro m th e final sa n c tio n s o f M u g h al te r ro r .
W h a t e m e rg ed fro m th ese processes by th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry , in te rm s o f a u th o rity
and p r o p e rty rig h t, w as a v e ry d iffere n t k in d o f state fo r all th a t it so m e tim es trie d to
hark back to th e M u g h al p ast. P e rh a p s th e stro n g e st c o n so lid a tio n o f sta te a u th o r ity
occurred w h e re reg io n al c u ltu res a n d political tra d itio n s w ere ro o te d in fo rm e r M u g h a l
prov in cial g o v e rn o rs h ip s o r su rv iv in g m edieval H in d u k in g sh ip s. R u lers h e re so u g h t to
deepen a n d e x te n d th e ir claim s to rig h ts a n d resources o v e r a n d w ith in c o m m u n ity
in stitu tio n s a n d o v e r local m agnates su sta in ed b y th o s e in stitu tio n s . E ffective d e m a n d s
for tax a n d tr ib u te escalated, a n d ro y a l in s titu tio n s so u g h t to d o m in a te a n d e x tra c t
resources fro m co m m e rc e o n a n e w scale, n o t least to p a y fo r th e m e rc en a ry arm ies o n
w h ich ru lers n o w d e p e n d e d '6.
itidi an priestly sects, C. A. Bayiy, Rulers, T ow nsm en and Bazaars (Cambridge, 1983), ch.4.
" S. Blake, T he Patrim onial-Bureaucratic Em pire of the Mughals, in: Journal o f Asian Studies 39,
1979.
H See B. Stein, Vijayanagara (Cambridge 1989); N. B. Dirks, The H ollow C row n (Cambridge
1987); D. Ludden, Peasant H isto ry in South India (Princeton 1985).
Bayiy, Rulers, ch.l.
B. Stein, ‘State F orm ation and E conom y’, in: Modern Asian Studies 19, 1985; Bayiy, Rulers,
ch.2; A. W ink, chapter entitled, ‘Revenue Farm ing’ in his Land and Sovereignty in India
(Cambridge 1986).
B urton Stein
26
By th e m id d le o f th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry , th e effects o f all th is o n c o n c e p ts o f
p ro p e rty , rig h t a n d th e state w ere co n sid erab le. O n th e o n e h a n d , a n d o b v io u sly , th e se
states so u g h t to c e n tra liz e th e ir a u th o rity a n d c o n tro l o f resources as n e v er b e fo re ,
c o nfiscating o r c laim in g p o w e r o v e r m u ch th a t p re v io u sly had been held u n d e r c o m
m u n ity te n u re . Y et tw o p ro b le m s s to o d in th e w ay o f th e realisation o f th is ‘d re am o f
d e sp o tism ’ (d ream t m o st fu lly , perh ap s, b y T ip u S ultan o f M y so re, w h o p ro p o s e d
n o th in g less th a n a to ta l state e co n o m y ). T h e first p ro b le m w as, o n ce m o re, lack o f a
b u re au c ratic a p p a ra tu s b e y o n d th e p a trim o n ia l fo rm . T h is m ea n t th a t th e a d m in is tra tio n
of ‘ro y al p o w e r ’ te n d e d to be farm ed o u t, u su a lly fo r cash, to m erc h an ts, b a n k e rs a n d
local n o tab le s w ith in c o m m u n ity in s titu tio n s ’7. T h ere w ere rarely d ifficulties in fin d in g
such financial agents: th e n ew and e x p an d in g claim s o f ro y al p o w e r, besides p ro v id in g
lucrative p e rq u isite s, c o u ld be used b y m o n e y m e n to w re n ch c o n tro l o f rig h ts a n d
resources fro m c o m m u n ity in stitu tio n s a n d to d iv ert th e re su ltin g cash flow s aw ay fro m
re d is trib u tio n ist ends a n d in to th e ir o w n p o c k ets. In M a h a ra sh tra , F. P erlin has seen in
th e se v e n te e n th c e n tu ry th e rise o f ‘great h o u se h o ld s’ o f a d m in istra to rs, in c lu d in g th e
B honsle h o u se o f Shahji and Shivaji, b y b u n d lin g to g e th e r co lle ctio n s o f rig h ts d ra w n
b o th fro m
‘th e k in g ’ a n d fro m c o m m u n ity in stitu tio n s . Such e n title m e n ts w ere
ad m in istered p ro m is c u o u s ly w ith in th e e c o n o m y o f th e ir o w n h o u se h o ld . R esearch o n
Bengal, th e S o u th a n d P u n ja b has n o te d sim ila r d e v e lo p m e n ts18.
E x cu rsio n s in to th e se v e n te en th a n d e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry w o rld s o f Shivaji a n d o f T ip u
S ultan c e rta in ly tak es us w ell b e y o n d a n y th in g o n e w o u ld w a n t to designate as ‘classical
In d ia ’. T h is is th e re fo re a place to close th is excursus in to w h a t I h ave called th e ‘m e ta
c h ro n o lo g y ’ o f th e d ialectic betw een c o m m u n itie s and states o v e r th e lo n g d u ra tio n o f
In d ian h isto ry . T h e final stage o f th a t d e v e lo p m e n t, w h e re c o m m u n ity is div ested o f all
m eaning save ideological, requires a c o n te x tu a liz in g o f social a n d p o litica l re la tio n s
w ith in a class fram e, a n d th a t discussion has n o place here.
17 In Bayly’s phrase, ‘the comm ercialisation of royal pow er’ (Bayly, Rulers, ch.2).
18 F, Perlin, ‘State F orm ation Re-considered’ in: Modern Asian Studies 19, 1985, a general
discussion of these relations, under the concept of ‘Portfolio Capitalism ’, can be found in S.
Subramanyam and C. Bayly (eds.), State, M arkets and Merchants in Early M odern India, in:
Indian Social and Economic History Review, 25, 1988 (special issue).
II. Konstellationen
Michael Witzel
Early Sanskritization
Origins and Development of the Kuru State
K u ru k s e tra ,1 th e sacred lan d o f M a n u w h e re even th e gods p e rfo rm th e ir sacrifices, is
th e area b e tw e e n th e tw o sm all rivers Sarsuti a n d C h a u ta n g ,2 situ a te d a b o u t a h u n d re d
m iles n o rth -w e s t o f D e lh i. It is here th a t th e M a h a b h a ra ta b a ttle to o k place.3 W h y has
K u ru k s e tra b e en regarded so h ig h ly ever since th e early V edic p erio d ? A ctu ally , th e
R gvedic a rc h e ty p e o f th e M a h a b h ara ta , th e ‘T e n K in g s’ B a ttle ’ (ddsardjna), t o o k place
fu rth e r w e st o n th e P a ru sn l (Ravi). D u e to th e v ic to ry o f th e B h arata c h ie fta in Sudas in
th is b a ttle , th e B h arata trib e w as able to settle in th e K u ru k s e tra a rea .4 T h e e v o lv e m en t
o f th e sm all trib a l B h a rata d o m in a tio n in to th a t o f a m u c h larg e r K u ru realm is n o t
re co rd e d b y o u r tex ts. T h e K u ru s su d d e n ly a p p e a r o n th e scene in th e p o st-R gvedic
tex ts. A s so o fte n , th e S a n sk rit tex ts reco rd o n ly th e results o f c erta in d e v elo p m en ts.
I. The Middle Vedic Period and the M antra Epoch
T h is ‘ga p ’ b e tw e e n th e R gveda and th e o th e r V edic tex ts is o n e o f th e m ajo r dark periods
of In d ia n h isto ry ; in fact, it o ften is n o t even re co g n ize d as a se p a ra te p e rio d b y th e v e ry
scholars w h o deal w ith th e V edic tex ts. H o w e v e r, in m y o p in io n , it is th is p e rio d
(to g eth er w ith th e slig h tly earlier fo rm a tio n o f th e B h arata realm ), w h ic h is o f crucial
im p o rta n c e fo r th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f all late r In d ia n c u ltu re a n d c iv iliz atio n . It is at this
m o m e n t th a t th e social ‘ra w m a te ria l’ p re se n t in R gvedic tim e w as in te n tio n a lly
tra n s fo rm e d in to w h a t becam e th e core and th e p a tte rn first o f V edic a n d , late r o n , o f
H in d u c u ltu re .
1This article is a sum m ary of m y forthcom ing m onograph The Realm o f the Kuru. H ere, I make
liberal use especially of its introduction and final chapters and present the results rather than the
line of the argum ent of the underlying investigations.
2 Sarsuti (Ved. Sarasvati) = Ghagghar, Chautang = Ved. Drsadvati, in the T hanesar/S irsa/
Hanum angarh area; see H. Wilhelmy, Das U rstrom tal am O strand der Indusebene und das Sarasvati-Problem, in: Zeitschr. f. G eom orphologie, N .F . Suppl. Bd. 8, 1969, Yash Pal et al., Rem ote
sensing of the ‘lost’ Saraswati River, in: B. B. Lai and S. P. Gupta, Frontiers of the Indus
Civilisation, D elhi 1984, 499-504.
5 Actually, another big battle is attested in the RV, at 1.53.9, one of twenty kings. — K uruksetra
is well know n from various Vedic texts as the offering ground of the gods (devayajana) and from
later sources such as the M anusm rti, M ahabharata, Vam ana Pur.23.13-40; even today it is visited
by many pilgrims.
1 See RV 3.53, w ith Sudas settling in the centre, on the Sarasvati, and the areas conquered east,
west and n o rth of it, while the south is expressis verbis excluded as the non-Indo-A ryan land of
Michael Witze!
28
W h a t w e have o f th is tim e are o n ly th e V edic tex ts.5 A rc h ae o lo g y has re c e n tly , a n d
in cre asin g ly so, b ecom e a n o th e r fa c to r in d esc rib in g th is p e rio d , a lth o u g h th e c o rre la tio n
b e tw ee n th e tex ts a n d th e archaeological facts is still a m a tte r o f m u c h discussion.
W e have to rely o n th e tex ts, th e ir fo rm , th e ir o rg a n isatio n , a n d th e ir language in its
h isto ric a l d e v e lo p m e n t as w ell as in its sy n c h ro n ic dialectic sp read , th e ir in te rn a l
c h ro n o lo g y ; fu rth e rm o re w e have to tak e in to acc o u n t c riteria such as th a t o f te x t
fo rm a tio n , th a t o f th e d e v e lo p m e n t and sp read o f th e v a rio u s V edic sch o o ls o f ritu a l
in te rp re ta tio n , o f th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f ritu al a n d religious th o u g h t in general, a n d , o f
co u rse, th e occasional rem ark s a b o u t th e trib e s a n d peoples o f th e area, th e ir h is to ry ,
th e ir m ate ria l c u ltu re and its gradual d e v e lo p m e n t in tim e , etc.
In d o in g so, it is n o ta b le th a t a p p a re n tly sm all o b se rv a tio n s, such as th o se o n p h o n e tic
p e cu liaritie s, o n in te n tio n a l use o f ‘h ig h ’ R gvedic fo rm s in o n e o f th e tw o A V tex ts
(P aippalàda S am hitâ), th e in te n tio n a l use o f o u td a te d , arch aic m aterials in ritu a l, th e
ta k in g o v e r o f a n cien t m aterials in to th e final R V c o lle ctio n a n d in to th e Y V te x ts, o r
th e a rc h a iz a tio n o f A th a rv av e d a M an tras b y s ta rtin g h y m n s w ith h iera tic m ete rs, help
to create a fra m e w o rk fo r ju d g in g th e h isto ric a l d e v elo p m en ts a n d th e tre n d s in th is
early c u ltu re .
In th is p ro c e d u re , special a tte n tio n m u st be paid to th e historical levels in th e
d e v e lo p m e n t o f th e texts, — a n d n o t ju st to th e ir o rd e r in In d ian tra d itio n : o n e u su a lly
d istin g u ish e s S am hitàs, B râh m an as, A ra n y ak a s, U p an isad s, a n d S ütras, in ro u g h ly th a t
c h ro n o lo g ic a l o rd e r. T h e in te rn a l c h ro n o lo g y o f th e tex ts helps to e stab lish h isto ric a l
levels. E ven m o re so, th e d e v elo p m en t o f th e V edic language is a secure guide in d o in g
so: w e h ave to d istin g u ish f iv e te x t layers6 w h ic h d o n o t alw ays c o in c id e w ith th e
tra d itio n a l d iv isio n given ju st n o w . T hese five lin g u istic a n d tex tu a l levels can
c o n v e n ie n tly be div id ed in to th re e m ajo r p e rio d s w h ic h are d istin c t in language, h a b ita t,
a n d in th e ir social, religious, a n d p o litica l features: th e O ld V edic p e rio d (level 1:
R gveda), th e M iddle V edic p e rio d (levels 2-4a) a n d th e L ate V edic p e rio d (levels 4b, 5:
th e B râ h m a n as, A ra n y ak a s, U p an isad s, and m o st Sütras).
H o w e v e r, w h e n V edic tex ts are discussed b y V edic a n d o th e r sch o lars, th e y u su a lly
are tre a te d as p o e try , as ritu al h a n d b o o k s o r as early p h ilo s o p h y , th a t is — o n ly as
texts.7 E v en a fte r som e 150 years o f stu d y , th e V edic p e rio d as a w h o le does n o t seem
to have a h isto ry , a n d its te x ts are g enerally th o u g h t to have been c o m p o se d in a
geog rap h ical vacuum ‘so m e w h e re in N o r th e rn In d ia ’.8
the KIkata and of Pramaganda.
5 For a sum m ary of the texts and the available tools for their study as well as the m ajor w ork
done on them , see S. Jamison and M. W it/A , Vedic H induism , in: A. Sharma, T he Study of
H induism (forthc.).
6 T hey are: 1. Rgveda (with a late addition, book 10, and also including parts of book 1); — 2.
M antra language (Atharvaveda, Sâmaveda, Rgvedakhila, the mantras of the Yajurveda, i.e. MS,
KS/KpS, TS, VS, etc.); — 3. Expository prose of the Yajurveda Samhitâ texts (MS, KS/K pS, TS);
— 4. the B rihm ana prose (including the older portions of the Aranyakas and Upanisads, as well
as the earliest Sütras, such as Bi>S, VàdhS); — 5. the late Vedic Sutras (and the post-Vedic
Upanisads).
1 W ith a few notable exceptions such as those of W. R an, K. Mylius, M. Sparreboom.
* Cf. A u th o r, Tracing the Vedic Dialects, in: C. Caillat, Dialectes dans les littératures indo
aryennes (Paris 19S9), pp. 97-264.
29
A gainst th is vague b a c k g ro u n d it is p e rh ap s n o t su rp risin g th a t th e p ro fessio n al w rite rs
o n o ld e r In d ia n H is to ry d id n o t shed m u ch lig h t o n th e early a n d m id d le V edic p e rio d
u n til a few years ago. T h e c o m m u n is opinio still is th a t th e R V rep re se n ts a fight o f
‘e v e ry b o d y against e v e ry b o d y else’.9 It is o n ly in th e re ce n t b o o k o n In d ia n h isto ry b y
H . K u lk e a n d D . R o th e r m u n d 10 th a t th e V edic p e rio d is tre a te d m o re ad equately. In
th is w o rk , re ce n t pro g ress b o th in a rch a eo lo g y a n d in V edic stu d ies has been m ade use
o f a n d an u p -to -d ate, fairly d etailed a n d q u ite reliable p ic tu re o f th e p e rio d em erges.
H o w e v e r, in th is p ap er, I p ro p o se to add so m e sig n ific a n t features to th e evolving
p ictu re.
T h e h is to ry o f th e e a rlie r V edic p e rio d can be su m m a riz e d as follow s. T h e first fixed
dates in In d ia n h is to ry th a t are usu ally m e n tio n e d are th a t of th e B u d d h a a ro u n d 500
B. C .11 a n d th a t o f P a n in i. B o th dates, in fact, p re su p p o se th e e v o lv e m en t o f th e b u lk
o f V edic lite ra tu re . T h e b e g in n in g o f th e V edic p e rio d , h o w e v er, is equally vague and
u n c ertain . R e ce n t fin d in g s in a rch aeo lo g y , h o w e v er, p u t th e d isin te g ra tio n o f th e In d u s
c iv iliz atio n at c. 1900 B. C. A s th e R V does n o t sp e a k o f cities b u t o n ly o f ru in s
(arm aka),n even larger ones ([m a h d fva ila sth d n a ), w e m ay su p p o se th a t th e In d o -A ry a n s
im m ig ra te d ,13 o r ra th e r, g ra d u ally tric k le d in ,14 trib e b y t r ib e 15 and clan b y clan, after
1900 B. C .'k
A s a p o ssib le date ad q uem fo r th e R V o n e usu ally adduces th e H ittite -
M itan n i a g ree m e n t o f th e m id d le o f th e 14th cent. B. C . w h ic h m e n tio n s fo u r o f th e
m ajo r R gvedic gods: M itra, V aruna, In d ra a n d th e N a sa ty as (A sv in s).!/ T h e next m ajo r
9 R. Thapar, A H istory of India 1, H arrnondsw orth 1966 repr. 1979.
10 H. Kulke and D. Rothermund, A H istory of India, N ew Y ork 1986.
11 O r, as H. Bechert now tells us, maybe 100 years later: T he date of the Buddha reconsidered,
in: Indologica T aurinensia 10:29-36; now also: T he dating of the historical Buddha / Die
Datierung des historischen Buddha, part 1, ed. //. Bechert, G ottingen 1991-2. Cf. now G. Erclosy,
The archaeology of early Buddhism, in: N. K. Wagle, Studies on Buddhism in hon o u r of A. K.
Warder, T o ro n to 1993.
12 See the discussion by W. Ran, Z ur vedischen A ltertum skunde, Wiesbaden 1983, p. 36-38.
15 Cf. G. Erdosy, E thnicity in the Rigveda and its Bearing on the Q uestion of Indo-European
Origins, in: South Asian Studies 5, Cam bridge 1989: 40; cf. also G. Erdosy, T he Prelude to
Urbanisation: E thnicity and the Rise of Late Vedic Chiefdom s, in: Early H istoric India, ed. R.
Allchin, Cam bridge, forthc.; A. Parpola, The coming of the Aryans to Iran and India and the
cultural and ethnic identity of the Dasas, in: Studia O rientalia 64, Helsinki, 1988: 195-302. — O n
the currently fashionable denial of any im m igration, see/. C. Shaffer, The Indo-A ryan invasions:
Cultural m yth and archaeological reality, in: The people of South Asia, ed. /. R. Lukacz, New
York 1984, pp. 77-90; m ore zealously: A. K, Biswas, The A ryan M yth, in the recent seminar
proceedings (Calcutta 1988): H istorical Archaeology of India. A dialogue between archaeologists
and historians, ed. A. Ray and S. Mukherjee, N ew Delhi 1990, p. 29-47.
14 Cf. G. Erdosy, op. cit.
” In my opinion, the earlier ones of the Yadu-Turvasa, A nu-D ruhyu tribes, and later ones such
as the com bined Puru-Bharata, w ho split into tw o groups u p o n their arrival in the Afghani
borderlands. The Bharatas were the last to move eastwards into the Panjab and into K uruksetra,
and this is represented especially by RV 3 and 7. See A uthor, Rigvedic history: poets, chieftains
and polities, in G. Erdosy (ed.), The Indo-Aryans of Ancient South Asia. Language, Material
Culture and E thnicity (Indian Philology and South Asian Studies 1, ed. A. W ezlerznA M. W itzel,
Berlin-New Y ork 1995.)
16 Some overlap of the im m igrating Indo-Aryans w ith the later stages of the Indus civilization
is, of course, possible, but should be demonstrated.
The M itanni had been exposed to early Indo-A ryan (not: Indo-Iranian) influences a few hun-
Michael W itzei
30
archaeo lo g ical date available is th a t o f th e in tro d u c tio n o f i r o n 18 at c. 1200 B. C . I t is
first m e n tio n e d in th e seco n d o ld est text, th e A th a rv av e d a, as ‘black m e ta l’ (krsna ayas,
syam a ayas) w h ile th e R V o n ly k n o w s o f ayas itself ‘c o p p e r /b r o n z e ’.19
O f th e th re e p e rio d s in V edic h is to ry m e n tio n e d above, th e O ld V edic (Rgveda) a n d th e
L ate V edic p e rio d s (B rahm anas, U panisads, etc.) differ fro m each o th e r in m a n y respects.
It is necessary, first, to ch ara cte riz e th e O ld a n d th e L ate V edic p e rio d briefly.
T h e O ld V edic P e rio d :
R gveda,
t h e o ld est
T h e L ate V edic Period:
T ext
L a te Br a h m a n a s/ E
a rly
U
p a n is a d s
Geographical A rea
A fg h a n istan ,
ro u n d in g s
up
P a n ja b
to
and
th e
sur-
Y a m u n a,
G an g a (once)
A ll o f N o r th e r n India, fro m th e K abul
R iv er
(G andhara)
(Bengal),
and
to
to
A nga,
P u n d ra
V id a rb h a
(N E
M a h a ra stra ), A n d h ra in th e S o u th
P olitical Setup
Som e 50 sm a lle r trib e s, in c o n sta n t
T w o m a jo r g ro u p s, th e K u ru -P an c ala and
c o n flic t (gavisti) against each o th e r
K osala-V ideha;
a n d against so m e o f th e abo rig in es
at th e b o rd e rs o f th ese u n its, th e re are
(<dasyu). T h e V edic trib e s are so m e
som e m in o r trib e s: M atsya, U sin a ra, etc.
tim es a rra n g e d in to 5 ‘p e o p le s’ (krs■ T h e
area
is
d iv id ed
in to
som e
16
ti, ja n a ), etc.: 4 in th e 4 d irec tio n s,
‘k in g d o m s ’; th e K u ru -P an cala fo rm th e
w ith m ajo r trib e at th e ‘c e n tre ’.
cen tre; th e m in o r trib e s and ‘o u tsid e rs’
(B ahika, M agadha etc.)
c o n s titu te th e
o u tw a rd fram es.
Society
C h ie fta in s irâjari) lo rd o v e r fellow
F r o n t o f th e K satriy a a n d th e B rah m in s
rd ja n y a /k sa triy a (n o b ility ) a n d th e
(brahm a-ksatra) against th e ‘p e o p le ’ (vis)-,
vis, 'th e p e o p le ’, w ith th e a d d itio n
successively s tric te r stra tific a tio n in to th e
of
th e
a b o rig in es
and
slaves (clàsa, dasyu, purusa)
se rv a n ts /
th re e ârya (tw ice-born) a n d th e a d d itio n a l
siidra (aboriginal) classes (varna)
dred years earlier, exerted by a branch of those tribes who entered the Bactro-Margiana area
around 2100 B. C. and w ho then proceeded to India. See P. Tbieme, Kleine Schriften, W iesbaden
1971, 396-412; cf. M. Mayrhofer, Die A rier im vorderen O rient — ein Mythos? W ien 1974.
18 A pparently from central India, not from Iran!
15 See W. Rau, Metalle und Metallgeräte im vedischen Indien, W iesbaden 1973; Z ur vedischen
A ltertum skunde, W iesbaden 1983. AV 11.3.7, 9.5.4, PS 16.53.12
31
Texts a n d R itu a l
G ods
are
in v ite d
to
o fte n
q u ite
e la b o ra te ritu a ls, su c h as th e Som a
The
ritu a l has been tra n s fo rm e d
in to an
ela b o rate fram e w o rk of co m p lica te d , fram e
ritual; th e y are tre a te d as guests, fed
like stru c tu re s, set acco rd in g to tw o m ajor
and
are
p a tte rn s [Soma, Isti); p o e try o f a n cien t sty le is
in sp ire d a n d c o m p o se h y m n s in the
n o lo n g e r p ro d u c ed ; m o st o ld e r p o e try is
tr a d itio n a l
collected in som e m ajo r tex ts a n d used in th e
p ra ised
by
p o e ts
w ho
( I .I r . / I . E .)
p o e tic a l
language a n d m etres; th e h y m n s are
ritu a l in a ra th e r sch em atic w a y .— N e w
collected in sm all sets b y th e p o e ts ’
tra d itio n a l form s o f lite ra tu re dealing w ith
fam ilies a n d clans.
th e e x p la n atio n of th e ritu a l have developed.
T h e in te rv e n in g p e rio d , i.e. th e M iddle V edic ep o ch , is re p re se n ted b y th e M a n tras and
th e e x p o s ito ry p ro se o f th e Y V S am hitas (MS, K S /K pS , TS) and b y several o ld er
B ra h m a n as20 — te x ts c o m p o se d in th e K u ru -P an cala area, b etw ee n E astern P a n jab and
K a u sa m b i/A lla h a b a d . T h e geographical c en tre o f V edic c iv iliz atio n th u s has sp read fro m
th e th e G a n d h a ra /P a n ja b area to th e E astern b o rd e r o f th e P an jab (K u ru k setra,
H a ry an a ) a n d b e y o n d , w ell in to U t t a r P rad esh . B o th S am hitas of th e A V a tte st th e
b o rd e rs o f geog rap h ical k n o w le d g e o f th is p e rio d . T h e y are B alhika (Bactria), and
G andhari in th e n o rth -w e s t w h ile th e sou th -east is m ark ed b y th e Kasi (PS) viz. A n g a
(in th e s o m e w h a t late r !jS).21
II. Emergence
H o w ev e r, th e o rig in o f th e n ew large K u ru trib e is still unclear:
earlier trib e s w ere
rem e m b e re d as fo rm in g p a rts o f th e new trib a l u n io n , such as th e K riv i a m o n g th e
P ancala.22 In fact th e great ch ie fta in of th e K u ru still is called chief (rajan) o f th e Bharata P In a d d itio n , so m e v e ry neglected passages in M iddle V edic tex ts suggest th a t even
am o n g th e K u ru
‘d o m in io n is th re e fo ld ’2,1, a n d it w as six-fold2’ (o riginally th re e fo ld
20 The older portions (1-5) of the Aitareya Br.; TB; the lost §atyayana Br. w hich was elaborated
as JB; the older, lost form of PB (pace Bodewitz, JB 1.66-364, introd. p. 2 f.); some older portions
of the largely lost KathB.
21 O nly occasionally the Vaideha, Saindhava horses and cows (see Localisation p. 181: KS
13.4:183.17, MS 2.5.3:50.10; TS 2.1.4.4, cf. p. 183, 195 n. 76) or the H im alayan m ountains are
mentioned.
22 Vedic Index 1,198; Kraivya Pancala £ b 13.5.4.7.
25 In the M antra collection of the royal consecration in T aittiriya Samhita: TS 1.8.10.2, TB
I.7.4.2,6.7 i’m vo Bharatd raja; MS 2.6.9:69.7, KS 15.7:214.1 are vague: esa te janate raja; VSK
II.3.3, 6.3 esa vah kuravo raja; VSM 9.40 esa vo 'm i raja; cf. Keith, TS transl., p. xciii, A uthor,
Localisation, esp. p. 177 ff. and 182, n. 42.
14 The rastra-. Vaitahavya, M itravat, JB 3.196: 196; the third group most probably is that of the
reigning clan, the Bharata. - N ote that this kind o f division is still reflected in the M ahabharata,
with tw o K uru groups, the Pandava and Kaurava, and w ith their tw o ‘capitals’ at Indraprastha
and Hastinapura.
It is significant that the YV school o f the Pancala, the T aittiriya, has 6 subschools as well
Michael W itzei
32
as w ell)26 a m o n g th e Pancala, w hich m ay suggest phyle/tribus-l'ike d iv isio n s o f th ese
larg e r u n io n s .27 B o th trib e s, th e K u ru s and th e Pancalas, fo rm a ‘p e o p le ’, o f tw o large
‘trib e s ’ w ith separate ch ieftain s w h o se fam ilies, h o w e v er, in te rm a rry .28 In o th e r respects
as w ell, th e tw o trib e s fo rm a ritu al u n io n w ith in a large c h ie fd o m ; it is based o n
c o m p e titio n b etw ee n tw o m oieties: fo r exam ple, th e y exchange th e ir ro v in g b an d s o f
vrdtyas (see below ). M o st in te restin g ly , th e p o tte r y o f th e p e rio d seem s to ech o th e trib a l
differen ces b e tw e e n th e K u ru s and Pancalas a n d it rem ains to be seen w h e th e r f u r th e r
d istin g u ish in g archaeological tra its can be id en tifie d .29
W e n o w k n o w th a t th e lin guistically defined p e rio d o f th e M a n tra language30 (level
2) in te rv e n e d b e tw ee n th e R V (level 1) and th e b e g in n in g o f th e M id d le V edic, w h ic h
is first a tte ste d as th e e x p o sito ry p ro se in th e
‘brdhm ana sty le ’ (level 3) o f th e earliest
e x ta n t Y V S am h itas.31
T h is d a rk age, th e ‘gap’ betw een th e late R V an d th e M an tra s o f th e ea rly YV S am h itas, can be a p p ro a c h e d
b y ask in g su ch q u estio n s as: w h a t was th e reason fo r th e shift in th e geographical lo c atio n o f th e trib es fro m
th e P an ja b to K u ru k se tra an d Pancala; for th e sh ift of th e political cen tre; fo r th e disp p earan ce o r u n ific a tio n
o f th e 50-odd m a jo r clans an d tribes in to a few large tribes; fo r th e im p o rtan c e o f K u ru k se tra in g en eral; fo r
th e d e v e lo p m e n t of th e th e new V edic (S nm u) ritu al, such as th e new o rd e r o f p riests, m u ltip lic a tio n o f ritu a l
of n ew gods such as P raja p ati, beginning already in R V 10; for th e co llectio n o f th e R gvedic h y m n s an d o th e r
texts; fo r th e differences in language and o rd e r o f th e texts as p reserv ed b y d ifferen t sch o o ls o f th e sam e
V eda:A V ii : PS, KS : M S, TS; JS : KauthSV ?
T h e M a n tra p e rio d p ro p e r can be c h ara cte riz ed as th e tim e o f th e e sta b lish m e n t o f th e
K u ru realm . O n e o r m o re p erso n s had th e in g en io u s idea to use w h a te v e r w as p re se n t
a n d p ro m in e n t in th e religion a n d society at th e tim e a n d to reshape a n d ta ilo r all th ese
e le m en ts in o rd e r to establish a n d m a in ta in B h a ra ta /K a u ra v a a n d K u ru d o m in a n c e .32
(Baudh., Vadh., Bhar., Ap., H ir., Vaikh.) w hich echo, also in location (see A uthor, Localisation,
p. 205), the division of this great tribe.
26 KS 30.2:183,17, speaks only of a threefold division: JB 3.156 tvatvadrsas sad rdjdnab Pancdlesu
vedyd iti. (W. Ran, Staat und Gesellschaft im alten Indien, Wiesbaden 1957, p. 47: ‘Es gibt
bekanntlich sechs wie du [Abhipratarana] hochadlige M anner’.
27 A nd w hich provide a parallel to the m uch later developm ent of G reek city states and the early
R om an kingdom and republic, see G. Nagy, Greek m ythology and poetics, Ithaca, p. 276 ff.
28 See interm arriage at JB 2.278-9.
29 See G. Erdosy, U rbanisation in Early H istoric India. O xford 1988; G. Erdosy, T he Prelude to
U rbanisation, forthc. — N ote that there is at ¡east one centra! settlement (‘capital’) w ith a brick
building.
50 See J. 'Marten in: Die Sprache 14, 113-134, and A uthor, Tracing, p. 124.
31 The texts concerned are the tw o Atharvaveda texts: Paippalada and Saunaka Samhita; the
Rgveda Khilas (Scheftelowitz’ A pokryphen); the Samaveda Samhitas: K authum a/R anayaniya
Sam hita (SV) and Jaim im ya Samhita QS), as far as they actually differ from their direct source,
the Rgveda; and finally the Mantras of the Yajurveda Samhitas of the M aitrayanI (MS), K atha
(KS), Kapisthala (KpS), T alttiriya (TS), and the Vajasaneyi (VS) schools: the Kanva (VSK) and
the M adhyandina Samhitas (VSM).
32 N o te that the name of the Kurus is a new one (cf., however, O ld Persian kurus / Cyrus);
apparently it was originally a nickname (K. Hoffmann in KEW A III 677); the K uru kings
typically have names that include the denigrating elements dub-, ku-, such as Z>«r-yodhana, Dubsasana; (RV Dur-gaha is probably only the horse of a Puru king, see H.-P. Schmidt, Fs.
Heesterman), SB 13.5.4 Bharata Daub-santi; £>KS-taritu Paumsayana, a Kauravya king, SB 13.9.3.2
33
As w ill be d etailed b e lo w , th is affected a n d in volved tra d itio n a l ritu a l, th e in s titu tio n s
o f priests, in c lu d in g th e ir n u m b e r a n d character, th e ir tra d itio n a l p o e try a n d ritu a l texts;
fu rth e rm o re , w h a te v e r w as am enable to change in th e o th e r trib a l elites, su ch as th e
fam ilies o f th e h igh a risto c rac y a n d th e g e n try , th e p o e ts a n d bards, a n d even th e
leadership o f th e se ttle d a b o rig in al p o p u la tio n (N isäda).
W h en and w h e re did th is ta k e place and w h o w ere th e m ain actor(s)? T h e clu e to th e
enigm a is trac ea b le b y an in v estig a tio n in to th e K untäpa ritu a l (R V K h 5, ijS 20.127). T h e
K u n tä p a se c tio n o f th e R gveda K hilas is a very e n ig m atic b u t in trig u in g sm all c o lle c tio n
o f h y m n s a n d a few p ro se M a n tras (yajus). It fo rm s p a rt o f th e M ahävrata day, i.e. th e
c u lm in a tio n p o in t o f th e o ne-year G a vä m A ya n a rite at w in te r solstice. T h e m ain idea
seems to be th a t o f h e lp in g th e su n a ro u n d its ‘tu rn in g p o in t’ at w in te r solstice. T h e
p ro c ed u re is assisted b y sy m p a th e tic m agic, such as c h a rio t races im ita tin g th e elliptic
co u rse o f th e su n a ro u n d its tu rn in g p o in t. B ut th e K untäpa rite also is a fe rtility rite 33
and so m e o f th e h y m n s have a c u rio u s re la tio n to ro y al fam e and p o w e r.34
T h e nam e K u ru occurs first as p a rt o f th e nam e o f a p e rso n in th e late R V ,33 a n d th e n ,
in d e p e n d e n tly , in th e K u n tä p a sectio n as th e K aurava c la n /trib e (K auram a%), w h e re
th e reign o f o n e o f th e ir chiefs is described37 as th e g olden age o f th e K a u ra v a /K u ru
people u n d e r th e ir G re a t C h ie f (K aurava, R usam a, cf. K auravya pati). T h e verses
them selves tell us w h e n th e y w ere com posed: th e ir language is th a t o f th e M a n tra
period. T h is im p o rta n t y e arly ritual tra n s p o rts us in to th e c e n tre o f e arly K u ru p o w e r,
to K uruksetra.is In th ese stanzas, th e ritual is m e n tio n e d as ta k in g place w ith th e
+K aurava (K auram a ) a m o n g th e R usam a, in K u ru te rrito ry . A t 5.10.2 a m e m b e r o f th is
trib e is called a K auravyah patib. H is k in g ’s reign a p p a re n tly c o n stitu te s th e h ig h p o in t
in th e h isto ry o f th e trib e . It is clearly described as su ch :39 ‘L isten to th e g o o d praise
of th e K ing b e lo n g in g to all people, w h o , (like) a god, is above m en, (listen to th e th e
praise) o f P a rik sit! — ‘P a rik sit has ju st n o w m ade us peaceful dwelling;"10 d a rk n ess has
just n o w ru n to its d w e llin g .’ T h e K u ru h o u se h o ld er, p re p a rin g (grains) fo r m illing,
Uccaihsravas, a K uru king, the son of /fw-yava; the Pancäla king Dwr-mukha Pancäla AB
8.14/8.19.
” The Mahänagnikä prostitute, and a Brahmacärin tease and challenge each other; she and a
Mägadha man copulate in a hut on the offering ground.
54 As does PS 10, w hich already m entions a Srauta sava rite, and PS 18.15-26 = SS 23.
J’ Kurusravana Träsadasyava and the Känva poet Kuru-suti (appearing in the RV Anukram ani).
56 See K. Hoffmann, in: Aufsätze zur Indologie und Iranistik, Wiesbaden 1975, p. 1 ff.
!? N.B. in the present tense! This indicates contemporaneousness of the author of the hym n and
of the king.
’* Cf. that the early Krivi, w ho later make out part of the Pancälas, defeat, at 8.51.8-9, the
Rusama (several times in RV), and a Rusama king Rnamcaya at 5.30.12-14. This w ould fit the
usual pattern of Püru, Krivi > Pancäla, Iksväku, and Bharata, Rusama, etc. > K uru.
” M. Bloomfield, H ym ns of the Atharva-Veda, O xford 1897, repr. Delhi 1964, already used the
same words, but he takes vaisvänra- pariksit-, following AB 6.32.10, cf. KB 30.5, GB 2.6.12 SSS
12.17, as a name of Agni. N ote the m ore popular A nustubh m etre (for which see FI. Oldenberv,
K L Sehr. 1188 ff.)
I his is a pun on Pariksit and Agni. Pariksit as epithet of Agni means ‘casting light all around’,
cf- the use of the w ord (of Heaven-Earth) in RV 1.123.7, 3.7.1, 10.65.8.
Michael W itzei
34
speaks (thus) w ith h is w ife.
—
‘W h at shall I b rin g y o u , s o u r m ilk , th e M a n th a [a
b a rle y /m ilk d rin k ], (or) th e P a risru t [liq u o r]? ’ th e w ife k eep s a sk in g in th e R e alm o f
K in g P a rik sit. — By itself, th e ripe b arley ben d s h e av ily (iva) o v e r th e deep tra c k o f th e
p a th . T h e tr ib e th riv e s a u sp icio u sly in th e R ealm o f K in g P a rik s it.’41
T h e h y m n sum s u p th e g o o d life o f th is p e rio d : peaceful s e ttle m e n t (ksema), n o t strife
a n d w ar; a v a rie ty o f fo o d a n d d rin k : b a rle y flo u r, so u r m ilk , th e m ix tu re o f b a rle y and
m ilk {m antha}, a s o rt o f h erb al a lc o h o l (parisrut), and a ric h h a rv e st o f b a rle y .42
E ven th e exact tim e fram e is in d icated: a fte r Sudas’ T e n K in g s’ B attle, w h ic h is
m e n tio n e d at R V K h 5.14.1 as dasarajne m a n u sa m , th e M a n u sa (locality)43 at th e T e n
K in g s’ B attle. T h e language o f th e stan zas affirm s th is d a te .44 T h e R gvedic social
in s titu tio n o f a vid a th a (5.12.1 vidathya ) 45 is still k n o w n : T h e K u ru k in g m u st have
re g u la rly d is trib u te d th e b o o ty o f raids a n d w ars. T h e m o st im p o r ta n t p o in t, h o w e v e r,
is th e e arly p ost-R gvedic praise o f th e g o ld en age o f th e K u ru s u n d e r th e ir K in g P a rik sit,
th e a n c e sto r o f th e w e ll-k n o w n Jan a m e ja y a P a rik sita o f B ra h m a n a a n d M a h a b h a ra ta
fam e a n d o f th e P a rik sita d y n a sty .
T h e m o st im p o rta n t p o litica l re su lt o f th e re fo rm c arried o u t by th e d y n a sty o f
P a rik sit w as th e fo rm a tio n o f th e K u ru trib e a n d th e p e rm a n e n t e sta b lish m e n t o f th e
B h a rata-K u ru c h ie fd o m . T h e fo rm a tio n o f th e K u ru sta te a n d th e e sta b lish m e n t o f its
n ew so cio-religious basis is a lasting featu re o f th e V edic p e rio d , a n d n o t a tra n s ie n t o n e
lik e th a t o f th e P u ru o r B harata realm s in R gvedic tim es. In fact, as w e shall see, th e
‘new o r d e r ’ has its d ista n t effects u n til today.
41
rdjño visvájanínasya yó devó mártydm áti
vaisvdnarásya sustutím d sunotd Pariksítab
'Pariksín nah ksémam akarat táma dsanám d *sararí
*maráyyán kúrvan Káuravyah pátir vadati jdyáyd
'katarát ta d hardni dádhi mántham3 parisrútam?'
jayd pátim v i prcchati rastré Rdjñah Pariksítab
ábhiva svdh prá jihite yávah pakváh pátho bttam
jánas sá hbadrám edbate rastré Rdjñah Pariksítab
42 Barley fits the K uruksetra area; rice is found further eastwards at the tim e (where w ild rice
is indigenous), though some rice has been used -already in the late Indus civilization. See l.C.
Glover, in: South Asian A rchaeology 1977, 7-37.
43 H.-P. Schmidt, in: Indica 17, 1980, pp. 41-47, takes manusa at RV 7.18 not as a locality (as it
clearly is in JB etc.) but as meaning 'hum an w o rld ’; cf. also A u th o r, Eastern Iran and the
Atharvaveda, in: Pérsica 9, 86-128; for mdrtusa cf. also EW A II 309.
44 The injunctive is still used while it occurs just a few dozen tim es in AV: likbat, banat (3x,
5.15.17-18); the Rgvedic particle gba (5.15.3-4), devatta- (5.15.8a), akrnoh instead of later (AV)
akaroh (5.21.2).
45 See F. B. ]. Kuiper, The ancient Indian verbal contest, in: Indo-Iranian Journal 4, 1960, 217-281.
35
III. Strategies
T h e changes w ere c arried o u t in th e c e n tre o f p o litica l p o w e r a n d o f c o n te m p o ra ry
c u ltu re , in K u ru k s e tra , w h ic h n o w also becam e th e c en tre o f th e n e w ly em erg in g V edic
o rth o p r a x y a n d ‘o r th o d o x y ’.'6 A t th is tim e , various R gvedic trib e s in e aste rn P anjab,
H a ry a n a a n d w e ste rn U t t a r P rad esh first fused in to o n e trib e , th e K u ru , w h ic h later
ex p an d ed in to tw o m ajo r trib e s, th e K uru-P ancala. T h e K u ru u n io n a n d th e realm of
th e ir B h a ra ta /K a u ra v a kings re p re se n ts th e first larger p o lity o r ‘e arly s ta te ’47 o n In d ian
soil. Its sh e e r size a m o n g th e few o th e r su rv iv in g R gvedic trib e s w o u ld have in su re d
th e ir d o m in a n c e.
T h e K u ru realm m atch es m a n y o f th e characteristics o f early states w h ic h em erged
fro m tra d itio n a l trib a l ch ie fd o m s o r fro m th e larger aggregation o f su c h c h ie fd o m s.48
T h e n ew K u ru k in g , in fact, m ay o fte n still be c h ara cte riz ed as a G re a t C h ief.49 H e is
o n ly th e p rim u s in te r pares (sresthah svdndm ) am o n g th e high n o b ility o f th e K u ru
c o n fed e ratio n w h ic h is c h ara cte riz ed as hav in g th re e su b trib e s.30 H o w e v e r, th e new
p o w e rfu l k in g sh ip is at least se m i-h e re d ita ry ,5' b o lstere d b y a claim o f u ltim a te ly divine
a n ce stry 52 re-enacted in ritu a l. T h is claim is s u p p o rte d by th e ro y al p rie st (purohita) and
by a re tin u e o f ra tn in s, ro y a l officials w h o are b o u n d to th e K u ru lo rd b y lo y a lty and
liberal gifts. T h e n e w o rd e r is fu rth e r su stain ed b y so m e m a jo r changes in so ciety , such
th e in cip ien t stra tific a tio n in to fo u r ‘classes’ (v arna), first m et w ith in th e late R V , th e
estab lish m en t o f th e n e w p rie s tly c o rp o ra tio n s re p re se n tin g th e F o u r V edas, a n d
especially b y th e ev er-increasing d o m in a n c e o f th e B rah m a - K satra alliance.53 It was
15 This is also evident if we trace the movements and differences of the various Vedic schools
backwards: The East (Kosala/Videha) has the later schools (Vajasaneyin); the Central area (U.P.:
Taittiriya) shows a clear dependence on the western (Kuru) KS/MS traditions; the South (M.P.
north of the Vindhyas: Jaim iniya etc.) is equally dependent on the earlier Central (Pancala)
schools; there remains, thus, the K uru territo ry w ith schools such as the M aitrayaniya and Katha
as the nucleus.
47 N ote also that the Indus civilization had about 5 centres i.e. large cities, including one in
Gujarat, according to our present state of knowledge: that means no longer ‘dual capital cities.'
,s Cf. H.J.M. Claessen, in: C urrent A nthropology Aug.-Oct. 1984, 365-379; H.J.M. Claessen and
P. Skalnik, The Early State. The Hague, 1978.
” I will use ‘king’ to designate the ruler of the new K uru tribe as to underline his preeminence
in comparison w ith the chiefs of the Matsya, Uslnara, Satvant, etc. tribes w ho survived from the
Rgvedic period as smaller independent units.
50 Bharata/T rtsu, Vaitahavya, Mitravat; cf. above n. 23.
11 In the RV, and later on, it is clear that kings were elected, but at the same time, there existed
dynasty-like lineages: obviously, the chieftains could be elected from a larger group of noblem en
(note that RV 10.90 only speaks of rdjanyas, not of ksatriyasf) In one case, that of D ustaritu (£b
12.9.3.2), we hear of an uninterrupted succession in ten generations before he was ousted. N ote
that a ritual such as the Rajasuya was necessary to keep the line of the King intact, in case he
had no direct heir: by this ritual, he could adopt one (see H. Falk, Die Legende von ¿unahsepa
vor ihrem rituellen H intergrund, in: 2D M G 134, 1984, 115-135).
32 For Rohita, see AV 13 = PS 18.15-26 = AV 13, and his relation to the sun, varcas (xâfnab),
his identification w ith Indra, the king of the gods etc. — cf. See Tsuchiyama, Veda.no varcas, in:
Indogaku Bukkydgaku K enkyu, Heisei 2, 67-80.
N ote that the Brahmins pretend to be pre-em inent and semi-independent: ‘Soma is our king’
they say in the royal consecration. The texts, however, also stress that the nobility is the ‘eater’,
and the Brahmins are their ‘food’, see W. Ran, Staat, p. 34 n.6.
Michael W itzei
36
created, as so m e B ra h m a n a tex ts clearly say w ith M arx ist analysis be fo re its day, in o rd e r
to e x p lo it th e rest o f th e p o p u la tio n .34 — T h e e stab lish m en t o f th e n ew K u ru o rd e r
differed q u a lita tiv e ly fro m th e m o re gradual R gvedic p o litica l a n d social d e v elo p m en ts.
In R gvedic tim e s, th e re clearly w ere som e ‘n o n -A ry a n ’” chiefs such as Varo Susam an,
Balbutha, B rb u 36 w h o fo llo w ed In d o -A ry a n religion. T h e y re p re se n t exam ples o f an
early w ave o f a c c u ltu ra tio n .57 E ven th e h ie ra tic p o e tic language o f th e R V h y m n s
sh o w s th e increasin g in flu e n ce o f th e local su b s tra te .38
N o w , u n d e r th e K u ru kings, a c c u ltu ra tio n w as fo llo w ed b y w ell-p lan n ed Sans
k r itiz a tio n 59 re p re se n tin g
m ajo r
changes
in
social
fo rm a t.60 It
in clu d e d ,
in
a
strateg ically a d v an tag e o u s w a y fo r th e K u ru , th e o ld e r (Rgvedic) elem ents o f ritu a l w ith
its p riests, te x ts, a n d language, w hile exceedingly stre ssin g its tra d itio n a l c h ara cte r b y
bein g o v e rly a rch a ic 61 a n d restrictiv e. T h e n e w class (‘caste ’) sy ste m in tro d u c e d n o n A ry a n s su c h as th e S udras in to th e V edic so c ie ty 62 b u t, at th e sam e tim e, b a rre d th e m
fro m ritu a l (and th u s, fro m heaven). O n ly b y w ay o f e x ce p tio n , p ro m in e n t n o n -A ry a n s
su c h as th e N isada-sthapati a n d a ‘b o rd e r lin e ’ a rtisa n , th e ratbakdra,a w ere a llo w e d to
sp o n s o r sacrifices64 — early fo rm s o f th e in clu sio n ism w h ic h later o n c h aracterizes
H in d u ism , in fact, u n til to d a y .63
T h e effect was th e c re a tio n o f a p e rm a n e n t, a n d n o w , a fte r all th e liberal R gvedic
in te rm in g lin g a n d a c c u ltu ra tio n , o f an artificia l b o u n d a ry b e tw ee n A ry a n s a n d n o n A ry a n s (siiclra : drya). T h e changes in th e social fo rm a tio n , fro m sem i-n o m ad ic trib e to
a larger trib a l u n io n , need a d e fin ite e x p ressio n in o rd e r to be able to fu n c tio n as a ‘new
o rd e r.’ T h is is fre q u e n tly expressed as a n ta g o n ism b e tw ee n classes a n d g ro u p s b o th in
language a n d ritu a l, a n d is first m et w ith in th e ‘first c o n s titu tio n o f In d ia ,’66 th e purusa h y m n o f R V 10.90. Such d e m a rca tio n s are, as can also be o b serv ed e lsew h ere ,67 a
54 See W. Ran, Staat, p. 118, A. Weber, in: indische Studien 10, 26-35.
35 See now also F. B. J. Kuiper, Aryans in the Rigveda, Am sterdam , A tlanta 1991.
36 Brbu, ‘lording over the Panis on the Gariga’, 6.45.31 (part of a late addition to the hym n). His
grandfather had immigrated; Brbu fights w ith the Bharatas.
37 This m ust have been fairly wide-spread and thoroug h as not just the names of kings but even
the linguistic features of Vedic Sanskrit indicate acculturation.
58 See F. B. J. Kuiper, Rigvedic Loanwords, in: Studia Indologica, Fs. W. Kirfel, Bonn 1955, p.
137-185, and A ryans in the Rigveda, Am sterdam , A tlanta 1991, cf. H. Fiock, Substratum
influences in (Rigvedic) Sanskrit? in: Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 5.2, U rbana 1975; M.B.
Emeneau, Language and Linguistic Area: Essays, Stanford 1980.
59 F or the term and concept, see M.N. Srinivas, Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South
India. O xford 1952; M.N. Srinivas, The Cohesive Role of Sanskritization, Delhi 1989, 56-72,/.F.
Staal, Sanskrit and Sanskritization, in: Journal of Asian Studies, 22, 1963, 261 ff.
60 As Claessen calls it (in: C urrent A nthropology Aug.-Oct. 1984, 365-379); see further FI.J.M.
Claessen and P. Skalnik, T he Early State. The Hague, 1978.
61 See below , notes 93-95.
62 Cf. the parallel in the developm ent of the class system in the Greek polis, see G. Nagy, Greek
M ythology and Poetics, Ithaca, 1990,
“ C. M inkowski, The R athakara’s Eligibility to Sacrifice, Indo-Iranian Journal 32, 1989, 177-194,
64 See MS 2.9.5 on their chieftain, the Nisada-sthapati, cf. KS 17.13, TS 4.5.4.2. AB 8.11 etc.
63 Similar patterns of H induization are visible in m odern N epal, Orissa, in medieval Bali.
66 See P. Mus, in: East and W est 9, 75-77.
67 The British in India did not react differently in the 1830s w hen their free-wheeling lifestyle
as half-Indianized traders was changed by a series of ‘reform s’ w hich brought them in line w ith
37
ty p ic a l re a c tio n to an in itia l stage o f free a n d w ide-spread a c c u ltu ra tio n . T h e d o m in a n t
brahm a-ksatra elite, a lre ad y th o r o u g h ly m ixed w ith local a n d a b o rig in al elem en ts, n o w
e n ca p su led itself vis-a-vis th e ‘th ird e state ’, th e V aisyas, a n d stressed its s u p e rio rity w ith
regard to th e m , as w ell as religious a n d racial ‘p u r ity ’ o v e r th e n o n -A ry a n ¿udras.
O n e o f th e strategies o f th e K u ru kings b y w h ic h th e y achieved th e ir n e w statu s was
th e tra d itio n a l g a in in g o f b o o ty in th e ir ex tern al e x p e d itio n s (see below ) a n d its
d is trib u tio n , b u t th is is n o w su p p le m e n te d b y th e c o lle c tio n o f ‘tax e s’, o r ra th e r, th e
c o e rc io n o f ‘t r ib u t e ’, bali. T h e K u ru k in g is th e ideal ty p e o f a ‘b e n e v o le n t lo rd ’ w h o
seem s to give m o re th a n he tak es fro m his subjects a n d w h o su p p o rts his n o b les a n d
o th e r su b je cts.68
S ociologically sp e a k in g , th is is ty p ic a l fo r m an y early societies, w h e th e r based o n
c o lle c tin g /h u n tin g , sim p le h o rtic u ltu re o r a g ricu ltu re, o r o n (semi-) n o m a d ic pastoralism .
H o w e v e r, since th e K u ru p e rio d , th is k in d o f exchange, im p le m e n te d th r o u g h o u t th e
realm , has been in s titu tio n a liz e d in In d ia n society in a sem i-religious fa sh io n . A s W. R a n
has p o in te d o u t, th e m u tu a l re la tio n s h ip is expressed in th e V edic p e rio d b y th e co n ce p t
o f bhartr :: bhdrya. T h e fo rm o f exchange fo llo w s a c o m p lica te d p a tte rn , a ‘social
c o n tr a c t’ th a t c a n n o t be d etailed h e re.69
T h e R V K h K u n ta p a h y m n s still reflect so m e th in g o f th e o ld ideal in th e ir d e sc rip tio n
of th e g o ld en age o f P a rik sit w ith th e d istrib u tio n o f b o o ty (vid a th a ) at a g reat festival
a b o u t th e tim e o f th e w in te r solstice. B ut th e R gvedic p a tte rn o f a ritu a l exchange o f
goods a n d b o o ty w ith in a sm all trib e is n o w replaced b y c o m p lica te d (6rauta) ritu al a n d
social ex change w ith in th e larg er K u ru realm , in w h ic h , nev erth eless, trib a l su b -u n its
survive. A s has b e en p o in te d o u t, th e K u ru s had th re e , a n d th e ir n e ig h b o u rs, th e P ancala, six (o rig in a lly th re e o n ly ). T h e great ro y al ritu a ls u n d e rlin e th e n ew a n d
s tre n g th e n e d p o s itio n o f th e king: V edic ritu a l is n o t alw ays as p riv ate as so m e th in k .70
T he
p o w e r o f th e K u ru k in g w as q u a litativ ely d iffere n t fro m th a t a n d m u c h greater
th an th a t o f a c h ie fta in , say o f th e Y adu trib e , in th e R V (see below ).
T h e e x p an d e d ritu a ls are s u p p o rte d b y th e increasin g stra tific a tio n o f so c iety d u rin g
th e M a n tra a n d Y V S a m h ita p e rio d . It is visible, a p a rt fro m th e e sta b lish m e n t o f th e
fo u r classes (varnd), in th e fo rm a tio n o f a large n u m b e r o f artisan specialists w h ic h are
m e n tio n e d in th e m o re c o m p lica te d ro y al rituals su c h as th e A sv am e d h a.71 T h is
d e v e lo p m e n t co in c id es w ith an increasin g p ro d u c tio n o f goods: n o w , also th e lan d bet
ween th e riv ers is se ttle d a n d p ro d u c tio n increases;72 la te r o n , th e east is ‘re fo rm e d ’ b y
the (soon to be ‘V ictorian’) norm s of their homeland.
68 It has always belonged to the traditional duties of a king (and a ksatriya) to collect and to
distribute wealth, dow n to m odern times: the king is supposed to distribute dana.
69 Reminiscent of the m odern jajman relationships, but extending to other areas as well: it
comprises a social contract including several generations, as well as the relationship between
men, their ancestors and the gods; see a forthcom ing publication, and in brief form , S. Jamison
and M. Witzel in: A. Sbartna, H induism (forthc.).
70/. Heesterman underlines their private character too much. Even a simple A gnihotra can attract
visitors — at least nowadays, and Vedic evidence points to similar, contem poraneous
occurrences. C ertainly, larger rites, such as Soma sacrifice, and especially the H orse sacrifice,
were often disturbed by rivals.
7' See e.g. the list in VadhB. (W. Caland, Kleine Schriften, Stuttgart 1990, p. 365).
‘ See G. Erdosy, U rbanisation: The early settlements are on the banks of rivers, Yam una and
38
Michael W itzei
th e K u ru -P a n c a la B rah m in s, w h o se ‘c u ltu re h e ro ’, A gni V aisvanara, ‘sw e e te n e d th e
c o u n tr y as to m ak e it su itab le fo r a g ric u ltu re ’. Excess p ro d u c tio n a p p a re n tly t o o k place
o n ly a fte r th e e sta b lish m e n t o f a c en tral p o w e r, such as th a t o f th e K u ru , th a t o f th e
leg e n d ary V id e h a k in g as w ell as th a t o f th e b e tte r a tte sted K osala a n d M agadha realm s.
C e n tra liz e d p o w e r also b ro u g h t a b o u t th e perceived n ecessity o f specialized crafts, best
visib le at th e o c casio n o f th e great sta te rituals. As far as th e rest o f th e n o b ility and
g e n try w as c o n c e rn e d , c o m p e titio n fo r s u p e rio rity (sresthab svd n d m , ahamsrestba) a m o n g
th e m w as stim u la te d w h e n it did n o t in te rfere w ith th e ro le o f th e su p re m e c h ie fta in ,
th e k in g o f th e K u ru . A ll im p o rta n t p o sitio n s in so ciety w ere o ccu p ied b y th e alliance
o f B ra h m in s a n d K satriy as (brabm a-ksatra), w h ic h ex p lo ited — a cc o rd in g to th e ir o w n
w o rd s —• th e rest o f th e p o p u la tio n ; b u t w ith in th is new sy ste m c o m p e titio n was
p o ssib le a n d in d ee d p e rsiste n t.73 B ut riv alry a n d c o m p e titio n is also clearly v isible in
th e n e w ly d e v elo p ed ¿ ra u ta ritu a l. — Indeed, o n e o f th e strategies o f achieving th e ir goal
o f an in te rn a l c o m p e titio n w ith o u t p e ril w as th e se ttin g u p b y th e K u ru k in g s o f th e
c o m p lic a te d & rauta ritu a l, w h ic h o n c e and fo r all div id ed th e p e o p le in to fo u r classes a n d
fo rg ed a n e w u n ity based o n exchange b etw ee n B ra h m in s a n d K satriy as (brahm a■
ksatra).74 T h e K u ru kings also succeeded in c o n tro llin g , in tu rn , th e old er, a m o rp h o u s
g ro u p s o f p rie sts75 b y a clear su b d iv isio n o f th e ir ritu a l lab o r. T h is w as n o w re
d is trib u te d in to fo u r fields o f sp ecializatio n , i.e. th e fo u r V edas a n d th e ir ritu a l use.
T h ese fo u r g ro u p s o f p riests (RV: hotr, SV: udgdtr, YV: adhvaryu, AV: b ra h m a n )76 had
q u ite specified d u tie s d u rin g th e so le m n (£rauta) rituals. T h e p rie s tly o c c u p a tio n s w ere
even f u r th e r div id ed , fo r g o o d m easure, in to sub-specializations o f 16 o r 17 ty p e s 77 —
s o m e th in g n o t u n lik e th e increasin g specializatio n a m o n g th e c raftsm en a n d a rtisa n s. In
b o th cases, c e n tra liz e d p o w e r stim u la te d specialization. W ith a p o litica l m a s te r stro k e ,
th e K u ru k in g s also succeeded in c o n tro lin g th e aristo cracy , th a t is th e ir fe llo w R ajanyas
a n d K satriy as, b y g iving th e m so m e th in g else, new , a n d fashionable to ‘w o r ry a b o u t’:
th e c o m p lic a te d £ ra u ta ritual. In ev alu atin g th is o n e sh o u ld disregard, fo r th e m o m e n t,
th e u su a l p h e n o m e n o lo g ic a l, p se u d o -h isto ric al, a n d ‘p h ilo s o p h ic a l’ a p p ro ac h es t o V edic
ritu a l a n d c o n c e n tra te o n its social effects.
It is s u rp risin g th a t even th e c o n te m p o ra ry specialists o f V edic ritu a l have n o t n o tic e d
th a t th e Israuta ritu a l — w h ile o fte n h av in g o n e a n d th e sam e aim , n a m e ly re ac h in g
heav en — is set u p in such a w a y as to satisfy v a rio u s levels o f so le m n ity a n d sta tu s. A
F ootnote fr o m p. 37, contin u ed
Gariga, only; this is still reflected in som e Mantras of the (much later) Grhyasutras, see A uthor,
Localisation p. 205.
75 T he examples are too num erous to be quoted, see for example the m any expressions w ith
bhratrvya, and W. Ran, Staat, p. 45.
74 See W. Ran, Staat, p. 59-60, 118: they exploit the vis (an im portant item missing in R. Thapar,
Lineages).
75 See the enum erations in RV, w ith five or seven priests, e.g. RV 8.72: A dhvaryu, H o tr, etc.
76 Even though the Atharvaveda remained a text which was not fully recognized for quite some
time.
77 N o te the same technique in medieval Orissa where we find not one but four rajagurus, see G,
Pfeffer, Puris Sasandorfer. Basis einer regionalen Elite, Heidelberg 1975; G. Pfeffer, Status and
A ffinity in Middle India, Wiesbaden 1982.
39
n o t (very w e alth y ) V aisya m ig h t have been c o n te n t w ith th e d o m estic (grhya) ritu als o f
passage th a t are e x ecu ted fo r h im a n d his fam ily. H o w e v e r, a lo w e r ra n k K satriy a m ig h t
have a tte m p te d to go o n to th e n e x t step o n th e so cio -relig io u s lad d er a n d b ecom e a
d iksita , th a t is an in itia te d ‘sacrificer’ (yajam ana), a fte r h a v in g lea rn t m o re o f th e V eda
th a n a V aisya (such as a g räm ani, a ‘tr e k lea d er’)''8 o r a lo w e r ra n k K satriy a o w n e r o f
su ch a w a g o n tra in (a g rä m in ), o r a sim ple k satriyabandhu. A fte r he had e stab lish e d th e
th re e sacred fires, h e c o u ld th e n p e rfo rm th e A g n ih o tra , th e N e w a n d F u ll M o o n
sacrifices, etc. If he w ish e d fo r m o re, h e c o u ld add th e seasonal ritu a ls (C äturm äsya) a n d
th e y e arly S om a ritu a l. If he was still n o t c o n te n t w ith th is a n d w ish e d to im press his
rivals fu r th e r (w h o w o u ld o fte n com e to in te rfe r w ith o r d e stro y his r itu a ls ) /9 he c o u ld
go o n w ith seven m o re ty p e s o f Som a ritu als (soma-samstbä). W h ile v io le n t in te rfere n c e
w ith o n e ’s ritu a l m ay have been a re m n a n t o f a m o re ag o n istic p e rio d , as H e esterm an
believes, (this w o u ld be th e o n e o f th e R V , n o t o f a n e b u lo u s past!), ritu a l vio len ce was
still v isible b u t tam e d . N o b o d y takes th e tro u b le to d is tu rb a sim p le A g n ih o tra o r N ew and F u ll M o o n ritu a l. It is th e m o re im p o rta n t ritu a ls, especially th e A svam edha
(c ap tu rin g th e h o rse), w h ic h b rin g o u t th e rivals o f th e sp o n s o r. W h a t is im p o rta n t here
is th a t th ese — o n ly n a tu ra l — rivalries w ere cleverly c h an n e lle d in th e n ew , 3 ra u ta w ay
o f stra tific a tio n .
B e y o n d th e K satriyas, th e next level is th a t o f th e n o b ility o f ro y al b lo o d , i.e. o f m en
w h o are ‘fit to be elected as k in g s’ (abhisecaniyai0), th e n th a t o f th e räjans them selves,
n o t ‘k in g s ’ b u t ra th e r ‘c h ie fta in s’; fo r exam ple o n e o f th e 3 a m o n g th e K u ru s o r o n e o f
th e 6 o f th e Pancäla. A n d , fin ally , th e re is th e G re at C h ief, th e K ing o f th e K u ru s. T h e
n o b ility h a d th e m ean s — a n d a p p a re n tly also th e leisu re — to p e rfo rm such ritu a ls as
th e agnicayana, a c o m p lic a te d rite ta k in g a w h o le y ear, o r — in stea d o f th e seasonal
offerings (cäturm äsya), — th e G a vd m A y a n a w h ic h also tak es a year. In sim ila r grada
tio n , a lo w -ra n k ru le r c o u ld receive, as p o in te d o u t above, th e c o n se c ra tio n as c hieftain
th ro u g h th e sim p le ro y al abhiseka,M th e m o re c o m p lica te d räjäbhiseka82 a n d ekaräjäbbiseka,s} o r th e so le m n aindräbhiseka,M a n d fin ally , th e re w as th e so le m n !jrauta
o p tio n o f th e räjasüya. L ater o n , a revised, c o m p lica te d israuta v ersio n o f th e R gvedic,
o rig in a lly even In d o -E u ro p e a n ,83 horse sacrifice (asvam edha), w as added fo r especially
p o w e rfu l su p re m e kings w h o claim ed ‘w o rld d o m in a tio n ,’86 w h ic h n ev erth eless o n ly
encom passed p a rts o f (n o rth e rn ) India.
7ä See W. Rau, Staat, p. 56.
” This was overly stressed by Heesterman; note that in even in the classical Vedic sattra ritual
everyone could come and dispute w ith the sacrifices until the 11th day, see H. Falk, Bruder
schaft und W ürfelspiel, Freiburg 1986, p. 35.
so See W. Rau, Staat, p. 84 ff.
81 cf. W. Rau, Staat p. 89.
32 KS 37.9, TB 2.7.15-17, Baudh. £s (as Mrtyusava) 18.16-19, Api>S 22.28, etc.
8> As found in the Atharvavedic manuals and in Kausikasütra, see A uthor, The coronation rituals
of Nepal, in: H eritage of the K athm andu Valley, ed. by N. Gutschow and A. Michaels, St.
Augustin 1987, 417-467.
Si In AB 7.13 ff., see A uthor, O n the localisation of Vedic texts and schools.
For a brief sum m ary see /. Puhvel, Com parative M ythology, Baltimore 1989, p. 269-276.
As cakravartin, etc., see now S. Tambiah, The Buddhist C onception of Universal King and its
Manifestations in South and South-East Asia, Kuala L um pur 1987. The first attested case is that
of the great chieftain Sudäs, RV 3.53.11-12, and the Asvamedha of the P üru chief Purukutsa, RV
4.42.8-9.
40
M ichael W itzei
In the case of Pariksit and his dynasty we can see th e process of Israuta adaptation
happen before o u r eyes: It has n o t been noticed so far87 th a t an o th er M antra tim e text,
Paippalada Sam hita 10, was com posed to serve as ‘c o ro n atio n ’ text o f th e early K uru
kings. It is here th at we get for th e first tim e the m entioning o f typical ¡srauta term s
such as sava. M ore im p o rtan tly , there is th e connection, established by H . Falk, of the
Rajasuya and royal adoption, w hich is h inted at already in an older text, th e R ohita
book of AV ($S 13, PS 18.15-26). T he son of the A iksvaku King H ariscandra also was
called ‘the Red O n e ’ (Rohita, AB 7.13 ff. in a sto ry discussing the Rajasuya); he
apparently was added to this sto ry in order to show his descendence from R ohita, th e
Sun (i.e. V ivasvant/M artanda, one of th e great A ditya gods; in fact, R o h ita was
engendered w ith th e help of th e A ditya god Varuna). T he term rohita also hints at the
close connection o f th e ‘brilliance o f th e su n ’ and o f royal glory (varcas , Avest. x varena).
T his w hole com plex, to o , is in need of fu rth er investigation.88
Sum m ing up th e discussion of ritual it can be said th at by th e tim e of th e M antra
period, there w ere, o n all levels of Indo-A ryan society, several ritu a l o p tio n s available
to each m an if he w ished to attain fame and glory, k ir ti and (hrahm a)varcas. Every
Rajanya, K satriya and Vaisya could perform such solem n rites o n an offering ground
near his hom e.89 T he new Israuta ritual thus p u t everyone in his p ro p er station and at
his pro p er place: in th e life cycle and in society, b o th during th e period o f o n e’s Veda
study and the roam ing about as V ratya as well as during o n e ’s tim e as ‘settled ’
householder (grhastha ). T here was o p p o rtu n ity for each and everyone to gain higher
status by having th e B rahm ins p erform m ore and m ore elaborate rituals — instead of
sim ply raiding o n e’s neighbours.
In order to carry o u t m any of th e religious and social reform s m entioned so far and
as to achieve th e general purpose of overlordship in n o rth e rn India,50 th e K uru kings
also initiated a collection of th e m ajor poetic and ritual texts, — certainly intended to
sh o w th e ir care fo r tra d itio n a l lore and knowledge. T h e ‘tric k ’ was to preserve th e old
b ut to institute som e, often m inute changes as to serve th e new ru le r’s goals. In th e case
of traditional A ryan lore, th e aim was n o t only to collect all (suitable) texts b u t also to
re-arrange them in a fashion suitable for th e new goals. T he old ritual hym ns and some
p o etry were assembled in the Rgveda-Samhita, the m ajor ritual M antras and early (now
lost) explanatory prose texts in an t/r-Y ajurveda-Sam hita, the melodies sung d u rin g the
Soma sacrifice in an i/r-SV-Samhita, and the healing and o th e r charm s as well as
speculative hym ns, th o u g h all rew orked by Angirasa Brahm ins, in an C/r-AV-Samhita.
W hat could have m otivated the late Rgvedic and early M antra tim e poets and ‘copyright
ow ners’ and priests to make m ajor changes in text transm ission and ritual perform ance?
T he ‘extraction’ o f th e often secret Rc and M antra texts from th eir au th o rs’ and o w n ers’
clans of poets and priests cannot have happened w ith o u t a certain am o u n t of pressure.
T raditional ow ners o f th e ‘c o p y rig h t’ to a certain h y m n w ere n o t likely to divulge the
87 But now see Tsudnyam a , Veda.no varcas, in: Indogaku Bukkydgaku Kenkyu, Heisei 2, 67-80.
88 Note that ‘brilliance’ and glory often are linked in Indo-Iranian thought (cf. Iran. xvay*nah);
see preceding note.
89 He had to ask the king for permission, however, to use land for this.
50 See
13.5.4.1 ff. with hymns which praise the Bharatas, especially 13.5.4.23.
E arly S an sk ritizatío n
41
exact text o r to voluntarily give u p all th e ir exclusive rights to th e collection o f texts
com posed and custom arily also tran sm itted by th eir fam ily o r clan. T herefore, the carrot
of ‘jo in t ow n ersh ip ’ by th e new ly form ed B ráhm ana class (RV 10.90) or, at least by
those B rahm ins learning just one Veda by heart, had to be offered as well. Indeed, th e
tradition of individual and clan-wise origin of each hym n was preserved by a
com plicated system of arrangem ent of the Rgvedic hym ns in the ‘collection’ (sam hitä ),
w hich also to o k into account th e a u th o r w hose name m ust be m entioned to this very
day before reciting a h y m n .91 T hus, the goal of having a new text collection fit for
árauta ritual was achieved by preserving m uch of th e traditional status of the
poets/priests, th eir rights, and th eir ‘o w n ersh ip ’ of com positions in sacred speech.
T he collection of texts was no t only made from the p o ets’ clans closely allied w ith
the B harata royal fam ily, such as th e Vásistha, but in o rd er n o t to lose con tin u ity , also
w ith hym ns linked to th e glorious past of th e P üru and even the Y adu-Turvasa, A nuD ru h y u tribes. M any if n o t m ost of th e traditionally rem em bered old hym ns were
included in the ‘n atio n al’ collection of hym ns, th e Rgveda, th o u g h th e hym ns of the
Bharata and th e P ü ru clearly dom inate th e collection.
O nce the collection was fixed, there was n o need, of course, to create new hym ns —
w hich was a m ajor goal of p o ets/p riests (brahm án ) in Rgvedic times. W hat was still
carried on was th e com position of new speculative hym ns: in the late RV, under the
Bharatas, and especially in th e AV under th e Kurus. N o te th at the poet (brahm án) of
the RV now reappeared as a u th o r of (part o f the) AV, w hich was at first called ätharvaängirasa, ‘the (collection of hym ns) of the A tharvans and A ñgiras.’92 M any of these
new hym ns deal w ith th e ritual and its ‘philosophical’ underpinnings, such as yajña,
‘fo o d ’ (brahma-Jodana, ucchista, etc. w hich are in need o f a detailed investigation.
In all these cases one can notice th a t one means to bring about con tin u ity in spite of
the great changes carried o u t u n d er th e K urus, was th e artificial archaization of certain
parts of the new ¿rauta ritual93, the use of artificial, archaic form s94 in th e poetic and
91 The arrangement is based on the author, deity, type of meter and length of hymns and the
number of hymns in each collection that originally belonged to one poets’ clan.
92 Most of the authors of the Rgvedic hymns belong to the Añgiras clans.
91 For details see my forthcoming monograph: The Realm of the Kurus, Only the results of this
investigation can be summarized here. As for the ritual, note that the metal (ayasmaya) vessel
of the Rgvedic pravargya (or gharma, rnahavira) rite, RV 5.30.12-14 etc., was substituted by a
clay one fashioned in a very primitive, archaic way by the Brahmin priests themselves; ritual
garments were freshly made in a very archaic fashion, without the use of needle and thread; or,
in the reorganization of the labor of the priests many old names of priests and their job
descriptions were kept, while the role of the Brahman changes markedly.
94 Rgvedic k m o li, krnum ah, k m u (PS) for the Atharvavedic (and later) allegro forms karoti,
kurmab, ku ru , see K. H offm ann , Aufsätze zur Indologie und Iranistik, p. 573 ff.; — PS krnva is
more archaic than the Rgvedic form kanva, see K. Hoffmann, ibid., 15 ff.: writing in 1940, he
could not yet know but reconstructed the correct form krnva (PS) as predecessor of kanva. —
Archaic forms are also attested to some extent in another Kuru text, KS (and much less so in
FS). — The artificial Taitt. form suvar may be an imitation of older Kuru archaisms. Note that
we find suvar, suvarga but svasti; further: the rather artificial introduction of this principle in
uv eva for u eval-v eva: see Author, Tracing, p. 174, 178, — Note also the l / r treatment; RV
10 has the popular / where KS, PS often avoid them, e.g. rohita, romasa, ariklava, see Author,
Notes on Vedic Dialects 1, in: Zimbun 67, p. 44 f.
42
M ichael W itzei
learned language of th e poets, priests and ‘theologians’ of th e M antra and YV Sam hitä
periods, and of text form ation and th eir collection.95 T he new ritual and its language
appeared to be m ore elaborate and impressive, b u t at th e same tim e had to give th e
appearance of having com e dow n from a hallow ed past.
T h e form ation of early states such as th a t of th e K urus usually brings ab o u t im p o rtan t
changes in ideology, religion and m ythology. T he new religious and political ideology
necessary fo r the expanded dim ension in tribal organization included m any elem ents of
th e older, Rgvedic beliefs about m an k in d ’s descent from th e gods, th eir access to heaven
and to eternal ‘happiness’ after death: for example, w arriors w ho died in battle were
taken to heaven by th e Apsaras (the rath er u nnoticed sisters of th e N orse W alkyries),
and th e y were readily accepted there by th e gods — a topic fo u n d from th e Rgveda96
onw ards.9'' Access to heaven is one of th e m ajor topics of all ¿rauta ritual. N ex t to
sons, rain, cattle, long life (dyus) it is a prolonged (theoretically, b u t o n ly by exception,
eternal) stay in heaven th at one strives for, after a stin t on earth characterized by
constant strife and frequent hunger, as has been described in detail by W. R a u n . It is
in th e K uruksetra area th a t th e heavenly river (Sarasvati, the M ilky Way) was regarded
as flow ing dow n fro m heaven about th e tim e of th e w in ter solstice: it th u s opened,
w ith its tw o branches to u ch in g th e north-eastern ho rizo n , th e ‘gate’ to heaven.99
A n im p o rtan t, if n o t th e chief one am ong th e religious developm ents is th a t th e new
royal centre in K uruksetra gave rise to a new m y th o lo g y o f th e region. It is here and
n ot elsewhere th a t th e gods traditionally sacrifice and hold th eir long sattra rites to
overcom e th eir perpetual foes, th e A suras.100 F u rth er, th e river Sarasvati itself is th e per95 Inclusion of all the Rc materials, including some old Yadu-Turvasa, Anu-Druhyu and many
of the Püru hymns; note also the archaization of Atharvaveda Mantras by starting hymns with
hieratic metres. — Oldenberg (Prolegomena) has noticed that the archaizing tendency further
increases with time: the later SV, YV texts tend to introduce Rgvedic forms instead of their own
traditional ones.
% Note the promise given to Purüravas, RV 10.90.18; cf. KU 1.4, etc.
57 All through classical literature, even as late as 1149 A. D. in the Räjatarariginl where the
motif figures prominently: Räj. 7.173 ‘brave men wedded to the heavenly maids (apsaras)...' The
concept is perpetuated in the later Rajatarariginls of Jonaräja, etc. — Cf. also Bhagavadgita 2.3132 (yudhad chreyo nyat ksatriyasya na vidyate ¡| yadrccbaya copapannam svargadväram apavrtam
| sukhinah ksatriyah...labhante yuddham tdrsam).
98 W. Rau, Staat, p. 31.
” This is a transformation of the older Rgvedic concept of the heavenly gates, a standard feature
found in the äpri hymns, see L. van den Bosch, The Apr! hymns of the Rgveda and their
interpretation, in: Indo-Iranian Journal 28, 1985, 95-122, 169-122, and cf. Author, Sur le chemin
du ciel. Bulletin des Etudes indiennes, 2, 1984, 213-279. — The old idea of an inverted tree is
found in the Rgvedic asvattba, held upside down by Varuna 1.24.7, cf. TÄ 1,11.5, KathUp. 6.1,
BhG 15.1-3 (see F. B.J. Kuiper, The Heavenly Bucket, in: India Maior, Leiden 1972, 144-156, cf.
The Bliss of asa, in: Indo-Iranian Journal, 8, 1964, 117; and see now Author, Looking for the
Heavenly Casket, forthc. in Fs. Tbieme, 1995). By performing a sort of pilgrimage along the
banks, against the current of the stream, one could move along the Sarasvati (= Milky Way)
through the night sky and reach heaven.
ico pg 25.13 ‘Indra and Rusamä made a wager: ‘Whichever of us shall first run around the earth
shall be the winner.’ Indra ran around the earth, Rusamä ran around Kuruksetra (only).’ This
indicates that Kuruksetra is identified with the whole earth; cf. K. Hoffmann, Aufsätze zur IndoIranistik 1, Wiesbaden 1975, p. 7.
E arly S anskritization
43
sonification on E arth of the goddess Sarasvati, the name of th e M ilky W ay in th e Vedic
texts; this falls d ow n on earth at th e Plaksa Präsravana, th e w orld tree at th e centre of
heaven and e arth ,101 and th en continues to flow th ro u g h the land of th e K uru
people,102 — w hich is identified w ith the w hole earth .103 T h e area was conceived as
th e ‘centre of th e w o rld ’, a trait first visible after the victory of th e Bharata king Sudäs
and his settling on th e Sarasvati (located according to RV 3.53.11 vara d p rtb ivy ä h ‘at
th e best place of th e earth .’104) Such identifications of o n e’s habitat w ith th e centre
of the w orld are com m on am ong m any peoples, and in such cases th e place o f th e ritual
always is regarded as the centre.105 H ow ever, K uruksetra now also became th e place
w here even the gods offer (devayajana ).1C6
IV. Structure
T he im m ediate outcom e o f the establishm ent of the new system of ¿rauta ritual fo r a
king of the K urus was: his ‘refo rm ’ unified various sm aller tribes by a single, but
com plicated n etw o rk o f m utual ritual relations; this frequently was o f a dualistic and
partly antagonistic nature (note especially th e K uru-Pancäla v rd tya relationship w hich
im itates the deva :: asura strife in m yth, and th e ärya :: südra com petition in
society).107
T he older dual organization o f th e Five Peoples ofR gvedic tim es (A nu-D ruhyu, YaduTurvasa) was probably echoed in th e K uru Kingdom , originally, by th at of th e Bharata101 See Author, Sur le chemin du ciel; — one span north of Plaksa Präsravana (the Plaksa tree
of ‘forth-streaming’) is the centre of both heaven and earth (JB, VädhPiS); cf. in Germanic lore,
Yggdrasil, which is the source of three rivers.
152 The concept of Kuruksetra occurs first at MS 2.1.4, 4.5.9; then at AB 7.30, ^B, JB, PB, KathB,
and TÄ 5.1.1 (with a description of its borders); that of devayajana as early as £S 10.5.15-20, PS
16.129.1-5, MS 1.1.8, KS 1.7, TS 1.2.3., etc. but the two are not immediately linked formally;
though descriptions such as MS 2.1.4:5.9 are clear enough: deva vai sattrdm dsata kuruksetre.
103 Later ritual (PB 25.13, JB, LisS, etc.) makes the Sarasvati and her companion river, the
Drsadvatl, the place of long treks which one may perhaps call ‘pilgrimages’ along their banks,
leading to heaven, as the heavenly river (Sarasvati, the Milky Way) was regarded as flowing
down from heaven at this spot about the time of the winter solstice: it thus opened, with its
two branches touching the north-eastern horizon, the ‘gate’ to heaven. — All of this is
unmatched by any other area mentioned in Vedic texts; places like PraySga and Käsi or even
the Naimisa forest (though mentioned already in KS 10.6:130.8) attain this kind of fame only
well after the Vedic period.
104 ‘At the navel of the earth’ RV 8.43.4 nabhä prthivyä, bhuvanasya majmane ; and ‘the best place
on earth’ RV 3.23.4 ni tvä dade vara ä prthivyä, iläyäs pade\ 3.53.11 Sudäs will offer at the best
place on earth: athä yajäte vara a prthivyäh.
103 At this location, the Plaksa tree clearly is the central world tree which pushes up heaven. See
Author, Eine fünfte Mitteilung über das Vädhüla-Sütra, in: Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik
1, 75-108, and Sur le chemin du ciel, in: Bulletin des Etudes indiennes, 2, 213-279.
106 MS 2.1.4:5.9 deva vdi satlrdrn äsata kuruksetre.
107 Note that it is formalized in the Mahävrata ritual as a ¿üdra :: Ärya conflict (Ap6s 21.17 ff.
etc.); the discussion on the Asvamedha mentions the taking away the goods of the lower classes,
see Vädhüla israutasütra 3.79 = W. Caland, Kleine Schriften, p. 370 f. — During the Rgvedic
period it might have been a Bharata : Püru configuration.
44
M ichael W itzei
P u ru . T h is p a tte rn em erges m o re clearly w h e n th e K u ru s sta rte d to sp read eastw ards.
T h e n e w te rrito rie s (up to K a u sa m b i/A llah a b ad ) w ere se ttle d b y g ro u p s w h o th e n
o rg a n iz ed th em se lv es as th e P ancala tr ib e 108 w h ic h w as e x p lic itly d iv id e d in to six su b
u n its , — a fact w h ic h sh o u ld lay to rest all sp e c u la tio n a b o u t th e o rig in o f th e n am e in
th e n u m b e r ‘fiv e ’.105 T h e (P iiru-)Iksvaku are m e n tio n e d to h ave se ttle d o n th e ir eastern
b o rd e r n e ar B en ares.110
T he relationship betw een K urus and Pancalas was am biguous. O n th e one hand, b o th
royal families in term arried .111 This, actually, was one o f th e strategies o f th e suprem e
K uru king aim ing at asserting his au th o rity at this highest level, and has been a favorite
m ethod in all early states w hich cannot rely on paid bureaucrats b u t m ust rely on vari
ous types of relations built on personal loyalty betw een th e ruler and his nobles. P o ly
gamy, w hich is well attested for Vedic kings,112 helped to establish m ultiple relation
ships w ith im p o rta n t external and internal noble families, som ething w hich certainly
was necesssary as th e K urus and Pancalas still were divided in to th ree viz. six pow erful
subgroups. T he device, in fact, was one o f th e means to forge alliances betw een various
exogamic units of gotras even for the richer ones am ong th e K satriyas and B rahm ins.113
O n the o th er hand, the u n io n (of ritu al114 moieties) of th e K urus and Pancalas was
stressed by the c u s to m of sending th eir M d n n e rb u n d associations (vrdtya) into each
o th e r’s territo ry : n o te th e KS 10.6 sto ry about king D h rtarastra V aicitravirya,115 and
also the story in BisS 18.26 about th e V ratyas of th e K urus in th e land o f the
Pancalas.116 M ost telling, perhaps, is th e note about th e S outhern (M adhya Pradesh)
people at JB 3.146 w ho send th eir sons northw ards to th e K u ru s.117 It is im p o rtan t to
n ote th a t these y o u n g m en associations do n o t enter new , ‘v irgin’ te rrito ry south of the
V indhya but go, in th eir vrdtya excursions, just as th e K urus and Pancalas respectively,
158 This included the Rgvedic Krivi tribe, see above for other members.
109 See literature in M. Mayrbofer, KEWA II 188, EWA II, 66. - Note that the YV school of the
Pancala, the Taittiriya, has 6 subschools (Baudh., Viidh., Bhar., Ap., Hir., Vaikh.) which echo,
also in location (see Author, Localisation, p. 205), the division of this great tribe.
110 Iksvaku in the eastern parts of the Kuru-Pancala-Kosala area, see Tracing, n. 253, 349, 389;
cf. JB 3.168-170; 190. Note that JB has Tryaruna as an Iksvaku, see A uthor, Rigvedic history
(above, n. 15), p. 329; cf. also JB 3.237-238; 204, JUB 4.6.1.2.
1,1 See JB 2.278-9.
112 Note the technical names of the Kuru king’s wives already in the Kuntapa hymns.
115 A well known example are the two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani, of the rich (mahdsdlina)
Yajnavalkya. Polygamy led to the necessity to specify the mother of a certain prince (or a
Brahmin’s son): See the names in -putra in the Maurya, Satavahana dynasties, and of the authors
of ¿B in the Vamsas of this text.
114 Note the ritual competition between the two tribes, e.g. at JB 1.262 where they hold a debate
(brahmodya ) on cosmological and theological questions.
115 The vratyas were not accepted by him, and therefore destroyed his cattle with the help of
some rituals. Why this Kuru king? Does this reflect the vrdtya, i.e. a not always amiable relation
between Kaurava and the Kuru-Pancala vrdtya (here led by a Pancala: Vaka Dalbhi). See H. Falk,
Bruderschaft, p. 58 ff.
1,6 See H. Falk, Bruderschaft, p. 55 ff.
117 Cf. W. Ran, Staat p. 14 ‘wenn ein Vater seinen Sohn aussiedelt, dann siedelt er ihn im
Norden aus,’ which Rau understands as settlement. I think this rather is a question of vrdtya
movement to one’s neighbours.
45
to the land of th eir closest o rth o p rax neighbors. T h is clearly indicates th a t vrdtya
exchange is carried o u t betw een (nom inal, ritual) allies,118 and n o t betw een, for
example, the A ryans and th e aboriginal tribes of the south. — A t th e same tim e, these
stories indicate som ething of the traditional aggression resulting in cattle rustling,
fighting and small scale warfare existing w ith o n e’s neighbors w hich was n o w canalized
by th e new (vrdtya ) ritual.
T h ro u g h the ritualization of these relationships, all social and political energy could
now be projected eith er tow ards a com m on goal, nam ely expansion to the east and
s o u th ,115 o r otherw ise tow ards m ore or less innocuous, often p etty rituals w hich en
abled am bitious Ksatriyas to com pete w ith th eir neighbors and rivals. T his sort of
rivalry always existed, even w ithin th e clan, w here one w anted to become srestbab
svdnatn.
W hile the strategies described so far were successful in th e establishm ent and
enlargem ent of K uril pow er, the rather m inute origins of th e K uru realm are reflected
by th e term s used for its incipient ‘adm in istratio n .’ T he titles of the royal
functionaries120 are designations such as ‘b u tch er’, o r ‘d ice-throw er’, ‘m eat cu tte r’, etc.
A t first glance, these seem to be rather m in o r servants at the hom e o f the king.
T he originally quite small nucleus o f K uru pow er is also visible in th e (royal) ritual
itself. M ost of the older, Rgvedic and tribal rituals w ere linked to th e course of th e days
and nights, the phases o f th e m oon, the seasons, and th e course of th e sun. H ow ever,
the new unified and rearranged ¿rauta ritual, w ith its highly archaizing ten d en c y ,121
not only included all aspects and all officiants of th e older rituals, b u t it also included
some m ajor new royal and ‘n atio n al’ rituals. These to o k place, just as th e ir counterparts
perform ed by the gods, at th e K urus’ spiritual and political centre in K uruksetra, at
A sa n d iv a t ‘th e (place) having the th ro n e ’, obviously a (tem porary) seat o f the frequently
travelling K uru kings;122 o th er names for th eir royal settlem ent (sadana ) are N adapit and
118 The ‘south’, i.e. the JB territory north of the Vindhya and south of the Yamuna, is inhabited
by Matsya (on the Yamuna), by the Satvants, both going back to Rgvedic times, and apparently
also by the (aboriginal?) Kunti, MS 4.2.6 Kurundm kaunte. — Note the fight of the Pancalas
with the Kuntis, see Author, Tracing, n. 113, KS 26.9, end.
1,9 See KS 26.2 : 123.17, MS 4.7.9 : 104.14, TB 1.8.4.1, but contrast SB 5,5.2.3-5, cf. and W. Ran,
Staat p. 13, Author, Localisation p. 178, Bodewitz, transl. JB 1.66 ff., p. 276 n. 31. — Note that
this also refers to ritual: JB 1.262, 94 is very clear in this regard: the Srauta ritual had by then
spread even to the udantyas, see Localisation p. 187.
120 See W. Ran, Staat, p. 107 ff.; now H. Scharfe, The State in Indian Tradition, Leiden 1989; the
officials (ratna/ratnin) are: purohita: house chaplain, sendni: army leader, g rdmani: smaller leader
or later village head, stita: herald, samgrahitr: chariot driver, ksattr: meat cutter, bhagadugha: food
distributor at the ‘table’, govyaccba / govikarta: butcher, aksavdpa: dice thrower, taksan:
carpenter, rathakdra: chariot maker, pdldgaia: runner, and other rajopajivins; also the sthapati of
the aborigines (W. Rau, Staat p. 113): of Nisada, others; ugra/pratyenas ‘henchmen’ (who do not
belong to aristocracy); cf. also: diita ‘emissary’, abhikros'a ‘herald’, pis'una, pariskanda
121 See above, n. 93; cf. below ad n. 165, 167.
122 Note that the kings roam about in their territory because of their comparative lack of
centralized power, in order to control the various parts of their realm, cf. Ciaessen, in: Current
Anthropology Aug.-Oct. 1984, 365-379, W. R au , Staat, p. 128.
46
M ichael W itzei
R o b ita k ü la .Qi Some o th e r rites to o k place ‘at the back o f K u ru k setra’ at Parisaraka or
P a rin a h w w here th e river Sarasvati disappeared in the desert.
A ll of these strategies, and th e changes bro u g h t about, underline th e increased pow er
of the suprem e räjan of th e K uru as a new ‘great chief’. T he relation betw een th e royal
court, the subtribes (jana, janata), th e clans (gotra ), and the individual families (kuld) was
characterized by th e ability of th e higher levels in th e social hierarchy to extract trib u te
(,bali) from the low er levels. These tributes (in kind) still were to some degree ‘recycled’
during the great rituals just as th ey had been in Rgvedic tim es (during th e vidatha}2*).
H ow ever, th e royal officials of th e budding adm inistration of th e K uru kings also to o k
th eir ‘fair’ share. T h a t this was n o t always acquired in genial fashion can be noticed
already in a M an tra tim e text, at A tharvaveda 3.29.1, w hich describes th e o th er w orld
as one w here one has to give up just one six teen th 126 as trib u te. T he M antra and
B rahm ana texts bear frequent w itness to the relatively undeterm ined n ature o f this kind
of ‘tax ’.127 Sahlins has described this ty p e of society in some detail.128
T he royal officials were ‘p aid ’ by th e king from his bali. T h ey did n o t hold just
cerem onial offices (such as th e govika rtä , etc.10) b u t had real adm inistrative functions
as well: as arm y leader (senäni ), herold {hard) o r emissary (düta, süta), and as royal
priest (purohita) w ho was closely linked to th e actual carrying o u t of governm ent and
w ho was very closely allied to the K ing also on a personal level, som etim es as chariot
driver.
T he various levels o f a u th o rity w ith in th e new K uru super-tribe are discernable to
som e degree: A t th e to p was th e king (ekarajan >>:), as JB 2.275 and later an
A tharvavedic tex t have it), his relatives and his peers (the high aristocracy), from w hich
alone the king could be chosen (rajya).in Below this ranged th e smaller chiefs (räjan,
three in the K uru, and six in th e Pancäla trib e).132 T h en came the leaders of the
various clans w ho strove to becom e ‘the best’ (bhrätrvya, ahamsresthd)-, for them a title
is n o t found. T h ey may, how ever, often have been identical w ith the ow ner (g m m in )
viz., the leader of a wagon tra in 133 (gräm ani). Significantly, this term was first intro123 PB 14.3.11-12; cf. JB 3.183: 192: the high bank (kiila) of the Yamuna; cf. also Rohita PS 18.1526 = AV 13, and his relation to the (red) sun, varcas (cf. x',atenab).
m See A uthor, Sur le chemin du ciel,
125 See F. B. J. Kuiper, The ancient Aryan verbal contest, in: Indo-Iranian Journal 4, 1960, pp.
217-281.
126 See already RV 8.47.17; AV 3.29.1 ‘What the kings share among themselves — the sixteenth
of what has been offered-and-bestowed...’ (Whitney).
127 Examples in W. Ran, Staat, 24.3, 25, 40.2, p. 104.
128 Sahlins, Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia,
in: Comparative Studies in Society and History 5, 1963, p. 285-303.
129 VT. Rau, Staat, p. 107.
130 In the late Kausika Sütra; cf. the Mantra time names samräj, adhiräj see Author, Localisation
p. 183.
131 See W. Rau, Staat, p. 68: The Vaisya and others were a-räjya.
132 Note that according to W. Rau, Staat, one could be a räjan even before one’s ‘coronation’.
Note also the more than 7000 ‘räjas’ of the Vesali people in the Pali texts. — Cf. S. Zimmer,
visäm pdti und vispati, in: Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 44, 291-304.
133 Cf. the Germanic term Germ. Herzog, Dutch hartog ‘the one who leads in front of the army
[on the move]’. See now H. Kulke on the wish for a settlement: Grämakäma - ‘das Verlangen
47
duced in RV 10, thus u n d er th e Bharata chieftains. Finally, there is the head of the
extended fam ily (d a m p a ti, pitä(m ahä), p a ti).m
T he king could exert his will by a ready band of ‘terrible [w arriors]’ (wgra)133 or
henchm en. H e also relied on a netw o rk of spies, k n o w n since Rgvedic tim es as spas, in
the B rähm ana perhaps as pisuna; this institu tio n was perfected under the early empires,
as described in detail by K autalya (as card). N evertheless, th e chieftain and even the great
chief of the K uru, was n o t y et, by any means, an absolute m onarch. H e could be dis
posed by a rebellion am ong his peers o r by the people. T his happened fairly frequently;
the person o f the exiled king is a recurrent in the texts of the YV Sam hitä and the
B rähm anas, and special rituals were created to let him regain his k in g d o m .136
T he new concentratio n o f pow er created, as Sahlins n otes,137 at the same tim e, the
roots fo r its destruction, of revolution. A bsolute pow er was realized o n ly in th e first
great states, w ith aspirations o f em pire, such as Magadha about 500 B. C .138 T h e Vedic
K uru realm still resembles th a t o f a large Polynesian chieftainship139 such as th a t of
H awaii — and w ith a sim ilar ideology.140 In its origin and size, th o u g h n o t in its
ideology,141 it may be com pared w ith another early state, the realm o f th e Franks
under the M erow ingian kings.
T he new arrangem ent of th e Vedic society — superficially u nited in a diversity of four
classes — did n o t only provide each m em ber of the new K uru super-tribe w ith a clear
and fix e d identity b u t it also allowed society to elim inate m uch of intra-tribal and in ter
tribal strife, such as the constant cattle rustling, and to tu rn the K satriyas’ activities
outw ards. M ilitary expansion quickly established the new K uru trib e as the only m ajor
force am ong the few rem aining sm aller tribes o f N o rth e rn India, such as th e Matsya,
Satvant, U sinara. W hile th e nuclear area of the K uru was the eastern Panjab, H aryana
and the w estern part of U tta r Pradesh, the K urus soon made th eir presence felt beyond
this.
T he m ilitary expansion o f th e K urus may have been lim ited to the periodic raiding
nach einem D o rf. Überlegungen zum Beginn frühstaatlicher Entwicklung im vedischen Indien,
in: Saeculum 42, 1991, 111-128.
154 See W. Rau, Staat, p. 38 ff. for details of the later, YV Samhitä and the Brähmana period.
1,3 See W. Rau, Staat, p. 114, who takes them as some sort of military men, referring to the
famous passage of BAU 3.8.2; they were ranked higher than other officials such as the grämani,
etc. Cf. also pratyenas, loc. cit.
1,6 See W. Rau, Staat, on revolts and the exiled king, p. 128 f., e.g. Balhika Prätipiya, the
Kauravya king (¿B 12.9.3.1 ff.) regains the chieftainship over the Kuru subtribe of the Srnjaya.
137 Sahlins, Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief (see above, n. 128).
118 Which is, consequently, characterized in quite unpleasant fashion by the Indian Epic in the
person of king Järasandha of Magadha (Mbh. 2.14 ff.).
159 Sahlins has described this type of society in some detail for Polynesia.
1,0 Which is not only an accident of history or the result of social and economic development.
Both societies make use of the old Eurasian ‘ideology’ of a descent of the chiefs from the Sun
deity. More on this see A uthor, The myth of the hidden sun, (forthcoming).
141 Though the Vedic (and later Indian) kings had to give (däna), they did not and could not
hand out such gifts continually as the Franconian kings did (cf. also Claessen, in: Current
Anthropology 1984, 365 sqq). Rather, they had to rely on periodically making booty in the east
and of distributing new pasture (and also fields for barley and rice agriculture) to their nobility
and their people (vis).
48
M ichael W itzei
and looting of new agricultural c ro p s,142 taken from th e pockets o f aboriginal agri
cultural populatio n s (Nisâda, ‘those sitting at th eir pro p er places’), and may have
occurred as recu rren t parts of th e yearly transhum ance m ovem ents. But in o th er
cases143 we notice a long-range advance. T h e texts clearly describe this as happening
in tw o directions: eastwards (KS 26.2:123.17; including th e victo ry over th e K âsi144)
and southw ards (MS 4.7.9:104.14).145 T his means expansion into th e territo ries of the
m aterially little progressed, chalcolithic cultures o f th e east and in to th e lands o f th e
aboriginal agricultural peoples of th e south, the B anas/M alw a cultures along the
C ham bal river.
All this is confirm ed by the developm ent of th e Vedic dialects.146 T h e new ly
stratified society o f th e K urus w ith its m odel of o rth o p rax y emerged from a fairly small
territorial nucleus and the new p atte rn spread quickly in all directions, as far as the
natural conditio n s of th e su b co n tin en t w ould allow. T h e testim ony o f th e texts, th eir
language, and archaeology indicate th e expansion of these traits from a small nucleus
centering around K uruksetra.
C onsiderable re-organization o f texts, rituals and social functions therefore w ere the
hallm ark of the strategies underlying th e establishm ent of th e K u ru realm. Especially the
introduction of th e ¿rauta ty p e ritual, th e division of lab o u r betw een th e K ing and his
brahm ins, the close co operation betw een Ksatriyas and B rahm ins (brahm aksatra), and
even m ore so, th e establishm ent of th e system o f fo u r ‘classes’ (v a m a ) was to become
sem inal for the developm ent o f Indian society ever since.
T he K uru realm survived u n d er P arik sit’s descendant, Janam ejaya Pàriksita, Janam ejaya’s
sons, his grandson A ugrasainya and probably b eyond th is.147 A closer reading o f the
texts yields m ore results for this still very hazy picture of Vedic history: th e K urus were
overcom e by th e (probably non-Vedic) Salvas148 w ho ‘dispersed th e K urus from K u ru
ksetra’ (JB 2.206, ¿¿S 15.16.11-12149) — a fact com pletely overlooked by the historians
of old India. T he Salvas (or Salvi), m entioned at À pM p 2.11.12 as Y augandhara, settle
opposite o r near th e M atsyas on th e Y am unà. By th a t tim e, the form er and by now
defeated K uru trib e and th e Salvas had apparently coalesced and th ey therefore re-appear
142 See W, Ran, Staat, p. 13, and ]. Heesterman in: Contributions to Indian Sociology, N.S. 15,
258, ad TB 1.8.4.1.
145 Such as the march eastwards of the Kurus (TB 1.8.4.1), the victory of the Pancalas over the
Kasi, $B 13.5.4.19.
144 See !>B 13.5.4.19 ff.; note that Ajatasatru is (at the same time?) king of the Kuru (VadhB).
145 Cf. W. Rau, Staat, p. 13, without making use of the different direction of movement, though.
Author, Das Katha Aranyaka, Erlangen 1974 and H. Kitlke, A History of India, make this
connection.
146 See Author, Tracing the Vedic Dialects.
147 Cf. ¿B on the fights with the Kasi.
148 Later known as the Y(a)ugandhara: ApMp. 2.11.12.
149 The fight of the Kurus with the Salvas may be echoed by the great battle of the Mahabharata
where it is confused with the Rgvedic Dasarajna (between the Bharatas and the other tribes of
the Panjab; note also the earlier Twenty Kings’ Battle of RV 1.53.9); all of this was distant
memory even by the time of RV Khilas, and definitely so in JB 3.245: 205, KS 21.10:50.1, MS
3.7.7: 40.6.
49
in a late B rahm ana150 as a standard Vedic people, and then, in the Epic and Buddhist
literature also as ¿urasena.1’1 T h e name o f the K urus was kept alive during th e Vedic
period, and, in fact, the area appears to have been th o ro u g h ly (re-) Sanskritized152
already by th e tim e of ¿B: th e K urus are n o t reckoned w ith th e despised Bahikas (‘the
O utsiders’) of the Panjab b u t are again regarded as belonging to the heartland of
o rth o p ra x y .153
A gainst this background it is n o t surprising that a late Vedic text, BAU 3.3.1, can
look back at the royal fam ily o f the K uru as belonging to th e distant past. T he passage
(!>B 14,6.3 = B A U K 3.3.1-2) m entions th e fate of the Pariksitas, th e royal fam ily of the
K urus, and asks: ‘w hat has becom e of the Pariksitas?’ — T h e answ er is: ‘they have, in
tru th , gone w h ith er the offerers of horse sacrifice go’ — and this is ‘heaven’, a place
beyond th e ends of the w orld, and the ring ocean around it. A pparently th ey have
gained a firm place in heaven w hich is otherw ise granted only to such extra-ordinary
persons as the Seven Rsis.
These few passages m ight, ultim ately, provide the clue for th e prom inence, in th e later
YV-Sam hita and the B rahm ana period, of th e Pancalas w ith th eir T aitt., Kaus., £aty.
schools. T h e political and cultural centre now had shifted from th e K uru to this tribe
w hich lived farther East, in w hat is now U tta r Pradesh. T h e Pancala king Kesin
D albhya and his successors are p ro m in en t in a later YV-Samhita, TS, and b ey o n d .134
A ccording to JB 2.278-9, how ever, Kesin was closely related to the royal fam ily of
the K uru: his m aternal uncle was Uccaihsravas, son of Kuvaya, the King of K urus
(kauravya raja). A pparently he sim ply to o k over w hen the K uru line was in decline (or
w ith o u t heirs?), due to th e Salva invasion. Kesin is also credited w ith the ‘in v e n tio n ’ of
the diksd of the Soma sacrifice.153 H e is bo th the new political as well as ‘sp iritu al’
leader. T he pow er of this dynasty lasted m uch longer than th a t of th e original Pariksita
dynasty. H is descendants are repotted as being num erous even in th e com paratively late
¿B w here th ey are called D a lb h y a/D a rb h y a K aisina.156
130 Cf. also $B 10.4.1.10, where the Salvas have the regular classes (varna): rajdnah, brdhmanah,
and vaisydb.
131 Perhaps originally a nickname, cf. the names of the sons of Pariksit, such as Ugrasena etc. —
The name is foreshadowed in JB 1.262: ‘Therefore, among the Kuru-Pancalas, a hero (vira) is
born with all the heroes.’ — In the Epic they occasionally occur next to the Kuru(-Pancalas).
132 For the nature of the Salvas, see Author, Tracing, n.333; cf. further, the information of JB
2. 297-299 on vyddhinih, the female hunters which may be compared to the story of Alexander
meeting the queen of the Amazones in north-west India, see now E. Garzilli, First Greek and
Latin documents on sabagamana and some connected problems, with notes 105-106, in: IndoIranian Journal (forthc.)
!3i Note also the fierce Kathaioi ‘tribe’ (i.e. Katha Brahmins) who live in the same area as the
Salva (and Mahavrsa) at the time of Alexander. Arrian, Anabasis 5.22. The ‘tribe’ is reported to
be one of the fiercest in north-west India.
b1 For the prominence of Kesin Darbhya, see Author, Notes on Vedic Dialects I, in: Zimbun
25, 1990, 40-41; cf. also JB 1.285.
Kesin’s invention of the consecration to the Soma ritual, the Kaisini diksd, is told in VadhB
4.37 = W. Caland, Kl. Schr. 147 f., KB 7.4, JB 2.53; cf. Sri Krishna Sharma, Kesin Darbhya and
the legend of his diksa, in: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 48/49, 1968,
241-245.
15S SB 11.8.4.6 says that Kesin’s descendants continue to survive.
50
M ichael W itzei
T he m ysterious Iksväkus, w hich already appear at RV 8.60.4, m ay help to explain the
developm ents in th e E astern part of th e Pancäla area. T h ey are m entioned already in th e
AV 19.39.9 = PS 7.10.9 as one of th e Eastern groups (w ith th e Käsi and M atsya) living
at the edge of Indo-A ryan settlem ents,137 In th e Pâli texts (D N 3.1.15 ff.), O k k ä k a (Skt.
Iksvä ku ) is the fo refather of th e éâkyas, w ho lived in the C entral T arai of S outhern
N epal. A connectio n of th e Iksväku te rrito ry w ith th a t of th e Känvas (of th e B rähm ana
period and th e ir ÉBK texts) is highly probable. T he Räm äyana, o f course, takes the
Iksväku ancestry o f th e Kosala dynasty of Räma for granted. Its appearence in th e East
may be directly correlated w ith th e m ovem ent o f th e King Videgha M äthava in to th e
co u n try East of th e Sadänlrä. (To th e Känva, this is th e c o u n try East of th e K uruPäncälas, i.e. K osala).138
T he fam ous Videgha M äthava legend of §B 1.4.1.10 ff. tells the sto ry of th e
‘civilization process o f th e E ast’ in term s of its Brahm anical authors, and n o t, as usally
term ed, as the tale o f ‘th e A ryan m ove eastw ards.139 F o r it is n o t o n ly Videgha
M äthava, a king living o n th e Sarasvatï, b u t also his priest G otam a R ähügana w h o move
tow ards the east. N o t on ly is th e starting po int of th is ‘ex pedition’ th e h o ly land of
K uruksetra; the royal priest, G otam a Rahügana, is a well k n o w n poet of Rgvedic poem s
as well, — and th u s, com pletely anachronistic.160 F u rth er, the sto ry expressively
m entions th e role o f A gni Vaisvänara, th e ritual fire, in m aking th e m arshy c o u n try of
the East arable and acceptable for Brahm ins. All of this points to S anskritization (or
rather, B rahm anization) and K satriyazation161 rather th a n to m ilitary expansion.162
T h e M äthavas, ab o u t w h o m n o th in g is k n o w n outside the ÉB, may be identical w ith
the M dtbai of M egasthenes (c. 300 B. C.), w ho places th em East of th e P azdlai (Pancäla),
at the confluence of th e Erén?iesis (Son) w ith th e G anges.163 T he m ovem ent of som e
clans, w ith th eir k in g Videgha and his p urohita, eastwards from th e R iver Sarasvatï in
K uruksetra tow ard s Bihar th u s represents th e ‘ritual occupation’ of Kosala(-Videha) by
th e bearers of o rth o p ra x (and orthodox) K uru culture, bu t it does n o t represent an
l3? Cf. also Iksväku in the Vädhüla Mantras, see Author, Early Eastern Iran and the Atharvaveda,
in: Persica 9 (1980), pp. 86-128. Cf. on Iksväku myths, H. Berger, in: Wiener Zeitschrift für die
Kunde Süd- und Ostasiens 3, 1959, 34-82.
158 N ote the intention of the story: Gotama Rahügana is otherwise known only as the author
of Rgvedic hymns. To make him the culture hero of the East is as conspicuous as the Rgvedic
person Namin Säpya as King of Videha at PB 25.10.17, where he is interestingly described as
making a ‘pilgrimage’ to Kuruksetra, the holy land of the Veda and the home of Gotama
Rahügana and Videgha Mäthava who in £b are the prototypes of the eastward movement of
Vedic orthopraxy.
159 R. Hauschild, Uber die frühesten Arier im Alten Orient, p. 55 on the migration of Videgha;
A. Weber, Zwei Sagen aus dem éatapatha-Brâhmana über die Einwanderung und Verbreitung der
Arier in Indien, in: Indische Studien 1,161 ff.
160 Unless one takes the
legend literally and supposes a Rgveda time move towards the east.
161 To use H. K ulke’s term.
162 Which nevertheless is attested: ‘The people move eastwards victoriously,’ in the earlier YV
text, KS 26.2:123.17, cf. W. Rau, Staat, p. 13.
163 See Arrian, Indike 4.5 and cf. the commentary by O. v. Hinüber, in: Arrian, Der
Alexanderzug. Indische Geschichte, hg. und übers, von G. Wirth und O. v. Hinüber, München,
Zürich 1985, p. 1095; cf. also Author, Localisation.
51
account of the first settlem ent of th e East by Indo-A ryan speaking tribes w hich m ust
have taken place much earlier, as the (still scanty) materials of archaeology indicate.164
V. Summary
It can be said th at the B h ârata/K aurava/P âriksita dynasty of th e K urus sucessfully
carried out a n d institutionalized a large scale re-organization o f th e old Rgvedic society.
M any aspects of the new ritual, of the learned speech, of the texts and th eir form atio n
reflect th e wish of the royal K uru lineage and th eir B rahm ins to be m ore archaic165
than m uch of the texts and rites they inherited. In this fashion, th e new P âriksita kings
of the K urus betray them selves as typical new com ers and upstarts w ho w anted to
enhance th eir position in society through th e w ell-know n process of ‘S anskritization.’
In fact, to use th e m odern term out of its usual context, the establishm ent o f the K u ru
realm was accom panied by the First S a n sk ritiza tio n .166 Incipient state form atio n can o n ly
be aided if it is n o t com bined w ith the o verthrow of all inherited institu tio n s, rituals,
custom s, and beliefs. T h e process is m uch m ore successful if one rath er tries to bend
them to o ne’s goals o r tries to introduce sm aller o r larger m odifications resulting in a
totally new set-up. T he new orth o p rax y (and its accom panying belief system , ‘K uru
o rth o d o x y ’) quickly expanded all over N o rth e rn India, and subsequently, across the
V indhya, to South India and later to S.E. Asia, up to Bali. T his procedure is visible in
the B harata/K aurava d y n asty ’s large scale collection of older and m ore recent religious
texts: In all aspects of ritual, language and text collection, these texts ten d to be m ore
archaic th an m uch of the inherited older texts and rites.167 O n th e o th e r hand, th e new
dynasty was effective in re-shaping society168 and its structure by stratification into the
four classes (v a m a ), w ith an internal opposition betw een ârya and südra w hich effective
ly camouflaged the really existing social conflict betw een brabm a-ksatra and th e rest, the
vaisya and südra-, further, th e B hârata/P âriksita dynasty was successful in reorganizing
much o f the traditional ritual and the texts concerned w ith it. (It m ust n o t be forgotten
that public ritual included m any of the functions o f o u r m odern adm inistration,
providing exchanges of goods, forging un ity and underlining th e p ow er of th e elite.)
The small tribal chieftainships of the Rgvedic period w ith th e ir shifting alliances and
their history of constant warfare, though often no t m ore th an cattle rustling expeditions,
were united in the single ‘large chiefdom ’ of th e K uru realm. W ith some justification,
we may now call the great chief (râjâ )16’ o f th e Kurus ‘th e K uru k in g ’. H is pow er no
164 Note the two level settlements of small villages and larger market places of the Ochre
Colored Pottery and Black and Red Ware cultures in the area.
165 See above, notes 93-95.
166 Ironically, if we use Srinivas' term, — of people speaking Vedic Sanskrit.
167 See above, notes 93-95.
168 Note the Purusa hymn RV 10.90, with its designation for the 4 classes (see above) and note
that this is a late hymn indeed: it also has one of the first cases of loka- instead of uloka-.
Note that even this title is traditional. While other areas of northern India use titles such as
adhiràja, sarvaràj (see above) etc. the Kurus and Pancâlas retain the simple title of râjan. O ne
52
M ichael W itzei
longer depended sim ply on ritual relationships such as exchange of goods (v id a tb a )170
b ut on the extraction o f trib u te (ball) 171 from an increasingly suppressed th ird estate
(vis) and from dependent subtribes and weak neighbours; this was often camouflaged as
ritual tribute, such as in th e Asvamedha.
In view of th e data presented in this paper, we are, I believe, entitled to call th e K uru
realm the first state in India.172 T o quote W. R au, w ho has described th e social and
political conditions o f the YV Sam hita and B rahm ana period in such detail:
the
Indians of the B rahm ana period lived in political organizations w hich, w ith good
reasons, can be called states.’
It m ust be underlined, again, th a t the developm ents w hich b ro u g h t about th e the K uru
realm were lasting and n o t transient ones as those u n d er th e Rgvedic P u ru o r Bharata.
In effect, m a n y o f the changes in religion a n d society then carried out shape In d ia n society
even today.
Footnote fro m p. SI, continued
may regard this as another ‘trick’ of the Kuru king: he stresses he is only a prim us inter pares.
170 Again, note that Pariksit still uses this term at RVKh 5 — though he must have been the one
who formed the early Kuru state.
171 W. Rau, Staat, p. 104, cf. W. Raw. 24.3, 25, 40.2.
172 O f course, barring the decipherment of the Indus seals which might point to a political and
social organization that can be compared to Near Eastern states. See now W.A. Fairservis, The
Harappan civilization and its Writing. A Model for the Decipherment of the Indus Script. Delhi
1992; A. Parpola, Deciphering the Indus Script. New York 1993.
Heinz Bechert
Die Gesetze des buddhistischen Sangha
als indisches Rechtssystem
W enn m an von indischer R echtsliteratur und von indischen Rechtssystem en spricht, so
denkt man zunächst an die D barm asütm s, D harm asästras un d an das KautaliyaA rtbasastra. Dies sind die Q uellen, die z.B. Lucio Rocher in dem einschlägigen A bsch n itt
der "E inführung in die Indologie" erw ähnt. In diesen literarischen W erken sind die
R echtsvorstellungen u n d Rechtsregeln des klassischen Indien niedergelegt. H ie r w erden
auch die P rinzipien form uliert, auf denen die R echtsordnung der vorislam ischen
indischen Staaten beruhte. D ie überlieferten Texte sind schw er datierbar. So setzt L udo
Rocher den U rsprung des ältesten erhaltenen D harm asästra- Textes, näm lich des
M änavadharm asästra, in die Z eit zw ischen 200 v. C hr. u n d 200 n. C hr. u n d d atiert das
Ende der D harm asästra- L iteratur „w ohl um 700 n. C h r.“. A uch die E ntstehungszeit des
A rthasästra ist nach wie v o r heftig u m stritten . Im H in b lick auf alle diese T exte stellt sich
nun die Frage, ob die darin enthaltenen A ngaben die w irklichen V erhältnisse im alten
Indien beschreiben oder ob sie uns nicht eher n u r die Beschreibung eines Idealfalls
geben. G anz offensichtlich ist letzteres der Fall.
T ro tz dem hohen G rad an detaillierter A usarbeitung zahlreicher R echtssätze etw a im
A rthasästra haben w ir es bei diesen W erken n icht m it G esetzbüchern in unserem Sinne
zu tu n , also nicht m it einem in sich geschlossenen, w iderspruchsfreien System, das eine
unabhängige R echtsprechung gew ährleisten k önnte. Diese w ar Sache der tatsächlichen
Inhaber der M acht; allerdings w aren deren Befugnisse durch die in den genannten Q u el
len niedergelegten P rinzipien w esentlich eingeschränkt. D ie E ntw icklung geschlossener
Systeme für die juristische Praxis ist erst im Laufe der letzten Jah rh u n d erte festzustellen,
nachdem die N otw endigk eit eindeutiger Rechtsverhältnisse v o r allem im britisch-indi
schen K olonialreich entstanden war. D ie überlieferte, auf den religiösen Vorgaben der
brahm anisch-hinduistischen W ert- u n d Sozialordnung beruhenden R echtsungleichheit
der A ngehörigen verschiedener Kasten und anderer religiöser u n d sozialer G ru p p en
w urde dabei keineswegs ganz beseitigt; fü r große Teilbereiche des Zivilrechts galten
w eiterhin P artikularrechte für die einzelnen Bevölkerungsgruppen. E rst im unabhängig
gewordenen indischen Staat sind auch diese Rechtsgebiete, also z.B. Eherecht, Erbfolge
recht usw., einheitlich geregelt w orden.
W enn man nun auf die G esam theit der uns überlieferten literarischen Q uellen zu rü ck
blickt, so kann man die überraschende E ntdeckung m achen, daß uns aus dem alten
Indien ein Rechtssystem überliefert w orden ist, das n ich t n u r w eiter zurückreicht als die
erw ähnten brahm anisch-hinduistischen R echtsbücher, sondern auch im Sinne unserer
heutigen R echtsvorstellungen „m oderner“, oder, besser gesagt, fortgeschrittener ist als
alles, was die übrige R echtsliteratur des alten u n d m ittelalterlichen Indien, sow eit sie uns
erhalten ist, hervorgebracht hat. Dies ist das R echt des buddhistischen M önchs- u n d
54
H e in z B echert
N on n en o rd en s. Ich w ill dazu einige grundsätzliche B em erkungen m achen u n d au f die
P roblem atik des Standes sowie auf die A ufgaben der Forschung in diesem Bereich hinweisen.
D as buddhistische O rdensrecht ist im V inayapitaka form uliert, also im ersten Teil der
Sam m lungen kanonischer Schriften, ergänzt durch die zugehörige K om m entarliteratur.
Es ist naturgem äß V erbandsrecht n u r dieser O rdensgem einschaft, u n d es w urde erdacht,
um die R echtsverhältnisse ihrer M itglieder einheitlich zu regeln. Es ist im P rin zip bis
heute als R echt des buddhistischen O rdens gültig geblieben. Wie das hinduistische R echt
bezieht dieses R echtssystem seine Legitim ation aus einer religiösen Q uelle, die allerdings
anderer A rt ist als bei den H indus. D ie Q uellen gehen näm lich davon aus, daß alle
w esentlichen Bestim m ungen der R echtsordnung des buddhistischen Sangha vom h isto ri
schen Buddha als R eligionsstifter erlassen w orden sind. D er Buddha ist also zugleich
religiöser L ehrer u n d Gesetzgeber.
In der T heorie — w enn auch n icht in der Praxis — ging man auch in späterer Z eit
davon aus, daß dieses G esetzgebungsw erk unveränderlich feststeht. Man k ann darüber
streiten, ob dies w irklich die In te n tio n des Buddha gewesen ist. N ach einer m.E. glaub
haften Ü berlieferung, auf die ich noch in anderem Z usam m enhang zurückkom m en w er
de, hat der Buddha k u rz v o r seinem Tode die A ufhebung von sog. „kleineren R egeln“
durch den Sangha genehm igt. D ie Ü berlieferung berichtet w eiter, daß der Sangha k u rz
nach dem T ode des Buddha beschlossen habe, nichts an den vom Buddha erlassenen
V orschriften zu ändern, d.h. der Sangha verzichtete darauf, von diesem R echt auf
Ä nderung „kleinerer R egeln“ G ebrauch zu machen.
A bgesehen von der Tatsache, daß eine Legitim ation auf religiöser G rundlage gegeben
ist, hat das buddhistische O rdensrecht w enig gemeinsam m it dem hinduistischen Recht.
D ie B estim m ungen regeln das Zusam m enleben einer G em einschaft, die sich ein religiöses
Ziel gesetzt hat, näm lich das der E rlösung aus dem Kreislauf der W iedergeburten. D ie
V orschriften sollen sicherstellen, daß sich die M itglieder dieser G em einschaft tatsächlich
m öglichst ungestört diesem Ziel w idm en k ö n n en . D ie Verfahrensweisen selbst sind fast
durchw eg rational begründete reine Rechts- und V erhaltensregeln, w eitgehend o hne
direkten Bezug zu den Inhalten der Erlösungslehre. D ie m eisten m odernen Leser des
V inayapitaka haben sich in der Beurteilung dieses Rechtssystem s durch m anche der
erbaulichen, gelegentlich auch ganze Predigten oder Predigtteile enthaltenden sog. V orge
schichten zu einer F ehleinschätzung dieses Rechtssystem s verleiten lassen; diese
V orgeschichten schildern die Präzedenzfälle, die den Buddha jeweils zu r V erkündigung
einer Regel veranlaßt haben. Sie sind zw ar Teil des Textes, aber n ich t Teil des R echts
systems.
Z u den aus der Zielsetzung des Sangha resultierenden N otw end ig k eiten gehörte es,
K onflikte m it Staat und Gesellschaft zu verm eiden. D ie M önche haben sich w o h l
anständig zu benehm en; sie dürfen keinen A nsto ß erregen. Es darf niem and in den
Sangha aufgenom m en w erden, der in königlichen D iensten steht oder der in Schuld
knechtschaft geraten ist. Eine ganze Reihe derartiger Bestim m ungen diente der
V erm eidung von K onflikten m it w eltlichen G ew alten und m it w eltlichem R echt. A ske
tengem einschaften m it eigener innerer O rd n u n g w aren im alten Indien jener Periode
bek anntlich nichts A ußergew öhnliches. U m die Zeit des Buddha hatten sich bereits
V oraussetzungen in d er Gesellschaft entw ickelt, u n ter denen solche A sketengem ein-
G esetze des Sangha als R echtssystem
55
schäften einerseits in einer von der brahm anisch-hinduistischen S ozialordnung geprägten
U m w elt existieren k o n n ten , o hne mit dieser in K onflikt zu geraten, andererseits aber
auch in der Lage w aren, die G ültigkeit eben dieser Sozialordnung im Leben ihrer
eigenen G em einschaft zu ignorieren. D ie innerhalb der hinduistischen O rd n u n g gege
bene M öglichkeit, sich als Sannyäsin aus dem sozialen Leben ganz zurückzuziehen, hatte
den gesellschaftlichen R ahm en dafür geschaffen.
Z u den aus diesen G egebenheiten resultierenden P rinzipien gehört die T ren n u n g von
Sangha und Staat als Regelfall auch in überw iegend buddhistischen G esellschaften. Dieses
Prinzip ist allerdings im Laufe der geschichtlichen E ntw icklung m ehr u n d m ehr
unterlaufen w orden, weil die Inhaber der Staatsgewalt naturgem äß E influß auf die
buddhistischen O rdensgem einschaften nehm en w ollten. D aß andererseits auch die
buddhistische O rdensgem einschaft im Laufe der G eschichte n icht n u r ein m ächtiger
„Staat im Staate“ w erden k o n n te, dessen Einfluß in manchen T heraväda-Ländern nicht
selten über die w eltliche M acht trium phierte, ja daß daraus sogar — wie in T ib et — eine
Staatsm acht w erden k o n n te , resultiert aus einer Vielzahl von F ak to ren , auf die ich hier
nicht eingehen kann. Eine solche E ntw icklung w idersprach m it Sicherheit dem G eist
und zum Teil auch dem Buchstaben des Vinaya, und im indischen „M utterland“ ist sie
übrigens auch in den P erioden, in denen der Buddhism us starken E influß ausübte, kaum
festzustellen. Eine der V oraussetzungen für diese E ntw icklung ist die Tatsache gewesen,
daß, wie später zu erw ähnen, größere Lebensbereiche des Sangha in den Bestim m ungen
des V inaya nicht geregelt sind, weil dies in der frühen Zeit offenbar überflüssig gewesen
ist.
D er T ext des buddhistischen Rechts, also das V inayapitaka, ist in verschiedenen Re
zensionen überliefert, die in vielen Einzelheiten voneinander abw eichen. Diese A bw ei
chungen beruhen auf der E ntscheidung des Buddha, keine K odifikation seiner Lehre in
F orm eines C orpus heiliger Texte nach dem V orbild des Veda anzuordnen, sondern die
freie Ü berlieferung in der V olkssprache vorzusehen. In dieser freien Ü berlieferung sind
regionale U nterschiede nichts Überraschendes; erst in der Zeit der H erausbildung
unterschiedlicher sog. Schulen (nikäya ) kam es dann doch zu K odifikationen. D ie konse
quenteste K odifikation des K anons erfolgte durch die Theraväda-Schule u n te r V erw en
dung eines D ialekts, der von den T heravädins selbst als M ägadhI, die Sprache des
Buddha, angesehen w ird. W ir bezeichnen heute diese in E inzelheiten von der Sprache
des historischen B uddha abw eichende Sprachform m it dem W o rt für „T ext“ als päli.
D urch diese K odifikation w urde Päli zu r Sakralsprache dieser Schule.
Die erw ähnten A bw eichungen der verschiedenen T extrezensionen betreffen meist
Einzelheiten, kaum grundlegende Fragen. N ic h t n u r alle R echtssätze von grundsätzlicher
Bedeutung, sondern auch die S tru k tu r der T exte ist in allen V ersionen des V inaya die
gleiche. D ie Rechtssätze sind eingebettet in Berichte der vo rh in erw ähnten A rt, also die
sog. V orgeschichten; diese schildern den A nlaß ihrer V erkündung durch den Buddha
und geben dam it die L egitim ation für die betreffende V orschrift. W ährend diese Berichte
in der Z eit rein m ündlicher Ü berlieferung offenbar noch ganz frei trad iert w urden, sind
die R echtssätze selbst sow ie die R echtsform ulare relativ einheitlich, sind also schon
wesentlich früher in ihrem W o rtlau t festgelegt w orden. Alle V ersionen des V inayapitaka
beginnen m it dem V inayavibbanga, in dem die im P ä tim o k kh a (skt. P rätim oksa), dem
als B eichtform ular dienenden Text, enthaltenen Regeln m it Vorgeschichte, dem T ext der
56
H e in z Bechert
Regel, kom m entariellen E rläuterungen dazu sowie einer E rö rteru n g von Einzelfällen
enthalten sind. G erade hier findet man R echtsgrundsätze, die erstaunlich m odern
anm uten. So ist der E rsttäter straffrei, nach dem R echtsgrundsatz n u lla p oena sine lege;
es w ird zw ischen vorsätzlicher u n d fahrlässiger H andlung unterschieden, der Fall der
U nzurechnungsfähigkeit des T äters sowie die W ertung des V ersuchs w erden geregelt.
Soviel ich sehe, ist ein von H e llm u th H ecker 1977 veröffentlichter A ufsatz die erste aus
führliche rechtsgeschichtliche W ürdigung dieses Teils des buddhistischen O rd en srech ts.1
Im zw eiten Teil des V inayapitaka, dem K handhaka (Sanskrit-E ntsprechung Vinayavastu), sind die R echtshandlungen des Sangha dargestellt, die jeweils u n te r V erw endung
eines vorgeschriebenen Textes vorgenom m en w erden müssen. Diese R echtsform ulare
(k a m m a v ä c ä , skt. karm aväcana) bilden in ähnlicher Weise das G erüst des K handhaka,
also des zw eiten Teils des V inayapitaka, wie das P ä tim o k kh a das G erü st des Vinayavibhanga darstellt. D ie m eisten V ersionen des V inayapitaka en thalten noch einen d ritten ,
deutlich jüngeren Teil, der jeweils eine A rt Nachtrags- u n d E rgänzungsw erk darstellt.
Schon H e rm a n n O hlenberg hat in seiner 1881 erschienenen, bis heute n ich t ü b erh o lten
klassischen D arstellung des frühen Buddhism us m it N achdruck darauf hingew iesen, in
w elch hohem Maße „die äußeren O rdnungen, welche geistliche Sitte u n d geistliches
R echt dem Leben dieser M önchsgenossenschaft gesetzt h a t“, festen rechtlichen N o rm en
folgen. O ldenberg erläutert w eiter (S. 380):
„Als ein rechtlich geordnetes erscheint jenes Leben v o n A n fa n g an. E in R echtsakt m u ß te
vollzogen werden, u m das neu hinzutretende M itglied in die G em einschaft aufzunehm en.
D as G em einderecht zeichnete seinem T un u n d Lassen die B ahnen vor. A ls D isz ip lin a rh o f
w achte d ie G em einde selbst, u n ter der E inhaltung eines geordneten Rechtsverfahrens, über
die Befolgung der geistlichen O rdnungen. “
Oldenbergs D arstellung beschränkt sich auf eine Skizze der w ichtigsten Lebensbereiche
der Gemeinde: E in tritt in und A u stritt aus dem O rden, Besitz, Kleidung, W ohnung,
U n terh alt, K ultus sowie V orschriften für die G em einde der N o n n en .
Ü berraschenderw eise hat die buddhologische F orschung, die auf fast allen anderen
G ebieten in den seit dem Erscheinen der ersten Auflage von O ldenbergs „B uddha“ bis
heute vergangenen 111 Jahren gewaltige F o rtsch ritte erzielt hat, die E rschließung des
V inaya als Rechtsquelle w eitestgehend vernachlässigt. Als ich v or drei Jah rzeh n ten im
Z usam m enhang m it der D iskussion über die In terp retatio n von A sokas sog. Schism en
edikt nach brauchbaren D arstellungen des buddhistischen O rdensrechts suchte, w urde
ich nicht fündig. Ich k o n n te damals die K lärung der B edeutung des W ortes sangha als
R echtsbegriff n u r anhand einer u nm ittelb ar aus den Q uellen schöpfenden In terp retatio n
vorn eh m en .2 T ro tz einigen zw ischenzeitlich erschienenen D arstellungsversuchen, auf
die ich an dieser Stelle n icht w eiter eingehen m öchte, k o n n te A n d r é Bareau auch 30
Jahre später in seinem neuesten F orschungsbericht im Jahrbuch des Collège de France
1990-91 dieses G ebiet noch zu R echt als „généralement beaucoup plus négligée en
O ccident“ bezeichnen (S. 673).
Z u den auffälligen M erkm alen des V inayapitaka gehört die w eitgehende F reiheit von
1 H. Hecker, Allgemeine Rechtsgrundsätze in der buddhistischen Ordensverfassung (Vinaya), in:
Verfassung und Recht in Übersee 10 (1977), 89-115.
2 Verf., Asokas ‘Schismenedikt’ und der Begriff Sanghabheda, in: Wiener Zeitschrift für die
Kunde Süd- und Ostasiens 5 (1961), 18-52.
57
W idersprüchen in diesem System. Diese w ird erreicht, indem nötigenfalls A usnahm e
regelungen verfügt w erden. Es gibt so gut wie keinen Fall, w o im V inayapitaka der PäliSchule an unterschiedlichen Stellen einander in dem Sinne w idersprechende Regeln zu
finden sind, daß die buddhistische R echtssprechung zu unterschiedlichen Ergebnissen
kom m en m üßte. D as T extcorpus ist ganz offenbar bew ußt u n d einheitlich durchredigiert
w orden.
T ro tzd e m sind die Spuren der historischen E ntw icklung n icht ganz verw ischt. In der
E inleitung zu seiner Ausgabe des M ahävagga (1879) hat O ldenberg bereits darauf
hingewiesen, daß im K handhaka für V erstöße gegen das vorgeschriebene V erhalten zwei
T erm ini fü r V ergehenskategorien verw endet w erden, die sich im P ä tim o k kh a n icht
finden, näm lich du k ka ta fü r leichte und thtdlaccaya für schw ere Vergehen (S. xx).
O ldenberg weist aber gerade in diesem Z usam m enhang auch darauf hin, daß die K enntnis
der Regeln des P ätim okkha im K handhaka überall vorausgesetzt w ird, d.h. daß der
A ufbau eines G esam tsystem s u n d die Integration der historischen E ntw icklung in dieses
System g e lungen ist. Das P ä tim o kkh a , das als T ext bereits abgeschlossen Vorgelegen
haben m uß, ist bei der R edaktion des K handhaka um fassend k o n su ltiert w orden.
D ie A nw endung dieses Rechtssystem s setzt die K enntnis des gesam ten V inaya voraus.
Dasselbe gilt natürlich für die In terp retatio n dieser Texte, d.h. m an kann die einzelnen
Aussagen nicht isoliert, sondern n u r im G esam tzusam m enhang verstehen. A ußerdem
m uß m an sich von der V orstellung verabschieden, das V inayapitaka sei ein W erk, das
man durch einfache L ektüre in der gegebenen A n o rd n u ng des T extes verstehen könne.
D er größte Teil der A utoren einschlägiger Sekundärliteratur, also der V ersuche einer
D arstellung des frühen buddhistischen O rdensrechtes, haben dies n icht beachtet.
A ußerdem arbeiten sie m it m ethodischen A nsätzen, die einem w irklichen V erständnis
dieses R echtssystem s im Wege stehen. M ehrere A u to ren versuchen, die historische
E ntw icklung innerhalb der von ihnen dargestellten T rad itio n zu rek o n stru ieren , o hne
das Regelsystem als geschlossenes System verstanden oder ü b erh au p t erk an n t zu haben.
Das Ergebnis ist eine unsystem atische M ischung von A ngaben aus den T exten und
Spekulationen, die kein klares Bild entstehen lassen.
Als charakteristisches Beispiel einer solchen D arstellung nenne ich S u k u m a r D u tt, Early
Buddhist M onachism (L ondon, 1924), noch heute ein viel benutztes und zitiertes H an d
buch; in vieler H insicht gilt das gleiche auch von den m eisten neueren W erken der
indischen und der w estlichen L iteratur, die m ehr oder w eniger den gleichen D arstel
lungsm ustern folgen: Patrick O livelle, T he O rigin and T he E arly D evelopm ent of
Buddhist M onachism (C olom bo, 1974); R a b in d ra B ijay Barua, T h e T heraväda Sangha
(Dacca, 1978); Jotiya Dhirasekera, B uddhist M onastic D iscipline (C olom bo, 1981); Jo h n
C lifford H o lt, Discipline: T h e Canonical Buddhism of th e V inayapitaka (D elhi, 1981).
Eine andere G ruppe von A u to ren arbeitet von A nfang an rein vergleichend; sie geht
—
m it gewissen Einschränkungen durchaus zu R echt — davon aus, daß die allen
Vinaya-Rezensionen gemeinsamen Bestim m ungen ursprünglich o d er w enigstens sehr alt
sind, verlieren aber dabei den Blick auf das Rechtssystem , das m an in dem einzelnen
Text findet und das als G rundlage für die historische A nalyse dienen m üßte; dies gilt für
die A usführungen einiger w estlicher, aber auch japanischer A u to re n wie z.B. A kira
H irakaw a.
58
H e in z B echert
D ie hier form ulierte K ritik gilt n icht fü r W erke der einheim ischen buddhistischen
R echtsliteratur, die für den praktischen G ebrauch im Sangha gedacht sind. Solche W erke
sind in singhalesischer, birm anischer oder siamesischer Sprache verfaßt. N u r ein größeres
W erk dieser A rt ist in eine westliche Sprache übersetzt w orden: V in a y a m u k h a , verfaßt
von V ajiranäna V arorasa (Lebenszeit 1860-1921), Sangharäja in T hailand. D ie 1921
veröffentlichte T hai-V ersion w urde 1969 bis 1983 in einer dreibändigen englischen
Ü bersetzung in B angkok publiziert. Als nützliches H ilfsm ittel, das auf Z usam m enarbeit
m it gelehrten birm anischen M önchen beru h t, sei noch C. S. U pasak, D ic tio n a ry o f E arly
B uddhist M onastic Term s (Varanasi, 1975), genannt; die B edeutung der T erm in i w ird hier
o hne historische Spekulationen entsprechend der m onastischen T heraväda-T radition
Birmas erklärt, aber leider n icht im system atischen Z usam m enhang dargestellt.
U m die N otw end ig k eit zu exem plifizieren, die V orschriften des V inaya als System zu
verstehen, kom m e ich auf die In terp retatio n des sog. Schism enedikt Asokas zurück, die
ich schon erw ähnt habe. In dieser Inschrift steht samghe samag(g)e kate, samghasi no
lahiye hhede; nach A lsdorf Ü bersetzung (1959): „Die E inheit des O rd en s ist (wieder)
hergestellt. Im Sanigha k ann keine Spaltung geduldet w erden.“ (Kl. Sehr., S. 416).
A lsdorf stützte, wie andere ältere Bearbeiter, seine In terp retatio n der Stelle allein auf die
Berichte über Asokas O rd en srefo rm in den P äli-C hroniken (vor allem im M ahävam sa).
N u n ist zweifellos richtig, daß sich die Inschrift auf die auch in d er C h ro n ik geschilderte
O rdensreform bezieht. A lsdorf hat jedoch übersehen, daß man für die In terp retatio n der
T erm ini nach älteren Q uellen suchen m uß, als es die erst ein halbes Jahrtausend später
form ulierten P äli-C hroniken sind. Ich darf die K enntnis der historischen U m stände von
A sokas O rdensreform für m eine A usführungen als bek an n t voraussetzen.
W ichtig ist in unserem Z usam m enhang, daß es sich um eines der sog. buddhistischen
E dikte handelt; A soka form uliert eine V orschrift für den Sangha. D aher ist davon auszu
gehen, daß der K önig sich auch der bei den B uddhisten üblichen R echtsterm inologie be
dient, zum al er m it diesem E dikt R echt setzt oder, genauer gesagt, die A nw endung
buddhistischen R echts m it der A u to ritä t des Staates durchsetzt u n d überw achen läßt.
Tatsächlich finden w ir die entsprechenden T erm ini und die hier zugrunde liegenden
Regeln im V inayapitaka.
Ich will nun anhand dieses Beispiels, das bereits in m einer erw äh n ten Studie zum Schis
m enedikt 1961 erö rtert w urde, diesen Sachverhalt k u rz skizzieren. W ir finden die
V erbindung der T erm in i sangha u n d samagga in den Regeln fü r die D u rch fü h ru n g des
uposathakam m a, also der regelmäßigen Beichtfeier. H ierzu sagt der Buddha:
a n u jä n ä m i sam aggänam u p o sathakam m am „ich ordne die Beichtfeier der vollzähligen
(sc. M önche) an“ (Mahävagga II.5.1).
Das W ort a n u jä n ä m i w ird von den m eisten V inaya-Interpreten bis heute m it „ich
erlaube“, „ich gestatte“ wiedergegeben. D ies ist in diesem Z usam m enhang falsch; es
bedeutet hier „ich ordne an “. Soweit ich sehe, ist O ldenherg der einzige ältere A u to r , der
diese korrekte Ü bersetzung gew ählt hat (z.B. Reden des B uddha, S. 309).
Was u n te r samagga zu verstehen ist, erk lärt der Text {Mahävagga II.5.2): a n u jä n ä m i
... ettävatä säm aggi y ä va tä ekäväso. D ie Bedingung der V ollzähligkeit ist m ith in erfüllt,
w enn alle M önche eines W ohnbezirks (äväsa ) sich versam m elt haben. D a aber U nsicher
heit hinsichtlich der A bgrenzung des W o hnbezirks entstehen kann, w ird dieser Rechts-
59
term inus äväsa n u n durch einen präziseren definiert: a n u jä n ä m i ... sim a m sa m m a n itu m
„ich ordne an, daß eine B egrenzung (simä) [dafür] festgelegt w ird “ (M abävagga II.6.1).
sim ä ist also eine für die R echtspraxis notw endige nähere D efinition des äväsa, also des
T erm inus, der in der negierten F o rm an-äväsa „der O rt, w o sich keine M ön ch sw o h n
stätte befindet“, auch in A sokas Inschrift v o rk o m m t. Das W o rt sim ä , das norm alerw eise
„G renze“ bedeutet, gew innt h ier die spezielle B edeutung des G ebietes, aus dem sich alle
M önche vollzählig versam m eln müssen, u m eine gültige Beichtfeier durchführen zu
k ö n n en . Eine w eitere Bestim m ung sieht vor, daß sich alle M önche an einem O rte zu
versam m eln haben, w enn sich innerhalb einer sim ä m ehrere äväsa befinden. H ie r also
ist äväsa im nicht-term inologischen Sinn einfach als „M önchsw ohnstätte“ aufzufassen.
Dieses N ebeneinander von term inologischem und konventionellem W ortgebrauch hat
zu erheblichen V erständnisproblem en bei der In terp retatio n des V inaya-Textes geführt.
So ergibt sich n u r aus dem jeweiligen Z usam m enhang, ob das W o rt d hatiim a die Lehre
des B uddha, also die Erlösungslehre, die O rd n u n g der D inge im Sinne der sittlichen oder
auch der tatsächlichen W eltordnung, oder „G egebenheit“ u.ä., oder aber term inologisch
das vom B uddha erlassene G esetz, also das System der Vinaya-Regeln bedeutet.3
Die grundlegende Bedeutung der simä-Regeln ergibt sich aus dem U m stand, daß säm t
liche R echtshandlungen des Sangha n u r dann gültig sind, w enn sie innerhalb einer gültig
festgelegten sim ä vollzogen w erden. D azu gehört in erster Linie auch die upasam padä,
die M önchsw eihe. D ie K enntnis der Regeln über die sim ä, die sich erst im zw eiten
Kapitel des M abävagga finden, ist für die im ersten Kapitel dargestellten V erfahren der
M önchsordination vorausgesetzt. M an m uß also auch hier den G esetzeskodex als G e
sam theit kennen und darf n ich t Teile daraus isoliert anw enden.
V on diesen V oraussetzungen ausgehend, hat Petra Kieffe-r-Pülz in einer G ö ttin g er
D issertation säm tliche V orschriften u n d Bezüge der Ji>raä-Regeln im V inayapitaka der
T heravädin, in der Sam antapäsädikä, also dem klassischen K om m entar dazu, sowie im
V m a ya va stu der M ülasarvästivädins u n tersu ch t u n d jeweils als geschlossenes Regelsystem
dargestellt4. F ü r die w eitere E rforschung des frühen buddhistischen Rechtssystem s
w ären n u n vergleichbare U ntersuchungen zu anderen grundlegenden R egelkom plexen
erforderlich. D aß m an gerade m it den sim ä- Regeln, die im zw eiten Kapitel des
K bandhaka enthalten sind, beginnen m ußte, u n d nicht — wie fast alle früheren A u to ren
— m it den am A nfang stehenden Regeln fü r die O rd in atio n , w ar bereits aus m einer er
w ähnten Studie zum Schism enedikt deutlich gew orden. N u r auf dieser G rundlage w ird
] Man hat versucht, mit Hilfe der Etymologie und anhand der Geschichte der Wortbedeutung
in älteren Texten so etwas wie eine Grundbedeutung wichtiger Termini der frühen indischen
religiösen Literatur zu rekonstruieren, aber es wäre völlig unsinnig, eine solche Grundbedeutung
etwa für die Interpretation der hier in Frage stehenden Texte annehmen zu wollen. Am Rande
bemerkt, zeigt dieses Beispiel auch, wie problematisch die von Heinrich Lüders entwickelte
Methode ist, die Bedeutung zentraler Termini der frühen vedischen Literatur wie rta an allen
Belegstellen grundsätzlich aus einer solchen erschlossenen „Grundbedeutung“ herzuleiten. Man
wird wohl auch auf diesem Wissenschaftsgebiet von diesen neueren Spekulationen wieder zu
Oldenbergs Auffassung zurückkehren müssen.
4 Vgl. P. Kieffer-Pülz, Die Simä. Vorschriften zur Regelung der buddhistischen Gemeindegrenze
m älteren buddhistischen Texten. Berlin 1992 (Monographien zur indischen Archäologie, Kunst
und Philologie 8).
60
H e in z Bechert
das G esam tsystem verständlich. Bis in unser Jah rh u n d ert hinein hat die Frage der
k o rrek ten Festlegung einer sim ä als V oraussetzung für die R echtm äßigkeit der
O rd in atio n ganzer M önchsgruppen zu m ehr K ontroversen im Theraväda-Sangha geführt
als irgendein anderes V inaya-Problem .
K ehren w ir noch einm al zu Asokas Schism enedikt zurück. H ier w ar die In terp retatio n
des T erm inus sangha von entscheidender Bedeutung. Ich habe zeigen k ö n n en , daß in
diesem K ontext die jeweils k o n k rete Einzelgemeinde innerhalb einer sim ä gem eint ist.
D er Gesamt-Sangha ist n u r insofern indirekt angesprochen, als er die Sum m e aller
einzelnen Sanghas darstellt, sangha hier also gleichzeitig auch als k ollektiver Singular
aufgefaßt w erden darf. D ie k o n k rete Rechtsregel bezieht sich aber im m er n u r auf einen
einzelnen Sangha: Was sich innerhalb einer sim ä versam m elt, ist eine individuelle
M önchsgem einde, die eine im Vinaya je nach A rt des R echtsaktes (sahgbakam m d) v o r
geschriebene M indestzahl von M önchen umfassen m uß. Z w ar k ann das W o rt sangha —
in dieser Bedeutung o ft genauer bestim m t als cätuddisa sangha „der Sangha der vier
H im m elsrichtungen “, d.h. der ganzen W elt — auch kollektiv die G esam tgem einde
bezeichnen, doch zu rechtlichen H andlungen fähig ist im m er n u r der einzelne Sangha,
der samagga, also vollzählig, innerhalb einer sim ä Z usam m entritt.
D am it w ar eine A rt von F ragm entierung des Gesamt-Sangha v orprogram m iert. O ldenherg hat dieses P roblem bereits 1881 treffend charakterisiert (S. 388f.):
„D urch g anz In d ien u n d bald über Indien hinaus, in den W äldern, durch die D örfer
zogen predigend u n d betteln d buddhistische Mönche. W ie sollte da die 'G em einde der v ie r
Weltgegenden, A n w esen d e u n d A b w esen d e’ die V erw altung ihrer gem einsam en A ngelegen
heiten tatsächlich w a h rn e h m e n ? 7m lösen wäre diese A ufgabe allein durch das Schaffen einer
m ächtigen Zentralstelle gewesen, einer geistlichen Regierung, in welcher der W ille der ganzen
G em einde sich k o n ze n trie rt hätte. A b e r w ir fin d e n , d a ß z u r B ildung solcher E inrichtungen
in den alten K irchenordnungen auch n icht der geringste Versuch gem acht w orden ist. D er
S chw erpunkt der ganzen kirchenregim entlichen Tätigkeit, w e n n überhaupt v o n einer solchen
gesprochen w erden darf, f ie l in die Peripherie, in die klein en G em einden der in demselben
B ezirk w ohnenden Brüder. Im W anderleben dieser B ettelm önche aber, in ihrem steten
K o m m e n u n d Gehen, in das n u r die drei M onate der R egenzeit S tillsta n d brachten,
flu k tu ie r te natürlich der B estand dieser engeren G em einden fo rtw ä h ren d . “
O ldenberg sieht hier eine Lücke in den In stitutionen des O rdens, aber in diesem P u n k t
w ürde ihm aus buddhistischer Sicht entschieden w idersprochen w erden müssen. D er
Buddha hat bekanntlich b ew ußt keinen N achfolger eingesetzt; vielm ehr hat er d h a m m a
und v in a y a als R ic h ts c h n u r nach se in e m T o d e b e ze ic h n e t (D ighanikäya XVI.6.1). D ie
m odernen Ü bersetzer sehen in diesen beiden W örtern Bezeichnungen für „die Lehre u n d
die R egeln“ (so R. O . Franke, D ighanikäya, S. 242). In den folgenden Sätzen des Textes
w ird zunächst geregelt, wie sich ältere u n d jüngere M önche gegenseitig anzureden haben;
es folgt die schon erw ähnte G enehm igung, „nebensächliche u n d auf K leinigkeiten
bezügliche“ V orschriften aufzuheben. D e r — bekanntlich viel spätere — Päli-K om m entar
legt zw ar die zitierte Ü bersetzung nahe, aber sow ohl die Parallelstellen (vgl. E.
W aldschm idt, M ahäparinirvänasütra, S. 386f.) wie der Z usam m enhang lassen erkennen,
daß dies nicht der ursprüngliche Sinn der Stelle gewesen ist. D e r Buddha spricht hier
von d h a m m a und v in a y a im Sinne der R echtsordnung und der V erhaltensvorschriften
für die G em einde u n d sagt anschließend, in w elchem U m fang die zu seinen Lebzeiten
61
etablierte O rd n u n g geändert w erden solle oder dürfe. D ie späteren In terp reten — u n d
in diesem Fall bereits der Päli-K om m entator — haben übersehen, daß die W ö rter
d h a m m a und v in a y a im K ontext der R echtsvorschriften für die G em einde eine andere
Bedeutung haben als in konventioneller Redeweise: D o rt ist es „Lehre u n d O rd en s
zu ch t“, im K ontext der Vinaya-Regeln aber „V erfahrensvorschriften“ u n d „V erhaltensV orschriften“ fü r den Sangha. D em entsprechend h eißt die D u rch fü h ru n g eines im
V inayapitaka geregelten V erfahrens auch d h a m m a k a m m a („R echtsakt“).
Aus dem G esagten w ird die In ten tio n der Aussage des Buddha an der zitierten Stelle
deutlich: D er Sangha soll seine A ngelegenheiten in autonom en Einzelgem einden selbst
verw alten; alleinige R ichtschnur dafür sind die V orschriften fü r die R echtsverfahren
(idh a m m a ) sow ie das richtige V erhalten (vinaya), d.h. die O rdenszucht, d h a m m a v in a y a
ist nichts anderes als „Gesetz u n d O rd n u n g “. D ie Schwierigkeit, dies richtig zu erken
nen, liegt in der bereits angesprochenen V ieldeutigkeit vieler W ö rter begründet, wie hier
am Beispiel von d h a m m a gezeigt w erden k onnte.
D er Buddha hat also, w enn man der Ü berlieferung G lauben schenkt, seinem Sangha
ein in sich geschlossenes, w ohl geordnetes R echtssystem hinterlassen, das anstelle des
verstorbenen M eisters höchste A u to ritä t für die Regelung aller Rechtsfragen im Sangha
genießt. D er T ex th isto rik er w ird hier allerdings w idersprechen; denn — w ie schon
erw ähnt — finden w ir bei den verschiedenen Schulrichtungen des frühen Buddhism us
nicht n u r unterschiedliche R ezensionen des V inayapitaka, sondern auch in nerhalb der
Texte Spuren historischer E ntw icklung. T ro tzd e m meine ich, daß die vergleichenden
Studien genügend A rgum ente dafür geliefert haben, die G rundlagen dieses Systems in
die früheste Z eit des Buddhism us zurückzudatieren und als die Schöpfung eines M annes,
näm lich des historischen Buddha, anzusehen, wie dies schon O ldenberg getan hat.
In der frühen G eschichte des Sangha sind die vorhandenen K o n zep tio n e n w eiter
ausgebaut und verfeinert w orden. D ie Regelungen im P äli-V inaya belegen, welches M aß
an Perfektionism us und T heorie hier w irksam w urde. Als Beispiel sei die nädiparä sim ä
herausgegriffen, die auf beiden Seiten eines Flusses liegt, w obei die beiden F lu ß u fer
innerhalb der sim ä durch eine Brücke verbunden sind. D a k ö n n te n u n gefragt w erden,
wie die Rechtslage ist, w enn w ährend einer R echtshandlung des Sangha auf dem durch
das G ebiet der sim ä fließenden F lu ß ab sch n itt ein B oot m it M önchen d u rchfährt, die der
gleichen G em einschaft angehören. A uch dazu gibt es natürlich eine einschlägige
V orschrift. In einer in einem anderen A bsch n itt des Textes stehenden R egelung ist
festgelegt, daß ein Fluß als G anzes keine sim ä darstelle, und daher gehört der v o n der
nädiparä sim ä auf beiden Seiten eingeschlossene F lußabschnitt n icht zu r sim ä. D ie
durchfahrenden M önche gefährden also die G ültigkeit der R echtshandlung des Sangha
nicht (P. Kieffer-Piilz, op. cit., § 2.4.2). In ähnlicher W eise w erden viele Sonderfälle
anhand von Bestim m ungen aus anderen Zusam m enhängen geregelt.
D em gegenüber fällt auf, daß grundsätzlich neue Problem e, die in der Zeit des Buddha
und u nm ittelbar danach noch nicht auftreten k o n n ten , im V inaya n icht angesprochen
sind. So ko m m t der m it Sicherheit in eine verhältnism äßig frühe Z eit zurückgehende
und zum Z eitp u n k t der endgültigen F orm ulierung der uns vorliegenden V inaya-Rezensionen schon längst allgemein geläufige T erm inus für die sog. Schulen des Buddhism us,
nämlich n ikä ya (eigentlich „G ru p p e“), im Vinaya nirgends in dieser Bedeutung vor. Die
A ngehörigen dieser N ikäyas bem ü h ten sich aber sehr w ohl darum , ihre A ngelegenheiten
62
H e in z B echert
nach den allgem einen P rinzipien des V inaya zu regeln. Solange sie dies taten, w ar die
Bildung solcher „G ru p p en “ d b a m m ik a , „rechtm äßig“ im Sinne des V inaya. N u r w enn
diese Regeln gebrochen w urden, k o n n te ein sarighabheda, also eine „O rdensspaltung“ en t
stehen.
Es gab, w ie v o rh in schon angedeutet, zahlreiche nicht geregelte Rechtsgebiete. F ü r sie
galt G ew ohnheitsrech t oder einheim isches Landesrecht. Dies betraf v o r allem die meisten
V erm ögensangelegenheiten des O rdens. Diese A rt von dualistischem Rechtssystem
besteht bis heute. Ich habe es für Sri Lanka und für Birma 1966 bzw. 1967 in der
M onographie B uddhism us, Staat u n d Gesellschaft beschrieben. In das G ebiet des buddhisti
schen G ew ohnheitsrech ts gehört auch die E ntw icklung einer H ierarchie m it N äyakatheras, in Südostasien m it einem Sangharäja usw. In einigen Fällen w urden die neuen
Regelungen in O rdenssatzungen form uliert, die das im Vinaya k o ndifizierte R echt ergän
zen. D azu gehören z.B. die K a tik ä v a ta s für den Sangha in Sri Lanka.
Alle diese E ntw icklungen haben nichts daran geändert, daß die im V inaya vorgeschrie
benen R echtsakte des Sangha bis zum heutigen Tag nach den alten Regeln vollzogen
w erden u n d daß grö ß ter W ert auf die G ültigkeit der sim ä gelegt w ird, innerhalb derer
sich der Sangha versam m elt. D ie Legitim ation des Sangha in der ungebrochenen Sukzes
sion seit den vom Buddha selbst erteilten O rd in atio n en ist davon abhängig. Dies gilt
nicht n u r fü r die T heraväda-T radition, sondern auch für die klösterlichen G em ein
schaften des tibetischen Buddhism us, für die die M ülasarvästiväda-Version des V inayap ita k a m aßgeblich ist.
Es ist oft behaup tet w orden, daß das buddhistische O rdensrecht nach dem M odell der
in den altindischen A delsrepubliken gültigen R echtsprinzipien geschaffen w orden sei.
Einige G rundsätze, z.B. die G leichberechtigung der M itglieder des Sangha oder auch die
Regeln für A bstim m ungen, scheinen tatsächlich diesem V orbild zu folgen. A uch der
Begriff der G renze (sirnä ) ist dem w eltlichen R echt entn o m m en , aber die P roblem atik
d o rt ist völlig anderer A rt (vgl. Arthas'ästra 3.9.10-23). D arü b er hinausgehende Ü b er
legungen in dieser H in sich t scheinen m ir reine Spekulation, da w ir n u r sehr wenige
Info rm atio n en über die O rd n u n g in diesen alten A delsrepubliken besitzen. Ich habe eher
den E indruck, daß — von einigen G ru n d p rin zip ien abgesehen — das buddhistische O r
densrecht eine N euschöpfung gewesen ist.
Es ist ferner höchst bem erkensw ert, daß die w eltlichen R echtssystem e auch in den
L ändern m it überw iegend buddhistischer Bevölkerung n icht oder n u r w enig vom
buddhistischen O rdensrecht beeinflußt w orden sind. So w ar das traditionelle b irm ani
sche R echt rezipiertes hinduistisches Recht; es ist in birm anischen V ersionen von Dharmasästras niedergelegt. Ä hnliches gilt für die übrigen buddhistischen Länder Südostasiens,
w ährend in Sri Lanka in erster Linie G ew ohnheitsrecht galt, das im 17. Ja h rh u n d ert
bzw . im H o chlan d von K andy nach 1815 durch das „R om an D u tch Law “ abgelöst
w urde. Im H in b lick auf die R echtssystem e ist m ithin das eingangs erw ähnte P rin zip der
T ren n u n g von Staat u n d O rdensgem einschaft w irksam geblieben.
Erst m oderne B uddhisten, und da ganz besonders der oft als „V ater d er indischen
V erfassung“ apo stro p h ierte Bhim rao Ramji A m bedkar, haben im buddhistischen R echt
ein V orbild für w eltliches R echt gesehen, u n d dabei ganz besonders das
63
G leichheitsprinzip hervorgehoben. F ü r A m bedkar ist das buddhistische O rd en rech t ein
M odell, dafür bestim m t, auf eine aus den Zw ängen der Kastengesellschaft befreite
m oderne indische G esellschaft angew andt zu werden. Leider hat er diese V orstellungen
n icht in die W irklichkeit um setzen können.
English Summary
U sually, only the D harm asutras, the D harm asastras and the K autaliya-A rthasastra are
considered, if one speaks of sources of ancient Indian legal literature. H ow ever, despite
the great num ber of detailed elaborations of num erous legal clauses we are n o t dealing
here w ith law books in o u r sense o f the w ord, th at is, w ith a self-containted, consistent
system , ensuring an independent dispensation of justice. W hen we review th e to tality
of the tran sm itted literary sources from Indian trad itio n we discover th at an ancient
Indian legal system has been handed dow n to us th at reaches fu rth er in to th e past th a n
the aforem entioned law books, and th at is also m ore „m odern“, o r to be m ore exact,
m ore advanced, according to o u r present-day conception o f law, than all the rem aining
legal literature produced by ancient and mediaeval India. T his is th e law o f th e B uddhist
O rd er of m onks and nuns.
B uddhist m onastic law is form ulated in the V inayapitaka, w hich is supplem ented by
num erous com m entarial w orks. It is a special law for this O rd er o n ly and was devised
w ith th e purpose of unifo rm ly regulating the legal affairs o f its m em bers. In this, it has,
in principle, m aintained its validity dow n to the present day. It regulates th e life w ith in
a co m m u n ity w hich has set for itself a purely religious goal, nam ely release from th e
cycle of rebirth and death. T he procedures them selves, how ever, are alm ost com pletely
of a juridical nature, and th u s largely w ith o u t direct reference to th e w ay of liberation
as taught by the Buddha.
T h e regulations of the V inaya m ust be understo o d as p art of th e com plete context,
and n o t as collections of isolated statem ents. As an exem plification, th e basic regulations
concerning the sirna (boundary o f a m onastic com m unity) are being discussed in this
paper. It may be said th a t th e early B uddhist Sangha possessed a self-contained, wellordered system of jurisprudence, w hich, replacing the deceased M aster, subsequently
enjoyed th e highest a u th o rity in the regulation of all legal questions. T h o u g h we find
varying recensions of the V inayapitaka am ong the several schools, and traces o f h isto r
ical developm ent w ith in the texts, it may be stated th a t com parative studies have
advanced sufficient argum ents show ing b o th th at the fundam ent o f this system can be
dated back to the earliest stages of B uddhism and th at this fundam ent is th e creation of
a single m an, nam ely, the historical Buddha. T he existing concepts w ere fu rth e r
expanded and defined during the early history o f the Sangha. Rules contained in th e Pali
Vinaya show to w hat extent perfectionism and th eo ry were effected here.
T hus, in early B uddhist law, we m eet w ith clear distinctions of a juridical n ature
w hich are usually m istaken by historians of law as having been invented in m o d em
juridical system s only. T his juridical system of the Buddhists was based o n the principle
64
H e in z B echert
of equal rights o f th e m em bers of th e com m unity, and on th at of th e au to n o m y of the
local com m unities. T his system of jurisprudence is no less system atic th an th e adm irable
system of classical Indian gram m ar w hich has been codified in th e w o rk o f P anini, and
its detailed study rem ains one o f th e great challenges of research in th e field o f the
h isto ry of Indian law.
Georg Berkemer
The Chronicle of a Little Kingdom
Some Reflections on the Tekkali-tälükä Jamitndärla Vamsävali
Introduction
In the h isto ry o f A ndhra and O rissa there is very little k n o w n about th e details of
dynasty building and state adm inistration durin g the period o f th e kingdom s of the
Gahgas and th e Süryavam sa Gajapatis. These tw o dynasties o f H in d u rulers, w h o reigned
in n o rth ern coastal A ndhra, th e medieval Kalinga, and later also in O rissa, fro m 498 to
1434, and from 1434 to 1568, respectively, dom inated politically th e tim e we m ay call
‘medieval’ in th at area. T he historical sources pertaining to these tw o dynasties,
predom inantly copper-plates and tem ple inscriptions, give p len ty of in fo rm atio n on the
general o u tlin e of th eir history and a d m in istratio n .1
We can m ake o u t regular and irregular successions of rulers, foun d atio n s o f new
capitals, patronage over new state deities, adm inistrative reform s, and m uch m ore infor
m ation about how a state system developed from a small local principality in th e nuclear
area o f th e V am sadhara Valley into a large em pire of all-Indian im portance by th e year
AD 1200.
The sources fo r the medieval period th u s provide th e material fo r th e k in d o f his
torical study th a t may best be term ed ‘descriptive’. Since th e sources are p red o m in an tly
the result of a deliberate attem p t to make a ruler and his ad m inistration be view ed as
a traditional dharm ic king w ith his circle of councillors and priests, em phasis in these
sources is laid m ore on the pro p er result o f an adm inistrative measure, and, even m ore
so, on the p ro p er description of this result. T he description contains, as it were, a
potential past for the use by future generations. T h e decision-m aking process w ith in the
adm inistration rem ains obscure. W ho were th e persons involved in th e process o f gather
ing inform ation necessary to make a certain decision possible? Rarely a n y th in g b u t titles
1 The inscriptions are published in South Indian Inscriptions (SII), Vol. IV, V, VI, X; Inscriptions
of Orissa (IO), Vol. II, III, V; Temple Inscriptions o f Andhra Pradesh (TIAP), Vol. I; R. Subrahmanyam, Inscriptions of the SCiryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa. Delhi 1986; K. B. Tripathi,
Evolution of Oriya Language and Script. Cuttack 1962. For further information on the
administration of medieval Orissa and Kalinga see also H. Kulke, Jagannatha-Kult und GajapatiKönigtum. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte religiöser Legitimation hinduistischer Herrscher.
Wiesbaden 1979; N. M ukunda Rao, Kalinga under the Eastern Gangas ca. 900 - 1200 A. D. Delhi
1991; S. K. Panda , Herrschaft und Verwaltung im östlichen Indien unter den späten Gangas (ca.
1038-1434). Stuttgart 1986; K. C. Panigrahi, History of Orissa. Cuttack 1981; C. V. Ramachandra
Rao, Administration and Society in Medieval Andhra (A. D. 1038 - 1538) under the Later
Eastern Gariga and the Süryavamsa Gajapatis. Nellore 1976; R. Subrahmanyam, The Suryavamsi
Gajapatis of Orissa. Visakhapatnam 1957.
66
G eo rg B erkem er
and personal names are m entioned. W ho had to be consulted b y w h o m and was a
council given or taken as a p art o f an office, a hereditary privilege o r som e personal
merit? W ho had th e right to intervene in th e routine processes? H o w m uch was ‘in te r
nal p olitics’ free from th e in terv en tio n of neighbours and su p erio r kings? In sh o rt, all
questions about th e adm inistrative process necessary before an official do cu m en t like a
copper plate could be handed over to its recipient and eventually com e d o w n to us,
rem ain m ore o r less unansw ered. T his is due to th e fact th at, w ith th e exception of
N epal, no state archive o f a medieval H in d u state has survived th e tu rb u le n t centuries
follow ing the tim e o f th e H in d u regional kingdom s in the clim atic con d itio n s of th e
Indian subcon tin en t.
T o solve th e p roblem of reconstructing a state adm inistration at w o rk , several o th e r
groups of sources from outside th e political body itself may provide in fo rm atio n . F o r
instance, norm ative texts like th e A rthasastra and th e various treatises o n rdjadharm a tell
us how adm inistration was supposed to w ork. But th e authors of these texts rig h tly
assumed th a t th e ir readers o r listeners w ere m ore fam iliar w ith th e details of th e w o rk
th an w e are. T herefore, th ey w ere m ore in need of an o utline fo r a reputable and suc
cessful political strategy th an fo r a painstaking description of an actual clerk ’s w o rk ,
w hich the historian w ould like to find am ong his sources.
A n o th e r group o f texts, i.e. accounts w ritten by foreign visitors to India, give a m o re
detailed description o f th e actual circum stances the traveller fo u n d him self in, and m ore
about th e daily ro u tin e o f public life may be gleaned from there. A traveller m ay also
describe in detail th e adm inistrative processes he found him self subjected to . B ut this
inform ation is lim ited in so far as a foreigner rarely has th e experience necessary to
understand th e custom ary o r th e perhaps unco m m o n behaviour of th e adm inistrative
apparatus he is observing o r may be subjected to. W hat he observes is necessarily a p art
of a system of political categories different from his ow n. H e w ill m ore often see th e
parts o f the Indian political system as sim ilar to o r different fro m ph en o m en a k n o w n
to him and his readers from his ow n co u n try , and thus try to ‘tran slate’ his observations
into the language o f com parative political sym bols k n o w n to him fro m hom e.
In th e categories o f sources described so far, be th ey original trad itio n al docum ents
from a dynasty itself, norm ative texts, o r foreign accounts, an o th er p ro b lem arises: o n ly
rarely do we find the same set o f data m entioned in m ore th a n one source o r a sequence
of sources of w hich a later one explicitly o r im plicitly refers to a previous docum ent.
D evelopm ents in chancellery styles and regional varieties w hich develop w hile ideas
spread from th e centre in to its h in terlan d o r its neighbouring regions are hard to re
co n stru ct.2
Even th o u g h I d o u b t th a t the question of the ro u tin e fu n ctio n of a state ad m inistra
tio n in medieval A n d h ra and O rissa can ever be settled, one m ore group o f sources may
be taken in to consideration here. I m ean those texts, va m sd va lis, kaiphiyats, p u rv d tta r a m s
etc., w hich w ere w ritte n for th e purposes o f ‘m o d ern ’ adm inistrations, especially as a
kind o f cadastral register, long after th e year 1568. M ost o f th o se w ere w ritten at th e
request of th e Surveyor G eneral o f th e Madras Presidency, C ol. C o lin M ackenzie,
2 To mention just one example: it is clear that the usage of the ¿aka-era in the inscriptions of
Orissa was introduced from the south at approx. AD 1000. But none of the inscriptions reveals
any details of the way this was done or why.
C h ro n ic le o f a L ittle K in g d o m
67
aro und 1800.3 I shall describe one example in this co n trib u tio n . T his ty p e of literature
show s u nderneath a veneer of M uslim and E uropean term inology and in addition deal
ing w ith th e foreign overlords in an often rather m odem , ‘d iplom atic’ w ay, th e
rem nants of the older systems of patronage, d onations of gifts, and fluent ‘segm entary’
p ow er structures of am bitious little kings, as soon as internal issues o f th e landholding
élite are concerned. In o th er w ords: these texts may have been w ritten in th e tim e of
C olonel M ackenzie, but they have clearly been influenced by the older regional tra d itio n
w hich th e little king o r the a u th o r o f the text sees him self a p art of.
Before describing one of the texts in detail, let me very sh o rtly state th e characteristic
features o f classical and medieval H in d u sociopolitical organisations. The list is n o t very
system atic and surely not com prehensive. In ord er to sum up the theoretical discussions
in th e context of such paradigms as the oikos and the patrim onial state (W eber),4 th e seg
m entary state (Southall, Stein) and th e little kingdom (Cohn, D irks, Schnepet),5 th e
follow ing points may be m entioned as characterizing a ‘m edieval’ state system:
T here is a set of categories considered by all participants in th e political system
as norm ative: categories derived from th e D harm asästras. These categories form
a set of traditional basic values.
3 The author owes much insight into these problems to the works of scholars like N. Dirks, V.
Narayana Rao and D. D. Shulman, who did pioneering research on the local rulers of southern
India and their ideology of state esp. in Tamil Nadu, and who made use of the material
preserved at the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, of which the Mackenzie Collection
is the most important part for historical research (cf. N. Dirks, The Structure and Meaning of
Political Relations in a South Indian Little Kingdom. CIS (N.S.) 1979, pp. 169-206; Terminology
and Taxonomy; Discourse and Domination: From Old Regime to Colonial Regime in South
India, in: R. Frykcnberg and P. Kolcnda (eds.), Studies in South India: Anthology of Recent
Research. Madras and Delhi 1985, pp. 127-149; The Hollow Crown. Ethnohistory of an Indian
Kingdom. Cambridge 1987; Colonial Histories and Native Informants: Biography as Archive,
in: C. Breckenridge and P. van de Veer (eds.), Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament.
Philadelphia 1993, pp. 279-313; V Narayana Rao, Epics and Ideologies: Six Telugu Folk Epics,
in: S. H. Blackburn and A. K, Ramanujan (eds.), A nother Harmony. New Essays on the Folklore
of India. Berkeley 1986; V Narayana Rao, D. D. Shulman and S. Subrahmanyam, Symbols of
Substance. Court and State in Näyaka Period Tamilnadu. Delhi 1992 (esp. Chapter VII); D. D.
Shulman, On South Indian Bandits and Kings. IESHR 17, 1980, pp. 283-306; D. D. Shulman and
S. Subrahmanyam, The Men who Would be King? The Politics of Expansion in Early
Seventeenth-Century Tamil Nadu. MAS 24, 1990, pp.225-248.
4 For the term oikos cf. §7 of chapter III in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Tübingen 1980, pp. 230233) and passim, for the patrimonial state cf. part 4 of chapter IX (pp. 625-653).
A.B. Southall, Alur Society: A Study in Process and Types of Domination. Cambridge 1956;
B. Stein, ‘The Segmentary State in South Indian H istory.’ in: Realm and Region in Traditional
India. R. Fox (ed.), New Delhi 1977, pp. 3-51; The State and the Agrarian Order in Medieval
South India: A Historiographical Critique, in: Essays on South India. B. Stein, (ed.), H onolulu
1977, pp. 64-91; Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India. Delhi 1980: Vijayanagara and
the Transition to Systems, in: Vijayanagara - City and Empire. A. L. Dallapiccola and S. ZingelA vé Lallemant (eds.), Wiesbaden 1985 pp. 73-87; State Formation and Economy Reconsidered,
Part One M AS 19, 1985, pp. 387-413; The New Cambridge History of India 1.2: Vijayanagara.
Cambridge 1989; The Segmentary State: Interim Reflections. Purusârtha 13, 1991, pp. 217-238;
B. Cohn, ‘African Models and Indian Histories, in: An Anthropologist among the Historians and
Other Essays. Collected essays of B. Cohn, Delhi 1987, pp. 200-223; B. Schnepel, Durga and the
King: Ethno-historical Aspects of the Politico-Ritual Life of a South Orissan Jungle Kingdom.
G eo rg B erkem er
68
W hile th e locality o f th e state deity is usually spatially well defined and often
very old, th e state capital may be shifted frequently. T his m ob ility o f th e
adm in istratio n is eith er an evidence for th e smallness of th e apparatus th at could
be m oved in its en tire ty at a relatively small cost, o r an evidence for th e fact th a t
a large am o u n t of ro u tin e functions were n o t centralized and therefore in the
hands o f local ad m inistrations, o r both.
T he fram e o f m in d underlying political decisions rem ains essentially local, even
th o u g h th e rulership of a dynasty comes to encom pass m ore te rrito ry in the
course o f tim e. I.e., th e setup o f th e adm inistration rem ains th e same from th e
sm allest to th e largest political un it. T he typical political behav io u r developed at
the local level is m aintained th ro u g h o u t the higher levels.
T h e local setup, centered around th e household of th e ruler, its system o f p o
litical, kin-based and religious patronage, rem ains unchanged, how ever enlarged,
at all levels o f th e s y s te m . T h e original local cults get ‘p ro m o te d ’, b u t n o t funda
m entally changed, w hile m ore cults are included.— T h ere is a low est level of
political status, b u t no ‘low est ru ler’ in a pyram id of legitim ation: all rulers may
consider o thers in ferio r fo r various reasons o f status and pow er.
T here is no q u antitative d istinction betw een the functions of equivalent offices
at the various levels of the system: segm entary in a D u rk h eim ian sense6.
T hus, th e higher level encompasses sm aller units w ith o u t deliberately altering
th e ir internal stru ctu re, resulting in a pyram idal stru ctu re o f u n its of different
size bu t essentially equal internal setup,7 w hich gives th e py ram id o f legitim ation
in such a system a so rt of ‘fractal’ character (especially th e feature o f self
sim ilarity o f scale invariance).
The Text
In the follow ing I shall present a short, unpublished, T elugu text called th e Tekkalitàlükâ J a m ïm d â rla V am sâvali. Even th o u g h th e presentation of a single tex t can n o t solve
any of th e questions I have raised above, it m ay be a c o n trib u tio n to a com parative
approach tow ards research o n law and th e state at w o rk in H in d u India. It can show
how a certain group of w ritte n sources, th e local records in th e vernaculars, can help to
fill th e gap betw een th e old literature of th e éàstras and the m odern archival m aterial
and recorded observations o f anthropologists and state officials. It may th u s reveal a bit
of the ‘sp irit’ of th e age-old trad itio n w hich began in classical India and w hich is still,
how ever changed, alive today. O f this trad itio n th e Tekkali J a m ïm d â rla V am sâvali is but
a tin y part.
in: JRAI (MAN, N.S.) 1995, pp. 1-22. For the works by N. Dirks, cf. footnote 3.
6 E. D urkheim , in a review of B.H. Baden-Powell, The Indian Village Comm unity London 1896’
Année sociologique 1, 1897, pp. 339-362. Present anthropological discussion goes beyond Stein’s
views. Cf. chapter 2 of B. Schnepel’s Die Dschungelkonige (book manuscript, forthcoming).
7 Compare B. Stein, ‘The Segmentary State in South Indian H istory.’ in: Realm and Region in
Traditional India, R. Fox (ed.), New Delhi 1977, pp. 9-51.
C h ro n ic le o f a L ittle K ingdom
69
T he T ekkaii-taliikd J a m im d d rla V am sdvali (from now on TJV) is one o f th e num erous
short accounts of the political situation of th e various small landlords of th e N o rth e rn
Circars collected by the emissaries o f C olonel C olin M ackenzie in th e first decade of the
n in eteenth century, preserved now at th e Madras G ov ern m en t O rien tal M anuscripts
Library, Madras. T he TJV is part of th e M ackenzie Local Tracts M anuscripts and reg
istered in the catalogues of the M ackenzie M anuscripts and Telugu Local Tracts as
T ekkaii tdliikdldni ja m im d d rla v a m sd v a li ,8 A copy of th e TJV w hich had been made by
the form er O rissa Research Project was translated in to English by Prof. S,N. Rajaguru.
D uring m y research conducted in V isakhapatnam and Madras in 1986 to 1988, Prof. G.
K rishnam urti, H ead of the D ept, o f T elugu of Madras U niversity, helped me by having
an o th er copy made. It was this copy Prof. S.A. Srinivasan of H am burg U niv ersity and
I w orked w ith and w hich was the basis of the present paper.
T he TJV relates the traditional h istory o f a fam ily of kings w ho had resided in th e
area of T ekkaii o r T ekkalipatnam 9 according to G o vernm ent records fo r 375 years from
1422 to 1797. In 1797, just about a decade before the v a m sd va li was com piled, th e last
ruler of th e m ain line had died, and th e com pany, having tu rn e d dow n th e claims of his
illegitimate son, converted the zam indari into haveli o r governm ent lan d 10. T h e TJV,
w ritten only a decade after this event p robably by tw o different authors, can be
interpreted in the light of the events described as an attem pt to depict th e fam ily of the
form er little kings as just, successful, and, m ost im p o rtan t of all, as legitim ate rulers. A
legitimacy, that is, n o t in the context o f the law valid u n d er the British East India C om * For details see the following catalogues:
A uthor and Title of Catalogue
Title of the Text
H.H. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, a
Genealogical Account of 26, No. 6 the Jagaddeva Rajas of
the Kadamba race in the
Tekkaii district
Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental
Manuscripts. Calcutta, 2nd ed. 1882, p. 401
MS Vol.
folio/
page
Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts
Library: Index of the Mackenzie Local Tracts
in Telugu. handwritten, unpublished
tekkaii tälükä jamimdärla
vamsävali
20
fol. 3640
T. Chandrasekharan, A Descriptive Catalogue
of the Telugu Manuscripts (Mackenzie Local
Tracts Volumes), Vol. I. Madras 1952, p. 27
(jakkali jamimdärulu) An
account of the zamindars
of Jakkali
20
fol. 32-
Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts
Library, Index of C.P. B rown’s Local Records,
handwritten, unpublished
trkkali täj | jamimdärla
I
59
p. 1441 AS
’ In 1800 Tekkalipatnam was a small town in the coastal area of the Ganjam District, the north
ernmost district of the former Madras Presidency of British India. Tekkaii is now the taluk
headquarters of Tekkaii Taluk, Srikakulam District, Andhra Pradesh.
10 See Census 1961, Andhra Pradesh, District Census Handbook, Srikakulam District, p. xvii;
S.N. Rajaguru, History of the Gangas, Vol. II. Bhubaneswar 1968/72, p. 173; M.S.R. Anjaneyulu,
Vizagapatam District 1769-1834. Visakhapatnam 1982, p. 158.
70
G eo rg B erkem er
pany, b u t in th e context of th e form er traditional system of political legitim ation, in
w hich ‘the ancestors of th e zam indars ruled by m aking gifts’."
C o n ten ts o f the TJV, T he TJV describes 12 generations of a fam ily of local rulers in
T ekkali T alu k and tw o claim ants after 1797 w ho were n o t recognized as kings or
zam indars by th e British East India C om pany. As th e text is arranged in a tem p o ral
order, but does n o t contain any explicit subdivisions o r chapters, I take in th e follow ing
description th e generations as separate parts called G , to G 14. A fu rth e r w ay of
subdividing th e tex t is by th e titles of th e kings. These titles are Jena from G , to G 3,
M arigaraju from G 4 to G 7, and Jagaddevu from G s to G I2. A sh o rt appendix describes
events u nd er th e suprem acy of th e British East India C om pany (G 13 and G H).
G I ■ G 3 : T lx Jcnas. T h e TJV begins w ith a legendary account w hich occurs frequently
as a standard them e in th e legitim ation m yths o f th at area. It is th e sto ry ab o u t th e
youngest b ro th e r of an im m igrating group of brothers from a noble fam ily (rd ja k u m a ru lii).n O u r tex t tells us ab o u t the b ro th ers V irabhadra Je n a 13 and C am drasekhara
Jena ‘from Sim haladesa in th e n o rth e rn p arts’14 w ho seek refuge w ith G ajapati ¿ivalinga
N arayanadeva M aharaja o f Parlakim edi. W hile having darsan of th e king, th e b ro th ers
provide him w ith th e necessary (in th e text om itted) inform ation w hich enables th e king
to acknow ledge th e ir pure K satriya origin (tatsam pradaya ksatriyulu). T h u s legitim ized,
th e brothers are accepted as retainers. T h e king of Parlakim edi th en sends th e elder one
in to B om m ali T a lu k 13 and th e y ounger in to T ekkali T aluk in o rd er to suppress d istu r
bances caused by som e tribals called Yenadis and Y erra Boyas w ho previously had n o t
accepted th e suprem acy of Parlakim edi. B oth brothers are successful in th e ir m ilitary
campaigns and th e y ounger one, C am drasekhara Jena, settles d o w n for som e tim e in th e
village of B urugam w hich had been taken away from the Yerra Boyas.16 T h en C am dra-
11 N. D irks, Terminology and Taxonomy; Discourse and Domination: From Old Regime to
Colonial Regime in South India, in: Studies of South India. R. E. Frykenberg and P. Kolenda
(eds.), Madras / New Delhi 1985, p. 139.
12 Like the word taliikd, rdjakumdra implies in the present context no clan or lineage affiliation
with the dominant landholding groups, as is the case in north India (compare R. Fox, Kin, Clan,
Raja, and Rule. New Delhi 1971, p.20).
13 O n the meaning of the title Jen a or Jana see below fn. 100.
14 vuttara kharndam simhvaladesam ntimci; Rajaguru explains uttara khanda in his sometimes
very free English rendering as ‘Uttarapatha or the N orthern India’ (p. 1 of TJV trans., see Orissa
Research Project Manuscript N o. 446). This ‘Simhala of the N o rth ’ remains a puzzle to all
interpreters.
15 Bommali is the village Santabommali of the Gazetteers, approx. 10 km southwest of Tekkali
tow n between the National Highway No. 5 in the west and the Calcutta-Madras railway line
in the east. In a footnote to inscription no. 152 of Inscriptions o f Orissa, Vol. Ill S.N. Rajaguru,
explains: ‘The original inhabitants of Bommali and Santa-Bommali are Kayasthas, known as
Bommali Karana. They are Oriyas and they use an admixture language of Oriya and Telugu’.
(/O III, Part 1, p. 168). See also E. Thurston and K. Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Southern
India, Vol. 1. New Delhi 1987 (reprint), p. 257.
16 burugam thdnd vasam cesukuni konni samvatsaramulu akkada vasayimci; I was not able to
locate Burugam on the Census map of Tekkali taluk, but I assume that it is the village Baranigam in the west of Pata Tekkali, just across the Calcutta-Madras railway line.
C h ro n icle o f a L ittle K in g d o m
71
sekhara Jena has a tem ple (dlaya) built for !>ri V allabha N arayana Svam ivaru at Buragam(?) and a fort erected at Pata T ek k ali.1''
H is successor N rsim hva (sic) Jena builds (kattim ci) a new capital called N rsim h v ap u ram u after having cleared a forest area. F ro m now o n th e TJV m en tio n s in each
generation the clearing of forest,18 the establishm ent of tem ples (dlayam / kovila / gudi
kattim ci pratista cesi) and the founding of villages (gramdlu kottim ci) as th e m ajor task
o f the kings. A b o u t N rsim h v a Jena th e text relates that, besides several o th e r tem ples
and som e villages, he had tw o stone tem ples (rati gullu) bu ilt for his istadevatds K otaradevi and Kalikadevi near a place called M ajk u ru .19 A b o u t the next king, Laksminarayana Jena, noth in g extraordinary is said.
G4 - Gj! The Bhupati Mamgardjus. In th e fo u rth generation a conflict arises betw een the
sons of king Laksm inarayana Jena. T his struggle fo r succession finally brings to th e
th ro n e the o n ly son o f the younger queen (cinna bharyd), M lnaketanu Jena, against th e
o p position of his fo u r step brothers. H ere we find in th e text fo r th e first tim e n o t just
the nam e of the new king and son o f the form er king, b u t also th e names of o th e r
family m em bers. A com prom ise betw een th e brothers is reached w ith th e aid of th eir
overlord, M aharaja M ukunda N arayana Deva o f Parlakim edi,20 w ho n o t o n ly acknow
ledges th e younger queen’s son M lnaketanu Jena as king, b u t w ho m oreover grants th e
title of Bhupati Mangaraju to him .21 T h e b ro th ers agree to th e so lu tio n , and th eir
family continues to live in Tekkali w ith the rank o f Mahdpdtra (m inister).22 A b o u t th e
next kings in G 5 and G 6 w ho b o th seem to have ruled for a very sh o rt tim e, the TJV
m entions n o th in g besides the clearing o f forests and th e establishm ent o f tem ples,
villages and tanks and devotion to religious affairs.23
T he seventh king, D evaraja M amgaraju, m arries th e daughter of Peddadeva, th e king
of N an d ap u r,24 w ho offers his daughter to D evaraja M am garaju. F o r th e first tim e a
marriage and a political contact o f a T ekkali king outside of Parlakim edi’s legitim ation
pyram id is m entioned in TJV.
17 Pata Tekkali is in a hilly tract between the sea coast and the Calcutta-Madras railway line
about 10 km northeast of Tekkali town.
18 The terms for this cutting of the woods and levelling the land are: bhedimpa ceyu (aranyam),
savya paracu (prades'am/vanna pradesam/aranya pradesam/aranyatn), kottimcu (aranyam /adavi).
15 majkuru kasubdlo remclu rati gullu kottimci tama yistadevatalayina kotdradevini kdtikddevini
pratistaceyimci bhbgardgdlu atisayamgd jarigistunnu ; the location of Majkuru is not known.
20 This is the second name of a Parlakimedi king m entioned in the TJV after isivaliriga Narayana
Deva, who reigned in the time of the first Tekkali king, Candrasekhara Jena.
21 bhupati mamgaraju arte damdu yicci; in this context 'dam du’ cannot mean ‘multitude, army’,
but must have either the meaning ‘title’ or ‘symbol of power’. Both from Sanskrit damda (staff)
as symbol of power or from tel. damdamu (salutation, obeisance) such a meaning can be derived.
22 ganuka vdri vamsa mahapdtralu ane ndmam catanu vunndru: ‘Thereafter their family existed
by the name Mahapatra’.
25 This is said about Narayana Mamgaraju (G5) in Rajaguru’s translation. There is a gap in my
copy of the TJV.
Nandapur is the former capital of the Jaipur zamindari. Jaipur is today the largest town of
Koraput District, Orissa, ca. 100 km southwest of the area of Tekkali. The Rajas of
Nandapur/Jaipur ruled the largest of the little kingdoms of Kaliriga from the times of the Suryavamsa Gajapatis to 1948.
72
G eo rg B erkem er
G j ' G l2 : The Jagaddevus. A fter th e m arriage alliance of the eighth king D evaraju
M am garaju w ith th e king o f N an d ap u r, Parlakim edi reacts. G ajapati N arasim ha
N arahari N aray an a Deva M aharaja offers in th e course o f th e c o ro n atio n cerem ony
(pattabhisekamu) his daughter Jem m a and a large dow ry to D evaraju’s son C am d ra
sekhara M am garaju. H aving accepted th e offer, th e T ekkali king also receives th e new
title (kitabu) Jagaddevu,^ A fter having been installed w ith due h o n o u r, C am drasekhara
Jagaddevu begins w ith the building of a new capital called T ek k alip atn am and a fo rt
nearby in the m ountains fu rth er to th e w est and closer to th e P arlakim edi border.26
Also m entioned is th e foundation (kattici) o f a village called R aghunathapuram after
C am drasekhara Jagaddevu’s son. T his village is then later enlarged (vistarimci) to a to w n .
T he next new endeavour we hear about is the establishm ent o f an agrahdra. T he village
D asapuram , founded by C am drasekhara Jagaddevu’s father, is n o w don ated to
Brahm ans. Besides this first agrahdra, a list o f tw o o th er agrahdras is included in th e
text. T his list contains th e date 1169 of th e H ijra o r A m li era,27 th e first date in th e
TJV. T he text also m entions th e foundation of a stone tem ple fo r £rl C am drasekhara
Svami on a m o u n tain near the new fo rt.28
W ith C am drasekhara Jagaddevu’s son R aghunatha Jagaddevu I’s m arriage w ith Jem m a,
the daughter of G ajapati Padm anabhadeva M aharaja of Parlakim edi, th e alliance betw een
the tw o houses is reinforced. A gain we are told about th e establishm ent o f villages,
tanks, agrahdras and a stone tem ple. Besides these ro u tin e tasks o f th e king th e text
relates the fo un d atio n of a new capital called C irntam anipatnarn.29 N ew traits in this
generation are: fo r th e first tim e a border w ar is m entioned w ith th e fight over a ta n k
against Tarla, th e neighbouring little kingdom in th e n o rth ; for th e first tim e we find
reference to th e presence of th e N aw ab of G olk o n d a in Srikakulam 30 and th e good
relationship of T ekkali to th e M uslim G overnor; and fo r the first tim e a king goes o n
a pilgrimage to P uri, w here he has darian of Jagannatha, and is received b y D ivyasim hadeva, the M aharaja o f K hurda.31 Even th o u g h the king goes as a samnydsin, this
pilgrimage m eant a great deal o f change in th e alliances o f Tekkali. R aghunatha Jagad
devu I fo r instance brings back from P uri an image of th e deity G opalasvam i and erects
23 jagaddevulu ani kitabidu ayind cesinamduna tadddigd jagaddevulayindru ; Jagaddevu is the
Telugu spelling of the title. The text does not mention the nowadays more frequent Oriya
spelling ‘Jagaddeb’.
26 kim ide sarihaddu vum da badda aratiyam kottim ci d stalam nirnmenatula banaru ceyimci [the
part starting w ith d st(h)nlam ... seems n o t to be clear] atndulo vunna stalamamdu trikkalipatnam
ani ndmam yerparaci patnam kattim ci a samipamanidu parvata pram tam am du koti bettimci : ‘near
the border of [Parla-]kimcdi he had a large forest cut and at that place he had caused [the ab
originals to be driven away, Rajaguru's trans. p. 11]; at a place there he chose the name
Tekkalipatnam and built a town; in the vicinity he had a fort built surrounded by mountains’.
27 This is the Muslim era of AD 622, which in Orissa is traditionally counted from AD 590,
so that Amli 1169 would be AD 1759 (see Rajaguru's trans. of TJV, p. 25, fn.).
28
a parvatam miduna rati gudi kattimci Sri camdrasekhara svdm ivanni pratistaceyimci
bhogardgdlu jarigimci
29 cim tdm ani ane patnam kattim ci
30 tatkdlam hakumtampu sarkdru srigdkdlam navvd jarigicesi mali mustabuvdrito vivdta
visvdsamulu sampadana cesi
31 divya simbvadevu mabdrdjulumgaru darsanam cesi
73
at C im tam an ip atn am a tem ple for this d eity and for Jagannatha. B oth deities becom e
th e new istadevatas of the family.
A b o u t the reign of his son, R am akrsna Jagaddevu, noth in g new is said. H e, like all
kings o f the fam ily, clears the w oods to establish villages, tanks, tem ples, and agrahdras.
Since he has no son, he adopts his b ro th e r’s son R aghunatha Devu.
D u rin g th e reign of R aghunatha Jagaddevu II the political order in K alinga becomes
fundam entally changed by th e transfer of the d lw a n i rights from th e M ughal Subah of
H yderabad to the B ritish East India C o m p an y in 1765. T he C om pany (k u m p in iv a ru )
establish th eir adm inistration at V isakhapatnam and settle th e peshkasb (land tax) for th e
big zam indaries of V izianagaram and P arlakim edi.32 W hile M aharaja Pusapati Vijayaram a R aju II of V izianagaram agrees to th e settlem ent, Gajapati Jagannatha N arayana
Deva of Parlakim edi (ruled 1751-1770) and his sons oppose it vehem ently and cause a
lot of disturbances in th e Srikakulam H aveli and the surrounding little kingdom s by
th eir attem pts to ov erth ro w th e B ritish adm inistration.33
In T ekkali, to o , som e dram atic incidents occur during the reign of R aghunatha Jagad
devu II. H e, the contem porary of th e G ajapati Jagannatha N arayana D eva o f Parla
kim edi, becomes directly involved in th e latter’s m ilitary actions against th e
C o m p an y .34 H ow ever, th e TJV does n o t explicitly m ention th e conflict betw een
Parlakim edi and th e C om p an y and focuses instead on th e w ar betw een Jagannatha
N arayana D eva and R aghunatha Jagaddevu II w hich seems to have been one of th e
consequences o f T ek k ali’s peaceful settlem ent w ith th e C om pany against th e interests
of T e k k ali’s overlord.35 T his dem o n stratio n of independent policy-m aking Parlakim edi
regards as recalcitrance and acts accordingly. Jagannatha N arayana D eva attacks
C im tam anipatnam , takes R aghunatha Jagaddevu II and his co u rt as prisoners to
Parlakim edi, and annexes T ekkali.36 In T ekkali T aluk, R aghunatha’s h alf-brother
Balarama37 organizes w ith the help of th e M aharaja of Vizianagaram, P arlakim edi’s arch
32 tadupari samvatsaramululd mahdrdju sri kum pinivaru vuttaram khamdam tdlukdlaku prabhutva cese koraku patdldlu tisukuni vtsakbapatnatn pravesimci vijayanagaram parld kirnide
agraganyodbam samsthanamulaku pesukasi mdm iliyattu jarigimci.
)J This latter information is only alluded to in TJV. I add it here to give the reader some
background data about the turbulent political situation in the N orthern Circars after 1765. Much
of this disturbance was caused by Jagannatha Narayana Deva and his son. For details see Anjaneyulu, op. cit., p. 127 ff. and C.D. Maclean, Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presi
dency, Vol. I. Madras 1885 (reprint New Delhi 1987) and C.D. Maclean, (ed.), A Glossary of the
Madras Presidency Madras 1893 (reprint New Delhi 1982).
)4 Anjaneyitlu, op. cit., p. 128
55 It is not entirely clear whether Parlakimedi’s military actions against Tekkali were provoked
by Tekkali’s refusal to join the traditional overlord against the British, but this seems to me to
be the most plausible explanation for the fights mentioned in TJV,
36 prabalam avutavalla cinna raghunatha jagaddevugarini atani m am tri sdmamtulunu paltukuni
kimidesamsthdndnaku tisukuni velli pratibamdbakam ces'i trikkali samsthdnam dkramimci vum diri
'due to his power he took as prisoners Cinna Raghunatha Jagaddevugaru, his minister and
samantas, brought them to the court of Kimidi and locked them up, he occupied the court of
Tekkali and stayed’; see the paradigmatic description of such conflicts in B. Cohn, ‘Political
Systems in 18th Century India: the Banares Region.’ in: B. Cohn, A n Anthropologist among the
Historians and Other Essays. Delhi 1987, pp. 488-489.
cmna raghunatha jagaddevugdrni kaldmtara samjatudayina balardmam devugdrw, the final ‘m ’
of Balarama is superfluous.
74
G e o rg B erkem er
enem y, th e oppo sitio n against Jagannatha N arayana Deva. A fter a sh o rt w hile he holds
th e w hole talu k except the capital C im tam anipatnam and begins to collect taxes. A fter
th e successful cam paign against Parlakim edi he establishes his son N arasim h a as ruler.38
T his move forces Jagannatha N arayana Deva and R aghunatha Jagaddevu II to m ake
peace. T he king of T ekkali m arries Jagannatha N arayana D eva’s d aughter and returns
to C im tam anipatn am to resume his reign w ith the consent of his b ro th e r Balarama.
T hereafter, R aghunatha Jagaddevu II leaves C im tam anipatnam and builds a five-storied
palace (logillu ) west o f R aghunathapuram . H e also erects a tem ple th ere fo r th e fam ily
deities G opalasvam i and Jagannatha.39 R aghunatha Jagaddevu II dies in 1767. A s an
appendix to the description of R ag h u n ath a’s reign th e text contains a list of 42 agrabdras
w ith dates betw een 1754 and 1798. A t th e end of this list, the d o n o r is suddenly called
R am akrsna Jagaddevu. R am akrsna Jagaddevu II is a son o f a king w ho died in 1787 and
w ho is om itted in m y copy of th e TJV as well as in R ajaguru’s translation. I assume th a t
this long list of d onations indeed contains info rm atio n from th e reigns of all th ree
rulers, as the dates suggest. T h e missing king w ho pro b ab ly ruled betw een 1767 and
1787 is called ‘Jaganadha Jagga D e o ’40 in British sources. H e left a m in o r son of ab o u t
11 years.
A b o u t th e circum stances o f R am akrsna Jagaddevu IPs reign th e TJV keeps silent. H e
is the first ruler w ho ascended th e th ro n e during th e overlordship o f th e B ritish East
India C o m pany w h o had replaced Parlakim edi in this role after th e w ar w ith Jagannatha
N arayanadeva. W e o n ly hear th a t R am akrsna Jagaddevu II came to th e th ro n e as a child
(bdlyam ancie adhikdrarn vabim ce) and th a t he was acknow ledged by th e B ritish East India
C o m p an y .41 W ith his death in 1797 the main line of th e Jagaddevu fam ily dies out.
The U nacknow ledged Rulers (G u a n d G ,4). A fter the death o f the tw elfth ruler in 1797,
an o th er son of R aghunatha Jagaddevu II (G n), H arik rsn a Jagaddevu, comes fo rw ard to
claim the th ro n e o f T ekkali. But, since he was no t th e son of R ag h u n ath a’s main
38 tanu tarna komarudayina narsimga clevugdrki rajyadhikdram yicci
39 cim tdm ani patnam vidicipetti raghunatha puram unaku pascama bhdgamamdu vunna tamayina
ayidu amtasthalu meda tadanukulamayina logillu kattim cukuni pravesimci rdjagrhamulaku
sarnipamarndii sri jaganndyakulu marndiram gopalasvami mam diram kattim ci svdmivdllanu
vemcepucesi
40 See below p. 82
41 In a rather mysterious passage a clerk of the BEIC is described as the person who was
involved in the consecration ceremony. Since the sentence contains at least one change of
subject, the acting person in the coronation ceremony is hard to determine. Also, since the only
word in the dative case (-ki) in the sentence is the name of the BEIC clerk, grammatically it is
he for whom the ceremony is being performed. But it seems that the subject of the previous
sentence, Ramakrsna II, is implied here. (tamdrigdrayina cinna raghunatha jagaddevugaru sarkdru
patta yogydnusdramvalla pravarttimcutavalla a ghadilo adhikdrarn cestiivunna ctpu kldradu raso
dhoragdrunuki korndaru dhdralu trkkali tdliikd raghunatha puram pravesimci anupurvakamga v u n
na trikkali tdliikd jamidari adhikdrana pattdbhisekam cesindru: ‘The father Cinna Raghunatha
Jagaddevu, while ruling on the throne, because of competent going after the affairs of state and
because of [good] behaviour, made the pattabhisekam ceremony of the administration of the
Zamindari of Tekkali Taluk, which was according to the rules, after some white people had
entered Tekkali Taluk Ragunathapuram to Chief Clerk Raso [Russell?] D ora.’ This may mean
that the BEIC consented to the pattabhisekam and that the clerk ‘Raso’ was present there at the
time.
75
w ife,42 the BEIC considers him as illegitimate and refuses to acknow ledge his claim. Lie
dies in th e same year.
As the last ruler, the text m entions a n o th er ‘illegitim ate’ m em ber o f th e family.
C am drasekhara Jagaddevu, th e son of a n o th er kaldtrdmtara samjatudu, R aghunatha Jagaddevu II’s already m entioned half-brother Balarama (G n), applies for acknow ledge
m ent, b u t in vain. Y et he is granted th e tax collection rights (am ani ) for six years. T he
text ends w ith a list of eight agrahdras donated by him . But, since he no longer has any
sovereign rights over T ekkali taluk, he is obliged to buy fo r his d onations eight villages
from G ajapati P adm anabha M aharaja of Parlakim edi for RS 49,500. T he list contains
dates betw een 1797 and 1807, th e latter being the last date m entioned in th e TJV.
The Language o f the T]V. T he extant copy of th e TJV is u n fo rtu n ate ly a very co rru p ted
one. As already m entioned, a part of th e m anuscript containing th e description of th e
w hole life o f at least one king is missing. Besides m any m istakes made by th e ty p ist in
Madras w hich could be corrected by Prof. S.A. Srinivasan and myself, it seems th a t
either m y copyist o r the one w ho copied th e original M ackenzie m anuscript (w hich is
n o t available to the public) for the Telugu Local Tracts V olumes com piled by C. P.
Brown in th e 1840ies also made a fair num ber of mistakes. T he m ost difficult p roblem
for a correct understanding of th e text are passages containing w ords and gram m atical
forms w hich are n o t to be found in any dictionary o r gram m ar. Since it is im possible
to decide w h eth er these are dialectical form s, orthographical mistakes or false readings,
all th at w ill be said in the follow ing about th e language o f the TJV has to be taken as
prelim inary, because only a com parison o f m y copy w ith th e original M ackenzie text
may be able to solve that problem .
T h e tex t of th e TJV is w ritten in Telugu prose predo m in an tly using a colloquial syn
tax, b u t w ith a large num ber of ta tsa m a m id u , Sanskrit w ords w hich are characteristic
for an educated speaker. These w ords are introduced in to Telugu unaltered o r only
slightly changed,'13 and are freely interchangeable w ith original T elugu sy n o n y m s (desyam ulti ) according to the au th o r’s inten tio n s and style o f w riting.44
Even th o u g h the n um ber of Sanskrit w ords in TJV is very high, o th e r elem ents o f
style show eith er carelessness o r insecurity in m atters o f style. T hus, one finds classical
form s of the same w ord like adhikdranm and adhikdram unaku besides the m ore frequent
colloquial o r half-colloquial equivalents adhikdram and adhikdram uku, and different clas
sical form s like cesindru and cesanu (he did) w ith in th e same sentence. In th e case of
cesindru one m ay also th in k of the presence of a dialectical influence in th e altering o f
the ‘s ’ in the past participle o f ceyu (to do), cesi, and its derivative form s, in to a ‘s’ like
cesi, as th e w o rd is pronounced in th e Eastern dialect of Telugu.45
42 He is called 'kaldmtara samjatudu which is a misspelling for kalatramtara samjatudu (one
born by another wife). In the text his deliberations with the BEIC are put in a short dialogue
in direct speech.
43 On the question of Telugu etymology see the short introduction in C. P. Brown , A Grammar
of the Telugu Language. New Delhi 1981 (reprint), p. 355.
44 Between the tatsamamulu and the desyamulu a third category, the tadbbavas'abdamulu, exists.
These are words from Sanskrit that are much altered in Telugu. Words found only in rustic
speech are called grdmyamultt (Brown, op. cit., p. 356 ff).
15 The Eastern dialect is spoken in the coastal districts of Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram, Srika-
76
G e o rg B erkem er
C haracteristic for this way of w ritin g is fo r example th e frequent usage o f Sanskritic
kinship term s like sunudu, ko m d ru d u and p u tru d u (son) for Telugu k o d u k u , bhdrya and
kalatra (wife) fo r Telugu p e m d ld m u , k o m d rte 16 (daughter) for Telugu k u tu r u , v iv a h a m u
(marriage) for T elugu pem dli. In th e same way, com m on T elugu w ords like iim (tow n,
village) and palleturu (village, hamlet) are avoided and th e w ords p a tn a m u /p a tta n a m u
and g ram arnu are used instead.
In o th e r cases, synonym s coexist. T h ey are som etim es used indiscrim inately as in th e
case o f the w ords fo r ‘fo rest’, w here one finds va n a m u , aranyam u and a d a vi, and in the
case of w ords for ‘tem ple’ (dlaya m u , gudi, k o v ila ; devasthdnam u does n o t occur). T he
w ords fo r ‘ta n k ’ ceruvu (Telugu) and tatdkarnu (Sanskrit) are interchangeable in th e
context of th e building of tanks: ta td k a m ceyim cu and c m tv u p d y im cu , b o th m eaning ‘to
cause a tan k to be b u ilt’. A th ird w ord, d enoting a body of w ater, sdgaram u (ocean), oc
curs o n ly in one context: it is frequently found in the names o f th e tanks. In con trast
to this, th e w ords fo r ‘w ar’ o r ‘b attle’ change from th e beginning to th e end of th e text.
In th e first generation, the Sanskrit term y u d d h a m u occurs w hich is later replaced by
H in d i laddyi.v In som e cases, potential synonym s are never used: ko ta (fort) is never
replaced by durga, la sk a m (army) never by dam da, instead of agrahdram u we find once in th e context of th e gift o f a village to Jagannatha of P uri - m okhdsd, and once, in G H,
th at is after 1800, th e English w o rd g rd m tu (grant).
A n o th er example of how th e classical style of w riting is used m ay be th e variations
of the nam e ‘T ek k ali’ itself. T he m o d ern spelling ‘T ek k ali’ does n o t o ccur in th e TJV
w here only the spellings ‘trik k a li’, ‘trik k a li’, and ‘trk k a li’, all w ith an ‘r ’-sound in th e
first syllable, are to be found. T h e om ission of a secondary ‘r’ in th e first syllable of a
w o rd occurs frequently in colloquial T elugu48 w hich leads to th e assum ption th a t th e
spellings ‘trik k a li’ etc. may be an a ttem p t to ‘sanskritize’ th e w ord. A fu rth e r m otive
therefore m ay be th e fact th at tek ka li has in T elugu th e m eaning ‘th ie f’, and tekkalip a tn a m u is therefore th e ‘to w n o f thieves’.
Besides T elugu and Sanskrit, th e largest n u m b er of w ords are taken from U rd u and
Persian, w hile O riya influence in th e vocabulary is sm all.45 A lready in G , we find five
technical term s from H industani adm inistrative term inology: It is said th a t Pata T ekkali,
th e old fo rt of th e taluk, was made kasubd o r headquarters (pata tr ik k a li kasubd cesuk u n i), fo r the k in g ’s arm y (here laskaru) in th e w ar against th e Y erra Boyas. O th e r H in Footnote fro m p. 75, continued
kulam (Andhra Pradesh) and Ganjam (Orissa) and is characterized especially by the replacement
of ‘s’ for ‘s’ (Oriya influence?) and the existence of a long ‘a’ which replaces ‘a’ or ‘a’ in certain
verb forms. The frequent usage of ‘s’ in this region is contrasted with the tendency to replace
the ‘s’ and ‘s’ with ‘s’ in the colloquial speech in other regions. See B. Krishnam urti, A Grammar
of Modern Telugu. Delhi 1985, p. xviii.
46 A tatbbdvamu word from Sanskrit kumdra with Telugu feminine suffix.
47 This example is not sufficient to prove a hypothesis I postulated in the beginning of my work
with the TJV. I supposed then, that Sanskritic terminology becomes replaced by Persian and
Urdu, and that the frequency of Urdu and other ‘Moslem’ technical terms increases in the cour
se of time. This, however, does not seem to be the case.
48 E.g. coll. veyu for class, vreyu (to strike), coll. pekdram for class, prakdrmnu (manner), coll.
pelu for class, prelu (to chatter), coll. moradu, modii for class, mrodu (stump of a tree) etc.
49 The only example is the word for ‘big’, pedda, which Telugu speakers from Ganjam and Sri-
77
d i/U r d u w ords at the beginning of the text are m a k a tn (halting place), p h itu ri (rebel),
th d n d /th d n d (m ilitary post), and the w ord td lu kd (taluk) itself. All these w ords w ere in
use at the tim e of the com pilation of the TJV, w hich leads to the assum ption th at the
a u th o r o r authors did n o t quote from older sources, but w rote a new account in the
language of th eir times.
D eliberate variations in style can be observed in th e beginning and the end o f th e
generation chapters of the TJV according to a ru ler’s m erit. In th e first sentence the
k in g ’s nam e is introduced, and at the end his death is referred to in a sim ilar way. T h e
chapters begin w ith a kind o f declaration in w hich the new k in g ’s nam e to g eth er w ith
his relation to the predecessor is stated. T he rulership is norm ally passed from fath er to
son. T his in tro d u ctio n , even th o u g h very u n ifo rm in its content, varies in its w ording.
In th e follow ing table, all variations are listed fo r com parison.
G e n e ra tio n
1
I n tr o d u c ti o n o f th e n e w k in g a t th e b e g in n in g o f th e c h a p te r s
none
re m a rk s
i m m ig r a ti o n
le g e n d
2
3
t a d a n a m t a r a m ta t s u n u la y n i nrsim ha ja n a a d h ik a r a m u k u v a c c i
n o r m a l s u c c e s s io n
t a d a n a m ta r a m y i ta n i k o m a r u d u la ksm inarayudu jana a d h ik a r a n a k u
vacci
4
t a d a n a m t a r a m k a n is t a b h a r y a y o k k a p u t r l a y i n a m in a ke ta n u ja n a ...
y o u n g e r w if e ’s s o n
k o n n i d i n a m u l u a d h ik a r a m c e s a n u
5
y i ta n i k o m a r u d u nardyana m am garaju a d h ik a r a m u n a k u v a c ci
6
y e ta t p u t r l a y i n a anarnga m am garaju a d h ik a r a m v a h im c i
t a d a n a m ta r a m y e ta t p u tr l a y i n a d e v a ra ju m a m g a r a ju g a r u a d h ik a r a m u k u
7
vacci
8
y e ta t s u n u la y i n a cam drasekhara m am garaju a d h ik a r a m u k u v a c c i
9
y e ta t p u t r l a i n a raghunatha jagaddevugaru a d h ik a r a m v a h im c i
10
y e ta t p u t r l a y i n a ram akrsna jagaddevugaru c im t a m a n i p a tn a m lo p a tta -
b h i s i k tu l a y i a d h ik a r a m c e stu
li
[ t a d - ja n a m t a r a m y e ta t s u n u la iy in a s a d a ra v ile c in a raghunatba ja g addevu n o rm a l succession
garu c im t a m a n i p a tn a m lo n iv a s a m c e si a d h ik a r a m c e s tu v u m d e
12
t a d a n a m t a r a m y e ta t s u n u la in a raja cinna ram akrsna jagaddevugaru ba-
ly a m a n d e a d h ik a r a m v a h im c e
13
ta d u p a r i cinna raghundtha jagaddcvugari k a la m ta r a s a m j a tu d a y in n a
u n a c k n o w le d g e d ,
harikrsna jagaddevugaru s a v a r u r a j u l u t a d a n a m ta r a m t a m u y i s a m s th a -
s e c o n d w if e ’s s o n
n a n a k u r a j y a v a r t a k u la v a ra m a n i
14
ta d u p a r i pedda raghundtha jagaddevugari k a l a t r a m t a s a m j a tu d a y i n a ba-
u n a c k n o w le d g e d ,
laram adevu k o m a r u d a y in a carndrasekharu devugdru v a r ik i t a d a n a m ta
la s t a c k n o w le d g e d
r a m ta m a h a k k u d a r u m u a n i
r u l e r ’s ( G 12) fa
t h e r ’s o r g r a n d
f a t h e r ’s b r o t h e r
F rom this list one can reconstruct a standard in tro d u cto ry form ula w hich contains m ost
o r all of th e follow ing parts: a tem poral adverb in Sanskrit, usually ta d a n a m ta ra m (there
after), th e relation betw een th e old and th e new ruler in a statem ent like y ita n i ko m d ru du o r y eta t sitn u la yin a (his son), the nam e of th e new ruler, and th e verbal phrase in
kakulam Districts frequently replace by bodda. Other dialectical forms do not occur.
78
Georg Berkejner
w hich his legitim ate a u th o rity is expressedly announced in th e fo rm a d h ikä ra m u
v a h im c u (to assume ruiership), a d h tk a ra m u ccyu (to rule), o r a d h ikä ra m u vaccu (to com e
to ruiership). T h e w o rd a d h ikä ra m u is always used and seems to denote th e right to rule
as a legitim ate ruler after having perform ed th e co ro n atio n cerem ony (pattäbhisekam u ).
T herefore, it is missing o n ly in G ,3 and G H, w here th e TJV talks ab o u t claim ants for
ruiership w ho were n o t acknow ledged by th e overlord, the BEIC. In b o th cases, a sh o rt
dialogue in direct speech ending in a n i (having said) is given. It contains th e claim of th e
pretender and th e answ er o n th e BEIC. T h e dialogue in G 13: H arik rsn a Jagaddevu
claims: ‘A fter all those kings I am th e person in charge of the rule for th is k in g d o m ’.50
T he C o m p an y answers: ‘F o r this kingdom the ruiership (?) will by n o m eans be
y o u rs’.51 In G,.t C am drasekaru D evu approaches the com pany w ith th e w ords: ‘T h ere
after I am the H a k k u d ä ru ’.52 T h e answ er is ‘Y ou have n o right to a p p ly .’33 Such a
standardized form ula as an in tro d u c tio n to a king’s reign occurs in at least one m ore
text. In th e K a takaräjavam sävali, a Sanskrit chronicle of th e rulers of O rissa, b u t com pi
led by th e priests o f P u ri,54 th e rule o f a new king is usually indicated w ith a form ula
like a n a n ta ra m tatputro räm acandradevanäm ä räjyam cakära 35 o r a n a n ta ra m asya p u tra h
p u ru so tta m a d e v o räjä babbüva.51'
W hile in the K a ta ka rä ja va m sä va li the death of a ruler is in m any cases n o t explicitly
m entioned and o n ly his years of reign are referred to , in TJV three different types of
form ula indicating the death o f a king exist. O n e occurs in connection w ith th o se rulers
about w h o m th e tex t has a lo t to tell. Since th e TJV never m entions a date except in
agrabära lists, it frequently operates w ith the expression k o n n i sam va tsa ra m u lu (some,
a few years) a n d /o r m entions ruiership (a d b ikä ra m , räjyädbikäram ) to g eth er w ith the
som ew hat pom p o u s phrase paralökagatulu a yinaru (he [honorific] becam e one w h o has
entered the next w orld). A lesser ru le r’s o r a sh o rter reign is indicated by a m ore m odest
form ula like k o n n i d in a m u lu a d b ikä ra m ces'i ga tim cin ä ru (having ruled fo r som e days he
[honorific] passed away). In th e case of th e illegitimate successor of th e last king (G]3)
it is sim ply said: k ä la m ceünäru (he [honorific] died). In the follow ing, a list o f all the
death form ulas is given (see Table, n ext page).
50 savaru rdjidu tadanarntaram tdmu yi samstbdndnaku rajyavartakula vdramani.
51 y i samstbdndnaku prabbutva barabata nxku yamta mdtram ledanv, the word ‘barabata ’ remains
unclear (mistake of the copyist?), but since it occurs in a context which is syntactically equiva
lent to the phrase rajyavartakula vdramu of Harikrsna’s application, prabbutva barabata may
have the same meaning.
52 tadanarntaram tama bakkuddrum u ani-, Hakkudaru is an undocumented word. I assume it is
a Telugu form of Hindi bak-dar which means both ‘the holder of a right’ and ‘one who makes
a claim or demands a right’ (H.H. Wilson, A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms. London
1855, p. 194).
53 m irunnu dakbaludallu kdru ani
54 Katakardjavamsdvali V ol.l, ed. by G.C. Tripatbi and H. Kulke, Allahabad 1987.
55 ibid., beginning of chapter 99.
36 ibid., beginning of chapter 62.
G e n e r a ti o n
79
d e a th f o rm u la
1
k o n n i d iniim ulu ad h ik a ra m cesi p a ra lo k a gatulu a y in a ru
2
yi c o p p u n a k o n n i sa m v atsaram u lu ad h ik a ra m cesanu...(death n o t m entioned)
3
a d h ik a ra m cesi p a ra lo k a gat am a y in a ru
4
k o n n i d in am u iu ad h ik a ra m cesan u ...(d eath n o t m entioned)
5
k o n n i d in am u iu ad h ik a ra m cesi g a tiin cin a ru
6
k o n n i d in am u iu adhikaran? cesi g a tiin cin a ru
7
m issing (text incom plete)
8
rajy-adhikaram cesi p ara lo k a g atu lu a y in a ru
9
k o n n i sam vatsaram u lu ad h ik a ra m cesi g a tiin cin a ru
10
p a ra lo k a g atu lu a y in aru
11
k o n n i sam vatsaram u lu ad h ik a ra m cesaru (death n o t m en tio n ed , tex t incom plete)
12
p a ra lo k a g atu lu a y in aru
13
k alam c esm aru
14
(still alive)
Historical and Political Considerations
In th e follow ing, I shall concentrate m ainly on tw o questions: the h istoricity of th e text
and th e various aspects of the ascent o f the T ekkali zam indar fam ily to its regional
im portance as little kings u n d er Parlakim edi according to the TJV.
The H isto ric ity o f the TJV. T he TJV depicts the ascent of a fam ily of local rulers to re
gional im portance in Kaliriga w ithin approx. 250 years, fr o m 1550 to 1800. Even th o u g h
the text itself does n o t contain dates th a t may help to ascertain th e tim e o f th e kings
m entioned, th e w orks of Laksh m in a ra ya n H arichandan Jagadeh ,57 a h istorian fro m th e
T ekkali Z am indar fam ily, o f S. N. R ajaguru,5S historian and rajaguru o f Parlakim edi,
and of M. S. R . A n ja n e y u lu f* a historian from V isakhapatnam , can be utilized to ans
wer th e first question a historian may ask: the question about th e h isto ricity of th e m a
terial. N o n e of these historians use the TJV for th eir ow n research. Even th o u g h S. N.
R ajaguru translated the text in the 1970’s for th e O rissa Research Project,60 he seems
to have had no know ledge of it at th e tim e of th e publication o f his H isto ry o f the G angas in 1972.
As usually is th e case w ith medieval sources from Kaliriga, the au th o r of th e TJV does
not m ention any event w hich is n o t directly related to the fam ily o f his chronicle.
Similar to the prasasti genealogies o f th e Gariga inscriptions,61 a legendary beginning
57 Cf. Narayan Harichandan Jagadeb, Copper-Plate Grant of Akasalakhsvaram [sic], JA H R S 5,
1930, pp. 259-260; The Copper-plate of Raghunatha Jagadeb I of Kadamba Dynasty - Tekkali.
JAHRS 8, 1933, pp. 238-239; The Copper-plate of Raghunatha Jagadeb II of Kadamba Dynasty Tekkali. JA H R S 9, 1934, pp. 13-14; Ramachandi, the Prominent Goddess of Tekkali Estate.
JAHRS 11, 1936, p p . 16-18.
58 S. N. Rajaguru, The History of the Gangas. 2 Vols. Bhubaneswar 1968/72
59 M. S. R. Anjaneyulu, op. cit.
60 Tekkali Zam indar, Translated from Telugu to English by S. N. Rajaguru, Orissa Research
Project Library, MS No. 446.
Cf. the standard prasasd of the imperial Gangas in Inscriptions o f Orissa, Vol. Ill, Part 2,
Appendix I-A, I-B, C, from the eleventh cent., and its extensions by later rulers in the copper-
80
G eo rg B erkem er
and a description of the deeds of th e kings suffice for the purposes o f th e au th o r. N o
older m aterial is included. T herefore the reader does n o t find any allusion to th e fact
th a t fo r instance th e to w n of T ekkali itself may be m uch older th a n th e co n ten ts o f th e
T JV suggest. T he oldest records k n o w n from there were w ritten in th e eleventh cen tu ry
b y a little king o f th e Ganga king M adhukam arnava62 and by a king D evendravarm an .63 In these docum ents n o t o n ly T ekkali is m entioned, but also th e n a m e o f a guar
dian goddess of th e later T ekkali Zam indars is referred to: Ramacandi, a form of D urga.
T he location o f b o th the tem ple o f th e goddess64 and the old capital o f Pata T ekkali
(O ld T ekkali) was close to th e road connecting th e plains of O rissa in th e n o rth and th e
plains o f Kaliriga in the south, in an area th at was o f a high strategic value to th e Garigas
and the Suryavam sa Gajapatis, w ho, as Jagadeb w rites, had a m ilitary post th ere.65
F ro m this in fo rm atio n we k n o w th at the coastal strip o f T ekkali taluk was integrated
into th e em pire o f the Gangas long before th e tim e of the TJV. So far, th e TJV , w hich
takes P ata T ekkali as already existing, is co rrect.66 H ow ever, there is a large discrepancy
betw een th e T JV and Jagadeb’s w ritings a b o u t th e tim e and th e circum stances of th e
fo u n d atio n o f th e T ekkali zam indar family. W hile the TJV starts w ith th e im m igration
of C am drasekhara Jena and m entions 12 kings and om its one up to 1797, jagadeb
assumes th e existence o f seven m ore rulers p rio r to C am drasekhara Jena (G,). W ith o u t
q u o tin g any sources, he states th a t th e fam ily began th eir rule in T ekkali talu k in A D
1422 w hen ‘N arasim ha Khedi o f Kadam ba dynasty came to T ekkali from th e S o u th ’ and
conquered th e jungle parts of th e talu k west of Pata T ekkali ‘by w orsh ip p in g Ram achand i’.67 Instead o f th e Y erra Boyas and Yenadis o f the TJV, Jagadeb m entions a ¿avara
tribesm an as a w o rsh ip p er o f R am acandi.
T h ere are obvious parallels in b o th im m igration legends: the im m igration fro m a place
outside of Kaliiiga, the existence o f a large w oodland, the im portance of th e trib al
p o p u latio n , and th e necessity to patronize local cults. T he m ost im p o rta n t difference is
in th e nam e of th e first T ekkali king: N arasim ha K hedi on one hand, C am drasekhara
Jena on th e o th er. But here again, one of Jagadeb’s articles can help to solve th e riddle.
In an article a b o u t a copperplate issued by the n in th king m entioned in th e TJV ,
R aghunatha Jagaddevu II (1691-1719), Jagadeb relates an incident in w hich th e names
plate inscriptions listed in Vol. V.
62 Chicacole Plates of Madhukamarnava, IO II, No, 38, dated Ganga Era 526 (AD 1024), There
a tow n called 'Cikhalipatyapura’ is mentioned which Rajaguru identifies as ‘Tekkalipatna which
was the old capital town of Tekkali’. (ibid. p. 179, fn 1). This old capital may have been Pata
Tekkali, See also above fn. 8, Fi.Fl. W ilson’s catalogue, where Tekkali is called ‘Jakkali’.
63 L. II. Jagadeb has published three inscriptions in his article Ramachandi, the Prominent
Goddess of Tekkali Estate. (JAFIRS 11, 1936, pp. 16-18). S. N. Rajaguru edited a fourth ins
cription in IO III, Part 1, No. 35. This Devendravarman is probably an independent local ruler
who is mentioned in an inscription of Kulotturiga from Draksarama (S1I 4, N o. 1239, line 10).
64 It is even possible that her place of origin was a cave called Sanyasi tirtha (Jagadeb, op. cit.).
65 L. C. Jagadeb, Copper-Plate of Ragunatha Jagadev I of Kadamba Dynasty, Tekkali. JA H R S
8, 1933, p. 238.
66 The text says that Camdrasekhara Jena first made Pata Tekkali his headquarters {pata trikkali
kasuba cesukuni), and only later mentions the fortification of the place by the king (pata trikkali
kasubalo kotabettimci).
67 L. C. Jagadeb, op. cit., p. 238.
C h ro n icle o f a L ittle K ingdom
81
of the protagonists are the same as in th e beginning o f th e TJV, even th o u g h th e events
in Jagadeb ’s article are set into a com pletely different context.
‘A fte r the death o f P adm anabha Jenna, the 7th ruler o f T ekkali K adam ba dynasty in 1527
A -D . a battle was fo u g h t between his Jubaraj B irabhadra a n d the second son Chandrasekhar.
Jubaraj B irabhadra died in the battle. From that day, C handrasekhar became the ruler o f
Tekkali. A t th a t tim e B irabhadra had a n aged son n a m e d B anam ali. In the conquered
country of his fa th e r he constructed a fo r t n a m e d 'B anam ali f o r t ’ (now called B o m m a li) a n d
assum ing the title o f ‘B adajenna’ he began to rule there as a subordinate rajah u n d e r the
U tka l kings. Fearing th a t the elder brother's son B an a m a li B adajenna m ig h t a tta c k his
k in g d o m , C handrasekhar Jenna left the fo r t o f T ekkalipatana a n d constructed a f o r t n a m e d
’C h in ta m a n i f o r t ’ near the dense forest boundary o f P arlakim edi Estate. H e installed H anum a n idol a t the c h ie f gate o f the f o r t ’P
If one takes Jagadeb ’s date o f 1527, w hich is again n o t based on any source, as th e
begin of C am drasekhara Jen a’s rule after th e fission of th e royal lineage, we have a date
for th e first generation in th e TJV. T he q uote fu rth erm o re provides us w ith a m otive
for th e possible om ission of seven rulers of th e Jena fam ily. If one com pares Jagadeb’s
description and th e bloody end of the fratricidal w ar betw een his ‘Jubaraj B irabhadra’
and th e second son ‘C handrasekhar’ w ith th e struggle fo r succession betw een
M lnaketanu Jena and his elder brothers (G 4) w ho are to ld to have solved th e ir dispute
and prevented fission in a som ew hat im probable w ay by peaceful means, there arises the
possibility th a t it was intended by the a u th o r o f th e TJV , o r the trad itio n he selected
his inform ation from , to gloss over all those episodes in th e fam ily history th at may
have been disgracing to the h o n o u r of a tru e king. T his aspect as well as th e com plete
absence o f o th er m aterial about personal characteristics o f th e kings characterize th e text
as a fam ily chronicle w ritten b y a person w h o w anted to present th e rulers as tru e
dharm ic kings w ith o u t negative traits in th e ir characters. In contrast to this w ay of
w riting, th e Katakarajavam savali, w ritten b y th e priests of P u ri w ho had no interest in
glorifying th e kings o f O rissa, m ention num erous detailed episodes w hich are n o t in
accordance w ith th e image of the kings as a heroes.
The date 1527 w ould also provide an explanation for th e strange nam e ’G ajapati
Sivalinga N arayana D eva’ fo r th e first M aharaja of Parlakim edi m en tio n ed in T JV (Gj).
For the Parlakim edi kings as Vaisnavites a nam e like ‘Sivalinga’ looks strange.65 In Ja
gadeb’s article about the goddess Ram acandl th e inscription of a king o f Parlakim edi
called ‘G ajapati Gaudesvara Svarnadeva M aharaja’ (1520-1550) is quoted. Carelessness in
writing may have bro u g h t fo rth this alteration in TJV .70
From 1527 to 1691 we do n o t get any info rm atio n from Jagadeb on th e T ekkali kings.
ts L. H. Jagadeb, The Copperplate of Raghunatha Jagaddeb II of Kadamba dynasty - Tekkali.
JAHRS 9, 1934, p. 13-14.
69 In Rajaguru’s genealogy of the Parlakimedi kings no ¿aivite name occurs (S. N. Rajaguru, op.
cit., Vol. 2, p. 106).
If this is so, the misspelling must have occurred rather early, maybe during the preparation
of the original manuscript of the Mackenzie Collection or when C. P. Brown had the Telugu
Local Tracts copied from the Mackenzie originals. S assume this, because both Rajaguru''s and
my own copyists, a professional copyist employed at the Madras Government Oriental Manu
scripts Library and retired before I came to Madras, and mine a Ph.D. candidate from the
Telugu Dept., wrote ‘Sivalinga’ instead of ‘Svarna’.
82
G eo rg B erkem er
T h en , in 1691, a dated copper-plate inscription edited by him sheds som e light o n th e
fam ily: R aghunatha Jagaddevu I, here w ith the title m aharajulu (honorific plural), th e
sixteenth ruler of th e Kadambas of T ekkali according to Jagadeb and th e n in th ruler of
th e TJV , granted a m dnyam u (rent-free land) to a person called P ujari F ak ir.71
U n fo rtu n ately , there is no fu rth er info rm atio n about th e pedigree of th e d o n o r o r th e
circum stances u n d e r w hich th e grant was made in the text, b u t th e in scrip tio n as an
independent source helps to establish th e king as a historical person.
R agh u n ath a Jagaddevu I was also th e first king o f T ekkali said to have visited P uri.
D u rin g his pilgrim age, he m et G ajapati M aharaja D ivyasim ha, b e tte r k n o w n as Divyasim ha I of K hurda. T h is king of O rissa is k n o w n from the Katakardjavamsdvali71 as
well as from a collection o f royal letters called Chdrnu C itdusP D ivyasim ha is k n o w n
to have issued Chdrnu Citdus w ith dates betw een 1692 and 1715. T hree o f th em m en tio n
a T ekkali king.74 A n o th e r d o n atio n m entioned in one of jagadeb’s75 articles is a grant
of som e land in a deed dated A D 1762 to an official o f th e H an u m an tem ple in Cimtam ani fo rt by R aghunatha Jagaddevu II whose reign he dates fro m 1740 to 1767.
N e ith e r th e in scription n o r th e e d ito r’s com m ent gives any m ore details. B ut th e dates
seem to be correct as can be ascertained by a n o th er inscription n o t included in Jagadeb’s
articles. R aghunatha Jagaddevu is listed am ong others as a p atro n o f th e m atha of
Jagannathasvam i at Balaga,76 w here he donated a village in 1755.
T h e fixing of th e dates o f R aghunatha Jagaddevu II in this w ay reveals a gap betw een
his death in 1767 and the next king m entioned in TJV , nam ed R am akrsna Jagaddevu II,
th e m in o r son o f an u n k n o w n predecessor and orphaned in 1787 at th e age of 11 ac
cording to B ritish sources.77 H is father, called ‘Jaganadha Jagga D e o ’ (Jagannatha Jagad71 The grant is quoted fully in L. C. Jagadeb, Copper-Plate of Raghunatha Jagadev I of Kadamba
Dynasty, Tekkali. JA H R S 8, 1933, p. 239:
Face: (1) plava nama samvatsara jyesta suj j 5 rojuna (2) sri raghunadha jagaddevu maharaju- (3)
lumgaru pujari phakhiruku vra- (4) yimcci yiccina manyam patta ma tekkali (5) patnam khasapa
ba{ | nlku ga| j 4 nallu gariReverse: (1) sela bhumi manyamu yivvanaye ganaka (2) viriviga phalaparucukoni nl putrapau(3) tra paramparyamtam anubhavistu vurndiri. (4) yi manyanaku garise rupayalu (5) sistu pollayi
ghennanammapu.
Trans.: A grant deed which had been given in the year named Plava, the 5th day of the bright
half of the month Jyeshta, after having been made written by Sri Maharaja Raghunatha Jagaddeb, to Pujari Fakir. In our Tekkali Patnam Khaspa, a land yielding four garse of staple produce
[has been given] to you as Inam. Having made [it] fully profitable, all your descendants will
enjoy [it]. The rents (Garise Rupies, K'ist and Pollayi) for the produce of this Manyamu will not
be charged.
72 Katakardjavarnsdvali Vol. 1, pp. 45, 94, 119.
7i These letters in which the kings of Khurda grant certain rights in the cult of Jagannatha to
visitors from royal families are presently being edited by H, Kidke,
74 The king’s name is not mentioned in these documents. He is just called Jagadev of Tekkali
(tekkali jagadevu rdjugdru [C.C. 135, 1701], tekkali jagadevu dne rdju [C.C. 136a, 1701/02], tikdi
jagadebe [C.C. 137, 1703 ?]. A fourth Cbdmu Citdu for a Tekkali king is dated 1767/68.
75 L. H. Jagadeb, op. cit.
K Balaga is in Srikakuiam taiuk o f Srikakuiam district, Andhra Pradesh (V. Rangacharya A
Topographical list o jth e Madras Presidency (Collected till 1915). V ol.l, New Delhi 1985 (reprint),
p. 682, No. 138E).
77 M. S. R. Anjaneyulu, op. cit., p. 148.
83
devu), was ruling T ekkali w hen th e British to o k over the governm ent of th e N o rth e rn
Circars in earnest in 1768. T he exact date o f his co ro n atio n cannot be determ ined, b u t
it seems likely he ruled from 1767.
It is clear fro m these considerations th a t th e TJV in th e present form can n o t be tak en
as a historical source for th e reconstruction o f th e adm inistrative activities o f local elites
w ith o u t recourse to o th er m aterials, if one w ants to go back into th e tim es before 1800.
The text reflects the special situation after th e annexation o f T ekkali by th e B ritish and
may be in its en tirety bo rn o u t o f the need to explain th e claims to rulership to an
h ith erto u n k n o w n source o f au th o rity . F u rth erm o re, its seems th a t som e parts fro m th e
second half of th e text are missing and th a t different copies contain different num bers
and dates. A com parison o f b o th m y ow n and R ajaguru’s copies of th e tex t w ith th e
M ackenzie original (if still available) m ay solve at least some of these problem s.
The Im m ig r a tio n Legend. T h e sources to the h isto ry of Kalihga reveal a developm ent in
the legitim atory function of a ru ler’s ancestry. W hile in the oldest records of th e region,
the copper plate inscriptions of th e M iithara and Vaisistha kings w ho began to rule sh o r
tly after Sam udragupta’s digvijaya (c. A D 350), n o genealogical info rm atio n o r any o th e r
recourse to a legitim ation of th e ir rule from an outside source is taken, th e ir successors,
the Eastern Garigas of Kaliriganagara, introduce in th e sixth centu ry in th eir inscriptions
the reference to a local deity, th e god G okarnesvara of th e M ahendragiri. Parallel to this,
their n o rth ern neighbours, th e ¿ailodbhavas o f Korigoda, trace th eir origin to a tribal
hero called Pulindasena to w h o m ¿iva grants a son. T his son emerges o u t o f a ro ck on
M ahendragiri and is therefore called ¿ailodbhava.78 F o r th e same reason th e first
dynasty of N an d ap u r is called !>ilavarnsa.75
T he next step in th e developm ent o f th e legitim ation is th e reference to and im itatio n
of famous rulers from outside. T h e Eastern Gahgas introduced this custom by referring
to the W estern Garigas of Garigavadi in M ysore from the beginning of th e n in th cen tu ry
onwards. A t least tw o families o f th e ir little kings began to follow this example in th e
tenth cen tu ry and called them selves Kadambas and Vaidum bas in im itatio n o f th e
legitim ation pyram id of the W estern Gahgas.
F rom th e late ten th cen tu ry onw ards, th e co p p er plate inscriptions o f th e E astern
Gahgas begin w ith an increasingly detailed prasasti w hich develops over th e generations
from an elaborate genealogy in to an early form o f vam savali. T his type o f genealogical
writing was taken over from th e Eastern C alukyas, th eir so u th ern neighbours, at
approx. A D 1000, and utilized in th e late eleventh century as a k in d o f co u n ter p ro p a
ganda against th e Colas. Especially the personal enm ity o f th e Gatiga ruler Codagariga
A nantavarm an (1078-1147) and his cousin, th e C alukya-C ola king K ulotturiga (10701120), was one of th e m otives fo r th e rein terp retatio n and instru m en talizatio n o f th e
past by the E astern Gahgas. Codagariga A nantavarm an began to rem ove som e o f his
predecessors from the genealogy, p robably because th eir names had no legitim atory
value any m ore, and replaced th em w ith m ythological forefathers and an im m igration
legend. Codagariga’s successors kept th e genealogy and th e im m igration legend in th eir
S. C. Bebera, Rise and Fall of the 6ailodbhavas. History and Culture of Ancient Orissa from
C. 550 A.D to 736 A.D. Calcutta 1982, Appendix.
K. B. Singh Deo, Nandapur (A Forsaken Kingdom). Jeypore 1939, pp. 2-5.
84
G eorg B erkem er
charters. H ere again may be a parallel w ith the TJV: In th e same w ay as th e Gangas
revised th eir genealogy to suit th e requirem ents of th e day, in TJV th e c o n trad icto ry
evidence ab o u t th e beginning in th e fam ily’s rule in Kalinga can be explained as an
attem pt to sacrifice th e length o f the pedigree o f local rulers fo r a m ore prestigious
im m igration legend. It is th erefore possible th a t th e Im perial Gangas served as a m odel
fo r the little kings o f Kalinga.
T his is th e m ore likely as th e successor dynasty, th e Süryavam sa G ajapatis, did n o t
care about a legitim ation via a legendary genealogy. Kapilendra, a nâya ka (arm y officer)
o f the last Gariga king, came to p o w er in 1434 in a coup d ’état. In the follow ing period
of instability th e possession of th e capital C uttack, the su p p o rt by th e n o b ility o f the
em pire, and th e backing from th e priests of Jagannâtha of P u ri proved to be m ore im
p o rtan t th an a prestige gained by descent. K apilendra and his successors n eith e r tried to
conceal th e ir hum ble origin n o r did they attem p t to gloss it over by an invented lin k
to one of th e old noble families. T h is rather ‘ratio n al’ and ‘m o d ern ’ w ay of dealing w ith
o n e ’s o w n past w hich can also be o b served in th e Vijayanagara em pire and in th e
D ekk an Sultanates, was n o t follow ed in Kalinga by the little kings of th e tim e w ho
rem ained ‘m edieval’ in this regard and continued to legitimize them selves in th e m anner
of th e Im perial Gangas. Im m igration legends becom e even m ore elaborate durin g th e
tim e of the late Süryavam sa G ajapatis80, and later in the eighteenth cen tu ry are revised
to fit th e ideal of a R àjput origin w hich was introduced into th e region by th e exam ple
of th e H in d u com m anders in th e M ughal arm y.
F ro m th at tim e up to th e tw e n tieth century m ost families developed an im m igration
legend as th e adequate ‘ideological m odel of descent’81 in w hich a prince fro m one of
the noble houses of Rajasthan plays a p ro m in e n t role. U sually, w hile being o n a
pilgrimage to Puri, some accident o r m iraculous event induces him to stay in th e trib al
hinterlands o f th e east coast w here he founds a fam ily.82 T his k in d o f legitim ation is
in som e cases (e.g. th e Püsapàti kings of Vizianagaram) th e gro u n d on w hich in th e
nineteenth cen tu ry real m arriage relations w ith R àjputs are based. T h e last stage in th e
developm ent of the legitim ation legends so far is th e utilization of h isto ry to lin k o n e’s
fam ily w ith th e rem otest historical sources discovered so far in th e te rrito ry o f the
family. T hu s, it looks like a resurrection of an old relationship betw een ov erlo rd and
little king, w hen S. N. Rajaguru links — from above, as it w ere — Parlakim edi (w ith o u t
explicitly m entioning a co nnection betw een the m odern zam indars and th e rulers p rio r
to 1600) w ith th e Early as well as th e Im perial Gangas. A t th e o pposite end L .H . Jagadeb
connects his ancestors, little kings of th e present Parlakim edi fam ily, w ith th e medieval
80 Vide the immigration legend of the Jayavamsa kings of Jaipur (K. B. Singh Deo op. cit., p.
9). Kapilendra and his son Purusottama had been almost completely successful in their attempt
to monopolize political power in their hands. None of the old noble families of the Ganga times
is still issuing copper plates or temple inscriptions by approx. 1460. Instead, the officers
(nâyakas) of the Sûryavamsi kings become local rulers in the sixteenth century. See also H
Kulke, Jagannâth-Kult und Gajapati-Konigtum. Wiesbaden 1979 and G. Berkemer, Little
Kingdoms in Kalinga. Stuttgart 1993, chap. VII.
81 R. Fox, op. cit., p. 23.
82 Cf. R. D. Banerji, Rajput Origins in Orissa. The Modern R eview for March 1928 (Vol. 43), p.
283; S. Sinba, State Formation and Rajput Myth in Tribal Central India. Man in India 42, 1962,
pp. 35-80.
85
Eastern Kadambas, form er little kings of th e Early Gangas of Kaliriganagara.
T he im m igration legend in G, of th e TJV show s a significant deviation from o th e r
legends o r local accounts of th e Kaliriga Râjâs. In the case of the foundation o f V iziana
garam ,83 N a n d ap u r/Jaip u r,84 Bobbili83 and Peddapuram ,86 the im m igrating future
kings are always in the possession of a title o r a m ilitary office w hich clearly designates
them as nobles. N o task like the pacification of ‘tribals’ described in the present text is
required by th em in order to make these im m igrants m em bers of one o f th e regional
élites o f Kaliriga. T hey take th eir place by force and transfer th eir hereditary rights from
their place of origin to th eir new home.
In th e case of th e Jena brothers, th e right to rule does n o t follow autom atically from
a prestigious place of origin som ew here in th e west o r n o rth in th e hom elands of the
Rajputs. N o r is there any reference made to superhum an o r heroic deeds of th e ir fore
fathers. In T JV the reader does no t receive any inform ation about the past of th e Jêna
fam ily fro m th e au th o r, b u t is dependent o n th e judgem ent of th e M aharaja of
Parlakim edi w ho is quoted in direct speech w ith the w ords: ‘tatsàm pradàya ksatriyulu
— they are Ksatriyas of good fam ily’. O n this statem ent and the w o rd râjakum ârulu
(princes) in the first sentence of the text, th e claim o f th e fam ily to a K satriya origin is
based. As a consequence, the legitim ation o f the Jena kings is entirely dependent o n
their relationship w ith Parlakim edi.
77;e P olitical Career o f the Tekkali F am ily. T he political geography in the initial chapters
of th e TJV disclose a w orld dom inated by one su p ralo caP pow er, th e king of
Parlakim edi, and his enemies, the Yenadis o f Bommali and the Yerra Boyas o f T ekkali
w ith th eir capital at Burugam . These tribals hold the hilly tracts east of Parlakim edi betsi There are two different versions available: one is oral history in Vizianagaram, one is part
of the Mackenzie-Manuscript Bârâbàti Vïrakrsnadev. See G. Berkemer, op. cit. For the generally
accepted history of the family. Cf. A. V Dattatreya Sarma (Vijaya Datt), Vijayanagaram Jillâ Caritra-samskrti. Vizianagaram 1983.
14 K, B. Singh Deo, op. cit.
“ The Bobbili Râjàs claimed origin not from a Ksatriya clan, but from the Velama rulers of
Andhra (see for example M. Sitarama Sastri, âri Bobbilivàri Vamsâvali. Manuscript of a Telugu
Kâvya (1914), available at the Telugu Dept., Andhra University Waltair, Visakhapatnam;
Mallësakavi Bobbilikatha. Manuscript, Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras;
Nârâyanayya Bobbiliramgarâvucarilramii. Manuscript, GOML, Madras; Bobbilirâjukatba. Manu
script, GOML, Madras; Peddâda Mallêsam Bobbili Yitddba Katha. Ed. by M. Somasekhara Sarma,
Madras Government Oriental Series Vol. 137, Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts Library
1956; G. Ranganayakitln Patrudu, A Brief Account of the Bobbili Zamindari. Madras 1889;
Swetacbalapatbi Venkata Ranga Rao Bahadur, A Revised and Enlarged Account of the Bobbili
Zamindari. Madras 1907; A .V . Dattatreya Sarma (Vijaya Datt), op. cit.).
86 M. S. R. Anjaneyulu, op. cit.; G. Berkemer, op. cit.
8:1 1 do not svant to say ‘regional’ in the case of Parlakimedi. It is too far removed from the
fertile plains and the main lines of communication to play more than the role of an occasional
menace for the true regional power, usually the military commander of the province of Kaliriga
in the times of Gariga and Süryavamsa overlordship, later the military governor of Golkonda
and Delhi. In times of weakness of the central authority of the imperial overlord, other kings
with larger territories claimed and fought for their independence (eg. Mukunda Bàhubalendra,
sixteenth century; Ânanda Râju of Püsapâdu (1757-1760)), while Parlakimedi had no means to
do the same.
86
G eo rg B erk eraer
w een the C uttack-R ajam andri road close to th e coast and th e valley of th e M ahendratanaya river. Even th o u g h th e M aharaja o f Parlakim edi claims to be th e overlord over
those tracts, he has no m eans to co n tro l them . O n ly th e aggressive advance of th e Jena
b ro th ers in to th e eastern fringes of this tract, culm inating in th e expulsion of th e Y erra
Boyas from th e ir original hom e, gives him a certain influence over th e area.
W ith in the present T ekkali talu k th ere are, after th e im m igration of th e Jena b ro th ers,
three political centres, viz., Tarla in th e n o rth o f th e taluk, Pata T ekkali in th e m iddle,
and B om m ali in th e south. T h is looks like th e eastern part of a medieval sdm anta-cakra,
a circle o f little kings, in w hose centre the M aharaja o f Parlakim edi rules as overlord.
T he new com ers begin to com pete for a b etter position w ith in th e legitim ation pyram id.
I assume th a t th e m ethods described in th e TJV had n o t only been em ployed b y th e
Jenas o f T ekkali, b u t by all o th e r little kings o f Kaliriga: cu ttin g of th e jungle,
fo u n d atio n o f tem ples, villages, and tow n s, providing of land fo r cu ltivation and tan k s
fo r irrigation, patronage over local cults. T hus the ‘fro n tie r’ o f H in d u civilization is
m oved from th e narro w coastal strip slow ly to the west in to th e hilly tracts near th e
Parlakim edi b o rd er.88
T he fates o f the three early local centres (cf. M ap 2) in T ekkali taluk are different.
W hile T ekkali prospers, Bom m ali very soon disappears from th e stage89 and is in co r
p o rated in to T ekkali taluk. T h e TJV pays no atten tio n to T arla u n til a dispute over a
tan k , and therefore p robably over th e access to w ater in the b o rd er area, brings this
p rincipality in to focus in G ,. T he gruesom e details o f th e duel scene in w hich th e king
o f T ekkali, due to his conventional valour (pardkram a ), kills th e king of T arla, rem inds
one of a h um an sacrifice: th e head o f th e T arla king, w hose nam e is n o t m entioned, is
th ro w n in to a p it dug in an anicut at th e very place w here his men had tried to d estroy
th e ta n k built b y th e T ekkali raja. As a consequence, T arla loses p art o f its so u th ern
territories and its status as a little kingdom equal in rank to Tekkali.
T he role o f N a n d a p u r in G 4 as a second centre equal in rank to Parlakim edi is k n o w n
from o th e r sources.90 B oth claim to be the true G ajapati and th erefo re th e rightful
o verlord over all little kings of Kaliriga and O rissa. N an d a p u r’s role in th e TJV can be
interpreted as th e first political success of th e new com ers in T ekkali. T h e m arriage re
88 ‘The comprehensive ‘civilizing’ performance of institutions like the village temple and
basically similarly structured centres at the regional level served to unify the political admi
nistration, insulate the socio-cultural values and canalise the surplus product.’ G. Pfeffer, Puri’s
Vedic Brahmins in: The Cult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition of Orissa. A. Eschmann,
H. Kulke, G. Tripatbi (eds). New Delhi 1978, p. 425.
89 bomm ali tdliikd tanu bhujaparakramamvalla sadbimcukuni yenetlu ane vdrini vdtaparaci konni
samvatsaramulu adhikdram cesina midata tat samtativdru komta m attuku anubhavimci
nirdmkusam ayipbyindru. ganuka a vaniiam parampara vibbajana teliyaledu. ‘Having subdued
Bommali taluk by the power of his arms and having those people called Yenetlu [Yenadis]
burned while ruling for some years, the progeny, having enjoyed [rulership] for some time, they
ceased to have offspring. Therefore, the details of that family’s genealogy are not known.’
90 See for example its important role as a patron of the Simhacalam temple (K. Sundaram,
Simhachalam Temple. Simhachalam and Visakhapatnam 1983 (2nd ed.), Appendix); Singh Deo,
op. cit., esp. chapters II and III on its role as overlord in southern Kalinga; L. H. Jagadeb, The
Sword Inscription of Gajapati Narayana Deb. JA H R S 12, 1938, pp. 233-234 and G. Berkemer, op.
cit., passim, on the symbols of power the Nandapur and Parlakimedi kings employed in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
87
lationship is, then, a sym bol of the fam ily’s advance into the higher echelons of th e
regional nobility, but since the TJV describes all marriages in a w ay th a t m akes th e
T ekkali kings the wife-takers and therefore th e superiors in th e relationship, its details
seem to be a bit unlikely. T his, as well as the fact th at the nam e of th e Parlakim edi p rin
cesses is alm ost uniform ly ‘Jem m a’, may be a m atter of literary convention.
A fter th e contacts w ith N an d ap u r have served th eir purpose and have forced th e
overlord in Parlakim edi to react, N an d ap u r is n o t m entioned any m ore. T h e T ekkali
kings th e n becom e marriage partners of th e M aharaja of Parlakim edi and are given th e
title ‘Jagaddevu’ w hich finally confirm s th eir status as Ksatriyas. T he recognition o f th e
T ekkali kings as true Ksatriyas served first o f all the purposes o f Parlakim edi itself, since
it w ould have been disgracing for them to give daughters into m arriage to a nonK satriya fam ily.91 T his marriage provides th e tim e from w hich th e T ekkali rulers were
generally accepted as Ksatriyas: while the TJV regards th e T ekkali kings from the
beginning as Ksatriyas,52 it to o k th em nine generations and one interm ediary title to
be securely recognized by th e ir overlord as tru e Ksatriyas.
Religious Patronage. In the context of the political success a w ord is necessary ab o u t th e
tutelary deities (istadevatd ) of the family. H ere again, there is a developm ent observable
away from th e local environm ent in to a regional context in the fo rm of th e su b stitu tio n
of tw o tan tric goddesses called K otaradevi93 and Kalikadevi to th e m ore benign and
much m ore prestigious male gods G ovindasvam i and Jagannatha. I d o n ’t believe th a t th e
names of th e first pair of istadevatds, K otaradevi and Kalikadevi, are th e original names
of these deities. T hey fit too well into a group of tutelaries w hich seem to be n o t older
than the eighteenth century. Like th e pair M anikesvari/K anakadurga o f Parlakim edi and
Paidatalli/K anakadurga of Vizianagaram, K otaradevi/K alikadevi incorporate certain
sym bolic opposites like local origin versus all-Indian im portance, fierce aspect versus
benevolent aspect, etc. I cannot trace these pairs back to the tim es before th e establish
ment of th e V izianagaram fam ily in 1652 and th eir claim to have K anakadurga of
Vijayavada as a tutelary. T he local goddess of the fort o f V izianagaram w hose original
name was replaced by Paidatalli (skt. K anakadurga) became around 1717 th e second half
of the pair, about the local goddesses o f K um ili and B hogapuram , th e previous head
quarters of th e Pusapatis, no inform ation could be found. T he dual istadevatd. of th e
Pusapati fam ily, one goddess b ro u g h t from th e ir original hom e, one goddess p atro n ized
91 S. N. Rajaguru told me once while I visited him in Parlakimedi that at times there was a
shortage of acceptable families as marriage partners for the princesses of Parlakimedi. As a
consequence one started to ’make’ those partners. Rajaguru took as an example the Calukyas of
Macamara (S. N. Rajaguru, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 130f, 214), a family that claims their descent from
the Imperial Calukyas who had marriage relationships with the Early Garigas (5. N. Rajaguru,
op. cit., Vol. II, p. 131). This family combines all advantages for Parlakimedi: former imperial
status equal to one’s own claim, political weakness and economic dependence on Parlakimedi,
whose kings gave them the village of Macamara as a sinecure.
lama purvottararn svataparacinatnduna tat-sampradaya ksatriyulani telisi (p. 1)
Probably from Telugu kotdni/kotdram u/kothdru 'a store, a granary; a place to keep grain,
salt, 8tc.’ (C. P. Brown, Dictionary Telugu English. 2nd ed. New Delhi 1983 (reprint), p. 315).
Cf. B, Schnepel, Durga and the King: Ethno-historical Aspects of the Politico-Ritual Life of
a South Orissan Jungle Kingdom. JRAI (MAN, N.S.) 1995, p. 7.
88
G eorg B erkem er
in th e new region, may be one of th e origins of the istadevatâ-pzirs in K alinga.94
In T ekkali taluk, the goddess R âm acandî seems to have been p o p u la r since th e
eleventh cen tu ry and was also w orshipped by th e T ekkali kings. Jagadeb describes the
change from R âm acandï to Kotâradëvi:
R â m a c h a n d i c o n tin u ed to be the guardian deity o f the Tekkali Rajahs u n til the beginning
o f the reign o f the K adam ba dynasty. B u t the K adam ba rulers transferred their residence to
a f o r t w hich they h a d b u ilt nea r the hills lyin g to the w est o f Tekkali. That f o r t w as k n o w n
as C hintâm ani-gadh, This C h in tà m a n ïg a d h was f a r aw ay fr o m the tem ple o f R â m achandi.
So the custom grew up a t C h in tà m a n i: as it was n o t possible to directly w orship the Goddess
her bangles arid her k u n k u m a ’v e r m illio n ’ cam e to be worshipped; these tw o articles
representing the Goddess were kept near one o f the gates o f the fortress.
In this way, the sym bols o f the goddess’s female reproductive p o w er and w ith th e m
th e ir w orshippers could be incorporated from the w ilderness into th e range of royal
patronage w ith o u t being actually present w ithin th e walls of the fo rt.95 T h e goddesses
K otâradëvi and Kalikadëvi therefore represent an interm ediary stage betw een th e Jena
fam ily’s local roots and the Jagaddëvus w ith th eir status as Ksatriyas th a t is fu rth e r aug
m ented by th e pure male istadevatâs G opàlasvàm i and Jagannâtha w ho have th e ir equi
valents in the p air R aghunâtha and K rsna o f Parlakim edi.96
The O rig in o f the Jêna F am ily. As indicated in TJV and also stated by Jagadeb?7 the
T ekkali Râjâs are believed to have im m igrated into th e taluk at th e beginning o f th eir
rule. W hile TJV prefers a n o rth e rn origin, Jagadeb regards them as so u th ern ers. A n
im m igration from th e west, o u t of the trib al tracts, o r a local origin, also highly ignom i
nious, is n o t taken into account. N onetheless, all facts accum ulated so far m ake a origin
from a local peasant o r service co m m u n ity highly probable.
T h ere is for example th e residence o f th e first ruler, C anidrasëkhara Jèna, in Burugâm ,
th e headquarters of th e Y erra Boyas. T here seem to be tw o possibilities: th e first is th at
he m ust have defeated th e m com pletely to be able to survive as an o u tsid er in a tribal
en v iro n m en t w here th e infrastructure o f th e H in d u kingdom does n o t exist. T his is
alm ost im possible if one considers th e difficulty th e British had w hen th e y tried to sup
press the uprisings in th e hilly tracts o f G anjam at th e end of the eig h teen th century.
It to o k th em about tw o generations, from 1765 to 1810, u n til all local rulers w ere u n d er
co n tro l, n o t to m ention th e tribals. O r, C anidrasëkhara Jëna m ust have had o th e r means
to pacify th e Y erra Boyas. If one assumes th a t he him self was a m em ber o f th e élite of
this non-hindu ized co m m u n ity , one can read the first p art o f the TJV as an account o f
h in d u izatio n of a ‘trib a l’ lineage head.
C o n tra ry to th e P ü sap iti fam ily of V izianagaram w h o indeed im m igrated in to Kalinga
fro m the K rishna-G odavari delta in 1652 and w ho b ro u g h t w ith th e m th e cult o f th e
95 H. K ulke has proposed this as an explanation for similar cases of in effigie worship of p o
werful female deities in the forts and palaces of little kings of Orissa (FI. Kulke, Legitimation and
Town Planning in the Feudatory States of Central Orissa, in: Ritual Space in India: Studies in
Architectural Anthropology. (J. Picper, ed.) A rt and Archaeology Research Papers 17, pp.
London 1980, 30-40).
% S. N. Rajaguru, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 139.
57 L. H. Jagadeb, Copper-Plate of Raghunath Jagadev I of Kadamba Dynasty - Tekkali. JAHRS
8, 1933, p. 238.
89
D urga of Vijayavada, the TJV assumes the foundation of the cult of th e istadevatas
som ew here in th e forests of Tekkali. T h eir w orship is inevitably connected w ith hills,
as can be seen from the few instances in w hich the text m entions stone as a building
material for tem ples. A m ong the m any passages w here foundations of tem ples - p artly
for all-Indian Vaisnavite deities - are described, o n ly in four instances stone tem ples are
explicitly referred to .98
Besides the passage in G 2 w here it is said th a t the stone tem ple was built in the kasuba
o f M ajkuru, tw o cases refer to tem ples on a hill and one to a very prestigious d o n atio n
to th e priests of Jagannath o f Puri. These tem ples, w hatever th ey really were, seem to
have been built o n ly for special purposes w hen hills a n d /o r istadevatas were involved.
F urth erm ore, these tem ples are never built as local shrines for the inhabitants of a new ly
erected village, but are in various ways connected directly w ith the king. H is ow n cults
are so closely linked w ith th e forces of th e jungle th a t even th e transfer of a new pair
of istadevatas from P uri cannot abolish the custom of installing these tem ples outside
of the k in g ’s headquarters on a hill.
G e n e ra tio n
2
C o n te x t
in s t a ll a ti o n o f istadevatas
Q u o te fro m T JV
r e m d u r â t i g u j u k a tt i m c i ta m a yistadèvatala-
yin a k o tà ra d ê vin ï kâ iikâ d èv in i p r a t i s ta c è y im c i
8
9
in s t a ll a ti o n o f a d e ity o n a h ill
à parva tarn m ïdtina r à t i g u d i k a tt i m c i s r i cam-
(parvatam u)
drasèkbara s v â m iv â n n i p r a t i s ta c è y im c i
d o n a ti o n o f a n agrahâram u in P u r i
r à t i k ô v i la k a tt i m c i s ri b n n d à va n a s v â m ïv â n i
f r o m w h e r e t h e n e w istadevatas a re
v isn u m û r tin i p r a tis 3 0 ta c ë ii
b ro u g h t back
9
in s t a ll a ti o n o f istadevatas o n a h ill
rncttam idanu r à t i k ô v i la k a tt i m c i s ri gôpâla
(m et ta)
s v â m iv â n n i s ri jag a n n â ya kid a s v â m iv â n n i p ra tis ta c ê s i t a m a yistadëvatag'à v ic â r im c a k u n i
This strong attachm ent to the soil cannot be found in th e case of th e Pusapatis, th e best
docum ented case of an im m igration. T h eir strategy for gaining recognition in th e ir new
environm ent, besides a strong alliance w ith th e M uslim governors of C ik ak o l (£rikakulam), is a religious policy th at is based on th eir claim of being th e rightful G ajapatis and
on their patronage of the region’s largest tem ple, th e V araha-Laksm l-N arasim ha tem ple
of Simhacalam.
A nother argum ent for a local origin and against an im m igration of a K satriya prince
is the nam e of th e family: Jena or Jana.” T his name is k n o w n in Kalinga as ‘a title of
O riya castes, e.g. Bolasi and K alinji.’100 These castes are all ûdras and m em bers of
the local peasant m ilitia fo r w hich Parlakim edi was fam ous. T hus, the nam e Jena sug58 It is hard to determine whether in the other cases caves, open spaces, and wooden structvires
are implied, or w'hether pakka Hindu brick temples are meant.
‘Jena’ is Rajaguru’s spelling. My copy of TJV has ‘Jana’.
E. 'Ihurston/K. Rangachari, op. cic., Vol. 2, p. 456. Bolasi: A caste of cultivators largely found
m the Gumsur taluk of Ganjam. One of their occupations is the service as paiks or peons. They
G eo rg B erkem er
90
gests an origin in one of th e groups of peasants and small landed p ro p rieto rs k n o w n as
p a ik s (armed retainers), o r bissois (local chiefs in the hills o f th e Parlakim edi m aliahs).
The Sh iftin g o f the Capital. W ith the ascent o f the T ekkali Rajas w ith in th e pow er
pyram id of Parlakim edi, various changes of the k in g ’s headquarters are described. As
map 2 show s, th e shifts o f th e capital have th e tendency to m ove th e centre of th e little
kingdom away from th e coast in to th e hills in the west. W hile th e m ovem ents in G , and
G 2 keep close to th e coast, from G s onw ards the capital is built in th e hills.
G e n e r a tio n
L o c a ti o n o f C a p i t a l
R e m a rk s
1
B u ru g ä m
t a k e n f r o m th e Y e r r a B o y a s
1
Päcn T e k k a li
f o r t c lo s e to B u ru g rim
2
N a r a s im h a p u r a m
n o r t h w e s t o f B u r u g a m (e x a c t lo c a t io n u n k n o w n )
8
T e k k a li p a tn a m
h e a d q u a r te r s in a f o r t in a v a lle y n e a r b y
9
C in u f im n n ip a r n n m
s o u th w e s t o f T e k k a li in a v a lle y , h e a d q u a r te r s in a f o r t
n e a rb y
11
R a g h u m u h a p u ra m
s u b u r b o f T e k k a li; h e a d q u a r te r s in a f o r t w e s t o f R a g h u n a th a p u r a m w i t h a 5 - s to r ie d p a la c e
These shifts indicate one o f the basic strategic dilemmas o f th e little kings o f Kalinga.
W hile the co n tro l over large areas o f arable land in th e plains is necessary fo r th e pros
perity of the little kingdom , the retreat in to th e inaccessible jungles o f th e hills are a
second prerequisite for a successful rule of a w eaker k in g 101 w h o has no m eans fo r a
successful oppositio n against a stro n g enem y. H ow ever, any a ttem p t at enlarging the
agrarian basis in o rd er to increase th e state incom e and th e stren g th of th e o w n arm y
and the necessary deforestation o f th e area removes th e strategic advantage o f th e forest
cover close by the headquarters. T hus, a frequent shift of th e centre is necessary.102
W hile the centre of th e k ingdom shifts w est due to th e fo undation o f new settlem ents
are one of the 42 recognized Oriya £udra castes. Besides Näyako, Daso, Mahanti, Pätro, etc. they
use the title Jenna. E. Thurston/K. . Rangacharya, ibid. Vol. 1, p. 256; Kälingi / Kälinji:
Cultivators and paiks in Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and Jaipur. They are both Oriya- and Teluguspeakers. The Telugu section, called Kalingulu have three large subdivisions: The Buragam,
Kintala, and Odiya. The Kintala Kalingulu live south of the river Langulya, the Buragam
Kalingas north of it. Their titles are Naidu, Nayarlu, Chowdari, Bissöyi, Podhäno, Jenna, Swayi,
and Naiko. The Kalinjis are the Oriya speaking equivalent with the same titles. E. Thurston/K.
Rangacharya, op. cit. Vol. 3, p. 47. See also B. Datta, A Linguistic Study of Personal Names and
Surnames in Bengali. Calcutta 1981, p. 152: ’Jänä (Gb [ = Gandhabanile], Mäh. [ = Mähesya]): Cf.
Oriya-Jänä, surname of a class of ¡>udras. Also Jena, Bara Jena, a prince.’ (I am indebted to Peter
Rahul Das for this information).
101 Cf. Arthasästra, chapter 12.
102 The same argument can be found in B. Cohn, op. cit. and B. Schnepel, Little Kingdoms in
India Reconsidered. Unpublished research paper, 1992.
91
and tem ples, the capital also moves in to this direction (cf. Map 2). T h e fo rt (koto) co n
taining th e royal headquarters is thus built in a valley o r a jungle area close to th e m ain
adm inistrative centre, usually called patnam o r kasubd. Smaller territo rial u n its w ith in
the jurisdiction of a large village (grdmam) have a thdnd (police station, m ilitary post).
U n fo rtu n ately there is no inform ation in the text about th e relationship o f these thdnds
w ith the centre. T here is no indication as to w h eth er th ey were u n d er th e com m and of
a k in g ’s officer and th u s directly linked to th e royal court, or w h eth er th e y w ere in th e
hands of a sdmanta, a little king of a lesser order, m aybe a bissoi.
The A dm inistrative Setup. F ro m w hat has just been said about th e thdnds in T ekkali
taluk, it becomes clear th a t the TJV does n o t describe th e ad m inistration o f th e little
kingdom in a system atic way. T he text does n o t contain a description o f th e adm inistra
tive apparatus of the little kingdom of T ekkali as it fulfilled its daily ro u tin e tasks. O n ly
a few nam es of offices and titles are m entioned, all in contexts irrelevant fo r th e ro u tin e
adm inistration of the little kingdom , b u t very im p o rtan t for the k in g ’s prestige. In this
regard the text is n o t different from medieval inscriptions. Besides th e king (raja) w ho
bears th e titles jand/jena, bhiipati, mangardju o r jagaddevu, no o th e r person o r office is
ever m entioned in the context o f an adm inistrative procedure.
A ny adm inistrative procedure is described as the k in g ’s personal affair w ith o u t the
involvem ent of any high officer like a m inister o r a royal kdyastha (registrar, scribe). But
from th e num erous causative forms w hich occur in the context of th e cu ttin g o f jungle
and building of villages, tem ples etc., it is clear th a t th e existence of an adm inistrative
staff w h o had to execute the k in g ’s orders is implied.
Even so, we k n o w from the episode about th e w ar w ith Parlakim edi (G n) th a t th ere
existed a group of m am trisdm am tulu, consisting of higher officials called m am trudu and
a group of little kings u n d er T ekkali called sdm am tudu.m T hey stand as partes pro toto
for the royal court of T ekkali, but n o th in g is said about th eir function there. In an o th er
case the title mahdpatra (minister) is m entioned. In G 4, w hen the rulership is transferred
to th e youngest b ro th er, th e elder b ro th ers are com pensated w ith this title w hich gives
them th e status of courtiers and therefore enhances th e prestige of th e T ekkali king by
increasing th e nu m b er of nobles at his court. But as soon as activities outside th e realm
of rank and prestige are talked about, no offices and titles are m entioned. It is no t even
clear w h eth er the T ekkali kings had a rdjaguru, a very im p o rtan t office in th e context
of religious patronage and legitim ization. N o r are arm y officers ever m entioned. As in
the case of medieval inscriptions, o n ly com parative w o rk may result in a detailed m odel
of a state adm inistration as it pro b ab ly existed in the little kingdom s of Kalihga.
In the beginning I have asked the question w h eth er there are — besides th e already
know n classical sdstras, travellers’ accounts and inscriptons — sources th a t give us an
insight in to the routine w o rk of a prem odern state adm inistration of th e Indian sub
continent. I have proposed to utilize fo r this purpose sources of a rath er recent date.
These include the tax- and prebend-lists (kaiphiyattulu), chronicles and fam ily histories
10J m am trisdmamtulu is a Sanskrit dvandva with the Telugu plural ending -lu. From this form
it is not possible to determine whether there existed more than one m am trudu or more than one
samamtudu, even though the plural suggests a total number higher than two.
92
G eo rg B erkem er
o f th e little kings. These sources w ere produced at the end of th e precolonial era, b u t
th e y represent a w o rld view th a t closely resembles th e one found in th e copper plate
inscriptions and th e tem ple chronicles of the area o f th eir origin.
I have described in detail one of these vamsdvalis, th e Tekkali ja m im d a rla vam sdvali ,
th e trad itio n al account of th e fam ily of th e Zam inadrs of Tekkali. Em phasis was laid
rath er on narratio n th a n on analysis, k n o w in g th a t this text alone cannot answ er any
of th e questions I have raised at the beginning of th e present paper. But I hope th a t th e
description of its co n ten ts show s this type of text is a potential source n o t o n ly fo r the
reco n stru ctio n of th e factual histo ry of the area, b u t also for th e ‘sp irit’ of th e old pre
colonial regime. T h e vam sdvali contains useful insights, in a view from below , from th e
p o in t o f view of a-local n o b ility of rather obscure origin, in th e way in w hich a small
adm inistrative apparatus was able to produce and hold fast on th e necessary
requirem ents fo r th e ruler to be recognized as a tru e H indu king by his subjects and
peers. T he m ain them es of the text are the same as those found in older sources:
p atronage over tem ples, sym bolic legitim ation, questions o f h o n o u r and p e tty wars,
m arriage relations etc. But from the vamsdvalis, legendary accounts (piirvottaramulu),
letters of privilege (chdmtt citdus), and tem ple chronicles (sthala m dbdtm iyulu) of the
seventeenth cen tu ry and later we can also extract some in form ation w hich earlier
sources rarely contain. These concern m atters of internal relations such as allusions to
conflicts w ith in th e royal fam ily o r am ong th e m inisters, econom ic problem s such as
inflations, th e som ehow rath er weak position of th e king’s representatives in th eir
dealings w ith th e people in the hinterland, etc. T he texts also m ention th e fo u n d atio n
o f rath er small in stitu tio n s like village tem ples and o th e r religious in stitu tio n s of merely
local significance, w hich earlier sources do n o t m ention, or of forts at m o u n tain passes
and police stations in the vicinity o f the capital. T here are also reasons given fo r th e
shifting of the state capital according to the political and strategic con d itio n s o f the
tim es. Some texts even record diplom atic missions and the attem pts to settle conflicts
betw een neighbours peacefully by appealing to the higher authorities of the G ajapati o r
M ughal overlords. N o th in g o f this, besides the im m igration legend, is shrouded in
m ythological allegories, b u t stated rather plainly in a pragm atic w ay th a t m akes th e
reader o t the texts w onder w h eth er the authors did have th e insider’s know ledge o f
persons w ho actually w orked as kdyasthas o r karanas in the adm inistration o f th e little
kings.
A regional focus can be gained th ro u g h an analysis of the info rm atio n fro m sources
produced by th e scribes of neighbouring little kingdom s. A future project could, fo r
instance, focus o n th e m aterial from a single pow er pyram id, w ith one of th e M aharajas
o f Kaliriga (Jaipur, Parlakim edi o r Vizianagaram) at the top. T his w ould reveal [in a
m ore system atic w ay th an so far] the dealings of the little kings w ith th eir overlords and
am ong each o th er. It w ould fu rth erm o re shed som e light o n th eir relationships w ith th e
subahddrs and fa u jd a rs of the G o lk o n d a and M ughal adm inistrations, as well as th e w ay
in w hich the pre-m odern adm inistrations dealt w ith the local representatives of th e
B ritish East India C om pany. By this approach, a less idealized picture th a n often fo u n d
in regional histo rio g rap h y could be gained from a ’su b altern ’ p o in t of view. T he sources
have th e advantage th a t no suppression of of co n trad icto ry m aterials by a higher
a u th o rity was possible. W hat w ould, for instance, be a (unfortunately nonexistent) T arla
93
v a m sa va W s p o in t of view on the w ater rights over w hich one of th e ir rulers was killed?
F o r future research it w ould be useful to establishing a n etw o rk o f parallel texts, vamsdv a lis of neighbouring little kings, tem ple accounts, and Persian, M arathi and British
sources, th at can corroborate the statem ents in th e texts. In this way, m uch o f th e som e
w hat abstract o r m ythical material of the earlier medieval sources could be filled w ith
life. M aybe even a connection w ith th e w o rld o f th e A rthasdstra could be made.
Appendix
The area of Tekkali, Bommali and
Tarla acc. to Census of India, 1971
I
]
mountainous areas
Map 1.
Location of T o w n s m entio n ed in Text
G eo rg B erkem er
94
Tekkali town acc. io
Census of India, 1971
mountainous areas
— <J£)-> shift of the capital with generation number
M ap 2
T h e S hifting o f th e C apital o f th e T ekkali K ings
Jagaddevu
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III. Zur Natur der Rechtsquellen
Richard W. Lariviere
Dharmasastra, Custom, ‘Real Law’
and ‘Apocryphal’ Smrtis
O ne of th e questions th at we m ust c o n fro n t in attem pting to examine th e relationship
betw een law and the state in ancient India is th at of the general nature of dharmasastra1.
W hat is its relationship to ‘law ’? D oes it represent th e law o f the land? W hat is its value
for the h isto ry of Indian society? W hat does this literature tell us about h o w people
actually lived? I am not th e first to ask these questions, obviously. These are questions
w hich underlay m uch of the scholarship related to dharmasastra, and one m ight expect
that 200 years of E uropean and Indian scholarship on this question w ould have settled
the issue. T his is n o t the case. T he answers to these questions given by various scholars
over th e years have been co ntradictory to say the least. T he follow ing examples are
representative of views held by theoreticians of H in d u Law. T he standard te x tb o o k on
H indu Law, M oyne’s Treatise on H in d u Law and Usage states: ‘there can be no doubt that
these rules were coyicemed w ith the practical adm inistration o f law.’2
Govinda Das had a very different opinion: ‘It is a profound error to regard these texts as
complete codes o f law or as getting all their 'rules’ rigidly enforced by the political authorities
o f their tim e,3 [. . .] H ind u law was in the m ain [n]ever more than a pious wish o f its
metaphysically-mindecl, ceremonial ridden, priestly promulgators a n d but seldom a stem
reality.”' Ludo Rocher has said very recently: 'I am convinced that, during the tim e o f the
commentaries arid digests, these texts did not represent the law o f the land. They were purely
panditic, learned commentaries on ancient authoritative texts. Tide fa ct that they display
1 The remarks in this paper are concerned with the vyavahdra (legal procedure) portions of
dharmasastra. Although I believe that the general notion of the ascendancy of custom and the
efforts to include rather than exclude local practice within the realm of dbarma apply equally
as well to dcdra and prdyascitta, I am not addressing those portions of the dharmasastra literature
here.
1 {John £>.] Mayne’s'Treatise on Hindu Law and Usage, 12th edition, revised by Justice Alladi
Kuppuswami, Delhi 1986, p. 2. It must be pointed out that this view does not seem to have been
stated by Mayne himself since it is not found in any edition authored by him. It seems to have
been first included in the eleventh edition revised by N. Chandrasekhara A iyar in 1950.
‘The Real Character of Hindu Law,’ the introduction to the Vy avail ara-balambhatti of
Balambhatta Payagunde, edited by Nityanand Pant Parvatiya, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series 41,
Benares 1914, p. 8.
’ Ibid., p. 16.
98
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differences does not mean, as some have proposed, that the commentators adapted the ancient
sacred texts to local customs. That w ould have been pure sacrilege on their part. ’3
T hus, on th e basis o f these examples, th e dharmasastra literature is:
1. u n d o u b ted ly concerned w ith real law
2. m erely pious wishes w ith no political sanction
3. purely panditic com m entaries w ith no relation to custom .
W hat are we to make of this? Is one view correct and th e o thers not? A re these views
m utually exclusive? A re there o th e r alternative views possible? Before I answ er any o f
these questions, it is necessary to rem ind the reader of th e com plexity o f th e dham ia
literature, and to provide m yself w ith a convenient escape. T he hu n d red s o f surviving
texts th a t com prise th e dharma literature extend from th e 6th cen tu ry B. C. to th e 18th
century A. D . A ny generalizations about it are fraught w ith danger. Y et, th e very
length, size, and co n tin u ity of the trad itio n means th a t it m ust have a cultural im p o rt
that can be generally described.
Let me begin by giving m y view o f th e n ature of th e dharmasastra literature. I believe
that th e dharmasastra literature represents a peculiarly Indian record o f local social
norm s and trad itio n al standards o f behavior. It represents in very definite term s th e law
of th e land. T his is different th an the view held by m y teacher, L udo R ocher. It is
different th a n th e view o f G ovinda D as, and in an im p o rtan t w ay it is different from
w hat M oyne understood. W hat I mean is th a t th e w hole o f th e dharm a corpus can be
viewed as a record of custom . It is not always a clear record because of th e idiom and
the fictions w hich came to be the mode o f expression o f th e dharm a literature. T h at th e
dharma literature is a record of custom is obfuscated b y th e fact th a t th e idiom of all th e
dharma literature is one of eternality and timelessness. T h is m eans th a t there are no
contem poraneous references w hich can help us to establish th e ch ro n o lo g y of these
ideas, n o r is there adm ission th at custom and practice changed and evolved over tim e.6
It is fu rth e r obfuscated b y the fact th at th e dharma literature clings to th e claim th a t all
of its provisions can be traced directly or indirectly to th e Veda, th e very ro o t of
dharm a.
H o w can I justify m y view th at dharmasastra is a record of custom ? b y exam ining th e
theoretical statem ents made in th e dharmasastra^ and in th e m im dm sd literature, and by
exam ining th e n ature of particular rules preserved in th e dharmasastra texts.
]. D. M. Derrett has made the claim th a t the dharmasastra was always on ly of ‘suasive’
a u th o rity and th a t th e British m isunderstood the literature and treated it as positive
law.7 F irst of all, to say th a t dharmasastra is no t positive law raises th e questio n of w h at
we m ean by positive law. If by positive law we mean law enacted by a p ro p erly consti5 Ludo Rocher, ‘Changing Patterns of Diversification in Hindu Law,’ in: Identity and Diversi
fication in Cults and Sects in South Asia, Philadelphia 1984, pp. 31-44 at 41.
6 The kalivarjyas are the only explicit recognition of the possibility of change in custom and
its instantiation in rules. The formal theory of kalivarjyas is a very late one and its primary
purpose seems to have been to explain inconsistencies in the texts whose origins were then lost
in the mists of the past. For dates, see Batuknath Bhaltacharya, The ‘Kalivarjyas’ or Prohibitions
in the ‘Kali’ Age, Calcutta 1943, pp. 176-177. While the formal theory is late, the notion that
the parameters of dharmic behavior changed over time is an old one, see, for example, N irukta
1.20 and Gautamadharmasutra 1.3-5.
7 Dharmasastra and Juridical Literature, Wiesbaden 1973, p. 9.
D h arm asa stra, C u s to m , ‘Real L aw ’, ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
99
tu ted a u th o rity fo r th e governm ent of society, th en it is m y view th a t th e provisions of
dharmasastra qualify as positive law. T h a t th ey are based on norm ative values o r find
expression in th e exem plary behavior of specific groups does n o t dim inish th e positive
character o f th e laws. A ll legal system s are based on norm s and beliefs w hich, if pressed
as to th eir sources, are ultim ately norm ative and in some sense, therefore, ‘n atu ral’ law .8
If we pause fo r a m om ent to consider w hat a pro p erly constituted a u th o rity m ight
have been in classical India, we com e face to face w ith one of th e m ost nettlesom e
problem s in the h isto ry of dharmasastra: we do n o t k n o w by w h o m o r w hen o u r texts
w ere com posed. T he texts them selves — concerned to preserve th e fiction of Vedic
timelessness — tell us n o th in g ab o u t th eir ow n histories. W e are left to extrapolate how
these texts may have come into being. W hat we do k n o w — as certainly as we can
k now anything in dharmasastra — is th at a significant p o rtio n o f th e laws adm inistered
in royal courts w ere those w hich had been au thored by representative bodies o f regions,
guilds, trade groups, castes, etc. W e k n ow from Kiityayana, B rhaspati, M anu, and
Pitam aha th at th e king was obliged to sanction and enforce those regional conventions
w hich w ere th e consensus of local leaders. These vyavasthds were to be th e basis for th e
k in g ’s decision in his ow n courts, n o t just in the local courts.9 N arada (10.2-3) tells us
th a t th e king is obliged to enforce even the custom s of heretics:
pdsandanaigamasren ipugavrataganddisu (
samrakset samayam raja durge janapade tathd |j
yo dharmah karm a yac caisatn upasthdnavidhis ca yah \
yac caisdm vrttyutpdddnam anum anyeta tat tathd ||
‘T he king m ust p ro tect the co nventions of heretics, corporate bodies, guilds, councils,
troops, groups, and th e like in to w n s and in th e countryside. W hatever th e ir laws,
duties, rules fo r w orship, or m ode of livelihood, he m ust perm it th e m .’
Lingat objects th at these laws — w hich he prefers to call statutes (French statuts) —
are n o t ‘legislation’ since they were regulations th a t applied to ‘restricted circles in the
population and had n o t the general application w hich is required by o u r definition of
‘legislation.” 10 W hat is m ore, he does n o t consider th e findings o f th e co u rt real law
because ‘It is dharm a only for th e tw o parties in th e case. It can n o t leave any trace in
the sphere o f th e law itself.’ Lingat fu rth er objects to describing the findings of the
king’s court as law because th e rajasdsana w hich results from the k in g ’s c o u rt is ‘merely
an expression of th e royal policies, w hich could be inspired by considerations o f conven
8 For an analysis of the Indian case, one cannot do better than that of Wilhelm Halbfass in India
and Europe, Albany 1988, pp. 330-333.
9 48-50 says: desasydnumatenaiva vyavasthd yd nirupitd | likhitd tu sadd dhdrya mudritd rdjamudrayd || 48 || sastravad yatnato raksyd tam niriksya mnirnayet | naigamasthais tu yat
kdryam likbitam yad vyavasthitam | 49 || tasrndt tat sampravarteta ndnyathaiva pravartayet ||
50 | ‘A written convention determined by the consensus of regional inhabitants is is to be kept
and sealed with the royal seal. It should be strictly enforced just like the sdstra and considered
when rendering a decision. A regulation which is written down by traders is justiciable and
should therefore be adhered to. He (the king?) should not conduct himself otherwise.’ For
similar passages in Brhaspati see VIramitrodaya Vyavaharaprakasa p. 22, for Pitamaha see
Smrticandrika Vyavaharakanda p. 58, and Manu 8.41.
10 Robert Lingat, The Classical Law of India (translated from the French with additions by /.
Duncan M. Derrett), Berkeley 1973, p. 228 and note 53.
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ience, opp o rtu n ism , o r equity, of w hich the king is and m ust rem ain th e sole judge.,1!
T his seems to me to be a parochial view of the phenom ena of law. T o claim, as Lingat
does, that ‘law is u nderstood to express th e will of all’ is naive insofar as there is n o t,
n o r has th ere ever been, a society in w hich the ‘will o f all’ is an y th in g m ore th an a
fiction. T o require that every law apply uniform ly to every person is to establish a
standard fo r ancient India th at is ludicrous. T here is no system w here laws apply equally
to all w hom th ey govern. Q u ite aside from the fact th at specific laws are never applied
to certain individuals (for example, laws restricting the activities o f physicians have no
applicability to plum bers o r professors unless they are also physicians), there is in h erent
in every society relationships w hich m itigate the application o f laws. W h eth er it is th e
policem an w ho w inks at th e excesses of his colleagues o r th e rich man w h o hires enough
legal talent to intim idate and exhaust his w ronged o p p o n e n t,12 th e fact is th a t using
universal applicability as a standard is n o t helpful. Lingat’s judgem ent on th e n ature o f
the dbarma literature is clouded by his definition of positive law. As to the objection
that a decision by the king is m otivated by convenience, o p p o rtu n ism , o r equity, th is
seems a peculiar view in light of th e contem porary judicial h isto ry in France, G reat
Britain, and th e U nited States. Surely Lingat does no t m ean to suggest th a t th ere is a
single, brilliantly apparent set of im m utable legal norm s obvious to and un ifo rm ly
applied by every judge.
Blackstone and Cicero provide us w ith definitions of law w hich are m ore useful fo r
Indian society. Cicero said, ‘Law (lex) is th e highest reason, im planted in nature, w hich
com m ands w hat ought to be done and forbids the o p p o site.’13 Blackstone stated th a t
law is ‘a rule of civil conduct prescribed by the suprem e p o w er in a state, com m anding
w hat is right and p rohibiting w hat is w ro n g .’14 In the light o f these definitions, th e
pronouncem ents of th e k in g ’s court are m ost assuredly law. T h ey are law because th ey
com m and w hat is right and p ro h ib it w hat is wrong.
Lingat’s objection that the decisions of a king’s co u rt are n o t law because th e y are
dbarma on ly for the litigants is n o t a sound objection, because we m ust consider th a t
nearly all dbarma is svadbarma. T h at is, questions of right and w rong — questions of
dharm a — are unique to each individual. W e k n o w from anthropological literature th at
dispute settlem ent in India is never done by w eighing a set of facts in abstraction (except
in governm ent courts), rather the total histo ry and relationship of th e individuals
involved is taken into account either overtly or im plicitly.15 T he reason for this is th a t
11 Ibid. p. 256.
12 See, for example, Marc Ga/anter, ‘Why the ‘haves’ come out ahead: speculations on the limits
of legal change,’ in: Law and Society Review 9 (1974), pp. 95-160.
13 De Legibus, Book I vi (Loeb Classical Library ed. transl. by C. W. Keyes), Cambridge, Mass.
1928, p. 317.
14 Sir William Blackstone, Commentaries on the laws of England, 4 vols., Buntingford (England)
1966 (reprint of 1st ed. 1765-1769), vol.l p. 44.
15 See Bernard S. Cohn, ‘Some Notes on Law and Change in N orth India,’ in: Economic
Development and Cultural Change 8 (1959-60) pp. 79-93, and ‘Anthropological Notes on
Disputes and Law in India,’ in: American Anthropologist 67 (1965) pp. 82-122. ‘A Caste Dispute
Among Washermen of Mysore,’ in: Eastern Anthropologist 6-7 (1952-54) pp. 148-168. Also
Robert M. Hayden, ‘Excommunication as Everyday Event and Ultimate Sanction: The Nature
of Suspension from an Indian Caste,’ in: The Journal of Asian Studies 42 (1983) pp. 291-308, and
D h arm asa stra, C u sto m , ‘Real L aw ’, ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
101
in th e Indian view each set of facts is unique and each dispute is therefore unique. T o
be b o u n d by precedent is to be bound to give a w rong verdict since no previous
decision can be an y th in g m ore th an the m ost general guidepost.16
I th in k th a t to o m uch has been made of the difference betw een dharmasastra and
positive law. F ro m o u r outsiders’, w estern perspective we see huge gaps betw een an
articulated th eo ry of the law and the society we k n o w from o th er sources such as
inscriptions, literature, and anthropology. We conclude th at this system m ust be a
priestly fabrication o r at least som ething o th er than law. Since it is n o t like G aius o r
Justinian o r th e U.S. C o n stitu tio n it m ust n o t be positive law. T his is w rong. T he
Indian trad itio n is sim ply m ore overt and bold about th e theological u n derpinnings of
its legal system .17 T here is a sophistication and w isdom about th e n ature o f law and
legal literature th a t we have only begun to approach in the C o m m o n Law trad itio n .
W e in the w est have deluded and deceived ourselves into th in k in g th a t law —
especially w ritten law — has a reality, a fixed and certain character w hich it does not.
T here is im plicit in th e no tio n of positive law a constancy, a perm anence and a certainty
w hich is n o t justified. T he n o tio n o f positive law arises from a E uropean trad itio n
w hich o n ly k now s law as recorded in texts. By texts, here, I mean w ritte n and
eventually p rin ted texts: black letter law. These texts have often given scholars and legal
theorists a sense o f certainty and confidence th at may n o t be fully justified by th e n ature
of th e p rin ted te x t.18 M y colleague Sanford Levinson has said of a w ritte n source o f law,
‘T o view it as a genuine source o f guidance is naive, how ever heartbreaking this
realization m ight b e.’19 India’s trad itio n treated texts differently th an we do. I believe
th at th e ancient Indians intuitively held the view th at no legal w riting was ever intended
to be valid in and of itself, but only as it was u nderstood by those m em bers o f society
w ho w ere tru stw o rth y . T he trustw orthiness of these individuals was determ ined by th eir
intim acy w ith th e Veda. These were the arbiters of custom and, hence, of law.
These w orthies knew th at dharm a — like justice — is con tex t sensitive. T he
application of all law is context sensitive. It is a delusion to th in k th at th e law can be
proclaim ed fo r all tim e and in every circumstance. T he authors o f th e dharma literature
understo od this context sensitivity of dharma. It was never th eir in te n tio n to exhaust
ively record and codify all law applicable for all tim e.20 It was th e ir in te n tio n to proFootnote from p. 100, continued
David G. Mandelbaum, Society in India, vol. 1, Berkeley 1972, pp. 310-311.
16 Uniform application of the law is a fiction in any society claiming such application. One need
only look at the legal escapades of Richard Nixon, Edward Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan, and
the grotesque disproportion of African-Americans sentenced to death for capital crimes to see
sad but eloquent testimony to the lack of uniform applicability of laws in the United States.
17 For an eloquent articulation of the religion of the U.S. Constitution and of the American
state, see Sidney E. Mead, The Lively Experiment, New York 1963, especially chapter 5,
‘Abraham Lincoln’s ‘Last, Best Hope of Earth’: The American Dream of Destiny and
Democracy.’
18 There is a plethora of literature assailing the certainty of texts. See, for example, Stanley Fish:
Is there a Text in This Class?, Cambridge (Mass.) 1980 and Doing what comes naturally: change,
rhetoric, and the practice of theory in literary and legal studies, Durham (N orth Carolina) 1989.
19 Sanford Levinson, ‘Law as Literature’ in: The Texas Law Review 60 (1982) p. 378.
20 Gautamadharmasutra ends (28.49) with the statement that in cases where no specific rule has
been given, then the matter should be decided by a properly constituted assembly. Derrett
R ich a rd W . L ariviere
102
vide a means w hereby law could be ‘discovered’ in each specific context. In an Indian
context there was never th e idea th a t any tw o crimes o r civil w rongs were identical, so
there was no reason to be concerned w ith precedent. Each dispute was u nique and w hat
was needed was a general set of guidelines fo r procedure and fo r classification of th e
dispute. T his is w hat th e dharmasastra provided for dispute settlers o f ancient India.
W hat was th e source fo r th e guidelines and classifications provided by these texts? T he
fiction was th a t it was th e Veda, b u t a closer exam ination indicates th a t th e trad itio n
itself recognized th a t th e ultim ate source o f dharma in a legal sense was custom . T here
are frequent acknow ledgem ents of this in th e dharma literature. A pastam badharm asütra
(1,7.20.6-7) has said:
na dharm àdharm au carata ävam sva iti na devagandharvà na pitara ity âcaksate \'yam
dharm o \'yam adharma iti. ya t tv äryäh kriyarnänam prasamsanti sa dharmo ya d garhante
so ’dharmah
‘D harm a and A dharm a do n o t go about saying, ‘H ere we are.’ N o r do gods, gandharvas,
o r pitrs say, ‘This is dharma. This is adharma.' [So there is n o th in g fo r it b u t to define]
dharm a [as] ‘T h a t w hich honorable m en praise, [and] adharma [as] th a t w hich th ey
co n d em n .’
T hen there is the w ell-know n concept o f th e fo u r feet o f legal procedure articulated
in N arada (1.10-11): dharm a, legal procedure, custom , and th e k in g ’s decree are th e fo u r
bases of legal procedure. A ccording to the understandings of this verse recorded by
com m entators, custom is th e overriding source o f rules o f con d u ct w hich th e king m u st
enforce.21
T his is n o t to say th at custom did n o t accom m odate itself to th e texts — it certainly
m ust have — S anskritization cannot be a w h o lly m odern p h e n o m en o n .22 N o r d o I
mean to state th a t there is n o d istortion o r sanitizing in th e brähm anas’ recording of
custom — th ere certainly was. T he u tte r absence of any tem poral reference and th e fog
o f th e fictional Vedic source are clear indicators th a t they are docto rin g th e record. In
general, how ever, th e brähm ana dharmasastra w riters were constrained by th e b urden
placed on th e m as recorders and synthesizers of custom ary practice. T h ey w ere obliged
by th e interested constituencies, by th e king, and by considerations o f social and poliFootnote from p. 101, continued
recognizes this as well, ‘Law thus did not depend on texts, but upon how texts were used.’
(Derrett Sontheimer, Smith , Beiträge zum Indischen Rechtsdenken, Wiesbaden 1979, p. 108.)
21 See Robert Lingat, Les ‘quatres pieds du procès’ in: Journal Asiatique 250 (1962) pp. 489-503.
22 It is a concept that extends back to éivâjï, certainly, inasmuch as he worked diligently to
expunge the Persian influence from the language and government of his empire. See Benoy
Kumar Sarkar, The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology, Delhi 1985 (reprint of 1937), p.
507-508. That Sarkar was actually the first to use the term Sanskritization (15 years before M.N.
Srinivas in his Religion and Society Among the Coorgs) has been pointed out by Pabitrakumar
Gupta in ‘Acharya Benoykumar Sarkar on Sanskritization’ in: Àcàrya Binaykumär Sarkâr, edited
by Pradyot Ghosh, Maldah 1988, pp. A-E. I am grateful to my colleague, Dr. Rahul Peter Das,
for bringing this article to my attention. Derrett (Beiträge, p. 108) holds a similar view of the
mutual influence of custom and sästra, although he denies that sästra was law ‘it became evident
that sästra was not law, but one of the means whereby law occurred. The sästra in fact reflected
selected customs, some of which it systematized in an intellectual sense and in the direction of
righteousness; and in due course customs began to move in time with the sästra, but unevenly
and unpredictably.’
,
D h arm asastra, C u sto m , ‘Real L aw ’, ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
103
tical h arm o n y to record the practice as they found it. T h ey w ere also obliged to explain
how these custom s fit w ith the tradition, and it is in these ‘explanations’ th a t we may
find the m ost outre flights of brahm ana im agination. In th e n o tio n of m ixed castes, for
example, we are to ld th a t the plethora of castes came from adm ixture o f th e original
fo u r castes recorded in the eternal Veda23. This so rt o f explanation is w here brahm ana
authors become inventive and paint th e data w ith th e ir unique perspective. Still, this
very brahm inical explanation affirms th e existence of th e m any castes and th e ir relative
autonom y, and the deference w ith w hich the king is obliged to treat th e custom s o f
these castes establishes th eir custom s as legally binding.
Sim ilarly, the response of th e com m entators and digest w riters to th e N ara d a sm rti’s
provision for the remarriage of w idow s and o th er w om en w ho have entered into
unsuitable marriages is an example of how the brahm ana authors explained rath er than
dictated custom . N aradasm rti 12.97 says:
naste m rte pravrajite klibe ca patite patau |
pancasv apatsu narinam p a tir anyo vidhiyate jj 24
‘T here are five catastrophes in w hich w om en are required to take a n o th e r husband: if
the husband disappears, dies, o r becomes a w orld-renouncer, a eunuch, o r an outcaste.’
C om m entators such as M edhatithi are n o t very com fortable w ith this provision. T heir
explanations reflect a definite disagreem ent w ith this blanket a d m o n itio n to rem arry.
M edhatithi in com m enting o n M anu 9.76 flatly rejects th is view alto g eth er and says it
is w rong. M adhavacarya com m enting on Parasaradharm asam hita 4.30 says th at this is
a rule applicable only in previous yugas (yugantaravisaya). Bhavasvam in lim its the
applicability of this rule only to virgin w om en (aksatayonl), and even th e n th e rules of
niyoga apply. B alam bhatta (p. 685) o n Yajnavalkya 2.127 says th at this o n ly applies in
those cases w here there has been a verbal com m itm en t o f m arriage b u t th e actual
samskdra itself has n o t been com pleted. M askarin com m enting o n G autam a 18.4
intim ates th a t the verse quoted above is to be und ersto od as advocating niyoga — th e
sole m otive for the rem arriage should be the b irth of offspring.23
In spite of th e fact th a t this N aradasm rtivacana is unam biguous in its ad m o n itio n to
rem arry, th e com m entators d o n ’t like it.26 T hey struggle w ith it and use th e ir consid
erable herm eneutical skills to in terp ret it in such a w ay as to m inim ize its applicability.
25 For a thorough discussion of the various mixed caste systems and the explanations thereof,
see Horst Brinkhaus, Die altindischen Mischkastensysteme, Wiesbaden 1978.
24 This verse is also found in Parasaradharmasamhita 4.30 and attributed to Brhaspati by the
Maskaribhasya on Gautainadharmasutra 18.4.
25 There are many such ‘problems’ that confront the interpreters of the smrti tradition including
the explanation of such well known institutions as the dsrama system, and niyoga, the levirate
marriage which is first praised and then condemned all within five verses of the same chapter
of Manu (9.59 and 9.64). For a first rate, comprehensive account of how the dsrama system —
which we take so much for granted — evolved, and how the textual accounts differ from the
standard’ understanding of the institutions, see Patrick Olivette's The Asrama System: the
History and Hermeneutics of a Religious Institution, Oxford University Press, New York 1993.
26 F o ra more complete discussion of the implications of and reactions to this verse see R. W.
Lariviere, ‘Matrimonial Remedies for Women in Classical Indian Law: Alternatives to Divorce,’
m: Rules and Remedies in Classical Indian Law, ed .Julia Leslie, Leiden 1991, pp. 37-45; and Paul
Tbieme, ‘Jungfrauengatte’ in: Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden 1984, pp. 426-513.
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Y et, th e verse survives. W hy? If th e provision really applies to a previous yuga, w hy
should it be preserved and passed on to co ntem porary students? T h e trad itio n know s
well the idea o f ‘ed itin g ’ texts fo r use in different eras of h um an developm ent,27 so w h y
not do a little editing here? T he reasons are no d o u b t m any and com plex, b u t have to
do w ith the fundam entally conservative nature o f th e sm rti tradition.28 Nevertheless,
I believe th a t in m any cases th e com pilers of smrti texts were co n fro n ted w ith practices
th at th ey did n o t approve of, bu t th a t were co m m only accepted either in o th e r sectors
of society o r in o th e r villages o r regions.29 Sometimes these practices were dismissed
w ith claims th a t th e y applied to an o th e r yuga as above, som etim es th ey were dismissed
as the practice o f depraved classes,30 and at o th er tim es th ey registered th eir u ncertainty
by attrib u tin g rules to ‘o th ers’ o r b y introducing th e m w ith ‘som e say’.31
T he p o in t here is th a t th e sm rti texts were th e record of actual custom s and practices
found in classical India. These custom s were recorded w hether th e com pilers of smrtis
agreed w ith th em o r n o t because it was th e purpose o f these texts — on one level —
to record th e norm s o f those com m unities w hich accepted dharma as the th e standard
of behavior. In addition, it was th e object of the recorders o f these custom s to integrate
these practices in to th e b rah m inical/vedic Weltanschauung th e p ro m o tio n of w hich was
the basic m otive fo r th eir recording th e custom s in the first place.32 It is in th eir
explanations o f these custom s th a t we find th e ‘pious w ish[es]’ and ‘m etaphysically
m inded, cerem onial ridden priestly prom ulga[tion]’ th a t G ovinda Das decried. T he
brahm anas’ peculiar understandings and strained explanations do n o t dim inish th e fact
27 See, for example, the account of the transmission of the Manusmrti found in the beginning
of Matrka 1 of the Naradasmrti.
28 See the Introduction to my translation of the Naradasmrti, pp. xii-xiv.
29 Another interesting example is the apparent acknowledgement of the existence of testamentary
disposition of paternal property — a will — in classical Hindu Law. Naradasmrti 13.15 says
pitraiva tu vibhaktd ye hinddhikasamair dhanaih |
tesdrn sa eva dharmah sydt sarvasya hi pita prabhuh ||
‘The partition done by the father is legally binding on the coparceners whether the shares are
equal or not, because the father is the master of everything.’ This flies in the face of the normal
rules of inheritance, and the commentators are uneasy about it. The Dayabhaga 53 and the
Smrticandrika Vyavaharakanda 609-610, both stipulate that this can only apply to property
acquired by the testator — not to ancestral property. The Parasaramadhavlya 414 says that this
disposition is sanctioned by smrti, but since it violates common practice (lokaviruddha) and
scripture (srutivirtiddha) it is better to divide the property equally. In opposition to this view
Bhavasvamin 153 in his commentary on the Naradlyamanusamhita says that whatever the father
wishes in such a case is what must be done, and there can be no second-guessing even an
inequitable division: what’s done, is done. The Vyavaharamayukha 99 flatly states that this
provision of Narada’s applies to a different yuga. There is an apparent reference to a will in the
Giigit manuscripts (patrdbhilekhya and patrdbhilikhita), see: Gilgit Manuscripts vol. Ill part 2
edited by Nalinaksha Dutt, Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica 17, Srinagar 1942, p. 140. I am grateful
to Gregory Schopen for this reference, who discusses it in an unpublished article, ‘The Monks’
Obligation to Make Merit for Deceased Donors: A Buddhist Parallel to Monastic Practice in the
Medieval West.’
30 As in the discussion of a husband’s liability for a woman’s debt at Naradasmrti 1.16.
31 See Olivelle, loc.cit., section 3.1.1 and 3.2.1.1.
32 Ibid., passim, makes clear that much of the history of what we have come to cal! the dsntma
system can rightly be seen as attempting to theologically synthesize a wide range of practices.
D h arm asa stra, C u sto m , ‘Real L aw ’, ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
105
th a t custom is the source of dharm a. T here is much made of th e Vedic source, but
ultim ately, th e im m ediate source is custom .
T h e legal texts them selves tell us this in very clear term s. All custom is binding. T h e
com m entators, the nibandhakdras, and the mimdmsakas w ent to great lengths to establish
th a t sistdcdra (the practices of learned brahm anas) was binding as was established custom
fo r all others. T he elevation of sistdcdra in the hierarchy o f sources of dharm a is
theologically possible because these practices are based on som e lost o r forg o tten Vedic
passage. As fo r the inclusion o f the established custom s of others as ‘legally’ binding, this
also has a theological m otive, nam ely to include those com m unities w hich are n o t u n d er
th e im m ediate sw ay of the brahm inical influence w ith in th e vedic w o rld — to
Sanskritize th em in reverse.
T his has th e effect of sanctifying custom and generously granting th e status of dharm a
to local practice. A reading of th e holakddhikarana of the M im am sasutras (1.3.15-18) and
th e com m entaries and subcom m entaries thereon reveals the liberality w ith w hich custom
is treated — an y th in g goes as long as it is the practice of those persons th e c o m m u n ity
holds to be virtuous. T his principle is carried to th e m ost extrem e lengths by M itram isra
w ho says th a t the custom s of ¿udras are dharma for !sudras33 even th o u g h th e y
obviously cannot be based on any £udra elders’ fam iliarity w ith th e Veda. T h ere is
clearly a greater value and esteem placed on the practices of th e ideal brahm ana, b u t his
practices are dharm a fo r th e brahm ana, not for anyone else. The dharmasastra w riters
w ould like for all readers to com e aw ay w ith th e no tio n th a t brahm anas are th e best,
m ost w o rth y , m ost im portan t elem ents of society, and th a t th eir lives are exem plary and
at the very peak of th e norm ative heap. This may have been tru e in som e settings, and
th at the brahm anas w ished this to be so is alm ost certain. W hether it was th e universal
norm is doubtful, and one piece of evidence is the the persistence w ith w hich u n p o p u la r
provisions in the dharmasdstras survive: there m ust have been large segm ents o f classical
Indian society, just as there are large segments of m odern Indian society, fo r w h o m
brahm anas are of little social o r political consequence.
F rom the stan d p o in t of a scholar outside o f the trad itio n , w hat we are seeing in this
liberal acceptance o f local practice is a device w hich assures the inclusion o f d o m in an t
local custom w ith in the m ainstream of H in d u orth o d o x y . T his means th a t th e local
consensus concerning norm s o f behavior is the real source o f dharm a, and th a t th e
validation of th a t local practice by ty in g it to som e long forgotten Vedic text is a fiction
which serves to provide an um brella of o rth o d o x y fo r all of Bharatavarsa. It is th e
acceptance of this fiction w hich is the real test o f H in d u o rth o d o x y — n o t any
particular practice o r theo lo g y .34
This has consequences, o f course, fo r how we, as scholars, approach these texts in o u r
attem pts to reconstruct the social and legal h istory of classical India. /. D. M. D errett’s
'Dharmasastra and Juridical L iteratu re’ is a case in point. This im p o rtan t, laconic, and
sometimes brilliant little b o o k introduces an interpretive category to th e w o rld of
dharmasastra scholarship. In his discussion of the dharma literature he divides texts in to
two categories: those w hich are ‘genuine’ and those w hich are not. N o w , th e n o tio n of
J) VTramitrodaya-paribhdsapmkdsa p. 9.
It is possible that social change — perhaps the effects of the urbanization of the mid-lst
willenium B. C. — diminished the capacity of a brahmana class to influence the practices.
106
R ichard W . L ariviere
a genuine dharma text is n o t a difficult one. H ow ever, th e idea th a t som e of these texts
were ‘apo cry p h al,’-’"'’ o r ‘bogus,’36 o r ‘su p po sititio u s’37 requires som e explanation.
U n fo rtu n ately , he does n o t provide us w ith any explanation of his criteria for
categorizing such texts. H e uses these term s in a general m anner and rarely gives specific
textual examples. Even w hen he refers to specific texts38 he does n o t explain w hy these
texts are spurious or apocryphal. H is style is to sim ply toss o u t these w ords w ith o u t
elaboration: ‘In th e end an apocryphal sm rti says th a t ancestral custom s are m ore
im p o rtan t th a n any rule in th e sdstras’w . . . The Pards'arasmrti . . . is an ancient sm rti,
. . . n o t to be confused w ith th e supposititious smrtis w hich arose d u rin g the period o f
th e com m entators,'10 . . . T h e wave of ‘bogus’ sm rti w riting, w hich may have extended
in to the seventeenth cen tu ry , was n o t juridical in in sp iratio n .’41
In o n ly one instance does he give any explanation for the use o f these adjectives:
‘T exts appearing once on ly and attrib u ted to nam ed authors may in fact be apocry
p h al.’42 T his general statem ent is u n supported by any fu rth er argum entation. W hat he
seems to mean from th e con tex t is th at when a verse is only cited once in th e trad itio n
th en it should be suspect. By this he does n o t mean if a verse is fo u n d cited once and
in only one m anuscript th e n it should be rejected. H e means to say th a t if a verse is
found in only one place in th e com m entaries and nibandhas th en it is apocryphal.
T his standard fo r judging a verse to be ‘bogus’ is unacceptable. F irst, it is n o t th e
place of scholars to m ake this judgem ent. We can identify texts as chronologically
recent, theologically innovative, m ore o r less effective in articulating a position, b u t if
a w riter pu ts fo rth an opin io n it is n o t w ith in a scholar’s province to label it
apocryphal. T h is is a judgem ent th a t can only be made by th e trad itio n itself, and even
th e n a te x t’s apocryphal status is only one group’s opinion. N o G n o stic ever called th e
B ook o f Jo h n ‘T h e A p o cry p h o n of J o h n ,’43 bu t if a C hristian theologian views it in
th is way, th e n we may adopt his category as a descriptive one, b u t w e may n o t adopt
th e evaluative, norm ative judgem ent im plicit in th a t C hristian th eo lo g ian ’s usage. In
D errett’s usage!of th e term s apocryphal, etc. one has th e clear im pression th a t th e verses
so described have been judged by him to be w rong o r incorrect in som e way. T h is is
n o t historical scholarship.
Second, to characterize a text on this basis is to ignore th e role of custom and th e
m anner in w hich texts are transm itted. T here is no ecclesiastical b o dy in the H in d u
trad itio n w hich is em pow ered to adjudicate on th e canonicity of verses o r even w hole
texts. T h e ultim ate test of th e verity of a text is w h eth er o r n o t it is acceptable to
successive generations o f sistas. These are the vectors for th e transm ission of any text.
If the sistas determ ined th a t a verse o r w hole text was bogus, apocryphal, etc. th e n th ey
53 Derrett, Dharmasdstra, p. 41.
36 ibid., p. 40.
v Ibid., p. 39.
38 For example, ibid., p. 36 note 184 where he simply cites ‘Katy. 37-51, 225, 884a.’
35 Ibid., p. 39, Sumantu quoted in the Smrticandrtkd, Samskdrakanda, p. 9.
40 Ibid., p. 39.
41 Ibid., p. 40.
42 Ibid., p. 40-41.
43 See Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion, Boston 1963, p. 177.
D h arm asa stra, C u s to m , ‘Real L aw ’, ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
107
w ould n o t have bothered to transm it it. T he m ethods o f transm ission — by teaching
a text to students and by having a m anuscript copied — ensured th a t th ere was an
inform ed, vigilant, and conservative audience w hich w ould be able to detect a fraud
quickly.
T h e very no tio n of a fraudulent passage in a sm rti text requires som e explanation.
W hat can it mean? W hy w ould anyone invent a verse in th e first place? T h ere can o n ly
be tw o general reasons for doing so: (1) for venal reasons a verse m ight be created in
o rd er to help one p arty or an o th er in a dispute; and (2) to adapt th e trad itio n to new
social circum stances — w hen local custom has presented practices o r circum stances
w hich were n o t provided for in earlier texts. T he venality of the first reason is guarded
against by the presence of a large, inform ed c o m m u n ity of experts in dharm a w ho
w ould be able to im m ediately detect a fraudulent verse created for th e express purpose
of p ro m o tin g individual interests.1"'
T he second reason fo r the creation of a verse — to adapt the trad itio n to new
circum stances — was n o t fraud. T his was th e ongoing process th a t gave th e trad itio n
vitality and the ability to endure. N o t only was th e adaptation o f th e textual tra d itio n
to the changing needs o f society im plicit in the developm ent o f th e dharmasastra, it was
explicitly recognized w ith in th e trad itio n . Derrett opposes ‘bogus’ sm rtis w ith the
category of ‘genuine’ sm rtis by ‘k n o w n ’ authors (an interesting term in itself since we
kn o w alm ost n o th in g about these authors). By this he means those authors fo u n d in lists
of authors of sm rti w orks w ith in th e textual trad itio n : th u s M anu, Y ajnavalkya, N arada,
etc. T here can be no d o u b t th at these texts have a universal appeal to all of th e H in d u
tradition. W e are to ld very explicitly, for example, th a t M anu is th e m ost auth o ritativ e
of these authoritative texts.45 K um arila Bhatta in his co m m entary on th e above m en
tioned holakadhikarana of the M im am sasutras also m entions the M anusm rti (along w ith
the puranas and itihdsa) as uniquely universal in th eir acceptance th ro u g h o u t th e region
of Bharatavarsa. But universal a u th o rity is n o t to be confused w ith genuineness.
K um arila goes on to state th a t all sm rti texts, how ever lim ited in th e ir geographical
or social applicability, are au thoritative for those people w ho recognize th em as such.
T hat is, as long as a practice is
1. tim e-honored,
2. n o t opposed to the express provisions o f th e Veda o r o f smrti,
There are relatively few surviving accounts of these disputes, but those that do survive give
us an idea of their intensity. One example is found in Anandanubhava’s Nydyaratnadipdvali pp.
98-99 where he accuses an opponent of supporting a contrary view with fraudulent verses the
opponent composed himself: yas tu mandamatih mukhyayatidvesdt kdmcit katham slokdrns ca
’prdpte kaliyuge’ ityddin hantadattdtreyddivacanatvenodaharati sma so ’timudhab svaviracitesu
dosam na pasyati. . . . prasiddhasramanindaydm apy udiritapramanavirodham katham sa socyo
latakah kamdtabatur na pasyati. ‘A fool motivated by excessive hatred of the principal type of
renouncer, has cited some story or other and some verses claiming they are statements of Harita,
Dattatreya, etc. which begin ‘When the Kaliyuga arrives . . .’ This man is a complete fool who
does not see the flaw in these verses he composed himself! H ow can this miserable cad, this
twerp from Karnataka, not see that he contradicts oft-quoted authorities when he castigates a
well-known dsrama}'
Brhaspatismrti, Samskarakanda 1.13: veddrthopanibaddhatvat pmdhdnyam hi manoh smrtam
S rnanvarthaviparitd tu yd stnrtih sd na sasyate ]|
108
R ichard \V. L ariviere
3. regarded as o b ligatory by the sistas,
4. not im m oral, and
5. adrstartha,
it is considered to be authoritative. C ustom , therefore, — even for th e tra d itio n itself
— is th e productive and vital source of rules found in the dbarmasdstra.
W hat Derreit seems to im ply is th at older texts are m ore au th o ritativ e th an new er
ones. Texts w ritte n for specific purposes w hich can be located in a specific region o r
tim e are ‘bo gus’ o r ‘apocry p h al.’ But this is n o t an acceptable criterion. Let us lo o k at
one of th e texts w hich he dismisses as ‘apocryphal’. T h e Devalasmrti, according to
Derreit, is a text w hich was w ritten to cope w ith th e pro b lem of H in d u w om en w ho
were abducted in to m arriage o r raped by invading M uslims in Sind. T h is makes it a very
late text and one w ritten for very specific purposes, therefore apocryphal, i.e., o f
dubious authen ticity .
T he D evalasm rti does contain enough geographical info rm atio n th a t it is safe to
conclude th a t it was com posed in northw estern India and at a relatively late date. T he
mlecchas m entio n ed were p robably invading M uslims. T h e penances m en tio n ed are for
forcible abduction. Derrett is correct in his assessment of th e p u rpose and in te n tio n of
the D evalasm rti, b u t by w hat criterion could we possibly call th is tex t apocryphal. It is
attem pting to provide specific remedies for a situation w hich th a t society had n o t
previously encountered — w holesale abduction of its w om en by m em bers o f a hostile
and heterod o x religious trad itio n . T he prdyascittas m en tio n ed are intended to expunge
the tain t in h eren t in this situation. T he mere fact th at th e tex t has been passed on for
generations th ro u g h th e w o rk of copyists is enough to validate its claim to
authoritativeness w ith in the tradition. These penances m eet all o f the criteria m entioned
above for acceptance w ith in th e tradition:
1. tim e-honored,
2. n o t opposed to the express provisions of th e Veda or of sm rti,
3. regarded as obligatory by th e sistas,
4. n o t im m oral, and
5. adrstartha.
T he mere fact th a t these provisions have n o t been form ulated in exactly this w ay in
earlier sm rtis, o r th a t these penances have n o t before been m entioned as being applicable
to w om en w h o have suffered th e specific insults described in this text is n o t enough to
render them apocryphal o r bogus. This is just an example o f th e tra d itio n co n tin u in g
to adapt itself to th e changing needs of society.
T he categories of apocryphal and supposititious have no place in th e discussion of the
surviving Sanskrit dhanna literature. T he w orks w hich we have may be of lim ited
geographical o r chronological applicability. T h ey may represent various strata in th e
evolution of th e dbarmasdstra, b u t every provision fo u n d in every text can and m ust be
viewed as a codification o f practice or o f norm s accepted by som e p art o f th e society.
T hey are n o t fraudulent o r vena! attem pts at deception. T o characterize th em as such
is to d isto rt th e trad itio n and to m isunderstand the n atu re of the corpus of dharma
literature.
T o re tu rn to th e th ree representative views of th e nature of dbarmasdstra w ith w hich
we began this essay, I distinguish my view from th a t fo u n d in Mayne’s Treatise in th a t
D harm as'astra, C u s to m , ‘Real L aw ’, ‘A p o c ry p h a l’ S m rtis
109
we m ust understand th a t th e dharmasdstras were n o t com posed as literary tem plates to
be applied in toto to every situ atio n and every dispute w ith o u t differentiation. T hey
w ere collections of aphorism s, guidelines, and advice w hich could be draw n u p o n w hen
required to inform and validate a judge’s, o r a gu ru ’s, o r a king’s o p in io n . In this way
they are indeed concerned w ith th e practical adm inistration o f law, but th ey are n o t in
a m odern, w estern sense ‘codes.’ T hus G ovinda Das was right to p o in t o u t th e e rro r o f
treating th em as codes of law.'16 T h e contents of the dharmasastra were, how ever, m uch
m ore th an ‘pious w ishes’ and represent a definite ‘reality’ th a t m ust have been rigidly
enforced by contem porary political authorities. Rocher’s view th at the com m entaries and
digests did n o t represent th e law of th e land m ust be m odified to som e extent.47 T h e
rationalizations, th e explanations, and th e justifications for certain views m ust fall in th e
category of ‘p anditic’ reasoning, but th e ‘au thoritative te x ts’ were just th at, and the laws
found in these texts rem ained o f im portance, and, if very late jayapattras are valid
testim ony, rem ained applicable.48 It seems reasonable to conclude, then, th at
dharmasastra does represent ‘law ’ in a very real sense; th a t the practices recorded in
dharmasastra did represent th e law o f th e land and are of very real value in constructing
the h isto ry of Indian society since these texts tell us how — alas, n o t w here and w hen
— people actually lived.
16 In this he was preceded by the neglected James H. Nelson, see /. D. M. Derrett, J.H, Nelson:
a forgotten administrator-historian of India, in: Essays in Classical and Modern Hindu Law, 2,
Leiden 1977, pp. 404-423.
In an even more recent statement of his views, in a 1992 address to the American
Philosophical Society, Rocher has said, ‘The composers of the dharmasdstras compiled treatises
on dharma, on anything they considered worthy of being recorded as dharma with some people,
somewhere. They gathered that information in books, in the language of the learned, Sanskrit.’
See Richard W. Lariviere, A Sanskrit Jayapattra from Eighteenth Century Mithila, in: Studies
in Dharmasastra, Calcutta 1984, pp. 49-80.
110
R ich a rd W . L ariviere
S anskrit T exts C ited
Apastamba’s Aphorisms on the Sacred Law of the Hindus, Edited by George Biihler, Bombay
Sanskrit and Prakrit Series 44 and 50, Bombay 1932.
Bdlambbatti by Baiambhattapayagunde, ed. by S. S. Setlur, Madras 1912.
Brhaspatismrti (reconstructed) by K. V Rangaswami Aiyangar, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 85,
Baroda 1941.
Ddyabhaga of Jimutavahana, ed. by Jivdnanda Vidydsagara, Calcutta 18932.
Gautama-dharmasutra with Maskari-bhashya, ed. by L. Srinivasacharya, Government Oriental
Library Series Bibliotheca Sanskrita 50, Mysore 1917.
Kdtyayanasmrti on Vyavahara (Law and Procedure). Text (reconstructed), Translation, Notes
and Introduction, by P. V. Kane, Poona, n.d.
Manu-smrti with the Manubhasya of Medhatithi, ed. by Garigandtba Jbd, Bibliotheca Indica
256, Calcutta 1939.
The Ndradasmrti. 2 volumes. Ed. and transl. by Richard W. Lariviere, University of
Pennsylvania Studies in South Asia, vol.4-5, Philadelphia 1989.
Naradiyamanusambita with the Bhasya of Bhavasvamin, ed. by K. Sdmbasiva Sdstri,
Trivandrum Sanskrit Series 97, Trivandrum 1929.
The Nigbantu and the Nirukta, ed. and translated by Lasbman Samp, Delhi 1967.
Nyayaratnadipavali by Anandanubhava excerpted in Patrick Olivette, Renunciation in
Hinduism: A Medieval Debate. Vol. 1. The Debate and the Advaita Argument, de Nobili
Research Library 13, Vienna 1986, pp. 90-99.
Parasaradharma-Samhitd or Pardsarasmrti with the commentary of Sayana Madhvacharya, ed,
by Vdman idstrl Isldmpurkar, Bombay Sanskrit Series 59, Bombay, 1898.
Smrticandrikd by Devanabhatta, Samskarakanda, vol. 1, and Vyavaharakanda, vol. 3 pt. 1, ed.
by L. Srinivasacharya, Bibliotheca Sanskrita 43 and 45, Mysore 1914.
Viramitrodaya-paribhdsaprakdsa, ed. by Nityananda Pant Parvatiya, Chowkhamba Sanskrit
Series 30.1, Varanasi 1987 (reprint of 1906).
Virarnitrodaya-vyavahdraprakdsa, ed, by Visnu Prasada Bhanddri, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series
30.8, Varanasi 1987 (reprint of 1929).
Vyavahdra-bdlambkatti of Balambhatta Payagunde, ed, by Nityanand Pant Parvatiya,
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series 41, Benares 1914.
Vyavahdratnayukha of Bhatta Nllakantha, ed. by P. V. Kane, Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit
Series 80, Poona 1926.
IV. Materialien
Marlene Njammasch
Staatliche Strukturen
im Reich der Maitrakas von Valabhi
Das R eich der M aitrakas von V alabhi entstand in der Zerfallsphase des G uptareichs.
Bhatärka, senäpati w ahrscheinlich des Budhagupta, m achte sich in den achtziger Jahren
des 5. Jh. n .C h r. selbständig. D er d ritte H errscher der D ynastie, D ronasim ha, nannte
sich bereits mahäräja.
V on den M aitrakas vo n V alabhi besitzen w ir etw a 100 Inschriften. Eine genaue
Zählung ist deshalb schw ierig, weil es eine ganze Reihe unvollständiger B ruchstücke von
K upfertafeln und andere Fragm ente gibt. Aus den unversehrten u n d n u r leicht beschä
digten K upfertafeln läßt sich im m er auf den gleichen Inhalt schließen. Es sind königliche
S chenkungsurkunden, in denen die V erleihung von kleineren oder größeren L andstücken
in Streulage, ganzen D ö rfern , m ehreren D orfgem einden u n d die Vergabe von G elddeposita an B rahm anen, buddhistische K löster u n d hinduistische T em pel schriftlich u n d in
genorm ter F o rm niedergeschrieben ist. D ie Könige der M aitrakadynastie u n d ihre
Vasallen haben im V erlaufe von über 250 Jahren (von 504 bis 766 n .C h r.) Land und
D örfer vergeben.
B etrachtet m an die Anlage der Inschriften, so w ird klar, daß sich in sehr k u rz er Z eit
ein fester F orm elbestand u n d ein Schema in der Anlage der Inschriften entw ickelten, die
schon in den S chenkungsurkunden von D hruvasena I. (etwa 519 bis 549 n .C h r.)1
erkennbar w erden, aber erst u n te r G uhasena (549 bis 553 n.C hr.) die endgültige Fassung
bekom m en. D ie F orm eln en th alten die Privilegien und Im m u n itäten der betreffenden
Schenkung zugunsten des oder der Belehnten: Steuerprivilegien, Privilegien zu r R echt
sprechung u n d teilw eisen R echtsim m unität, V erw altungsprivilegien un d eigentum srecht
liche Privilegien. D er F orm elbestand ist dam it nicht erschöpft. Es gibt n och A dreßformeln, in denen Teile des Beam tenapparates erw ähnt w urden, F luchform eln gegen die
K onfiskation von geschenktem Land und Segensformeln fü r die Vergabe von G ru n d und
Boden. A us diesem Bestand w ollen w ir uns den A dreßform eln zuw enden u n d sie m it
den Privilegierungsform eln in Beziehung setzen. Beide Form elgruppen gew ähren, w enn
auch n u r pu n k tu ell, E inblicke in die staatliche A d m inistration u n te r den M aitrakas.
U ntersucht w urden die A d reßform eln der Inschriften von K önig D ronasim ha bis Kharagraha I. (502 bis 615 n.C hr.).
Bereits in der frühesten Inschrift, der des D ronasim ha aus dem Jahre 502 n .C h r., folgt
1 Soweit es die Regierungsjahre der Maitrakakönige betrifft, folgen wir K. ]. Virji, Ancient
History of Saurashtra (being a study of the Maitrakas of Valabhi, V to VIII Centuries A. D.),
Bombay 1955, S. 20-105.
112
die A dreßform el einem stereotypen Schema: der H errsch er w andte sich direk t an eine
feststehende A nzahl von Beamten, u m ihnen zu befehlen bzw . sie zu benachrichtigen,
von der nachfolgenden Schenkung m it den entsprechenden M odalitäten K enntnis zu
nehmen-.sarvvän=evasvän=äyukta-niyiiktaka-cäta-bhata-drängika-mahattara-dbruvastbänädhikaranika-dändapäsik-ädtn=anyäms=ca yathä-sambaddhyamänakänânudarsayatyâstu
vas= sam viditam 1 oder: sa rv v ä n -c v a svän=äyuktaka-viniyuktaka-drängika-mahattaracäta-bhat-ädin=anyäms—ca
yathä-sambadhyamänakän
samäjnäpayaty=astu
vas=
sam viditam ‘(König X) benachrichtigt alle seine Ayuktas, Niyuktakas, Cätas, Bhatas,
Drängikas, Mahattaras, Dhmvasthänädhikaranikas, Dändapäsikas usw . u n d alle (anderen
Beamten), sow eit es sie angeht: E uch sei kundgetan...’ oder: sarw än= ev= äyuktakavin iyu kta ka -d rä n g ika -rn a b a tta ra -d b ru va sth ä n ä d h ik a ra n ik a -d ä n d a p ä sik a -c ä ta -b h a tädin=samäjnäpayaty =astn va s^sa m vid ita nr1‘(König X) befiehlt ailen seinen Äyuktakas,
Viniyuktakas, Drängikas, Mahattaras, Dhruvastbänädhikaranikas, Dändapäsikas, Cätas,
Bhatas usw.: E uch sei kundgetan ...’ N ach dieser F orm el folgen d ann die einzelnen
B estim m ungen der Schenkung.
D er H errsch er w andte sich an einen bestim m ten Kreis von Beamten o d er er richtete
seinen Befehl an sie. W ir k ö n n en w ohl davon ausgehen, daß es die Beamten w aren, die
u nm ittelb ar m it den D ö rfern und den L andverleihungen zu tu n h atten , deren A m ts
pflichten von der Schenkung b erü h rt w urden. D er K önig inform ierte seine Beam ten,
sow eit es sie anging, schloß jedoch n icht aus, daß es auch andere A m tsträger betreffen
k ö n n te. In den Inschriften von D ronasim ha u n d D hruvasena I. b leibt die G ru p p e der
genannten Beam ten gleich. M anchm al fehlt einer der Beamten in d er A ufzählung der
A dreßform el. z.B. sind in der S chenkungsurkunde D hruvasenas I. aus dem Jahre 529
n .C h r.4 n icht die Cätas, Bhatas u n d die Dändapäsikas erw äh n t. In d e r Inschrift ist aber
auch w eder die Form el fü r V erw aitungsim m unität noch die Form e] ü b er die M itverlei
hung der niederen G erichtsbarkeit enthalten. In d er Inschrift des D ro n asim h a aus dem
Jahre 502 n .C h r. fehlt der Dändapäsika, aber ebenso die F o rm el, die den Ü bergang der
niederen G erichtsbarkeit in die H ände des B elehnten garantierte.5 Es scheint also
durchaus ein Z usam m enhang zw ischen der N ic h terw äh n u n g eines Beamten u n d der
eines bestim m ten Privilegs zu bestehen. D arauf w ollen w ir etw as später noch näher
eingehen.
D er N a tu r der Schenkungen nach stellen die in den A dreßform eln erw äh n ten Beamten
n u r einen kleinen Teil des b ü rokratischen A pparates im M aitrakareich dar. Versuchen
w ir, herauszubekom m en, welche Aufgaben die Beamten im einzelnen hatten:
Ä yuktaka, ‘B eauftragter’, ‘...often th e governor of a d istrict o r subdivision.’1’ Viniyuktaka, ebenfalls ein ‘B eauftragter’, ‘... an official p ro b ab ly u n d er th e A yu kta ka
1 EI 17, 7, l(A), S. 107, Z. 10-12 (Pl.A,).
’ EI 3, 46, S. 320, Z. 11-12.
4 EI 17, 7, 2(B), S. 109, Z. 12 - 14.
5 EI 16, 4, S. 18, Z. 1-2.
6 D. C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, Bombay 1966, S. 42 (im folg. zit.: Sircar, Glossary). Der
Ayuktaka ist auch in Kamasutra V, 5.5 erwähnt, hier ziemlich eindeutig als für das Dorf
zuständiger Beamter zusammen mit dem Dorfvorsteher; vgl. auch Kämandaki V, 82.
7 Sircar, Glossary, S. 375.
S taatliche S tru k tu re n im R eich der M aitrakas
113
D rängika (von dranga, Stadt), vielleicht V orsteher einer K reisstadt, u n ter deren V erw al
tu n g sich m ehrere D örfer befanden; ‘Drängika was an officer in charge of a dranga p ro b
ably m eaning a w atch station o r a station for revenue collection;...’8
D hruvasthänädhikaranika, ‘B eam ter eines D h ruvasthäna’; ein dhruvasthäna w ar nach D.
C. Sircar ‘a station for the collection of the k in g ’s fixed grain share.,.’9
Cäta. In den Inschriften der Parivräjakas u n d U cchakalpiyas gibt es in den V erleihungs
u rk u n d en das Privileg a-cäta-bhata-prävesya cora-drobaka-varjaw oder n u r a-cäta-bhataprävesya}1, (‘das geschenkte L and oder D orf) ist n icht von Cätas u n d ßhatas zu betreten
außer (zur A rretierung) von R äubern und feindseligen E lem enten.’ D. C. Sircar hält den
cäta fü r einen ‘constable’12; die Cätas scheinen niedere Beamte m it polizeilichen
A ufgaben gewesen zu sein, eine A rt G endarm oder Büttel. Bei Y äjnavalkya I, 335
gehören sie zusam m en m it D ieben, R äubern und Ü b eltätern zu den Leuten, die die
U n tertan en quälen und vor denen der K önig letztere beschützen soll. Ä h n lich übel
beleum det sind sie im D ram a M rcch ak atik ä13, w o sie m it ganikäs, käyastbas, bhiksus und
räsabhas, also P ro stitu ierten , Schreibern, M önchen und Eseln vergesellschaftet werden.
Bhata (w ohl von bhrta) ‘Soldat’; in den A dreßform eln folgt bhata im m er u n m itte lb ar auf
cäta, die B enennungen sind nie getrennt; vielleicht w aren die bhatas Söldner, die in
F riedenszeiten auch polizeiliche Aufgaben übernahm en.
Dändapäsika ‘an officer entru sted w ith th e p unishm ent of crim inals’14.
V ersuchen w ir, die Beamten bestim m ten Ressorts zuzuordnen.
1. Allgem eine Verwaltung
H ier w ürden w ir die A yuktakas und Viniyuktakas einordnen. Sie m ögen Beamte einer
Kreis- oder B ezirksverw altung gewesen sein, vielleicht eines äharani. In d er M ehrzahl
der Inschriften w ird das D orf, in dem der H errscher Land verlieh, o d er das verliehene
D orf selbst adm inistrativ eingeordnet, z.B. h eißt es in einer Schenkungsinschrift
D hruvasenas I. aus dem Jahre 529 n.C hr.; Hastavapräharanyäm Cbedakapadrakagräme
pürvasimni... ‘an der O stgrenze im D o rf C hedakapadraka im äharani von Hastavapra’15 (dann folgt die Beschreibung des verliehenen Landstückes in seinen genauen
G renzen). H astavapra k ann m an m it dem m odernen H ath ab im G ogho taluq des Bhavnagar-D istrikts16 gleichsetzen. D ie m eisten Schenkungen D hruvasenas I. sind im äharani
von H astavapra lokalisierbar.
D iesem R essort der allgemeinen V erw altung w ürden w ir auch die mahattaras zu o rd
nen. In den A dreßform eln sind sie im m er zusam m en m it den anderen Beam ten erw ähnt.
8 ibid., S. 201.
’ ibid., S. 96.
10 Parivräjakas: z.B. EI 8, 28, S. 287, Z. 17 (PI. II).
" Ucchakalpiyas: z.B. CII 3, No. 29, S. 131, Z. 9.
12 Vgl. Sircar, Glossary, S. 68.
IJ The Mrichchhakatikä of £üdraka, ed. with the Commentary of Prithvidhara (enlarged where
necessary), various readings, a literal English translation, notes, and an [...] introduction by M,
R. Kale, repr. Delhi u. a. 1988 (1st ed., Poona 1924), 1,V, pp.182.
’ Sircar, Glossary, S. 81.
“ El 15, 12, S. 257, Z. 13-14.
Vgl. P. Gupta, Geography in Ancient Indian Inscriptions (up to 650), Delhi 1973, S. 73.
I
114
Sie fehlen in k ein er U rk u n d e. Insofern ist K. Virji zu w idersprechen, die behauptete:
‘T he m ahattara is m en tio n ed very late in th e M aitraka list of officers.’17 Schon in der
frühesten M aitrakaurkunde, der S chenkungsinschrift D ronasim has aus dem Jahre 502
n.C hr., sind die mabattaras in der A dreßform el genannt. Sie w aren D o rffu n k tio n äre,
V orsteher oder Ä lteste eines D orfes u n d verm utlich im Staatsdienst. D ie mahattaras
tauchen aber noch an anderen Stellen in den Inschriften auf, als Pächter von K önigsland,
das der H errsch er verlieh, u n d als G renznachbarn verliehener Landstücke. A us diesem
T atbestand ist zu folgern, daß sie in erster Linie bäuerliche P ro d u zen ten w aren u n d ihr
A m t quasi nebenbei oder zusätzlich ausiibten. A us dem In schriftentext läßt sich w eder
beweisen, daß sie tatsächlich staatliche A ngestellte w aren, noch daß sie von den
D orfgem eindem itgliedern gew ählt w urden.
2. Steuerbehörde
D a in den S chenkungsinschriften regelmäßig Steuerprivilegien enthalten sind, setzen w ir
voraus, daß in den A dreßform eln auch Beamte genannt w urden, die fü r das Steuerressort
v erantw ortlich w aren. Zw ei A m tsbenennungen bieten sich dafür an, die D hmvasthänädhikaranikas u n d die Drängikas. M it D. C. Sircarls v erm u ten w ir, daß D hruvasthana
die B ezeichnung fü r eine zentrale Steuereinsam m lungsstelle gewesen sein k ö n n te, etw a
ein M itte lp u n k t m ehrerer D örfer oder eine kleine städtische G em einde. D hruva, ‘fest
stehend, unveränderlich, bestim m t, festgesetzt’15 wäre durchaus m it dem festgesetzten
königlichen Steueranteil zu identifizieren, den jeder bäuerliche P ro d u z e n t20 an den Staat
abzuliefern h atte, vielleicht m it dem bekannten sadhhäga, dem Sechstel der Feldfrüchte.
D er A dhikaranika21 eines Dhruvasthana w ar vielleicht die lokale Steuerbehörde, m ögli
cherweise die eines äharani. Gegen diese D eu tu n g k ö n n te m an einw enden, daß adhikara
nika norm alerw eise ‘R ic h te r’ bedeutet u n d die A m tsbezeichnung Dhruvasthänädhikaranika auch m it ‘R ich ter eines Dhruvasthana’ zu übersetzen wäre. In der Inschrift des
G uhasena aus dem Jahre 566 n .C h r. erscheint die A m tsbezeichnung in v erk ü rzter F o rm
als D hruvädhikaranika, u n d so bleibt sie auch bis zum Ende der R egierungszeit D harasenas II. (etwa 595 n .C h r.)22. D ie Z u o rd n u n g der D hruvasthänädhikaranikas z u r Steuer
behörde b leibt problem atisch.
Ä hnlich schw ierig ist die E rklärung der A ufgaben, die d er D rängika zu erfüllen hatte.
Dranga w ar offensichtlich eine territoriale E inheit im M aitrakareich. W ir ken n en den
M andalidranga23 aus Schenkungsinschriften von G uhasena, ¿Iläditya I. u n d K haragraha
I., in dem sich die von den betreffenden H errsch ern verliehenen D ö rfer befanden. Es
liegt also nahe, den D rängika als V orsteher eines dranga zu interpretieren. A ndererseits
wäre es m öglich, dieses A m t m it der Privilegierungsform el udranga in Z usam m enhang
zu bringen, die im m er in E inheit m it uparikara, den ‘zusätzlichen A bgaben’ genannt ist.
W ir haben bereits an anderer Stelle die V erm utung ausgesprochen, daß der Begriff udv/ Virji, S. 240.
19 Vgl. PW 3, S. 169.
20 In modifizierter Form natürlich auch Handwerker, Kaufleute u. a. Untertanen.
21 PW 1, S. 33 ‘Richter’; adhikarana ‘Fach, Zweig, Branche, Gericht, Gerichtshof’.
22 Vgl. IA 5, 1876, S. 207, Z. 2-3 (PI. II).
25 EI 13, 30, S. 339, Z. 10 (Guhasena); JUB, vol.3,1, 1934, S. 87, Z. 23 (Siläditya L); PTAOC
(1933), 1935, S. 669, Z. 24 (Kharagraha I.).
S taatliche S tru k tu re n im R eich d e r M aitrakas
115
ranga die G ru n d ren te oder B odensteuer beinhaltet24, zum al ja alle drei F o rm en der
G ru n d ren te, dhänya, N atu ralren te, visti, A rbeitsrente und biranya, G eldrente, ab der
M itte des 6. Jh. n.C h r. fester Bestandteil der Schenkungsprivilegien in den Inschriften
sind.
D ie erste E rw ähnung der Privilegierungsform e! udranga in M aitrakaurkunden stam m t
aus dem Jahre 544 n .C h r.2’, der Mandalidranga ist 566 n.C hr. erstm alig gen an n t26, der
D rängika jedoch schon in der A dreßform el der frühesten M aitrakainschrift aus dem
Jahre 502 n.C h r. en th alten .27 Er m uß eine w ichtige F u n k tio n gehabt haben, die über
die V erw altung der übrigens n u r in den genannten drei Inschriften erw ähnten drangas
hinausging. So ist seine Z u o rd n u n g zu r Steuerbehörde m indestens w ahrscheinlich.
3. Polizei-ZMilitärressort
H ier w erden w ir die Bhatas u n d Cätas einordnen können.
4. Recbtsbebörde
W ir w ürden den Dändapäsika in diesem Ressort unterbringen, o bw ohl sich die Aufgaben
der Cätas und der Dändapäsikas sicher überschnitten haben. A usgehend v o n den Beleg
stellen fü r cäta in anderen Q uellen k ö n n en w ir w ohl davon ausgehen, daß sie v o r allem
die A ufgaben des A ufspürens und A rretierens von G esetzesverletzern w ahrnahm en,
w ährend der Dändapäsika, zum indest von der W o rterklärung her, offenbar eher fü r die
Bestrafung der Bösew ichte zuständig war.
>f
><•
>r
Seit G uhasena (553 n .C h r.) u n d besonders seit D harasena II. (571 n .C h r.) treten in den
A dreßform etn neue B eam tenbezeichnungen hinzu, die sich jedoch fast alle in eines der
zuvor genannten R essorts einordnen lassen.
1. Allgemeine Verwaltung
Im Gegensatz zu den vorw iegend der u n teren Ebene angehörenden A m tsträ'gern in den
A dreßform eln des D ronasim ha und D hruvasena I. finden w ir seit G uhasena auch V ertre
ter der höheren u n d höchsten V erw altungshierarchie genannt. In diese K ategorie gehören
der Kumärämätya u n d der Räjasthäniya, die am häufigsten erw ähnt w erden u n d im m er
gemeinsam auftreten.
Kumärämätya ‘an officers’ cadre m ainly com posed of th e ju n io r m em bers o f th e royal
family.’28
Räjasthäniya ‘an officer acting fo r th e king; generally a viceroy; p ro b ably also a suboru Vgl. M, 'Njammasch, Bemerkungen zur Herkunft und Bedeutung des Begriffs udranga, in:
Altorientalische Forschungen 12, 1985, 1, S. 119 - 128; EI 37, 31, S. 173, Z. 26-27, s-odrangam
s-oparikaram sa-vä[ta]-bhüta-dkänya-hirany-ädeyam s-otpadyamäna-vistikam.
& Diskalkar, JBBRAS, N. S., 1925, 1,1,1, S. 18, Z. 17 (PI. II).
26 EI 13, 30, S. 339, Z. 10.
" EI 16, 4, S. 18, Z. 2.
Sircar, Glossary, S, 166.
116
dinate ru le r’25; d er Räjasthänlya w ar häufig eine A rt V izekönig o d er S tatth alter.30
Räjaputrail ‘originally ‘a p rin ce’; title o f princes and subordinate rulers; b u t later a title
of n o b ility ’.32
A m ä tya }} 'M in ister’.
UparikaM ‘a viceroy, th e g overnor o f a province’.33
Visayapati11’ ‘V o rsteh er eines visaya, w ohl einer P ro v in z ’.
2. Steuerbehörde
In einer Inschrift D harasenas II. taucht der Bhog-oddharanika37 auf, nach Sircar ‘the
collector of th e k in g ’s share of grains’.38 D ie Steuerprivilegierung, die m it den
L andschenkungen v erbunden w ar, bedeutete zugleich einen Steuerverlust für den H e rr
scher. V ielleicht h atte der Bhogoddharanika diese Steuerausfälle zu registrieren. In die
Steuerbehörde im w eitesten Sinne wäre auch der $aulkika, der Beamte, der Zölle
e rh o b 39, ein zuordnen.
3. Polizei-/Militärressort
D er Coroddharanika, der ‘Befreier oder Vertilger von R äu b ern ’, k o m m t das erste Mal
in einer Inschrift des G uhasena aus dem Jahre 564 n .C h r. vor.® E r zeigt w ohl die
E xistenz eines R äuberunw esens an, für dessen Bekäm pfung sicher besonders ausgebildete
u n d spezialisierte Beamte notw endig waren.
Eine A m tsbezeichnung tr itt häufig in den Inschriften des D harasena II. auf, deren
In terp retatio n schw ierig ist, der Pratisäraka.^ K. Virji m eint: ‘T h e pratisäraka was a
guard and his duties com prised w atching the fields and villages at n ig h t tim e.’'12 G.
Bühler hält den Pratisäraka auch fü r einen N achtw ächter.43 Sircar erklärt: ‘an officer
w ho collects tax and allows carts to go ou t o f th e nail o r a strip o f low g ro u n d .’44.
O h n e in dieses A m t zuviel h ineinzuinterpretieren, dürfen w ir den Pratisäraka w ohl als
eine A rt W ächter o d er A ufseher betrachten, der fü r R uhe u n d O rd n u n g zu sorgen hatte.
29 ibid., S. 273.
50 PW 5, S. 180.
” EI 11,2, S. 18, Z. 18.
33 EI 11, 2, S. 18, Z. 18.
54 IA 6, 1877, S. 12, Z. 1-2 (PL II); Acharya, JBBRAS, N. S., 1925 I, 1, 2, S. 68, Z. 2-3; IA 7,
1878, S. 72, Z. 1-2 (PI. II).
56 IA 6, 1877, S. 12, Z. 1-2 (PI. II); Acharya, JBBRAS, N . S., 1925 I, 1, 2, S. 68, Z. 2-3 (PL II);
IA 7, 1878, S. 72, Z. 21-22 (PI. II); IH Q 15, 2, 1939, S. 285, Z. 3-5.
57 IA 7, 1878, S. 70, Z. 3-4 (PL II).
38 Sircar, Glossary, S. 56; bhoga ‘Ertrag, Einkünfte’; uddharana ‘Herausziehen, Entfernen,
Ausscheiden eines Teiles’, PW 1, S. 232.
39 z.B. IA 5, 1876, S. 207, Z. 2-3 (Pi. II), ABORI 4, 1923, S. 40, Z. 19-21 u. a.; sulka - Zoll.
40 EI 13, 30, S. 339, Z. 7.
41 ABORI 4, 1923, S. 40, Z. 19-21; IA 7, 1878, S. 70, Z. 3-4 (PL II); Bhavnagar Inscriptions No.
2, S. 32, Z. 3-4; EI 31, 39, S. 303, Z. 16-17; IH Q 15, 2, 1939, S. 285, Z. 3-5; pratisärm 'die Runde
machend, von einem zum anderen gehend’, PW 4, S. 148.
42 Virji, S. 241.
43 IA 7, 1878, S. 68.
44 Glossary, S. 260; pratisäraka ‘a gate-keeper’, ibid.
S taatliche S tru k tu re n im R eich d e r M aitrakas
117
G anz ähnlichen Pflichten oblag m öglicherweise der A valokika45, der n u r in einer
Inschrift des D harasena II. erscheint.46 Ihn, der etwas ‘betrach tet’, ‘sieht’ o d er ‘gew ahr
w ird ’, k ö n n te man einem Spionageressort zuordnen. Im w eitesten Sinne polizeiliche
A ufgaben hatte vielleicht auch der Vartmapäla .47 G. Buhler hält ihn für einen W ächter,
der zum Schutz gegen R äuber an Straßen stationiert w ar48, Sircar auch für den E in trei
ber des vartma-danda, des Straßenzoils49. Es w äre m öglich, daß der ‘W ächter der W ege’
m ehrere A ufgaben zu erfüllen hatte.
In den Inschriften D harasenas II. kom m en in den A dreßform eln die Hastyasvärohasy0
vor, die Elefanten- oder P ferdetreiber oder -reiter, die w ir vielleicht dem M ilitärressort
zuordnen k ö nnen . Die R eihenfolge ihrer E rw ähnung in den A dreßform eln b ringt w enig
K larheit. Sie stehen ganz unterschiedlich m it den Kumärämätyas, Vartmapälas und Cätas
zusam m en, m it h ohen und niederen Beamten also.
*
>r
Bis zum E nde der R egierungszeit ^¡lädityas I. lassen sich die A m tsbezeichnungen in den
A dreßform eln verfolgen. M it K haragraha I. (615 bis 621 n .C h r.) setzte eine neue
E ntw icklung ein. Er und alle nachfolgenden M aitrakaherrscher haben in ih ren Schen
kungsurkunden zw ar w eiter A dreßform eln, aber n u r in v erk ü rzter F orm , o h n e die N e n
nung von A mtsträgern', sarväyi-eva yathä-sambadhyamänakän =samäjnäpayaty=astu
vas= sam viditam
‘(König X) läßt allen (Beamten), die es betrifft, befehlen: Euch sei
kundgetan...’ O ffensichtlich w urde nun vorausgesetzt, daß die Beamten, deren F u n k
tionsbereich von der Schenkung b erü h rt w urde, allgemein bek an n t w aren. W enn man
berücksichtigt, daß seit der ersten U rk u n d e vom Jahre 502 n .C h r. E rfahrungen aus über
100 Jahren Schenkungspraxis im M aitrakareich bestanden, w ird die v erk ü rzte Adreßformel verständlich.
D ie in den A dreßform eln von D ronasim ha bis £iläditya I. genannten Beamten stellten
eine kleine A usw ahl aus dem bürokratischen A pparat der M aitrakas dar. D e r K önig
inform ierte n u r die Beamten, die der Schenkungsvorgang u n m ittelb ar betraf. In den
U rkunden sind noch eine ganze Reihe anderer Beamter genannt. Regelm äßig am Ende
einer Inschrift ist der Düta(ka) erw ähnt, der ‘B ote’ des Königs, der den königlichen
Willen nebst U rk u n d e den örtlichen B ehörden zu überm itteln hatte. D ieser D üta war
in vielen Fällen der K ronprin z. Z.B. ist in vielen Inschriften D harasenas II. der K ron45 avaloka, avalokana ‘Betrachten, Schauen, Sehen, Gewahrwerden’, PW 1, S. 125. Sircar
erwähnt den Avalokika in seinem Epigraphical Glossary nicht.
46 ABORI 4, 1923, S. 40; Z. 19-21.
47 IA 7, 1878, S. 70, Z. 3-4 (PI. II); EI 31, 39, S. 303, Z. 16-17; IHQ 15, 2, 1939, S. 285, Z. 3-5;
vartman ‘Weg, Pfad’, päla ‘Hüter, Wächter’.
48 IA 7, 1878, S. 68.
49 Glossary, S. 366 ‘tolls collected on the roads for the passage of articles of merchandise
through a village.’
50 EI 11, 2, S. 18, Z. 18; IA 6, 1877, S. 12, Z. 1-2 (PL II); IA 7, 1878, S. 72, Z. 1-2 (PI. II), IH Q
15, 2, 1939, S. 285, Z. 3-5; hastin ‘Elefant’; as'va ‘Pferd’; äroha ‘Reiter, Treiber’; Sircar, Glossary,
S. 127.
51 PTAOC, 1935, S. 669, Z. 23 (PI. II).
118
prinz áíladitya der D ütakabl, der den T itel Samanta tru g .53 U n te r D hruvasena II. hatte
der Räjaputra árí-K haragraha die F u n k tio n eines D ütakas\ A uch d er Schreiber,
Lekbaka, w ar in der Regel ein h o her Beamter. U n ter D harasena II. am tierte für etw a 20
Jahre der Sandbivigrahadbikaranädbikrta Skandabhata55, ‘C h ef des Ressorts für A usw är
tiges’56, der auch den T itel D iv ir a p a t'f, ‘H e rr der Schreiber’58 trug, als Lekhaka.
W ir m öchten diese Beamten von den in den A dreßform eln genannten unterscheiden,
weil sie u. E. vorw iegend m it dem technischen Vorgang d er A usfertigung, R egistrierung
und A ushändigung der U rk u n d e an den oder die B elehnten zu tu n hatten. D ie Beamten
der A dreßform eln hingegen k ann m an in einen inhaltlichen Z usam m enhang m it dem
U rkundentext stellen, näm lich m it den M odalitäten der Schenkung, den Privilegierungs
und Im m unitätsform eln. D er volle Bestand dieser F orm eln setzte sich in den vierziger
Jahren des 6. Jh. n .C h r. durch, noch u n ter D hruvasena I., u n d änderte sich von da an
kaum noch. Sow ohl bei Landschenkungen wie bei D orfverleihungen ist in der Regel der
gesamte Komplex der Privilegierungs- u n d Im m unitätsform eln in den U rk u n d en en t
halten. Selbst ihre Reihenfolge ändert sich selten.
Die Form eln lauten:
s-odrangab ‘m it der G ru n d ren te’,
s-oparikarab ‘m it den zusätzlichen A bgaben’,
sa-väta-bbüta-pratyäyalf’ ‘m it den Steuern (oder E inkom m en) Väta u n d ßhüta’,
sa-dbänya-birany-ädeyah ‘m it den A bgaben in G etreide u n d G eld’,
s-otpadyamana-vistikah ‘m it der Fronarbeit, so wie sie an fällt’,
sa-das-äparädbab ‘m it (den Strafen für die) zehn V ergehen’,
sarva (samastaj-räjakiyänäm *=a-basta-praksepamyab ‘von allen K önigsleuten n icht einm al
mit der H and zu b erü h ren ’,
bbümiccbidra-nyäyena ‘nach der Regel eines bbümicchidram'
« Diskalkar, JBBRAS, N. S., I, 1,4, S. 24, Z. 34 (PI. II).
53 z.B. D.B. Diskalkar, Selections from Sanskrit Inscriptions, Delhi 1977, S. 108; Acharya,
JBBRAS, N. S., I, 1, 2, S. 69, Z. 16 (PI. II); IA 7, 1878, S. 73, Z. 20 (Pi. II); IH Q, 15, 2, 1939,
S. 286, Z. 16 (PI. II).
54 EI 8, 20 B, S. 199, Z. 53-54.
55 ABORI 4, 1923, S. 41, Z. 32 (PI. II).
56 D. h. der Außenminister, vgl. Sircar, Glossary, S, 295.
57 z.B. IHQ 15, 2, 1939, S. 286, Z. 13 (PI. Ii).
58 PW, 3, S. 89; Brhatsamhitä des Varähamihira 87, 12; Räjatarangini 8, 131, nach Sircar,
Glossary, S. 99 ‘same as Persian Dabir, ’a clerk’; Divirapati, Divirapati ‘chief secretary or the
chief of the clerks.’
55 Die Interpretation dieses Privilegs ist sehr schwierig. Die von Sircar, Glossary, S. 398 gegebene
Erklärung ist wenig einleuchtend; uns scheint A. S. Altekars Interpretationsversuch vernünftiger:
‘the expression vita may refer to articles imported (vä, III conj., to wish, to gain, to invite, to
invoke) into the villages,’ The Räshtrakütas and their Times, Poona 1934, S. 229; bhüta
übersetzte er mit ‘hergestellt’ (im Dorf), ibid. ‘It is, therefore, clear that these expressions refer
to the general excise and octroi duties that were collected at the villages.’ ibid.
60 ‘in accordance with the principle of cultivating the land for the first time and enjoying it free
of taxes as a result'. Sircar, Glossary, S. 393; vgl. auch R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, c. A.D.
300 - 1200, Delhi 1985, S. 163; M. Njammasch, Untersuchung zur Genesis des Feudalismus in
Indien, Berlin 1984, S. 107-108.
S taatliche S tru k tu re n im R eich der M aitrakas
119
ä-candr-ärk-ärnava-sarit-ksiti-stbiti-parvata-samakälmab ‘so lange w ie M ond, Sonne, Meer,
Flüsse, Erde u nd Berge andauern ’,
putra-pautr-änvaya-bhogyah ‘zu genießen von der N achkom m enschaft w ie Söhne, E nkel
(usw.)’,
udak-ätisargena ‘m it W asserw eihe’,
brahmadäyo nisrstah ‘als Brahm adeya geschenkt’,
yato ’sy-ocitayä devabrahmadeya-sthityä bhumjatah krsatah karsayatah pradisato vä na
kais = cid vyäsedhe vartitavyam ‘u n d niem and soll dem eine S törung bereiten, der nach
den oben beschriebenen Regeln eines Deva- oder Brahmadeya (das Lehen) genießt, es
(selbst) bebaut, (von anderen) bebauen' läßt oder (anderweitig) v erg ib t’.61
V ersuchen w ir auch hier eine Z u o rd n u n g der Privilegien u n d Im m u n itäten zu
bestim m ten Ressorts.
1. Verwaltungsim m unitäten
D ie Form el sarva-räjakiyänäm=abasta-praksepaniya beinhaltet eine sehr w eitgehende
V erw altungsim m unität, da nun m it In k rafttreten der Schenkung es ausnahm slos allen
Beamten des Königs nicht m eh r gestattet war, auf dem verliehenen Land A m tsh an d lu n
gen vorzunehm en. M an kann sogar davon ausgehen, daß sie das betreffende L and nicht
m ehr betreten durften. Diese Form el ist durchaus m it der E x territorialität spätröm ischen
G rundbesitzes vergleichbar.62
2. Steuerprivilegien
Aus dem Inschriftenkontext geht deutlich hervor, daß m it H in b lick auf die Steuerprivile
gierung ein zw iefacher V organg unterstellt w erden kann: zum einen eine S teuerim m u
nität des B elehnten gegenüber dem Staat (die Schenkung w ar steuerfrei), u n d zum
anderen die Ü bertragung aller vorherigen Rechte auf Steuerveranlagung, die der
H errscher besaß, auf den Belehnten. Es h eißt im m er sa ‘m it, sam t, versehen m it, beglei
tet v o n ’. In die K ategorie der Steuerprivilegien gehören udrariga, uparikara, väta-bbütapratyäya, dhänya-hirany-ädeya und utpadyamäna-visti.
Soweit es das Polizei-, M ilitär- u n d R echtsressort betrifft, lassen sich keine besonderen
Im m unitätsform eln ausm achen. Sehr w ahrscheinlich fielen Polizeikräfte, M ilitärs und
R ichter u n ter die Form el der totalen V erw altungsim m unität, d.h. sie d u rften das
verliehene Land ‘n icht einm al m eh r m it der H an d b e rü h ren ’ (a-hasta-praksepaniya).
3. Recbtsprivilegien
Der Belehnte erhielt das Land sa-das-äparädha, d. h. m it dem R echt, die auf seinem Land
sitzenden bäuerlichen P roduzen ten , w ohl meist Pächter, für bestim m te V ergehen zu
bestrafen. D ie ‘zehn V ergehen’ w erden in buddhistischen u n d brahm anischen Q uellen
verschieden in terp retiert, aber es sind in der H auptsache E igentum sdelikte, V erstöße
51 Z.B. IH Q 15, 2, 1939, S. 285-286, Z. 8-12.
Vgl. R. Günther, Volksbewegungen in der Spätantike und ihre Bedeutung für den
gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt im Feudalismus, in: Die Rolle der Volksmassen in der Geschichte
der vorkapitalistischen Gesellschaftsformationen, hrsg. v. /. Herrmann und I. Sellnow, Berlin
1975, S. 173.
120
gegen herrschende M oralvorstellungen, V erleum dung u. dgi.63 Die ‘zehn V ergehen’
beinhalten w ohl den K om plex, den man im europäischen M ittelalter als niedere G e
richtsbarkeit definierte.64 D er H errscher gab dieses R echt der niederen G erichtsbarkeit
an den Belehnten. A uch hier ist vorauszusetzen, daß seine Beamten die B estrafung der
‘zehn V ergehen’ n ich t m ehr ausiibten.
M it A usnahm e von uclakätisarga u n d der Form el brahmadäyo nisptah, die eher
V erfahrensregeln bei Schenkungen bedeuten, w ürden w ir den verbleibenden Rest des
Form elbestandes als Eigentum sprivilegien ansehen (Ew igkeitsform el, E rbform el,
V erfügungsform el usw.).
In den A dreßform eln der M aitrakas sind in der Regel n u r die Beamten genannt, die
vom Schenkungsvorgang direk t betroffen waren. D araus ergibt sich, daß das Bild der
staatlichen A dm in istratio n notw endigerw eise begrenzt bleiben m uß, weil die U rk u n d en
uns n u r eine T eileinsicht in die Funktionsw eise des bürokratischen A pparates der
M aitrakas im 6. Jh. n .C h r. gewähren. A ndere zeitgenössische Q uellengruppen dieser
Region stehen uns n icht z u r Verfügung, um das Bild zu vervollständigen. D ie A dreß
form eln stehen in engem inhaltlichen Zusam m enhang zu den Privilegien u n d Im m u n i
täten der L andschenkungen. D ie N ich terw äh n u n g eines bestim m ten Beamten kann m it
dem Fehlen eines Privilegs begründet werden.
Es ist unbedingt notw endig, die A dreßform eln der M aitrakainschriften wie die anderen
S chenkungsinschriften frühm ittelalterlicher indischer D ynastien in ihrer zeitlichen
Abfolge zu u ntersuchen, ein m ethodischer A nsatz, der bis in die G egenw art hinein in
G esam tdarstellungen im m er w ieder vernachlässigt wird.
Summary
T he kingdom of th e M aitrakas came in to existence tow ards the end of the 5th century
A .D . Sym ptom s of decline appeared on all levels of the state and th e society in the
G upta em pire and w ere deepened by th e massive inroads o f central Asiatic nom ads
called H ünas o r W hite LIuns, in to N o rth India. T his was th e historical background for
the rise of th e k ingdom of V alabhl ruled by th e M aitraka dynasty. Bhatarka, senäpati
of one of th e last G u p ta kings, was th e founder of th e dynasty. In th e follow ing
centuries the k ingdom included the m ajor part of K athiaw ar and the ähära o f K hetaka
roughly corresponding to th e Kaira district o f G ujarat.
F ro m the beginning o f th e 6th to the middle of th e 8th century A .D ., th e M aitraka
kings bestow ed land and villages on Brähmanas, B uddhist m onasteries and H in d u tem p
les. N early 100 grants have been discovered engraved on copper-plates. T h e m ajority of
64 Vgl. M. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tübingen 1922, S. 733; auch R. H. Hilton, Die
Natur mittelalterlicher Bauernwirtschaft (‘Peasant economy’), in: Feudalismus - Materialien zur
Theorie und Geschichte, hrsg. v, L. Kuchenbuch, Frankfurt a. M. 1977, S. 505.
63 Vgl. A. P. Madan, The History of the Rästrakütas, New Delhi 1990, S. 191-198.
Staatliche S tru k tu re n im R eich der M aitrakas
121
the inscriptions was w ritte n in th e 6th and 7th centuries A .D . The M aitrakas used the
old G u p ta era and issued th eir land grants from A .D . 502 onwards. R ight from the
beginning at least parts o f th e inscriptions appear standardised, containing form ulas
w hich refer to the specific purposes of th e donations.
O u r in ten tio n was to analyse the so-called address form ulas. In these form ulas all the
officials responsible for th e proceedings of the land grants are m entioned. T he royal
functionaries w ere inform ed by th e king about the m odalities of the donation.
A nalysing the address form ulas we can claim that a hierarchical structure of officials
from th e mabattaras, the village functionaries, up to the kumdrdmdtyas, the governors
of provinces, is expressed. But we should take into consideration that never the w hole
range of th e officials form ing th e bureaucratic system o f the M aitraka kingdom is
included in these form ulas. O n ly a small part of the state officials is m entioned, viz.,
exactly those w ho manage all affairs connected w ith th e villages (ayuktaka, viniyuktaka,
drangika, dhruvastbdnddhikaranika, cdta, bhata, ddndapasikd). We have tried to relate
these officials to the different levels of th e adm inistrative system as follows:
general adm inistrative authorities (ayuktaka, viniyuktaka)
officials responsible for the collection of taxes (dhruvastbdnddhikaranika)
police officials and m ilitary persons (cdta, bhata)
legal authorities (ddndapasikd).
By the m iddle of the 6th century A.D. new categories of state functionaries appear in
the address form ulas (kumdrdmdtya, rajasthdniya, rajaputra, amdtya, uparika, visayapati;
bhogoddharanika, saulkika; coroddbaranika, pratisdraka, avalokika, vartmapdla,
hastyasvaroba), but it is possible to classify these state functionaries according to the
departm ents m entioned above.
In o u r paper we aim at proving th at the officials included in the address form ulas can
be connected w ith the o th e r form ulas of th e d o n atio n , viz.,
w ith form ulas expressing im m u n ity from the general adm inistration o f th e kingdom
(sarva-rdjakiydndm abasta-praksepanlya),
w ith form ulas granting rem ission of taxes (s-odranga, s-oparikara, sa-bhuta-vatapratydya, sa-dhdnya-hirany-adeya, s-otpaclyamdna-vistika),
w ith form ulas guaranteeing legal privileges (sa-das-aparadhd).
W hen a certain official is n o t m entioned in the address form ula, we can expect th at the
respective form ula also is missing from the in scription concerned. In th e land grant
inscription o f king D ronasim ha dated 502 A .D ., the dandapdsika is n o t included in the
address form ula, and it seems to be a striking feature th a t the form ula expressing legal
privileges (sa-das-dparadha) is o m itted from th e w hole range of the o th er im m unities and
privileges of the grant.
The form ula sarva-rajakiydndm abasta-praksepaniya was o f particular im portance for
the donee. It denoted a far-reaching im m u n ity of the land o r village granted from the
general adm inistration of th e kingdom . In future, all th e royal officials w ere n o t allowed
to enter the village o r even to touch th e piece of land donated by th e king to Brahmanas, Buddhist vihdras o r H in d u devakulas. State functionaries could n o t fulfill th eir
usual duties on the donated areas because these lands o r villages were exem pted from the
122
adm inistration of th e state - as a rule under special conditions expressed in th e formulas
àcandr-ârk-âmava-sarit-ksiti-sthiti-parvata-samakâlina and putra-pautr-ânvaya-bhogya.
In over 300 years of M aitraka rule m ore and m ore villages, fields and irrigation
facilities granted by th e various kings of the dynasty dropped o u t of th e royal adm ini
stration. T his m ust have led to a shrinking influence of th e state bureaucracy on
considerable regions o f th e kingdom o n the one side, and on th e o th er side to a growing
influence of B râhm anas and H in d u devakulas on the native p o p u latio n o f these donated
areas.
A bkürzungsverzeichnis
Acharya, JBBRAS, N.S., I... : Notes on Some Unpublished Valabhl Copper-plates belonging to
the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society and lent to the Prince of Wales Museum of
Western India, by G. V. Acharya, in: JBBRAS, N. S., ed. by V. S. Sukkthankar, vol.1,1, London,
Bombay 1925, S. 65-75.
ABORI: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 1919 ff.
Bhavnagar Inscriptions, No. -: A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, published by
the Bhavnagar Archaeological Department, Bhavnagar 1895.
Brhatsamhitä: The Brhatsamhitä of Varähamihira. An encyclopedia of astrology, with English
translation, by M. R. Bbat, Delhi 1983.
CII III, No.: Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, ed. by /. F. Fleet,
Calcutta 1888, rev. ed. Varanasi 1963 (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol.3).
Diskalkar, JBBRAS, N.S. 1,1: Some Unpublished Copper-plates of the Rulers of Valabhl, ed. by
D. B. Diskalkar, in: JBBRAS, N.S., vol.I, I, London, Bombay 1925, S. 15-64.
El: Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta u.a. 1888ff.
IA: The Indian Antiquary, A Journal of Oriental Research, Bombay, London 1872ff,
IHQ: Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta 1925ff.
JBBRAS; N. S., 1,1 ...: Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series,
vol.I, pt. 1, London, Bombay 1925 ff.
JUB: Journal of the University of Bombay, Bombay, London 1932ff.
Kämandaki: Kämandaki, Nitisärah. The Nitisara or Elements of Polity, sampäditah Räjendraläla
Mitra (rev. with English translation, by Sisir Kumar Mitra), Calcutta 1982.
Kamasutra: Kämasütra of Vätsyäyana, with the Commentary Jayamarigalä of Yasodhara, ed. by
G. D. Shastri, Benares 1929.
PTAOC: Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh All-India Oriental Conference, Baroda,
Dec. 1933, Baroda 1935.
Staatliche Strukturen im Reich der Maitrakas
123
PW: Sanskrit-Wörterbuch in kürzerer Fassung, bearb. v. O. Böbtlingk, Teile 1-7, St. Petersburg
1879-1889.
Räjatarangini: Kalhana’s Räjatarangini or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, ed. and transl. by
M. A. Stein, 3 vols,, New Delhi u. a. 1988. (Reprint)
Bernhard Kölver
Donations Called Deposits, or,
The Malla State and Private Rituals
(Documents from Nepal. 7.)
1. Side by side w ith the fam iliar form of copper-plate grants, the Mediaeval N epalese
kingdom s ruled by the Mallas knew and used a m ore m odest style for donations. These
were w ritten on the narrow oblong palm-leaf strips familiar from o th er everyday
transactions, such as land sales, p artitions, wills etc. Such donations often were m ore
restricted in scope than th eir copper-plate counterparts, the lim itations extending in
several directions. First, there is the volum e of the donation: it is often parts on ly of a
field, o r m odest sums of m oney, w hich are being willed away. Second, the donors
usually are com m oners, w ith low er castes being well represented. T h ird , am ong occas
ions one does find the familiar, generalized donations for the benefit of a deity o r cult;
but often the purpose is m ore specific and stems from th e vicissitudes of hum an life:
smallish rituals established in th e name of a deceased relative form no inconsiderable
part am ong them.
T he m ode of these donations show s th e peculiarity indicated by the title of this paper:
they usually go by the name of ‘dep o sit’, niksepa-, w hich is n o t easily reconciled w ith
the no tio n of a ‘gift’, cidna-. [In view of this, I should say I am at present using the
w ord ‘d o n atio n ’ as an abbreviated description of th eir contents as expressed in W estern
parlance, and not as an attem pt to render a notio n derived from Sanskrit (or N ew ari).]
A nd finally, those am ong them w hich record gifts of land share a formal p ro p erty
highly unusual in land records: they lack the seal w hich invariably accom panied o th er
transactions where land passed from one hand into an o th e r’s.
In order to assess the im p o rt of this anom aly, it is necessary to revert to th eir
function.
2. Seals. As show n on an earlier occasion, docum ents recording sales o f houses o r fields
invariably show a clay im pression of a seal. T his bears a king’s name and emblem(s)
w hen as a vendor he is directly involved; in transactions betw een private individuals, the
im pressions usually either show the syllable i n or some emblem, often a standard one:
a hexagon, a caitya, a kalasa, o r the like.
T h eir function is tolerably clear. F o r the seal is invariably affixed to the left p art of
the docum ent, which consists o f a tig h t scroll twice pierced, then tied by a thread
k n o tted on top, the knot being as it were hidden beneath the lum p of clay w hich was
to bear th e impression of th e seal. F ro m damaged o r to rn docum ents we k n o w this
hidden part of the docum ent usually contained an abstract o f the proceedings m ore fully
recorded in the body of th e docum ent itself - w hich points to its first and obvious
126
purpose: in cases of litigation involving a suspicion of forgery, it was this abstract w hich
could be consulted: its integ rity was easily verified by the state of th e seal.
This implies it m ust have been some official agency w hich was responsible for affixing
the clay o r sealing th e abstract. Its nature is again easy to guess at: it w ill have been
some form of a cadastral office th at kept records of ow ners o f lands so as to facilitate
the collection of taxes, possibly on th e lines suggested in Kaut. 2.35.
3. T he donations w ritten on palm leaf (some 70 in n u m b er w hich have been
photograp hed during th e last years) bear no traces of such sealing. T h ere can be no
d o u b t th ey are n o t cases o f seals being lost: there are no p unctures on th e ir left sides,
and the margin is often sufficiently wide for us to be certain the left p art was n o t cut
off; m ore im po rtan t, th e absence of seals is a recurrent feature of this ty p e of docum ent,
not a single exception being found am ong th e corpus.
If one was to in terp re t this fact by th e criteria just used one w ould have to say these
transfers were n o t entered in to cadastral records. In o u r collections, the first specimen
o f this type dates from N . S. 526, i.e. A. D. 1406; they co n tin u e to slightly b eyond the
end of the Malla era: th e last one is dated N . S. 906, i.e. 1786, w ith no m ore th a n w hat
w ouid seem to be accidental gaps w ithin the series.
4. As so often, texts are w ritten in a m ixture of Sanskrit and N ew ari, w ith the
custom ary deviations from Standard Sanskrit. Behind th e num erous variations one can
recognize a fixed p attern w hich consists of tw o parts, the first of th em giving th e legal
fram ew ork w hile th e second contains w hat might be called th e particulars of th e case.
T hey are divided th e usual way. T he first part follows a grid w ritte n in Sanskrit; the
second part uses th e vernacular. F o r b o th sections, one can recognize a standardized
w ording, occasional deviations notw ithstanding. T his runs as follows:
The Form ula
(A) Sanskrit P art
NB. F o r DATE and PLACE, w hat is reproduced here is th e older and
briefer style attested since th e earliest specimens of th e type. Early in the
17th century A. D ., it came to be much embellished.
PROTOCOL
DATE
PLACE
D O NOR
O
b je c t
[siddham] sraiyo ‘stu OR [siddham] svasti
H ail. Let it be auspicious OR H ail. W elfare.
samvat, < ...> < ...> m a se < ...> pakse < ...> tith a u
T he year ..., in th e m o n th of ..., in its ... half, on th e ... lu n ar day.
< ... > vdstavya-
dw elling in ...
[am ukajnam na *ddnapatina/*yajamanena3
svahastena svavidyamanena svavacd pratipannibhiitena
b y th e don o r/sacrificer N .N ., by his ow n hand, him self being
present, having acknow ledged [the do n atio n ] by his ow n w ord,
< ... > grham
and/ or
D o n a tio n s C alled D eposits
127
< ... > ksetram < ... > ropanikam < ... > daksinatas ca
etanmadhye
AND/OR
mohora tam ka [or som e o th e r currency unit] [+ sums]
the ... house / field o f ... ropanikas,... [enum eration o f boundaries:]
and south o f ...: in th eir m idst a n d /o r the mohora tam ka (coins)
PURPOSE
... nim ittyartham
fo r th e sake of ...
D onee
sri-sri-sri- < ... > pritikdm anayd (with variants)
from devotion and love to the T hrice V enerable ...
MODE
niksepenab
by way of a deposit
TRANSACTION
sampradattam bhavatic OR, in N ew ari: dum td juro.
has been d o n a te d OR has been placed inside.
“Both terms occur with Newari inflectional endings: ddnapati-sa, yajamana-sna
etc. — bAlways in Newarized forms: niksepana, niksepna etc. — CA correspond
ing sentence in the active voice is attested in a gilt copper plate dated N. S. 788
(Abhilekha-Samgraha 7 (Kathmandu 2019), pp. 23 f.), a royal donation.
T his is usually follow ed by the passage in N ew ari (below,(B)) w hich records th e stipula
tio ns o f the particular case. It is eith er preceded or follow ed by one of th e usual stanzas
o n G ifts of Land, the verse fam iliar from countless docum ents
svadattam paradattam vd yo haret suraviprayoh |
sasthivarsasahasrena visthayam jdyate krm ih ||
‘W hoever takes from gods and brahm anas w hat was given by him self o r
given by others, he is reborn a w o rm in ordure for sixty th o u sand years.’
w ith som e variations being th e m ost po p u lar am ong them . F u rth er im precations follow;
o n ly at the end the form ula returns to Sanskrit w hen nam ing the
WlTNESS(ES) dattapatrarthe sdkst .... drstah,
T h e w itn ess seen in th e m a tte r o f th is deed o f g ift...,
plus
ESCHATOCOL
subham (± astu) , i.e. (± L e t it be) p ro p itio u s.
(B) T his is expanded by an account o f th e technicalities o f the particu lar d onation. A t
th is p o in t, th e form ula begins to use th e N ew ari language, usually in troduced b y (+
thvate) bhdsd — an expression w hich as it were com bines tw o different interpretations.
It is fam iliar from phrases like atah param desabhasa ‘from now on, th e language of the
region’ (w hich is also attested in th e present corpus); atha nepdlabhdsa; atah (sic!)
nepalabhasaya likhyate etc. But w hat follow s usually gives th e d o n o r’s in ten tio n , and his
provisions fo r how the do n atio n is to be adm inistered, in a w ay w hich makes
paraphrases like ‘stipulations’, ‘agreem ent’ o r even ‘substance’ a rendering m ore ap p ro
priate to th e context.
T h e w ording of these stipulations is n o t as stable as th a t of the Sanskrit p o rtio n ; yet
the follow ing stages are rarely om itted.
(Bl)
thva vuya/dam ayd“ [± varsam prati] vara sdnana
in enacting the [± annual] vow of this field/m oney
'sometimes only thvateyd, i.e. of this (donation), connected with this donation.
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B e rn h ard K ölver
(B2)
T his is follow ed by the stipulations o f the individual d o n atio n w hich are subject
to great variation. T hey are often laid dow n in considerable detail, recording th e ritual,
specific lists o f item s to be offered, th e dates, etc. T he section usually ends in
... viya mala.
... has to be given,
and som etim es adds
prasesa guthisyam bhaksabhojana di juro
T h e rem ainder is to be offered by the gutbi for a feast.
(B3)
Last, there are th e im precations and blessings: counterparts, in a sense, of the
Sanskrit verse o r verses:
tbvate avicchlnna ydriana nistrapam yamja ?nala.
T h e y have to m ake th e term s adhered to, causing n o in terru p tio n to them .
lopa ydya mateva. lopa yakale govrdhmanddi pancarnahapataka rdka juro. lopa
maydkale utottra juro.
N o loss m ust be caused. If there is a loss, (they will) o b tain th e Five G reat
Sins1, (killing) a cow , a b rahm ana etc. If there is no loss, highest (bliss),
’i.e. the guilt or fruit of the Five Great Sins.
Deposits vs. Gifts, niksepa- vs. dana5.1. If it was n o t for th e term niksepena — w hich occurs in m ost of the donations,
th o u g h n o t all o f th em — th e form ula looks straightforw ard enough: ‘A t ..., o n ..., X,
th e d o n o r ...[ usually defined by nam e and place o f residence], has, [± b y w ay of a
deposit,] giv en /d o n ated th e Field (etc.) nam ed Y [usually defined by its demarcations in
the fo u r directions o f the compass] to Z, for the sake of ...’.
5.2. But an expression ‘by w ay o f a deposit, niksepena' is difficult to accom m odate
w ith in the co n tex t o f a d o n atio n . Indeed, in the p ro p er sense o f th e term s, th e tw o
n otions are irreconcilable: a d o n atio n implies an ow ner relinquishing ow nership; in a
deposit, he retains it. T h e sastra expressly ordains deposits are to be left u n to u ch ed by
the trustee: yathd ddyas tatha grahah: th is is how M anu (8.180; repeated in 8.195) sum s
up w hat the preceding th ree fo u rth s o f his verse set forth in a m ore explicit version (yo
yathd niksiped dhaste yam artham yasya mdnavah | sa tathaiva grabitavyo, ‘in w hichever
form (or way) som ebody deposits som ething into som e (other p erson)’s hands, in th at
very (same form ) he is to take it back: as th e giving, so th e tak in g .’ A n d in his
com m entary o n M anu 8.180, M edhatithi has n o th in g substantial to add: yathd dayo
diyate niksipyate tathd grhyate, ‘the w ay th e object given (ddyah) is given, i.e. deposited,
the same w ay it is taken, re tu rn ed ’1. O bviously, this is a legal as well as a m oral
obligation: ‘y o niksepam ydcyamdno nikseptur na prayacchati | sa ydcyah prddvivdkena
&c. Som eone w h o , being requested, does no t give (i.e. return) a deposit to th e depositor,
he is to be requested by th e judge’: this is M anu again (8.181). A nd this clearly is the
general view th e sastras take.
1 Manusmrti Medhatithibhasya-samalankrta. 1-2. Calcutta 1967-71 (Gurumandalagranthamala.
24), p. 790.'
129
5.3. ‘G iven by way of a deposit, niksepena sam pradattam’: is it deposits o f lands, then,
rather than donations w hich th e docum ents record? T here are o th er parts of th e form ula
w hich provide an unequivocal answer.
1. T ow ards its beginning, th e N ew ari section describes th e transaction by th e term
vara sdnana (var. vala sdnana, olasd). vara- is the familiar Sanskrit term , the vow o r w ish
as well as its result, its fulfilm ent. F ro m literary references it is quite clear such vows
create a binding obligation. — sane I take to be, w ith Jergensen’s D ictio n ary , as a variant
of sane, w hich is 'to act, behave; in te n d ’. Etym ologically, then, vara sane is b o th ‘to
intend a v o w ’ and ‘to enact its fulfilm ent’; it is the latter m eaning w hich is applicable
to the stage of the transactio n w hen th e term is em ployed; th e context usually is tbva
damayd (or: vuyd) vara sdnana ‘enacting the vow of this m o n e y /fie ld ’, w hich is
tan tam o u n t to th e proceeds of w hatever is ‘deposited’.2
2. M isappropriations w ere traditionally threatened by a w hole h o st o f im precatory
form ulas. W e have just qu oted the stanza svadattam paradattam vd, ‘W hoever takes from
gods and brahm anas..’ etc., and th e N ew ari text, though n o t as stable as the Sanskrit
one, usually has sim ilar injunctions: N . S. 735 avicchini ydnana dhasyam takva
*jajamdnapanisyam nistrapam yamja mala ‘having definitely agreed to make it (i.e. to
perform the rite) w ith o u t in terru p tio n , th e sacrificers have to m ake (the donation)
adhered to ’ is one instance from m any; w ith all the variations in individual docum ents,
yet th e crucial w ords 'u n in te rru p te d ’ (avicchinna-) and ‘have to make it adhered to ’
(:nistrapam yam ja mala) rarely fail to be m entioned. T ow ards th e end of docum ents, one
can find standard expressions like ‘for as long as the m oon and th e sun and th e earth
(will stand)’, etc. G oing by such phrases, there can be no question the transaction was
meant to exist in perpetuity, and th e o w n er did n o t contem plate to set th e verse at
naught w hich enjoined him n o t to take back w hat he him self had given. (W hat he
actually did was another m atter: see below , §§6-7.)
5.4. W hy, th en , call a deposit w hat was m eant as a perpetual and irreversible donation?
In order to understand this, one will have to go beyond M anu’s deceptively simple
definition.
F o r deposits, the sastra has tw o different terms, upanidhi- and niksepa-. A nd in
Arthasastra term inology, th e tw o are n o t synonym ous.
W hat M anu described in th e verses just quoted w ould in A rthasastra usage have been
an u p a n i d h i viz., a deposit entrusted to som ebody’s safe keeping, n o t to be used, and
to be surrendered to the o w n er u p o n dem and in the state and shape in w hich it had
been handed over: this is th e co m m en tato rs’ sealed bag, w ith the custodian possibly not
even aware o f its conten ts3.
2 There are a few variants to the term which make the meaning more explicit than the usual
wording with its religious overtones. N. S. 781, N. S. 822 have damayd klantra ‘the interest of
the money’, N. S. 807, vrasam prati klantra lydkhana ‘the sum of the annual interest’, etc.— At
times, it looks as if the words were conflated with what otherwise is denoted by varsam prati,
i.e. the annual interest just mentioned.
At the beginning of his explanation of Manu 8.180, Medhatithi distinguishes between sealed
and unsealed, witnessed and unwitnessed (samudram amudram sasdksikam asdksikam) deposits:
toe. ch., p. 790.
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Bernhard K ölver
The niksepa- of the Arthasästra often is of a different kind4. T he case K autalya dwells
upon at some length (3.12.33 etc.) is the materials som eone entrusts to an artisan to
produce something: the gold being taken to a goldsmith, etc. T here is, then, an essential
difference between the tw o. The upanidhi- must on no account be touched. O bviously,
this cannot hold good for the materials an artisan is to w o rk on.
In the course of time, niksepa- came to be the dom inating concept, p u shing th e w o rd
upanidhi- into the background, though never quite replacing it. (The reason possibly was
entirely practical in nature: adulteration, m isappropriation etc. and ensuing litigation are
of course m ore likely to arise with objects destined to be altered in th e norm al course
of things.) But when the niksepa- as it were came to absorb th e upanidhi-, th is m erger
obliterated the essential distinction of w hether the object entrusted was to be used o r
not. Predictably, the sästra shows a marked tendency to say it should n o t - an
impractical procedure since in effect it left the raw materials entru sted to artisans
w ithout a rule5.
But the exigencies of practical life do make themselves felt here and there. Fhere is
a rule in N ärada from w hich we have to infer he knew o f deposits th a t could be used.
Lariviere 2,56 (= Jolly 2,S7), w ith m inor deviations in w ording) says
yas cärtham sädhayet tena nikseptur ananujnayä j
taträpi dandyah sa bhavet tac ca sodayam ävahet ||
‘W hoever acquires a profit by it [i.e. by the deposit] w ith o u t th e d e p o sito r’s
perm ission8, he ought to be punished even there (i.e. by the king, räjnä, 2.4) and ought
to procure [the deposit] together with the income (gained by using it, co n trary to the
terms o f a deposit)5.’
ananujnayä, w ith o u t permission: this implies that when perm ission was given, th e
materials deposed could be used by the trustee. Such perm itted uses cover th e case of th e
4 For the niksepa- in the Artha& tra, see E. Ritschl and M. Schetelich, Studien zum Kautiliya
Arthasästra, Berlin 1973, pp. 198 ff.; cf. also B. Breloer, KautaUya-Studien 2 (Bonn 1928), pp. 97
ff., 3 (Leipzig 1934), pp. 376 ff.; H Scharfe, Untersuchungen zur Staatsrechtslehre des Kautalya
(Wiesbaden 1968), pp. ¡37, 287.
5 Cf. Ritschl/Schetelich, loc. cit., p. 200: 'Vertrauen, das an sich beim Depositum eine große Rolle
spielte, [...] scheint in den Beziehungen zwischen Handwerkern und Auftraggebern nicht immer
genügt zu haben.’
4 The Näradasmrti critically ed. with an introd., annotated transl., and appendices by R. W.
Lariviere. Pt. 1-2. Philadelphia 1989, Pt. 1, p. 137.
7 The Institutes of Närada ed. by J. folly, Calcutta 1885, p. 130.
8 or: without informing him
9 Lariviere takes sodayam to be a repetitive amplification of dandyah and renders it by ‘plus a
penalty’ (II, p. 97). The sense would plead against this interpretation. The property deposited
of course is the depositor’s, and not the trustee’s, which is why in all fairness the income gained
from it ought to go to the owner of the capital: a case similar to the commissioned sellers of
goods who, according to Kaut. 3.12.25 or 30 nmlyam ttdayam ca dadyuh ‘should give the price
and the profit’ to the owner. - Taken by itself, udaya- can of course mean any kind of
increment, the penalty not excluded: but the parallels make it most likely it means ‘interest’ m
the passage discussed. This is how Asahäya understands the term: he says sopäsrayam, i.e.
‘together with what rests upon it’: the äsraya-, the basis of the transaction, is the capital
deposited; its upäsraya-, the income derived from it. The closest parallel is Yijnavalkya 2.67, a
verse which says that for a niksepa- as for other objects deposited with someone not the owner,
131
artisans’ materials, and th ey cover th e case o f the docum ents u n d er discussion. First and
obviously, w ith th e bequests th a t consisted o f m oney only: funds w hich w ere m eant to
be lent out against interest10, as is evident from the thva damaya vara sdnana passage
(Form ula, [Bl]), as is evident, to o , from the guthi accounts w hich have been pre
served11. T he interest collected was to finance the ritual established. — W ith donated
fields, the case was n o t any different in principle: th ey were also m eant to be used, to
yield an annual incom e by having th em farmed. N arad a’s term niksepah sodayah seems
a perfectly adequate description o f w hat th e donations intend.
5.5. Even so, all this could have been easily accom m odated u n d er th e m ore conventional
heading of ddna-, ‘gift’ or ‘d o n a tio n ’. C ountless establishm ents were financed th a t way.
A nd th e form ula itself has preserved three w ords w hich stem from this context:
dattapatrdrthe in the W itnessing form ula, danapatina ... sampradattam ‘given by the
donor , clearly p o in t back to an origin in ‘gifts’: a depositor is no danapati-, let alone a
yajamdna-. T o go by this, the niksepa- seems to be a layer superposed over a previous
form alism w hich viewed the transaction in term s of gifts.
T he reason for the innovation is n o t beyond conjecture: we shall n o w tu rn to the
question of w hat may have lain b ehind the change in form alism . C onceivable answers
lie in tw o separate trains of th o u g h t.
5.6. C onceptually, w hen applied to th e transactions recorded, ‘deposits’ had indubitable
advantages over ‘d o n atio n s’.
(1) F o r one thing, all donations m ention a clearly defined purpose w hich the
endow m ent is to serve: usually som e kind of ritual, dow n to lam ps to be lit o n a
particular day. N ow , w ith gifts a donee norm ally is free in his dispositions as to the
pro perty made over to him : I do n o t k n o w w hether a d o n o r’s in ten tio n could legally
bind th e recipient. But such in ten tio n s were the driving force behind th e endow m ents
here recorded, and from this p o in t o f view, deposits were a serviceable solution.
To be sure, there is a definite shift in emphasis in this: in deposits, reten tio n of
ow nership is of the essence; th e endow m ents rath er stress the o th er side of th e coin,
non-transfer of ow nership to those endow ed: they are n o t ow ners, b u t trustees.
(2) This leads to the second po in t, th e question of th e grantees (w hich we shall have to
revert to). T he rituals established of course address them selves to a deity w h o in this
very central sense w ould have to be regarded as th e beneficiary. B ut even so the
endow m ents can hardly be said to form part of w hat this god o r goddess owns: the
djivan svecchayd dandyo ddpyas tam cdpi sodayam, ‘he who uses them according to his wish is to
be punished, and should be made to return it together with the increment’ — which ‘increment’
to Vijnanesvara is the interest (savrddhikam), and he apparently does not take it in the sense of
current rates, but as the sum actually obtained (saldbham): Yajnavalkyasmrti ... with the
commentary Mitaksara ... Fifth ed. ... by Narayan Ram Acharya, Bombay 1949, p. 178.
10 From N. S. 730, we have a document recording a loan (hastoddhdra) from such funds which
shows a guthi actually pursuing what in spite of its modest scale can be called banking activities.
See, e.g., the Asa Saphu Kuthi mss. Vaidya No. 432 (a guthi ‘functioning as lending and
borrowing institution’, p. 93 f.), No. 438 (‘lending, interest, harvest and functions of the guthi
noted’, p. 95), No. 440, p. 96, etc.
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Bernhard K ölver
usual priestly hierarchy which acts for the deity has no voice in handling them . R ather,
it is guthis which are entrusted with this task, i.e. usually, au to n o m o u s bod.es o f a
donor’s compeers which serve a religious or social purpose. - O bv.ously, th e m em bers
of such guthist though recipients, were in no sense the grantees: there are constant
sentences of the type (N S. 762) ropa ydya mateva; ropa yakare govm bm anadi pancamahdpdtakajuro etc., ‘it is not permitted to cause a loss; if (they, i.e. th e m em bers of the
guthi) cause a loss, there (will) be (the guilt of) the Five G reat Sms, (viz., killing) a cow,
a brahmana etc.’; there are the s ta n d a r d i z e d provisions for con tro l: every d o cum ent
unfailingly reminds gutln members the property is not theirs. Again, a deposit was an
adequate expression of the legal position.
Such, then, are the reasons which could in theory be advanced against the dana-, and
in favour of the mksepa- model. But they have to be balanced against a simple fact. F o r
centuries, deities and cults had thriven on endow m ents framed as g.fts, danas, and for
all we know, the pattern had worked reasonably well; Malla kings contin u ed to use .t;
distrust of the traditional administrative handling of donations w ould hardly seem a
sufficient cause for the innovation.
6. The missing seals. It is at this point that one is driven back to th e peculiarity
mentioned above and shelved until now, viz., the missing seals th a t tell us th e transfers
of ownership were not entered into cadastral records. O bviously, this fact is closely
related to the questions of deposits, in the sense of retained ow nership. Essentially, it
is problems o f state finances that now raise then head.
Lands granted to religious institutions, it is well know n, used to be exem pt from taxes
and other kinds of revenue; any donation of lands a private individual made to a deity
would thus reduce the income of the state. W hich is w hy kings resorted to various
devices to stem this drain12. It now seems the Malla states chose w hat can n o t b u t be
called a radical m ethod in order to achieve this aim: fo r w hole large groups of
donations, th ey w ithheld this permission altogether. O w ners, th en , contin u ed to be
liable to pay th e norm al dues to the state even on lands th ey had w illed away.
This explains a peculiarity in the terms of our donations. M ore often th an n o t, it is b u t
a certain part of a particular field that is being given. A field, e.g., is described th e usual
way, giving its name, its size, its four boundaries (either m full o r by w ay of an
abbreviation), th e description concluding with etanmadhye ‘m th e ir m id st’ [i.e. located
between the boundaries]: up to this point, the text exactly conform s to th e p a tte rn we
know from sales. But now it is a fraction which follows: ‘one half, one th ird etc. of this
(is donated).’ T his is an odd way to express the m atter. If som eone wishes to sell half
a field, he w ill of course have it partitioned, and have th e deed draw n u p so as to
indicate th e boundaries of the plot he means to dispose of. N o tio n ally , i.e. w hen
divested of its overtones, there seems to be no objection to regarding a d o n atio n as a sale
at price zero; if there is no flaw to this, there would seem to be no reason fo r a gift of
p art of a field to be handled in a way different from its sale. Yet it was, and the reason
is plain: th e o w n er still had to pay revenue for it - and th e share he donated (: this is
speculation, now ) may well have amounted to som ething like th e net profit he derived
12 A brief synopsis is found in D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy (Delhi 1965), pp. 114 ff.
133
from it: if it had been th e entire field th a t he made over, the revenue he still had to pay
w ould have taxed his rem aining income.
7. T his is a fact w hich is n o t w ith o u t its social repercussions. Presum ably from a regard
for its ow n incom e, th e state did n o t grant a norm al guthi the privileges th a t m any
tem ples, maths, or bráhm anas enjoyed: such donations of lim ited appeal were n o t
exem pt from tax.
O ne part of the people’s reactions the docum ents show : although th e legal construc
tio n was anything b u t stable, we see a constant stream of new guthis emerge, for a
veritable host of purposes, to adm inister even m inute trusts. T h eir m em bers were held
together by the com m on task of co ntrolling each o th er in the ad m inistration of d o n a
tions, by the com m on feasts th at the docum ents so often provide for; th ey were held
together by favours w hich it was in th e pow er of the guthi to bestow: loans th e interest
of w hich at tim es was low er th an th e cu rren t rate, dow n to the instance of N . S. 709
w here a d o n o r had a codicil added w hich says a bo rro w er just has to replace w hat he
to o k, i.e. there was no interest to be charged. In a sense this is a parallel to the
in stitutions called dyabchems, ‘houses of gods’, w hich apart from th e space used b y and
for th eir deity usually contain room s th at at th e discretion o f th e guardian are available
to people in emergencies: to hold a feast w hen som ebody lies ill in th e house (: an
eventual death w ould pollute the entire party), to accom m odate families w hose house
has com e dow n, etc.
A nd if one was looking for co rro b o ratio n , one w ould find it in the term inology the
N ew ars them selves use to designate th e ir donations. In the N ew árl p art of th e form ula,
the crucial w ord is ‘inside’, du, and its derivations. A d o n o r causes his gift ‘to be inside’,
du ju ya ; even a sim ple dum ta w ill do, ‘inside’ o r ‘placed inside’ (: w hich is th e expression
the docum ents can use as the N ew Sri equivalent of sampradattam bhavati). T he guthi
receives th e donation, an act w hich is called du káya ‘to take inside’; th e same phrase is
used to denote th e act of receiving som eone in to o n e’s household: th e elderly (e.g. in a
docum ent dated N . S. 793 ásadha sukla 6), o r a wife, o r an adopted son.
T he associations of the concept are sharply focussed by a term th e docum ents use
when dealing w ith the deity they call th e ‘T hrice Ven. Á ryyávalokitesvara, th e R evered’,
i.e. the fam ous M atsy en d ran ith w hose procession th ro u g h the city, in his unw ieldy
chariot, form s such an im p o rtan t event in th e annual festive calendar of Patan. In its
course, the statue spends some tim e in Gáda Báhál, w here he is taken into its sanetissimum. In the docum ents, this place goes by the nam e of ‘T he Sacred In te rio r’, iri
dian. In choosing this designation w ith its lack of precision th e docum ents very
markedly p o in t to its secrecy and inaccessibility —■and by im plication to th e u n ity of
the group w hich is held together by th e w orship of this particular m anifestation o f th e
divine. — C orrespondingly, w hat goes to people w ho do not belong to th e co m m u n ity
(as to the low-caste tailors, the jugi, w ith th e ir indispensable ritual functions), even w hat
goes to the general public by way of entertainm ent at great festivals, is called ‘w hat is
placed outside’, p i te etc. ‘Inside’ vs. ‘outside’, du vs. pi: this is th e m ost sim ple and
straightforw ard of structural patterns.
It looks as if the state had decided to ignore its society w hen it was to its advantage
to do so, and driven people to th eir ow n resources. T h ey found th em in abundance: one
134
could well im agine th e profusion of guthis to have been p art of th e answ er. H ow ever
th is m ay be, there can be little d o u b t all this m ust have strengthened com m unal feelings,
first in th e positive sense of creating cohesion betw een mem bers. But in w ith h o ld in g a
favour w hich, to go by the sastra, th e people had every right to , th e state achieved w hat
was n o t a desirable result: it as it were incidentally created a division betw een the
representatives o f th e G reat T rad itio n and those others w hich provided for the services
th a t everybody stood in need of.
Dinesh Raj Pant
The Institution of Slavery in Nepal
and its Analysis Based on the Dharmasastras
1. A Survey of Sources
1.1. T he h isto ry o f N epal th at can be w ritten based on docum ents begins 1500 years ago
un der the Licchavi kings. A b o u t tw o hundred inscriptions of th e Licchavi period have
been found. O f them , one deals w ith the in stitu tio n of slavery. T here is a tem ple of
A nantalingesvara on a hill located south of Suryavinayaka in B haktapur and n o rth of
the to w n of L ubhu. T he in scription was set up by N arendradeva (ca. 643-680),1 a
fam ous king of the Licchavi period. T h e site, now adays famous u n d er th e nam e of th e
isaiva deity A nantalingesvara, belonged to H am sagrhadranga during th e Licchavi period.
T here was a tem ple dedicated to th e Vaisnava deity Lokapalasvam in, and N arendradeva,
in adm inistering the affairs of th e tem ple, assigned ten male and tw en ty fem ale tem ple
slaves2 to it.3 Since m any letters have w o rn away in the passage o n this stone
inscription w here the slaves are described, it is no t possible to un d erstan d everything
that was w ritten , but it is clear th a t provisions were made for th e slaves to receive grain
and sum s of m oney.4
This is the only clear m ention of th e in stitu tio n of slavery during Licchavi tim es to have
come to light. Som ething now will be said, how ever, about a fu rth er sign o f its existence
found in an o th er inscription. T here is an inscription near the B uddhist caitya o f C habel,
located som ew hat east of Pasupatinatha Tem ple. In this inscription, the date o f w hich
has not been ascertained, it is stated, in connection w ith th e subject of c o n tro llin g o n e ’s
sense organs, ddsavat tdni sandhdrya5 (‘bringing th em u n d er c o n tro l like slaves’), and
this is an indirect indication th at th e in stitu tio n of slavery existed.
1.2. F ollow ing this discussion of th e practice of slavery in the Licchavi period, we com e
to tw o docum ents from the second half of th e 11th century. These tw o legal docum ents,
1 This paper furnishes for kings their reign, and for other persons their lifetime.
With regard to how devabhrtydndm and ddsinam (D. Vajracharya 1973:486) have been
described in this inscription, it appears at first as if only devaddsa (‘male temple slave’) and ddsi
(‘female slave’) are described, but not female slaves of God. However, ‘female slave’ is used here
for female slaves of God, being described along with devaddsa in a religious context. D.
Vajracharya has written ‘female slaves of God’ in some places and ‘female slaves’ in others
(ibid.-AS7, 488) in translating this inscription.
3 D. Vajracharya 1973:486.
4 Ibid.
D. Vajracharya 1973:1.
136
D in esh Raj P ant
dating to 1051 and 1061, are located in th e R udravarnam ahavihara (O kubahal) in Patan.
T he docum ent o f 1051 records th e case of som eone w ho pledged him self to bondage for
five years in exchange for having received b o th cash and kin d ,6 and the d ocum ent of
1061 stipulates a three-year period o f service under the same conditions.7 As these are
private docum ents, th e nam e of th e king is n o t on them ; nevertheless, the first
docum ent dates to th e reign of Baladeva (ca. 1049-1060), and th e second one to eith er
Baladeva o r P radyum nakam adeva (ca. 1063-1066).
1.3. W e com e to th e tro u b led tim es th a t follow ed u p o n the Licchavi period. F ro m th e
reign of A nandadeva (II.), th ere is a legal docum ent, dated 1313, w hich says four pdtra-s
from G abahal in Patan freed tw o persons.8 N ow although the p aram ount kings residing
in B haktapur was recognized as such, in Patan the traditional rule was one of pdtra-s,
and since it was th e y w ho issued it, there is no m ention of any king. As sense cannot
be made o f all th e sentences, the exact situation is n o t clear; still, w hen things are p u t
into context, it is seen th a t w hat is being referred to is m anum ission. T his conclusion
is reinforced by th e fact, furtherm ore, th a t the w ord m ukatapatra (m uktipatra = ‘w rit
of em ancipation’) is w ritte n o n the back side.
1.4. T he evidence continues after a gap of m ore than three centuries. K ing
Siddhinarasim ha Malla (1619-1661) o f the kingdom of L alitpur (Patan) was th e one w ho
built th e fam ous K rsna T em ple at the darbar square of his capital. In an inscription set
up there in 1637 w hen th e tem ple was dedicated, along w ith the various gifts
Siddhinarasim ha gave durin g a kotihom a he perform ed for fo rty days, m ention is made
o f a gift o f male and female slaves.9 F rom this it is clear that, in m aking gifts of slaves
in this m anner, he was gaining merit.
1.5. O n th e n o rth e rn side of T alejuchok, B h aktapur’s royal palace, a to tal of tw elve gilt
copperplate inscriptions have been affixed in a row to th e m ain beam su p p orting th e
rafters. T he fo u rth o f th em from the left is of relevance to th e in stitu tio n of slavery. It
was placed th ere by Siddhinarasim ha M alla’s grandson, th e Patan king Y oganarendra
M alla (1684-1705). W itnessed by the B haktapur king B hiipatindra Maila (1696-1722),
P atan ’s cautdrd (‘chief m in ister’) and th e royal priest o f Patan, it tells of Y oganarendra
founding a guthi for th e Taleju of B haktapur. T he inscription calls u p o n slaves and
wicked persons n o t to damage the gilt copperplate, th reatening th em w'ith T aleju’s
baleful loo k if th ey do, w hile prom ising them h er look of blessing if th ey preserve it.10
irirdjapatni Jayalaksm idevi also num bers am ong those w ho acted as witnesses. T his
Jayalaksm i was one o f Y oganarendra M alla’s concubines. It may be supposed th a t she
had a hand in com paring slaves to w icked persons as a w arning to anyone w ho might
offer com p etitio n to her, it being the trad itio n in the society of th e tim e th a t concubines
w ho had entered th e co u rt as slaves m ight become queens if th ey pleased th e king.
6
7
8
9
10
B. Kolver 1986:436.
lbid.-AV.
For this document and the problems of its interpretation, see M. Pant 1990:8.
Parajidi, Y. Vajracharya and R. Vajracbarya 1954:21.
Tevari ct al. 1962:29-30.
T h e I n stitu tio n o f Slavery in N epal
137
1.6. N o w for the great incision in Nepalese h istory, th e conquest of th e K athm andu
Valley by the G o rk h a K ing P rthvinarayana ¿aha (1743-1775). F ro m his reign onw ards,
docum ents relating to slavery become m ore plentiful.
1.6.1. F ro m P rthvinarayana ¿aha him self, there are four docum ents, all issued to one
¿rikrsna Pathaka, the king o rdering him to give male and female slaves to several
different people.11 T hree docum ents concern the traditional giving of slaves as gifts, as
th o u g h they were gifts of pro p erty . A fo u rth docum ent, how ever, is of particular
interest, and I propose to discuss it in some detail.
It was issued in 1766 and show s the king com m anding ¿rikrsna P ath ak a ‘to seize th e
wife and children of the enem y and give them to Bhimasena K arkl in exchange fo r a
male buffalo th a t was confiscated fro m him and b ro u g h t to th e k in g .’12 F rom th is
d ocum ent we learn that th e value o f a mixed pair o f slaves was no greater th a n a single
anim al.
A next group of relevant docum ents was issued by P rth v inaray a n a Saha’s son
Pratapasim ha ¿aha (1775-1777) w hen he was th e crow n prince. T h ey were also addressed
to ¿rik rsn a Pathaka, and tw o of th e m again concern th e giving of a m ixed p air of slaves
to som eone.13 In one docum ent Pratapasim ha ¿aha orders ¿rik rsn a P ath ak a to ‘send
tw o couples of slaves if possible and, if no t, one, because of som e urgent w orks over
here.’14
In 1767 a saval ( i.e. a ‘questio n ,’ ‘request,’ ‘desire’ etc. — th e w o rd is from Arabic)
was carried out under the name o f ¿rikrsna Pathaka. T he term is in com m on use in
N epali and is used, am ong o th e r things, in th e sense o f an affidavit o b tain ed as p art of
the legal process to expedite court cases. T his particular affidavit lists a n u m b er of tasks
entrusted to ¿rik rsna P athaka, am ong them m atters concerning male and female
slaves.15 T he king’s nam e is n o t on the docum ent, b u t it comes from P rthv in aray an a
¿aha’s reign.
W e do n o t k now m uch about ¿rik rsn a Pathaka, b u t from o th e r docum ents it is clear
that during the period of th e conquest of th e K athm andu Valley, he was involved as a
chief officer in the job of exercising au th o rity over new ly conquered te rrito ry and
conquering o th er new territo ry . — Interestingly enough, all th e docum ents encountered
up to n o w w hich com m and th e transfer o f slaves are addressed to this single ¿rikrsna
Pathaka.
1.6.2. Some light is also shed on the in stitu tio n o f slavery as it existed du rin g the period,
by a docum ent w ritten by P rthvinarayana ¿aha in 1771 A. D . to th e um ara o f Aginchok, L aksm ikanta U padhyaya. It stipulates th at if th e ow ner o f a male slave w ho had
com m itted an act of theft was unable to locate him , th en he w ould becom e governm ent
property, and adds th at it was n o t p ro p er for anyone to appropriate a slave to him self
in exchange for an unfinished plough, there being n o custom from fo rm er tim es to do
11 D.
n D.
13 D.
11 D.
15 D.
Pant
Pant
Pant
Pant
Pant
1982:54, 56; id. 1985:30.
1985:30.
1982a:64, id. 1983:2-3.
1988:104.
1985:31.
138
D in esh Raj P an t
so. A gain it is seen th at th e custom of regarding a slave as th e equivalent of an inanim ate
object still existed at the tim e .16
1.6.3. In the treasury of th e Pasupatinatha tem ple, th ere is a copperplate dated 1773 th at
concerns a d o n atio n , made by a B h irk o t B rahm in, o f tw o N ew ar w om en as tem ple
female slaves.17 If h ith e rto we have encountered only examples of rulers being involved
in the in stitu tio n of slavery, we n o w have proof, from th is copperplate, th a t ordinary
citizens were also involved in it. T h e kingdom of B h irk o t was p a rt o f the Caubisi
kingdom s, and th e royal families of G o rk h a and B h irk o t w ere related agnatically.
S hortly after P rthvinarayana ¿aha had consolidated his p ow er over th e th ree kingdom s
of the K athm andu Valley, he tu rn e d his sights on th e regions in th e west. In this
connection, he began invading th e kingdom s to th e west o f G o rk h a, and after som e tim e
B hirkot, to o , fell to him .
T here is no nam e of th e king o n th e copperplate of 1773,18 b u t as th e precinct of
Pasupatinatha T em ple is inside K athm andu, it is clear th a t it was u n d er the con tro l o f
P rthvinarayana ¿aha at this tim e. It w ould appear th a t th e reason w h y a citizen of
B hirkot does n o t m en tio n th e nam e of P rthvinarayana ¿aha is th a t in 1773 th e kingdom
of B hirkot was n o t u n d er th e co n tro l o f G orkha, and was in fact th e enem y of th e
G orkhalis. Interestingly, there is an o th er copperplate concerning slavery in the
Pasupatinatha treasury, this tim e dated 1806 and issued by one B uddhirekha G odarnI (a
w om an K satriya o f th e T hapa clan).19 Again, on th is copperplate no m en tio n is made
o f the reigning king, G irvanayuddhavikram a ¿aha.20 D o u b t m ay arise th a t th e man
from B hirko t did n o t m en tio n th e k in g ’s name only for th e reason m entioned above,
but th a t there was great glory attached to Pasupatinatha is seen from th e fact th a t a man
from far-off B h irkot w ent all th e w ay there to make an offering o f tem ple female
slaves.21
1.6.4. T h oug h th ere are m any docum ents relating to slavery from th e reign o f
Prthvinarayan a ¿aha, on th e o th e r hand there is also evidence th a t th e king supported
reducing the practice o f keeping slaves:
L ubhu was a region in th e k ingdom of Patan to th e southeast o f K athm andu w hich
had com e un d er th e c o n tro l of P rthvinarayana ¿aha in about 1764. T h ere is a docum ent
issued by him in 1768, stating th at he had seized D h anad atta N evara, th e neighbour of
R am akrsna Paudyala o f th a t place, made a slave of him and given h im to Visvam itra
16 N. Pant et al.: 1148.
17 T. Shrestka 1974:104-105.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
10 Ibid.: 105.
21 There is a document stating that in 1789 A. D. Thakura Giri, in establishing an endowment
for Visvesvaramahadeva in Bisankhu, donated eight ropanh of land together with his own female
slave. This may serve to supplement what has just been mentioned concerning gifts to deities.
In the document (Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project K 113/23), located in the
Guthi Office in Bhadrakali, the year of recording is given as ¿aka 680. The figure 1 seems to
have been left out by the copyist. What may be taken as the true date, ¿aka 1680, corresponds
to the year 1789 A, D.
T h e In s titu tio n o f Slavery in N epal
139
M isra. H is m aster, though , had let h im go, and th e king ruled he was from th a t day free
and no one henceforth had th e right to call him a slave.22 T h e transaction is
rem arkable enough: it is a royal decree confirm ing an act o f em ancipation carried ou t
by an ordinary citizen. T here is a dense settlem ent of the Paudels in th e region of
L ubhu, and th ere are M ishras th ere as w ell.23 — It is interesting in this co n tex t th a t in
L ubhu there are still descendants of th e R am akrsna Paudyala m entio n ed in th e
d o cum ent.24
1.6.5. A sim ilar act of m anum ission is attested from 1769 A. D.: O n e T ulaslram a K aphle
of B ham arkot bought a male slave nam ed Kesya from Jayanarayana for 26 rupees and
set him free.25 Even th o u g h P rth v in aray a n a ¿aha was king at th e tim e, his nam e is n o t
m entioned, w hich m eans n o t o n ly rulers b u t also com m oners w ere involved in acts of
m anum ission.
1.6.6. In a docum ent o f King R ajendravikram a âha (1816-1847), dating from 1830, we
get a glimpse of P rthvinarayana Saha’s effort in 1773 to reduce th e n u m b er o f slaves. It
tells us th at P rthvinarayan a ¿aha tried to p u t a stop to th e practice w hereby D an u v ar26
m erchants o f Satagau, having advanced loans o f m oney o r goods to com m oners for a
double o r triple rate of retu rn , to o k th e ir sons and daughters as security and m ade slaves
of them .27 In K abhre P alanchok D istrict there is a place called Baluva.28 T h ere are
seven villages of D anuvars.29 T he 1830 docum ent makes it clear th at th e Satagau
m entioned previously as the hom e of D anuvara Sahu is this same place.50 T his is a
good example, if on a small scale, illustrating th a t Prthvinarayana ¿aha did n o t w ish to
let the n u m b er of slaves increase. H is lack of success in the undertaking, how ever, is
seen in the fact th a t his great-grandson R ajendravikram a had to go th ro u g h th e same
m otions.
1.7. If, on the one hand, th e rulers tried to w eaken the in stitu tio n of slavery, on th e
other th ey made a practice of giving slaves to people th ey liked. D aivajnasirom ani
Laksm ipati P a d e (1758-1831) received such slaves, and th e circum stances are colourful.
In his plan to conquer th e west, Bahadura ¿aha (1757-1797), regent u n d er his ow n
nephew R anabahadura ¿aha (1777-1799), appo in ted Laksm ipati P a d e as an aide. O n the
basis of astrology, L aksm ipati w ro te th a t before th e year of 1786 ended, th e kingdom
w ould gain victories as far as th e Bheri River, and he subm itted his prediction to the
22 N .P a n teta l. 1969:1038-1039.
25 This information was received from Rukmanath Paudel, a resident of Lubhu.
V. Paudel 1989:36, 40-41.
25 Kaphle 1977:8.
26 The Danuvar are one of the ethnic groups of Nepal settled particularly in the eastern hills.
27 N .P a n teta l. 1969:1041.
28 Jacabujhakendra 1975:491.
29 Upreti 1992:86.
“ In a previous mention of it, Satagau was made to refer to Banepa, Dhulikhel, Khandpu,
Chaukot, Panauti, Sanga and Nala (N. Pant et al. 1969:1040-1041; D. Pant 1971:252), but this has
been shown to be inaccurate. Similarly, taking the reference as being to the Satagau of Salyan
(Kshetri 1986-1987:9) does not seem to be satisfactory either.
140
D in esh Raj P an t
N epal governm ent. B ahadura ¿aha had w ritten th at th e king w ould give h im a stipulated
rew ard if his prediction came tru e, he him self being a witness to th e prom ise. T he banks
of the Bheri w ere reached som etim e earlier th an the astrologer had predicted, and the
N epal g overnm ent was very pleased w ith him . T here is evidence th a t he later received
landed p ro p e rty and, along w ith it, one male and tw o female slaves.31 H igh officials
posted in th e west w ro te tw o docum ents in 1786 concerning his o b taining th em .32
1.8. Foreigners' Accounts. In 1793, C olonel K irkpatrick, w ho had com e to N epal as an
accredited agent o f the East India C om pany, w rote his A n Account o f the Kingdom o f
Nepaid. In th e chapter entitled ‘C rim es’, he deals am ong o th er things w ith m atters
relating to th e in stitu tio n o f slavery. H e w rites th at w om en w ho com m itted im m oral
acts w ere often subjected to having th eir noses cut off and being enslaved, and th a t it
was th e custom in N epal th a t they should become th e p ro p erty of th e village
chieftains.33
Francis B uchanan H am ilto n , w h o came to K athm andu w ith C aptain K n o x ’s m ission
in 1802, spending fourteen m o n th s in N epal and another tw o years o n th e N epalese
border, also w ro te a h isto ry of N epal entitled A n Account o f the Kingdom of Nepal. H e
w rote m uch m ore th a n K irk p atric k did about the in stitu tio n o f slavery as it was
practised in N epal, including th e fact th a t there was no p ro h ib itio n on th e sale of H in d u
w om en of any caste as slaves to M uslims and C hristians. T h eir ow ners could sell any
slaves, male o r female, w ith o u t th eir assent, and after being sold they were forced to
conform to th e ir new o w n e r’s religion.34 In another place H am ilton w rites th a t
household servants in N epal are generally slaves. T he price of slaves was approxim ately
th irty m ohars, b u t th e price o f a female slave was approxim ately fo rty m ohars if she was
young and beautiful.35 H am ilto n writes here at length about slaves of b o th sexes.36 But
it does n o t appear th a t he clearly understood th e institu tio n of slavery as practised in
N epal, in view o f his belief th a t people w o rk in g as cooks in a n o th er p erso n ’s house o r
serving in his w orship ro o m w ere slaves. It seems th at he th o u g h t such people were
slaves because slaves generally acted as house servants.
1.9. Further Steps towards Reducing Slavery.
1,9.1. T he one-and-a-half-year-old G irvanayuddhavikram a ¿aha (1799-1816) was raised to
the th ro n e b y his father, R anabahadura ¿aha, w ho at the age of 23 became a yogin and
was hencefo rth called S v a m i Maharaja. R anabahadura ¿aha, having left N epal and having
spent about th ree and a half years in Benares, returned back hom e and began to act as
G irvana’s guardian. In 1806, w ith in one and a half m onths of becom ing a regent
(;mukhtiyara), o n th e basis of an autho rizatio n letter in th e name o f his son then eight
years old, R anabahadura ¿aha issued, in the name of the king, a docum ent containing
forty articles o f m iscellaneous contents, addressed to fourteen officials in th e territo ry
51
32
-13
M
D. Pant 1966:39.
Ibid.
Kirkpatrick 1811:104.
Hamilton 1819:37.
Ibid.-.234.
,6 Ibid.-.234-236.
T h e In stitu tio n o f Slavery in N epal
141
extending from the Kankai and th e T ish ta Rivers in th e east to th e M ahakali R iver in
the w est. D u rin g this tim e th e kingdom of N epal extended from th e T ish ta in th e east
to b eyond the Sutlej, to th e kingdom of C ham ba, in the west, barring th e fam ous fort
of Kangra. N evertheless, in these affidavits it is stated th a t on ly in th at p art of the
kingdom extending up to the M ahakali were investigations being carried o u t. In th e
fo u rth affidavit it is w ritte n th a t no son of a com m oner could legally be made a slave
by anyone w ith o u t the king’s perm ission, and th a t anyone w ho tried to force a n o th er
person to become a slave w ould be punished, and th e slave freed.37 T h u s it is seen th a t
R anabahadura ¿aha also tried to reduce th e practice o f slavery, b u t as th ree w eeks had
n o t passed from the tim e th a t this w rit came in to effect un til he was m urdered by his
step -b ro th er ¿erabahadura ¿aha (1778-1806), it is unclear w hether th e policy adopted by
R anabahadura ¿aha was successful o r not.
1.9.2. T here again is a copperplate in th e Pasupatinatha tem ple w hich provides m ore
evidence in th e present context. T his is th e 1806 docum ent already referred to (1.9.,
above). It states that B uddhirekha G odarni, in d o n atin g her d o w ry o f jew ellery, utensils
and th e like to Pasupati, at th e same tim e freed a female slave w h o m she had purchased
for fifteen rupees. In o rd er to certify this act, B uddhirekha called upon h e r son,
daughter, daughter-in-law and others to be witnesses to it.38 F ro m this it is seen,
therefore, th a t if m erit was to be gained, o n th e one hand, by d onating female slaves to
Pasupati, it was also to be gained, on th e oth er, b y going there and em ancipating slaves.
1.9.3. In a sense, this tallies w ith a d ocum ent issued in 1808 by G Irvanayuddhavikram a
¿aha to Kajl Balavanta Rana. W o rd had been received th a t m em bers of th e fo u r H in d u
castes w ere openly selling th e ir ow n sons and daughters to B hotes (people of T ib etan
origin), M uslim s and o th er people in th e plains, and were likewise secretly selling th e
sons and daughters of others. N o w , notice was issued th at such transactions w ere to
stop, and w hoever furth er engaged in them w ould be fined and subject to bodily
punishm ent; w atchm en should be placed at th e ghats to bar such activities; w hoever
overstepped th e order should be heavily punished; B hotes and people from th e plains
w ho came to buy slaves should have th e ir p ro p erty confiscated. Balavanta R ana was also
w arned th at if he disobeyed th e order and failed to display zeal in carrying it o u t, he
w ould be considered a rebel.39
T his docum ent chiefly deals w ith M uslims and Bhotes m aking slaves o f H indus.
N evertheless, since w hat is w ritten is musalamana prabhriti madhesya it is a larger
group people, including b o th M uslim s and T ibetans w ho are singled o u t in the
docum ent. — It is n o t clear from the d o cum ent w hich area of the k ingdom was being
targeted; nevertheless, since w atchm en w ould be placed there and B hotes and M adhises
(people from th e plains), including M uslim s, w ent there to do business, it w o u ld appear
that it was the border region. T he suspicion arises th a t K um aon and G arhw al, p art of
the kingdom of N epal at th a t tim e, m ight have been th e target area, given th a t Nepalese
adm inistrators posted to th a t region w ere found to have engaged in th e slave trade.'11
,K
57 D. Pant 1971:239.
” T. Shmtha 1974:105.
55 Naraharinatb 1966:68-69.
w Ibid. 68.
41 Pande 1937:397-398, Sankntyayan 1953:212.
142
D inesh Raj P an t
As to the a u th o r of the rules, one should keep in m ind G irvanayuddhavikram a ¿aha
at the tim e was only efeven years old. In ocher w ords, th e edict was th e w o rk of
Bhimasena T h ap a (1775-1839), w ho th e n controlled th e reins of pow er.
1.9.4. T he same Bhim asena T h ap a is seen to have also had a do cu m ent issued in 183642,
in the nam e of G Irvana’s son R ajendravikram a ¿aha, on the subject o f p u ttin g a sto p to
the practice o f slavery. In it one Subba P iirnabhadra of th e M agar trib e (a n o n -H in d u
tribe that follow s B uddhist practices) makes p etitio n to th e effect th a t since Magars,
unlike o th er ethnic groups, had no fixed public ord er and w ere subject to c o rru p t
practices, a fixed public o rd er should be instituted in th e ir case to o . T h is p e titio n was
heard, and th e docum ent records th e enactm ent o f a system of public o rd er relating to
eating habits and bondage. T h e Magars from the M arsyangdi R iver to P y u th a n used to
give th eir daughters as pledges, b u t henceforth such activity was to stop, n o r were others
to accept such pledges, and any o n e w ho failed to conform to th e system and b o u g h t o r
sold slaves w ould be punished.
1.9.5. A next decisive step occurred under th e reign o f R ajendravikram a ¿aha. T here is
a docum ent he issued in 1839 w hich clearly show s th e governm ent made an a ttem p t to
end slavery th ro u g h o u t th e w hole of N epal.43 W ritten w hen C autariya Puskara ¿aha
and Kaji R anajanga P ld e were in co n tro l of th e governm ent, it states th at, from th a t
day on, no o n e was allowed to buy o r sell th e sons and daughters o f som eone else as
slaves, and th a t w hoever did n o t abide by the order and engaged in such activity w ould
be punished according to his caste.44 T his was th e first d ocum ent to apply to th e w hole
of N epal, and th u s it m arks a very im p o rtan t stage in th e histo ry o f th e em ancipation
of slaves in th e c o u n try .4’
1.10. The M u lu k i A in . As K ing R ajendravikram a ¿aha did n o t have a good grasp of
adm inistration, th e state of th e N epalese kingdom slow ly deteriorated. It was under
these conditions th at p o w er fell in to th e hands of Jarigabahadura (1817-1877) follow ing
the K ot massacre. Sometim e later R ajendravikram a ¿aha was deposed and his son,
Surendravikram a ¿aha (1847-1881), was placed on the th ro n e. A fter th a t Jarigabahadura
in practice (though n o t in law) w ielded absolute pow er.
In 1854, so m e three years after having returned from a trip to E urope, P rim e M inister
Jarigabahadura had th e A in prom ulgated w hich was th e new code o f law.46 U n til th en
the rules and restrictions had been in force separately, b u t now he had everything
codified into a single body o f law. T ho u g h th e A in came in to force in 1854, w ritte n
42 Nepali 1956:191.
43 Id. 1964:9-10.
” Ibid.
45 Mahesh Chandra Regmi, in writing on the subject of slavery in his/! Study in Nepali Economic
History 1768-1846, made use of many documents in his collection, apparently dating from
between 1788 and 1846 (pp. 117-122, 189-190). Since these documents have not been published,
not everything in this context is clear, but nevertheless what is clear is that they are documents
that were sent by Nepalese rulers to Solukhumbu, Dullu, Dailekh, Jumla, Garhwal and other
places in order to establish slavery. As a special study is needed of the slavery system of this
period, it is worth recalling in this context that these documents should be looked into
thoroughly.
46 Muluki A in 1965:2.
T h e In s titu tio n o f Slavery in N epal
143
evidence has been found show ing th a t it began to take shape from 1908 V.S. (1851/
1852),47 and th u s it seems th a t Jangabahadura started having it draw n up right after
retu rn in g from Europe.
T here are rules concerning bondage and slaves in m any passages o f th e A in. Ten
articles of it are m ainly taken up w ith these subjects.48 T h ey are generally concerned
w ith strengthening the traditional system of slavery, b u t som e also deal w ith the
em ancipation o f slaves, and therefore it is clear th at Jangabahadura consented b o th to
the m aking and freeing of slaves.
Jangabahadura had adopted a policy of settling areas th a t w ere uninhabitable because
of malaria, and a place rem ained for slaves w ith in this policy. H e made a law w hereby
slaves w ho had fled from th e kingdom o f N epal to India and from there w ent to settle
d ow n to a household life and farm ing in S urkhet in th e west o r M orang in th e east were
autom atically freed.49 B ut slaves w ho arrived in S urkhet o r M orang directly, having
fled from o th e r parts o f N epal, were n o t granted this concession.
In com pensation fo r th e aid th at Jangabahadura had rendered to th e East India
C o m pany d u rin g the M u tin y of 1857, N epal received back part of th e land th a t was
taken aw ay u n d er the Sugauli T reaty of 1816, These lands were called the N a y l M uluk,
th at is, the ‘N ew C o u n try ’. T he slaves living in the N a y l M uluk (w hich com prised
Banke, Bardiya, Kailali and K anchanpur districts) w ere now freed autom atically.50
M oreover, the selling o f sons and daughters was now forbidden.51 All these steps
m arked a great advance tow ards freeing slaves.
1.11. D aniel W right, w h o was w o rk in g at th e British residency in K athm andu as a
surgeon during the tim e o f Jangabahadura, edited a vams'dvali under th e title History o f
N ep a l... w ith an Introductory Sketch o f the C ountry and People o f Nepal. H is in tro d u c to ry
sketch gives a concise account of th e cu rren t practice durin g his time:
‘Slavery is one o f the institutions o f Nepal. Every person o f any means has several slaves
in his household, and the wealtlry have generally a great num ber o f both sexes. It is said that
there are fr o m tw enty to thirty thousand slaves in the country. Most o f these have been bomslaves; but free men and women, w ith all their families, m ay be sold into slavery as a
punishm ent fo r certain crimes, such as incest a n d some offences against caste. In a fe w of the
wealthier households the fem ale slaves are n o t allowed to leave the house; but in general they
enjoy a great deal o f freedom in this respect, and the morals o f the fem ale slaves are very
loose in consequence. They are generally employed in domestic work, wood-cutting, grasscutting, and sim ilar labour. The price o f slaves ranges fo r females fro m 150 to 200 rupees,
and fo r males fr o m 100 to 150 rupees. They are usually well treated, a n d on the whole seem
47 On the cover page of the A in published in 1927 V.S. (1870/1871) and 1928 V.S. (1871/1872)
on the order of Commander-in-Chief Ranoddlpasimha, when his brother Jangabahadura was
ruling, it is written that the formulation of this code had started in 1908 V.S. (1851/1852).
,s Muluki A in 1965:349-386, 576-578, 682-691. It is worth remembering in this context that in
the A in published in 1870/1871, 1871/1872 and in different manuscripts of this Ain, some
articles on male and female slaves and bondmen are missing, and some numbers are added and
others reduced in the articles which correspond to those published in 1965.
45 Muluki A in 1965:36.
Landon 1928:part 2, 164.
51 Ibid.
144
D in esh Raj P ant
quite contented a n d happy. Should a slave have a child by her master, she can claim her
freedom ’ (p. 45).
But a near-contem porary N epalese source m aterially adds to this description. T his is
a 1875 A. D . deed effecting th e conveyance of p ro p erty w ithin a B rahm ana family. It
reveals the fact th at, besides farm anim als, gold and silver, household utensils, jew ellery
and such, male and female slaves were also divided up betw een th e six b ro th ers.52
Slaves, then, were considered as form s o f w ealth, and th ey were treated like goods w hen
it came to dividing up possessions.
1.12. N oticeable efforts were made to am end the A in by Bir Sham sher (1852-1901),
som etim e after had becom e th e prim e m inister by killing his uncle R anoddipasim ha
(1825-1885). T he revision prom ulgated during his rule53, in 1945 V.S. (1888/1889),
introduced far-reaching changes. T h e n u m b er of articles on slaves and bondsm en in th e
new version was reduced to tw o. T h ey clearly said th at, from th a t p o in t in tim e on, no
one can be made a slave even w ith his ow n consent.54 (O ne notes in passing th is had
been R ajendravikram a ¿aha’s p o sitio n in 183955.) H an d w ritten notes dated 1967 V.S.
(1910-1911) have been found in th e A in published w hen C handra Sham sher (1863-1929)
was ruling w hich indicate th a t this article was published in 1886 (43 Margasu 9:1)56: Bir
Shamsher, then, had done th e w o rk w ith in a year of becom ing th e prim e m inister.
T here is evidence th a t Bir’s successor D ev Shamsher attem pted to free slaves
im m ediately after his accession to th e prim e-m inistership. D ev Sham sher had posted
officials to Lam jung and Kaski, w ith the idea of freeing slaves. In ord er th a t th e people
there w ould aid in th e task, he m ade assurances th a t those w h o freed slaves w ould be
given land and o th e r concessions.37 H e had assembled civil and m ilitary officials and
other respected persons to his office in May 1901 and delivered a speech condem ning
slavery and praising th e freeing o f slaves.58 D ev Sham sher was successful in freeing
some slaves th at w ere in the k in g ’s palace, his ow n household and in th e houses o f his
courtiers,55 b u t th e pow erful persons in Lamjung and Kaski were b itterly opposed to
the idea, and arm ed forces had to be made use of in order to p ro tect th e officials w ho
had been posted th e re .60 All this m ay have induced him to retrace his steps: he made
a law in June 1901 o utlaw ing th e buying and selling of slaves and even giving and
receiving them as gifts.61 T h u s D ev Sham sher made great attem pts to free slaves, b u t
as his term of office was o n ly fo u r m onths he did n o t succeed in d o in g so.
52 Bhattarai 1994:kha.
55 The text was actually published by order of Dev Shamsher (1862-1914), the commander-inchief when Bir Shamsher was ruling.
54 A in 1888/1889:vol. 3, 125. The same details are found in the A in, published when Chandra
Shamsher was ruling, by order of his brother Commander-in-Chief Bhim Shamsher (1865-1932
A. D.) in 1961 V.S. (1904/1905), 1967 V.S. (1910/1911), 1975 V.S. (1918/1919) and 1980 V.S.
(1923/1924).
55 See note 44.
56 A m 1910/1911:vol. 3, 125-127.
57 /W.:13-14.
58 D. Pant 1971:256.
55 Ibid.
60 i b i d .a w .
61 Ibid.
145
1.13. Sylvain L évi, w ritin g at the beginning o f this century, had a n um ber in teresting
rem arks ab o u t slavery at th e tim e, and it seems useful to quote him in full.
‘La premiere en dignité de ces classes est celle de Kbvâs ou Khavas, esclaves ou affranchis
royaux qui sont les hommes de confiance du palais; c'est l'emploi q u ’ils tenaient déjà, dit-on,
a Chitor. Les bâtards de la fa m ille royale, les enfants nés d ’un Thâkur et d ’une esclave sont
rangés dans cette caste. Il fa u t se garder de confondre les Kbvâs avec les Ketas ou Kamâras
(Karmakâras) qui sont les esclaves ordinaires. L ’esclavage est en effet une des institutions du
Népal; le nom bre des esclaves s’y élève à vingt ou trente mille. La provenance en est variée;
les uns sont nés en servitude, les autres, en pun itio n d'un crime, ont été dégradés et vendus;
d ’autres, et les plus nombreux, ont été vendus par des parents nécessiteux. Les parents essaient
d ’abord de les vendre a des gens de bonne caste qui respectent les obligations de caste de leur
esclave; s ’ils n ’y réussissent pas, ils se résignent à les vendre à des parias ou à des infidèles.
L ’enfant perd dès lors sa caste, mais les parents conservent la leur, a m oins q u ’ils reprennent
chez eux leur enfant, m êm e affranchi. Le prix d ’un esclave va de 150 à 200 francs p our un
garçon, de 200 a 300 pour une fille. Les filles esclaves, m êm e les esclaves de la reine, sont
toutes légalement des prostituées; leurs maîtres ne leur assurent que la nourriture la plus
frugale, et les laissent pourvoir à leur vêtement par leurs propres ressources. Une esclave qui
a un enfant de son m aître peut réclamer son affranchissement.' (pp. 274 f.)
1.14. Chandra Shamsher, having become th e prim e m inister after deposing his elder
b ro th er D ev Sham sher, was a strict adm inistrator. He to o k the same strong line on the
freeing of slaves as he did on o th er subjects, as though the victory was his. H aving heard
that rulers before him had attem pted to free th e slaves, and bearing in m ind th a t his
elder b ro th e r D ev Sham sher had done the same, C handra Shamsher, unlike o thers, did
not m ake use of half-hearted measures, n o r did he adopt a blanket policy th a t bore little
fruit, as D ev Sham sher had done. Previous rulers had attem pted to abolish slavery, but
they had made no survey of th e num ber of slaves in th e region th ey w ere try in g to
reform. T herefore, in the census of 1920, C handra Sham sher set up a separate category
for slaves.62 Sim ilarly, he prepared an estim ate of the num ber of ow ners o f slaves,63
while at the same tim e m aking a law regarding the right o f slaves to acquire w ealth on
their ow n and to inherit w ealth from th eir parents.61 O n N ovem ber 28, 1924, having
made th e necessary preparations, C handra Sham sher assembled civilian and m ilitary
officials and o th er dignitaries on th e open parade ground and had a 61-page speech65
read by th e w orld-fam ous Sanskritist G urujyü H em Raj (1878-1953) in w hich th e evils
of slavery w ere laid bare and its abolishm ent advocated.66 King T rib h u v an Bir B ikram
Shaha (1911-1955) and C handra Sham sher him self were also present on this occasion.
Five m o n th s later, in A pril 1925, C handra Shamsher made a law abolishing slavery
th roughout N epal.67
62
6>
64
6i
“
7
Nepali 1964:18-19.
Ibid.ai.
Ibid.: 19.
Ch. J.B.R. 1925.
D. Pant 1975:257-258.
Ibid.:258-259. Chandra Shamsher ordered his courtiers to give their suggestions on whether
not to be a signatory of the League of Nations convention for the freeing the slaves after the
146
D in esh Raj P ant
N epal th u s did away w ith slavery 78 years after India had in 1843.“ It is w o rth
recalling also in this context th a t C h an d ra Sham sher abolished th e practice o f suttee in
1920,69 91 years after India had done so in 1829.
2. Nepalese Slavery in terms of H indu Law
A fter this survey of th e form s slavery could take in th e kingdom o f N epal, there
rem ains the task o f relating them to th e prevailing legal and social concepts. T h e p o in t
of reference needs has to be codified H in d u law, i.e. th e dhannasdstra, th o u g h this
com prehensive label, and the traditional view o f dharma, suggest a u n ity w hich we have
long learnt to replace b y a m ore differentiated view.
2.1. N epalese References to th e V alidity of th e sdstra
O n a stone inscription in K eltol of th e Licchavi king M anadeva (ca. 465-505), he is
described as srutidharmasdstravihitdm dharmakriyari ku rvva td 70 (‘doing sanctioned
w orks according to w hat is set dow n in th e Veda and dharmas'dstras’). T h u s it is clear
th a t the ideal o f th e Licchavi kings was th a t o f ruling according to th e dharmasdstras.
T here stands a pillar at th e tem ple o f Satyanarayana in H andigaon on w hich a long
hy m n of D vaipayana Vyasa com posed in beautiful Sanskrit by A nuparam a is inscri
bed.71 T h e letters in m any parts of it have been effaced, b u t w hat is left gives a h in t of
A nuparam a’s wide-ranging philosophical th o u g h t. O n this inscription, besides th e men-
Nepalese government was asked whether it was willing to do so by the British legation
sometime after the elimination of slavery by Chandra Shamsher (Dixit 1963:40). Some
documents with suggestions submitted by courtiers in this connection are in the Madan Puraskar
Pustakalaya, still unpublished, whereas others have been published (Dixit 1963:40, id. 1964:29,
42). Among these documents, there is a letter written by Gurujyu Hem Raj. It alludes to the fact
that slavery had been abolished but bonded slavery had not (Dixit 1964:42). This is clear from
the civil code published under Chandra Shamsher in 1984 V.S. (1927/1928) by order of his
brother, Commander-in-Chief Bhim Shamsher, and from the A in published under Bhim
Shamsher in 1987 V.S. (1930/1931) by order of his brother Commander-in-Chief Juddha
Shamsher (1875-1952); there is no mention in either of slavery, only of bonded slavery.—
Chandra Shamsher made an ain concerning slavery in December 1925 after issuing a
proclamation abolishing slavery, to go into effect in April 1925. That code was included in the
civil code published in 1927/1928 and 1930/1931 as number 17 of the article titled ‘Sale and
Killing of a Person’ published under Juddha Shamsher in 1992 V.S. (1935/1936) by order of his
nephew Commander-in-Chief Padma Shamsher (1882-1960) and was included as paragraph 1 in
the same article; matters concerning bonded slaves existing there before were exxluded. The
contents remained unchanged in the Mtduki A in published in 2009 V.S. (1952/1953) and 2012
V.S. (1955/1956). — The codes mentioned above, excluding the civil code published in 1965, are
in the collections of the National Archives, Madan Puraskar Pustakalaya, Krishna Prasad Pant,
Siddhi Raj Pandey, Narayan Ballav Pant and Prakash Raj Pandey.
68 Majumdar, Ray Chaudhnri and Datta 1974:1066.
69 Ch. J.B.R. 1924:45.
70 D. Vajracharya 1973:71.
71 Ibid.-. 158-162.
147
tio n of smrtis71 (dharmasastras), there is m ention of s'dstre manuyamabrhaspatyusanasdmn (‘in the sastras of M anu, Yama, B rhaspati and ¿ u k ra ’), so th a t we learn th a t
these sm rtis w ere in circulation during th e Licchavi period.
T h ere is a w ealth o f evidence th a t th e rulers and the people o f th e Malla period
rem ained com m itted to living according to th e dharmasastras. It is im possible to
m en tio n it all in this short article. T herefore o n ly tw o examples will be given here from
th e period.
T here is a MS. dated 1380 of a N ew ari com m entary entitled N ydyavikdsini o n the
Naradasmrti. It was com posed by M anika for Jayata, th e m inister of S thiti M alla.74
T h e adm inistrators of this tim e, th en , were eager to understand the contents of the
Naradasm rti in th eir ow n language. It is also w o rth no tin g in this context th e fact,
m entioned in the Bhdsavamsavali, th a t Sthiti M alla sought th e help o f pandits schooled
in th e sastras on how to run things according to th e dharmasdstrasP
A copperplate set up in 1701 at M ulchok in Patan by Y oganarendra Malla concerns a
particular decision taken according to the dharmasdstrasP T he king of K athm andu,
B hupalendra Malla (1687-1700), had gone on a pilgrimage and died upon reaching
B rahm anabha, situated near the to w n o f A yodhya. T w o m o n th s and five days later this
news reached K athm andu, and th e task of casting B hupalendra’s b irth horoscope (cind)
and having suttee perform ed was com pleted. Sixteen days later th e tim e fell for th e king
of Patan, Y oganarendra Malla, to begin perform ing a kotihoma. As Y oganarendra Malla
was IT ariharasim ha’s great-grandson, and B hupalendra his great-great-grandson, th ey
stood in a collateral relation to the deceased. U nsure, therefore, as to w h eth er he was
u n d er im p u rity and w h eth er he should go th ro u g h w ith th e kotihom a, Y oganarendra
M alla ordered his gurus and purohitas to make a decision according to the sastras. T he
dharmasastras began to be looked into , and since according to the Sankhasm rti o n ly a
partial m o u rn in g period had to be observed, as m ore th an th irty days had elapsed b u t
n o t a year, it was decided th at only three days were under defilem ent, and the kotihom a
began on the fixed day. T he copperplate recounts these particulars in detail, laying stress
on the fact th at the m atter was settled according to the ia n k h a sm rtiP
A s copies of the A caradipaP DevaddsaprakasaP Prayascittaprakaranam and Dharmasdrasl predating P rthvtnarayana ¿aha have been found in th e G o rk h a kingdom , it
11 Ibid.-. 160.
75 Ibid.
74 S. Vajracbarya 1987:117. In view of the statement in the MS. that Luntabhadra Vajracarya
copied the Nydyavikdsini by Manika, and the very same statement in the edition, the publication
of the said text by S. Vajrachaiya under the title of Luntabhadravajrdcdryaydh nydyavikdsini
(‘Luntabhadra Vajracarya’s Nyayavikasini’) is surprising.
75 Wright 1877:183-184, Department of Archaeology 1971:17-18.
76 D. Vajracbarya et al. 1962:227.
77 D. Vajracharya et al. 1962:227.
78 D. Pant 1988:663.
75 Ibid.:664.
80 D. Pant 1994:vaktavya 1-2.
81 D. Pant 198Sa:731.
148
D in esh R aj P an t
is seen th a t these w orks, w ritten in th e medieval p eriod,82 w ere fam iliar there during
th at tim e. A nd since, except for th e Dharmasdra, all th e o th er books were copied by
pandits of the A rjyala fam ily, it is clear th a t th e Arjyalas, at th e tim e th e royal
purohitas, were increasingly involved in this ty p e of w ork.
T h en fo r the fam ous Mitdksard, V ijnanesvara’s co m m entary on the Ydjnavalkyasmrti.
T hree learned pandits, tw o A rjyalas am ong th em , p etitioned Prthvinarayana ¿aha to
listen to its second b o o k , th e Vyavaharadhyaya, and th e king said he w ould, bu t this
w o rk w ith the Mitdksard co m m entary o n it was n o t available in G o rk h a, so it was
bro u g h t from the neighbouring kingdom o f T anahu. W hen th e king had heard th e eight
to ten initial slokas, he said th a t it w ould be a sin for him n o t to act according to the
dhamias'dstras, but th a t if he did so act, c o u rt cases w ould n o t ru n sm oothly, so th a t it
was best to place responsibility for affairs relating to th e dharmasdstras in the hands of
dbarmadhikaras, w ho w ere responsible fo r religious m atters, as stated in a kin d o f
vam savaliP In reciting on ly th e ‘V yavaharadhyaya’ and n o t th e ‘A caradhyaya’ and
o th er sections, th e G o rk h ali pandits are seen to have harboured th e aim of sim plifying
co u rt procedures. T he w hole procedure is a bit odd: th e G o rkhali pandits knew there
was such a th in g as th e Mitdksard, b u t th ey app aren tly w ere unable to produce a copy
from th eir ow n holdings, whereas th e w o rk was in T anahu. W e also learn th a t it was
th e o p in io n of P rthv in aray an a ¿aha th a t th e task o f conform ing to th e dharmasdstras
was to be entrusted to special officials, th e dharmddhikaras.
2.2. F ro m all this, one gathers th e Nepalese pandits at least had access to th e standard
in fo rm atio n on dharma. T h e exam ination o f th e slavery cases listed in P art I of this
paper suggests th eir know ledge w ent m uch farth er th an that: m ost o f the transactions
listed above can be fully explained by referring to the relevant sdstra texts.
2.2.1. Narada. T he nam e of th e fifth p a rt of th e vyavahdra section in the Ndradasmrti
is called ‘A bhyupetyasusrusa.’ T his contains th e follow ing account concerning the
different types of slaves:
grhajdtas tatha krito lahdho dayad upagatah |
andkdlabhrtas tadvad dhitah svdm ind ca yah ||
moksito mahatas cam ad yuddhapraptah pane jitah |
tavdham ity upagatah pravrajydvasitah krtah ||
bhaktaddsas ca vijiieyas tathaiva vadavahrtah |
vikretd cdtmanah sdstre cldsdh pancadasa smrtdh ||84
T hus fifteen types of slaves are enum erated. O n th e basis o f Bhavasvamin, A sahaya and
o th er com m entators,85 th e three verses are translated as follows: ‘O ne bo rn into,
bought o r given into slavery; received as an inheritance; raised during a perio d of
fam ine; given as security by th e ow ner; given in discharge of a large debt; seized in
battle; w on on a wager; com ing and offering to be a slave; leaving th e life o f a
samnydsin; offering to be a slave for a certain period of tim e; a slave for getting food;
82
83
84
85
Kane 1975:994, 1047-1048, 1052, 1074, Raghavan 1966:24.
N. Pant et al. 1972:1231-1232.
Jolly 1885:147, ¿dstri 1929:96.
Jolly 1885, iastri 1929.
J
149
com ing in th e to w of a w om an slave; selling himself: in the sdstras, these are called the
fifteen types of slaves.’
A nd N arada goes on to say
tatra purvas caturvargo ddsatvan na vim ucyate |
prasadat svam ino 'nyatra dasyam esdm kramdgatam ||86
‘O f th e fifteen types of slaves m entioned here, th e first four types cannot receive
freedom except by the kindness of th eir o w ners.’ In o th er w ords, N arada is of op in io n
th a t th e fo u r classes com prising those born, bought, given o r inherited into slavery are
perm anent slaves, and th e o th er eleven classes of slaves are im perm anent, th a t is, th e y
enter in to slavery only tem porarily. It is clearly w ritten th at the first fo u r kinds can
receive freedom by the kindness o f th e ir ow ners, particularly if they have saved th em
from som e life-threatening danger,87 and the o th er types can receive freedom by
fulfilling certain conditions.88 (O ne notes in passing this section is quoted by
V ijnanesvara in his com m entary o n th e corresponding section in th e Ydjnavalkyasm rti,
the fourteenth.)
Let us n o w briefly consider how some of the m aterial m entioned above may be com
pared w ith th e dharmasastras.
W e have previously discussed how N arendradeva arranged fo r slaves for Lokapalasvamin (1.1.), how a m an from B h irkot offered a female slave to Pasupatinatha (1.6.3.),
and h ow Siddhinarasim ha Malla, in perform ing a kotihoma, sim ilarly gave a gift o f male
and female slaves (1.4.). T he gift of slaves was in th e context o f his giving gifts to his
own guru V isvanatha U padhyaya and others.89 These three cases are examples o f
labdhah pratigrahddind90 (‘received as a gift and so fo rth ’) in the dharmasastras.
T hen, there w ere the tw o cases o f bondage (1.2., above). Indenture in the 1051
docum ent was fo r five years, and in the one from 1061, for three years. B oth are th e
kritab of the dharmasastras, th at is, etavdtkdlarn tvadddsa iti ablryupagamitalf1 (‘having
come and said, I w ill be y o u r slave for such and such a period of tim e ’).
T h e legal docum ent of 1313 (1.3., above) is n o t clear in its details. Still, there is no
doubt it is a w rit of m anum ission.92 T he o w n er’s being able to free a slave at his ow n
discretion is an example of w hat is stated in th e dharmasastras.
T he first batch of docum ents by P rthvinarayana ¿aha (1.6.1., gifts of slaves to ¿rikrsna
Pathaka, including wives and children o f enemies) and the docum ents of 1786 (1.7.:
Laksm ipati P ade) go together: these slaves were given during w artim e, and as th e
docum ents w ere w ritten jo in tly by several officers, holding th e post o f either k a ji o r
saraddra, w h o w ere in th e w ar zone, it is clear th a t these were people w ho were
captured in w ar.93 These are examples o f th e yuddhaprdptah o f the dharmasastras, th a t
86 Jolly 1885:147, idstri 1929:97.
87 Jolly 1885:147, idstri 1929:97.
88 Jolly 1885:147-148, idstri 1929:97-98.
89 B. Parajuli, Y. Vajracbarya and R. Vajracharya 1955:20-21.
93 Jolly 1883:146, idstri 1929:96.
,l Ydjnavalkyasmrti 2, 14.
92 See note 17.
150
D inesh Raj Pant
is, samare vijitya grbitalf* (‘defeated and captured in battle’). So is D h an ad atta N evara
(1.6.4). In this context one may recall the Manusmrti verse (8.415)
dhvajdhrto bbaktadaso grbajah kritadatrimau |
paitrko dandaddsas ca saptaite ddsayonayah ||
‘There are slaves of seven kinds, (viz.) he w ho is made a captive un der a standard, he
who serves for his daily food, he who is born in the house, he w ho is b o u g h t and he
who is given, he w ho is inherited from ancestors, and he w ho is enslaved by w ay of
punishm ent.” 3 D hanadatta, then, is an example of the dhvajdhrtah o f th is verse, th at
is, according to Kulluka, the com m entator on the Manusmrti, sangramasvamisakasa jita h
‘waging battle and being defeated by one’s ow ner . The docum ent does n o t spell o u t the
conditions under w hich the master released his slave. It m ight be a case o f provisions
like those the Naradasmrti envisages when saying
tavdham ity upagato yuddhapraptah pane jitah |
pratipfmisadanena mucyerams tulyakannand ||
‘A slave w ho is a slave for having come and said ‘I have become a slave,’ having been
defeated and captured m battle, o r having been w on in a wager, can be fieed from
slavery by his ow n efforts as well as by having someone else stand in for h im .’ W e do
not have evidence to tell us whether this slave received his freedom from VisvSmitra
Misra in accordance w ith the above words, or under some o th er set o f circum stances,
such, perhaps, as those m entioned by Kautalya: dryaprdno dhvajdhrtah karm akdlanuriipena mulydrdhena vd vimucyeta | 97 ‘An Aryan captured u n d er the b an n er should
be freed fo r [having done] suitable w ork for a specified period o r for half th e price.’98
D hanadatta may have become a free man by doing som ething like this.
The D anuvara merchants of Satagau enslaving comm oners after having made loans to
them (1.6.6.) may be compared with the Narada’s moksito mahatas cam dt, th a t is, in
Yajiiavalkya’s w ords (2.14) rnamocanena ddsatvam abhyupagatah rnaddsah ‘having
become a slave as a means of freeing oneself from debt.
The purchase of other people’s sons and daughters and m aking slaves o f th e m (see,
e.g., 1.9.3 above) no doubt is covered by the sdstra term kritah, as amplified, e.g., in the
sentence svadravyendnyasmdt kntati" ‘bought with one s ow n m oney from o th ers .
As to th e com m on activity of selling one’s own sons and daughters and those o f
others, we had seen both Girvanayuddhavikrama trying to stop it (1.9.3), and
Rajendravikram a ¿aha at least curbing the practice (: this was the case of th e Magars and
th eir custom s, 1.9.4). The procedure was frowned upon since ancient tim es. A n old
instance is th e Anusasanaparvan of the Mahdbhdrata, Bhisma giving in stru ctio n s to
Y udhisthira:
yo manusyah svakatn putram vikriya dbanam icchati |
kanydm vd jivitdrthdya yah sulkena prayaccbati |
saptdvare mahdghore niraye kdlasdbvaye \
54 Ydjnavalkyasmrti 2, 14.
95 Biibler 1886:326.
% Sdstri 1929:98.
97 Kautaliya Artbasdstra 3.13.19 (Kangle 1970:118).
98 Kangle 1972:237.
99 idstri 1929:96.
T h e I n stitu tio n o f Slavery in N epal
151
svcdam m utram purisam ca tasmin preta updsnute ||
anyo 'pry atha na vikreyo manusyah k im punah prajdh |
adbarm am ulair hi dhanair na tair artho ’sti kascana || lco
‘W hoever sells his son for m oney or gives away his daughter after taking th e price in
o rd er to survive w ill live, after dying, in the vast, fearful seventh-level hell called Kalasa,
d evouring sweat, urine and excrem ent. If it is no t lawful for others to sell them , w hat
sense is there in selling o n e’s ow n offspring? T he m oney gained unlaw fully will be of
no use.’ A nd quite a n um ber of law books continue in this strain. H ere is the Visnudharmottara, condem ning the sale o f o n e’s ow n daughter:
kanydm hayam ca dasim ca svagrhe sambhavdn subhdn |
posayitvd dvijo lohhdt pascdcl etdms ca vikrayet ||
sa hhuktvd ydtandh sarvdh pascad vydclho hhaved iha | 101
‘T he tw ice-born [Briihmana, K satriya o r Vaisya] w ho nurtures a daughter, horse or slave
bo rn in to his ow n house and sells th em ou t of greed will, after having suffered all
to rm ents, be reborn as a h u n te r.’ A n d A pararka, the com m en tato r o n th e Ydjnavalkyasrnrti, goes on in the same vein:
narindm vikrayani krtvd carec candrayanam vratam \
dvigunam purusasyaiva vratam ahur manisinah | | 102
‘O ne m ust observe th e vow of cdndrayana for selling a w om an and th e same candrayana
tw ice for selling a m an - th u s say th e w ise.’ All this show s th at, w hatever may have been
the m otives behind G Irvanayuddhavikram a’s and R ajendravikram a’s rulings, b o th kings
were acting in conform ity to the sdstras.
Finally, for a n ote on th e foreigners’ observations, and I shall take W right (1.11) as
an example. H is ‘slaves in N epal b o rn from th e u n io n o f male and female household
slaves’ o f course are the grhajatah, th a t is, grhe ddsyam jdto grhajdtahm (‘bo rn to female
slaves in th e house’), as m entioned in th e dharmasastra. — A n d to close w ith tw o
special cases. H e had m entioned th e w om an slave receiving her freedom if she bore a
child of her ow ner. T his again has its roots in old traditions, form ulated as early as th e
Kautaliya Arthasdstra: svdm inah svasydm ddsydm jdtam sam atrkam addsam vidyat |
grhyd cet kutum barthacintani mdta bhrdta bhaginl cdsyd adasah syith \ lt>'
‘T he
offspring begotten by the m aster on his ow n female slave shall be k n o w n as free along
w ith th e m other. If th e m o th er is attached to the house and looks after th e affairs o f the
family, her b ro th e r and sister also shall be free.’ A nd second, as to th e slaves’ norm al
tasks: W rig h t’s description (1.11.: household chores, chopping firew ood, cu ttin g grass
and the like) finds close parallels in a treatise entitled Lekhapaddhati, com piled in the
15th century by a pandit from G u jarat103. T here are tw o relevant docum ents there (the
sale of a female slave106; a w om an w ho sold herself107) w hich record w hat th ey had
100 Mahdbbdrata Anusdsanaparvan 45:19, 20, 24, (Poona 1975:2574).
101 Quoted in Ch. J.B.R. 1925:53.
11/2 Quoted in ibid.:52.
101 Jolly 1885:146.
104 Kautaliya Arthasdstra 3.13.23, 24 (Kangle 1970:118).
'■' Dalai and Sbrigondekor 1925:VII.
106 Ibid.:44-45.
107 Ibid.:45-47.
D in esh Raj P an t
152
to do: household and o u td o o r w o rk , field w o rk , fetching w ater, sm earing walls, cleaning
away dirt, m ilking cows and buffaloes, churning curds and b u tterm ilk , taking snacks to
the field w orkers etc. —
A llow me to close w ith a general rem ark. I have presented this survey of th e in stitu tio n
of slavery in N epal n o t only because of its intrinsic interest, b u t also to show th e huge
mass o f traditional docum ents preserved in N epal well repays closer study.
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1965b Saktisali bharadara ramavarddhanaharu ra tatkalika nepaia (The powerful Ramavarddhana nobles and contemporary Nepal), in: Purnima 7: 12-36.
1966 ¿amasuddinako akramana (The invasion of Shams ud-din), in: Purnima 8: 6-13.
1972 Karnalipradesako aitihasika ruparekha (An outline of Karnali regional history), in:
Karnali pradesa cka bito adhyayana, edited by Bhim Prasad Shreshtha, 11-62. Jumla:
Samajika Adhyayana Samudaya.
1973 Licchavikalaka abhilekha (Licchavi period inscriptions). Kathmandu: Institute of Nepal
and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University.
Vajracharya, Dhanavajra and Jnanamani Nepal
1957 Aitihasika patrasamgraha (Collected historical documents). Part 1. Kathmandu: Nepaia
Samskrtika Parisad.
Vajracharya, Dhanavajra, et al.
1962 Itihasa-samsodhanako pramana-prameya (Proofs and topics to be proved concerning the
Itihasa-samsodhana). Patan: Jagadamba Prakasana.
Vajracharya, Gautamavajra
1967 Thyasaphuko aitihasika vyakhya (Historical commentary on the thydsaphu), in: Purnima
14: 133-149.
Vajracharya, Shantaharsha, ed.
1987 Luntabhadra vajracaryayah nyayavikasini (Luntabhadra Vajracarya’s Nyayavikasini).
Kathmandu: Nepalabhasaparisad.
Varma, Ram Chandra
1948 Devanagari urdu-hindi kosa (Urdu-Hindi dictionary in Devanagari script). 3rd ed.
Bombay: Hindi-grantharatnakara Karyalaya.
Whelpton, John
1983 Jang Bahadur in Europe. Kathmandu: Sahayogi Press.
Wright, Daniel, ed.
1877 History of Nepal, translated from the Parbatiya by Munshi Shew Shunker Singh and
Pandit Shri Gunanand with an Introductory Sketch of the Country and People of
Nepal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Mahes Raj Pant
Six 15th- and 16th-century Deeds from Tirhut
Recording the Purchase of Slaves1
Introductory
Like the deeds of the N ew ar kingdom s,2 the follow ing deeds from T irh u t are w ritten
on palm-leaves of oblong shape w ith a pen in black ink. T h e individual aksara-s appear
separately and w ith o u t any break betw een w ords. But unlike th e N ew ar deeds w hich
are w ritten on long narro w strips of palm-leaves and preserved in th e shape o f scrolls,
these deeds are w ritten on palm-leaves of standard size. M oreover, th ey have a hole in
the middle m eant for a string to pass th ro u g h for binding.
T he characters are M aithili. T he language is standard Sanskrit. C om pared to th e deeds
from the N ew ar kingdom s, there are few er gram matical inaccuracies. G enerally
speaking, these deeds closely follow th e models as prescribed by V idyapati in his
Likhandvali? H ow ever, one can notice here and there th e scribe’s lesser fam iliarity w ith
the language. N evertheless, I have n o t tried to edit the language follow ing th e norm s of
standard Sanskrit and have com m ented about gram m ar only in such places w here
com m ent is indispensable. T he Sanskrit language of th e deeds is interspersed w ith local
w ords w hich, in m ost cases, denote place-names and adm inistrative units, and
occasionally personal and fam ily names.
Date. These deeds, issued fro m T irh u t, cover a period of 69 years and are dated in th e
Laksm anasam vat (LS). T he initial year of the LS is variously identified: there are no less
than 15 different tradition s regarding its beginning, clustered w ith in a span o f 27 years
falling betw een 1104 to 1130;4 m oreover, there are tw o different views concerning the
1 I would like to express my gratitude to the following scholars who helped me in various ways
during the various stages of writing and revising : Diwakar Acharya, Keshav Acharya, Bronwen
Bledsoe, Yagyananda Gubhaju, Bernhard Kolver, Dinesh Raj Pant, Philip H. Pierce, Manoj
Rajopadhyaya, Ram Dayal Rakesh and Devi Chandra Shrestha. It was more than ten years ago
that I received the deeds to be presented below from a Maithila Brahmin whose family had
settled in the Kathmandu Valley generations before, and whose first language is not Maithili but
Newari.
2 For a general view of the Newar deeds on palm-leaves, see Kolver and $akya:l9&5.
5 Specifically docs. 55-56.
1 For 1104 and 1105, see Cunningham 1971:76-77, 78; and Ojha 1918:186. For 1106, see Ojha
loc. cit. For 1107, see Cunningham 1971:78-79, Ojha loc. cit, and Jayaswal 1934:21. For 1108, see
Cunningham 1971:79, Ojha loc. cit. and Jayaswal loc. cit. For 1109, see Sircar 1962:331, Agrawala
1962: Bhumika 10, Majumdar 1967:407, Chaudhary 1976:14, 16, 17 and P. Jha 1977:96-97. For
1110, see Jayaswal loc. cit. and Sircar 1942:89, 90, 91 (Sircar (ibid.:87) wrongly concludes that ‘the
Lakshmana Samvat date of the document follows the formula L. S. + 1108 = A. D .’, given that
a difference of 1031 years between the LS year and the corresponding ¿aka year can be deduced
160
M ahes Raj P ant
clay w hen it started.5 O u r deeds follow the form ula LS + 1130 = C hristian era, w hich
I am going to substantiate in the follow ing lines.
It is to be noted th at, barring the last one, all the deeds were issued during th e reign
of the kings o f th e O inw ára dynasty, w hich rose to pow er in th e fo u rteen th century,
follow ing the collapse of the Karnátas. T he first deed am ong them was issued on
T hursday, the 13th o f the waxing m oon o f ¿rávana in LS 364, w hen Bhairavasim ha was
reigning over T irhut.
We have a silver coin of this Bhairavasimha dated ¿aka 1411, in th e 15th year of his
reign.6 T his substantiates the fact that he ascended the th ro n e about ¿aka 1397, w hich
corresponds to 1475-76 in the C hristian reckoning. T he first seven traditions of th e
epoch of th e LS, w hich range between 1104 to 1110, do n o t fit the present context, as
the LS 364 o f o ur deed yields results between 1468 to 1474, w hen Bhairavasim ha had n o t
ascended the th ro n e yet.
T his Bhairavasimha, as the first deed says, was shining w ith all the royal insignia
received thro u g h the favour and boon of Sultan (.Suratrána) A lávadina Saha,7 th e
guardian o f the east (prácidikpati). This piece of in form ation enables us to safely
conclude th a t Bhairavasim ha acknowledged the suzerainty o f a certain sultan o f th a t
nam e and quarter.
Since o u r deed describes the sultán, the overlord of Bhairavasim ha, as ‘the guardian
o f the east’, there is no d o u b t about his being a sultán o f Bengal, w hich lies to th e east
of T irhut. As we know th at Sayyid Husain became sultan of Bengal, u n d e r the title o f
Ala-ud-din H usain Shall, most probably in 1493,8 there is no reason n o t to conclude
th at Alávadina Saha o f o u r deed is th e very same sultan w h o exercised his suzerainty
over T irh u t until it fell into the hands of Sultan Sikandar Shah Lodi of D elhi in 1495.5
Needless to say, the seven succeeding traditions of the epoch, falling betw een 1112 and
1123, also do n o t suit th e context, since th e LS 364 o f o u r deed w o u ld correspond to
from the document itself, issued on the third of the waning moon of Caitra, LS 620, áaka year
1651 and the [Fasli] year 1136.). For 1112, 1113 and 1115, see Jayaswal loc. cit. For 1117, see
Chaudhary 1976.-16. For 1119, see Kielborn 1890:1-2, Ojha 1918:185, Jayaswal loc. cit. and
Chaudhary 1976:15. For 1120, see jayaswal loc. cit. For 1123, see Rajbanshi 1964:34 (Éástri
(1905:109) wrongly read a figure of units in the áaka year in a MS. dated both in áaka and LS,
and this led Ojha (1918:185) to arrive at a wrong conclusion. For the correct reading, see
Virapustakalaya 1960:111-112 and D. Vajrdcdrya et al. 1962:141, and for the verification of the
date, see ibid.: 337). For 1130, see Sircar 1962:332 and Thakur 1980:208.
I may point out an additional tradition concerning an era which is called Laksmanasenasydtitarajye, i.e. ‘in the past [period of] sovereignty of Laksmanasena’, or similar
expressions, the initial year of which has been satisfactorily settled by Petech (1958:197-198) to
be 1204.
5 For the 1st of the waning moon of áravana, see Cunningham 1971:76-77. For the 1st of the
waning moon of Mágha, see Cunningham 1971:79-80.
6 Sircar 1962:329-330.
1 In prefixing the sultan’s name with the honorific ¡rimad, the unlearned scribe commits a
mistake in the process of combination by writing dda instead of a simple da. The same kind of
mistake also occurs in deeds 2 (1. 2) and 3 (1. 2), both involving the conjunction of srimad and
rüpa.
* Habihullah 1972a: 142-143. Ray 1967:215-216.
9 Diwakar 1959:396-397. Hameed-ud-Din 1967:143. Majumdar 1967:408. Choudhary 1970:82.
D eeds fro m T ir h u t
161
the years betw een 1476 to 1487, w hen Bengal was u n d er th e c o n tro l of several rulers
w ith quite dissim ilar names from w hat we have in o u r deed.10 T h e last trad itio n has
been strongly supported by a post-colophon statem ent in a MS. o f th e D anakanda
section of L aksm ldhara’s Krtyakalpataru. A ccording to it, the MS. was copied on
W ednesday, the 5th of the waxing m oon of K arttika in LS 374, w hich is made to
correspond to ¿aka 1426, during th e reign of R am abhadra,11 son and successor of
B hairavasim ha.12 T his equivalence betw een th e w ell-know n ¿aka era and th e LS
substantiates the traditio n according to w hich the LS started w hen 1130 years of the
C hristian era had already elapsed. T his definition of the LS fully fits th e con tex t o f o ur
deed, as it places it in 1494. It should be noted th a t five o th er deeds likewise are in
conform ity w ith th eir historical contexts w hen we accept th at th e LS of these deeds
started from th e same year.
A n o th er characteristic of these deeds th a t distinguishes them from th e N ew ar deeds
is th at they are furnished w ith th e weekday. T he N ew ar deeds generally state the
weekday only w hen the transaction involves a d onation to a d e ity .13 Interestingly, in
such circum stances, the N ew ar deeds provide no t only all five im p o rtan t elem ents (anga)
of Indie ch ronom etry, bu t also a long succession o f others, beginning w ith (parardha),
kalpa, m anvantara and yuga dow n to th e signs occupied by th e sun and the m o o n at
that particular m om ent, w hich are usually recited before proceeding w ith any kind of
act fo r w hich the d o n o r ensures religious sanction by solem nly declaring a form ula of
in ten t called samkalpa .MT ho u g h o u r deeds are furnished w ith th e m ost im p o rtan t
chronological elem ents, viz. the year, m o n th , fortnight, lu n ar day and w eekday, I have
not verified them .
A repeated perusal of these deeds in m anuscript form has convinced me of th e fact
th at th ey are them selves n o t th e originals. I th in k it is wise to establish this before
entering upon the task of com paring these deeds w ith classical n o rm s.15
T he approvals in the margins of all the deeds — w hich certainly are m eant to
represent the signatures o f th e persons concerned — are in th e same hand in w hich the
body of the deeds has been w ritte n .16 O n to p o f th at, b o th the second and th ird deeds
10 Habibullah 1972:136-141. Ray 1967:213-215.
11 Sircar 1962:332. Thakur 1980:208.
12 Sircar op. cit.:332-333. P. ]ha 1977:130-131. Thakur op. cit.:207-208.
” For an exception, a Newar deed concerning a piece of land and being furnished with a
weekday see M. Pant 1994:7.
14 See Rajbanshi 1983:8-9, 52-53, 81-82, 93-94; id. 1985:10-11, 37-38, 39-40, 48-49, 65-66; id.
1987:6-7, 19, 42-43, 71-72, 93-94, 127-128. There is only a single piece of evidence in the whole
corpus of Newar palm-leaf deeds edited by Rajbanshi in which the weekday is given along with
the other elements and the signs occupied by the sun and the moon, though no mention is made
there of the parardha, kalpa, manvantara and yuga (see id. 1987:78-79). There is a deed which
states a full sarnkalpa, though it does not go beyond the lunar day (see id. 1985:64). Another
deed does not go beyond the lunar day and stops at the two initial words of the sanikalpa by
adding ityddi (see id. 1987:119). It is to be noted that a deed recording the donation of a piece
of land made by a king to a Brahmin with the intention of seeking the favour of his own
tutelary deity states all divisions of time mentioned above, including the weekday (see ibid.: 8-9).
15 Unless otherwise specified, my source of classical texts is the Dharmakosa (Joshi 1937 and
1938).
16 Other deeds from the same region and fashioned after the same tradition as ours also contain
M ahes Raj P ant
162
are w ritten on th e same leaf, one on the obverse side and th e o th e r on th e reverse,
though there is an apparent gap of six years betw een dates. It is hardly likely, therefore,
that either deed was m eant to be th e docum ent of record. These deeds thus, in all
likelihood, are either drafts o r additional copies bu t n o t originals w hich could be
accepted legally.
H itherto unpublished, these six deeds, covering the period of 1494 to 1562, th ro w som e
light on the in stitu tio n of slavery in T irh u t. F u rth erm o re, th ey are auth en tic materials
for the reconstruction of th e dynastic and political h isto ry of T irh u t.
Signs used in Textual Part
[ ]
( )
<
>
aksara illegible due to the leaf’s being b roken,
m oth-eaten o r defaced.
aksara w hich I could no t read,
u ncertain reading.
aksara restored in a lacuna.
aksara om itted by the scribe.
col.
doc.
A bbreviations
colum n
docum ent
Deed N o. 1
Size 33 x 4.3 cm; text o n b o th sides: recto six, verso fo u r lines. C o n d itio n , n o t good: 12
aksara-s illegible in line a6, line b l slightly defaced.
Summary o f Contents. T h e deed certifies th e self-sale of a fair-com plexioned
twenty-year-old ¿udra w om an nam ed H ira along w ith her son. T he purchase was made
by a certain U padhyaya nam ed R upadhara M ahasaya in the village o f Prajuari, w hich
was under th e ju risdiction of th e tapa, i.e. tappa, 17 nam ed Jara'ila, w hich in tu rn
belonged to Trisastidesa in T irab h u k ti. H ow ever, th e m aterials at m y disposal do no t
the signatures of the persons concerned in the same hand in which the body of the deed is
written (Sircar 1942:88).
17 Tappa is a division of a country for purposes of revenue collection. See Wilson 1855 : s.v.
Tappa, Tttppa. Vidyapati's models for deeds like ours advert to the tappa in giving the particulars
of the place where a transaction occurred: Likhanavall, docs. 55-57 etc. It seems that, for
purposes of administration, Tirabhukti was divided at that time into several desa-s, such as
Ratnapurades'a (mentioned in the Likhanavall, doc. 55) and Trisastidesa (mentioned in the
present deed); and a desa was subdivided into many tappd-s, and lastly a tappa. consisted of
numerous grama-s. It is to be noted that Vidydpati only once replaces tappa with parigand
(Likhanavall, doc. 58), which is more commonly spelt pargand (see Wilson 1855: s.v. Pargana,
P u r g u n u ).
163
enable me to identify this tappd and the places nam ed in it and in the deeds to be
presented below . N onetheless, it m ay be m entioned th at th e tappd under w hose juris
diction the first five deeds were executed is th e same tappd to w hich th e poet V idyapati’s
village Bisapi belonged.18 V idyapati’s village, now spelt Bisfi, falls w ith in th e district
of M adhubani.
Several interm ediaries fixed th e price, and p aym ent was made in kind. H Ira sold
herself and her son by taking one m an ik a19 of rice in th e husk. T h e co ndition under
w hich the purchase was made was th a t th e slave w om an could u n d er no circum stances
flee, her ow ner being authorised to bring her back even if she to o k shelter u n d er the
royal th ro n e (rdjasimhdsanatalagatdpi) and to engage h er again in th e duties o f a female
slave. T he tasks to be done by her were menial, such as th e rem oval o f leftover food
(sakalocchistaphelanddikam dasikarm ma), as th e deed specifies. T h e deed is w itnessed by
fo u r persons; tw o Upddhydya-s am ong them .
Text
recto
1.
20 sid d h ih
|
p aram ab h attarak ety a d irajav alip u rv v ak ag atalak sm an asen adevlyacatuh21sastitrisatatam abde sravanasudi22trayodasiguruvare
2.
evam m asapaksadivasanukram akale bhilikhyam ane y atrankenapi sam m ata23
lasarn24 364 sravanasudi 13 gurau p u n ah param abhattarakaparam esva3.
rasvapatigajapatinarapatirajatrayadhikapracidigpati(sura)tranasrim addalavadinasahaprasadavaralabdhasam astaprakriyaviraja18 For the inscription, see Grierson 1885:190-191.
” Manika, a measure of capacity, expressed no less than five different kinds of volumes in
different periods. Interestingly, Vidyapati employs the term m dni in the sense of manika in one
of his models for deeds, in a compound in which, as in the present deed, the first member is
dhanya (Likhanavali, doc.-73). Diwakar Acharya has written an exhaustive treatment of the
subject, as yet unpublished.
20 This type of symbol, of varying shape, has been taken by earlier epigraphists as representing
the sound om (e.g. Fleet 1963:46), and this is also in conformity with the observation made by
Al-Biruni in the early 11th century (Sachau 1964:1, 173). However, later epigraphists interpret
it as the phrase siddham or siddhir astu (e.g. Bhattasali 1923-24:352), in spite of its presence in
some epigraphs before the very word siddhih (Sircar 1965:93). There are several instances when
the symbol is followed by the syllabic om itself (see e.g. N. Pant, Bhandari and D. Pant 1978:3;
plate of the first folio of the Sumatitantra printed after p. 273 in ibid.; Parisista 42, 46, 118, 167,
174, 185, 187, 197 in ibid.; Banerji 1913-14: plate facing p. 8; id. 1917-18: plate facing p. 160). It
is to be noted that this and four of the following five deeds begin with this symbol and are
followed by the word siddhih (no. 3 starts with the symbol alone).
21 Two strokes over the aksara tri that precedes sasti mark its cancellation.
22 The figure 1 that follows s'udi seems to be struck out.
‘3 Note the formation of the ¡i-stem sammata, here and in the following deeds, in the sense of
the indeclinable samvat. Pratapa Malla, a 17th-century king of Kathmandu, profusely uses
sammata in the metrical portions of his Sanskrit inscriptions in the sense of samvat: see
Naraharinath 1953:26; G. Vajrdcdrya and M. Pant 1961:8, 10, 13, 18, 19, 23, 25 and G. Vajrdcdrya
1976:218, 220, 223. See M. Pant 1986:31 for the usage of sammata in a statement written in
Sanskrit prose recording Pratapa Malla’s recitation of the Sabhdparvan from the Mahdhhdrata,
Abbreviation for laksmanasamvat or laksmanasenasamvat.
M ahes Raj P an t
164
4.
jnanaripurajakam sanarayanasivabhaktiparayanarnaharajadhirajasrim adbhairavasim hadevasam bhujyam anayam tirab h u k tau trisastidesa5.
n ta rg a ta ja ra i'la ta p a p ra tib a d d h a p ra ju a rig ra m e
u 23sriru p a d h a ra m a h a s a y a 26
saputrasudrikrayanartham svadhanam prajujyate dhanagra6.
hako pyetat27 m ahata ca[dyena] x x x x x x x x x x x d eh at28 sv am atm ana
vikritavantah m ulya x
In the left-hand margin facing the third line
,
mahi
verso
1.
saputra h lranam nim gauravarnnam uddesitavarsavim sativayaskarn nanam adhyasthavyavasthapitadhanyaJ,m anikam ekam adayam isu d attam 30 yatra k rita31
2.
saputra sudri 1 m ulyadatta dhanya m am 1 gotragotranivaraka32 dharm m a eva
yadi prapalati tada rajasim hasanatatagato pyaniya sa3.
kaIocchistaphelanadikam dasikarm m aninijujyateatrar(the)saksinahusriratnakarausricchibhu33karm m a34vidyapati k rta sridharaka4.
H | iti |
Translation
Success. In th e three hu n d red th year [greater by] sixty-four of the past era of
Laksmanasenadeva, [whose name is] preceded by the royal titles paramabhattdraka
[‘supreme k in g ’] etc., on T hursday, the th irte en th o f the w axing m oon of ¿ravana, th e
date thus being w ritten in due o rd er of the m o n th , fo rtnig h t, and day, w here [the date]
also in figures [is] in the era LS 364, in the waxing m oon of ¿ravana, on the 13th, on
T hursday;
again, in T irab h u k ti, w hich is protected by Maharajadhiraja, th e prosperous35 Bhai25 Abbreviation for upadhyaya. For its full form, see deed 5 (1. 6).
26 An aksara that precedes saputra is inked over.
27 A few words such as sakasat are certainly missing.
28 Five aksara-s which precede svam atmana are cancelled. O f them the first four, which read
as gajapati, are struck out, whereas the last one is effaced.
29 dhanya is supplied exactly above madaya without any sign of omission, but the addition is
slightly defaced.
M A comparison of this deed with the specimen provided by Vidyapati, and the following deeds
in the present paper as well, reveals that the normal sequence of clauses is reversed in the
original.
51 A medial i preceding kra in kri is legible, and its presence needs some explanation. It seems
that no sooner had the scribe written it than he realised his mistake, though he forgot to cross
it out. The scribe seems to have been habituated to write the stem kri as kri; see vikritavantah
in 1. 6 of the front side.
32 There is a half-written aksara which precedes dharmma-. [dha].
35 usncchibhu is written in the lower margin by adding the sign of omission v before karmma.
34 Abbreviation for karmmakara. For its full form, see deed 4 (back side, 1. 2).
35 There are two kinds of honorific prefixes to the names in our deeds, namely s'ri and s'rimad.
In order to distinguish one prefix from the other, I translate s'ri as ‘venerable’ and the s'rimad as
‘prosperous’. In light of the fact that both the sultans and the Tirhut kings receive the prefix
D eeds fro m T irh u t
165
ravasimhadeva, a N aray an a against enem y kings like N arayana against Kamsa, w ho is
engaged in devotion to ¿iva and is shining w ith all th e insignia received th ro u g h the
favour and boon o f th e Sultan th e prosperous A lavadina Saha, th e paramabhattdraka,
paramesvara suprem e lord, asvapati th e lord of horses, gajapati th e lord of elephants,
narapati th e lord o f m en and rajatrayadhipati supreme lord of a triad o f kings,36 and
th e guardian of the east; in th e village of Prajuari, w hich is part o f [lit. ‘tied w ith ’] the
tapd of Jara'ila,37 w hich [in tu rn ] is included in Trisastidesa,38 U padhyaya th e venerable
R upadhara M ahasaya39 invests his ow n m oney for th e sake of th e purchase o f a female
¿udra together w ith her son. T h e person w ho receives th e m oney [from ] him , ...40 for
her part, a female nam ed H ira, o f fair com plexion and ascertained to be tw e n ty years
o f age, w ho is w ith her o w n son, having taken one m anika of rice in th e husk as the
price, w hich was settled by several interm ediaries, sold41 herself o u t of urgent need 42
and was given to th a t [transferee]. H ence, 1 female ¿udra to g eth er w ith h er son has been
purchased,43 the price given being 1 m dnikd of rice in th e husk. T h e gotrdgotranivdraka
srimad, not sri (with the exception of a single deed (no. 2), in which the sultan’s and the king’s
names are prefixed with sri, though the latter’s personal title, by which he is known equally as
well as by his own name, receives srimad), and the fact that Sulaiman karranl, to whom the deed
provides no such royal titles as are present in cases of the Oinwara kings and their overlords,
but a sri (deed 6), like other respectable persons named in the deeds, it is highly likely that at
least the scribes of our deeds regarded srimad as having more weight than a mere sri, which in
one case at least was used even before the names of slaves (deed 6).
36 Sircar (1942:90) translates the compound rajatrayadhipati as ‘the lord of the three royal titles’.
He takes the compound rajatrayadhipati as having the same meaning as in rajavalitrayadhipati
(id. 1965:338). In other words, he thinks the compound may be classified as a
madhyamapadalopa, i.e. ‘where the middle member is elided’. I prefer to translate it as literally
as possible; my translation follows that of Fiihrer (1887:112), who presents it as ‘the lord over
the three rajas’.
57 Later, this tapd was changed to a pargand and came to be spelt Jarail (see P. Jha 1977:40, 41,
49).
18 Later, Trisastidesa seems to be known as Tirasathi Pargana (see ibid.:41 for this pargand ).
55 Cf. mahasaya, lit. ‘high-minded’, with mosaya, a Bengali title of courtesy which derives from
the Sanskrit term and may loosely be translated as ‘esquire’.
40 I do not translate dehdt in the absence of its context: 11 aksara-s which precede it are illegible
because of the breakage in the leaf.
41 In the original, vikri(sic)tavantah, which also occurs in deed 2. This fits the situation of deed
2, as the seller is a high-class Brahmin whose name is given in the honorific plural. This mistake
in gender and number in the perfect active participle, which here performs the duty of a finite
verb, stems from the scribe’s shaky knowledge of the language, which he shores up in most of
the cases with the help of the book of paradigms.
42 In the original, cadyena. The form cdclya, which also occurs in deeds 4, 5 and 6, is not attested
in Sanskrit lexicons. However, Vidyapati employs it in his Likhanavall (see docs. 55, 57, 58, 59).
L Jha connects it with cacti or cd>nda and translates it as atydvasyakatd sd (1969:43), i.e. ‘out of
great necessity’, dvasyakatd sd (ibid.: 45), i.e. ‘out of necessity’ or atydvasyaka kdja sd (ibid.: 46),
i.e. ‘for very necessary w ork’ in Maithili and dvasyakatd se (ibid.: 91, 94), i.e. ‘out of necessity’
or atyadhika dvasyaka kdrna se (ibid.: 93), i.e. ‘for the most necessary w ork’ in Hindi, and
Chaudhary translates it as ‘under... urgency’ (1976:575) or ‘driven by... urgency’ (ibid.:577, 578).
4) Since Vidydpati’s specimens (docs. 55, 56, 60) and all other deeds in the present paper have
at this point vikrita, i.e. ‘sold’, it seems that the scribe omits here the prefix vi, which reverses
the meaning.
166
M ahes Raj P an t
is only d lia tim .44 If she runs away, even w hen she has gone to beneath43 th e royal
th ro n e, she w ill be b ro u g h t back and em ployed in all aspects o f th e job of a female
slave, such as the rem oval46 o f leftover food.
In these dealings [the follow ing] are the krta-w itnesses: U padhyaya th e venerable
R atnakara, U padhyaya th e venerable C hlbhu, K arm akara [blacksm ith?] V idyapati and
¿ridhara.47
Finis.
[A pproved by] M ahi.
Deed N o. 2
T he leaf measures 32.5 x 3.8 cm. Like the leaf above, it contains text on b o th sides.
C o n d itio n , good, well w ritten in a beautiful hand. D o ts in several places, usually at th e
same level as th e head-m ark of an aksara.
Date. M onday, th e 1st of th e waxing m oon o f M agha in LS 376, w hen R am abhadra
was reigning, w ho was th e son and successor of Bhairavasim ha, T his tim e, th e sultan is
Sikandara Sahi, i.e. Sultan Sikandar Shah Lodi o f D elhi, w ho died in 1517.48 T h e rela44 The queer term gotrdgotranivdraka occurs in nos. 1, 3 and 5 which certify a person’s sale of
himself. However, it is to be noted that it is absent in no. 6 which records the same kind of
transaction. The Likhanavali offers two specimens of deeds containing the same term (docs.
55-56). We know from the former specimen that both the seller and buyer have to pay an equal
amount for the purpose of the gotrdgotranivdraka: gotragotranivdrakdya samubhayadeye 2 | 2 | .
It is obvious, therefore, that the gotrdgotranivdraka was a kind of tax to be paid by both parties
in an equal proportion to make the transaction valid. The latter specimen, like our deeds, was
issued to certify someone’s sale of himself and in the same way asserts that the
gotrdgotranivdraka is only dharma (‘golrdgotranivdrako dharmma evcC), i.e. does not need to be
paid. I. Jha (1969:42) tried in various ways to explain the term, to no avail. Chaudbary
(1976:575-576), though, perceived that it is a fee.
45 In the original, rdjasimhdsanatata. As tata, i.e. ‘shore’, makes no sense here and Vidydpati’s
specimen (doc. 55) and similar deeds have the expression rdjasimhdsanatala (see 1.1 of the back
side of deed 4 and Sircar 1942:90, 1. 12 of deed), I take the intended word to be tala.
46 In this deed ucchista is governed by the verbal noun pbelana, whereas in other deeds (1.5 of
deed 3 and 1.1 of the back side of deed 4) it is followed by spbetana, as it is in the Likhanavali
(doc. 55). Here the conventional meaning of the root phel ‘to go, to move’ clashes with the
context, I resort to the jaina Hemacandra, who paraphrases phelyate as tyajyate, i.e. ‘is left’, when
explaining the substantive pheld,. meaning ‘remains of food’ (see autocommentary on the
Abhidhanacintamani 3.90d -91“). Since the traditional meaning of the root sphit, ‘to injure’, does
not fit our context, I may refer to a meaning of its present participle sphetyamdna which occurs
in an erotic text and is explained in a commentary as apaniyamana, i.e. ‘being removed’ (Schmidt
1991:s.v. sphit). Cf. a Gujarati derivativephervii which can mean ‘to remove’ (R. Turner 1966:no.
13838).
47 The word krta (for krta ) oddly stands in the original after the name of the third and before
the fourth and last person to witness the transaction. However, I take it to refer to all the
witnesses on the basis of the Dharmasastra-s and the Likhanavali and in light of the following
deeds. Another noteworthy feature is that krta stands alone without the conventional addition
of bhutds ca. The whole appears to be legal turn of phrase (‘have been made and are become’),
which I translate in this and succeeding deeds simply as ‘are’,
48 Hameed-ud-Din 1967:142-147,
167
tionship betw een R âm abhadra and Sikandar Lodi seems to have been one o f great
friendship, if we can believe a statem ent by V ibhàkara, a co ntem porary T irh u t
a u th o r.49
Sum m ary o f Contents, T he deed was draw n up for the purchase of a slave w om an and
her daughter, by the same Riipadhara w hom we know already from th e preceding deed.
T his tim e his caste status has been elevated to Sadupàdlryàya, i.e. ‘th e virtuous
Upàdhyâya'.,0 In addition, the deed supplies m ore particulars th an the previous one
does concerning the place w here th e transaction to o k place, and it tells us w here
R iipadhara actually resided.
T he slave w om an was of fair com plexion and 28 years old. She was a ¿üdra, and by
caste was a Khâlava. H e r name was M ani, and her d aughter’s M aniki. She together w ith
her daughter belonged to one R a tn ik a ra w ho, like th e purchaser, was a Sadupàdhyâya
and Mahâsaya. F o r b o th m o th er and daughter R atnàkara received fo u r silver tanka-s, a
price fixed by th e interm ediaries. Interestingly enough, th e seller was one of th e
witnesses. T his deed is w itnessed by four persons, and am ong th em one Misra and tw o
more Sadupâdhyàya-s.
Text
1.
siddhih I param abhattàraketyàdiràjàvalïpürvvakagatalaksm anasenadevïyasasthasaptatyadhika5lsatatrayâbde sam aye bhilikhyam âne p u n ah param abhattàraketyâdyasvapatinarapati^gajapatinarapati2.
râjatrayâdhipatisuratrânasrïsikandarasâhivaralabdhaprasâdaniahârâjâdhirâjasrlm addrüpanàràyanasrïràm abhadradevapàdânâm sam aravijayinàm râjye. punah
3.
param abhattàraketyàdi yatrânkenâpi sammata. lasam 376 m âghasuklapratipadi
candre jarayilatapâsarnlagnaparajuSn-grâm Sntargata-ga53ngoragrârne
4.
tilaylgràm lyasupratisthasadupàdhyàyasrïrüpadharam ahâsayàhsüdrïkrayanàrtham
svadhanam prayunjate : dhanagràhakà api sadupâdhyâyasriT atnâkaram ahâsayâh sva5.
südrïm khâlavajâtiyàm varsâstavimsativayaskàrn gauravarnnâm m adhyasthak rtacaturm m udrâm ülyâm m âninàm nîm e^sutâm
19 P. ¡ha 1977:130-131.
50 There arc other instances in which family names have been elevated in the Maithila Brahmin
community by the addition of sat before them: e.g. see Éâstri 1905:29, 31, 1915:84 for
sadupàdhyâya, 1905:49 and Bhattacharya 1987:152 for sanmisra, and ibid.: 177,179 for satthakkura.
Furthermore, see the colophon of the Abhinavabhâsya by Bhavadeva Misra on the Yogasütra;
m it the guru of the commentator is called satthdkura, and both the commentator and his father
sanmisra. See microfilm reel no. E 1746/5 of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project.
31 ka is written in the upper margin, between dhi and sa, and the addition is followed by the
number of the line from which it has been omitted.
This first narapati is superfluous.
5Î The medial e in ge is cancelled by two small strokes.
'4 Abbreviation for etat. We find the same abbreviation in the Sanskrit of Maithilas elsewhere:
iàsiri 1905:25, 91; M. Pant 1986:31, 32. This abbrevation is profusely used in a Sanskrit
genealogy of the Sena kings of Nepal, named by its editor as the Pracïna-senavamsàvalï:
Senavamsivalî: 2-14, 16-17. For the same abbreviation used in the documents written in Bengali
and Maithili, see S. Jha 1957:2-4, 8, 10-12, 14-15, 18, 20 etc. and P. Jha 1977:91, 127, respectively.
168
Mahes Raj P ant
m a^nikinam nim caturm m udram mulyam adaya6.
misu dhanisu vikritavantah. yatra vikritasudri 2 m ulyanka-sam 56ru 57ta m 58
4. atrarthe misrasrisasi-sadu5,srisagapayi- sadusrlm ahipatikarm m as'ripatikah saksinah
krta bhutas ceti J|
In the left-hand margin, facing the fourth line
mah i60
Translation
Success. In the year of a triad of centuries greater by seventy-six of the past era of
Laksmanasenadeva, [whose name is] preceded by the royal titles paramabhattâraka
etc.,61 —• the date being w ritten;62
again, in the kingdom o i Mahâràjâdhirâja the prosperous R üpanâràyana [‘w hose form
is like that of N àrâyana’] the venerable Râmabhadradeva, w ho is triu m p h an t in w ar and
has received the favour thro u g h th e boon of the sultan th e venerable Sikandara Sâhi,
paramabhattâraka, etc.,63 asvapati, gajapati, narapati and râjatrayâdhipati;
again, paramabhattâraka etc.,64 where [the date] also in figures [is] in the era LS 376,
on th e 1st of the waxing m oon o f Màgha, on M onday, in the village of G angora,63
w hich is included in the village of Parajuàri, w hich [in tu rn ] is attached to the tapâ of
Jarayila, Sadupàdhyàya [the virtuous U pâdhyâya] the reputable, venerable R üpadhara
Mahàsaya, w ho is from the village of Tilayi, invests his ow n m oney for the sake o f the
being 4 silver tanka-s. In these dealings [the following] are the krta-witnesses; M isra the
venerable ¿asi, Sadupàdhyàya th e venerable ¿agâpâyï, Sadupàdhyàya th e venerable
M ahipati and K arm akàra ¿rïpati.
Finis.
5S The medial e in me is cancelled by two strokes.
* sum is an abbreviation for samgrhita. For its full form, see deed 3 (1. 5).
57 Abbreviation for rupya.
Abbreviation for tanka.
55 Abbreviation for sadupadhyaya. For its full form, see deeds 2 (1. 4), 3 (11. 3, 6), 4 (front side,
1. 4) and 6 (1. 3).
60 The syllable om occurs five times, half encircling main to the left.
61 N ote that the present and the succeeding two deeds do not repeat the complete date when
they cite the year in words. This is not in agreement with what Vidyapati ordains (docs. 56 et
seq.) Deed 6, on the contrary, offers the full date along with the year in words only,
62 The scribe apparently loses his train of thought here, failing to supply the date in figures. He
takes up this task again later, though, in 1. 3 of the original.
61 In the original, paramabhaUaraketyadi. This incorporates pammesvara, for which see deeds
1 (11. 2-3) and 5 (1.2). The other two deeds which refer to the sultan omit pammesvara and do
not add ityadi after bhattaraka (deeds 3 (1.2) and 4 (1.2).
64 In the original, paramabhattdraketyadi. It incorporates the beginning of a long phrase
qualifying LS of the deed. For the complete phrase see 1. 1. The repetition obviously was made
as a convenient way to resume citation of the date.
65 It is to be noted that the same village name, spelt as Gamgaura, is attested in the register of
the Maithila Brahmins known as the Kulapanji. For the citation, see P. Jha 1977:84.
169
[A pproved by] M ahi.
Deed N o. 3
T he deed is w ritten on the back o f the same leaf on w hich deed 2 has been w ritten.
O n ly a conjunct letter is damaged o n this side of the leaf, w here th e hole was expanded
by th e string. C o n d itio n , good; beautiful hand.
Date. Sunday, the 11th of th e w aning m oon of Magha in LS 382, i.e. A .D . 1512, w hen
Ram abhadra was reigning over T irab h u k ti. T his tim e n o t only suratrdna bu t also, before
it, pascdttya, i.e. ‘the w estern er’, has been prefixed to the nam e o f his overlord. This, no
doubt, was done to distinguish th e Lodi sultans of D elhi from th e sultans of Bengal,
w ho w ere ‘the easterners’. T he sultan in this deed, w hich dates to 1512, is th e same as
in deed 2, but his nam e has been spelt here as Sekandara Saha. It is to be noted th at
unlike the tw o previous deeds, the present deed om its th e term w hich states th a t the
T irh u t king received th e su ltan ’s favour. Still, it gives th e im pression th at T irh u t was
under the direct rule of the sultan, since the w ord sam bhujyamdna, i.e. ‘being p ro te c te d ’
is accom panied by the agent n o u n referring to R am abhadra’s overlord as in 1.
Sum m ary o f Contents. T h e deed was prepared for th e purchase o f a male ¿udra, one
Gopa M adhuka,66 w ho offered him self for sale for one silver tanka. Llis age was 22
years and his com plexion was dark. T h e buyer was the same Sadupadhyaya R upadhara
Mahasaya as in deed 2.
T his deed, like deed 1, specifies the tasks to be done by th e slave. Since he was a male,
his m aster expected him to do heavier jobs, such as ploughing fields, along w ith the
simpler ones of rem oving leftover food and the like (anekavidhahalavdbanocchistasphetanadi karm ma).
The deed m entions the scribe, nam ed Vira, w ho drew it up w ith th e consent o f bo th
parties, and to o k a fee o f one and three quarters of a pana from each. It is w itnessed by
three persons, tw o U padhyaya Ojha-s, and one Sadupadhyaya, like th e purchaser.
Text
1.
param abhattaraketyadirajavalipurw akagatalaksm anasenadevlyadvyasltyadhikatrisatatamabde evam m asapaksadivasanukram ena kale abhilikhyam ane y atrankenapi savvata
lasa 382
2.
maghabadiekadasiravau. punah param a^bhattarakasvapatinarapatigajapatirajatrayadhipatipascatyasuratranasrim atsekandarasahasam bhujyam ane
m aharajadhirajasrlmaddrupanara-
M In approving the deed, the prospective self-seller writes only Madhu, omitting gopa and the
final ka. Madhuka, according to Manu 10.33, is the offspring of Vaideha father and the Ayogava
pother. In turn, a Vaideha is born of the union of a Vaisya male and a Brahmin female, and an
^yogava from a ¿udra male and a Vaisya female.
A cancelled ta precedes bbattaraka.
M ahes Raj P an t
170
3.
yan ap adalanchitah68 srlm adram abhadradevapadas sam aravijayina6,,s tirab h u k tau
sasati jara < ’i > k 70tapasam lagnaparjuyarigram e sadupadhyayasrlrupadharam ahasayah
siidrakrayanartham svadhanam prayu4.
njate. d h anagrahako py etatsakasan71 nam na m ato72 gopam adhuka atm avikrayikahru(p)yatankakaikam adayatm anam syam avarnnam uddesitadvavim sativarsavayaskam
atm anam vik ritav an tad atre5.
tyadi yatra vikritasvatm a pram 1 m ulyankasam grhitatam l n adyarabhya
dhanigrhe anekavidhahalavahanocchistasphetanadi karm m a k arttu m gotragotranivarako
tra dharm m ah likhapanobhayade6.
y a p a '7,1 1 |j | atra saksi sadupadhyayasrisucikarausripranasaraojhausrisivayiojhanam m an ek ah 75 k rta bhutas ceti likhitam u b h ay an u m aty a srivireneti ||
In the left-hand margin, slanting upward between the third and fo u rth lines
M a d h u m a ta m
Translation
In the three h u n d red th year greater b y eighty-tw o of th e past era o f Laksmanasenadeva,
[whose nam e is] preceded by th e royal titles paramabhattaraka etc., th e date thus being
w ritten in due o rd er of th e m o n th , fortnight and day, w here [the date] also in figures
[is] in the era LS 382, o n Sunday, th e eleventh of th e w aning m oon of Miigha;
again in T ira b h u k ti, w hich is protected by th e W estern Sultan th e prosperous
Sekandara Saha, th e paramabhattaraka, asvapati, gajapati, narapati76 and rajatrayadhipati;
and w hich Mahdrdjadhiraja th e prosperous R am abhadradeva, w ho is decorated w ith the
title o f th e p rosperous R upanarayana and is triu m p h a n t in war, is ruling o ver ,77 in
thevillage of Parjuyari, w hich is attached to th e tapd of Jaratla, Sadupadhyaya the
venerable R upadhara M ahasaya invests his ow n m oney fo r th e sake of th e purchase of
a male ¿udra. T he person w ho receives th e m oney from him , for his part, is by name
G opa M adhuka, a self-seller, w ho, having taken one silver tanka, sold himself, o f dark
68 The visarga seems to have been added later since it is squeezed between two aksara-s.
69 na is written in the interlinear space, between yi and sti.
70 For this emendation, see deeds 1 (front side, 1. 5) and 4 (front side, 1. 4). The tapa is also spelt
alternatively jarayila, a good example of yasruti. See deeds 2 (1. 3) and 5 (1. 4).
71 sakasd is written in the lower margin, the sign of omission having been added after py etal,
and the addition is followed by the number of the line which it has been omitted from.
71 Vidydpati’s Likhanavali, which provides us with models for such transactions in Mithila, gives
simply ndmatah in such instances (doc. 55 et scq,). The Lekhapaddhati, in which are collected
paradigms of legal transactions from Gujarat, gives ndma namatab (pp. 21, 35, etc.).
73 Most probably, the dash after the figure is meant for barring additional numbers. See the
occurrence of the same sign in deed 4 (1. 6).
7' pa is an abbreviation for pana.
75 A sign which looks like o \ is squeezed between two aksara-s; I take it as a visarga.
76 In the original, gajapati comes after narapati, which is unusual.
77
In the original, °sekandarasdhasambhujyamdne...rdmabhadradevapddds samaravijayinas
tirabhuktau sasati. It is obvious that tirabhuktau is governed by sambhujyamdne, though the latter
is not in the proper gender. Similarly, the syntax requires that the country’s name be repeated
with a different case ending. The Tirhut king’s name and the epithet also lack the proper case
endings and numbers.
171
com plexion and ascertained to be tw en ty -tw o years of age. T h u s here etc. H ence78 1
person flit., ‘creature’] has sold himself, the price in figures altogether being 1 tanka.
Starting from today m any kinds of w o rk , such as ploughing and th e rem oval of
leftover food, should be d o n e79 at th e o w n er’s hom e. H ere th e gotrdgotranivdraka is
the dharm a. T he fee to be paid by b o th [parties] for having [the deed] w ritten is pana
13A. H ere [the follow ing] are the &rta-witnesses:so Sadhupadhyaya th e venerable
¿ucikara, U padhyaya th e venerable Pranasara O jha, U padhyaya th e venerable ¿ivayl
O jha.
Finis.
W ritten by the venerable Vira w ith the consent of both [parties].
Finis.
A pproval of M adhu.
Deed N o. 4
Size, 32.9 x 4.2 cm, text on b o th sides: recto six, verso three lines. C o n d itio n , n o t good:
The m iddle p o rtio n of th e last line o f th e fro n t side is b ro k en , affecting nine aksara-s,
and the expanded hole, three m ore. T he handw riting is good and clear.
Date. M onday, the first of th e w axing m oon o f M agha in LS 384. T he king is nam ed
only by the personal epithet, R upanarayana81: in all lik elih o o d he is th e R am abhadra
w hom we know from deeds 2 and 3. — F u rth er, the present deed contains one addit
ional epithet ending w ith N arayana, nam ely, R ipurajakam sanarayana, w hich, as we have
seen already in deed 1, was added to B hairavasim ha’s nam e. In th is context, it may be
w orthw hile to m ention th a t n o t on ly Ram abhadra but also b o th his father and son were
associated w ith tw o epithets ending w ith N arayana,82 one o f them Ripurajakam sanarayana. H ow ever, it is to be stressed th at none o f th e kings m entioned above
personally bore the epithet ripurdjakamsanardyana, it being a p art of th e viruda com m on
to all such kings; it did n o t replace th e k in g ’s personal nam e in th e way th at th e indi
78 In the original, tad atrctyddi yatra. This phrase also occurs in 4 (front side, 1.6), though other
deeds and Vidydpati's specimens have yatra only. Vidydpati, however, employs this phrase, not
in deeds concerning slavery, but in some of the loan transactions, in which between the tad
atrctyddi and yatra several words are written in recognition of the loan on the part of the debtor
(docs. 69, 70 and 77), with one specimen (doc. 73) adding further promises made by the debtor.
75 In the original, karttum. As the infinitive karttum, i.e. ‘to do’, is out of place here, I take this
m the sense of karttazryam, i.e. ‘should be done’, which occurs in a similar context in deed 4
(back side, 1.1).
Sj In the original, ojhdndm mdnekdh krtd bhutds ceti. As I do not understand mdnekdh,
apparently in the nominative plural, I omit its translation and ignore the genitive plural in ojha.
*’ It may be noted similarly that a ms. from Tirhut dated Monday, the 8th of the waxing moon
of Phalguna, Samvat (apparently LS) 377, only gives the title Rupanarayana w ithout the name
of the king (see idstri 1915:115).
For Bhairavasimha’s tw o epithets, namely, Ripurajakamsanarayana and Harinarayana, which
■we encounter exceptionally in one and the same document, see a post-colophon statement in P.
¡ha 1977:128. For Laksmlnatha’s two epithets, namely, Ripurajakamsanarayana and Kamsanarayana, in one and the same document, see the following deed.
172
M ahes Raj P an t
vidual epithet d id .83 — T he sultan again is Sihandara Sahi, and as in deed 3, he is
described as pascattyasura.trana. T his tim e, how ever, the w o rd sambhujyamana is used in
connection w ith th e T irh u t king. Interestingly, in th e sultan’s case the technical w o rd
pracdra 84 is em ployed.
Sum m ary o f Contents. T he deed certifies the purchase of a male ¿udra ow ned by
M ahldhara M ahasaya b y th e now fam iliar Sadupadhyaya R upadhara Mahasaya. T his
¿iidra, nam ed H asaia, was 12 years old, and his com plexion was dark. It is to be n oted
th at hlasa'ia at th e tim e of this transaction was already being held in pledge for one
quarter of a silver tanka b orrow ed by his m aster from the same person w h o now was
planning to buy him . T h e price of th e slave was fixed by several interm ediaries at tw o
tanka-s, the fractional part of w hich had already been taken by M ahldhara w hen he pu t
up his slave as security.
T he present deed states in the margin th at it was approved by th e venerable
M ahldhara (srim ahidharam atam ), w hich apparently is m eant to certify th e sale. It may
be noted th at th e first tw o deeds seem to be approved by th e same M ahldhara, since
m ain, m ost prob ab ly th e first tw o aksara-s of his name, are recorded in th eir margins.
H is job again is defined as o f ploughing fields, apart from rem oving leftover food. The
deed again stipulates th at if th e slave runs away and seeks shelter elsewhere, even at the
k in g ’s th ro n e, he w ill be bro u g h t back and engaged again in th e duties o f a ¿udra.
T he scribe’s fee is to bee three and a half pana-s, tw ice as m uch as in deed 3. T h e deed
was w itnessed by several persons belonging to various castes; n o t o n ly th e names bu t
also th eir hom e villages are recorded.
Text
recto
1. siddhih |
p aram abhattaraketyadi8:>rajavalipurvvakagatalaksm anasenadevlyacatura-
” It is interesting to note that Ramabhadra’s queen has been referred to in an inscription, set
up by herself, as ‘King Harinarayana’s daughter-in-law’ (snusd harindrdyanaksitipateh) and ‘King
Kamsanarayana’s m other’ (nrpakamsandrdyana...janani) (published in Choudhary 1958:126-127).
A verse (cited in Sharma 1979:298) which records the killing of King Laksmlnatha refers to him
as Kamsanarayana.
84 Like the present deed, the Likhanavali employs the word pracdra in connection with the
sultan and sambhujyamana with the Tirhut king (doc. 55). A ms. dated Wednesday, the 3rd of
the waning moon of Pausa, LS 392 employs the same word in reference to a Tirhut king, but
makes no mention of a sultan (For this statement in ms., see Sdstri 1905:63). The second book
(adhikarana) of the Kautaliya Arthasastra is entitled ‘Adhyaksapracara’ and mainly deals with
the functions of heads of various administrative departments. However, the occurrence of
pracdra in 2.8.24 is in the same sense as in the Likhanavali, in the ms. referred to above and in
the present deed, and Bhattasvasmin, an ancient commentator on the Arthasastra, offers janapada
as a synonym of it (Pratipadapancika:6). Furthermore, Prabhamati, another early commentator
on the Arthasastra, glosses pracdra in the Kautaliya Arthasastra 2.6.14 and 2.7.2 as desa
(Cdnakyatika-.W7, 111) and in 2.8.3 as janapada (ibid.:\l$). Taking into account all these facts,
I translate the word, which is not entered in the standard dictionaries in such a sense, but which
the present situation demands, as ‘jurisdiction’.
85 di is written in the upper margin exactly above rd.
173
sityaS6dhikatrisatatam abde m asapaksatithidivasanukram ena kale ’b hilikhyam ane yatra2.
rikenapi sam m ata lasa87 384 m aghasudipratipadi candre p u n ah param abhattarakasvapatinarapatigajapatirajatrayadhipatipascatyasuratranasrim atsikandarasahi3.
pracaresam astaprakriyavirajam anaripurajakam sanaraya(n)abhavabhaktiparayanam aharajadhirajasrlm addrupanarayanadevapadaih sam bhujyam anaya4.
n tlrab h u k tau jara'ilatapapratibaddhaparajuarigram e sadupadhyayasririipadharam ahasayah sudrakrayanarth am svadhanam prayunjate. dhanagrahako py etatsaka5.
san nam na m atah srim ahidharam ahasayah88 svasudram syam avarnnam varsadvadasavayaskam
hasaianam anam
n an am a d hyasthakrtarupyam udrikarn
anadhikasivaiikakaS9sahitam etanm u6.
lyam adaya m ahata rnacadyena candrarkkavadhinam l(su dhan)i(su v)i(kr)i(tavan
ta)d atretyadi yatra vikritasu d rap ran l 1 m ulyankasa-raupyatam 1 1 |
anena sudrena
dhanik(ava)-
1.
2.
In the left-hand m argin, w ritten vertically to the left o f a vertical line
sri,0m ahidharam atarn-
verso
1.
se halavahanocchistasphetanadi karm m a karttavyam yadi k u tra p i prapalayya
gacchati tada rajasim hasanatalagato py anlya p u n ah su drakarm m ane p rayujyate.91
2.
atrarth e saksinah kataylsarn52sricanda tisvarisam srim anorathasrivela nothaosam srlam aruojharauttakum anu k arm m ak aran arap atik ah k rta bhu
3.
likhapanasam ubhayadeyapa 3 1| tas ceti” || valia(sa)94sam srlgauri. phanandahasam sri -narahari P
86 caturasitya is written over the effacement of what was originally written.
87 The crescent in the anundsika sign here and below in 1. 6 in saraupya dips unusually low,
losing its shape and assuming the form of a complete aksara.
88 Note the singular number in the seller’s name in contrast to that in deed 2 (1. 4). Further,
though both names in the present deed are followed by mahdsaya, the name of the seller, unlike
in deed 2, is not prefixed by sadupadhyaya.
89 nkaka is written over the effacement of what was originally written, though the original
aksara-s are not completely obliterated.
90 There is a partly smudged aksara before s'ri which I cannot read.
91 The unusually long head-mark over the aksara te, most probably indicating te’s connection
with the aksara in the next line, is struck out by the sign V .
92 sam is an abbreviation for sambhuta. (Sircar 1942:88 and Bhattacharya 1987:98), and P. Jha
1977:132 for its full form. For the use of this abbreviation in T irhut documents, see Sircar
1942:90, P. Jha 1977:71 ff. passim; Bhattacharya 1987:71, 98.
93 At this point the sequence of aksara-s loses its proper order: the placement of tds ceti in the
middle of the third line stems from an oversight of the clerk who copied it, as it should be
connected with krtd bhu at the end of the second line.
9,1 The last aksara sa in the place-name, lost due to the expanded string hole, has been restored
on the basis of a deed from Mithila, dated Tuesday, the 3rd of the waning moon of Caitra, LS
620, ¿aka 1651 and [Fasli] San 1136 (Sircar 1942:90, 1. 13), in which the same name occurs as
valiydsa.
^ The aksara-s which follow ceti || are written by a different hand. Thus it goes w ithout saying
that the two witnesses who are placed at the end should precede karmmakdra.
174
M ahes Raj P ant
Deeds fro m T ir h u t
Tratislation
R au tta K um anu, th e venerable G auri o f Valiasa, th e venerable N arahari of Phanand ah a" and K arm akara N arapati of N othao.
Success. In th e th ree h u n d re d th year greater b y eighty-four o f th e past era o f Laksmanasenadeva, [w hose nam e is] preceded by the royal titles paramabhattaraka etc., the date
being w ritten in due o rd er o f th e m o n th , fo rtnight, lu n ar day and w eekday,96 w here
[the date] also in figures [is] in th e era LS 384, on th e first of th e w axing m oon of
M agha, on M onday;
again, in th e ju risdiction o f th e W estern Sultan th e prosperous Sikandara Sahi, th e
paramabhattaraka, asvapati, gajapati, narapati97 and rdjatrayadhipati; and in T irab h u k ti,
w hich is protected by Mahdrdjdclbirdja the prosperous R upanarayanadeva, w ho is shining
w ith all th e insignia, a ripurdjakamsandrdyana, and is engaged in devotion to Bhava [i.e.
¿iva]; in the village of Parajuari, w hich is part of [lit.; ‘tied w ith ’] the tapd of Jara'ila,
Sadupadhyaya th e venerable R upadhara M ahasaya invests his ow n m oney for th e sake
of the purchase of a male ¿udra. T he person w ho receives th e m oney from him , for his
part, is by nam e th e venerable M ahldhara Mahasaya, w ho, having taken as th e price for
him [i.e., fo r th e slave] a stam ped silver coin, to g eth er w ith one sivdnka>’> less [the
m oney b orrow ed against] th e pledge, as fixed by several interm ediaries, sold to th a t
transferee in p erp etu ity [lit., ‘ending w ith the m oon and th e su n ’], w ith an urgent need
[to pay] th e debt, his o w n ¿udra, nam ed H asaia, o f fair com plexion and tw elve years of
age. T hus, here etc. H ence 1 person [lit., ‘creature’] [of the] ¿udra [caste] has been sold,
the price in figures altogether being VA silver tanka-s. T h e w o rk to be done b y this
¿udra is such things as ploughing and the rem oval o f leftover food at the o w n e r’s
residence. If he goes anyw here by fleeing, even w hen he has gone to beneath th e royal
th ro n e, he w ill be b ro u g h t back and em ployed again in th e jo b o f a ¿iidra. In these
dealings [the follow ing] are the krta-witnesses; th e venerable C anda of Katoiyi; th e
venerable M anoratha and th e venerable ¿rivela o f Tisvari; the venerable A m aru O jha,
175
Finis.
T he fee to be paid by b o th [parties] for having [the deed] w ritten is pana-s 3 1/i . lco
A pproval of the venerable M ahldhara.
Deed N o. 5
Size, 32.2 x 4.1 cm . T e x t o n o n e side o n ly . N o t e n o u g h space left free fo r th e hole
m ean t fo r a strin g . C o n d itio n , fairly bad: rig h t-h a n d e n d b ro k e n off, w ith loss o f one
aksara in fo u r lines; fo r o th e r dam ages, see th e facsim ile. T w o aksara-s n e ar th e end o f
th e fifth line are m o th -e a te n , th o u g h th e y can be read.
H andw riting, difficult: I have been unable to decipher a few aksara-s; fo r others, I
only have tentative readings to offer.
Date. Friday, the 12th of th e w axing m oon of Magha in LS 394. T he king again is
m entioned o n ly by his personal title Kamsanarayana, w ith o u t m entioning his personal
name. T here is a MS. o f th e D evlm dhdtm ya in the N ational A rchives in K athm andu (no.
I. 1534), dated W ednesday, th e 3rd of the w aning m oon of Pausa, LS 392, w hich was
copied during the reign o f the same K am sanarayana,101 and in w hich, as in the present
deed, the k in g ’s personal nam e is n o t given. Similarly, it is to be n oted th at there is an
inscription in the village o f B hagirathpur in M adhubani, dated LS 394, w hich records
the erection of a tem ple by King K am sanarayana’s m o th e r.102 We k n o w from a
co ntem porary source th a t L aksm lnatha, the son and successor of R am abhadra, bore this
title.103 H e shone w ith all th e royal insignia received th ro u g h th e favour and boon of
Suratrana Ibarahlm a Saha, the splendour of th e west (praticididhiti), as th e deed states.
This Ibarahim a Saha is S ikandar’s son Ibrahim Lodi, w ho ascended the th ro n e follow ing
his fath er’s death in 1517.104
Sum m ary o f Contents. T h e p re se n t deed certifies th e p u rc h a se o f a fem ale ¿ u d ra , again
56 In the original, màsapaksatithidivasànukramena kàle bhilikhyamdne. Note the inclusion of the
tithi in this and the 6th deed.
97 As in deed 3, the text has narapati before gajapati.
98 In the original, sivdnkaka. I take this to be sivànkaika. The edition of Vidyàpaù's LikhanSvalï
which I possess reads a word as sivàksa in a specimen of deed which was designed for the
transaction of a loan taken by a paikâr, i.e. ‘pedlar’ (doc. 71). The specimen tells us that 15
tanka-s were taken on loan under the condition of paying three sivàksa-s as interest. The editor
translates sivàksa as rudrâksa (I. Jha 1969:54, 97) and concludes that the interest has to be paid
in rudrâksa-s (ibid.:97), the seeds which are used for rosaries. This conclusion is difficult to
swallow, and as the conjuncts ksa and nka in Maithili script look similar to untrained eyes, I
venture to take this sivàksa as sivànka. — It is worthwhile to mention that a coin named
sivakànka was introduced by ¿ivadeva, a Nepali king who ruled from 109B to 1126 (Petech
1984:198-200). The sivakànka was made of gold, whereas the sivànka of the Likhanâvalï was
certainly made of silver, since it says that the principal, 15 silver tanka-s, and the interest, three
sivànka-s, are in total 18 silver tanka-s. In the present deed, then, we have sivànka which, unlike
the Nepalese sivakànka, was made of silver and was equal in rate to the tanka. Since we know
that éivadeva also introduced a dramma made of silver (Petech 1984:198-199) with no special
name, it is likely that in later times this coin continued to be in circulation under the name of
sivànka as the counterpart to the gold coin.
by S a d u p a d h y ay a R u p a d h a ra M ahasaya. T h o u g h it is n o t m ade e x p lic it w h e th e r th e slave
offered herself fo r sale o r w as so ld b y so m e b o d y else w h o o w n e d h e r, I am in clin ed to
th e first a lte rn a tiv e , as th e n a m e o f th e slave a n d th a t o f th e p e rs o n w h o a p p ro v es th e
deed is o n e a n d th e sam e. T h e n am e o f th e fem ale ¿ u d ra o d d ly reads as A m itisvadi. H er
55 The place-name Phanandaha occurs in a similar deed from Mithila dated Thursday, the 3rd
of the waning moon of Caitra, LS 620, ¿aka 1651 and [Fasli] San 1136 (see Sircar 1942:87, 89-91).
In the Kulapaiiji, as in the deed just mentioned, we come across both the place-names in the
spellings Phanadaha (see P. Jha 1977:90) or Phandaha (see ibid.: 172) and Baliyasa (see loc. cit.).
Ira It is to be noted that, unlike in the present deed, the sentence concerning the payment of
the fee for writing elsewhere precedes the names of witnesses, as in deeds 3 (11. 5-6) and 5 (1. 6).
However, Vidydpati’s specimens in all but one case (doc. 57) place the sentence referring to the
fee after the naming of the witnesses (docs. 55, 56, 58-60).
101 For the post-colophon statement, see Sdstri 1905:63.
'“2 For the inscription, see Choudhary 1958:126-127.
,55 P. Jha 1977:134.
104 Hameed-ud-Din 1967:148.
176
M ahes Raj P ant
com plexion was dark, and I have tentatively read her age as nine. She sold herself
because of ‘an u rgent need to p rotect and sustain herself (dtmaraksdbharanacddyena)’.
‘T he same deed is also a deed of liability’ (bharanapatram apidam eva), i.e. th e slave’s
m aterial needs are to be m et. V idyapati, in tw o models designed for a sim ilar purpose,
em ploys this k in d of phrasin g .103 T he inclusion of this po in t in V idyapati’s models and
in the present deed leaves us w ith tw o alternatives; eith er th e models and the present
deeds were m ore specific in com parison w ith o th er deeds, and this is w h y th ey included
the extra p o in t, o r else a deed concerning the purchase of a slave did n o t necessarily
include th e form al statem ent of liability, for w hich a separate deed was usually draw n
up. T he to tal absence o f such separate deeds urges acceptance of the first alternative. In
order to su p p o rt this, I may p o in t o u t a specimen of a sim ilar deed contained in the
Lekhapaddbati, w hich sets th e condition of su p p orting a slave girl, w ho was b ought for
504 dram ma-s, ‘by providing her all things, such as food and clothes, w ith o u t being
requested, in accordance w ith th e custom , place and tim e, and in consideration of the
means and positions of her o w n er’ (dasyd vyavaharadesakaldnurupam vibhavanum anena
bbojanaccbadanadikam sarvam aprdrtbitam ddtavyam ).'01’
A t this ju n ctu re I shall tr y to identify th e buyer w ho was active for three decades in
purchasing slaves. T h ere is a MS. of H alayudha M isra’s Brdbmanasarvasva in the
N ational A rchives, K athm andu (no. III. 390) w hich was copied in M aithili characters by
a certain R upadhara. T he scribe tells us th a t he copied th e MS. in LS 341 w hile studying
w ith Sadupadhyaya V idyapati Mahasaya, to w hom his disciple adds m any m ore
epithets.107
Some historians regard R upadhara’s teacher and V idyapati, th e w ell-know n poet of
14th-century T irh u t, as one and the same p erso n ,108 while others do n o t attach m uch
im portance to th e statem ent th at is found in the MS. o f th e Brdhmanasarvasva.m
T h ough I do n o t w ant en te r into this controversy, it may be recalled th a t th e tappd
w here the poet V idyapati lived was the same as th e tappd w here th e R upadhara of o u r
deeds resided.
T h o u g h th e names of b o th the tappd and the grama w here th e transaction to o k place
are the sam e in all five docum ents, it is w o rthw hile to m ention th at these place-names
in m ost of the cases are spelt slightly differently. T his bespeaks the scribes’ lack of care
in spelling non-Sanskritic w ords w hich w ere p ronounced w ith clear signs of rhotacism
o r yasruti.
Text
1.
sid d h ih
|
p aram ab h attarak ety a d irajav allp u rv v ak ag atalak sm an asen ad ev lavedaram dhratrsatatam abde m agha110sukladvadasyam sukravare edine evam masa105 Docs. 56, 57 and Doc. 55: bharanapatram apidam eva yojyam, i.e. ‘This is also to be used as
a deed of liability’.
,0<1 Lekhapaddhati:44.
107 i i s t r i 1915:84.
108 E.g. ibid. Index: 18. Chaudhari 1976:15. Shivaprasad Simha’s Vidyapati, as quoted in Bhati and
Joshi 1963:5.
10‘f E.g. Bhati and Joshi 1963:6.
110 miigba both times (11. 1, 2) is written by a different hand over the effacement on the aksaras
177
paksadivasanukra(m a)2.
kale bhyaliksam ane yatrarikenapi sarm m ata111 394 maghasudi 12 sukre punah
p a r a < m a > b h a tta ra k a p a ra m e rs v a ra s v a p a tig a ja p a tin a ra p a tira ja tra y a d h ip a tip ra tic idldhartisurartra3.
nasrimadibarahlm asahaprasadavaralabdhasam astaprakriyavirajam a < na > ripura(jak am sa n )a ra y a n a siv a b h a rk tip a ra y a n a m a h a ra < ja > d h lrajasrlm atk arn san aray an ad ev asam bhujyam anayanam tirab h u k tau
4.
ja ray llatap ap ratib a rd d h a p a ju a rig ra m e
sad u sriru p ad h aram ah asay ah
sudrikrayanartham svadhanam p r a < y u > jy a t e dhanagrahako py etatsakasa nam na m atah
kenapi atm araksabharanacadye5.
na
am itillsvadlnam anam
syam avarnna
varsa
[navame]
v a< y a> sk a
nanam adhyasthakrtam uly am adayaca112 n am ekam 113 acandrarkkavadhina k rtv a amisu
dhanisu vikritavana yatra v ik r i< ta > p r a 6.
ni 1 m ulyam tatn 1 g o tra g o tra n iv a ra < k a > s ca dharm m a eva i(t)i (l)i(khapanasam ubhaya)deyapa 1. atrarth e saksi upadhyayasripurusottam aiisribalaka — —
usrlanum atiojha x
In the left-hand margin, w ritten vertically
am ltisvadlm atam
In the same m argin, w ritten in the same way to the left o f a vertical li?re
1.
k rta bhutas ca bharanapa 2.
tram apldam eva iti x
3.
x x x x x
Translation
Success. In the three h u n d re d th year [greater by] nine and four, [i.e. ninety-four] o f the
past era of Laksm anasenadeva, [whose name is] preceded by th e royal titles paramahhattaraka etc., on th e tw elfth of th e waxing m o o n o f Magha, on Friday, on this day,
the date th u s being w ritten in due o rd er o f th e m o n th , fo rtn ig h t and day, w here [the
date] also in figures [is] in th e era LS 394, in th e w axing m oon of Magha, on the 12th,
on Friday;
again, in T Irabhukti, w hich is protected by Maharajadhirdja th e prosperous
K am sanarayanadeva, th e ripurdjakamsanardyana, w ho is engaged in devotion to £iva and
is shining w ith all th e insignia received th ro u g h th e favour and b o o n of th e Sultan the
prosperous Ibarahlm a Saha, th e paramabhattaraka , paramesvara , asvapati, gajapati, naraFootnote from p. 176, continued
originally written.
111 We come across in this deed here and there (in 1. 2 paramenvara, didharti and surartrd; in
1. 3 bharkti and in 1. 4 pratibarddha) a superfluous repha, which in my opinion is not really a
repba but a special ornamentation.
112 In all likelihood, no sooner had the scribe written dddydcandrdrkka than he realised that he
had omitted the price, and started erasing those aksara-s from right to left in order to replace
them with the words denoting the price, though he forgot to erase the medial d and ca. In
writing the new aksara-s over the effacement, he again quickly committed a mistake, and this
unwanted aksara, which looks like either a or ma and follows ca, is cancelled by two strokes.
113 name is written over the effacement.
178
M ahes Raj P ant
pati, rdjatrayddhipati and th e splendour of the west; in the village of Pajuari,114 w hich
is connected w ith th e tapd of Jarayila, Sadupadhyaya th e venerable R upadhara M ahasaya
invests his ow n m oney fo r th e sake of the purchase of a female ijudra. T h e person w ho
receives th e m oney from him , for her part, is by n am e...,115 w ho having taken one
?rdm,ut’ w hich was fixed by several interm ediaries, w ith an u rgent need to p ro tect and
sustain herself, sold in p erpetuity [lit., ‘ending w ith th e m o o n and th e su n ’] to th a t
transferee [her o w n person] nam ed A m itisvadi,117 of dark com plexion and nine years
of age. H ence 1 person [lit. ‘creature’] has been sold, th e price being 1 tanka. A lso the
gotrdgotranivaraka is only dharm a.
Finis.
T he fee to be paid by b o th [parties] for having [the deed] w ritte n is pana 1. In these
dealings [the follow ing] are the krta-witnesses: U padhyaya th e venerable Purusottam a,
U padhyaya th e venerable Balaka..., U padhyaya the venerable A n u m ati O jha. T his is also
a deed of liability.
Finis.
A pproval of A m itisvadi.
Deed N o. 6
Size, 33.5 x 4.3 cm. T ext o n one side only. C o n dition , fair. A few aksara-s defaced; som e
damage due to insects.
Date. T hursd ay , the 3rd of the w aning m oon of Asvina in LS 432, w hen M asanandeli
(i.e. m asnad-ali118) Sulem ana was ruling over T Irabhukti. L aksm inatha was defeated
andkilled by Sultan N u srat Shah, th e son and successor of Ala-ud-din H usain Shah of
Bengal, in 1527. In consequence of this, the O inw ara d y n asty came to an end and
anarchy prevailed in T irh u t.119 T his Sulemana is n one o th e r th an Sulaiman K han Kar114 The r sound in the name of the village is certainly missing: all the four deeds spell the name
of the same village with the r sound.
lb The sense demands that a name be supplied in the deed, but there is none.
114 I do not understand what nam which is combined with eka means. It occurs not only in this
deed but also in the next one (1. 5). As the present deed later replaces it with tam, i.e. tanka, it
may be concluded that it was a type of currency equivalent to a tanka in worth. In the next
deed, however, nam is replaced not by tarn but go (1. 6), the meaning of which is similarly
unknown to me. It is worthwhile to mention that both times this unidentified coin, i.e. nam,
is written over an effacement.
117 Though the name of the self-seller at this point reads as amitilisvadi, I omit the li on the
strength of the marginal approval made either by herself or on her behalf, in which the name
is spelt w ithout li.
118 No doubt, masanandeli, which is prefixed to the name of Sulaiman in the present document
is a corrupt form of masnad-ali, which is prefixed to the name of Sulaiman’s brother Taj Khan,
the then governor of Bengal, in an inscription dating to 1559-60 which records the erection of
a mosque by the latter (Diwakar 1959:484), The Arabic word masnad means ‘cushion’ but has
the connotation o f ‘throne’, as does its Indo-Aryan counterpart gaddi. As Darya Khan Nuhani,
a powerful governor of Bihar under the Lodis, also had assumed the same title (Diwakar
1959:398), in all probability it was a common one at the time.
1,9 Majumdar 1967:408-409. Sharma 1979:297-298. Thakur 1980:211. The date of the killing of
179
rani, w ho became govern o r of so u th ern Bihar in 1545.120 D u rin g th e period w hen the
present deed was executed, Sulaiman, to g eth er w ith his b ro th e r Taj, had already con tro l
over Bengal and Bihar and was th e virtual ruler of th at vast tract o f land.121
Sum m ary o f Contents. T h e deed confirm s th e self-sale of a ¡biidra 40 years o f age
belonging to the D h an u sk a122 caste along w ith his tw enty-five-year-old wife and th eir
child, fo r ‘p ro tectio n and self-sustenance (raksdtmabharanacadyena) '. T he name o f the
couple are VTrabhala and A num ati, b o th purely Sanskritic and prefixed w ith a sri.m
T hey are of dark com plexion. T he buyer also was a Sadupadhyaya, a jyotirvid, i.e.
astronom er/astrologer, nam ed G opala, T h e deed was w itnessed by fo u r Brahmins,
including three Sadupadhyaya-s, and was w ritten b y a Brahm in w ith the consent of bo th
patties. It was approved by b o th the husband and wife w ho sold them selves.
Text
1.
siddhih param abhattaraketyadirajavallpurvvagatalaksm anasenadevlyadvatrinsadadhikacatuhsatabde asvinakrsnatritlyayam guruvaranvitaya124
2.
ya tithau yevam masapaksatithidivasanukramena kale bhilikhyam ane yatrankenapi
samval lasam 432 m asanandellsrisulem anasam bhujyam anayam tlrab h u k tau
3.
verivanagram e
sadupadhyayasrlgopalajyo < ti > rvidah
sudrakrayanartham
svadhanam prayunjate dhanagrahako p y etatsakasan nam na m ato dhanuskajatiyasrivi4.
rabhalah
syam avarnnah123 sam uddesitacatvarihsadvarsavayaskah
atm anani
svapatnlm srianum atinam n im sam uddesitapancavim sativarsavayaskam syam avarnnam
saFootnote from p. 178, continued
Laksminatha is stated in a Sanskrit verse as ankabdhivedasasisammitasakavarse bbiidre site
pratipadi ksitisinuvdre (as quoted in Sharma 1979:298), i.e. ‘on Tuesday, the 1st of the waxing
moon of Bhadra in the ¿aka year 1449’, which corresponds to [1449 + 78 =] 1527 in the
Christian reckoning, not the 1526 of the historians mentioned above.
120 Diwakar 1959:484.
121 Sarkar 1972:181. Diwakar 1959:484-485.
122 Dhanuska, literally meaning ‘archer’; they are these days called Dhanuk or Dhdnukh, both
of which surely derive from Dhanuska. An interesting observation was made by Buchanan
(Martin 1976:166) in the early years of the 19th century, according to which, ‘All the Dhanuks
at one time were probably slaves... A great many of the Dhanuks are still slaves, but some
annually procure their liberty by the inability of their masters to maintain them, and by their
unwillingness to sell their fellow creatures’. For Dbdnuk/Dbdnukb, see Martin 1976:166-167,
Sherring 1974:404-405 and Crooke 1974:271-276. N ote also the remark made by Sircar (1942:88)
that ‘persons belonging to the Amat, Dhanuk and Kevat castes even now serve respectable
people as khavas or personal attendant’.
12! One of Vidydpati’s paradigms similarly adds this prefix to the name of the father of a slave
girl belonging to the Kaivarta, i.e. Kevat caste, whom her owner, a Kayastha with a sri, is
planning to sell to a boy of the same Kaivarta caste, taking from him the bridal price. The same
model similarly adds sri to the names of the slave girl’s prospective father-in-law and husband
(doe. 60).
121 There is a sign which looks like ~ after the last aksara, and it most probably indicates the
connection of this aksara with the first aksara in the next line.
sydmavarnnah is written over the effacement of the aksara-s originally written.
180
M ahes Raj P an t
5.
sutam ra126ksatm abharanacadyena svayam krta — kar nam ekam adat27yam isu
dhanisu vikritavan atrarth e saksinah sadusriratipatisadusridam odarasadusrlbhava6.
niniitham ahasayah k rta bhutas ceti || yatra vik ritap ran i 3 m ulyasarigrhitago 1
likhitam idam ub h ay an u m aty a srivasudevasarm m abhir iti || srigadadharasarm m a x
7.
rah sakslti ||
In the left-hand margin, w ritten vertically to left o f the line slanting upward
srivlrabhalam atam adah
In the same m argin, w ritten in the same way to the left o f a serpentine line
s'nanunia[t]i x x x
Translation
Success. In th e fo u r h u n d red th year greater by th irty -tw o of th e past era of
Laksmanasenadeva, [w hose nam e is] preceded by th e royal titles paramabhattaraka etc.,
on the th ird of th e w aning m oon of Asvina, on T h u rsd ay [lit. ‘on a lunar day
accom pained by a T h u rsd ay ’], th e date thus being w ritten in due o rd er o f the m o n th ,
fo rtn ig h t, lunar day and weekday, w here [the date] also in figures [is] in th e era LS 432;
in T irab h u k ti, w hich is protected by Masnad-ali th e venerable Sulemana, in th e village
of Verivana, Sadupadhyaya the venerable G opala Jy o tirv id [astronom er/astrologer]
invests his ow n m oney for the sake o f the purchase of a male Siidra. T he person w ho
receives the m oney from him , fo r his part, is by name the venerable VIrabhala,
belonging to th e caste of D hanuska, of dark com plexion, and ascertained to be fo rty
years of age, w ho, having taken one nam,... fixed by himself, sold him self and his ow n
wife, nam ed th e venerable A num ati, ascertained to be tw enty-five years of age, o f dark
com plexion, to g eth er w ith th eir ch ild 128 to th at transferee, o u t o f an urgent need to
pro tect and sustain them selves.129 In these dealings [the follow ing] are the
krta-witnesses: Sadupadhyaya the venerable R atipati, Sadupadhyaya the venerable
D am odara, Sadupadhyaya the venerable B havaninatha M ahasaya.
Finis.
H ence 3 persons [lit., ‘creatures’] have been sold, th e price altogether being 1 go. This
is w ritten by th e venerable Vasudeva barm an w ith th e consent of b o th [parties]. Finis,
T he w itness is th e venerable G adadhara barm an...
Finis.
T his is the approval of th e venerable VIrabhala.
T he venerable A n um ati...
126 A conjunct aksara with a repha stands between ra and ksd. This I cannot read; it is obviously
out of place, however.
127 Five aksara-s which precede yàmî are written over the effacement of the originally written
aksara-s.
128 In the original, sasutàm which may mean both ‘together with a son’ or ‘together with a
daughter’.
129 In the original, raksâtmahharanacàdyena. Cf. the previous deed (11. 4-5), which correctly reads
as âtmaraksâbbaranacàdyena.
Deeds from Tirhut
181
The T irh u t Deeds and Classical N orm s
Since the deeds closely follow the patterns as given by V idyapati in his Likhanavalt, it
is apparent th at scribes used som e sort of com pendium of form ulas and precedents for
w ork. G iven th at a deed’s validity depends upon the inclusion of particulars prescribed
in standard law books, it is interesting to com pare them w ith classical n o rm s.130
A t th e very beginning let m e stress tw o fundam ental points w hich are in con fo rm ity
w ith the rules laid dow n by th e law-givers. All th e slaves are exclusively Siidra, th e only
varna from w hich the M anusm rti recognises slaves as com ing,131 and all have passed
the age o f eight, w hich was regarded by th e Kautaliya Arthasdstra as the m inim um age
for the legitim acy of the status of slave.132
O f th e 15 kinds of slaves enum erated in th e N dradasm rti,m w hich elaborately deals
w ith the in stitu tio n of slavery, o u r deeds show examples of three types, nam ely, kritah,
i.e. ‘one w ho was purchased’, svdm m dbitab, i.e. ‘one w ho was pledged by his m aster’
and lastly dtm ano vikretd, i.e. ‘one w ho sells him self’.134 Interestingly, by th e phrase
‘one w ho was purchased’, N arada implies th e meaning of ‘one w ho was sold by som e
body else to w hom he belonged’: he differentiates this category of slave from th e slave
‘w ho sells him self’. U n d er th e ty p e of slave ‘w ho was purchased’ com e those fo r w hose
sale the second and fo u rth deeds were transacted.
T he fo u rth deed is a transaction involving a man w ho had been previously pledged
by his m aster. T o be specific, his status before he was sold was th a t of a bond-servant
w ho was hired o u t by his o w n er to som ebody else.
F o u r deeds, nam ely, 1, 3, 5 and 6, are examples of transactions made for a slave w ho
sells him self. A m ong these fo u r deeds, the first one was transacted n o t only for the
self-sale o f a tw enty-year-old w om an b u t also for the sale o f her son. Sim ilarly, th e sixth
deed certifies the self-sale o f a forty-year-old male and the sale of his tw enty-five-year-old
wife together w ith th eir child. T here is a rule in the Kautaliya Arthasdstra according to
w hich the progeny of a self-seller is A ry a,133 for w hom , in the op in io n of th e same
text, ‘there shall be no slavery... in any circumstances w hatsoever’.136 In o th er w ords,
the offspring o f those w ho sell them selves are n o t necessarily considered to be sold along
w ith them . T h at is w hy it seems th at these deeds specifically state the sale of the
offspring of a self-seller. H ow ever, as a counterexam ple of the rule concerning the
m inim um age for being a slave, one may refer to deed 1, w hich certifies th e sale
of a tw enty-year-old m o th er w ith her son, w ho certainly had n o t attained th e age of
110 Unless otherwise specified, my source of classical texts is the Dharmakosa 0oshi 1937 and
1938).
111 Dharmakosa 1,2:821 (col.l, verse 1). It is worthwhile to mention, though, Kane’s
interpretation that ‘the sudra who thus served a dvijati as a duty was not his slave.’ (Kane
¡974:182).
m Dharmakosa 1,2: 817 (col.l, 11. 31-34).
m Ibid.-.829 (col.2, verse 2), 830 (col.l, verses 1-2). See also Kane 1974:184-185.
The translations of the terms for the types of slaves are from Lariviere’s translation 1989:111.
lb Dharmakosa 1,2:817 (col. 1, 11. 23-24).
Translation quoted from Kangle 1972:235.
182
M ahes Raj P ant
183
eight.137 But a com parison of th e same deed w ith deed 6, w hich records the self-sale
of a forty-year-old m an along w ith his tw enty-five-year-old wife and a child, and w ith
deed 2, w hich records the sale of a tw enty-eight-year-old m o th er and her daughter,
reveals th at in th e fo rm er case th e deed, in a form al sense, was exclusively m eant fo r the
purchase of the m o th er, n o t her child. T o be specific, in sharp contrast w ith those deeds
w hich I have ju st referred to , deed 1 does n o t c o u n t th e child as a sold person and
ja ra ti sp ecim en s o f deeds c o n c e rn in g slaves collected in th e Lekhapaddhati,m th e deeds
m erely records th e sale of th e m o th er and the price paid.
O u r deeds, w henever th e y enum erate the d u ty of a slave, stress th e task of rem oving
leftover food, th o u g h th ey om it o th er details.138 T his tallies w ith , e.g., the
M anvarthavivrti, N arayanasarvajna’s com m entary on th e M anusmrti, w hich defines
ddsya, i.e. ‘th e job to be done by a slave’ as malocchistdpanayanddikarma', i.e. ‘th e job
n e ith e r signed b y a k in g n o r b e a r th e ro y a l seal, w h ic h are p re re q u isite s fo r b e in g a
of rem oving filth and the leftover food, etc.’135
A t this ju n ctu re it may be recalled th at the Naradasmrti enum erates th e jo b to be
done by a ddsa, i.e. ‘slave’, and distinguishes betw een h im 140 and fo u r o th e r types of
dom estic helpers, am ong th em th e bhrtaka, i.e. ‘hired serv an t’.141 T h e sam e tex t labels
the job of a slave as asubhakarman, i.e. ‘im pure w o rk ’, in c o n trad istin ctio n to
subhakarman, i.e. ‘p u re w o rk ’, w hich is assigned to hired servants and o th ers.142 U n d e r
the category o f ‘im pure w o rk ’ comes th e job o f rem oving th e rem ains of fo o d ,143
w hich, as said already, has been emphasised in o u r deeds. H ow ever, th e Naradasmrti
makes no m en tio n of ploughing, w hich some of o u r deeds specify as th e w o rk o f male
slaves. F arm ing is obviously regarded as ‘pure w o rk ’ by th e Naradasm rti, as th e text
includes farm ers am ong hired servants.144 Sim ilarly, B rhaspati lists a ploughm an
(‘stravdhaka) am ong th e hired servants.143 O u r deeds in this case are in con fo rm ity
w ith V idyapati's specim en, w hich includes ploughing and th e rem oval o f th e rem ains
of food am ong th e jobs to be done by slaves.146 U n lik e th e legal tex ts147 and th e G u137 The Likhanavali closely follows this rule, as illustrated in doc. 55, which records the sale of
a whole family, the youngest member being eight years old.
138 Deeds 1, 3 and 4 provide us with a specification of the job of a slave. O f them, the first deed
concerns a female slave, and her duty is defined as ‘the entire job of a female slave, such as the
removal of leftover food.’ The third and fourth deeds concern male slaves and they state
respectively that ‘many kinds of work, such as ploughing and the removal of leftover food’ and
‘such things as ploughing and the removal of leftover food.’
135 Dharmakosa 1,2:820 (col. 1, commentary 3).
1,0 Ibid.-M29 (col. 1, verses 2-4). See also Kane 1974:184.
141 Dharmakosa 1,2:825 (col. 1, verses 1-2). See also Kane loc. cit.
14i Dharmakosa 1,2:829 (col. 1, verses 1-2). See also Kane loc. cit. Similarly, Medhatithi, a
commentator on the Manusmrti, following Narada, differentiates the duty of a slave from that
of a servant. He defines slavery as ‘performing base w ork even for an unknown person’ and
‘non-opposition towards all the work which he/she is asked to do.’ Then he defines paricaryd,
i.e. ‘attendance [by a servant]’ as ‘the duty of shampooing the [master’s] body, guarding (his)
wife and property and the like’ (Joshi op. c;f.:821 (col. 2, commentary 1 on verse 1)).
143 Dharmakosa 1,2:829 (col. 1, verse 3).
144 Ibid.-.828 (col. 1, verse 3; col. 2, verse 1).
145 Ibid.-.835 (col. 1, verse 3).
146 Likhanavali doc. 55.
I4'' Dharmakosa 1,2:820 (col. 1, commentary 3 under Manu), 829 (col. 1, verse 3 under Narada),
836 (col. 2, verse 2 under Katyayana). — The Kautaliya Arthasastra forbids forcing a slave who
has been pledged out to someone else to collect faeces, urine, leftover food and some other sub-
fro m T ir h u t — b o t h V id y a p a ti’s sp ecim en s a n d th e p re se n t o n e s — d o n o t e n u m e ra te
th e jo b o f c o lle ctin g a n d d isp o sin g o f h u m a n w aste p ro d u c ts a m o n g th e ir d u ties.
B ro ad ly sp eak in g , legal tex ts divide leklryas, i.e. ‘d eed s’, in to tw o categories, n a m e ly
rdjakiya, i.e. ‘ro y a l’, a n d jdnapada o r laukika, i.e. ‘p riv a te ’. 149 Since o u r deeds are
rdjakiya lekh yap0 th e y n a tu ra lly fall u n d e r th e categ o ry o f jdnapada. T h e jdnapada
lekfrya is again d iv id ed in to v a rio u s ty p e s ,131 a n d o u r deeds c e rta in ly com e u n d e r th e
c ateg o ry o f ddsalekhya, i.e. ‘b o n d o f sla v ery ’.132
T h o u g h o u r deeds are jdnapadas, th e y n o t o n ly state th e nam e o f th e re ig n in g k in g
w ith h is title s b u t also give th e n am e o f his o v e rlo rd , c itin g th e la tte r ’s full title s. T h e
reference to ru lers in o u r deeds is in c o n fo rm ity w ith th e Dharmasdstra. H o w e v e r, th e y
d o n o t go b e y o n d n a m in g th e c u rre n t ru ler, th o u g h th e rules say a d o c u m e n t o u g h t to
be p ro v id e d w ith th e sequence o f th e ro y al lineage (rdjavamsakramayutam ) . 133 T h e
specim ens to be fo u n d in V id y a p a ti’s Likhanavali, be it said, also m ak e n o m e n tio n o f
a r u le r’s fo re fa th e rs .531 T h is absence o f e la b o ra tio n in o u r deeds p e rh a p s com es u n d e r
stances (ibid.:817, col. 1, 11. 14-15). This implies that if a person has the status of a normal slave,
he or she is expected to do all these things.
148 Lekhapaddhati:44, 45-46.
1,5 Dharmakosa 1,1:348 (col. 1, verse 1 under Vasistha), 373 (col. 2, verse 1 under Prajapati), 380
(col. 1, verse 1 under Samgrahakara). Vasistha employs the word laukika, whereas Prajapati and
Samgrahakara have jdnapada. Laukika also occurs in Brhaspati in the same sense (ibid.:363, col.
2, verse 4). The Smrticandrikd paraphrases Vasistha’s laukika as jdnapada (ibid.:348 (col. 1, 1. 3)).
It is to be noted that in one place the Mitdksard divides the deeds into sdsana and jdnapada
(ibid.:351, col. 1, commentary 2) and in another, into sdsana and ciraka (ibid,:211 (col. 2 , 11. 1-2)).
In other words, Vijnanesvara replaces rdjakiya by sdsana and laukika / jdnapada by ciraka. This
is in accordance with Prajapati (ibid.:373, col. 2, verse 1); but according to Vasistha (ibid.:348,
col. 1, verses 4-5) and Vyasa (ibid.:374, col. 2, verses 1-2), ciraka is only one of the varieties of
laukika deeds. There are still other traditions which categorise documents under different heads
with different nomenclatures. For these, see ¿¿/V/.:348-349 (under Visnu), 356 (col. 1, verse 1
under Narada), 363 (col. 2, verse 3 under Brhaspati) and also Kane 1973:308-309.
b0 Dharmakosa 1,1:348 (col. 1, verse 2 under Vasistha), 356 (col. 2, verse 1 under Narada), 368
(col. 1, verse 4 under Katyayana), 373 (col. 2, verse 2 under Prajapati), 376 (col. 1, verse 1 under
Vyasa), 380 (col. 2, verse 1 under Samgrahakara).
151 For the different traditions concerning the types of jdnapada lekhya with different
nomenclatures, see ibid.:348 (col. 1, verses 4-5 under Vasistha), 363 (col. 2, verse 4 under
Brhaspati), 364 (col. 1, verses 1-5; col. 2, verses 1-2 under Brhaspati), and 374 (col. 2, verses 1-2
under Vyasa), and also Kane 1973:309-311.
152 A verse quoted under Brhaspati in Dharmakosa 1,1:364 (col. 2, verse 1) defines ddsapattra,
1.e. ‘bond of slavery’ as: vastrdnnahinah kdntdre likhitam kurute tu yat | karmdni te karisydmi
ddsapatram tad ucyate || ‘That is called a ddsapattra which [a person] bereft of clothes and food
commits to writing in the wilderness, stating that ‘I shall do your w ork’.’ Even if this definition
of ddsapattra is correct, it does not fit our context, where the suitable term seems to be
ddsalekhya, which has been defined simply as: ddsdrtbam ddsalcklryakam \ (quoted ibid.:378 (col.
2, verse 4 under Smrtyantara)). 'Ddsalekhya is meant for [the sale of] a slave’.
,5] Ibid.:376 (col. 2, verse 1 under Vyasa).
154 Doc. 55 et seq.
184
M ahes Raj P an t
the scope of a desacdra, i.e. ‘a local cu sto m ’.135 In passing, it is interesting to observe
th at N epalese deeds, even rdjasdsanas, generally do n o t cite th e pedigree of the k in g .156
H ow ever, o u r deeds closely follow th e rule concerning dating. As this rule says, a
docum ent should be dated according to year, m o n th , fo rtn ig h t and (lunar) d a y .157
M oreover, these deeds include the w eekday,158 th e in tro d u ctio n o f w hich, needless to
say, is com paratively late in Indie c h ro n o m e try .159
T he present deeds place th e purchaser’s name first before nam ing th e seller. T his again
is in agreem ent w ith th e D harm asastric norm s governing all deeds of sale.160 In passing,
it may be interesting to n o te th a t N ew ar deeds of sale do n o t follow this rule
consistently161 and tend, in fact, to be phrased from th e seller’s stand p o in t. If I may
be perm itted to split hairs, I w ould say th at th e present deeds certify purchase, whereas
those o f N ew ars certify sale. F u rth erm o re, th e prom inence given to the buyer in the
present deeds is reflected in w hat these kinds of deeds are trad itio n ally called: either
krayapattra o r krayalekkya, b o th m eaning ‘a deed of purchase’.162
T h ough o u r deeds give th e caste names o f b o th th e parties involved together w ith
th eir personal names, th ey make no m ention o f th e fathers’ names of either th e buyer
o r seller, w hich, according to th e D harm asastra, is necessary in a deed,163 T his
deviation in o u r deeds in all likelihood sterns from desacdra, as th e specimens offered by
Vidyapati in his L ikhandvali do n o t record th e fathers’ names e ith er.164
C uriously enough, n o t all the six deeds b u t on ly nos. 3 and 6 contain the nam e o f the
scribe w ho drew th em up and tell us th at it was w ritten w ith th e consent o f b o th parThe essential points in a deed, according to Brhaspati (Dharmakosa 1,1:364, col. 2, verse 3)
and Katyayana (ibid.-.367, col. 2, verse 3), are its conformity to desacdra and the inclusion of the
complete date and the signatures of the transferor, witnesses, and scribe.
156 E.g. Dh. Vajrdcdrya 1973.
157 Dharmakosa 1,1:376 (col. 2, verses 1-2 under Vyasa) concerns dating in a janapada lekhya.
158 Vijnanesvara in his Mitdksard, while commenting upon Yajhavalkyasmrti (2.85) which speaks
about dating, paraphrases abas, i.e. ‘day’, as tithih pratipadadib, i.e. ‘a lunar day is pratipad etc.’
Interestingly enough, Vijnanesvara’s comment upon the root text’s ddi, i.e. ‘etc.’, includes vara,
i.e. ‘a weekday’ (Yajnavalkyasmrti ed. by Moghe 1892:160, Dharmakos'a 1,1:351 (col. 2,
commentary 2 on verse 1 under Yajnavalkya)), which is relegated in one standard edition to a
footnote and replaced by (d )cdra, i.e. ‘custom’ (Yajnavalkyasmrti ed. by Panshikar 1909:174). It
may be recalled that two of our deeds, i.e. 4 and 6, distinguish terminologically between tithi
and divasa, whereas other deeds use divasa in reference to both lunar days and weekdays.
b? A weekday occurs for the first time in an Indian document in 484 (Ketkar 1923:50-52) and
in a Nepalese document in 608 (D. Pant 2034 [V.S.]:273-275, N. Pant 2043 [V.S.]:11-19).
160 Dharmakosa 1,1:350 (col. 2, verse 1 under Yajnavalkya) and 351 (the commentaries thereon).
See also ¿W.:376 (col. 2, verse 4 under Vyasa) and Kane 1973:309.
161 E.g. Kolver and $dkya 1985:103-104, where the seller’s name comes first, whereas in
ibid.: 111-113 the name of the buyer comes before that of the seller.
162 Dharmakosa 1,1:364 (col. 1, verse 3 under Brhaspati), 373 (col. 2, verse 2 under Pitamaha),
379 (col. 2, verses 9-10 under Sukrantti). There were still other terms, i.e. krayadrika (Altekar
1952:246) and krayas'dsand (Sircar 1958:47, 49 and id. 1974:66-75), current in ancient India to
denote a deed of purchase. In spite of the fact that Newar deeds focused on the seller, they were
still known as krayapattra-s. For the usage of the term in deeds, see e.g. Kolver and Sdkya
1985:121.
165 Dharmakosa 1,1:351 (col. 2, verse 1 and commentary 2 under Yajnavalkya), 376 (col. 2, verse
4 under Vyasa).
164 Doc. 55 et seq.
Deeds fro m T irh u t
185
ties. T h e form er one records th e fee to be paid join tly by b o th the b u y er and th e seller
for having the deed w ritten , whereas the latter om its th e am ount. T w o o th e r deeds,
nam ely 4 and 5, state the fee to be paid jo in tly by b o th parties165 for having th e deed
w ritten, th o u g h they refrain from nam ing th e scribe. T h o u g h the rem aining tw o deeds,
the first tw o presented in th is paper, do n o t m ention th e fact th a t th e y w ere draw n up
by a scribe, they do n o t seem to be w ritten by one of the parties him self, and
resultantly do not com e u n d er th e category of svabastakrta, i.e. ‘w ritten by o n e’s ow n
hand’. T his category of deed, as we k n o w , does n o t have to be w itnessed in contrast to
anyakrta, i.e. ‘w ritten by a n o th er p erso n ’, 166 and b o th these deeds are w itnessed by
several persons, as are th e deeds draw n up by professional scribes.
Paradigms in V idyapati’s Likbandvalt teach the necessity to include b o th th e nam e of
the scribe and the fee to be paid jo in tly by b o th parties to h im .167 T he D harm asastric
rule in th is regard states th a t a scribe should sign his ow n nam e at th e conclusion of a
deed and add w ords to the effect th at ‘it is w ritten by me, w hose nam e is such and such,
the son of such and such a m an, having been requested by bo th parties to do so ’.168
Needless to say, again neither V idyapati’s patterns in struct us to include, n o r do o ur
deeds give, the nam e of th e scribe’s father.
All o u r deeds contain in th e margin an approval of th e seller o r of som ebody else.
Deed 4 was approved by M ahldhara, w ho in th at transaction sells a slave belonging to
him. Sim ilarly, three o th e r deeds, nam ely 3, 5 and 6, include approvals made by the
person w ho sold him self, and in the last case also the approval of a wife w ho was sold
by her husband along w ith himself. T he rem aining tw o, nam ely 1 and 2, were approved
by a person w hose nam e is given as Mabi, w ho, as has been said already, is m ost
probably the same M ahldhara w h o was th e seller of a slave in deed 4. All deeds except
these tw o em ploy the w ord m ata in its nom inative singular form along w ith the name
of the person w ho approved the deed.169 C uriously enough, V idyapati’s specimens do
not guide us in th e use of such approval. H ow ever, the D harm asastric rule is th a t the
debtor should sign the deed and give his fath er’s nam e;170 w hen the d e b to r is illiterate,
his approval is to be w ritten by som ebody else in the presence o f all w itnesses.171 This
rule is treated variously in o u r deeds. In the case o f deed 1, one m ay argue th a t the
illiteracy of the ¿udra w om an w ho sells herself along w ith h er ow n son necessitated the
165 It is to be noted that some aksara-s exactly before deyapa 1, i.e. 'ice puna 1’, are broken in
deed 5. I have restored the lacuna on the basis of similar deeds presented here.
166 For the svabastakrta and anyakrta deeds, see Dharmakosa 1,1:349 (col. 1, 1. 5 under Visnu),
351 (col. 1, commentary 2 under Yajnavalkya), 353 (col. 2, verse 2 under Yajnavalkya), 356 (col.
1, verse 1 under Narada; col. 2 the commentaries thereon), 367 (col. 2, verse 1 under Katyayana),
and also Kane 1973:309.
167 Docs. 55-56.
163 Dharmakosa 1,1:353 (col. 2, verse 1 under Yajnavalkya), 376 (col. 2, verse 5 under Vyasa).
169 In spite of the fact that three aksaras in the approval in margin of a female slave are missing
after her name in deed 6, one may argue on the strength of her husband’s attestation in the same
deed that the vanished aksaras were either matam or contained a similar expression.
170 Ibid.-.352 (col. 1, verse 1 under Yajnavalkya).
171 ftiV£:353 (col. 1, verse 1 under Yajnavalkya), 357 (col. 1, verse 6 under Narada), 376 (col. 2,
verses 6-7 under Vyasa).
186
M ahes Raj P an t
approval by som ebody else on h er behalf, th o u g h we have examples in w hich th e slaves
them selves approve o u r deeds. I am unable to explain th e sale of a female ¿udra and her
daughter in deed 2, in w hich th e approval comes from som ebody else, in spite of th e
seller him self being a Sadupadhyaya. H ow ever, I may p o in t o u t in this regard the
specimens of deeds accum ulated in the Lekhapaddhati w hich, u n lik e o u r deeds, in co rp
orate b o th approvals and witnesses (sdksin) into th e body of th e tex t.172 A t first it is
to be n oted th a t th e person w ho approved the deed was supposed to w rite the approval
in his ow n h a n d .173 A stu d y of th e specimens reveals th e fact th a t th e persons w ho
approve deeds are n o t always debtors, sellers o r persons offering som e pledge. T o be
specific, those w ho attest th e ir approvals may either be d eb to rs,174 persons w h o p u t
som ething in pledge,175 persons w ho have just repaid a d eb t,176 sellers o f a slave177
o r self-sellers,178 persons standing surety for debtors o r guarantors against a
pledge,179persons w ho are entitled to a share in fam ily p ro p e rty ,180 form er litigants
w ho settle th eir differences181 o r influential o r responsible persons in th e locality
w here the transaction to o k place.182 In view of all of these,183 I am tem pted to see
in M ahl of deed 2, i.e. M ahldhara M ahasaya, a close relative of th e seller R atnakara
Mahasaya, and one en titled to a claim to a share in th e p ro p erty w hich R atnakara sold.
T he approval from M ahidhara thus in all pro b ab ility was included in th e deed in o rd er
to nullify his claim over th e p ro p e rty th at was sold by Ratnakara.
T he deeds presented here, follow ing the D harm asastric rule, bear th e names of
witnesses. H ow ever, these distinctly vary in num ber: half of th em (nos. 1, 2 and 6) are
w itnessed by fo u r persons, tw o (nos. 3 and 5) bear three witnesses and th e rem aining
one (no. 4) contains th e names o f eight witnesses. Interestingly enough, th e pattern s in
the L ikh a n a va lido n o t display a set nu m b er of witnesses, th o u g h th ey use th e plural all
except fo r a single case o f the dual.184 T he rule for a janapada lekhya stipulates tw o
w itnesses;183 needless to say, it has n o t been follow ed in o u r deeds. T he ¿dstras, as
we know , generally do n o t approve of only o n e 186 w itness, and rarely do th ey allow
172 Lekhapaddhati-. 19-56, passim.
m Ibid.
174 Ibid.:33, 34-35, 55.
175 Ibid.: 19-21, 37-38, 39-41, 42.
176 Ibid.:55-56.
177 Ibid.-Ai.
178 Ibid. -.45-47.
179 Ibid.: 19-21, 33, 34-35, 37-38, 39-41, 42, 55-56.
180 Ibid.:43, 47-49.
181 Ibid.-.S0-51.
182 Ibid.M , 47-49, 49-50, 50-51.
183 Apart from the items mentioned above, there is still one other variety in the Lekhapaddhati,
namely davapita, which calls for a mata (ibid.:19, 49). In the former case, the printed text reads
dapita, which seems to be a misprint, since there are several instances in which the word reads
as davapita (ibid.:7, 9, 12, 34-35 etc.). Though I do not understand the meaning, in the Glossary
of the edition of the Lekhapaddhati, davapita has been explained as ‘cf. Sanskrit dapita' (ibid.:99).
184 Doc. 56.
185 Dharmakosa 1,1:376 (col. 2, verse 7 under Vyasa).
186 Ibid.: 245 ( col. 1, 1. 6 under kidrsd asaksinab in Visnu ), 247 (col. 2 under eko na saksi in
¿arikhalikhitau), 248 (col. 2, 11. 1-3 under kulriah kati ca saksinah kartavyah in Kautillya Artha-
187
m erely tw o 187, in all kinds of cases recom m ending th e attestation by no less than
th re e .188 Some schools, m oreover, set th e m axim um num ber of witnesses at n in e .189
In co n fo rm ity w ith the L ikhanavali, o u r deeds do n o t m ention the nam e of a
w itness’s father, w hich som e of the schools o rd ain .190 O n ly deed no. 4 provides the
w itnesses’ places of origin, w hich, according to one school, is necessary in nam ing the
w itness. 191
T he Dharmasastras group th e witnesses broadly in to tw o categories, nam ely krta
(literally, ‘m ade’) and akrta (lit., ‘n o t m ade’). U n d er th e first group com e all those
witnesses w hose names are entered in to th e deed. T he second group consists o f those of
w ho, th o u g h n o t m entioned in th e deed, could be called to testify for verification
purposes.152 Such being th e case, all th e witnesses o f o u r deed are accurately described
as krta. T his also is in accordance w ith the models given in the Likhanavali.m
sastra), 256 (col. 1, verse 1 under Manu), 325 (col. 2, verse 1 under Brhaspati), 347 (col. 1 under
Anirdistakartrvacana and col. 2, verse 1 under Samgrahakara). However, the law-givers allow a
single witness if he is accepted by both parties and/or his integrity is unquestioned {ibid.:244
(col. 2, 11. 3-4 under kidrsah sdksitvam arhanti in Visnu), 247 (col. 2, 11. 10-11 under kidrsah
sdksitvam arhanti in ¿arikhalikhitau), 257 (col. 2, verse 1 under Manu), 284 (col. 2, verse 1 under
Yajnavalkya), 312 (col. 2, verse 1 under Narada), 344 (col. 1, verse 3 under Vyasa), 347 (col. 2,
verse 1 under Samgrahakara). Though Brhaspati accepts a single witness as other law-givers do,
the person whom he regards as qualified to witness is in most of the cases a ruler or an
administrator of some sort {ibid.:326 col. 1, verse 2). See also Kane 1973:331-332,
187 The Kautaliya Arthasdstra permits two witnesses in the case of debt, provided that both are
approved by both parties 0oshi 1937:248, col. 2,11. 1-3 under kidrsah kati ca sdksinah kartatrydh).
Brhaspati takes a deed witnessed even by two Vedic scholars as valid {ibid. :325, col. 2, verse 1).
See also ibid.-347 (col. 2, the Sarasvativildsa on verse 1 under Samgrahakara) and Kane 1973:331.
m Dharmakosa 1,1:247 (col. 2, 11. 5-9 under kidrsah sdksitvam arhanti in ¿ankhalikhitau), 248
(col. 2,11. 1-3 under kidrsah kati ca sdksinah kartavydh in Kautillya Arthasastra), 254 (col. 2, verse
1 under Manu), 282 (col. 1, verse 2 under Yajnavalkya), 298 (col. 2, verse 1 under Narada), 347
(col. 2, verse 1 under Samgrahakara). See also Kane 1973:331.
189 Dharmakosa 1,1:247 (col. 2, 11. 5-9 under kidrsah sdksitvam arhanti in ¿arikhalikhitau), 298
(col. 2, Vyavahdramdlrkd on verse 1 under Narada), 325 (col. 2, verse 1 under Brhaspati). See also
Kane 1973:331.
‘‘,0 Dharmakosa 1,1:323 (col. 2, verse 3 under Brhaspati), 352 (col. 1, verse 2 under Yajnavalkya).
151 Ibid.:323 (col. 2, verse 3 under Brhaspati).
192 Narada subdivides krta-witnesses into five types, of which the prominent one ‘is entered into
the deed’, and akrta into six {ibid.:297-29&). Prajapati distinguishes between two kinds: krta and
akrta ‘entered into the deed’ and ‘the other [type]’ respectively {ibid.343, col. 1, verse 1). See
also Kane 1973:339-340.
1,5 Docs. 55 et seq.
188
M ahes Raj P ant
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191
Mmm
Deed Na 5
1
V. Interpretationen
Chitrarekha Gupta
Women, Law and the State
in Classical India
1
W om en in ancient India have become a subject of historical analysis since 1867 w hen
C. Bader w rote on th e subject in F re n c h 1. W hat we like to emphasise is th a t Bader was
not only a foreigner, she was a w om an as well. But th e Indians w ho from th e 19th
century became interested in th e subject were all men, because, for lack of educational
background the vast mass of historical docum ents thro u g h w hich th ey could lo o k at
th eir past, rem ained shielded from w om en. T here were few exceptions like Taru D u tt,
w ho became interested in translating Bader s b o o k into English. M en like R am m ohan
Roy and Iswarchandra Vidyasagar to o k up the cause of suffering w om anhood. T hey
organised social m ovem ents against th e evil practices crippling th eir co u n try . It was
th rough th eir endeavours th at the B ritish rulers could stop the custom of Sati in 1829,
and could prom ulgate the law recognizing remarriage o f w idow s in 1856. These
m ovem ents em phasised th e relationship betw een social changes, th e law and th e state.
N evertheless, the con tem p o rary problem s of the w om en of India (such as the
persistence of dow ries, th e suicides, th e burning o f w om en unm arried, m arried o r
w idow s, the general disdain for th e girl-child — all this in spite o f legal p rotection)
dem and a re-appraisal of th e relationship betw een social norm s, ro o ted in tra d itio n on
the one hand, and the laws prom ulgated by the state and executed by its adm inistrative
m achinery on the o th er. So the present paper ventures to look at w om en o f the
Classical period of In d ia’s h istory, because it loom s large in o u r vision2, against the
background of changing political and socio-econom ic features of th e tim es of th eir
origin.
Exclusive studies on w om en of ancient India are at present quite a few in num ber. Some
of these deal w ith th e Vedic literature3, and all o f th em com e m ore o r less to th e same
' C. Bader, Women In Ancient India, transl. M.E.R. Martin. Reprint. Varanasi 1964.
2 As K. M, Munshi wrote: ‘Rightly called the ‘Classical Age’ of India, this period saw a
springtime efflorescence in all spheres of life. The creative urge of the time has contributed both
character and richness to the evolution of the national mind in every succeeding century.’ (The
History and Culture of the Indian People, vol.3, foreword, p. vii).
B. S. Upadhyaya, Women in Rg-Veda, Delhi 1974; Sakuntala Rao Shastri, Women in Vedic Age,
Bombay 1960.
196
C h itra re k h a G u p ta
conclusion, viz., th a t th e p o sitio n o f w om en was fairly good in th e period4 w hich th ey
call ‘Vedic A ge’, ‘Vedic In d ia’5.
Some o th e r m onographs view th e w om en of th e historic period th ro u g h different
lenses such as th e Sm rtis6, Epics7, Sanskrit D ram as8 and even Folk-lore9. T ho u g h m ost
scholars, like P inkbatn'0, depended on Brahm anical literature for th eir image of
w o m en 11, a few have exam ined th e problem u n d er a Buddhist perspective12. Except
for a few articles, no com prehensive w ork on w om en in Jain canonical literature is
k n o w n to me. T he satis13 and th e courtesans14, th o u g h living in diam etrically opposite
poles of social acceptance, received th eir due attentions from scholars. M ost of the
studies are, how ever, of a general nature. T h e m ost renow ned and representative w o rk
of this type is th a t o f A lteka r15.
In recent years a group of fem inists have com e forw ard to take up w o m e n ’s
h is to ry 16. Fem inists believe th a t interpretations of anthropological and historical
docum ents in th e hands o f male chauvinists have also ham pered w om en’s progress17.
T he changed perspective dem ands th a t in form ation regarding w om en of th e past,
how ever great th e y m ight appear to som e18, should no longer be picked and stringed.
T h e w hole subject o f w o m en ’s p roblem has to be viewed in term s of social ideology and
positions of m en vis-a-vis w om en in a particular age. It is tim e to suggest th a t th ere was
no com m on concept of ‘ideal w o m a n h o o d ’ for the w hole length of India’s past from the
prehistoric tim e to the Classical Age, and even the patriarchs had to change th eir
‘m odels’ from tim e to tim e to suit the needs of changing societies. T his will focus on
the role appreciation o f individuals living w ith in th e protection o f th e state. T he present
paper aims to stu d y th e epigraphic docum ents, b o th royal and private, of th e G u p ta
, For views different from those usually recognized, see H. C. Satyartbi, Some Aspects of
Women’s Economic Position In The Rg-Veda, in: Journal and Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress 1979, pp. 121-124; Suvira Jaiswal, Women in Early India, Problems And Perspectives,
ibid, 1981, pp. 54-58.
5 Gradual emphasis on archaeological materials for the study of history suggests that such
designations are a misnomer.
6 R. M. Das, Women in Manu and his Seven Commentaries, Varanasi 1962.
7 Sbakambhari Jayal, Status of Women in the Epics, Delhi 1966.
! Ratnamayidevi Dikshit, Women in Sanskrit Dramas, Delhi 1946.
9 Sankar Sen Gupta (ed.), Women in Indian Folk-Lore, Calcutta 1967; /. C. Jain, Women in
Ancient Indian Tales. Bombay 1987.
10 N. W. Pinkbam, Women in the Sacred Scriptures of Hinduism. 1941.
11 I. Julia Leslie, The Perfect Wife, Delhi 1989.
12 I. B. Horner, Women under Primitive Buddhism, Reprint, Delhi 1975; D. Y. Paul, Women in
Buddhism: Images of the Feminine in Mahayana Tradition, Berkeley 1979.
13 E. Thompson, Suttee, London 1928.
HMoil Chandra, The World O f Courtesans, Delhi 1973; S. C. Kersenboom-Story, Nityasumarigali,
Delhi 1987; Santosh Chatterjee, Devadasi, Calcutta 1945.
15 A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women In Hindu Civilization, Reprint Delhi 1983.
16 Uma Cbakravarti and Kumkum Roy, In Search of our Past - a review of the limitations and
possibilities of the historiography of women in Early India, in: Economic And Political Weekly,
23/18 (April 30, 1988).
1? Sally Slocum, Women the Gatherer: Male Bias in Anthropology, in: Towards an Anthropology
of Women, ed. Rayana R. Reiter. 1975, pp. 36-50.
18 Swami Madhavananda and R. C. Majumdar (ed.), Great Women of India, Mayavati 1982.
W o m en , Law and the State in Classical India
197
period, in search of ideological norm s o f the age as propagated by th e state, and to place
w om en along w ith th eir male counterparts as individuals destined to play th e ir parts in
a given social context.
2
T he process of state form ation started in India around th e m iddle o f th e first
m illennium B. C .” T he basic econom ic ingredient behind state fo rm atio n is surplus
p ro d u ctio n , w hich is also th e m ost im p o rtan t operative force fo r th e developm ent of
urban centres. T he M aurya em pire gave an im petus to b o th urbanisation and secondary
state form ations by extending its im perial arms th ro u g h inclusion o f new lands w ithin
the state apparatus, and by extension of th e spheres o f econom ic transactions. T he
dow nfall o f the M auryas led to the rise of a n um ber of small states in N o rth e rn India,
w hich w ere again largely incorporated w ith in the Kusana empire. U rb an developm ent
also reached its zenith during this period. But w ith th e fall of th e Indo-R om an trade,
urban centres began to decline. D epending on qualitative and q u antitative analysis of
archaeological m aterials found in various excavated sites, it has been sh o w n th a t there
were tw o phases of urban decline. Some centres declined im m ediately after th e Kusanas
and synchronised w ith the rise of th e G upta pow er in N o rth e rn India, w hile others
declined aro un d the 6th century A. D . and thus synchronized w ith th e dow nfall of the
G upta em pire20. T hus, the ‘Classical A ge’ o r the so-called ‘G olden p erio d ’ o f Indian
history was actually ‘the concluding phase of the econom ic m om entum w hich began in
the preceding perio d ’21.
W hen the G uptas came to pow er, in order to strengthen th e ir political pow er
structure, they badly needed political control over th e small kingdom s, b o th of th e
m onarchical and ganasarigba types, w hich thrived on th e ruins of th e K usana empire.
T his was also an econom ic necessity. In th e changed econom ic scenario, com m odity
production had to be replaced by extension of settlem ents in agriculturally viable areas
to secure surplus p roductio n to m aintain the state m achinery.
T hey also required som e com m on ideology to perm eate the socio-religious life of the
m axim um n u m b er of th eir subjects. T he tension betw een the urban and rural m odes o f
living could be easily released now in the changing econom ic context by preferring the
latter. T h e Brahm anical law makers, w ho adhered to the rural m odel as opposed to the
Buddhists22, received th e preference of the state. M anu provided the ideal, w hich
enjoyed a w idespread social acceptance and was n o t in conflict w ith the political or
socio-econom ic needs of th e state. T hough M anu had n o t been m entioned directly by
any G u p ta ruler, the fact th at his ideology emcompassed the state and th e society during
this period is suggested by th e contents of the G upta epigraphic records. T h e H araha
15 Romila Thapar, From Lineage to State, Delhi 1984; R. S. Sharma, Origin of the State In India,
Bombay 1989.
2u Idem, Urban Decay in India (c-300 - c-1000), Delhi 1987, pp. 180-182.
21 Romila Thapar, A History of India, vol.l, Harmondsworth 1968, p. 147.
22 A. Ghosh, The City in Early Historical India, Simla 1973, pp. 53-56; R. N. Nandi, Client,
Ritual And Conflict In Early Brahmanical Order, in: Indian Historical Review, vol.6, p. 68.
198
inscription of the M aukharl king Isanavarm an (553-4 A. D.) eulogised his ancestor
H arivarm an fo r perpetuating ‘th e m oral laws of the w orld, on the p ath o f virtu e and
d iscrim ination like M an u ’23, w ho, how ever, may be equated w ith M anu Svayam bhu,
the first king and system atiser o f rules of behaviour. T he role o f ideology in political
and social form ations o f the G u p ta period can be studied w ith this background in view.
T he king, w h o was the pivot of state au th o rity , had been invested w ith D ivine p ow er
from the tim e of th e M auryas, if n o t earlier still, bu t during th e G u p ta period the
concept reached a particular height. A soka focused on his divine con n ectio n by calling
him self ‘beloved of the gods’. T h e Kusana devakulas, even if n o t accepted as tem ples
enshrining god-like kings, speak o f an intim ate relationship betw een th e goddess ¿ri and
p rosperity of th e king and his k ingdom 24. T he G u p ta em peror Sam udragupta was equal
to D hanada, V aruna, Indra and A ntak a in being m aster of the fo u r quarters25. A t he
same tim e th e cult o f bhakti was emphasised by propagating th at like th e Suprem e Being
the king was also appreciative o f devotion26. A com bination o f th e divine and th e
bhakta is m anifested in C andragupta (II), w ho was paramabhdgavata27 and received his
royal stren g th from Cakrapumsa, endow ed w ith th e character of V isnu2S.
T he king was also the hero par excellence. Sam udragupta looked m ore charm ing
because of the scar m arks caused by various w eapons29. C andragupta (II) fought his
enemies w ith his breast, and the account of his glory was w ritten by th e sw ord o n his
arm s30. T o conquer th e various kingdom s and to keep th em u n d er co n tro l, th e state
needed the propagation of this ideology of heroism . Seemingly, th e ideology of a hero
was in opp o sitio n to th e gdrhasthya-dharma of a householder, w here conjugal u n io n was
hom ologised to the act of sacrifice31. A man was enjoined by th e B rahm anical law
m akers to m arry a well-bred wife belonging to his ow n caste to carry o n th e ir u nited
d u ty of the second dsrama>2. M an desired kula-vadhuh v ra tin i nivistd, a virtu o u s and
faithful wife as Sam udragupta received and it was o n ly th en , like th e em peror, one could
enjoy a hom e possessed of riches in the com pany of sons and grandsons33. Sasthidatta
received his son Varahadasa, according to an inscription of Y asodharm an o f M anadasor,
from a wife w ho belonged to a good fam ily (kulajdt kalatrdt)34.
G o o d b irth , how ever, could n o t be the only criterion for a happy hom e. If th e wife
was n o t radiant w ith beauty, she w ould n o t attract her husband, and if she had no
attraction fo r him , no children w o u ld be b o rn 33. T his verse, q uoted from M anu, ap
23 D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, vol.l, Calcutta 1965, p. 388; Epigraphia India, vol. 14, p. 119.
21 G. Fussman, The Matrdevakula: A new approach to its understanding, in: Mathura ed. D. M.
Srinivasan, New Delhi 1989, pp. 193-199.
25 D. C. Sircar, op. cit., p. 267.
26 Ibid,, p. 266.
27 Ibid., p. 321; A. S. Altekar, The Coinage of the Gupta Empire, Benares 1957, pp. 141, 153.
28 A. S. Altekar, op. cit., p. 146.
30 Ibid., p. 283.
31 P. K. Agarwala, Mithuna, Delhi 1983, pp. 24-25.
32 Manusmrti 3.4,12.
34 Ibid., p. 414.
33 Manusmrti 3.61.
W o m en , Law and th e State in Classical India
199
peared only after fo u r couplets from th e fam ous and often quoted verse speaking of
divine pleasure in seeing the w om en h o n o u red in a house36.
In this ideological setup it is n o t surprising th a t descriptions o f fem inine beauty w ould
be com m only found in inscriptions of the G u p ta period onw ards. T h e clear skin of a
y oung w om an of tender age became object of com parison fo r th at of a k in g 57.
Epigraphical records speak o f th em as full-bodied, lovely, w ith plum p thighs, breasts and
hips, and held in close embrace by young m en38. Even conventional descriptions of a
kingdom and its boundaries were given in term s o f w om en and th e ir fem inine physical
features. T hus, K um aragupta was said to have ruled over th e earth w hose pendulous
marriage string was the border of the four oceans, w hose large breasts were th e Sum eru
and the Kailasa m ountains, and w hose laughter was th e full-blow n flowers show ered
forth from the borders of the w ood39. A city w hich was enclosed by tw o rivers was
com pared to the body of Smara, th e G od o f Love, em braced by his tw o wives, Prfti and
Rati, possessing heaving breasts40.
N ow , the idyllic bliss of hom e and hearth w ith loving, beautiful and caring wives was
not easy to forego for the ideology of heroism . T h e renunciation school also faced this
difficulty. If we recall the Saundarananda-Kdvya of Asvaghosa, w ho flourished in th e age
of the Kusanas, it can be realised th at a prosperous urban life w ith all its attractio n s,
obstructed the w ay of persons like N anda w hen th ey m editated about renouncing th eir
householders’ lives41.
T he G upta state ventured to popularise th e ideology of heroism along w ith th a t of
garhasthyadharma, and blended the tw o quite harm oniously. It was said th at if a person
sacrificed his earthly enjoym ents at hom e for the sake of th e state, he was sure to go to
heaven and receive special favour from th e beautiful apsards there. T h e ideology of
heroism was upheld by the law-makers like M anu42, Y ajiiavalkya43, V isnu44 and
others. T he dram as m eant for a general audience and th e kdvyas w ritten fo r the
intellectual elites taught the same idea. Pururavas saved heaven and th e heavenly n y m p h
UrvasI from the dem ons. In this way, Kalidasa says, he had gained th e right to h er love.
As the hero dying in the battle-field in stantly w ent to heaven, the Raghuvamsa depicted
a hero w ho could see his ow n skeleton still dancing in th e battle-field while he enjoyed
the com pany of an apsard‘h. A n o th er verse narrates th e quarrel betw een th e heavenly
damsels over the possessions o f heroes46. T h e Mabdbhdrata stro n g ly eulogised the
hero47.
36 Manusmrti 3.56.
37/. /•'. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 3, Varanasi 1963, pp. 75, 78.
33 Ibid., pp. 83, 87.
35 Ibid., pp. 82, 86.
40 Ibid., pp. 81-82, 85.
41 Asvaghosa, Saundarananda Kavya, tr. E. FI. Johnston, Reprint Delhi 1975.
42 Manusmrti 5.98.
43 Yajnavalkyasmrti 1.323-24.
44 Visnusmrti 3.44.
3 Raghuvamsa, 7.51.
46 Ibid., 7.53.
P. Filliozat, The After-Death Destiny of the Hero according to the Mahabharata, in: Memorial
Stones, ed. S. Seltar and G. D. Sontheimer, Dharwar 1982, pp. 3-8.
2 00
T he ideal of heroism received its visual expression in G upta art48. R oyal records also
speak of this concept. T h e kings w on th e love of beautiful ladies by th e ir show of
masculine streng th and bravery. As th e inscription tells us, R ajadhiraja Skandagupta’s
breast was em braced by Laksmt because he developed heroism by th e strength of his
ow n arm s45. A n o th er inscription goes on to say th a t w hen th e Later G u p ta king
D am odaragupta died in war, it was as if he fainted for a while, and th en he w ent to
heaven, w here he aw oke to th e lotus touch of delicate female hands50.
W om en, w ho u n d er tribal social situations did fight along w ith m en 31, b u t had lost
th eir martial qualities th ro u g h social tran sfo rm ation and state form ation processes, could
support the state by being w o rth y m others of brave w arriors. M others were taught by
such stories as th at of th e Vidulopakbydna of th e M ahabharata to disow n sons w ho
w ould run aw ay from the battle-fields52. Skandagupta was greeted by his m o th er w hen
he gave her the news o f his victory in war, just as K rsna and his m o th er D evakP3.
A brave young man w ould n o t m arry a girl by paying th e bride-price. F o r him , his
valour w ould stand in its place. In o th er w ords, maidens should be pro u d to be
viryas'ulkd. Sam udragupta m arried a virtuous and faithful wife by paying for her his
paurusa and pardkrama — m anliness and prow ess34; C andragupta (II) bought th e earth
by his bravery, th e inscription says, and it was considered to be th e best kind o f w ealth,
and it also im posed slavery on o th e r princes33.
T he stories of th e svayamvaras of Epic heroines were m eant to infuse respect for the
heroes. LaksmI to o k in to consideration the virtues and faults of everybody and selected
Skandagupta as h er husband by discarding all o th er claim ants w ho did n o t come up to
the standard56. W e are rem inded at once o f In d u m atl’s svayamvara as narrated by
Kalidasa37. L aksm l’s svayamvara became a conventional poetic imagery. M aharaja
M atrvisnu is said to have been selected by th e goddess o f sovereignty herself, ‘as if by
a maiden choosing him of her ow n accord.’38 But the one sto ry o f A m ba told in the
M ahabharata is enough to suggest th a t w om en were paw ns in m en ’s games of h ero
ism35. Svayamvaras were sheer m ockery for w o m en ’s freedom to choose th e ir ow n
husbands.
48 P.M. Ashar, Historical and Political Allegory in Gupta Art, Essays on Gupta Culture, ed. B.
L. Smith, Delhi 1983, pp. 53-66; B. S. Miller, A Dynasty of Patrons: The Representation of Gupta
Royalty in Coins and Literature, The Powers of A rt - Patronage in Indian Culture, ed. B. S.
Miller, Delhi 1992, pp. 54-62.
50]. F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 3, Varanasi 1963, p. 203.
51 B. S. Upadbyaya, op. cit. p. 149, 186-188. Kosambi has shown that Mother goddesses were
originally conceived as demon-killers. Due to the transition from mother-right to patriarchal life,
the original mother cults of many tribal groups became insignificant, though they were allowed
to exist on a subordinate level, Cf. D. D. Kosambi, Myth and Reality, Bombay 1962, p. 28.
52 The Mahabharata, V, 133-136.
54 Ibid., p. 269.
55 Ibid., p. 281.
56 Ibid., p. 309.
57 Raghuvamsa, Canto V.
58]. F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 3, p. 160.
59 Mahabharata, I, 102.
W o m e n , Law and th e State in Classical India
201
C onceptually, it was on ly a hero w h o could p rotect his wife in th e face o f all odds.
K um aragupta (I) protected th e earth, holding h er w ith his m ighty arms, as if she were
his chaste and lawful wife60. T h u s th e d u ty of a hero in th e context of th e state was
interchangeable w ith th at of a husband in the social context.
Sim ilarly, the ideology o f divine kingship also perm eated deep into the private life of
each patriarch living w ith in th e m echanism of th e state. T o a w om an, her husband, the
ideal hero, was a god on earth and so she required no o th er god, no o th e r ritual to
attain heaven: attending him was sufficient61. T he concept may be visualised from the
inscription of Q ueen N ayanika, w here she described her husband as giver o f boons,
riches, pleasure and son62.
T he concept of sati strings together all th e ideologies of co ntem porary state and
society. Sati, the daughter of Daksa, venerated her husband so m uch so th at she could
n o t even bear her husband isiva being slandered, and so she gave up her life. She was,
how ever, reborn as Parvati and was destined n o t o n ly to be the wife of ¿iva again, but
also to be th e m o th er of K artikeya, th e great hero, w hose b irth was a necessity to save
heaven. T his ideology in th e hands of Kalidasa becomes encapsulated in a rom antic
narration in verse63.
T h at th e state did n o t oppose th e ideology o f sati is proved by th e fact th a t th e first
epigraphic record eulogising th e custom appears in a semi-official record o f th e G upta
period. G oparaja, the chieftain of B hanugupta (6th century A. D.) died in battle, perhaps
against th e H unas, and his devoted, attached, beloved and beautiful wife clinging to him
ascended her h u sb an d ’s funeral pyre64. T h e adjectives were obviously added to sing her
glory. B ut since w om en were to play th e second fiddle in achieving the political goals
of the state, the sati rem ains unm en tio n ed in th e inscription.
W hether w e speak of a hero o r of a sati, it was the ideology of sacrifice w hich was
stressed. T his m ight have been a political as well as an econom ic necessity. A developing
state needs m anpow er to carry on its m ultifarious activities. But w hen the state itself is
under econom ic pressure, th e non-producing sectors may appear as burdens to th e state.
W ith the death of a hero, his wife became non-productive, because the co ntem porary
concept of chastity did n o t encourage re-marriage o f w idow s63 o r th e levirate66. If the
historicity of th e them e o f Devicandragupta is accepted, th e G up ta state was to give
sanction to the rem arriage o f w idow s, b u t th e general tren d of society opposed th e idea.
It was also th e period w hen th e ideology of religious suicide was propagated. K autilya
opposed waste of m anpow er b y suicides of any so rt67, b u t th e w riters o f th e D harm asastras and P uranas eulogised religious suicide and recom m ended various m odes to
perform it.68 If the ideology o f sati was suitable for w om en, th at o f religious suicide
fitted well w ith th e men. W hen In d u m atl died, Aja lam ented the death o f his grhini,
60 Epigraphia India 26, p. 117.
61 Manusmrti 5.154-155.
63 Kalidasa, Kumarasambhava, passim.
64/. F. Fleet, op. cit., pp. 92-93.
f” Manusmrti 9.65.
66 Manusmrti 5.162; 9,60.
67 Kautilya’s Arthasastra, ed. R. P. Kangle, Reprint, Delhi 1988, IV,7,25-26,
68 Upendra Thakur, The History of Suicide in India, Delhi 1963, pp. 79ff.
2 02
saciva, sakhi and sisyd (wife, councillor, friend and pupil), but he could n o t die w ith her
because it w ould have been a m atter of great disgrace for him 65. T h us, a hero was
taught to ignore th e sen tim entality of love, for love was considered to be n o th in g b u t
w eakness70. So, Aja lived on, and th en gave up his life th ro u g h religious suicide71.
A m ong the actual rulers of th e co ntem porary phase, th e Later G upta king K um aragupta
endorsed this ideology and ended his life at Prayaga by entering th e p y re72.
T o revert to w om en: th e w idow s w ho survived th eir husbands and did n o t becom e satis
led a m iserable life o f bare existence. T hey were ordained to emaciate th e ir bodies by
living on fruits and ro o ts73. T he court poets of the G u p ta period to o k sadistic pleasure
in describing the pangs of w idow h o o d caused by th eir patrons to th e wives of th eir
enem ies7,1. A king to o k delight in recording th at the noise of his tw anging arrow s
tau gh t the wives of his enemies th e sorrow s o f w idow hood73. W idow s w ere forbidden
to decorate them selves and an inscription records th at th e king became th e cause of
tearing o u t of the parted hair of the w om en of his enemies76. T h ey w ere deprived of
beauty as th ey had no o rnam ents to w ear77.
Side by side inscriptions provide pictures of adorned maidens and beloved wives in
the com pany of th eir lovers and husbands. Ladies endow ed w ith y o u th and beau ty w ent
to m eet th e ir lovers w earing coloured silken clothes and necklaces. T h ey beautified
them selves w ith flowers and chew ed betel-leaves78. These were all denied to w idow s.
Beautiful, loved wives were kept happy by th eir husbands, M anu tells us, by gifts of
ornam ents, clothes and d ainty food79. In the G upta records there is no to u ch of the
M aitreyi of th e U panisads w ho refused everything th at did n o t lead to im m o rtality . O n
the co n trary the court poets could visualise a city adorned w ith tanks and wells, tem ples
and pleasure-gardens etc. as com parable to a wife decorated by o rn am en ts80 presented
by her husband. T h ey could im agine rivalry betw een co-wives as to w h o w o u ld gain the
love o f th e ir husband, K Irtti and Laksmi were tw o wives of king A dityasena. K irtti
becam e jealous of th e k in g ’s love fo r Laksmi and w ith a sad heart w ent to th e o th e r side
of th e ocean to dw ell th ere81. Kalidasa w ho paints the picture of such rivalries am ong
co-wives in his M dlavikdgnim itra, how ever, show s th at a devoted wife never stood in
the w ay of any enjoym ent of h er husband.
T hus, w om en of th e Classical age are generally depicted as devoid of institutionalised
69 Raghuvamsa 7.72.
70 E. W. Hopkins, The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Caste in ancient India as
represented by the Sanskrit Epic, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 13; sections
reprinted in: Journal of Ancient Indian History 2 (1968-69), p. 366.
71 Raghuvamsa, 7.95.
72/. F. Fleet, op. cit., p. 203.
73 Manusmrti 5.157.
74/. F. Fleet, op. cit., pp. 83, 86.
75 Ibid., pp. 225, 226.
76 Ibid., p. 193.
77 Ibid., pp. 74-75.
78 Ibid., pp. 82, 85.
75 Manusmrti 3.55.
80/. F. Fleet, op. cit., pp. 75, 78.
81 Ibid., pp. 204, 208.
W o m en , Law an d th e State in Classical India
203
education and destined to early marriage, as mere objects o f enjoym ent. T h ey existed
as producers of sons w ho could save th e patriarchs from the hell of a particular ty p e and
could help a m an to discharge his debts tow ards his ancestors. A t th e same tim e he
could save the state from those w ho posed some th reat to its existence. So th e b irth of
a son was a cause for great revelry.
M o th erh o o d was eulogised in inscriptions from the tim e o f Asoka. H e gave im p o rt
ance to m o th erh o o d w hen he w rote: sdd.hu matari ca pitari ca sususdn . H is wife
C aruvakI intro du ced herself n o t o n ly as a queen, b u t also as a m o th er of T lv ara83,
because o f th e hono u red p osition of a son-bearing m o th er in the society. T his view is
also attested from the G upta period. D hruvasvam ini in th e Basarh seal introduced herself
as mahdrdjddhirdja C andragupta’s wife and maharaja G ovindagupta’s m o th er84.
T h e phraseology used in the genealogy p o rtio n s o f the G u p ta inscriptions and seals,
w hen studied along w ith th e laws of M anu, reveals an im p o rtan t developm ent in the
concept of m o th erh o o d . Let us quote som e p o rtio n of th e genealogical table from the
B hitari pillar inscription o f Skandagupta to illustrate the p o in t85:
Mahdrdjddhirdja-iri-Samuclraguptasya putras = tat-parigrhito Mahddevydn —D attadevydm
= utpannah [ . . . . ] mabdrdjddhiraja-$ri-Candraguptas=tasya putras = tat-pddanuddlrydto
m ahddevydm D hruvadevydm = utpannah, [ . . . . ] mahdrdjdclhirdja-iri-Kumdragupta,
T hus C andragupta (II) was the son of Sam udragupta, b o rn of D attadevi. K um aragupta
(I) was th e son of C andragupta (II), b o rn of D hruvadevl.
T h e exact im plications o f th e expressions becom e clear w hen we read in M anu th at
in procreation, w om an was the soil and man was th e seed. O n com paring the
im portance of the seed and soil, th e seed was declared to be m ore im p o rtan t, because
all living beings received the characteristic o f th e seed86. T o the p rim arily agricultural
people of th e co u n try , M anu had to clarify th e p o in t by saying: ‘T h e rice (called) vrihi
and (that called) sail, mudga-beans, sesamum, mdsa-beans, barley, leeks, and sugar-cane
(all) spring up according to th eir seed’87. T hus, in th e field of procreation also the
accepted law o f the state endeavoured to m inim ise th e role o f w om en in co n tem p o rary
society.
By im posing ideologies of chivalry on m en and chastity, devotion etc. on w om en, the
society and th e state denied to the w om an h er social role as an individual. T h e fact th a t
w om en had no separate en tity as individuals can also be show n from Thaplyal’s study
of Indian seals88. A seal, w hich is a m ark of id entity fo r a person, is conspicuously
absent in cases of ordinary w om en. Seals of four queens have so far been found. W ith
the exception of m ahadevi R udram atl, all o th er queens were introduced th ro u g h th eir
male relations. T his was because a w om an was never com pletely on her ow n.
U nder th e circum stances how can we im agine roles of w om en as wielders of state
power? Q ueen N ayanika is supposed to have acted as regent during th e m in o rity of her
85 Ibid., p. 69.
84 Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report (1903-04), p. 107.
8:1 D. C. Sircar, op. cit., p. 321.
86 Manusmrti 9.35.
87 Manusmrti 9.39.
88 K. K. Thaplyal, Studies in Ancient Indian Seals, Lucknow 1972, pp. 51-52, 295.
2 04
sons89. But a m ore detailed account of rule by a dow ager queen is provided by th e case
o f Prabhavatlgupta, th e daughter o f C handragupta (II) and K uveranaga. She was m arried
to R udrasena (II), and after her husband’s death she acted as regent on behalf of her
m in o r sons90. T w o things attract us in th e charter issued by Prabhavatlgupta d u rin g the
tim e o f her rule. First, the queen’s seal attached to this ch arter did n o t bear h e r personal
name. She was represented as a m other, executing royal d u ty o n behalf o f h er son.
Secondly, she gave m ore emphasis to her paternal relationship. In spite o f being the
V akataka queen, she did no t even refer to h er father-in-law, whereas she gave a detailed
genealogy of the G uptas up to her father. So she could rule because o f her fath er’s
backing. C andragupta (II), to serve his ow n im perial interest as well as th e interests o f
his m inor grandsons, upheld the claim of P rabhavatlgupta, perhaps against a claim ant
o f the collateral branch of the Vakatakas. N o com m ent on th e rule o f a queen can be
found in M anu, but the Puranas and the Epics vehem ently opposed rule by a w om an.
T he Garudapurana enjoined a person n o t to live in a c o u n try ruled by a w om an o r by
a m inor91. H opkins was perfectly right w hen he w rote: ‘Q ueens are as independent
rulers com parable w ith slaves in like capacity, alluded to, b u t disparagingly, as rulers
very undesirable’92. H e quotes a passage from th e Epic w hich says, ‘w hen a w om an is
th e ruler, men sink like stone-boats’93.
T he C andragupta-K um aradevi type of coins94 and Sam udragupta’s claim o f being
Licchavi-dauhitra95 were designed to fulfil G u p ta im perial am b itio n in one w ay or
an o th er and had n o th in g to do w ith the uplift o f status o f w om en in society. The
Mdrkaiuleyapurdna denounced a m an w ho claimed renow n th ro u g h his m o th e r or
m aternal relationship96. T his was a tw o-edged sw ord w hich struck at th e ro o t of
m atrilineal society as well as at a higher social status for a wife com pared to th a t o f her
husband in a patriarchal society.
Political exigencies of the states som etim es made w om en’s rule im perative, bu t these
w ere recognized as exceptions, and social norm s fo r w om en rem ained th e same. T o take
th e case of Prabhavatlgupta again, in th e R ith ap u r copper-plate inscription issued during
the tim e of her son Pravarasena (II), she was eulogised as the increaser of glory o f her
paternal and m aternal kulas and as one w hose sons and grandsons were living9'’. N o t
a single w ord was u ttered about her long and efficient rule. She was a w om an and
w om an for ever.
T he expression ubhayakuldlamkarabhfitd added to the nam e o f Prabhavatlgupta takes
us back to M anu, w ho repeatedly urged for a w om an being consecutively ‘p ro te c te d ’ by
her father, her husband and her son, th ro u g h o u t h er entire life-span fo r fear of h er tw o
kulas being m aligned due to any w rong actions on her p art98. W hile com m enting on
89 D. C. Sircar, op. cit., pp. 193f.
90 Ibid., pp. 436-38.
91 Garudapurana, 115.
® E. W. Hopkins, op. cit., p. 423.
93 op. cit.
94 A. S. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 32-35.
95 D. C. Sircar, op. cit. p. 267.
96 Markandeyapurana, 21. 102.
97 D. C. Sircar, op. cit. pp. 439-442.
98 Manusmrti 5.148-149.
205
these verses of M anu, som e historians suggest th a t th e freedom of w om en was curtailed
during the period of foreign rule in India". T he bacchanalian scenes in the Kusana
sculptures100, the account of Bardesanes th a t Kusana w om en did n o t observe chasti
ty 101, and the anxieties expressed in the Puranas over th e laxity of w om en caused by
foreigners'02 m ight have induced them to such a view.
A t this p o in t, it is necessary to refer to V araham ihira, w ho is supposed to have
belonged to th e G u p ta period. T hough he was n o t above his age in his conception of
an ideal w om an, he at least had an im partial view o f th e co ntem porary social situation.
T he faults o f w hich w om en were accused of, he p ointed ou t, w ere equally com m itted
by m en. So it was n o th in g b u t audacity fo r m en to scorn at w om en. H e adm itted th a t
though m arital fidelity was equally binding o n b o th men and w om en th ey behaved on
separate planes. A m an forgot his wife as soon as she died, b u t a w om an em braced him
even on the funeral pyre. A ctually the men accusing th e w om en were like thieves w ho,
in order to put the blam e o f stealing elsewhere, shouted stop th ief103.
Even w hen accepting and popularising some general ideologies to m aintain the status
quo in society, the state had to accept o pposite norm s up to a certain p o in t, as long as
these did n o t jeopardize th e safety of th e state by disturbing the stability of society.
P ro stitu tio n was one such in stitu tio n w hich originated w ith urbanisation and was
accepted by the state, th o u g h in a way it challenged the ideal of a householder. B ut in
a polygam ous social stru ctu re it could n o t be a th reat to stability o f any type. D u rin g
the G upta period also, th e beauty and accom plishm ents o f courtesans beckoned th e city
youth. T here were intoxicated w om en w hose dark, red-coloured cheeks were
rem em bered by the co u rt p o et w hile describing th e glorious sunrise at the sum m it of
the m o u n tain of daw n10'. W hen the lofty trees in the w oods became covered w ith
flowers and hum m ing bees, purangands came there to enjoy the spring and sang
unceasingly105. In the parks of cities, one could see w om en joyfully plucking th e fresh
sprouts o f m ango-trees106. Some o f these descriptions rem ind us o f the life-pattern of
a ndgaraka in association w ith lady-com panions107.
T h ough it cannot be traced in any inscription o f G u p ta period, there w ere in tem ples
devaddsis, w h o m Kalidasa called by the term vesyd103, a com m on expression for p ro sti
tutes. M odern surveys on devaddsis show th a t girls were given up to deities by parents
with the hope of gaining heaven, getting offspring, and even to earn m oney to m aintain
them selves109. These m ight have been th e reasons in ancient period also. W ith th e de99 V.P. Thaplyal, Foreign Invasion in Ancient India: Impact on the Life of Women, in: Jornal of
Ganganath Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapith 32, pp. 93-101.
lm S. Astbana, The Kushana A rt of Mathura, in: Kushana Sculptures From Sanghol, ed. S. P.
Gupta, Delhi 1985, pp. 33-34.
101 B. N. Mukherjce, Revenue, Trade and Society in the Kusana Empire, in: The Indian Historical
Review 7, pp. 41-42.
102R.C. Hazra, Studies in the Puranic Records on H indu Rites and Customs, Dacca 1940, p. 231.
!lJ Ajay Mitra Sastri, India as seen in the Brhatsamhita o f Varahamihira, Delhi 1969, p. 208.
5-4 D. C. Sircar, op. cit., pp. 300-301.
105 Ibid., pp. 301-302.
156 Ibid., pp. 413-414.
107 Vatsyayana’s Kamasutra, tr. S. C. Upadhyaya, Bombay, Reprint 1963, 4.39-43, pp. 85-86.
u Meghaduta 1.35.
lvi>Santosb Chatterjee, op. cit., pp. 55; S. C. Kersenboom-Story, op. cit., p. 195.
206
cline o f urban centres th e profession of ganikds w ith all th e ir skills in th e sixty-four arts
m ust have becom e restricted. But w ith the proliferation of tem ple com plexes th e
in stitu tio n of devaddsi gained ground. In th e early medieval period, it became a m atter
of great social prestige to purchase and to dedicate devaddsis to tem ples.
It is n o tew o rth y th at though gatjikds and devaddsis continued to exist, n u n n ery as a
religious in stitu tio n began to decline. W ealthy m onastic establishm ents, how ever,
co ntinued to flourish. Profuse n u m b er o f nuns, w ho could be seen as rich d o n o rs in
m onasteries of B harhut, Sanchi, M athura and o th e r places in th e ¿uriga-Kusana
inscriptions were no m ore fo u n d 110. Respectable nuns, w ho m astered th e Tripitaka
u n d er the pupilship of renow ned m o n k s111, w h o could inspire even men to religious
activities112, were no longer to be found in epigraphic records of th is age. Stray
references to nuns in th e G upta records indicate th eir marginal role in th e co n tem p o rary
society113. T his was because n u n n ery was a real th reat to ruralised society, w hich
declined to accept a w om an as a recognizable social e n tity outside th e perip h ery o f maleoriented p attern of life. D u rin g th e tim e of first upsurge of urban m ovem ent in N o rth
India, w om en received the right to become nuns in search o f nirvana. But by th e tim e
w hen V atsyayana, w ho is supposed to be an enlightened man accustom ed w ith city life,
w ro te his Kdmasittra, chaste w om en were enjoined to shun th e com pany o f a female
renouncer w ho had donned red garm ents114. V araham ihira also included female ascetics
am ong w om en from w hom a man should guard his w ife115.
P ro stitu tio n was n o t a danger to the stability of the fam ily concept because it could
be easily set aside as ‘bad’. But how to look at the nuns and w om en o f religious
inclination? We have noted th e attitude of th e Classical period as reflected in the
w ritings of V atsyayana and V araham ihira. T h e gradual developm ent o f th e concept from
the Classical to th e m odern period is w o rth consideration. T he C alukya queen
M ayanalla acted as a dowager-queen w hen her son Siddharaja Jayasim ha was a m in o r.
D u rin g the reign o f this Siddharaja (1094-1143 A. D.) th e dram a M udritakumudacandraprakarana was w ritten . A part of the dram a enacted th e discourse betw een th e §vetambaras and th e Digam baras over th e possibility of a w om an attaining salvation. D igambaras rejected th e possibility o u trig h t, and th e !>vetambaras im posed th e preco n d itio n
of chastity for th eir salvation and upheld the characters of SIta and queen M ayanalla as
th e ir m odels116.
T he Stndharmapaddbati, on th e o th e r hand, was an eighteenth cen tu ry w o rk m eant
fo r w om en, and according to its au th o r T ryam baka, she was a perfect wife w ho d id not
associate herself w ith lady renouncers (pravrdjitd) and n u n s (sramand). T h ey w ere equated
to o th e r w om en o f ill repute like th e courtesans, w om en gamblers etc.117
110 Kumkum Roy, Women and Men Donors at Sanchi, pp. 211-215; Chitrarekha Gupta, ‘RuralUrban Dichotom y’ in the concept and status of Women: an examination, in: Position and Status
of Women in Ancient India 1, ed. LJi. Tripathi, Varanasi 1988, p. 192.
111 Liiders’ List, No. 38, D. C. Sircar, op. cit., pp. 136-137.
112 Liiders’ List, No. 39.
113J. F. Fleet, op. cit., p. 273.
114 S. C. Upadhyaya, op. cit., p. 163.
115 A jay Mitra Sastri, op. cit,, p. 206, note 2.
116 I. J. Leslie, op. cit., pp. 271-72.
117 Ibid., p. 319.
W o m en , Law and th e State in Classical India
2 07
T he B rahm anical law-givers also developed some so rt o f disrespect for w om en w ho
earned m oney by th eir perseverance and toil and w orked shoulder to shoulder w ith men
to carry on som e w orks of public interest. I am laying stress o n w om en w ho came o u t
of th eir houses to earn th eir bread and n o t on those w ho stayed at hom e and yet earned
som e m oney by spinning, weaving etc. M anu laid d o w n rules o f pu n ish m en t for
adultery com m itted w ith wives o f others. But he categorically p o inted o u t th a t such a
rule was n o t applicable to the wives o f actors and singers and others w h o depended on
the incom es of th eir wives because such m en, covertly o r overtly, allow ed illicit
relations to th eir w ives118. T h at such a general statem ent originated from aversion
regarding th eir professions becomes clear w hen brahm anical law m akers are found to be
vocal against them .
Y ajnavalkya m entioned th at a husband was n o t bound to repay the debts incurred by
his wife. But m ilkm en, distillers of w ine, w asherm en and h unters etc m ust pay off the
debts of th e ir wives because they earn th e ir livelihood w ith th e ir h elp 119. If th e debt
was incurred by the husband w ith his w ife’s know ledge, th e n the latter w ould rem ain
responsible for its repaym ent. T hus, th e n u m b er o f w o rk in g w om en was n o t negligible,
but in th e stratified society they rem ained in th e low er rung. In such families w om en
were u n d er legal obligation to deposit th e m oney th ey earned in th e fam ily fund. So
K atyayana had to note th a t such incom es w ould n o t be included w ith in stridhana120.
T here is not a single inscription in the w hole G u p ta period w hich may th ro w some
light on the hopes and aspirations of a w orking w om an.
If w om en w ith independent incom e were despised by law-makers, th e G u p ta
inscriptions show th at housew ives had som e so rt of co n tro l over p ro p e rty as th e y were
often rich donors in religious establishm ents — be these Brahm anical, B uddhist o r Jain.
References to w om en dono rs in G u p ta inscriptions, how ever, are m uch less frequent
than those in records o f earlier periods121:
T he m uch corroded inscription from G adw a belonging to the reign of C andragupta
(II) records th e grant of ten dindras at the local satra by a lady w hose nam e can n o t be
read, but w ho was th e wife of a person living in P atalip u tra122. T h e Sanchi inscription
records th e grant of tw elve dindras at th e m onastery of K akanadabota by an updsikd
H arisvam inI, the wife o f an upasaka called Sanasiddha123. O n e Vihdrasvam ini D evata
granted an image in a m onastery o f M athura in 454-5 A. D . She was m ost pro b ab ly the
wife of a person w ho was th e sup erin ten d en t of a m o n astery 124. Samadhya, the
daughter of B hattibhava and wife o f G uham itrapiilita, a dealer in stone, dedicated a Jain
image in som e m onastery at M ath u ra125.
W ith the decline of econom ic p rosperity, th e num bers of such donative records
became few er th an those of earlier periods. A n o th e r reason fo r the decreasing num ber
118 Manusntrti 8.362.
u’ Yajnava'lkyasmrti 2.49-50.
120 Katyayana 736.
121 Romila Tkapar, Patronage and Community, in: The Powers of Art ed. B. S. Miller, Delhi
1992. pp. 28-29.
122/. F. Fleet, op. cit., p. 38.
121 Ibid., p. 261.
I2,1 Ibid., p. 263.
125 Epigraphia Indica 2, p. 210.
208
of w om en donors m ight have been shrinkage of m ob ility for th em w ith th e gradual
ruralisation of the society. These w om en donors to o , conform ing to social norm s,
introduced them selves after th e ir male relatives, and in this m atter there was virtually
no difference betw een th e Brahm anical and heretic sects. These gifts m ight have been
made out of the stridhanas o f these donors. But even if so — and w om en had the
exclusive right of p ro p e rty in th eir stridhana — th ey had to seek perm ission from th eir
husbands for m aking such religious grants.
T he G upta period m arks th e intensification of p ro p erty rights in land. U n d e r these
circum stances, disputes arose am ong law m akers regarding w o m en ’s right to inheritance.
E arlier law m akers like B audhayana declared w om en as ‘useless’ and ‘incom petent to
in h e rit’. But the Q u een ’s Edict show s th at A soka’s wife C aruvaki granted im m ovable
properties like mango-groves, gardens, alms-houses etc., and the king ordered his
m ahdmatras to register the gifts in h er name. It is difficult to say w h eth er she purchased
these o u t of her stridhana o r w h eth er th ey form ed p art o f h er p ro p e rty of th e same
category. Surely she did n o t inh erit these properties by din t o f h er legal right to
succession. In later period w hen, w ith the decline of trade and com m erce, m uch value
was attached to im m ovable p ro p erty , K atyayana and N arada were fo u n d to be of
divided opinion o n th e question o f w o m en ’s right to dispose o f im m ovable p ro p erty
included w ith in th e ir stridhana. W hile K atyayana su pported th e cause o f w om en, N arada
opposed it.
O n this background it may be useful to study th e copper-plate inscriptions of the
G u p ta period to get an actual picture o f transactions of land. Eleven copper-plate
inscriptions of the G uptas have so far been found from Bengal-Bihar region. O f these,
only th e P aharp u r copper-plate inscription o f 159 G. E. (= 479 A. D.) associates a lady
w ith a land grant, N athasarm an, th o u g h a B rahm ana by caste, granted land in favour
of a Jain m onastery. H is wife R am i’s name was also recorded as do n o r. T his exceptional
charter cannot be taken as p ro o f o f w o m en ’s right to dispose of im m ovable pro p erty ,
because she was n o t th e sole do n o r. N o o th e r copper-plate inscription at o u r disposal
speaks of land grants by w om en. T h o u g h an argum entum ex silentio cannot be upheld,
this feature cann o t b u t set us thinking.
H ad w om en had p ro p rie to ry rights in land, one w ould expect them to be represented
in the village council dealing w ith transactions in land. In the K alaikuri-Sultanpur and
Jagadishpur copper-plate inscriptions, there are long list o f kutum bins or agriculturist
householders, m any of w h o m m ight have belonged to th e sudravarna. T h ey are
associated w ith particular land transactions. O f th e 79 k u tum bins w ho are m entioned in
the K alaikuri inscription (this is n o t co u n tin g the mahattaras), and of the 28 names of
th e same category in th e Jagadishpur inscription, there is n o t a single one w hich appears
to be a fem inine name. So even if w om en possessed som e landed properties, these were
u n d er the p rotectio n of male m em bers of th e family. A n d thus as a com m unity, w om en
w ere even inferior to the ¿udras, w ith w h o m th ey w ere often equated in th e legal texts,
because the 5>iidra kutum bins at least had th e right to be represented in th e village
councils and could take p art in transactions of village lands. T he agrarian expansion
program m e undertaken during this phase did n o t allow w om en any right in land,
th o u g h in agricultural activities th ey equally shared th e responsibility w ith men.
References may be made here to som e acdras in th e charter of Visnusena, w hich is an
209
im p o rtan t docu m ent th ro w in g light on the socio-econom ic condition o f th e G upta
period. T h e first dcara o r law was: aputrakam na grdbyam. T h e second was: um m ara
bhedo na karam yo rajapumsena. D. C. Sircar associated these tw o clauses. T he first of
them n oted th a t royal officials should n o t confiscate the p ro p erty o f a person w ith o u t
a son, disregarding th e claim of o th er legal heirs. T he second suggested th a t on this
account th e officers should n o t harass householders by breaking th e doors of th eir
houses. T h u s the p ro p erty of w idow s having no sons did n o t revert to th e king. Male
agnates w ere pushing th eir claims and the king had to recognise it. But w om en of the
G upta period could not claim absolute right on any ty p e o f p roperty.
T his was again due to th e propagation of an ideology pivoting around w om en and
p ro p erty . R. S. Sharma has show n th a t according to th e Epics and the Puranas, m any
of w hich w ere w ritten durin g this phase, th e state as an in stitu tio n originated to protect
the private p ro p erty of its subjects. In th e patriarchal society, man was considered the
real o w n er of th e p ro p e rty , and men considered w om en as valuable p ro p e rty to be
protected and to be enjoyed. It was, therefore, sex w hich was valued m ost, and to
exercise full c o n tro l over th e female sex th e patriarchal society in collaboration w ith the
state im posed ideals of chastity, devotion etc. on w om en and those of heroism and
manliness on men to co n tro l th e ir w om en — a unique pro p erty .
3
The d u ty of a historian is to analyse docum ents at his disposal. If th e w om en suffered
and co n tin u e to suffer, th e cause of th at suffering has to be placed in historical context
of role-appreciation of individuals, both male and female, in a given society. T his is
flexible, and its flexibility depends on the tussle betw een state pow er and d om inant
groups w ith in the pow er structure. Ideology for a man has changed since the G u p ta age.
He is no longer conceived of as a hero, in th e literal sense of physical strength, since the
state has taken full responsibility for m aintaining law and order by the elaborate setup
of the m achineries of the m ilitary and th e police. A man is now socially evaluated by
his intellectual o r financial achievements. But th e ideology for w om en rem ains, by and
large, th e same, u n til now .
Maria Schetelich
Die mandala -Theorie im Artha- und Nitisastra
Eines der T hem en, die u n te r In dienhistorikern bis heute am intensivsten disk u tiert
w erden, ist das V erhältnis von K o n tin u ität u n d W andel in der G eschichte Indiens. In
den letzten Jahrzeh n ten sind im m er w ieder theoretische E ntw ürfe vorgelegt w orden, die
der K o n tin u ität von Struk tu ren über lange Z eiträum e hinw eg das W o rt reden u n d
M odelle oder T heorien in Frage stellen, die für eine Abfolge qualitativ v o neinander
verschiedener G esellschaftsform en oder -systeme plädieren. V or allem H errschafts
stru k tu re n oder F orm en politischer M achtausübung w erden dabei zum Beweis fü r die
Feststellung einer K o n tin u itä t in den politisch-sozialen oder gar gesam tgesellschaftlichen
V erhältnissen in A nspruch genom m en. D abei versucht m an, aus der A nalyse schriftli
cher Q uellen für eine bestim m te R egion oder einen historischen Z eitabschnitt
S trukturm odelle zu gew innen, die ursprünglich regional oder zeitlich begrenzte
V erhältnisse abstrahierend erfassen sollten, häufig dann aber auch für andere Z eiten u n d
geographische R äum e in A nspruch genom m en w erden, sodaß sie paradigm atischen
C h arak te r für die gesamte G eschichte Indiens erhalten. B. Steins ,segm entary state1, H.
Kulkes .konzentrische Integration1, S. Tambiahs ,galactic states' oder N. D irk s’ ,little
kings' zählen zu diesen M odellen. Z u r Bestätigung, daß bereits aus älteren P erioden der
indischen G eschichte ähnliche V erhältnisse zu belegen seien u n d die alten In d er daher
selbst Strukturm odelle entw ickelt hätten, die die heutigen in gewisser Weise
vorausnehm en, verw eist man auf diejenigen der altindischen Texte, die P o litik u n d
S taatsführung als theoretisches P roblem behandeln u n d daher A u sk u n ft geben k ö n n e n
über eben die T hem en, die für die Bildung von Strukturm odellen heute zentral sind, also
über K önigsbild, L egitim ation des Königsam tes u n d der H errschaft allgemein, F o rm en
u nd A ufbau von H errschaft u n d V erw altung, V erhältnis eines Königs zu seinem au ß en
politisch relevanten U m feld usw.
So sorgfältig m an bei der E ntw icklung u n d Begründung von S trukturm odellen in der
A usw ertung von Inschriften, T exten und anderem Q uellenm aterial vorgeht, das sich auf
reale, zeitlich gut fixierbare V erhältnisse bezieht, so global ist allerdings oft der
G ebrauch, den m an von den altindischen politisch-theoretischen T exten m acht. M eist
zieht m an allein das A rthasästra des K autilya (weiter: KA) als altindisches V er
gleichsm aterial für diese T hem atik heran, allenfalls n och das M ahäbhärata. Beide w ertet
m an als repräsentativ fü r altindische oder traditionelle A nschauungen insgesamt, d.h.
m an spricht allein ihnen traditionsbildende u n d dam it norm ensetzende F u n k tio n zu,
ohne zu beachten, daß die politische W issenschaft in Indien im Laufe der Ja h rh u n d erte
eine große Z ahl von T exten hervorgebracht hat, die in m eh r oder w eniger starkem
Maße v o n den A nschauungen der beiden genannten T exten abweichen. A u f diese W eise
en tsteh t die V orstellung von etwas Statischem, die dem Bild, das diese W issenschaft in
Indien bietet, in keiner Weise gerecht w ird. A llerdings steht eine G eschichte der politi-
212
M aria Schetelich
sehen L iteratur u n d der Staatslehre auch noch aus, die die E ntw icklung dieser
W issenschaft in den K ontext der E ntw icklung auf anderen G ebieten der K u ltu r stellt
und das gesellschaftliche U m feld von P ro d u k tio n u n d R ezeption der einzelnen T exte
genauer zu bestim m en versucht. Einen Schritt in diese R ichtung hat seinerzeit W. Ruhen
getan, als er das KA im R ahm en der E ntw icklung von Staat und R echt im alten Indien
m it K am andakas N itisära (weiter: K N) und dem D harm asästra des M anu (weiter: M anu)
verglich1. Die folgenden Bemerkungen sind ein V ersuch, in dieser R ichtung w eiter
zudenken.
Es läßt sich näm lich schon an einzelnen Begriffen u n d K onzepten ganz gut zeigen, daß
Staatslehre und Politikw issenschaft in den Jah rh u n d erten , w ährend derer sie gelehrt,
trad iert und in im m er neue literarische F o rm gebracht w orden sind, beileibe n icht
im m er n u r die ,reine Lehre' Kautilyas in unveränderter, w enn auch v erk ü rzter oder
verkürzender F o rm w iederholten. V ielm ehr reagierte gerade die P olitikw issenschaft
sensibel auf jeweils aktuelle Problem e ihrer Zeit, indem sie die vom KA begründete
T rad itio n um form te oder (wenn sie traditionelle K onzepte w iederholte) auch neue
A kzen te setzte, T hem en aussparte, neue Leitbilder prägte, Begriffe m it neuen Inhalten
versah oder sie abw andelte. A m Beispiel der ,T heorie des Staatenkreises' (mandala), die
uns im KA zu ersten Male entgegentritt und bis in die spätm ittelalterlichen räjanitiT exte hinein eines der außenpolitischen G ru n d k o n zep te blieb, ist dies ganz anschaulich
zu zeigen. D a die m andala-Theone des KA bis heute unterschiedlich in terp re tiert w ird,
sei eine kurze Skizzierung der eigenen Auffassung hier vorangestellt, auch auf die G efahr
hin, längst B ekanntes teilweise zu w iederholen.
K autilya w idm et dieser T heorie das aus zwei K apiteln bestehende 6. Buch u n d einen
Teil des Kapitel 18 aus dem 7. Buch seines A rthasästra. E r gibt m it diesem K onzept
einem K önig — gewissermaßen als analytisches Instrum entarium — ein K onzept für die
G estaltung der politischen Beziehungen zu seinen N achbarn an die H and. Dieses
K onzept erm öglicht es ihm , seine außenpolitischen P artn er und K o n trah en ten (bzw.
K onk u rren ten ) in einem übersichtlichen Schema anzuordnen, um dann je nach den k o n
k reten G egebenheiten und Situationen die optim alen H andlungsvarianten herauszu
finden. A uf den ersten Blick erscheint dieses Schema einem auf ein Z en tru m hin
o rien tierten R aum zu entsprechen. Tatsächlich ist es aber k o m p lizierter u n d einfacher
zugleich gedacht. Im KA ist es ganz auf einen bestim m ten K önigstyp, den vijigisu1,
zugeschnitten, für den der D azugew inn politischer M acht (vardhana) auf K osten seiner
1 W. Rüben, Die gesellschaftliche Entwicklung im alten Indien 3: Die Entwicklung von Staat und
Recht. Berlin 1968, S. 172-78 und S. 205-16.
2 Die gängige Übersetzung von vijigisu mit .Eroberer1, bzw. ,would-be-conqueror‘ ist m. E. nicht
sehr glücklich. Sie suggeriert dem nicht mit den Feinheiten des Textes vertrauten Leser die
Vorstellung vom Welteroberer, der sich ein Reich primär mit militärischen Mitteln ersiegt und
widerspricht damit eigentlich dem Geist der Politik im KA. Kautilya sieht bekanntlich die
militärische Eroberung eines Gebietes erst als letztes, äußerstes Mittel an, das nur anzuwenden
ist, wenn die Ausdehnung und Etablierung der eigenen Oberherrschaft mittels einer geschickten
Bündnispolitik nicht gelingt. Der vijigisu ist also eher ein ,would-be-emperor‘ als ein ,would-beconqueror“. Die Grundbedeutung des Verbs vi-ji, ,sich über einen anderen setzen, die Oberhand
gewinnen, hervorragen unter anderen“, legt die Übersetzung von vijigisu mit ,Eroberer“
eigentlich auch nicht unbedingt als obligatorisch nahe. In der gängigen Übersetzung des Begriffs
spiegeln sich im Grunde das historische Wissen und das Geschichtsbild aus der Zeit der ersten
D ie mij«(/tf/i!-Theorie im A rth a- u n d N itisä stra
213
N achbarn vordringlichstes Ziel politischen H andelns ist. Z u diesem Z w ecke setzt er eine
ganze Palette politischer M ittel ein, von Bündnissen und gemeinsam en U ntern eh m u n g en
mit anderen K önigen zum gegenseitigen V orteil bis hin zu kriegerischer
A useinandersetzung.
Das mandala-Schema erfaßt zweierlei:
— das als K erngebiet oder Z en tru m des mandala verstandene ursprüngliche H errschafts
gebiet des vijigisu, sein müla, seine W urzel oder Basis und
— das nach bestim m ten G esichtspunkten gegliederte G ebiet u m dieses Z en tru m herum ,
in dem andere, sämanta (N achbarn) genannte Könige herrschen.
Das Z en tru m bilden der vijigisu selbst5 u n d diejenigen Elem ente des Reiches, die die
Stabilität der eigenen M acht des Königs und dam it den Erfolg seiner A u ß en p o litik
begründen. Dies sind die M inister (amätya), das Land (janapada), die befestigte Stadt
(durga), der Schatz (kos'd) u n d das H eer (danda). N u r bedingt k ann m an darin — das sei
am Rande verm erkt — eine D efinition des Staates oder eine A ufzählung der
S trukturelem ente einer politischen H errschaft sehen. V ielm ehr w erden selektiv n u r die
F aktoren erfaßt, die ökonom isch, politisch u n d m ilitärisch für ein m axim al effektives
H andeln im außenpolitischen Bereich die w ichtigsten sind. K autilya faßt sie
term inologisch zu einer gesonderten E inheit, den dravyaprakrtis (6.2.12, 28 und 36),
zusam m en. Das aus den dravyaprakrtis bestehende Z en tru m bildet zusam m en m it dem
blerrscher und dem potentiellen V erbündeten (m itra) die yoni des mandala, den Schoß
oder die G rundlage für die E rzeugung eines neuen politischen Feldes, m it dem vijigisu
als Z entrum . F ür die 7 prakrtis, die die yoni des mandala darstellen, bürgert sich in der
L iteratur nach K autilya die kollektive Bezeichnung saptänga oder saptähgaräjya (die
siebengliedrige K önigsherrschaft) ein.
Das eigentliche oder räja-mandala, also der strategische Raum , der das K erngebiet des
vijigisu um gibt, w ird nach zwei unterschiedlichen G esichtspunkten geordnet. Z um ersten
werden die N achbarkönige (scheinbar nach dem P rinzip der N äh e oder F erne zum
Reich des vijigisu) eingeteilt in solche, die die gleichen politischen Interessen in bezug
Fortsetzung Fußnote von S. 212
Übersetzer des KA. Das Maß, an dem damals alle Geschichte gemessen wurde, waren die
bekannten Verhältnisse der Antike. Folglich verband man die Schaffung eines Imperiums im
Altertum automatisch mit Gestalten wie Darius, Caesar und vor allem mit Alexander von
Makedonien, die ihre Reiche durch Eroberungen gebildet hatten, und setzte ,Weltherrscher‘ mit
,Welteroberer1 gleich. Das Beispiel zeigt einmal mehr die Problematik adäquaten Ubersetzens
von Texten, deren kultureller Hintergrund sich von europäischen Verhältnissen unterscheidet.
Es zeigt aber auch die Notwendigkeit für den Philologen, seine Texte nicht losgelöst von ihrem
historisch-kulturellen Umfeld zu betrachten und zu interpretieren.
' Daß das KA ihn in diesem Zusammenhang svämi, Herr, nennt, ist Ausdruck der
bewundernswerten, von nur wenigen späteren Theoretikern wieder annähernd angestrebten
Exaktheit der Terminologie, die diesen Text auszeichnet. Kautilya wählt seine Begriffe generell
so, daß sie Funktionsbereiche bezeichnen. Der König ist svämi, wenn es um die Beziehung zu
seinem Stammland, seinem Herrschaftsgebiet, geht. Geht es um sein Verhältnis zu anderen
Königen, dann heißt er vijigisu. Da Bündnispolitik das Primat hat, heißt der Feind
normalerweise amitra, d.h. einer, mit dem man keine Bündnisse schließen kann. Im Kontext
taktischer und strategischer Überlegungen aber, in denen es um die eigene Partei und um die des
Gegners geht, dominiert dann logischerweise das Begriffspaar sva und para, das Eigene und das
Gegnerische.
2 14
M aria S chetelich
auf die anderen Könige haben wie er u n d solche, deren Interessen allein schon von ihrer
geographischen Lage her m it denen des vijigisu n icht k o n fo rm gehen können: so ist der
König, dessen Land un m ittelb ar an das des vijigisu grenzt, der K o n k urren t um die M acht
und daher der potentielle Feind (ari). D er, dessen Reich durch ein anderes vom Z en tru m
getrennt ist, ist dagegen der potentielle V erbündete, da er gleichfalls m it dem ari
k o n k u rriert. D aran schließt das KA K onstellationen an, die entw eder ein engeres
Zusam m engehen des vijigisu und eines säm anta (sandhi, B indung an das Z entrum ) oder
feindliche Beziehungen (vigraha, w örtlich: T rennung) voraussehen lassen: arimitra,
m itram itra, arim itram itra. K riterium sind auch hier die potentiell gemeinsamen oder
gegeneinander gerichteten politischen Interessen, die durch den G rad der räum lichen
N äh e zum Z en tru m bestim m t sind.
D ieser ersten A rt der G liederung fügt K autilya eine Einteilung nach strategischen
G esichtspunkten hinzu. Sie abstrahiert vom räum lich-territorial definierten FreundFeind-K riterium u n d w ird im 7. Buch (Kap. 13) grundsätzlich erläutert. D ie hier aufge
führten T eilelem ente des mandala — der Fersenpacker (pärsnigraha), das .G eschrei'
(äkranda), der Beistand des Fersenpackers u n d der des .G eschreis“ (pärsnigrahäsära,
äkrandäsärä) — agieren vor allem im Kriege, wie schon ihre anschaulichen N am en
besagen. Sie gehen gemeinsam m it dem vijigisu, aber jeder auf seinen eigenen V orteil
bedacht, gegen dessen Feind vor, w enn dieser gerade in einer A useinandersetzung m it
einem anderen steckt.
O bgleich K autilya beide A rten von T eilelem enten gemeinsam zu einem mandala
zusam m enfaßt, b e to n t er doch den qualitativen U nterschied zw ischen beiden dadurch,
daß er sagt, die Freund-Feind-K onstellationen w ürden (von) v o m , die strategischen
K onstellationen aber (von) h inten eingesetzt oder angew endet w erden (purastät... pascät
... prasajyante, 6.2.20). G em eint ist w ohl, daß der ersten G ruppe offene, auf dip lo
m atischem Wege offiziell hergestellte politische Beziehungen zugrundeliegen, w ährend
bei der zw eiten G ru p p e sozusagen hinterrücks gegen den Feind agiert wird.
Z u diesen räjaprakrti genannten 9 T eilelem enten oder F aktoren des mandala kom m en
als w eitere Elem ente zwei hinzu; der .m ittlere' K önig (madlryama 6.2.21), der — an des
ari wie des vijigisu Interessensphäre gleicherm aßen angrenzend — stark genug ist,
entw eder beide gleichzeitig zu u n terstü tzen oder jeden einzelnen zu bekäm pfen, u n d der
udäsina, der (außerhalb des Interessenfeldes, also des Freund-Feind-Kreises stehend) das
gleiche dem vijigisu, dessen Feind u n d dem madlryama gegenüber zu tu n in der Lage ist.
Diese beiden w erden nicht zu den sämantas, den N achbarkönigen gezählt, die in bezug
auf den vijigisu entw eder F reund, F eind oder .A bhängiger' sein k ö n n en (7.18.29-30:
mitra-, ari- und bhrtyabhävinab). V ielm ehr sind sie unabhängig und k ö n n en k raft dieser
ih rer Sonderstellung das politische Spiel (m andalacaritam , 7.18.27-44) eigenständig
brem sen oder befördern. Die taktischen Ü berlegungen im KA zeigen, daß sie dies auch
eifrig taten. W eder der madhyama noch der udäsina sind also im eigentlichen Sinne
neutral, sondern sind so etwas wie unabhängige u nd daher schlecht zu beeinflussende
R isikofaktoren für den K önig.4
A u f der Basis dieser elf A rten von K önigen skizziert K autilya dann u n ter Einbezie
4 Die Übersetzungen für beide Begriffe schwanken. Eine gute Zusammenstellung gibt O. Botto,
II Nitiväkyämtta di Somadeva Süri, Torino 1962, S. 176, Anm. 221.
D ie mandala -T h eo rie im A rth a- u n d N itisa stra
215
hung des vijigisu gleich zwei verschiedene mandalas, wie R. P. Kangle KA 6.2.24-27
richtig k o m m en tiert, näm lich
— das dvädasaräjamandala, ein kom pliziertes u n d im G runde vom K lassifikationsprinzip
seiner E lem ente her nicht hom ogenes G ebilde, das aus den räjaprakrtis der ersten und
zw eiten G ru p p e besteht, ergänzt durch madhyama und udäsina, und
— ein einfaches, das n u r 4 Elem ente um faßt (s. 6.2.24-27). Es ist aus dem T ext n icht ganz
klar ersichtlich, ob der vijigisu selbst auch ein Teil des manclala ist, sodaß dieses aus ihm
u n d seinem G egner, dem m adhyama und dem udäsina bestünde oder ob er der
V ierergruppe von F reund, Feind u n d den beiden ,U n parteiischen' gegenübergestellt
w ird, wie es der Vers KA 1.12.20 nahelegen k ö n n te (evam satrau ca m itre ca madhyame
cävapec carän | udäsine ca tesäm ca tirthesv astadasäsv api). D er Staatslehre nach
K autilya jedenfalls w aren beide G ruppierungen geläufig.
Eine d ritte A rt von manclala ist dann das aus 72 Elem enten bestehende G ebilde, das
sich aus den 12 räjaprakrtis sam t den zu ihnen jeweils gehörenden dravyaprakrtis
zusam m ensetzt:
dvädasa räjaprakrtayah sastir dravyaprakrtayah, samksepena dvisaptatih \ täsäm
yathäsvam sampadah |
Jede der drei m andala-A rten verbindet das KA m it einer bestim m ten F orm politischer
A ktion. Das V ierer -mandala ist die Basis für den caturvarga der A u ß en p o litik , d.h. für
die vier politischen M ittel säma (Besänftigung), däna (Geschenke), bheda (Spaltung) u n d
danda (Heer), d.h. kriegerische A useinandersetzung. Das Z w ölfer mandala ist v o r allem
dann von B edeutung, w enn es darum geht, zw ischen den sechs Q ualitäten {guna)
politischen H andelns (Bündnis oder feindliche H altung, A bw arten oder Losschlagen,
Krieg oder ,D oppelspiel') zu w ählen.3 Das Sechser-manclala schließlich, in dem die
Könige im K ontext ihres H errschaftsbereiches erfaßt w erden, ist G egenstand vo n karsana
und pldana, dem ,A bm agern' und ,B edrücken', z. B. dadurch, daß A genten des vijigisu
U nfrieden erzeugen, daß Bündnisse geschlossen w erden, die den w irtschaftlichen R uin
des Gegners bew irken usw.).
Schon im KA ist also manclala n icht gleich mandala. D ie ,K om positio n sp rin zip ien '
sind ebenso unterschiedlich wie die Verfahrensweisen, für die die einzelnen
K onfigurationen die G rundlage bilden sollen. D ie bisherigen E rklärungen des mandalaK onzepts gehen allerdings meist davon aus, daß w ir es h ier m it n u r einem einzigen,
kreisförm igen Schema zu tu n hab en .6 M an k ann aber w ohl Kangle darin rechtgeben,
daß K autilya selbst im räjamandala n icht ein starres räum liches Schema sah, sondern
etwas D ynam isches, eine politische M aschinerie, deren k o m plizierten M echanism us man
mittels der verschiedenen A rten politischer A k tio n in Bewegung setzen m uß, u m den
s Meyer übersetzt sädgunyam mit .sechsfaches Verfahren', Kangle mit .sixfold policy'. Tatsächlich
haben die sechs Arten im politischen Sinne unterschiedlichen Charakter, denn sie setzen jeweils
eine andere Orientierung der Gesamtpolitik und eine andere Orientierung der Staatsressourcen
voraus. Guna ist - wegen seiner semantischen Breite — auch hier offenbar wieder ein ganz
bewußt gewählter Terminus.
6Dazu H. Scharfe, Untersuchungen zur Staatsrechtslehre des Kautilya, Wiesbaden 1968, S. 122-27,
der die verschiedenen Interpretationsversuche anführt; auch ders., The State in Indian Tradition,
Handbuch der Orientalistik II.3.2, Leiden 1989, S. 202-12. Die Vorstellung, daß man es hier mit
einem statischen Konzept zu tun hat, ist aber auch sonst verbreitet.
216
M aria Schetelich
gew ünschten Erfolg zu erzielen, d.h. um ein cäturanta zu w erden — ein K önig, der nach
allen vier H im m elsrichtungen ungehindert herrschen kann (7.13.49).7
U m das F u n k tio n ieren des räjamandala anschaulich zu machen, nim m t das K A in
einem (vielleicht älteren?) Vers (6.2.39-40) das Bild vom R adkranz und den Speichen auf,
das schon im Rigveda ein fester T opos m it teilweise politischem Bezug gewesen zu sein
scheint8:
nem im ekäntarän räjnah krtvä cänantarän arän \
näbhim ätm änam äyacchen netä prakrtim andale ||
m adbye hy upähitah satrur netur mitrasya cobbayoh |
ucchedyah pldaniyo vä balavän api jayate ||
.Indem er die ekäntara-Könige zum R adkranz und die anantara-(Kön\ge) zu den
Speichen, soll der L enker sich im prakrtim andala selbst als N abe einsetzen. D en n der
Feind w ird, sobald er zw ischen den L enker u n d den F reund gesetzt ist, au sro ttb ar oder
drangsalierbar, selbst w enn er stark ist.“
G an z offensichtlich ist hier cakrapravartana, das D rehen des Rades, gem eint, bei dem
die Speichen so laufen müssen, wie die N abe und der R adkranz es w ollen. N ic h t n u r das
Bild übrigens hat im Vedischen seinen V orläufer, sondern auch das W o rt netä, das in
den zitierten Rgveda-Stellen gleichfalls gebraucht w ird. In V erbindung m it der Lehre von
den politischen M itteln u n d V erfahren oder auch separat w ird die mandala-T h eo rie (nun
auch allgemein räjamandala genannt) in den folgenden Jah rh u n d erten zum kanonischen
B estandteil politischer T heorie. Sie w ird überall d o rt zu r Sprache gebracht, w o es um
den außenpolitischen A spekt des Königsam tes in T heorie u n d Praxis geht: in den
D harm asästra (vor allem bei M anu und Yäjnavalkya) im K ontext der Skizzierung des
räjadharma, in den Epen, in einigen Puränas u n d nicht zuletzt im N itisästra u n d den
räjaniti-T exten (dort allerdings nicht m ehr als absolut obligatorisch ).
Schaut man sich n u n lediglich die F o rm en oder V ersionen des räjamandala an, die
diese T exte lehren, so scheint es auf den ersten Blick tatsächlich, als ob das
G esam tkonzept kaum verändert w orden ist. D ie Texte, die die mandala-T h eo rie in ihre
7 Dieser Begriff (er kommt nur 1.6.4 und 6.1.17 vor) wird von den Dharmasästras und
Kamandaka nicht übernommen, findet sich aber seit der Häthigumpha-Inschrift Kharavelas in
den Inschriften. Er schließt ganz sicher an die vedische Vorstellung des digvijaya, des ,Ersiegens
der vier Weltgegendcn* an. Eine Beziehung besteht wohl auch zu der im Aitareya Brähmaria
erwähnten, disäm klpti genannten Zeremonie im Rahmen der Königsweihe, bei der der König
vom Opferplatz, bzw. seinem Thronsessel aus in alle vier Himmelsrichtungen Schritte zu tun
hat, um, wie es heißt, die Weltgegenden ,zu ordnen1. Überhaupt hat das KA eine sehr
eigenständige Terminologie in dieser Beziehung, die noch der Erklärung unter Bezug auf einen
historischen Kontext harrt. So verwendet es den an sich naheliegenden Terminus cakravartin
bekanntlich nicht, obgleich er ihm ebenso wie die damit verbundene Vorstellung vom Weltherrschertum bekannt gewesen sein muß, denn in 6.2. wird ja das Areal, in dem der vijigisu tätig
werden soll, als cakravartiksctra bezeichnet und geographisch abgesteckt als das Gebiet des
gesamten indischen Subkontinents. Ob das Balkenkreuz mit einem Kreis in der Mitte, das als
eines der häufigsten Zeichen auf den punch-marked coins seit etwa dem 2. vorchristlichen Jh.
belegt ist, mit dem cäturanta in Verbindung zu bringen ist, läßt sich einstweilen schwer sagen.
8 Im Rigveda allerdings ist das Bild etwas anders. Agni, der Lenker des Opfers, und Indra, der
König, umfassen hier als Radkranz die Götter, die Dichter oder die Völker durch ihre Macht
und Größe und schaffen so einen geschlossenen Raum, der auf den Kult, bzw. das Opfer hin
ausgerichtet ist (RV 1.141.9; 2.5.3; 5.13.6; 1.32.15).
D ie mandala-Theonc im A rth a- u n d N itisa stra
217
eigene Behandlung politischer T hem en integrieren, übernehm en die T erm inologie des
KA und verw enden sow ohl das einfache Vierer-, als auch das Zwölfer-Schema. Dabei
erscheint das einfachere Schema wie im KA häufig d o rt, w o die G rundlagen au ßenpoli
tisch-diplom atischen K alküls zur Sprache kom m en, w ährend das erw eiterte Schema e n t
w eder daneben oder allein dann zu finden ist, w enn auch die M odalitäten der K riegfüh
rung m it zu r Sprache kom m en. Das einfachere mandala ist also auch hier w ieder enger
v erk n ü p ft m it den vier politischen M itteln säma, däna, bheda u n d danda, w ährend das
kom pliziertere und heterogene 7.wö\iermandala dem sädgunyam zugeordnet ist. D ie
T enden z geht im Laufe der Jah rh u n d erte dahin, das Vierer-Schema zu bevorzugen, in
den K om binationen vijigisu-ari-mitra-udäsina oder ari-mitra-madhyama-udäsina. Das
stim m t in gewisser Weise m it der T endenz der politischen T exte überein, die D iplom atie
(als Lehrgegenstand ebenso wie als politisches M ittel) gegenüber der K riegführung als
m oralischer zu bevorzugen. Z w ar behandeln die räjaniti-Texte ausführlicher als das KA
T hem en wie die Q ualitäten des Heeres oder der Pferde oder die S chlachtordnungen,
doch w ird den vier upäyas gegenüber dem sädgunyam der V orzug gegeben. Folgerichtig
behandeln die Texte das gesamte Spektrum der theoretischen außenpolitischen T hem atik
im m er häufiger als Teilgebiet der Beratung (m antrana) des Königs m it seinen M inistern
und n icht m ehr separat.
D er T ext, der dem KA zeitlich am nächsten steht, ist die M anusm rti (datiert zw ischen
200 v. und 200 u.Z.), das älteste der D harm asästras. In ihm w erden — zum ersten Male
in der T rad itio n der D harm a-Texte — aus der Sicht der brahm anischen M orallehre
w irklich um fassend alle F unktionsbereiche des K önigsam tes skizziert. G ew isserm aßen
als G egenbild zum K önigsbild des KA, das den vijigisu (und dam it die A usdehnung des
M achtbereichs eines Königs auf benachbarte H errschaftsgebiete) in den V ordergrund
stellt, w ird dabei ein Königsideal entw orfen, das die A ufrech terh altu n g von R echt u n d
O rd n u n g innerhalb des Reiches, also die Inn en p o litik , als vornehm ste Aufgabe des
Königs bezeichnet. Dieses K önigsbild w ird dadurch zum Königsideal u n d erhält norm a
tiven W ert, daß die E rfüllung oder N ichterfüllung der königlichen A m tspflichten zu
K ategorien wie Sünde un d E rlösung in Beziehung gesetzt u n d diese P flichten (aber auch
die Rechte) als D harm a für den K önig festgeschrieben w erden. G leichzeitig w ird dem
K önigsdharm a eine eigene, w rna-unabhängige W ertigkeit zugestanden. H atten die
älteren D harm asütras den A ufgabenbereich des Königs noch als Sonderfall des ksatriyadharma gelehrt, so lehrte M anu ihn n u n als dessen Inbegriff und an seiner Stelle. D am it
w ar der ksatriyadharma nicht m ehr auf eine ganze gesellschaftliche Schicht, einen Stand
fixiert, sondern allein auf die Person des H errschers, auf den A m tsträger. Seine
Legitim ation bezieht dieser K önigsyp zw ar noch aus den alten ksatriya-F u n k tio n en , dem
K ämpfen und der V erpflichtung zum Schützen aller W esen, das ein Leben in Frieden
und Sicherheit (abhaya) garantiert. D och w erden wie im K A als w esentliche
V oraussetzung für seine Eignung zum A m te die persönliche Befähigung und sein
V erhalten (vinaya) allgemein in den V ordergrund gerückt. E rgänzt w ird dies durch eine
außerm enschliche (aber eben nicht prim är aus der varna-Z ugehörigkeit abgeleitete)
Legitim ation, die der K önig daraus bezieht, daß er zum G efäß fü r Teilchen der
w ichtigsten G ö tte r des brahm anischen P antheons erk lärt w ird. Diese A uffassung vom
Königsam t, die den dharmaräja, u n d n icht m ehr den vijigisu, zum Inbegriff des idealen
218
M aria Schetelich
Königs m acht, beeinflußt auch M anus V erständnis der mandala-'Yheorie ,9 M an geht
sicher nicht fehl, wenn man in dieser H erv o rh eb u n g des brahm anischen (dharma-)
Elem ents der Königsideologie und des Königsbildes eine R eaktion brahm anischer Kreise
auf eine konkrete historische Situation sieht. Asokas K önigsdharm a, der intensiv u n d auf
dauerhaftem M aterial in w eiten Teilen des S u bkontinents ins B ew ußtsein der Leute
gebracht wurde, hatte sich w eitgehend an der buddhistischen M orallehre orien tiert.
A uch die K önigsideologien, die m it V ertretern von Frem dvölkern wie den baktrischen
G riechen, den Maltas, P arthern oder Kusänas in den beiden Jah rh u n d erten u m die
Z eitenw ende nach Indien kam en, standen der vedisch-brahm anischen T rad itio n fern. Es
mag in der M anusm rti der erste nachw eisbare Versuch einheim ischer H errsch er
vorliegen, in einer Situation der A useinandersetzung m it politischen K räften aus anderen
kulturellen Milieus sich eine eigene Identität und L egitim ation des K önigsam tes zu
schaffen. Das w ürde zu der puranischen Ü berlieferung passen, derzufolge die éungas sehr
b etont die Brahm anen und die von ihnen vertretene religiöse T rad itio n gefördert haben
sollen.
F ü r den politischen Teil seines räjadharma stü tzt sich M anu allgemein auf die
A rthaiästra-T radition. Wie das KA gibt er als A ufgabenbereich des K önigs das
G ew innen, E rhalten und A usdehnen der H errschaft an (läbha, pälana, vardhand), was
durch Sichern des neu D azugew onnenen (vrddhasyapätraniksepa, bei Kautilya: vrddhasya
tirtbe pratipädana) zu ergänzen ist. Form al fü h rt M anu die D harm asütra-T radition
dadurch fort, daß er alles, was m it dem K ämpfen und m it vardhana zu tu n hat, u n te r
ksätradharma (den dharma der H errscherm acht, nicht m ehr den des ksatriyal) subsum iert
(7.18 ff.), dieses them atisch von pälana (dem Schutz der U n tertan en durch G arantieren
von abhaya) abgrenzt und m it Versen über das E thos des K ämpfens in der Schlacht
einleitet. D er A kzen t liegt jedoch auch in diesem A bschnitt eindeutig auf dem Schützen
der G rundlage der eigenen H errschaft, des eigenen Reiches, v o r einer B edrohung von
außen. M anu legt dam it bereits den Keim dafür, daß später n ich t m ehr läbha, pälana,
vardhana die T erm ini sind, die das Ziel einer guten P o litik bezeichnen, sondern tantra
und äväpa, G rundlage und A usdehnung eines R eiches.10 Dies ist zw ar n u r ein
N uancenw echsel im Sprachgebrauch, setzt aber doch deutlich einen anderen
S chw erpunkt. Das Käm pfen dient n u n — wie jede andere außenpolitische A k tiv ität auch
— lediglich dazu, eine Schwächung des eigenen Landes durch karsana u n d pidana zu
verhindern und dam it den Bestand der H errschaft zu sichern (vgl. M anu 7. 105 u n d 111:
m ohäd räjä svarästram yah karsayaty anapcksayä \ so ’ciräd bhrasyate räjyäj jivitä c ca
sabändhavah).
D ies geschieht, indem man im mandala ein G leichgew icht der K räfte herstellt u n d es
dadurch bew ahrt, daß man die N achbarkönige ,beugt“. M anu 7.39 n en n t ein Land dann
vorzüglich, w enn es änatasämanta ist, d.h. N achbarn hat, die sich dem K önig
u n tero rd n en . V om W ortgebrauch her ist M anu allerdings w eit w eniger exakt als das KA.
So neutralisiert er Kautilyas genaue term inologische U nterscheidung der außen- und
innenpolitischen F u n k tio n des Königs. Platte K autilya im außenpolitischen K ontext
9 S. auch R. Lingat, Les Sources du Droit dans le système traditionnel de l’Inde. The Hague 1967,
Kap. III: Dharma et Ordre de Roi (S. 231-83).
10 Auf diesen Wechsel in der Terminologie weist H. Scharfe hin (The State in Indian Tradition,
S. 202), ohne allerdings den Tendenzwechsel anzumerken.
D ie mandala -T h eo rie im A rtha- u n d N itisä stra
219
seinen K önig vijigisu, im innenpolitischen aber sväm i oder räjan genannt, so verw endet
M anu den Begriff vijigisu zw ar auch, w enn er die G ru n d p rin zip ie n der A ußenp o litik
darlegt, jedoch gew isserm aßen n u r als term inus technicus für einen König, der gegenüber
den N achbarkönigen seine M acht m it kriegerischen M itteln festigt oder verteidigt.
A nsonsten dom inieren auch in diesem K ontext die V erben raks, pä u n d gup und ihre
A bleitungen, w enn die T ätigkeit des Königs beschrieben w ird — also W orte, die auf das
Beschützen zielen.
Gleiches gilt fü r die K önigsterm inologie. M anus K önig ist durchw eg ein nrpa, ein
Patriarch, der sein R eich in erster Linie nicht ausdehnen, sondern in O rd n u n g halten
will. F ü r ihn gilt der G rundsatz .Schützen ist dem V erm ehren vorzuziehen1 (vardhanäd
raksanah sreyah). So heißt er ein S chützer des dharma, ein F ü h re r des .Stockes1, der den
B ew ohnern seines Landes Sicherheit garantiert. In dieses B etreben ist auch die W ahr
nehm ung seiner außenpolitischen F u n k tio n eingeschlossen. In dem Begriffspaar yogaksema (A nspannung un d W ohlergehen), das von alters her ein Standardausdruck für Sinn
und Inhalt des W irkens der K önige ist, liegt bei M anus K önigskonzept der N achdruck
weniger auf dem dynam ischen yoga, als vielm ehr auf dem in R ich tu n g eines Zustandes
weisenden ksema. D ieser Wechsel im K önigsbild w ird zum A usgangspunkt für eine
andere Sicht auf die Rolle des Königs im mandala der ihn um gebenden politischen
Kräfte. Diese Sicht setzt sich in der N ach-G uptazeit als herrschend durch. Bei M anu
selbst ist dies alles erst in A nsätzen zu erkennen, eben in der Bevorzugung von pälana
gegenüber vardhana als vordringlichste Aufgabe eines idealen LIerrschers.
G rundlage der A u ß en p o litik ist bei M anu das m jam andala, in der Zwölfer-, wie in der
V ierer-K onstellation, w obei er im ersteren eine A bleitung vom letzteren sieht (7.15455):
madlryamasya pracäratn ca vijigisos ca cestitam \
udäsinapracäram ca satros caiva prayatnatah ||
etäh prakrtayo m ülam mandalasya samäsatah |
astau cänyäh samäkhyätä dvädasaiva tu täh smrtäh ||
Bei der E rläuterung seiner A nw en d u n g allerdings w ird das V iererschema etwas variiert
und auf die 3 E lem ente ari, m itra u n d udäsina reduziert, sodaß der m adhyama als
politischer F a k to r herausfällt (7.158: anantaram arim vidyät arisevinam eva ca | arer
anantaram m itram udäsinam tayoh param || ). E ntsprechend w erden in 7.208-11 dann
auch n u r die Eigenschaften dieser drei vorgeführt. D abei w ird als Ergebnis eines
Bündnisses das E rlangen eines zuverlässigen m itra dem Erlangen von G old oder Land
vorgezogen — in Ü bereinstim m ung m it der T endenz, in allererster Linie die Sicherheit
der eigenen H errschaft zu gew ährleisten (Kautilya h atte noch flexibel den M aximal
gewinn an N u tz e n zum K riteriu m gemacht).
W enn es um die praktische Seite der P o litik geht, verw endet M anu also n u r die
G rundtypen F reund-Feind-R isikofaktor. V on den E lem enten der zw eiten G ruppe des
KA n ennt er n u r den pärsnigraha u n d den äkranda. W ie bei K autilya sind sie Faktoren,
die für den Kriegsfall ins K alkül gezogen w erden k ö n n en u n d w erden folgerichtig bei
Manu auch in eben diesem K o ntext aufgeführt (7.202):
pärsnigraham ca sampreksya tathäkrandam ca mandale \
m iträd athäpy am iträd vä yätraphalam aväpnuyät ||
2 20
M aria S chetelich
,W enn (der König) im mandala den Fersenpacker u n d das ,G eschrei' im Auge behält,
w ird er von F reu n d und Feind N u tzen bei einem Kriegszug haben,'
W ie K autilya faßt M anu auch die 5 anga-s oder (dravyajprakrti-s als eine E inheit auf,
die das F undam en t der eigenen H errschaft bilden (7.157: amätya-rästra-durgärthadandäkhyä pancäparäh \ pratyekam kathitä by etäh samksepena dvisaptatih || ). Er
verw endet zw ar im Gegensatz zu Y äjnavalkya n icht ganz genau die gleichen T erm in i
wie K autilya, zitiert jedoch m it dem letzten päda des Verses das KA (6.2.28) w örtlich.
D ie Y äjnavalkyasm rti (weiter: Yäjn.) als das zw eite der D harm asästras, das den
räjadharma ausführlicher behandelt, ist M anu hinsichtlich des mandala-K onzepts sehr
ähnlich. W ährend M anu aber das mandala im K ontext von dharmaräja u n d dandana be
handelt und den danda als politische Kraft geradezu verabsolutiert, zitiert Yäjn. zw ar
M anu zu w esentlichen P u n k ten des räjadharma w örtlich, folgt im übrigen im A ufbau
seiner D arstellung aber viel strenger den V orgaben der älteren T rad itio n , die den K önig
als Sonderfall u n d n ich t als Inbegriff des ksatriya betrachtet. A usführlichst w erden die
allgem einen ksatriya-Pflichten — näm lich das ehrliche tapfere K äm pfen und v or allem
das Schenken an B rahm anen — einem dharmabewu&ten K önig em pfohlen. Das Schenken
w ird sogar m it einem deyadharma verbunden, bei dem die M odi des Schenkens u n d der
Fixierung der Schenkung genau beschrieben w erden. N eben den M inistern u n d dem
purohita soll der K önig auch srotriyas, vedagelehrte B rahm anen, zu seinen R atgebern
m achen. Beides, der deyadharma u n d die E m pfehlung von srotriyas als M itglieder des
engsten Beraterkreises um den König, weist w ohl auf das Bemühen, eine w eitverbreitete
Praxis des politischen Alltags in der brahm anischen T rad itio n zu verankern und dadurch
zu sanktionieren. Jedenfalls hat Yäjn. dam it dem Bild des offiziellen Königsideals die
beiden D inge neu hinzugefügt, die dann besonders in den m ittelalterlichen R egional
reichen einem K önig dazu dienen, den A nspruch auf sein A m t zu unterm auern u n d zu
legitim ieren. So sind es denn auch gerade diese Passagen, die in diesen R egionalreichen,
deren M inistern, K önigen u n d D ichtern ja im w esentlichen die T räger der räjanitiL iteratur w aren, die Y äjnavalkyasm rti zu einem vielzitierten R eferenztext fü r den
räjadharma machen.
D er außenpolitische Teil der Yäjn. w ird eingeleitet durch ein Lob des Schützens. Es
verhilft dem K önig zu einem guten dharma (1.342). W ie bei M anu ist dieser Königsdharm a im K ontex t des Beratens (mantrana) über die vier politischen M ittel angesiedelt.
D em mandala-K onzept ist n u r ein einziger Vers gew idm et (1.345):
ari m itram udäsino ’nantaras tatparah param |
kramas'o m andalam cintyam sämädihhir upakramaih ||
,N ich t durch andere (Länder) voneinander getrennt sind nacheinander der F reund, der
Feind u n d der .U nparteiische'. Schritt für Schritt soll man (in dieser A n ordnung) ein
m andala zum Z w ecke der A nw endung von säma usw. überlegen.'
H ie r haben w ir also w ieder die ursprüngliche V orstellung der räum lichen Bezogenheit
einer politischen K onstellation auf das Z en tru m , aber auch n u r noch als einfachstes
Schema, als verkürztes caturmandala F reund-Feind-R isikofaktor. Yäjn. verw endet
anstelle des Begriffs dravyaprakrti saptängaräjya, und er faßt in 1.353 diese Elem ente auch
zu einer gesonderten G ruppe zusam m en, u n te r V erw endung der K A -Term inologie
(svämy-amätya-jano durgarn koso dandas tathaiva ca | m iträni etäh prakrtayo räjyam
saptängam ucyate).
D ie mandala -T heorie im A rth a- u n d N itisä stra
221
F ü r das T hem engebiet räjaniti und die dieses G ebiet behandelnden T exte bilden von
nun an M anu u n d Yäjii, neben dem N Itisära des K am andaka die ,great tra d itio n “ in der
politischen T heorie und der M orallehre für den König. Ih r dharmaräja w ird für Ja h r
hunderte zum Idealbild des ,H in d u king‘ par excellence.
Eine neue Stufe der Staatslehre-Entw icklung m arkiert der N Itisära des K am andaka,
den man zum eist der Z eit u n m ittelb ar nach dem G uptareich, also dem 6. Jh. zuw eist (O.
Botto datiert den T ext ins 8. Jh.). M arkiert w ird dies dadurch, daß die Staatslehre n u n
auf die dandaniti-T hem en (persönliche Q ualitäten des K önigs, P olitik, D iplom atie, H eer
wesen und K riegsführung) als Lehrgegenstände reduziert w ird. K am andaka — sehr oft
zu U nrecht als b lo ß er Epigone Kautilyas gew ertet — erw eitert dessen mandala-T heorie
beträchtlich, verändert dabei aber gleichzeitig, w enn auch zunächst noch kaum m erklich,
die S chw erpunktsetzung. B ekanntlich übernim m t er n icht Kautilyas, sondern M anus Bild
vom K önigsam t in w esentlichen P u n k ten . O bgleich A u ß en p o litik , Kriegs- u n d H eer
wesen (geht m an vom form alen K riterium der A usführlichkeit aus, m it dem sie behan
delt werden) den größeren R aum im T ext einnehm en, hat pälana, die B ew ahrung des
direkten M achtbereichs bei K am andaka, wie bei M anu, P rio rität v or vardhana, seiner
A usw eitung. Seine Stärke beweist ein König dadurch, daß er in der Lage ist, sein
politisches Feld ,sauber“, d.h. störungsfrei und im G leichgew icht der K räfte zu erhalten,
um als mandalädbipa, als O b erh e rr im mandala, unangefochten herrschen zu k ö nnen.
Gleich die ersten drei Verse des 8. Sarga, die die im K A n och durch das ganze
sädgunyam voneinander getrennten Them en mandalayoni und mandalacaritam zusam
m enfaßt, preisen die R einhaltung des mandala als eine w esentliche V oraussetzung für die
Sicherheit der eigenen P osition und den G lanz des H errschers selbst:
upetab kosadandäbbyänr sämätyah sahamantribbib |
durgastbas cintayet sädbu m andalam mandalädbipab ||
ratbi viräjate räjä visuddbe mandale caran \
asuddbe m andale sarpati siryate ratbacakravat ||
rocate sarvabbütebhyab sasiväskandbamatidalab \
sampurnamandalasta77ibhäd vijigisub sadä bbavet ||
,D er O b erh err eines mandala soll — im Besitze von Schatz u n d H eer, v o n M inistern
und R atgebern um geben u n d in einer befestigten Stadt lebend — (sein) mandala in der
rechten Weise erw ägen, (denn) wie ein W agenkäm pfer überragt ein König, der sich in
einem .bereinigten“ mandala bewegt, alle (anderen Könige). Schleicht er aber in einem
.unbereinigten“ m andala, dann zerbricht er, wie das Rad eines Wagens. W ie der M ond
leuchtet u n te r allen G eschöpfen ein König, der ein lückenloses mandala b e sitz t." 1
Das Kapitel schließt m it Versen ähnlicher T endenz, n u r m it dem Zusatz, daß ein K önig
durch ein zu seinen G unsten bereinigtes politisches K räftefeld auch die U n tertan en
zufriedenstellt. Eben dieses Zufriedenstellen der U n tertan en w ird einige Verse vo rh er
(8.71-73) als M otiv fü r die außenpolitischen A k tivitäten des Königs angegeben:
yasm in mandalasamksobbab krte bbavati karm ani \
na tat kuryät tu m edbavi prakrtir anuranjate ||
11 Dieses Bild ist für unser Empfinden nicht ganz klar. ,Lückenlos“ meint hier vielleicht soviel
wie ,ohne Störfaktoren“ (im Text auch räjakantaka, Königsdornen, genannt), die die einzelnen
Glieder des mandala mit dem vijigisu entzweien?
2 22
M aria S chetelich
sämnä dänena mänena prakrtir anuranjayet \
ätm iyä bhedadandäbhyäm parakiyas tu bhedayet ||
.Etwas, was ein mandala in U n ru h e versetzen kann, soll ein kluger K önig n ich t tu n ,
vielm ehr soll er die prakrtis (gemeint sind die dravyaprakrtis) erfreuen. D ie eigenen
prakrtis soll er durch säma, däna u n d E hrenbezeigungen erfreuen, die des Feindes aber
durch bheda und dancla uneins m achen.'
W esentliches M ittel zu r R einhaltung des mandala ist es, sich m öglichst viele mitras
zu schaffen, denn ein König, der von vielen mitras um geben ist, kann seine Feinde in
Schach halten (bahumitro bi saknoti vase sthäpayitum ripün, 8.86). Diese m itras sind im
K N noch sämantas im ursprünglichen Sinne des W ortes, also N achbarkönige, n icht
Vasallen oder in anderer Weise politisch abhängige Fürsten. K am andaka schließt sich
hier ganz an K autilya an (vgl. KA 7.13.42-43). Bew irkt w ird die R einigung des matjdala
w esentlich durch geschicktes A nw enden der 4 upäyas, v o r allem der beiden friedlichen
(sä7na und däna), gegenüber den N achbarn. Dies stim m t überein m it dem Bestreben,
durch geschickte B ündnispolitik den Frieden im politischen U m feld des Reiches zu
bew ahren. A ber auch die Schw ächung der dravyaprakrtis der anderen durch karsana und
pidana gehören in diese P olitik, denn erst w enn sie geschwächt sind, w erden die G egner
ja zugänglich für eine Beschwichtigungs- u n d B ündnispolitik. Schon K autilya h atte ja
(7.10. 26-27) pidaniya bhümiläbha dem ucchedaniya bhümiläbba vorgezogen, weil bei
dieser A rt von G ew inn eines Gebietes die dravyaprakrtis zw ar durch das ,D rangsalieren“
geschwächt, aber n icht vernichtet w ürden, so daß der K önig sich ihnen gegenüber dann
großm ütig zeigen und seine G ro ß m u t in politisches Prestige um m ünzen kann. Kamandaka baut diesen G edanken w eiter aus, u n d dies schlägt sich in der A rt nieder, in der
er die inandala-T heorie lehrt.
Insgesam t zählt er 18 verschiedene V arianten des politischen mandala auf u n d schreibt
die m eisten von ihnen bestim m ten L ehrern zu: Usanas, B rhaspati, M aya, In d ra und
Pulom an, Visäläksa, den M änavas usw., auch allgemein den ,mandala-K\indjigen' (mandalavid, mandalajna). Im einzelnen sind es folgende V arianten (mandala abgekürzt durch
m.):
1. das dasaräja-m., gebildet aus den E lem enten der purastat- und /w /cii-K onstellation,
auch m andala des vijigisu genannt (8.16-17).
2. das catuskam-m. aus den Elem enten ari, vijigisu, madlryama, udäsina, die w ie bei
M anu als mülaprakrtis bezeichnet w erden. Es w ird von Maya gelehrt (8.18-19).
3. das satkam m ., bei dem zu den Vieren noch der pärsnigraha u n d der m itra treten,
dem Indra und P ulom an zugeschrieben (Indra tritt in den P uränas ja öfter, z.B. im
A gnipuräna als Staatslehrer auf) (8.20-21).
4. das dvädasaräjakam aus dem KA, d.h. das 'Zehner-mandala des vijigisu sam t madhyam a u n d udäsina, von K am andaka Usanas, dem purohita der G ö tter, zugeschrieben (8.22).
5. das vom dvädasaräjakam abgeleitete Sechsunddreißiger-m ., gebildet aus den 12
K önigen sam t je einem Feind und einem F reund, zugeschrieben w iederum dem Maya
(8.23).
M it diesen fünfen erschöpft sich die Z ahl der fortlaufend aufgezählten, lediglich aus den
N achbarkönigen gebildeten mandala- Figuren. Vers 8.24 fü h rt die dravyaprakrtis als
k onstituierende E lem ente ein u n d leitet dam it über zu einer neuen A rt der Klassifi
D ie m andala-Theone im A rth a - u n d N itisastra
223
zierung: zuerst w ird das jeweilige aus den räjaprakrtis gebildete mandala angeführt, und
daraus w erden dann u n te r Z ufügung der sechs übrigen prakrtis, die das saptärigam bilden,
neue mandalas gebildet. Ihre Teilelem ente sind die H errschaftsbereiche der jeweiligen
K önige, sodaß n u n die Reiche als G anzes direkt zum Ziel der außenpolitischen A k tiv i
täten erklärt w erden (dvädasänäm narendränäm panca panca prthak prthak | amätyäs
cädyas ca prakrtir äm änantiha m änaväh ||). M it dieser erw eiterten K lassifizierung w eicht
der K N von K autilya ab, bzw . baut einen im KA eher sekundären A spekt w eiter aus.
Es folgt in der A ufzählung als
6. das prakrti-m.: die 12 Könige sam t ihren dravyaprakrtis, also K autilyas u n d M anus
Zw eiundsiebziger-Schem a (8.25). H ie r wie im folgenden n en n t K am andaka das dvädasaräjakam maulamandala, weil es das G rundelem ent für die Berechnung der folgenden
K onfigurationen ist (vgl. auch 8.41: itiprakäram bahudhä m andalam paricaksate sarvalokapratitam tu sphutam dvädasaräjakam).
7. das astädasakam: die 12 matda-Könige sam t dem gemeinsam en Feind des ari u n d
ihrem gemeinsam en F reund, u n d bei jedem von diesen w iederum ein eigener F reund
u nd Feind, gelehrt von G u ru Brhaspati (8.26).
8. das aus den 18 u n d ihren jeweiligen prakrtis zusam m engesetzt astottaras'atakam,
zugeschrieben den ,W eisen“ (kavayah, 8.27).
9. das catuspancäs'atkam des Visäläksa, bestehend n u r aus K önigen, näm lich den 18
K önigen, m ultipliziert m it je einem F reund u n d einem Feind (8.28).
10. die um die dravyaprakrtis erw eiterte Fassung des vorigen, bestehend aus 324
E lem enten (8.29).
11. das n u r aus dem vijigisu u n d seinem G egner sam t den E lem enten ih rer H errschaft
bestehende caturdasakam (8.30).
12. die D reiergruppe (mandalainV-am) vijigisu, ari, madlryama, zusam m en m it je einem
m itra, als Sechser-m. gelehrt (8.31).
13. die E rw eiterung desselben um die sechs dravyaprakrtis auf 36 E lem ente (8.32).
14. das ekavim satkam , d.h. die sieben angas von vijigisu, ari und madlryama zusam
m engerechnet (8.33).
15. die m erkw ürdige, das Elem ent m itra doppelt enthaltende K o m b in atio n aus den vier
Standardelem enten vijigisu, ari, madhyama, udäsina, jeweils m it einem m itra u n d m u lti
pliziert m it den sechs prakrtis von jedem — insgesamt ein A chtundvierziger-m . (8. 34)
16. eine W iederholung des mandala N r.l, hier erläutert als K o m b in atio n aus vijigisu
und den purastät u n d pascät angeordneten F ak to ren (8.35).
17. das m. sästisamjnam, d.h. die E rw eiterung des vorigen durch M u ltip lik atio n m it den
6 prakrtis der 10 K önige (8.36) u n d schließlich
18. das D reißiger-m ., dessen Basis eine F ünferk o n fig u ratio n von K önigen (der vijigisu
im Z en tru m u n d v o r bzw. h in te r ihm jeweils ein ari u n d ein m itra) ist, die m it den
sechs dravyaprakrtis von jedem kom b in iert w ird. D er vijigisu h eiß t in diesem sehr
einfachen mandala im übrigen netä, vielleicht aus m etrischen G rü n d en , vielleicht aber
auch anknüpfend an Kautilyas Bild des Rades (8.36).
Eter A bschnitt schließt m it zwei Versen, die eigentlich eine N egation des-,Staatenkreis‘K onzepts üb erh au p t bedeuten:
dve eva p ra krti nyäyye ity uväca Paräsarah |
224
M aria S chetelich
abhiyoktrpradhänatvät tathänyonyo ’bhiyujyate ||
parasparäbhiyogena vijigisor ares tathä \
aritvavijigisutve ekä pra krtir ity ucyate ||
,In der P o litik gibt es üblicherw eise n u r zwei F aktoren, sagt Paräsara, den A ngreifer als
den, der den ersten Schritt tu t (also als den, der als erster die Initiative ergreift), u n d den,
der angegriffen w ird. G reifen sich ari u n d vijigisu gegenseitig an, dann sind ari un d
vijigisu von gleicher N a tu r (d.h. es existiert dann n u r ein F ak to r, weil beide die gleiche
A ngreifernatur haben).“
G eschickt operiert K am andaka hier m it den Bedeutungsnuancen von prakrti, u m ein
neues K onzept vorzubereiten u n d den Begriff vijigisu endgültig auf die rein m ilitärische
Seite der K önigsfunktion (im R ahm en des räjadharma) zu fixieren. D am it w ird das
Königsideal des A rthasästra auf den zw eiten Rang h in ter dem des D harm asästra verw ie
sen und in gewisser Weise abgew ertet. In diese Linie p aß t die D iskussion in Sarga 11
(Vers 35 ff.), ob es 6 gunas oder n u r 2 gibt, näm lich n u r sandhi u n d vigraha, den Z ustand
der freundlichen u n d den der feindseligen A k tio n gegenüber dem politischen P artn er.
K autiiya h atte diesen S tan d p u n k t als M einung V ätavyädhis zitiert und abgelehnt.
K am andaka ist n icht so strik t, u n d es paßt zu dieser T endenz, daß sich seit der
G uptazeit der Begriff sandhivigrahaka als B ezeichnung des höchsten M inisteram tes
einbürgert.
D ie Q uintessen z des von ihm selbst bevorzugten mandala-K onzepts bietet K am andaka
schließlich m it dem (gegenüber dem KA u n d den D harm asästras neuen) Bild eines Bau
mes (8.42). D essen 8 Zweige (säkha) sym bolisieren — so will es jedenfalls der K om m entar
Jayam arigalä — die acht F ak to ren ari, mitra, arimitra, m itram itra, pärsnigraha, äkranda
und deren beide äsäras. D as mülam andala ari, vijigisu, madhyama, udäsina bilden die
W urzeln (m üla), die 6 B lätter sind die 6 dravyaprakrtis u n d der Stam m, auf dem das
G anze b eru h t, b esteht aus dem m enschlichen H andeln (m änusam ) u n d dem, was durch
das Schicksal o d er übernatürliche E inw irkungen iclaivarn) die guten Eigenschaften der
7 F aktoren einer guten H errschaft beeinträchtigen kann. Als 6 B lüten an diesem Baum
w erden die 6 A rten politischer V erfahrensweisen gegenüber einem Feind genannt und
als F rü ch te schließlich ksaya, stbäna u n d vrddhi, das Schw inden, das G leichbleiben u n d
der Z uw achs v o n M acht.
Es ist beim heutigen Stand unserer K enntnisse der altindischen realen V erhältnisse kaum
zu sagen, ob in der politischen T heorie zu r Zeit K am andakas tatsächlich die mandalaT heorie in all ih ren oben aufgezählten V arianten gelehrt oder d iskutiert w urde u n d
w enn ja, ob dies tatsächlich in der politischen Praxis seinen N iederschlag fand. K aum
berechtigt aber ist es w ohl, dem K am andaka eine überm äßige oder überflüssige Klassifi
zierungssucht zu unterstellen. D ie A usführlichkeit, m it der er gerade dieses T hem a
behandelt u n d die Tatsache, daß er die einzelnen V arianten m it N am en zusam m en
bringt, die zum großen Teil auch in anderen T exten fü r renom m ierte (tatsächliche oder
m ythologische) V ertreter der Politiklehre stehen,w eisen zum indest darauf hin, daß die
mandala-T heorie kein abstraktes u n d statisches K onzept gewesen sein w ird — w eder ein
D ogm a, noch ein feststehendes M odell für politische S tru k tu ren oder ihre Form ierung.
E her diente sie w o h l als eine A nleitung zu verschiedenen M öglichkeiten des
,Sandkastenspiels“ in S ituationen, die politische E ntscheidungsfindungen n otw endig
D ie mandala-'Xheont im A rth a- u n d N itisä stra
225
m achten, d.h. als G rundlage für die B eratung (m antrana) des Königs m it seinen m antrins
(und hierbei w ohl als Spezialwissen des sandhivigrahakd).
A ber noch etw as anderes ist anzum erken. K am andaka schafft m it der A rt seiner
Klassifizierung, m it der U m w ertu n g des Begriffs vijigisu u n d n ich t zuletzt auch dadurch,
daß er dem viergliedrigen mandala endgültig die Rolle der W urzel, des .U rsprungs
m aterials“, fü r alles politisch-diplom atische H andeln zuw eist, die theoretische G rundlage
dafür, daß sich eine neue R ichtung, eine neue Sehweise in bezug auf die mandalaT heorie durchsetzen kann. N ic h t m ehr das Bild des Rades m it dem vijigisu in der M itte,
der als Z en tru m und M o to r das Karussell politischer K räfte in Bewegung setzt, ist die
V orstellung, die von nun an dem mandalacaritam zugrundegelegt w ird. A n seine Stelle
treten vielm ehr zwei andere, rein lineare Bilder. Das eine findet m an z.B. in Candesvaras
R äjanitiratnäkara, der u n te n ausführlicher zu besprechen sein w ird. H ier en tspricht die
F orm des m andala etw a dem Spielbrett des südindischen pachisi-Spiels: In der M itte liegt
das G ebiet des vijigisu u n d von diesem gehen in alle vier H im m elsrichtungen die Gebiete
der G egner ab, nach jeder F lim m elsrichtung ein ari, ein m itra u n d ein udäsina, so daß
ein kreuzförm iges G ebilde entsteh t. Als anderes Bild geben die T exte eine Linie: ätmaund paraynandala als zwei einander polar gegenüberstehende, aber in ein gemeinsames
Spannungsfeld eingebundene K räfte. D er Begriff mandala schließt hier (deutlicher als im
KA) die beiden ihrem W esen nach verschiedenen E benen des räjamandala und des
saptängam räjyam zusam m en. D aher kann nun auch das Begriffspaar tantra-äväpa im m er
öfter an die Stelle von läbha-pälana-vardhana-vrddhasya pätraniksepa treten , denn dam it
läßt sich die K onzen tratio n des Interesses auf das eigene T errito riu m besser zum
A usdruck bringen. A llerdings w erden tantra u n d äväpa in den T exten unterschiedlich
definiert. Im N itiv äk y äm rta (weiter: N V A ) w ird tantra als Sorge u m den E rhalt des
eigenen H errschaftsgebietes, äväpa dagegen als ständiges B em ühen um E robern von
feindlichem T e rrito riu m verstanden. Im Yasastilaka ist äväpa allgem einer als paramandalacintä definiert. D ie im D harm akosa (S. 1853) zitierten C änakyasütras verbinden
äväpa dagegen m it dem strategischen mandala-Begriff (äväpo m andalanivistab).
Es ist im übrigen durchaus möglich oder sogar w ahrscheinlich, daß K am andaka m it
der M odifizierung des mandala-K onzepts auch auf den politisch-adm inistrativen Sprach
gebrauch seiner Z eit reagierte. Spätesten seit etwa dem 3. Jh. u.Z. ist mandala ja
inschriftlich als gängiger, w eithin verbreiteter T erm inus fü r ein politisch-regional
definiertes G ebiet belegt.
M it dem N itisära ist, wie bereits gesagt, die ,great tra d itio n “ in der Staatslehre
festgeschrieben u n d die T heoriebildung in dieser D isziplin ü b erh au p t im w esentlichen
abgeschlossen. Puränas wie das Agni- oder V isnudh arm o ttarap u rän a u n d die in der
darauffolgenden Z eit entstehenden niti- u n d räja?titi-T exte m achen G ebrauch von dieser
T radition, doch es en tsteh t kein neues sästra, keine auto ritativ e L ehrm einung, die die
früheren L ehrm einungen als A llgem eingut u n d obligatorisch-norm atives W issen der
Staatslehre-Kundigen ablöst oder außer K raft setzt.12 V ielm ehr beginnt n u n das
Zeitalter der individuellen In terp retatio n w esentlicher P u n k te der Staatslehre samt der
12 Bezeichnenderweise verleugnet die brahmanische ,great tradition' in der Staatslehre indirekt
ihren Ursprung, der mit sehr großer Wahrscheinlichkeit doch im Kautiliya Arthasästra zu
suchen ist. Jedenfalls werden in den danda- bzw. räjaniti-’Texten nur noch Manu, Yäjnavalkya
und Kamandaka zitiert, obgleich ja durch Bhäruci, Yogghama, Somadeva Süri, Dandin, den Ma-
226
M aria S chetelich
didaktischen U m setzung der politischen M oral durch einzelne, historisch fixierbare
A utoren.
Das hat aber auch einen Them enw echsel z u r Folge. N ich t m ehr die politische T h e o
rie, sondern die praktische Seite der P olitik, des K önigsam ts u n d des H oflebens sind in
den L ehrtexten der räjaniti G egenstand des Interesses u n d T hem a der D arlegungen.
Diese W erke w urden ja für den Bedarf der K önige, teils auch in ihrem A uftrag oder
durch K önige selbst verfaßt. D ie A u to ren w aren also m eist P rak tik er, z.gr. Teil M inister,
die ihre eigenen politischen E rfahrungen einbrachten oder b ew ußt einbringen w ollten.
H in te r allem steht eine klare didaktische A bsicht: man w ollte einerseits das S pektrum
notw endiger G ru n d k en n tn isse in der politischen W issenschaft v o r A ugen führen, ande
rerseits aber auch b ew ußt ein bestim m tes K önigsbild verm itteln, gepaart m it W issen zu
T hem en, die für das Leben am H ofe u n d die T ätigkeit des Königs von W ichtigkeit
w aren: dharma des K önigs, V ergnügungen, Q u alitäten der Frauen u n d der Pferde, Strate
gie u n d T ak tik der K riegführung, W affenkunde, Beziehung zw ischen K önig u n d seinen
U ntergebenen u n d V erw andten, Schenkungen oder G rundlagen der V erw altungspraxis
usw. D ie räjaniti-Texte unterscheiden sich z.T. sehr voneinander in bezug auf die
A usw ahl der T hem en u n d der A rt, bzw. der A usführlichkeit ih rer D arlegung. Sie sind
historische Q uellen besonderer A rt. D adurch, daß sie sich sehr viel besser datieren u n d
lokalisieren lassen als die älteren sästras, k ö n n en sie die aus Inschriften, U rk u n d en ,
T em pelannalen, caritas u n d anderen literarischen Q uellen gew onnenen K enntnisse
dadurch ergänzen, daß sie das geistige U m feld ihrer Verfasser oder A uftraggeber sich tb ar
m achen. Liier bietet sich ein noch w eitgehend unbeackertes Forschungsfeld fü r die
indologische M ediävistik.
N ic h t in allen N iti-T ex ten m ehr findet die mandala-T h eo rie die ehemalige selbständige
u n d ausführliche B ehandlung. In der N Itiprakäsikä, deren H au p tth em a die W affenkunde
ist, fehlt sie z.B. ganz, und auch der N Itikalpataru vernachlässigt sie als separates T hem a
w eitgehend, weil er sich m ehr auf das höfische Leben u n d den K önig k o n zen triert. N u r
in den R äjanltinibandhas u n d w enigen anderen T exten, die sich um eine A d ap tio n der
P olitiklehre an zeitgenössische E rfordernisse u nd um ein an nähernd ausgewogenes
V erhältnis zw ischen der D arstellung praktischer D etails des politischen u n d höfischen
Lebens u n d der überlieferten T heorie bem ühen, w ird sie angeführt. E iner dieser T exte
ist das N itiv äk y äm rtam des Jaina-G elehrten Somadeva Süri, ein system atisches L ehrw erk,
das w ahrscheinlich u m 950 entstanden ist. Somadeva übernim m t (als absolute A usnahm e
u n te r seinesgleichen) längere Passagen aus dem KA. Er gibt seine Q uelle allerdings nicht
an, ko p iert sie jedoch auch nicht. E r behandelt system atisch, aber m it unterschiedlicher
A usführlichkeit u n d zu einem guten Teil eigenständiger T erm inologie traditionelle
T hem en der Staatslehre wie etwa
— Tagesablauf u n d vinaya des Königs (kaum allerdings die E rziehung der Prinzen),
— M inister und Beamte (darunter auch solche, die das KA noch n icht kannte, wie den
sandhivigrabaka),
— Spionen- und G esandtenw esen,
hävamsa u.a. zu belegen ist, daß das KA in dem uns überlieferten Umfang bis ins späte
Mittelalter hinein bekannt war.
D ie m andala-Theone im A rth a- u n d N itisästra
IT !
— Strategie u n d T ak tik ,
— W irtschaft u n d R echtsprechung (allerdings in äußerst knap p er Form ) u n d schließlich
— H eirat als ein gesondertes Kapitel, das er bezeichnenderw eise gleich den beiden
außenpolitischen K apiteln (sädgunyam u n d K riegführung) folgen läßt, denn politische
H eiraten w aren zu Somadevas Z eit bei den R ästraküta- u n d C älukya-H errschern, denen
er verbunden w ar, eines der am häufigsten angew andten friedlichen M ittel (säma) für die
Sicherung der eigenen M acht.
Somadeva Süri hat die E igentüm lichkeit, neben der für N Iti-T exte allgemein
kennzeichnenden A nreicherung und z.T. Ü berfrach tu n g m it subhäsita- u n d itihäsaZ itaten die T erm ini, die er verw endet, ziem lich durchgängig m it einer D efinition zu
versehen. D er B edeutungsgehalt einiger Begriffe zu seiner Z eit deckte sich n icht m ehr
mit dem der gleichlautenden Begriffe im KA oder im N itisära. Das trifft auch für die
ma7}dala-Th.eone u n d ihre T erm inologie zu. Begriff u n d K onzept gehen im N V A im m er
w eiter auseinander. A n der Stelle im Text, wo die m andala-Theorle behandelt w ird (im
sädgunyam), k o m m t z.B. der Begriff mandala zw ar auch noch im konventionellen Sinne
vor (z.B. 29. 21-22). D och hat das W o rt an den Stellen, w o es außerhalb des sädgunyam
gebraucht w ird, n u r m eh r die rein territoriale, politisch-adm inistrative Bedeutung, die
es auch in den Inschriften hat. Selbst im sädgunyam (Kap.29) heißen die zu Beginn
genannten räjaprakrtis mancialänäm adhistbätärah, die H äu p te r der mandalas, und es
m uß dam it durchaus nicht n u r gemeint sein, daß jeder von ihnen ein eigenes
strategisches m andala besitzt. N ahe liegt es, mandala hier rein territo rial zu verstehen,
denn grundsätzlich w erden ja an anderen Stellen des N V A sva- u n d paramandala als das
eigene und das Reich des politischen Gegners aufgefaßt. So ist es z.B. eines der
A ufgabenfelder des dilta (der im KA noch der G esandte allgemein w ar, hier aber wie im
N itisära Teil des G eheim dienstes auch innerhalb des Landes ist), Spione (fremder
Könige), die im Reich seines Königs tätig gew orden sind, ausfindig zu m achen (svamandalapravistagüdhapurusaparijnänam, N V A 13.8). D ie eigenen Spione (cära) sind als
,Augen des K önigs1 fü r die Ü berw achung der A k tivitäten u n d G eschäfte im eigenen wie
im frem den Lande einzusetzen (svaparamandalakäryävalokane, die fast w örtliche ProsaW iedergabe eines N ltisära-Verses, N V A 14.1).
Mandala ist an diesen Stellen offenbar schon ein rein territo rialer Begriff. Folgerichtig
wird er von Somadeva nicht im K ontext des sädgunyam definiert, sondern in Kapitel 19,
das das E lem ent (dravyaprakrti) janapada behandelt. D o rt w ird er in eine Reihe gestellt
mit anderen T erritorialbegriffen, die als solche auch inschriftlich belegt sind, näm lich
rästra, desa, vijaya, janapada (hier im speziellen Sinne), däraka u n d nirgama. Gerade
dieses Kapitel illustriert sehr anschaulich Somadevas K unstgriff, durch bloße ,E rklärung1
der von ihm angeführten Begriffe seine eigene In terp retatio n der traditionellen Lehrm einung an die Seite zu stellen, u n d sie dadurch sozusagen zu ,aktualisieren1, ohne
direkt gegen sie zu polem isieren. A m A nfang von K apitel 19 .erk lä rt1 er zunächst die
W orte, die auf das janapada eines Königs angew endet w erden können:
1. pasudhänyahiranyasarnpadä räjate iti rästram ,Es glänzt durch V o llkom m enheit von
Vieh, G etreide u n d G eld“ — (deswegen) n en n t man (ein Gebiet) rästra.
2. bhartur dandakosavrddhiin disatiti desah ,Es fü h rt das A nw achsen von Schatz und
Heer (seines) Flerrn v o r A ugen1 — (deswegen) n en n t m an (ein G ebiet) desa.
226
M aria Schetelich
didaktischen U m setzung der politischen M oral durch einzelne, historisch fixierbare
A utoren.
D as hat aber auch einen T hem enw echsel zu r Folge. N ich t m ehr die politische T h e o
rie, sondern die praktische Seite der P olitik, des K önigsam ts u n d des H oflebens sind in
Diese W erke w urden ja für den Bedarf der Könige, teils auch in ihrem A uftrag oder
durch K önige selbst verfaßt. D ie A u to ren w aren also meist P rak tik er, z.gr. T eil M inister,
die ihre eigenen politischen Erfahrungen einbrachten oder b ew ußt einbringen w ollten.
Flinter allem steht eine klare didaktische A bsicht: m an w ollte einerseits das S pektrum
notw endiger G ru n d k en n tn isse in der politischen W issenschaft v o r A ugen führen, ande
rerseits aber auch b ew ußt ein bestim m tes K önigsbild verm itteln, gepaart m it W issen zu
T hem en, die für das Leben am H ofe u n d die T ätigkeit des Königs von W ichtigkeit
waren: dharm a des K önigs, V ergnügungen, Q u alitäten der Frauen u n d der Pferde, Strate
gie u n d T ak tik der K riegführung, W affenkunde, Beziehung zw ischen K önig u n d seinen
usw. D ie rajaniti-Texte unterscheiden sich z.T. sehr voneinander in bezug auf die
A usw ahl der T hem en u n d der A rt, bzw. der A usführlichkeit ihrer D arlegung. Sie sind
lokalisieren lassen als die älteren sästras, k ö n n en sie die aus Inschriften, U rk u n d en ,
dadurch ergänzen, daß sie das geistige U m feld ihrer Verfasser oder A uftraggeber sichtbar
m achen. H ier bietet sich ein noch w eitgehend unbeackertes Forschungsfeld für die
N ich t in allen N iti-T ex ten m eh r findet die m andala-Theoiie die ehemalige selbständige
un d ausführliche B ehandlung. In der N Itiprakäsikä, deren L lauptthem a die W affenkunde
ist, fehlt sie z.B. ganz, u n d auch der N itikalpataru vernachlässigt sie als separates T hem a
in den R äjanitinibandhas u n d w enigen anderen T exten, die sich um eine A d ap tio n der
Politiklehre an zeitgenössische E rfordernisse u n d um ein an n äh ern d ausgewogenes
V erhältnis zw ischen der D arstellung p raktischer D etails des politischen u n d höfischen
Lebens u n d der überlieferten T heorie bem ühen, w ird sie angeführt. Einer dieser Texte
ist das N Itiv äk y äm rtam des Jaina-G elehrten Somadeva Süri, ein system atisches L ehrw erk,
das w ahrscheinlich u m 950 entstanden ist. Somadeva ü b ern im m t (als absolute A usnahm e
u n te r seinesgleichen) längere Passagen aus dem KA. E r gibt seine Q uelle allerdings nicht
an, k o p iert sie jedoch auch nicht. Er behandelt system atisch, aber m it unterschiedlicher
—■Tagesablauf un d vinaya des Königs (kaum allerdings die E rziehung der Prinzen),
— M inister u n d Beamte (darunter auch solche, die das KA noch n icht kannte, w ie den
sandkivigrahakd) ,
— Spionen- und G esandtenw esen,
D ie mandala-Theoric im A rth a- u n d N itisä stra
227
— W irtschaft und R echtsprechung (allerdings in äußerst k napper Form ) u n d schließlich
— H eirat als ein gesondertes Kapitel, das er bezeichnenderw eise gleich den beiden
außenpolitischen K apiteln (sädgunyam und K riegführung) folgen läßt, denn politische
er verbunden w ar, eines der am häufigsten angew andten friedlichen M ittel (sämd) für die
Somadeva Süri hat die E igentüm lichkeit, neben der fü r N iti-T exte allgemein
kennzeichnenden A nreicherung und z.T. Ü berfrach tu n g m it subhäsita- und itihäsaZitaten die T erm ini, die er verw endet, ziem lich durchgängig m it einer D efinition zu
versehen. D er B edeutungsgehalt einiger Begriffe zu seiner Z eit deckte sich n ich t m ehr
m it dem der gleichlautenden Begriffe im KA oder im N itisära. Das trifft auch für die
tnandala-Theorie u n d ihre T erm inologie zu. Begriff und K onzept gehen im N V A im m er
w eiter auseinander. A n der Stelle im Text, wo die m andala-Theorie behandelt w ird (im
sädgtmyam), k o m m t z.B. der Begriff mandala zw ar auch noch im konventionellen Sinne
vor (z.B. 29. 21-22). D och hat das W o rt an den Stellen, w o es außerhalb des sädgunyam
genannten räjaprakrtis m andalänäm adhisthätärah, die H äu p te r der mandalas, und es
m uß dam it durchaus n icht n u r gemeint sein, daß jeder von ihnen ein eigenes
strategisches 7nandala besitzt. N ah e liegt es, mandala hier rein territo rial zu verstehen,
denn grundsätzlich w erden ja an anderen Stellen des N V A sva- u n d parayriandala als das
eigene und das R eich des politischen Gegners aufgefaßt. So ist es z.B. eines der
A ufgabenfelder des düta (der im KA noch der G esandte allgemein w ar, hier aber wie im
Könige), die im R eich seines Königs tätig gew orden sind, ausfindig zu machen (svamandalapravistagüdbapurusaparijnänam, N V A 13.8). D ie eigenen Spione (cära) sind als
,Augen des K önigs1 für die Ü berw achung der A k tiv itäten u n d G eschäfte im eigenen wie
im frem den Lande einzusetzen (svaparamandalakäryävalokane, die fast w örtliche ProsaWiedergabe eines N itisära-Verses, N V A 14.1).
das das E lem ent (dravyaprakrti) janapada behandelt. D o rt w ird er in eine Reihe gestellt
dieses Kapitel illustriert sehr anschaulich Somadevas K unstgriff, durch bloße ,E rklärung“
der von ihm angeführten Begriffe seine eigene In terp retatio n der traditionellen Lehrmeinung an die Seite zu stellen, u n d sie dadurch sozusagen zu ak tu alisieren ', ohne
direkt gegen sie zu polem isieren. A m A nfang von K apitel 19 .erklärt' er zunächst die
1. pasudhänyahiranyasampadä räjate iti rästram ,Es glänzt durch V ollkom m enheit von
Vieh, G etreide u n d G eld' — (deswegen) n en n t m an (ein G ebiet) rästra.
2. bkartur dandakosavrddhim disatiti desah ,Es fü h rt das A nw achsen von Schatz u n d
Heer (seines) H e rrn v o r A ugen' — (deswegen) n en n t m an (ein G ebiet) desa.
220
M aria S chetelich
,W enn (der König) im mandala den Fersenpacker u n d das .G eschrei1 im Auge behält,
w ird er von F reun d und Feind N u tzen bei einem Kriegszug hab en .“
Wie K autilya faßt Manu auch die 5 anga-s oder (dravya)prakrti-s als eine E inheit auf,
die das F undam ent der eigenen H errschaft bilden (7.157: amätya-rästra-durgärtbadandäkhyä pancäpamh j pratyekam kathitä Ity etäh samksepena dvisaptatih | ). Er
verw endet zw ar im Gegensatz zu Y äjnavalkya n ich t ganz genau die gleichen T erm ini
wie K autilya, zitiert jedoch mit dem letzten päda des Verses das KA (6.2.28) w örtlich.
D ie Y äjnavalkyasm rti (weiter: Yäjn.) als das zw eite der D harm asästras, das den
räjadharma ausführlicher behandelt, ist M anu hinsichtlich des mandala-K onzepts sehr
ähnlich. W ährend M anu aber das mandala im K ontext von dharmaräja und dandana be
handelt und den danda als politische Kraft geradezu verabsolutiert, zitiert Yäjn. zw ar
M anu zu w esentlichen P unkten des räjadharma w örtlich, folgt im übrigen im A ufbau
seiner D arstellung aber viel strenger den V orgaben der älteren T rad itio n , die den K önig
als Sonderfall und n icht als Inbegriff des ksatriya betrachtet. A usführlichst w erden die
allgemeinen ksatriya-Y'iYic'aten — näm lich das ehrliche tapfere K äm pfen und v or allem
das Schenken an B rahm anen — einem dharmabewvi&t&n K önig em pfohlen. Das Schenken
w ird sogar m it einem deyadbarma verbunden, bei dem die M odi des Schenkens u n d der
Fixierung der Schenkung genau beschrieben w erden. N eben den M inistern u n d dem
purohita soll der K önig auch srotriyas, vedagelehrte B rahm anen, zu seinen R atgebern
machen. Beides, der deyadbarma und die E m pfehlung von srotriyas als M itglieder des
engsten Beraterkreises um den König, weist w ohl auf das Bem ühen, eine w eitverbreitete
Praxis des politischen Alltags in der brahm anischen T rad itio n zu verankern u n d dadurch
zu sanktionieren. Jedenfalls hat Yäjn. dam it dem Bild des offiziellen Königsideals die
beiden D inge neu hinzugefügt, die dann besonders in den m ittelalterlichen R egional
reichen einem K önig dazu dienen, den A nspruch auf sein A m t zu unterm au ern u n d zu
legitim ieren. So sind es denn auch gerade diese Passagen, die in diesen Regionalreichen,
deren M inistern, K önigen und D ichtern ja im w esentlichen die Träger der räjanltiL iteratur w aren, die Y äjnavalkyasm rti zu einem vielzitierten R eferenztext für den
räjadharma m achen.
D er außenpolitische Teil der Yäjn. w ird eingeleitet durch ein Lob des Schützens. Es
verhilft dem K önig zu einem guten dharma (1.342). W ie bei M anu ist dieser Königsdharm a im K ontex t des Beratens (mantrana) über die vier politischen M ittel angesiedelt.
D em mandala-K onzept ist n u r ein einziger Vers gew idm et (1.345):
ari m itram udäsino ’nantaras tatparah param \
kramaso m andalam cintyam sämädihhir upakramaih ||
,N ich t durch andere (Länder) voneinander getrennt sind nacheinander der F reund, der
Feind u n d der .U nparteiische“. Schritt für Schritt soll man (in dieser A nordnung) ein
mandala zum Z w ecke der A nw endung von säma usw. überlegen.1
H ier haben w ir also w ieder die ursprüngliche V orstellung der räum lichen Bezogenheit
einer politischen K onstellation auf das Z entrum , aber auch n u r noch als einfachstes
Schema, als verkü rztes caturmandala Freund-Feind-R isikofaktor. Yäjn. verw endet
anstelle des Begriffs dravyaprakrti saptängaräjya, u n d er faßt in 1.353 diese Elem ente auch
zu einer gesonderten G ruppe zusam m en, u n te r V erw endung der K A -Term inologie
(svämy-amätya-jano durgam koso dandas tathaiva ca \ m iträni etäh prakrtayo räjyam
saptängam ucyate).
D ie mandala-Theone im A rth a- u n d N Itisästra
221
F ü r das T hem engebiet räjaniti u n d die dieses G ebiet behandelnden T exte bilden von
nun an M anu u n d Yäjn. neben dem N itisära des K am andaka die ,great trad itio n ' in der
politischen T heorie und der M orallehre für den König. Ih r dharmaräja w ird für Jah r
hunderte zum Idealbild des ,H in d u king‘ par excellence.
Eine neue Stufe der Staatslehre-Entw icklung m arkiert der N itisära des K am andaka,
den man zum eist der Z eit u n m ittelb ar nach dem G uptareich, also dem 6. Jh. zuw eist (O.
Botto datiert den T ext ins 8. Jh.). M arkiert w ird dies dadurch, daß die Staatslehre nun
auf die dandaniti-T hem en (persönliche Q ualitäten des Königs, P olitik, D iplom atie, H eer
w esen u n d K riegsführung) als Lehrgegenstände reduziert w ird. K am andaka — sehr oft
zu U n rech t als b lo ß er Epigone Kautilyas gew ertet — erw eitert dessen mandala-T heorie
beträchtlich, verändert dabei aber gleichzeitig, w enn auch zunächst noch kaum m erklich,
die Schw erpunktsetzung. B ekanntlich übernim m t er n icht K autilyas, sondern M anus Bild
vom K önigsam t in w esentlichen P u n k ten . O bgleich A u ß en p o litik , Kriegs- u n d H eer
wesen (geht m an vom form alen K riterium der A usführlichkeit aus, m it dem sie behan
delt werden) den größeren R aum im T ext einnehm en, hat pälana, die B ew ahrung des
direkten M achtbereichs bei Kamandaka, wie bei M anu, P rio ritä t v or vardhana, seiner
A usw eitung. Seine Stärke bew eist ein K önig dadurch, daß er in der Lage ist, sein
politisches Feld ,sauber1, d.h. störungsfrei u n d im G leichgew icht der K räfte zu erhalten,
um als mandalädhipa, als O b e rh err im mandala, unangefochten herrschen zu k ö nnen.
Gleich die ersten drei Verse des 8. Sarga, die die im K A noch durch das ganze
sädgunyam voneinander getrennten T hem en mandalaymxi u n d mandalacaritam zusam
menfaßt, preisen die R einhaltung des mandala als eine w esentliche V oraussetzung für die
Sicherheit der eigenen P osition u n d den G lanz des H errschers selbst:
upetah kosadandäbhyäni sämätyah sahamantribhih \
durgasthas cintayet sädhu m andalam mandalädhipah ||
rathi viräjate räjä visuddhe mandale caran \
asuddhe mandale sarpan siryate rathacakravat ||
rocate sarvabhütebbyah sasiväskandhamandalah |
sampürnamandalastambhäd vijigisuh sadä bhavet ||
,D er O b erh err eines mandala soll — im Besitze von Schatz und ITeer, von M inistern
und R atgebern um geben u n d in einer befestigten Stadt lebend — (sein) mandala in der
rechten Weise erw ägen, (denn) wie ein W agenkäm pfer überragt ein König, der sich in
einem ,bereinigten' mandala bewegt, alle (anderen Könige). Schleicht er aber in einem
,unbereinigten‘ m andala, dann zerbricht er, wie das Rad eines Wagens. W ie der M ond
leuchtet u n te r allen G eschöpfen ein König, der ein lückenloses mandala b e sitz t.'11
Das Kapitel schließt m it Versen ähnlicher Tendenz, n u r m it dem Zusatz, daß ein K önig
durch ein zu seinen G un sten bereinigtes politisches K räftefeld auch die U n tertan en
zufriedenstellt. E ben dieses Zufriedenstellen der U n tertan en w ird einige Verse v o rh er
(8.71-73) als M otiv fü r die außenpolitischen A ktivitäten des Königs angegeben:
yasm in mandalasamksobbab krte bhavati karm ani |
na tat kuryät tu m edhavi prakrtir anuranjate ||
11 Dieses Bild ist für unser Empfinden nicht ganz klar. .Lückenlos' meint hier vielleicht soviel
wie ,ohne Störfaktoren' (im Text auch räjakantaka, Königsdornen, genannt), die die einzelnen
Glieder des mandala mit dem vijigisu entzweien?
222
M aria S chetelich
sämnä dänena m änena prakrtir anuranjayet \
ätm iyä bhedadandäbhyäm parakiyas tu bhedayet ||
.Etwas, was ein m andala in U n ru h e versetzen kann, soll ein kluger K önig n icht tu n ,
vielm ehr soll er die prakrtis (gemeint sind die dravyaprakrtis) erfreuen. D ie eigenen
prakrtis soll er durch säma, däna u n d Ehrenbezeigungen erfreuen, die des Feindes aber
durch bbeda u n d danda uneins m achen.1
W esentliches M ittel zu r R einhaltung des mandala ist es, sich m öglichst viele mitras
zu schaffen, denn ein K önig, der von vielen mitras um geben ist, k ann seine Feinde in
Schach halten (babum itro hi saknoti vase sthäpayitum ripün, 8.86). Diese m itras sind im
K N noch sämantas im ursprünglichen Sinne des W ortes, also N achbarkönige, n icht
Vasallen oder in anderer W eise politisch abhängige F ürsten. K am andaka schließt sich
hier ganz an K autilya an (vgl. KA 7.13.42-43). B ew irkt w ird die R einigung des m andala
w esentlich durch geschicktes A nw enden der 4 updyas, v or allem der beiden friedlichen
(säma und däna), gegenüber den N achbarn. Dies stim m t überein m it dem Bestreben,
durch geschickte B ündnispolitik den Frieden im politischen U m feld des Reiches zu
bew ahren. A ber auch die Schw ächung der dravyaprakrtis der anderen durch karsana u n d
pidana gehören in diese P olitik, denn erst w enn sie geschwächt sind, w erden die G egner
ja zugänglich für eine Beschwichtigungs- u n d B ündnispolitik. Schon K autilya h atte ja
(7.10. 26-27) pidaniya bhümiläbba dem ucchedaniya bhümiläbha vorgezogen, weil bei
dieser A rt von G ew inn eines Gebietes die dravyaprakrtis zw ar durch das .D rangsalieren1
geschw ächt, aber n icht v ernichtet w ürden, so daß der K önig sich ihnen gegenüber dann
g roßm ütig zeigen u n d seine G ro ß m u t in politisches Prestige um m ü n zen kann. K am an
daka baut diesen G edanken w eiter aus, u n d dies schlägt sich in der A rt nieder, in der
er die m andala-T\\eone lehrt.
Insgesamt zählt er 18 verschiedene V arianten des politischen mandala auf u n d schreibt
die m eisten von ihnen bestim m ten Lehrern zu: Usanas, B rhaspati, Maya, Indra und
Pulom an, Visäläksa, den M änavas usw ., auch allgemein den ,mandala-,K undigen1 (mandalavid, m andalajna). Im einzelnen sind es folgende V arianten (mandala abgekürzt durch
m.):
1. das dasaräja-m ., gebildet aus den Elem enten der purastät- u n d /»Sozi-Konstellation,
auch m andala des vijigisu genannt (8.16-17).
2. das catuskam-m. aus den Elem enten ari, vijigisu, madlryama, udäsina, die wie bei
M anu als m ülaprakrtis bezeichnet w erden. Es w ird von Maya gelehrt (8.18-19).
3. das satkam m., bei dem zu den Vieren noch der pärsnigraha u n d der m itra treten,
dem Indra u n d P ulom an zugeschrieben (Indra tritt in den P uränas ja öfter, z.B. im
A gnipuräna als Staatslehrer auf) (8.20-21).
4. das dvädasaräjakam aus dem K A, d.h. das Z ehner-mandala des vijigisu sam t madlrya
m a u n d udäsina, von K am andaka Usanas, dem purohita der G ö tter, zugeschrieben (8.22).
5. das vom dvädasaräjakam abgeleitete Sechsunddreißiger-m ., gebildet aus den 12
K önigen sam t je einem Feind und einem F reund, zugeschrieben w iederum dem Maya
(8.23).
M it diesen fünfen erschöpft sich die Z ahl der fortlaufend aufgezählten, lediglich aus den
N achbarkönigen gebildeten mandala- Figuren. Vers 8.24 fü h rt die dravyaprakrtis als
konstituierende E lem ente ein und leitet dam it über zu einer neuen A rt der Klassifi
D ie mandala -T heorie im A rth a- u n d N itisä stra
223
zierung: zuerst w ird das jeweilige aus den räjaprakrtis gebildete m andala angeführt, und
daraus w erden dann u n te r Z ufügung der sechs übrigen prakrtis, die das saptängam bilden,
neue manclalas. gebildet. Ihre Teilelem ente sind die H errschaftsbereiche der jeweiligen
Könige, sodaß nun die Reiche als Ganzes direkt zum Ziel der außenpolitischen A k tiv i
täten erklärt w erden (dvädasänä?n riarmdmyiäm panca panca prthak prthak | amätyäs
cädyas ca prakrtir ä?nänantiha m änaväh ||). M it dieser erw eiterten K lassifizierung w eicht
der K N von K autilya ab, bzw. baut einen im KA eher sekundären A spekt w eiter aus.
Es folgt in der A ufzählung als
6. das prakrti-m.: die 12 Könige sam t ihren dravyaprakrtis, also K autilyas u n d M anus
Zw eiundsiebziger-Schem a (8.25). H ier wie im folgenden n en n t K am andaka das dvädas'aräjakam m aulam andala, weil es das G rundelem ent für die Berechnung der folgenden
K onfigurationen ist (vgl. auch 8.41; itiprakäram hahudhä m andalam paricaksate sarvalokapratitam tu sphutam dvädasaräjakam).
7. das astädasakam: die 12 ??Zi2«/tf-Könige sam t dem gem einsam en F eind des ari und
ihrem gem einsam en F reund, u n d bei jedem von diesen w iederum ein eigener F reund
und Feind, gelehrt von G u ru Brhaspati (8.26).
8. das aus den 18 u n d ihren jeweiligen prakrtis zusam m engesetzt astottarasatakam,
zugeschrieben den .W eisen“ (kavayah, 8.27).
9. das catuspancäs'atkam des Visäläksa, bestehend n u r aus K önigen, näm lich den 18
K önigen, m ultipliziert m it je einem F reund und einem F eind (8.28).
10. die um die dravyaprakrtis erw eiterte Fassung des vorigen, bestehend aus 324
E lem enten (8.29).
11. das n u r aus dem vijigisu und seinem G egner sam t den E lem enten ihrer H errschaft
bestehende caturdas'akam (8.30).
12. die D reiergruppe (mandalatrikatri) vijigisu, ari, madhyama, zusam m en m it je einem
mitra, als Sechser-m, gelehrt (8.31).
13. die E rw eiterung desselben um die sechs dravyaprakrtis auf 36 E lem ente (8.32).
14. das ekavim satkam , d.h. die sieben angas von vijigisu, ari u n d madjryama zusam
m engerechnet (8.33).
15. die m erkw ürdige, das Elem ent m itra doppelt enthaltende K o m b in atio n aus den vier
Standardelem enten vijigisu, ari, m adhyama, udäsina, jeweils m it einem m itra u n d m u lti
pliziert m it den sechs prakrtis von jedem — insgesamt ein A chtundvierziger-m . (8. 34)
16. eine W iederholung des mandala N r.l, hier erläutert als K o m b in atio n aus vijigisu
und den purastät und pascät angeordneten F ak to ren (8.35).
17. das m. sästisamjnam, d.h. die E rw eiterung des vorigen durch M u ltip lik atio n m it den
6 prakrtis der 10 K önige (8.36) u n d schließlich
18. das D reißiger-m ., dessen Basis eine F ünferk o n fig u ratio n von K önigen (der vijigisu
im Z en tru m und v o r bzw. h in te r ihm jeweils ein ari u n d ein m itra) ist, die m it den
sechs dravyaprakrtis von jedem kom b in iert w ird. D er vijigisu h eißt in diesem sehr
einfachen m andala im übrigen netä, vielleicht aus m etrischen G rü n d en , vielleicht aber
auch an knüpfend an K autilyas Bild des Rades (8.36).
D er A bschnitt schließt m it zwei Versen, die eigentlich eine N egation des-,Staatenkreis‘K onzepts ü berhaupt bedeuten:
dve eva p ra k rti nyäyye ity uväca Paräsarah |
224
M aria Schetelich
abhiyoktrpradhänatvät tathänyonyo ’bhiyujyate ||
parasparäbhiyogena vijigisor ares tathä |
aritvavijigisutve ekä prakrtir ity ucyate ||
,In der P o litik gibt es üblicherw eise n u r zwei F aktoren, sagt Paräsara, den A ngreifer als
den, der den ersten Schritt tu t (also als den, der als erster die Initiative ergreift), u n d den,
der angegriffen w ird. G reifen sich ari und vijigisu gegenseitig an, dann sind ari un d
vijigisu von gleicher N a tu r (d.h. es existiert dann n u r ein F ak to r, weil beide die gleiche
A ngreifernatur haben).“
G eschickt operiert K am andaka hier m it den Bedeutungsnuancen von prakrti, u m ein
neues K onzept v o rzubereiten u n d den Begriff vijigisu endgültig auf die rein m ilitärische
Seite der K önigsfu n k tio n (im R ahm en des räjadharma) zu fixieren. D am it w ird das
Königsideal des A rthasästra auf den zw eiten Rang h in te r dem des D harm asästra verw ie
sen und in gewisser Weise abgew ertet. In diese Linie paßt die D iskussion in Sarga 11
(Vers 35 ff.), ob es 6 gunas oder n u r 2 gibt, näm lich n u r sandhi u n d vigraha, den Z ustand
der freundlichen u n d den der feindseligen A k tio n gegenüber dem politischen P artner.
Kautilya hatte diesen S tandpunkt als M einung V ätavyädhis zitiert und abgelehnt.
K am andaka ist n icht so strik t, u n d es p aßt zu dieser T endenz, daß sich seit der
G uptazeit der Begriff sandhivigrahaka als Bezeichnung des höchsten M inisteram tes
einbürgert.
D ie Q uintessen z des von ihm selbst bevorzugten mandala-K onzepts bietet K am andaka
schließlich m it dem (gegenüber dem KA und den Dharmas'ästras neuen) Bild eines Bau
mes (8.42). D essen 8 Zweige (säkba) sym bolisieren — so will es jedenfalls der K om m entar
Jayam aiigalä — die acht F ak to ren ari, mitra, arimitra, m itram itra, pärsnigraha, äkranda
und deren beide äsäras. Das m ülam andala ari, vijigisu, madhyama, udäsina bilden die
W urzeln (m üla), die 6 B lätter sind die 6 dravyaprakrtis u n d der Stamm, auf dem das
G anze b eru h t, b esteht aus dem m enschlichen H andeln (m änusam ) u n d dem, was durch
das Schicksal oder ü b ernatürliche E inw irkungen (daivarn) die guten Eigenschaften der
7 F aktoren einer guten H errschaft beeinträchtigen kann. Als 6 Blüten an diesem Baum
w erden die 6 A rten politischer Verfahrensweisen gegenüber einem Feind genannt und
als F rüchte schließlich ksaya, sthäna und vrddhi, das Schw inden, das G leichbleiben und
der Z uw achs von M acht.
Es ist beim heutigen Stand unserer K enntnisse der altindischen realen V erhältnisse kaum
zu sagen, ob in der politischen T heorie zu r Z eit K am andakas tatsächlich die mandalaT heorie in all ihren oben aufgezählten V arianten gelehrt oder d iskutiert w urde und
w enn ja, ob dies tatsächlich in der politischen Praxis seinen N iederschlag fand. K aum
berechtigt aber ist es w ohl, dem K am andaka eine überm äßige oder überflüssige Klassifi
zierungssucht zu u nterstellen. D ie A usführlichkeit, m it der er gerade dieses T hem a
behandelt u n d die Tatsache, daß er die einzelnen V arianten m it N am en zusam m en
bringt, die zum g roßen Teil auch in anderen T exten fü r renom m ierte (tatsächliche oder
m ythologische) V ertreter der Politiklehre stehen,w eisen zum indest darauf hin, daß die
mandala-T h eo rie kein abstraktes und statisches K onzept gewesen sein w ird — w eder ein
D ogm a, noch ein feststehendes M odell für politische S tru k tu ren oder ihre Form ierung.
E her diente sie w ohl als eine A nleitung zu verschiedenen M öglichkeiten des
.Sandkastenspiels“ in Situationen, die politische E ntscheidungsfindungen notw endig
D ie mandala -T heorie im A rtha- u n d N itisa stra
225
m achten, d.h. als G rundlage für die Beratung (irjantrana) des Königs m it seinen m antrins
(und hierbei w ohl als Spezialwissen des sandhivigrahaka).
A ber noch etwas anderes ist anzum erken. K am andaka schafft m it der A rt seiner
Klassifizierung, m it der U m w ertu n g des Begriffs vijigisu u n d n icht zuletzt auch dadurch,
daß er dem viergliedrigen mandala endgültig die Rolle der W urzel, des .U rsprungs
m aterials1, fü r alles politisch-diplom atische H andeln zu weist, die theoretische G rundlage
dafür, daß sich eine neue R ichtung, eine neue Sehweise in bezug auf die mandalaT heorie durchsetzen kann. N ic h t m ehr das Bild des Rades m it dem vijigisu in der M itte,
der als Z en tru m und M o to r das Karussell politischer K räfte in Bewegung setzt, ist die
V orstellung, die von nun an dem mandalacaritam zugrundegelegt w ird. A n seine Stelle
treten vielm ehr zwei andere, rein lineare Bilder. Das eine findet m an z.B. in Candesvaras
R äjanitiratnäkara, der u n ten ausführlicher zu besprechen sein w ird. H ie r en tsp rich t die
F o rm des m andala etw a dem Spielbrett des südindischen pachisi-Spiels: In der M itte liegt
das G ebiet des vijigisu un d von diesem gehen in alle vier H im m elsrichtungen die G ebiete
der G egner ab, nach jeder H im m elsrichtung ein ari, ein m itra u n d ein udäsina, so daß
ein kreuzförm iges G ebilde entsteht. Als anderes Bild geben die T exte eine Linie: ätmaund param andala als zwei einander polar gegenüberstehende, aber in ein gemeinsames
Spannungsfeld eingebundene Kräfte. D er Begriff mandala schließt hier (deutlicher als im
KA) die beiden ihrem W esen nach verschiedenen E benen des räjamandala u n d des
saptängam räjyam zusam m en. D aher k ann n u n auch das Begriffspaar tantra-äväpa im m er
öfter an die Stelle von läbha-pälana-vardhana-vrddhasya pätraniksepa treten , denn dam it
läßt sich die K o n zen tratio n des Interesses auf das eigene T e rrito riu m besser zum
A usdruck bringen. A llerdings w erden tantra und äväpa in den T exten unterschiedlich
definiert. Im N Itiv äk y äm rta (weiter: N V A ) w ird tantra als Sorge um den E rhalt des
eigenen H errschaftsgebietes, äväpa dagegen als ständiges B em ühen um E ro b ern von
feindlichem T e rrito riu m verstanden. Im Yasastilaka ist äväpa allgemeiner als paramandalacintä definiert. D ie im D harm akosa (S. 1853) zitierten C änakyasütras verbinden
äväpa dagegen m it dem strategischen mandala-Begriii (äväpo mandalanivistah).
Es ist im übrigen durchaus möglich oder sogar w ahrscheinlich, daß K am andaka m it
der M odifizierung des mandala-K onzepts auch auf den politisch-adm inistrativen Sprach
gebrauch seiner Z eit reagierte. Spätesten seit etw a dem 3. Jh. u.Z. ist mandala ja
inschriftlich als gängiger, w eithin v erbreiteter T erm inus für ein politisch-regional
definiertes G ebiet belegt.
M it dem N itisära ist, wie bereits gesagt, die .great trad itio n ' in der Staatslehre
festgeschrieben u n d die T heoriebildung in dieser D isziplin ü b erh au p t im w esentlichen
abgeschlossen. Puränas wie das Agni- oder V isnudharm ottarapuräna u n d die in der
darauffolgenden Z eit entstehenden n iti-u n d räjaniti-Texte m achen G ebrauch von dieser
T radition, doch es en tsteh t kein neues sästra, keine au to ritativ e L ehrm einung, die die
früheren L ehrm einungen als A llgem eingut u n d obligatorisch-norm atives W issen der
Staatslehre-Kundigen ablöst oder außer K raft setzt.12 V ielm ehr beginnt n u n das
Zeitalter der individuellen In terp retatio n w esentlicher P u n k te der Staatslehre sam t der
12 Bezeichnenderweise verleugnet die brahmanische ,great tradition' in der Staatslehre indirekt
ihren Ursprung, der mit sehr großer Wahrscheinlichkeit doch im Kautiliya Arthas'ästra zu
suchen ist. Jedenfalls werden in den danda- bzw. räjaniti-Texten nur noch Manu, Yäjnavalkya
und Kamandaka zitiert, obgleich ja durch Bhäruci, Yogghama, Somadeva Süri, Dandin, den Ma-
226
M aria Schetelich
didaktischen U m setzu n g der politischen M oral durch einzelne, historisch fixierbare
A utoren.
D as hat aber auch einen Them enw echsel zu r Folge. N ich t m ehr die politische T h e o
rie, sondern die praktische Seite der P olitik, des Königsam ts u n d des H oflebens sind in
Diese W erke w urden ja für den Bedarf der Könige, teils auch in ihrem A uftrag oder
durch K önige selbst verfaßt. D ie A u to ren w aren also meist P rak tik er, z.gr. T eil M inister,
die ihre eigenen politischen Erfahrungen einbrachten oder bew ußt einbringen w ollten.
H in te r allem steht eine klare didaktische A bsicht: m an w ollte einerseits das S pektrum
n otw endiger G ru n d k en n tn isse in der politischen W issenschaft v o r Augen führen, ande
rerseits aber auch b ew u ß t ein bestim m tes K önigsbild verm itteln, gepaart m it W issen zu
T hem en, die fü r das Leben am H ofe u n d die T ätigkeit des Königs von W ichtigkeit
w aren: dharm a des K önigs, V ergnügungen, Q ualitäten der Frauen u n d der Pferde, Strate
gie und T ak tik der K riegführung, W affenkunde, Beziehung zw ischen K önig u n d seinen
usw. D ie räjaniti-T exte unterscheiden sich z.T. sehr voneinander in bezug auf die
A usw ahl der T hem en u n d der A rt, bzw. der A usführlichkeit ihrer D arlegung. Sie sind
lokalisieren lassen als die älteren sästras, k ö nnen sie die aus Inschriften, U rk u n d en ,
dadurch ergänzen, daß sie das geistige U m feld ihrer Verfasser oder A uftraggeber sichtbar
m achen. Liier bietet sich ein noch w eitgehend unbeackertes Forschungsfeld für die
N ich t in allen N Iti-T exten m ehr findet die mandala-T h eo rie die ehemalige selbständige
u n d ausführliche B ehandlung. In der N Itiprakäsikä, deren H au p tth em a die W affenkunde
ist, fehlt sie z.B. ganz, u n d auch der N itik alp ataru vernachlässigt sie als separates T hem a
in den R äjanitinibandhas u n d wenigen anderen T exten, die sich u m eine A d ap tio n der
P olitiklehre an zeitgenössische E rfordernisse u n d u m ein an nähernd ausgewogenes
V erhältnis zw ischen der D arstellung praktischer D etails des politischen u n d höfischen
Lebens und der überlieferten T heorie bem ühen, w ird sie angeführt. E iner dieser Texte
ist das N itiv äk y äm rtam des Jaina-G elehrten Somadeva Süri, ein system atisches L ehrw erk,
das w ahrscheinlich um 950 entstanden ist. Somadeva ü b ernim m t (als absolute A usnahm e
u n te r seinesgleichen) längere Passagen aus dem KA. E r gibt seine Q uelle allerdings nicht
an, ko p iert sie jedoch auch nicht. E r behandelt system atisch, aber m it unterschiedlicher
—■Tagesablauf u n d vinaya des Königs (kaum allerdings die E rziehung der Prinzen),
— M inister und Beamte (darunter auch solche, die das KA noch n icht kannte, w ie den
sandbivigrahaka) ,
— Spionen- u n d G esandtenw esen,
D ie mandala -T heorie im A rth a- u n d N ltisästra
227
— W irtschaft und R echtsprechung (allerdings in äußerst k napper Form ) und schließlich
— Fleirat als ein gesondertes Kapitel, das er bezeichnenderw eise gleich den beiden
außenpolitischen K apiteln (sädgunyam und K riegführung) folgen läßt, denn politische
er verbunden w ar, eines der am häufigsten angew andten friedlichen M ittel (säma) für die
Somadeva Süri hat die E igentüm lichkeit, neben der fü r N iti-T exte allgemein
kennzeichnenden A nreicherung und z.T. Ü berfrach tu n g m it subhäsita- u n d itihäsaZ itaten die T erm ini, die er verw endet, ziem lich durchgängig m it einer D efin itio n zu
versehen. D er B edeutungsgehalt einiger Begriffe zu seiner Z eit deckte sich n icht m ehr
m it dem der gleichlautenden Begriffe im KA oder im N Itisära. Das trifft auch für die
mandala-T heorie und ihre T erm inologie zu. Begriff un d K onzept gehen im N V A im m er
w eiter auseinander. A n der Stelle im Text, w o die mandala-Theorte behandelt w ird (im
sädgunyam), k o m m t z.B. der Begriff mandala zw ar auch noch im konventionellen Sinne
vor (z.B. 29. 21-22). D och hat das W o rt an den Stellen, w o es außerhalb des sßdgunyam
genannten räjaprakrtis m andalänäm adhistbätärab, die H äu p ter der mandalas, u n d es
m uß dam it durchaus n ich t n u r gemeint sein, daß jeder von ihnen ein eigenes
strategisches m andala besitzt. N ahe liegt es, mandala hier rein territo rial zu verstehen,
denn grundsätzlich w erden ja an anderen Stellen des N V A sva- und paramandala als das
eigene und das Reich des politischen Gegners aufgefaßt. So ist es z.B. eines der
A ufgabenfelder des düta (der im KA noch der G esandte allgemein war, hier aber wie im
Könige), die im R eich seines Königs tätig gew orden sind, ausfindig zu m achen (svamandalapravistagüdhapurusaparijnänam, N V A 13.8). D ie eigenen Spione (cära) sind als
.Augen des K önigs1 fü r die Ü berw achung der A k tivitäten u n d G eschäfte im eigenen wie
im frem den Lande einzusetzen (svaparamandalakäryävalokane, die fast w örtliche ProsaW iedergabe eines N Itisära-Verses, N V A 14.1).
das das E lem ent (dravyaprakrti) janapada behandelt. D o rt w ird er in eine R eihe gestellt
dieses K apitel illustriert sehr anschaulich Somadevas K unstgriff, durch bloße .E rklärung“
der von ihm angeführten Begriffe seine eigene In terp retatio n der traditionellen Lehrm einung an die Seite zu stellen, u n d sie dadurch sozusagen zu a k tu alisieren “, ohne
direkt gegen sie zu polem isieren. A m A nfang von Kapitel 19 ,erk lä rt“ er zunächst die
1. pasudhänyahiranyasampadä räjate iti rästram ,Es glänzt durch V ollkom m enheit von
Vieh, G etreide und G eld“ — (deswegen) n en n t man (ein Gebiet) rästra.
2. bhartur dandakosavrddhim disatiti desah ,Es fü h rt das A nw achsen von Schatz u n d
Heer (seines) H e rrn v o r A ugen“ — (deswegen) n en n t m an (ein Gebiet) desa.
228
M aria Schetelich
3. vividhavastupradänena sväm inah sadm ani gajän väjinas cavisinoti badhnätiti visayab
— ,D u rch das Schenken der verschiedensten D inge hält, d.h. fesselt m an, am H ofe des
Königs E lefanten u n d P ferde1 — (deswegen) heißt ( ein G ebiet) visaya.
4. sarvakäm adhuktvena patihrdayam m andayati bbüsayatiti m andala .D adurch, daß es
einer alle (W ünsche erfüllenden) W unschkuh gleicht, schm ückt es, ziert es das H e rz des
K önigs1 — (deswegen) n en n t man (ein G ebiet) mandala.
5. janasya varnäsramalaksanasya dravyotpatter vä padarn stbänam iti janapadah ,Es ist
die Basis, der W o h n sitz des Volkes, dessen K ennzeichen die O rd n u n g der vier Stände
und der vier Lebensalter ist und (die Basis) für das A ufkom m en an R o h sto ffen 1 —
(deswegen) n en n t m an (ein Gebiet) janapada.
6. nijapater utkarsanakatvena satmbrdayäni ddrayati bbinattiti därakab — ,W eil es von
M enschen besiedelt ist, die den eigenen K önig zu A nsehen bringen, schlägt es die H erzen
der Feind, d.h. spaltet sie (vor Neid) entzw ei1 — (deswegen) n en n t m an (ein Gebiet)
däraka.
7. ätmasamrddlryä sväm inam sarvavisayebhyo nirgamayatiti nirgamab ,D u rch den eige
nen W ohlstand läßt es seinen H e rrn u n te r all denen, die ein visaya regieren, herausragen1
— (deswegen) n e n n t man (ein G ebiet) nirgama.
Diese D efinitionen , deren pseudoetym ologischer C h arak ter ihm ganz sicher voll bew ußt
w ar, stellt Somadeva (sozusagen als das Besondere des F ak to rs janapada in nerhalb des
Gefüges der 7 prakrtis) seinen allgemeinen Aussagen dazu voran. D aran schließt sich eine
A ufzählung der guten u n d schlechten Eigenschaften eines Landes an. Liier kehrt
Somadeva dann auch zu r alten K autilya-Term inologie zurück: in den nächsten Sätzen
ist (wie im KA) n u r von janapadagunas bzw . desadosas die Rede.
D ie mandala-T heorie selbst stellt Somadeva traditionsgem äß in den K o n tex t des
sädgunyam, doch hat sie im N V A auch ihre Besonderheiten. W iederum zitiert er zu
nächst das KA w ö rtlich (29. 1-2 u n d 4-7 / KA 6.2.1-3, 6-7 u n d 12) u n d schließt daran
Ergänzungen an. N ach einer D iskussion des Verhältnisses von daivam u n d mänusam
w ird der K önig erst einm al zu den G ö ttern in Beziehung gesetzt. G enerell ist er im
N V A — wie im K A — der A u fenthaltsort von Indra u n d Yama (indrayamasthäna, N V A
5.1 / K A 1.13.10), den göttlichen R epräsentanten des kriegerischen A spekts der K önigs
herrschaft bzw . des dbarma. D och w ird er im N V A zusätzlich auch m it Brahm a, Visnu
und isiva (der trim ü rti) gleichgesetzt, je nachdem , w elchen A spekt des K önigsam tes er
gerade w a h rn im m t.13 Dies leitet dann über zu r eigentlichen mandala-T h eo rie, die der
A bhandlung der 6 gunas vorangestellt ist. Somadeva erw äh n t w eder das dvädasa- noch
das caturmandala, sondern n ennt n u r einzeln neun räjaprakrtis u n d beschreibt sie
nacheinander: udäsina, madhryastha, vijigisu, ari, m itra, pärsnigraba, äkranda, äsära und
(abw eichend von d er T radition) in Satz 29.20 auch den antardhi, den ,Zw ischengesetz
te n 1. L etzterer zählt w eder bei K autilya, noch bei K am andaka zu den räjaprakrtis.
Somadeva grupp iert diese Elem ente jedoch nicht nach dem P rin zip der N äh e o d er Entn NVA 29.17-19: pratipannaprathamäsramah pare brahmani nisnäta-matir upäsita-guru Iah
samyagvidyäyäm adbiti kaumäravayo ’lamkurvan ksatra putro bhavati brahmä | samjätaräjya■
laksmidiksäbhisekam svagunaih prajäsv anurägam jayantam räjänam näräyanam ähuh |
pravrddha-pratäpatrtiyalocanänalah paramaisvaryam ätisthamäno rästrakantakän dvisaddänavän
cbettum yatate vijigisur bhüpatir bhavati pinäkapänih |
D ie mandala-'Theone im A rth a- u n d N itisastra
229
fernung zum Z en tru m eines m andala, sondern verweist — w iederum im U nterschied zu
K autilya, K am andaka u n d den anderen — darauf, daß die k o n k rete S ituation, die V er
dienste (d.h. Freundesdienste, A llianzen usw.) und die m ilitärische Stärke dem F ak to r
der N ähe durchaus als K riterium gleichgeordnet sind, w enn es darum geht zu bestim
m en, ob ein N achbark ö nig als F reund, Feind usw. einzustufen ist. D aher h eißt es in
Vers 35; anantarah satruh ekäntarain m itram iti naisa ekäntah | kärya>n hi m itratväm itratvayoh käranam , na punar viprakarsasamnikarsau || ,D er un m ittelbar B enachbarte
ist der Feind; der, dessen Reich durch ein anderes (vom eigenen) G ebiet getrennt ist, ist
der F reu n d “ — diese E inschränkung soll man nicht machen, denn die G rundlage dafür,
daß jem and als F reund oder Feind angesehen w erden m uß, ist n icht die räum liche E n t
fernung oder die N ähe, sondern das H an d eln .1
Bezeichnend ist das Ergebnis eines Vergleichs der Reihenfolge, in der im K A, bzw.
im N V A die räjaprakrtis aufgeführt w erden. Im KA beginnt das Kapitel 6.2 (samavyäyäm ikam ), in dem die mandala-E lem ente erläutert w erden, seine A ufzählung m it dem
vijigisu, und dies entsp rich t durchaus der zentralen Bedeutung, die er im KA besitzt. Es
folgen satru, m itra und alle anderen, den Schluß bilden madlryama u n d udäsina. Im N V A
beginnt die R eihe der D efinitionen m it udäsina und madhyastha (nicht: madhyama):
agratah prstbatah kone vä samnikrste vä mandale sthito m adhyam ädinäm vigrhitänäm
nigrahe samhatänäm anugrahe samartho ‘p i kenacit käranenänyasmin bhüpatau vijigisam äne ya udäste, sa udäsinah \ udäsinavad aniyatamandalo ''parabhüpäpeksayä samadhikabalo ’p i kutascit käranäd anyasm in nrpatau vijigisam äneyo madhyasthabhävam avalambate
sa madhyasthah | ,(Einen K önig, dessen H errschaftsgebiet) v o r einem m andala, d ahin
ter, an einer Ecke oder in un m ittelb arer N ähe eines mandala gelegen ist, u n d der in der
Lage ist, den m adhyama u n d die anderen zu bekäm pfen, w enn sie sich (dem mandalaKönig) gegenüber feindlich verhalten, aber sie auch unterstü tzen kann, w enn sie m it die
sem (König) Zusamm engehen, u n d der aus irgendeinem G runde diesem anderen zu siegen
w ünschenden K önig gegenüber unparteiisch ist, den n en n t man udäsina. (Einen König),
der wie der udäsina n ich t in ein bestim m tes mandala eingebunden ist14, der im H in
blick auf einen anderen K önig über stärkere m ilitärische M acht verfügt u n d aus irgend
einem anderen G runde diesem anderen, zu siegen w ünschenden K önig gegenüber eine
neutrale Llaltung einnim m t, den n e n n t man den madhyastha .'
N u n erst folgt in der A ufzählung der vijigisu (V. 23). Somadeva üb ern im m t K autilyas
D efinition aus 6.2.13 w örtlich, ergänzt sie jedoch um zwei w esentliche D inge, näm lich
daivam (hier: gutes u n d schlechtes karm an, aber auch soviel wie F o rtu n e, vor allem
Kriegsglück, vgl. N V A 29.7) und vikram a, die LIeldenkraft oder kriegerische T ü c h
tigkeit, die bei K autilya (6.2.33) n u r eine K om ponente von utsaha, der T atk ra ft, ist: räjätm adaivadravyaprakrtisam panno nayavikram ayor adhisthänam vijigisuh | ,Ein König,
der C harakter, F o rtu n e u n d dravyaprakrtis besitzt u n d in dem politische K lugheit u n d
H eldenm ut ihren Sitz haben, ist ein vijigisu.'
D er vijigisu w ird hier also unversehens auf den T yp des m it Kriegsglück versehenen
H elden und klugen T ak tik ers reduziert, der dem T yp des vira, des idealen ksatriya, wie14 So etwa könnte man aniyatamandalo übersetzen. Anders Botto, demzufolge das eigene mandala
des udäsina gemeint ist und der entsprechend übersetzt: ,Colui il quäle come ,l’indifferente‘,
disponendo d’illimitate cerchie (di monarchie)...1
230
M aria Schetelich
der sehr nahekom m t. Seine B edeutung als eigenständiger u n d d o m inierender K önigstyp
der Staatslehre hat er n u n endgültig verloren.
A uch für die anderen räjaprakrtis gibt Somadeva z.T. vom KA abw eichende D efin iti
onen (29. 24-29). So w ird, wie bereits erw ähnt, ein K önig ausschließlich aufgrund seines
Verhaltens als F reu n d oder Feind eingestuft. D er pärsnigraha ist n icht m eh r der A n
greifer im R ücken allgemein, sondern n u r der Erreger von A u fru h r im Fiinterland,
pascätkopa (yo vijigisau prastbite ’p i pratisthamäne vä pascätkopam janayati sa
pärsnigrahaV). D er antardhi ist nicht, wie im K A, der Schwache, der zw ischen vijigisu
u n d dessen G egner steht, sondern einer, der aus einer besonderen Situation dieser beiden
seinen V orteil zieht, indem er sich die U n terstü tzu n g , die er ihnen gibt, von beiden
jeweils vergüten läßt. Innerhalb des räjamandala begründet dies seine unabhängige
ökonom ische Stellung (seine svatantratä, vgl. 30.46) un d seine A k zep tanz als selbstän
diger politischer F ak to r. E ntsprechend heißt es in 29.29: arivijigisvor m andaläntarvihitav rttir ubhayavetanah pärvatätavikrtäsrayas cäntardhih | ,Ein (König), der seinen
L ebensunterhalt daraus zieht, daß (sein Gebiet) zw ischen dem des Feindes u n d dem des
vijigisu liegt, der von diesen beiden m ateriellen N u tzen hat u n d in den Bergen u n d
D schungelw äldern ü b er Z ufluchtsorte verfügt, das ist d er antardhi
Diese D efinitio n en stellen die räjaprakrtis und dam it die mandala-T heorie stärk er in
Z usam m enhang m it den kriegerischen A useinandersetzungen, als es frühere T exte taten.
A uch Somadeva betrach tet zw ar Krieg erst als ultim a ratio, um zu politischem Erfolg
zu kom m en (vgl. 30.25), doch w erden die Bündnisse, deren E rläuterung bei K autilya ja
großen R aum einn im m t, überh au p t n icht m ehr in einem gesonderten Kapitel behandelt.
Es ist nicht von der H an d zu weisen, daß sich auch hier in der T hem enausw ahl und
Schw erpunktsetzu n g ein Stück Z eiterfahrung w iderspiegelt. W enn m an den überlieferten
A ngaben zu Somadevas Biographie G lauben schenken darf, wie sie v o r allem H andiqui
un d Botto rek o n stru iert haben (s. die E inleitung zu Bottos italienischer Ü bersetzung des
Textes, S. 7-14), dann w ar er A ugenzeuge (und w ahrscheinlich sogar an diplom atischen
V erhandlungen Beteiligter) w ährend der ständigen Käm pfe u m die V orherrschaft in
M ittel- u n d N o rd in d ien , die im 10. Jh. m it kriegerischen M itteln ständig zw ischen den
C älukyas, R ästrakütas, Cedis u n d anderen ausgetragen w urden. Krieg u n d K riegführung
m ußten also notw endigerw eise stärker im Blickfeld des Interesses sow ohl der praktischen
P olitiker, als auch ih rer Staatslehrerkollegen stehen. Ä hnlich verhielt es sich w ohl mit
den politischen H eiraten (s.o.).
Alles in allem d arf man w ohl im N Itiväkyäm rta, der im A ufträge K önig M ahendradevas von Kanauj verfaßt w orden sein soll, auch ein Stück angew andter politischer
T heorie sehen, einen Versuch, die traditionelle Staatslehre aus aktuell-politischer
Situation heraus neu zu überdenken u n d ihre G rundkategorien u n d W ertsetzungen an
die Erfordernisse der G egenw art zu adaptieren.
Diese F o rm der A useinandersetzung m it der Staatslehretradition u n d ihre A npassung
an Bedürfnisse u n d Problem stellungen der eigenen Z eit fand in den N itinib an d h as m ehr
oder w eniger ihre F ortsetzung. Ja, die nibandhakäras gingen sogar noch einen Schritt
w eiter. Im G egensatz zu denjenigen der von ihnen kom pilierten Texte, die den Fragen
von R echtsprechung u n d R echtsfindung gew idm et sind, richteten sie sich in den K om pi
lationen zu r politischen T heorie n icht m ehr (wie es noch Somadeva in gewisser Weise
D ie mandala -T heorie im A rtha- u n d N itisästra
231
getan hatte) verhältnism äßig streng an die von der T rad itio n vorgegebene T hem atik.
V ielm ehr w ählten sie n u r einige ihnen besonders relevant erscheinende T hem enkreise
aus, zu denen sie dann die M einung an erk an n ter G rö ß en der T rad itio n zusam m enstell
ten. Vielfach k o m m entierten sie dabei diese M einungen auch kritisch, d.h. sie prüften
sie und gaben ein eigenes U rteil darüber ab, ob die Lehrm einung der ,great trad itio n '
für ihre eigenen, p raktisch zu lösenden Fragen der P olitik überh au p t noch hilfreich war.
Ein besonders anschauliches Beispiel für ein solches V orgehen ist Candesvaras Räjanitiratnäkara (weiter: R N R ).
Candesvara, der zu seiner Zeit als eine der großen A u to ritäten auf dem G ebiet von
Staats-und R echtslehre galt, stam m te aus einer Brahm anenfam ilie, deren M itglieder im
13. und 14. Jh. über m ehrere G enerationen hinw eg hohe M inisterposten (pradhänamantrin, sandhivigrahaka) bei den K önigen von M ith ili bekleidet u n d auch D harm as'ästrins
in ihren R eihen hatten, die den R u f M ithiläs als Z en tru m traditionell-brahm anischer
G elehrsam keit entscheidend prägten. E r selbst — erster M inister u n ter den beiden
K önigen H arisim hadeva u n d Bhavesa — gilt als einer der großen politischen G estalten
Indiens. M it H arisim hadeva floh er im Jahre 1352 vor den islamischen E roberern nach
N epal, kehrte aber nach dessen T od in seine H eim at zurück, w o er offenbar bei dem
neuen H errscher Bhavesa u m 1370 herum erneut einen M inisterposten erhielt. D en E in
gangssätzen des R äjanltiratnäkara zufolge w ar es Bhavesa, der Candesvara m it der
Abfassung des Textes beauftragte. M an m erkt es dem W erk an, daß hier ein erfahrener
P rak tik er das W o rt nim m t. U n d nicht n u r das: die Ü berlieferung zeichnet ein Bild von
der Person Candesvaras, das dem traditionellen Cänakya-Kautilya-Bild erstaunlich
ähnlich ist. Wie C änakya soll er zw ar ein sehr geschickter und in allen einschlägigen
W issenschaften außerordentlich beschlagener P olitiker gewesen sein, aber auch einen
unbändigen Stolz, ein hohes Selbstw ertgefühl und eine große A rroganz besessen haben.
U nser T ext bestätigt dies indirekt durch seine D ik tio n , denn Candesvara geht m it
erfrischender Souveränität m it der o rthodoxen Staatslehre-Tradition um u n d scheut sich
auch nicht, diese T rad itio n gegebenenfalls als ü berholt oder zu unpraktisch abzutun.
D och verfährt er anders als Somadeva Süri dabei. D en allgemeinen M axim en der ,great
trad itio n 1 stellt er V ers-Zitate aus (z.T. fiktiven?) T exten hinzu, die seine eigene Aussage
als Präzisierung der allgemein gehaltenen traditionellen Aussagen ausweisen sollen, oder
er kom m entiert die Stellen in Prosa selbst.
D er R äjanltiratnäkara ist, wie alle nibandhas, ein praxisbezogenes u n d für die Praxis
bestim m tes W erk. Ziel des ganzen W erkes ist folglich n icht die Skizzierung einer
T heorie, sondern die F o rm u lieru n g von R ichtlinien für die A usübung des H errscher
amtes. Diese sind — bei aller O rientierung an der brahm anischen T rad itio n — deutlich
von den Bedürfnissen der G egenw art geprägt.
Bereits der mahgala-Vers der Einleitung, in dem £iva als V erm ittler im Streit der
beiden A suras Suträm an u n d A ndhaka um die Frage, w er (der rechte) K önig sei, geprie
sen w ird, deutet an, w o ru m es dem A u to r in erster Linie geht: um Präzisierung der
K önigsterm inologie und um die Legitim ation, die man als Inhaber politischer M acht für
die H errschaft braucht. G leich zu A nfang w erden K ullükabhatta (also ein K om m en tato r
und nicht die Sm rti selbst) und andere zitiert, um hervorzuheben, daß das R echt auf
H errschaft über die U n tertan en nicht auf der G eburt als ksatriya beruhe. E ntscheidend
232
M aria Schetelich
sei vielm ehr die K önigsw eihe im V erein m it der realen politischen G ew alt (räjasabdo ‘p i
nätra ksatriyajätiparah k in tv abhisiktajanapadapälayitrpurusoparah).
H ieran schließt sich eine A ufzählung u n d E rläuterung verschiedener A rten von räjäs
an. Verse einer N ärad an lti (?) w erden zitiert, um den allgem einen K önigsbegriff M anus
in drei besondere K önigstypen zu untergliedern (S. 5 f.): räjä trividbah, sam rät sakaro
’karas ca | tad äha näradanitau
räjänam avisesena nijagäda m anuh purä \
visesenaiva vaksyäm i samsayo na yathä bhavet ||
räjä tu trividho jneyas samrät ca sakaro 'karah \
sarveblryah ksitipälebbyo nityain grhniyät vai karam ||
sa samräd iti vijneyas ca cakravarti sa eva hi \
mäsi mäsi karam dadyät pratyabdan ca tathaiva ca |
sakarah sa tu vijneyo räjalaksanasamyutah ||
karam sandesavyäjena yo dadäti hi sveccbayä \
adhisvaram tarn evähuh sastre sästravido janäh ||
,Ein H errscher ist v o n dreierlei A rt: A lleinherrscher, regelm äßig T rib u t erbringend und
n icht regelmäßig T rib u t erbringend. So sagt N ärada in (seiner) n iti. D en K önig allgemein
beschrieb M anu in früheren Zeiten. M it seinen B esonderheiten lehre ich ih n jetzt, dam it
keine Zweifel entstehen. D rei A rten von H errschenden sind zu unterscheiden: samräj,
sakara und akara. W er von allen K önigen ständig regelmäßige Steuer bzw . T ribut-L ei
stungen e rh e b t13, der w ird als A lleinherrscher angesehen, er ist ja ein cakravartin. W er
M onat fü r M onat, Ja h r für Ja h r regelmäßige A bgabeleistungen (an einen anderen König)
erbringen m uß, der ist ein .Abgaben Leistender m it den M erkm alen eines räjä'.
W er nach eigenem Belieben (d.h. w enn es ihm selber günstig oder passend erscheint)
A bgaben leistet, die als G eschenke deklariert sind, diesen H errsch er nennen die
sästrakundigen Leute einen nicht zu regelmäßigen A bgaben verpflichteten (König).“
Im folgenden k o m m en tiert Candesvara, nachdem er einen M ahäbhäratavers angeführt
hat, dann selbst noch einmal: [...] sm rtyädäv a m i räjatvena prakiryätä, loke tu räjeti
sakarah cakravarti sam rät adhisvaro mahäräja iti prasiddhah, visesapratipattyanurodhät \
param tu trayänäm api dharm am samam eva visesänabhidhänät |
,In der Sm rti sind diese (K önigstypen) erklärt hinsichtlich ihres Königswesens im
allgemeinen. Im norm alen Leben aber ist ein K önig als sakara, cakravartin, samräj,
adhisvara, mahäräja (usw.) bekannt, weil U nterschiede zw ischen ihnen festzustellen sind.
Jedoch ist allen dreien der (räja-)dharma gemeinsam, weil d o rt kein U nterschied
angegeben ist.“
G anz offensichtlich versucht Candesvara hier, aktuelle politische V erhältnisse in die
T radition einzubringen, denn die drei hierarchisch geordneten K önigstypen sind aus den
m ittelalterlichen R egionalreichen ja gut bekannt. D er visesadharma betrifft dabei nicht
die M achtausübung nach innen, denn diese w ird durch den gemeinsamen clharma für das
K önigtum an sich abgedeckt. Was zu Candesvaras Z eit als solch ein sädhäranadharma
für Könige an erkan n t w ar, w ird im 1. taranga im A nschluß an die obige Passage zum
visesadharma k u rz skizziert u n d dann noch einm al im 12. taranga als sädharanapälana15 kara, bekanntlich die allgemeine Bezeichnung für .Steuer“, setzt in jedem Falle ein politisch
begründetes Recht auf Leistungen materieller oder immaterieller A rt voraus und ist aus diesem
Grunde hier durchaus auch ein auf Tributär-Verhältnisse .feudaler“ A rt anwendbarer Begriff.
D ie mandala -T h eo rie im A rth a- u n d N itisastra
233
dharm a abgehandelt, beide Male u n te r Berufung auf M anu. D ie U nterschiede zw ischen
den drei K önigstypen sind also politischer N a tu r u n d betreffen unterschiedliche G rade
der svatantratä, der Eigenständigkeit in der V erfügung über m aterielle Ressourcen u n d
H eer (dhana u n d daiidd) u n d w ahrscheinlich auch im politischen H andeln (obw ohl dies
n icht extra gesagt w ird). Dies stim m t durchaus zu der veränderten politischen G ru n d
situation in N o rd in d ien im 14. Jh. In einer Zeit, die geprägt w ar von der m ilitanten
E roberungspolitik der islam ischen H errscher des D elhi Sultanats, k o n n te ein politischer
T rak ta t, der wie seine klassischen V orbilder M ittel zu r A usdehnung der eigenen M acht
über seine N achbarn leh rt u n d dies zum vornehm sten Ziel aller P o litik m acht, w ohl
kaum auf A n erk en n u n g hoffen. D ie E rw artungen, die man m it einer erfolgreichen
A u ß en p o litik verband, w aren u n te r den gegebenen Bedingungen w eitaus bescheidener.
Politisch erfolgreich w ar m an bereits dann, w enn es gelang, zu verm eiden, daß man die
eigene uneingeschränkte H andlungsfähigkeit dadurch verlor, daß m an einem anderen
trib u t- und folgepflichtig wurde.
Eine solche veränderte A usrichtung der politischen Zielsetzung k o n n te n icht ohne
A usw irkung auf das mandala-K onzept bleiben, das natürlich als K ernstück traditioneller
diplom atischer T h eo rie auch in diesem T ext n icht fehlt. Das erste ist, daß die mandalaP ro b lem atik n icht m eh r in den K o ntext der Beratung des Königs m it seinen M inistern
über außenpolitische u n d andere Fragen gestellt wird. Candesvara siedelt sie bei den
B estim m ungen zu ätm araksanam, dem Schutz der Person des Königs, an. U n d hier zeigt
es sich dann einm al m ehr, wie gravierend sich das Königsbild gegenüber dem KA als
dem A usgangstext der Staatslehre-T radition gewandelt hat. K autilya hatte dem Schutz
des K önigs ebenfalls große A ufm erksam keit gewidmet. Das ganze letzte K apitel des 1.
Buches (ätmaraksitakam) ist diesem P roblem gewidmet. D och gelten die Erw ägungen
d o rt in erster Linie einer G arantie der U nverletzlichkeit der physischen Existenz des
K önigs, d.h. dem S chutz v o r M ordanschlägen auf seine Person. G egenstand der V orsor
gem aßnahm en ist der K önig als Individuum , als physische Person. Candesvara dagegen
hat ein ganz anderes V erständnis von den Begriffen ätm an und raksana im Z usam m en
spiel dieser beiden W orte. Es ist der K önig als LIerrschaftsträger, als legitim iertes
O b erh au p t seiner U n terta n e n , der geschützt w erden soll, und eigentlich ist es auch n icht
er selbst, sondern die politische M acht, die er v erkörpert, denn von ih r u n d ih m hängen
W ohl u n d W ehe des V olkes, der prajä, ab. E r ist gewissermaßen die Integrationsfigur für
die G em einschaft, die Z entralfigur fü r ihre Identität in einem Staatswesen, das noch
n icht stabil territo rial definiert ist. Erst als solche Z entralfigur gew innt er eine eigene
W ertigkeit, w ird er zu einem ätm an. Seine physische Person ist dem gegenüber zw eit
rangig. Ä tm araksanam m u ß entsprechend n u n m eh r zu einer A ngelegenheit v o n staats
politischer D im ension w erden u n d kann als T hem a politisch-theoretischer E rö rteru n g
nicht m ehr auf die b loß e A ufzählung von V orsichtsm aßnahm en gegen Schädigung von
Leben u n d G esundheit des Staatsoberhaupts persönlich reduziert w erden. Es bezieht nun
m ilitärisch-politisches H andeln m it ein.
U m dies darzulegen, han d h ab t Candesvara w iederum Z itate aus den Sm rtis (Manu,
N ärada, Y äjnavalkya) geschickt (vgl. R N R , S. 106 ff.), u m diese seine eigene Auffassung
von der T rad itio n abzugrenzen u n d sie aber trotzdem durch diese zu legitim ieren. Er
führt einige Verse aus M anu u n d Y äjnavalkya zum Lobe des prajäpälanam an, in denen
auch die N o tw en d ig k eit eines Schutzes für die Person des Königs m it erw ähnt w ird,
234
M aria S chetelich
setzt dann aber die traditionelle M einung als die ältere gleichsam außer K raft, indem er
eine neue form uliert:
tathä ca prajäpälanam svaraksanam ranänivartitvam brähmanasusrüseti räjnäm asädhärano
dharm a itipräncah | navyäs tu prathamata ätmaraksanam, drstam ukhyaphalakatvät ,U n d
so erklärten die früheren (Lehrer) den Schutz der U n tertan en , den Schutz der eigenen
Person, das N ichtzu rü ck w eich en in der Schlacht u n d den G ehorsam gegenüber den
B rahm anen zum speziellen dharma der Könige. D ie jüngeren (oder: neuen) L ehrer aber
setzen an erste Stelle ätm araksanam, weil hauptsächlich daraus Erfolg erw ächst.'
M it zahlreichen Z itaten w ird dann bekräftigt, daß ein K önig der Schutzpflicht
gegenüber seinen U n te rta n e n am besten n achkom m t, indem er seinen ätm an, d. h. sein
A m t und seine Fähigkeit zu regieren schützt. Ätm araksanam oder ätmaraksä ist — so
k o m m t es R N R S. 111 z.B. ganz deutlich zum A usdruck — also nichts anderes als das
Bem ühen, die eigene U nabhängigkeit sow eit zu bew ahren, daß m an den U n tertan en
gegenüber selbst regierungsfähig bleibt und sie nicht der H errschaft eines anderen
ausliefert. ,W enn durch gar kein M ittel ätmaraksä gelingen w ill,' h eißt es im T ext (yady
evam kenäpy upäyenätmaraksä na syät), dann bleiben n u r Krieg (von dem aber abgeraten
w ird) oder äsraya bzw . sevä, Z uflucht oder .D ienst' bei einem anderen König. In der T at
w ar dies ja zu C andesvaras Z eit das Schicksal vieler kleinerer IT indufürsten u n d Könige,
v o r allem im Einzugsgebiet der islamischen E xpansionspolitik. So w ird denn auch die
Frage, welche Q ualitäten ein K önig haben sollte, bei dem man sich in D ienst begibt, als
ein P roblem des dharm a für K önige diskutiert. Einige D harm as'ästra-Lehrer w etterten
gegen den D ienst bei einem anderen F ürsten, den sie generell als svavrtti (Leben nach
H u n d e a rt)16 herabsetzten. Candesvara, der P raktiker, polem isiert dagegen heftig, denn:
svaraksanapürvakam eva yas'ah prasastam, m it anderen W orten: der Schutz des K önigs
amtes geht allem anderen vor. Als ein sakararäjä, der bei einem M ächtigeren ,dienen'
m uß, kann ein K önig ja seiner m ittlerw eile w ichtigsten dhartna-ViWcixx., Integrationsfigur
für die G em einschaft seiner U n tertan en zu sein, w eiterhin w ahrnehm en u n d auf eine
erneute U nabhängigkeit hinarbeiten. W ird er im Kriege besiegt oder gar getötet, dann
setzt er dies aufs Spiel, daher soll er m öglichst den offenen K am pf verm eiden (tasmäd
yuddham vivarjayet, R N R S. 112).
N ach allem, was bisher gesagt w urde, verw undert es nicht, w enn die Passagen, die
über mandala u n d mandalacaritam handeln, m it der E m pfehlung eingeleitet werden:
sarvopäyais tathä kuryän nitijnah prthivipatih \
yathäsya ‘bhryadhikä na syur mitrodäsinasatravah ||
,So soll ein »¿«kundiger H errscher m it allen M itteln darauf hin w irk en , daß Freunde,
Feinde u n d U nparteiische sich n icht über ih n setzen. ‘
Seinem m andala-M odell legt Candesvara M anus vier G rundelem ente zugrunde. Er
fo rm t daraus als geom etrische F igur ein kreuzförm iges mandala m it dem vijigisu als
Z en tra lp u n k t, u n te r B erufung auf Y äjnavalkyas oben zitierte Stelle 1.345c ([...] kramaso
m andalam cintyam). In seinem P ro sak o m m en tar dazu erklärt er, wie dies zu verstehen
sei:
asyärthah | vijigisu nrpasya caturdiksu kramaso mandala ’rimitrodäsinäs traya evam dvä16 Es wird zwar hier nicht gesagt, daß aus der Sicht der Brahmanen dies- sich vor allem auf den
Dienst bei den Andersgläubigen, den Moslems bezog, doch kann man wohl voraussetzen, daß
gerade davor gewarnt wurde.
D ie matidala-Theorie im A rth a- u n d N Itisastra
235
dasaräjamandalam vijigisunä trayodasaräjakam iti
|
arimitrodäsinas trividhah,
sahajakrtrimapräkrtabbedät,etadbhinnonigrabänugrahasamärthomadhyamah,pärsnigrahäkrandäsärasevä esäm antarbbavantinitisästramayamaitravisäläksädimanubrbaspatisukrädimatabhedena caturvimsatyadbikatrisatam mandalam tadvistarabhayän n oktam | cintayet
iti sesam | ,Das bedeutet: der vijigisu (soll eine K onstellation als G rundlage für
politische B eratungen voraussetzen, in der) von dem K önig ausgehend nach allen Seiten
nacheinander jeweils drei — näm lich G egner, F reund u n d N eu traler — insgesamt ein
m andala von 12 K önigen bilden, m it dem vijigisu (selbst ist es) eines, das aus 13 K önigen
besteht. G egner, F reund u n d U nparteiischer sind von dreierlei A rt, weil man sie einteilt
in solche von gleicher G eb u rt, durch die U m stände hervorgebrachte u n d v o n N a tu r aus
so beschaffene. V on diesen unterscheidet sich der madhyama, der fähig ist, entw eder zu
u n terstü tzen oder H ilfe abzuziehen. In diesen en thalten sind diejenigen, die als
pärsnigraba und äkranda in D ienst stehen. Weil eine zu große A usführlichkeit zu
b efürchten ist, w ird hier das mandala der 324 F ak to ren (samt all den anderen, die) im
N Itisastra als L ehrm einung von Maya, M aitra, Visäläksa usw. u n d von M anu, Brhaspati,
$ukra u.a. (gelehrt w erden,) n icht besprochen. ,In Erw ägung ziehen' ist zu ergänzen.“
D ie P o litik des Königs innerhalb dieses mandala, in der sich ja eigentlich seine
A m b itio n en nach außen dokum entieren sollten, hat bei C andesvara keinen h ohen Stel
lenw ert m ehr. Sie w ird n u r noch m it den beiden bekannten M anuversen charakterisiert:
bakavac cintayed artbän simbavac ca paräkramet |
vrkavac cänulumpeta sasavac ca vinispatet ||
evam vijayamänasya ye ’sya syub paripantbinab |
tän änayed vasam sarvän sämädibbir upakramaib ||
,W ie ein R eiher soll er (blitzschnell) seinen N u tzen w ahrnehm en, wie ein Löw e soll er
m utig auftreten; wie ein W olf soll er (über seine Gegner) herfallen, w ie ein Hase
(schwierigen Situationen) entkom m en. A uf diese Weise soll ein König, der siegreich sein
will, durch A nw endung von Besänftigung und den anderen politischen M itteln sich alle
seine W idersacher gefügig m achen.'
D en ersten der beiden Verse k om m entiert Candesvara als allgemeinen R atschlag für
den U m gang m it K önigen, die ihm die M acht streitigm achen w ollen: wie ein Reiher
beim Fischeschnappen soll er sich verhalten u n d wie ein Löwe, der sich m utig dem
stärkeren Elefanten entgegenstellt. Ü ber den Gegner, auch w enn er durch Festungen
usw. gut geschützt ist, soll er herfallen wie ein W olf über das vom H irte n beschützte
Vieh. Schließlich soll er sich an dem H asen ein Beispiel nehm en, der durch Schlauheit
und Z ickzacklaufen der U m zingelung durch die e n tk o m m t, die ihm ans Leben wollen.
Ebenso soll ein K önig, der vom Feind eingeschlossen ist, diesen in die Irre führen und
bei einem Stärkeren Z uflu ch t suchen (R N R S. 115).
H ier ist von der taktisch-politischen Vielseitigkeit eines K autilya un d seines ,would-beem peror“ nichts m ehr zu spüren. Es geht ja auch gar n icht m ehr um das A usdehnen,
sondern u m das E rhalten von M acht durch geschicktes Reagieren in unterschiedlichen
Situationen. D er Begriff säm anta w ird dabei ersetzt durch paripanthin .W idersacher“, und
diese W idersacher sind das ,K önigs-U nkraut' (räjakantaka), das die eigenen U n tertan en
überw uchert und sie so am G edeihen hindert. U n d so beschließt Candesvara seinen
A bschnitt ü b er die außenpolitischen A k tivitäten und das mandala m it einem Vers über
236
M aria Schetelich
diese Schädlinge:
yathoddharati nirdätä kaksarn dbänyam ca raksati |
tatbä raksen nrpo rästram hanyäc ca paripanthinah ||
,W ie jem and, w enn er ein Feld reinigt, das U n k ra u t ausreißt u n d das G etreide bew ahrt,
so soll ein K önig sein Reich bew ahren u n d die W idersacher v ern ich ten .“
D en Rest des Kapitels bilden dann k o m m entierte Verse aus der M anusm rti ü b er die
V erw altung. Das mandala-K onzept ist dam it (betrachtet man es im K o ntext des
Königsbildes bei Candesvara) w eit en tfern t vom A usgangskonzept im K A. A us einem
M odell, das einem H errscher als G rundlage dafür dienen sollte, seinen d irekten
politischen Einfluß- u n d M achtbereich in einem P rozeß k o n z e n trisc h e r In te g ra tio n “ so
w eit wie m öglich auszudehnen und so gut wie m öglich zu stabilisieren, ist so etw as wie
ein V erteidigungskonzept gew orden, ein Schema, dessen Bestandteile n u r noch G egner
und W idersacher sind, gegen die m an sich behaupten m uß, um die H errschaft n ich t zu
verlieren. D ie A u ß en p o litik , die m it ihrem raffinierten, genau kalkulierten E insatz
politisch-diplom atischer oder m ilitärisch-strategischer M ittel im K A dem W irk en des
Königs nach innen von gleicher, w enn n ich t gar von größerer Bedeutung w ar, hat ihren
Eigenw ert verloren u n d w ird nun in die innenpolitischen Belange integriert. Sie w ird
ein M ittel, das die V oraussetzungen für eine H errschaft ü b erh au p t erst einm al
garantieren m uß.
D am it sind w ir am Ende einer etw a 1500 Jahre alten w ährenden Ü berlieferung des
mandala-K onzepts u n d — wie bei dem Vergleich der sechs ausgew ählten T exte zu sehen
w ar — auch am Ende eines Prozesses seiner A daption an veränderte politisch -th eo re
tische V orstellungen ( v o r allem vom W esen des Königsam tes), die w iederum als R eak
tio n auf sich w andelnde historische Bedingungen erklärbar sind. D ie ausgew ählten T exte
stehen dabei exem plarisch für bestim m te Stufen oder E tappen dieser E ntw icklung. .L eit
m o tiv “ ist der inhaltliche W andel des T erm inus vijigisu u n d des mandala-Ys.onzt'pts. N u r
w enn m an von einer sehr hohen A bstraktionsstufe ausgeht u n d den W andel des K önigs
begriffs außer acht läßt, k ann m an davon sprechen, daß das dem mandala-K on zep t zu
grundeliegende politische G ru n d p ro b lem u n d seine Lösungsform ü b er all die Ja h r
hunderte hinw eg gleichgeblieben sind.
Hermann Kulke
Some Observations on the Political Functions
of Copper-Plate Grants in Early Medieval India
Land grants of early medieval India, particularly th e great royal copper-plates, usually
contain tw o distinct m ajor inform ations, viz., first the prasasti o r eulogy o f th e d o n o r
and his forefathers, and second, the actual deed o f gift. T he deed itself norm ally consists
of three m ajor parts, i.e. the list of so-called ‘w itnesses’, th e specification and boundaries
of the donated village, and th e privileges (paribara) granted to its donee. F inally, a sh o rt
concluding part contains an exhortation, th e names o f th e officials w h o w ere responsible
fo r preparing the grant, and th e date of its issue.
In view of th eir contents, th e ir great nu m b er and, quite often, of th e ir im pressive size,
these copper-plates are rightly regarded as th e m ost im p o rtan t historical source of early
medieval India. W ith the exception of th eir m ythological and legendary p o rtio n s of th e
royal eulogies {prasasti), th eir historicity is generally accepted. Even th e im pressive and
hierarchically stru ctu red lists of th e officials are n orm ally interpreted as a fairly realistic
p icture o f the official witnesses w ho were present at th e d onation cerem ony. As quite
a n u m b er of these land grants have been discovered in the hin terlan d o r even in the
p eriphery of the royal centre, it has often been taken for granted th a t th e same
im pressive hierarchy of royal officialdom existed also in these o u tly in g regions. T he
description of the centralized structure of medieval kingdom s w hich was derived from
these im pressive copper-plates by m odern historians was therefore often equally im pres
sive as its depiction by the royal eulogists. M oreover, th e d o n atio n o f land to Brahm ins
and religious in stitu tio n s norm ally has been und ersto o d prim arily as an act of religious
devotion.
It is well k n o w n th a t this conventional in terp re tatio n o f the socio-political function
of these land grants as well as th eir historiographic value has been challenged by R. S.
Sharma and B. Stein in connection w ith th eir respective concepts of Indian feudalism and
the segm entary state. A ccording to Sharma, land grants were th e m ajor cause of
fragm entation and feudalization of the medieval kingdom s and society rath er th an
param eters of im perial greatness. In connection w ith th e extension o f royal au th o rity
into th e tribal hinterland of coastal O rissa R. S. Sbanna, how ever, came to a quite
different conclusion w hen he w rote th at ‘th e significance of land grants to brahm anas
is not difficult to appreciate. T he grantees bro u g h t new know ledge w hich im proved
cultivation and inculcated in th e aborigines a sense of loyalty to th e established order
upheld by the rulers, w ho could therefore dispense w ith the service of extra staff for
2 38
H e rm a n n K ulke
m aintaining law and o rd er.’1 In regard to medieval N epal B. Kolver, to o , em phasized
the function of land grants to Brahm ins as a means of extending royal influence beyond
the sphere of actual c o n tro l.2
It was, how ever, B. Stein w ho m ost radically challenged th e conventional in terp retatio n
of land grants w hen he w rote: ‘T he thousands of C hola inscriptions w hich are
d istributed unevenly over th e vast macro-region of th e so u th ern Indian peninsula, are
taken in the conventional view to be evidence of the direct co n tro l of th e C hola state.
In fact, th ey are n o t evidence of political con tro l, b u t of ritual sovereignty. T he
difference betw een view ing inscriptions on stone and copper as evidence of co n tro l and
view ing th em as ritual docum ents is fundam ental.’3 W hat Stein understands as ‘ritual
d ocum ents’ becomes clear from an o th e r q u o tatio n w here he w rote ‘these cerem onies [of
granting land to B rahm ins] invoked the solem nizing presence of th e C hola royal house
by recitation o f th e k in g ’s eulogy w hich was later incorporated into an inscription
com m em orating th e event. Brahm ans, collaborating w ith th e locally pow erful, thus
perform ed adm inistrative functions w hich b o u n d each locality to th e C holas th ro u g h
w ell-defined cerem onies m arking ritual sovereignty’4. Stein therefore came to the
im p o rtan t conclusion th a t ‘th e C hola inscriptions are intended rath er obviously to
distribute to all inhabited places th e standardized message of a great k in g sh ip ’.5
I
have no in te n tio n to en ter in to a discussion o f these tw o m ost sem inal and
controversial m odern theories o f early medieval Indian histo rio g rap h y .6 In th e present
paper I am less concerned w ith th e socio-econom ic consequences of granting land to
Brahm ins and religious in stitu tio n s. By now there exists a general agreem ent am ong
concerned scholars, at least outside the school of conventional Indian historiography,
th a t these land grants had a trem endous and certainly in ten tio n al political function in
a w ay w hich is h in ted at by th e above tw o references to th e w orks of R. S. Sharrna and
B. Kolver. It is the in te n tio n of m y present sh o rt and h ypothetical observations to
explain som e o f these political functions of these copper-plates, som e o f w hich were
indicated already b y B. Stein in his above quotations.
F o r a m em ber o f a m odern society w hich suffers from an excess o f official o r political
inform ation, it m ay be difficult to im agine th e cultural, social and political im portance
and significance of a copper-plate inscription. In a traditio n al rural society th e value of
a set o f beautifully produced copper-plates, linked to g eth er w ith an im pressive seal of
the — m ostly — royal d o n o r, m ust have been im mense. T here can be no d o u b t th at it
enhanced the social status and political position of b o th donees and donors. M oreover,
we m ay assuine th a t th e royal o r princely d onors m ust have been aw are o f th e great
1 R. S. Sharrna, Indian Feudalism, Calcutta 1965, p. 281.
2 B. Kolver, Erstarkende Staatsgewalt und Hinduisierung. Neues Material aus Nepal, in: H. Kulke
and D. Rothermund (eds.), Regionale Tradition in Siidasien, Wiesbaden 1985, pp. 115-128.
3 B. Stein, The Segmentary State in South Indian Flistory, in: R. G. Fox (ed.), Realm and Region
in Traditional India, New Delhi 1977, p. 17.
4 B. Stein, loc.cit,, p. 16
5 B. Stein, loc.cit., p. 17
6 See also H. Kulke, Fragmentation and Segmentation versus Integration? Reflections on the
Concepts of Indian Feudalism and the Segmentary State in Indian Flistory, in: Studies in
History, 4, 2 (1982), pp. 237-264 and idem, The Study of the State in Premodern India. An In-
Political F u n ctio n s o f C o p p e r-P late G rants
239
socio-political im portance o f th e ir copper-plate grants. T hey were, as p o in ted ou t by B.
Stein, an im p o rtan t — o r perhaps even the m ost im p o rtan t — means of distrib u tin g the
standardized message of the great kingship to various parts of his kingdom . T his message
w ould have reached its audience in tw o ways: D uring th e grand d o n atio n cerem ony the
w hole inscription w ould have been read o u t in the presence o f th e rural p o p u latio n ,
th e ir local leaders and royal officers w ho had come for th e special purpose of attending
this do n atio n cerem ony. B ut th e salient feature of these copper-plates is th e fact th at the
donee’s and his descendants’ future to a large extent depended on the ‘etern al’ possession
of this grant. W henever legal problem s occurred, he m ust have produced it as his m ost
im p o rtan t legal docum ent. A nd certainly it will have been read o u t again at such
occasions in its full length, th u s d istributing again the message of th e great kingship of
the royal donor.
O nce we look at these copper-plates n o t as mere legal docum ents but, for w ant of
o th er ‘m o d ern ’ m eans of spreading in form ation in medieval rural India, as a m ost
effective m edium of in stru ctio n (and political propaganda), we may be able to
understand certain aspects of th eir contents and th eir function in a different way. A few
desultory rem arks in regard to three aspects of these copper-plates may show th e
direction in w hich fu rth er research may lead to some new interpretations. These three
aspects are directly related to three im p o rtan t sections of these inscriptions, viz. the
royal prasasti, the list of so-called witnesses, and the list of parihdra o r privileges o f the
donee and the village donated to him.
As regards th e prasastis and th e long royal genealogies of the inscriptions perhaps it is
no m ere chance th at th e tim e of th eir gradual developm ent and spread all over India
coincided m ore o r less exactly w ith the period betw een the late 7th and th e late 12th
cen tu ry w hen Indian historical w ritin g in the form o f th e caritam literature seem ingly
had com e to a virtual standstill.7 In the 7th century Bana had w ritten his im p o rtan t
w ork Harsacaritam, and it to o k nearly five centuries till new royal eulogies of th e canta
type w ere com posed, e.g. th e Rdmacarita and th e Vikramankadeva-carita, and finally th e
R ajatdrangini as th e m ost sophisticated example of a new type of regional historical
w riting. So far it appears to have escaped th e perception of scholars th at th e long royal
prasastis o f the copper-plate inscriptions, e.g. those extrem ely long eulogies o f th e C holas
and the Eastern Gangas of O rissa, correspond m ore o r less exactly to th e caritam
literature. T hus the fam ous b u t rath er sh o rt Rdmacarita is essentially n o th in g b u t an
extended prasasti o f copper-plates. T herefore th e long prasastis of copper-plates and of
a few tem ple inscriptions should be regarded as the veritable and m ost im p o rtan t type
of medieval Indian historical w riting.
T h e salient feature of these copper-plate prasastis is again th e fact th a t th ey w ere
reproduced and read o u t again and again w henever villages were granted to B rahm ins
and w henever B rahm ins had to go to courts. In a way, each copper-plate form ed a
new and up-dated edition of th e dynastic h istory as th e y usually included th e new est
inform ation about th e ruling king and his court. These copper-plate inscriptions w ith
troductory Essay, in: The State in India 1000-1700, New Delhi (OUP), forthcoming.
; FI. Kulke, Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtsbild im hinduistischen Mittelaher, in:
Saeculum, 30 (1979), pp. 100-112.
240
H e rm a n n K ulke
th e ir prasastis therefo re form ed one of th e m ost im p o rtan t means (and certainly th e m ost
im p o rtan t w ritte n form ) of legitim izing early medieval Indian kingship th ro u g h
genealogical claims.
N o w as regards th e lists of so-called witnesses of these copper-plates, th ey , to o , are of
considerable im portance for o u r understanding of the significance of medieval
inscriptions of India. As already m entioned, they form perhaps the m ost controversial
section of th e copper-plate inscriptions. N orm ally they begin w ith th e in stru ctio n o f the
G reat King, th e d o n o r, to all those officials w ho have come to th e d o n atio n cerem ony,
such as the rdnaka, rajaputra, am dtya etc., to respect this royal d o n atio n and its
privileges. C o nven tio n al h istoriography usually interprets these lists as enum erations o f
royal officers w ho actually participated in this d o nation cerem ony and w ho accordingly
acted as witnesses o f th e grant. But there are good reasons, particularly in view of th e
all-Indian standard izatio n of these lists, to have doubts about th e ir h istoricity and to
w o n d er w h eth er all those officers m entioned in these lists had really been present in th e
village. A lthough I am afraid we have no means to verify o r falsify th eir histo ricity , I
am sure th at even in case th ey are fictitious, these lists of officials, to o , contained
im p o rtan t royal info rm atio n and perhaps even were a m edium of actual political
au th o rity .
T he great copper-plates of th e Pala dynasty of Bengal provide a m ost illustrative
exam ple of th is fu n ctio n of these lists of officers. T hey contain th e titles o f about th irty
such officers, beginning w ith the four highest categories, i.e. rdnakas (or rdjardjanaka),
rajaputra, am dtya and mahdsandbivigrahika, follow ed by various categories of officials
belonging to th e royal court, to provincial and local offices. A fter th e initial period of
establishing th e Pala dynasty u n d er G opala and th e successful im perial rule u n d er
D harm apala, the list o f so-called ‘w itnesses’ in the inscriptions o f his successors show s
a clear tendency tow ards standardization of a well-established hierarchical order.
H ow ever, despite th e fixation o f the first three (and from D evapaia onw ards of th e first
fo u r dignitaries) and o f the last fifteen officials m entioned in th e inscriptions, there
rem ained obviously still a considerable scope for upgrading and dow ngrading w ith in the
im p o rtan t ‘m iddle field’ of th e hierarchical o rd er betw een position five and fifteen of
th e list of officials. I shall try to show this on the basis of a few examples fro m the
K halim pur copper-plates o f D harm apala (1), th e M o n ghyr plates o f Devapaia (2), the
B hagalpur plates of N arayanapala (3) and th e Banagada plates of M ahlpala (4).8
These inscriptions are fairly equally distributed over a period o f ab o u t 200 years
betw een th e early 9 th to the early 1.1th centuries. In inscription 2, th e p o sitio n N o . 4
is still held by a m ahdkdrttakrtika about w h o m D. C. Sircar w ro te ‘pro b ab ly an officer
w ho reported to th e king about th e progress o f im p o rtan t un d ertak in g s’5, obviously he
was a leading m an o f th e ‘in form ation service’. H e was follow ed in p o sitio n N o . 5 by
th e b etter k n o w n officer mahadandandyaka. In inscription 3, how ever, b o th officers
w ere badly dow ngraded. T he m ahdkdrttakrtika fell back to position N o . 9, and the
8 R. Mukherji and S. K. Maity, Corpus of Bengal Inscriptions, Calcutta, 1967; No. 16: Khalimpur
Copper-plate Inscription of Dharmapala, pp. 95-110; No. 18: Monghyr Copper-plate Grant of
Devapaia, pp. 114-131; No. 22: Bhagalpur Copper-plate Inscription of Narayanapaladeva, pp. 163184; N o. 28: Banagada Copper-plate Inscription of Mahipala I, pp. 197-208.
9 D. C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, Delhi 1966, p. 149.
P olitical F u n ctio n s o f C o p p e r-P late G rants
241
m abddandandyaka even to position N o. 11. T h e vacant p osition N o . 4 of th e rnahdkdrttakrtika and of N o . 5 of th e mahadandanayaka w ere filled up by th e mahasandhivigrahika (‘the m inister of peace and w ar’) and by the tnahdksapatalika (the ‘chief keeper
of records’), a position w hich b o th continued to hold in inscription 4. A n o th e r
interesting example is the im p o rtan t title sdmanta. In inscription 1 it does no t exist at
all. In inscription 2 the sdmanta appears in position N o . 7 and in inscription 3 he moves
u p to position N o. 6. In the follow ing period betw een inscription 3 and in scription 4
som ething serious m ust have happened to the p osition o f th e sdmanta at the Pala court
as he was th ro w n out com pletely from th e list and replaced by th e m ahdtnantri, th e
‘great m in ister’. It w ould be interesting to k n o w w hether this strange replacem ent of the
samantas by th e co u rt m inisters is one of th e reasons of th eir estrangem ent from th e
Palas w hich created serious difficulties to Ramapala.
T hese few examples may suffice to show th a t th e o rd er of these lists o f officials was
certainly n o t arbitrary. O n th e contrary, it is m uch m ore likely th a t th ey reflected very
exactly the ‘official’ hierarchical order o f co u rt officials and those of low er grades at the
provincial and local level. T his hierarchy need n o t be exactly identical w ith th e actual
socio-political status of the dignitaries in th e ir respective local en vironm ent. B ut it may
well reflect the position w hich they had been able to achieve recently, o r w hich this
group of officials was traditionally holding at th e royal court. I regard this hierarchical
o rd er of these lists as a functional equivalent to th e strict hierarchical o rd er at co u rt
cerem onies as k n o w n from later durbars held by th e D elhi sultans o r at th e M ughal
court. T he copper-plates thus provided for the royal d o n o r th e reconfirm ation o f this
hierarchical o rd er again and again in order to re-establish traditional loyalties. M oreover,
he also had the possibility to gain new loyalties th ro u g h including a new dignitary o r
th ro u g h an upgrading w ith in this order and sim ultaneous dow ngrading disloyal o r
m eanw hile less im portan t officials. But one has to keep in m ind th a t these lists usually
refer to groups of officeholders rather th an to individual officials. T hus these lists o f socalled ‘w itnesses’ may rath er reflect the general hierarchical order o f offices at the court.
A nyw ay, they have to be regarded as an im p o rtan t political and juridical in stru m en t in
the hands of pow erful kings to m aintain and, if necessary, to change th e adm inistrative
order. T hus these lists may reflect a lot o f actual political struggle behind co u rtly
curtains even if they do n o t depict real witnesses at th e d o n atio n cerem ony. T o my
m ind, in a traditional society the co n tro l over th e official hierarchical order, and
particularly the pow er to change it, has to do a lot m ore w ith actual political co n tro l
than w ith mere ritual sovereignty. Even in m ore recent days K rem lin w atchers agreed
that the specific position of various Sowjet leaders o n the trib u n e at the K rem lin wall
during great cerem onial occasions was of u tm o st im portance for judging th e actual p o li
tical co n tro l of the politbureau and the respective ranks of its mem bers.
Let me now com e to th e final poin t, i.e. the privileges and im m unities granted to the
donee and his village. T he so-called transfer o f im m unities and privileges to Brahm ins,
too, may have m eant m ore th an a mere act o f ritual sovereignty. N o r did such transfers
necessarily lead to an abandonm ent of these privileges by the royal donors. R ather, in
m any cases th e exact opposite m ight have happened — at least at th e tim e of th e endow
m ent. T he copper-plate inscriptions often m ention th e future rights of th e donees in
great detail and in a standardized m anner. W hat is perhaps m ost im p o rtan t in this
242
H e rm a n n K ulke
context: th e levies devolved on th em were, in som e cases p robably fo r th e first tim e,
unified norm s of royal a u th o rity proclaim ed for th e w hole extended core area by means
o f these deeds o f gifts. In fact, th e king may have transferred privileges w hich he him self
was n o t yet in a p osition to enjoy fully in an area w here th e en d o w m en t was made (as
already observed by B. Kolver). M oreover, it is quite likely th at th e d o n atio n of land to
B rahm ins and the public proclam ation o f th e legal conditions and im plications o f this
act to the villagers may have been intended to set up legal n o rm s fo r the rural
surroundings of th e B rahm in villages, to o . By enm eshing th e core area in a net of such
privileged B rahm in settlem ents w ith standardized regulations w ith regard to taxes and
services on the p art o f th e local inhabitants, obligatory standards w ere created also for
those ‘ro y al’ areas w hich did n o t com e u n d er the levying pow er and adm in istratio n of
the Brahm ins.
In this context it is m ost significant th at th e kings norm ally handed over th e p ow er
o f im plem enting these ‘m an o rial’ claims in th e B rahm in villages to th e B rahm in donees,
for in all endow m ent inscriptions en try into th e donated land was forb id d en for royal
adm inistrative officials. T hus, it devolved u p o n th e B rahm ins th e difficult task no t only
to create validity for th eir ‘ro y al’ rights transferred to them , b u t also to develop a village
adm inistration w hich was necessary for th e im plem entation of th eir dem ands. In order
to strengthen the p o sitio n of th e Brahm ins, even th e judicial pow er to p u n ish tardiness
on the part of the village p o p u latio n was conferred u p o n them .
In a pre-m odern state, police or even m ilitary means could have been scarcely m ore
effective th an this form of intensification of royal au th o rity by m eans of a group of
loyal B rahm ins w hose existence depended on th eir successful im plem en tatio n of
rajadharma. In the long run, of course, these B rahm in villages may have c o n trib u ted (in
the sense of ‘Indian feudalism ’) to th e fragm entation of the cen te r’s adm inistrative hold
over land and people and certainly became (in the sense of th e ‘segm entary state’) part
of a constellation of local pow er. H ow ever, th e persistence in th e ir ow n ‘ro y al’
privileges, existentially necessary fo r th e Brahmins, continued to stren g th en those of the
king, to o . B rahm in settlem ents th ro u g h land grants w ere and rem ained, th erefore, in this
sense forem ost pillars of th e norm ative order of H in d u kingdom s, and one should add:
inexpensive and very efficient ones.
Inscriptions, and in particular th e great copper-plate inscriptions, therefore had
m ultifarious functions. T h e ir m ajor function was certainly to sanction legally the
transfer of landed p ro p e rty and to vest the donee and his land w ith certain privileges
and im m unities. T his legal act co n trib u ted to the rise o f a class of rural privileged land
ow ners w ith all its consequences for the medieval society.
B ut apart from this m ost obvious function, copper-plates m ust have served fo r several
o th er purposes, to o , especially fo r th eir royal donor. O therw ise it w o u ld be difficult to
explain w hy these copper-plates became m ore and m o re bu lk y and certainly expensive,
to o . T h e mere legal deed could have been reproduced m uch m ore cheaply, say on one
o r tw o plates. T h e great copper-plate sets served as tran sm itters of th e message of royal
greatness and privileges to th e hinterland. A nd, in a broader context, th e y played an
im p o rtan t role in th e process of cultural com m unication betw een th e royal centre and
its rural hinterland.
But, as we have seen, th e royal d onors and th eir advisors m ight have also had some
P o litical F u n c tio n s of C o p p e r-P late G ran ts
243
m ore specific ideas about th e fu n ctio n of these docum ents. These m ight be sum m arized
as follow s: F irst, to establish and confirm royal claims of legitimacy and th e co n fo rm ity
of th eir ow n and th e ir forefathers’ rule w ith rajadharma. Second, to co rro b o rate or,
if necessary, to change th e adm inistrative hierarchy, an act w hich strengthened th e
k in g ’s position on top of this hierarchy. T h ird , to set up new o r confirm old measures
o f standardized tax collection and adm inistration th ro u g h a n etw o rk of privileged
B rahm in villages.
T he great copper-plate inscriptions were th u s an instru m en t of enhancing political
influence and, although on ly in an indirect way, political control. But one should keep
in m ind th a t successful propaganda usually w o rk s th ro u g h indirect persuasion and
m anipulation rath er th an th ro u g h direct political control.
I
Eva Ritschl
Überlegungen zu atavi und anderen Gruppen
der ./In^r^w-Bevölkerung im alten Indien
nach Sanskritquellen
Ein kom plexes P roblem der altindischen wie der indischen G eschichte ü b erh au p t ist das
V erhältnis zw ischen der Arya- u n d der A närya-B evölkenm g. Ein A usschnitt aus diesem
K om plex, näm lich die Beziehungen zw ischen den altindischen K önigreichen (M onar
chien) u n d A ristokratien (samgha, gana) auf der einen u n d den Anär)>a-Stiimmen (atavi)
auf der anderen Seite soll G egenstand dieser B etrachtung sein.
D ie altindischen M onarchien verstanden sich insofern als A rya bzw. als zugehörig zu
Ä ryävarta, als in ihnen ,der vam äsram a-dhanna fest verankert w ar“, wie es z.B. die
V isnusm rti (84.4) form uliert, im G egensatz zu den G ebieten, in denen man diesen
dharma nicht k en n t oder n icht befolgt u n d die deshalb als mlecchadesa, Barbarenland,
bezeichnet w erden. Zu den Mlecchas gehören auch die atavis — Anärya-st’im m e , die in
der altindischen L iteratur eine große Rolle spielen. D och die Info rm atio n en ü b er den
C h arak ter und die S tru k tu r dieser .Stäm m e' sind spärlich, obw ohl sie z.B. in den Epen,
besonders im M ahäbhärata, in der E rzählungsliteratur wie auch im K autillya-A rthasästra
oft genannt w erden. Bis heute herrscht die M einung vor, daß es sich bei diesen atavis
um Stäm m e (tribes) auf niedrigem E ntw icklungsniveau handle, die m an den samghas, den
, A ristokratien, O ligarchien' (die als Ä ryas gelten, obw ohl das bei einigen von ihnen gar
nicht so sicher ist) n u r zögernd an die Seite zu stellen bereit ist1.
D ie vorliegende U ntersuchung basiert im w esentlichen auf dem K autillya-A rthasästra
(KA). Ih r A usgangspunkt ist das 11. adhikarana, das sich ganz speziell m it samghavrtta,
dem .V erfahren gegen die V erbände' (so/. f. Meyer) bzw. der ,Policy towards Oligarchies'
(so R. P. Kangle) beschäftigt2.
A nschließend an die Schilderung, auf w elche Weise ein K önig gegnerische samghas von
innen her aufspalten un d sie dadurch unschädlich m achen kann, h eiß t es hier: etena
skandhävarätavibhedo vyäkhyätah | (11.30). Kangle übersetzt: ,By this is explained (the
m ethod of creating) dissensions in th e (enemies’) camp and am ong forest chieftains' und
fügt die F u ß n o te an: ,This is incidental, unconnected w ith samghas‘3; f. f. Meyer über’ atavi ,Wald, Dschungel' wird im Kautillya-Arthasästra nur an einer Stelle (eventuell noch an
einer zweiten) in diesem Sinne gebraucht. Sonst bezeichnet der Terminus durchgehend die im
dichten Wald angesiedelten sog. Wald- oder Dschungelstämme (.forest tribes'). Mit ätavika wird
meist ein Oberhaupt (Häuptling, chieftain) eines solchen .Waldstammes' bezeichnet.
1J.J. Meyer, Das Altindische Buch vom Welt- und Staatsleben. Das Arthafästra des Kautilya, aus
dem Sanskrit übersetzt. Leipzig 1926. — R.P. Kangle, The Kautiliya Arthasästra. Pt. 1-2. Bombay
1960-63.
3 ,and among forest chieftains' ist nicht ganz korrekt: es ist hier die Rede von atavi und nicht von
246
Eva R itschl
setzt: .D am it ist das N ötige gesagt über die V eruneinigung von H eerlager und
W aldstäm m en1 un d läßt den Satz u nkom m entiert.
A uf den w ichtigen Inhalt dieses Satzes m achte W. Rüben in einem 1957 veröffent
lichten A rtikel aufm erksam . Er schreibt d o rt geradezu etwas verw undert: .D ieser kurze
H inw eis stellt die D schungelstäm m e geradezu auf die Stufe m it den arischen Stäm
m en...4' [d.h. den samghas, E.R.]. D aß dieser Satz ernst zu nehm en u n d n icht etw a
zufällig in den T ext hineingeraten ist, läßt sich schon aus dem KA selbst ersehen. D o rt
heißt es (9.7.68), gegenüber gefährlichen N achbarkönigen (sämanta) un d W aldstam m häuptlingen (ätavika) solle ein K önig die M ethoden bheda (,Spalten', durch das Säen von
Z w ietracht) und danda (.Strafe, Stock') anw enden, um sie zu disziplinieren. A uch im
A gnipuräna (240.62) w erden bheda u n d danda als geeignete M aßnahm en gegenüber ge
fährlichen sämantas u n d ätavikas em pfohlen5.
W enn n u n die M ethode der Spaltung, der Erzeugung von innerem Z w ist, gleicher
m aßen gegenüber samghas wie atavis anzuw enden ist, sollte auch in der S tru k tu r dieser
beiden etwas G em einsam es en thalten sein. Es ist kaum anzunehm en, daß solche M eth o
den in einem auf niedriger E ntw icklungsstufe stehenden, sozial w enig differenzierten
G em einw esen, wie m an sich/lw irytf-D schungelstäm m e, forest tribes, allgemein vorstellte
(darauf weisen R ubens V erw underung wie auch Kangles A blehnung eines Vergleichs der
atavis m it den samghas hin), ebenso effektiv anzuw enden w aren wie in den samghas, den
A risto k ratien bzw. O ligarchien der Äryas.
K autilyas sam ghavrttam verrät n icht allzuviel über die innere S tru k tu r der samghas.
Sein Interesse gilt v or allem der Frage, wo man am besten m it dem A ufspalten (bheda)
ansetzen könne. Im Z usam m enhang dam it erfährt man im m erhin, daß es in den samghas
R angunterschiede u n d R ivalitäten gab, die man dafür ausnutzen k o n n te. So w erden
Personen, die visista (hervorragend) genannt w erden, solchen gegenübergestellt, die m it
hina oder avabina (niedrig oder sehr niedrig) bezeichnet w erden. Bei den R ivalitäten
zw ischen ihnen geht es hauptsächlich um den sozialen Status. H ie r soll Ö l ins F euer
gegossen w erden —■ die ,FIervorragenden‘ sollen den ,N iedrigen' gemeinsames Essen
(ekapätra, auch gemeinsame Riten?) und H eiraten (viväha) verw eigern, die .N iedrigen'
dagegen sollen dieses von ihnen fordern. Personen von sehr niedrigem Rang (avabina)
sollen dazu aufgestachelt w erden, daß sie die gleiche Stellung (tulyabhäva) fordern, was
kula (Familie) und paurusa (etwa: M annesm ut, persönliche G eltung) anbelangt, oder sie
sollen einen A ustausch der Stellung (sthänaviparyäsa; weist dies auf ein R o tatio n sp rin zip
bei den räjäs hin?) verlangen. Innerhalb der samghamukhyas, der O b erh äu p ter, u n d ihrer
A nhänger (mänusya) gibt es unterschiedliche, gegensätzliche (pratiloma) G ruppierungen.
E in samghamuklTyaputra w ird erw ähnt. U n te r den kum ärakas (K.: princelings, M.: P rin z
lein) gibt es solche, die über hervorragenden K o m fo rt (visistacbandika; Kangle versteht
ätavika. ,Among a forest tribe' paßt auch besser in den Kontext, d.h. in den Vergleich mit
santgha und skandhävara.
4 W. Rüben, Über die Dschungelstämme im Staate Kautalyas. In: Indo-Iranian Journal 1, Leiden
1957, S. 201-228. — Rüben relativiert diese Feststellung jedoch etwas, indem er mit Ganapati
fern"annim m t, es handle sich dabei um ins Heerlager eingedrungene atavis (,Dschungelmänner')
bzw. um Verbündete, die wieder abgesprungen seien.
5 ...[sädbayet]... sämantätavikan bbedadandäbbyäm aparäddhakän | Agnipuräna, ed. Räjendraläla
Mitra, vol. 2. Calcutta 1876.
/Intfrya-B evölkerung im alten Indien
247
chandika als ,pleasure, co m fo rt“) verfügen u n d andere, denen eine solche A usstattung
fehlt (hinachandika), was im m er m an d aru n ter verstehen mag. Jedenfalls sollen A genten
u n te r diesen Jünglingen wegen dieses chandika N eid schüren. Bereits bei den K indern
soll die Saat der Z w ietracht gesät w erden: als L ehrer (äcärya) verkleidete A genten sollen
u n te r ihnen Streitigkeiten wegen vidyä (Wissen), silpa (G eschicklichkeit), dyüta
(Glücksspiel) u n d vaihärika (Vergnügungen) provozieren. Solche K inderstreitigkeiten
w irk ten sich dann sicher auch auf die E ltern aus.
D er im KA so oft erw ähnte avaruddha bzw. aparuddha, der verstoßene P rin z, ist hier
ebenfalls zu finden, und zw ar verstoßen durch die räjasabdins, und dam it o ffenbar aus
dem Kreise derer ausgestoßen, die ,den T itel räjä tragen' (dürfen).
sam ghamukhya und räjä bezeichnen hier verm utlich denselben Personenkreis, näm lich
die A ngehörigen der regierenden A delsgruppe, deren Söhne, samghamukhyaputra bzw .
räjaputra, den Kreis der N achfolger bilden, aus dem man offenbar auch ausgeschlossen
w erden k o n n te 6. A ußerdem m uß es vornehm e Fam ilien gegeben haben, die insgesamt
o der teilw eise im Status und in ih rer ökonom ischen Lage abgesunken w aren. Z u ergän
zen ist, daß die im KA erw äh n ten samghas entw eder von värttä u n d sastra, von
Ö k o n o m ie u n d W affen lebten7, oder — n icht leicht zu in terpretieren — ,vom T itel
räjä'. Es w ird auch erw ähnt, daß der K önig ihnen, nachdem er sie besiegt u n d
umgesiedelt hat, für den A ckerbau geeignetes Land zu r V erfügung stellen solle.
D ie samghas weisen also deutliche soziale D ifferenzierungen auf (doch m an w eiß nicht,
wie ihre W irtschaft fu nktio n ierte, w er letzten Endes die A rbeiten in L andw irtschaft,
Llandw erk u n d H andel besorgte). In ihnen spielte die A bstam m ung von einer h erv o r
ragenden Fam ilie und die Z ugehörigkeit zu ih r eine große Rolle u n d bestim m te den
Status eines Individuum s. Ihre Stärke lag in ihrer G eschlossenheit. Das m achte ihren
N u tz e n aus, w enn ein K önig sie als V erbündete gew innen k o n n te, aber auch ihre
G efährlichkeit als Gegner, gegen die man eben die M aßnahm e der Spaltung (bheda)
anw enden sollte.
W ie steht es n u n m it den atavis? M an kann aus der Em pfehlung des KA, die M ethode
der Spaltung auch auf sie anzuw enden, darauf schließen, daß diese ebenfalls ü b er eine
differenzierte S ozialstruktur verfügten, deren O berschicht von einem Adel gebildet
w urde, dessen M itglieder als räjäs bzw . als den räjäs ebenbürtig galten. Im K A finden
sich Flinweise darauf: 8.4.43 h eißt es: ... svadesasthäh prabbütävikräntäs cätavikäb
prakäsayodbino ''pahartäro hantäras ca desänäm räjasadharmäna iti | Kangle übersetzt:
,... whereas forest tribes, living in th e ir ow n territo ry , are m any in n u m b er and brave,
fight openly, seize and ruin countries, having the same characteristics as a king.'
Räjasadharmänafh) k ö n n te aber auch heißen ,den gleichen dharma wie K önige h ab en d “,
das entspräche auch der Form u lieru n g Jüdrasadharmäna(b)' in KA 3.7. 36-37 m it Bezug
auf die antarälas (WWsch-vamas)-. ,oder sie haben den gleichen dharma wie die Südras,
6 Vgl. dazu J. P. Sbarma, Republics in Ancient India, Leiden 1968, besonders 98 ff. (.Government
and Organization' der Licchavis) u.a.
7 KA 11.1.4: kämbojasurästraksatriyasrenyädayo... Kangle übersetzt ,The Kämbojas, the Surästras,
the Ksatriyas, the Srenis and others...' Das scheint mir vom Inhalt her abwegig zu sein. Ich
schließe mich deshalb Meyers Übersetzung an: ,Die Kriegergenossenschaften (ksatriyasreni) der
Kämboja, Surästra und ähnliche Verbände...' Meines Erachtens markiert ,ksatriyasreni — sreni
hier als Berufsverband aufgefaßt — den Unterschied zum ,ksatnyavarna‘ (Ksatriya-Stand) der
Monarchien.
248
E va R itschl
ausgenom m en die Candälas'11. Z um Vergleich sei auf M anu X,41 hingewiesen: südränäm
tu sadharmänah sarve 'padhvamsajäh smrtäh || .Alle A ngehörigen sozial degradierter
G ruppen (wie die pratilomas) gelten als den gleichen dharma wie die ¿üdras hab en d .“
A uf einen den samghas ähnlichen C h arak ter der sogenannten forest tribes weisen
andere Stellen im KA hin, die ätavika (chieftain) in enger Z usam m enstellung m it
P ersonen nennen, die aus dem U m kreis von K önigen stam m en bzw. A nspruch auf einen
solchen R ang haben. KA 1.10.3 sollen bei einem Test bezüglich der In teg rität der
M inister folgende Personen angeblich anstelle des Königs eingesetzt w erden, w enn dieser
(angeblich) gestürzt w orden ist: ein tatkulina (T h ro n an w ärter aus der Königsfamilie), ein
aparuddha (verstoßener Prinz), ein kulya (A ngehöriger einer vornehm en Fam ilie, Kangle:
der Königsfamilie), ein sämanta (N achbarkönig) und ein ätavika ...! Eine ähnliche
Z usam m enstellung findet sich KA 7.16.7: Ein starker K önig soll bheda herv o rru fen ,
indem er einen von diesen u n terstü tzt: sämanta-ätavika-tatkulina-aparuddha. K A 1.13.
18-19 w ird im Kapitel ,krtyäkrtyapaksaraksanam ‘ (Ü berw achung der bearbeitbaren u n d
der nichtbearbeitbaren Parteien) folgendes em pfohlen: A genten sollen feststellen, w er im
Lande des Königs zufrieden ist u n d w er nicht. D ie U nzufriedenen soll der K önig e n t
w eder durch G eschenke oder Entgegenkom m en für sich gew innen oder u n terein an d er
entzw eien bzw . voneinander tren n en , wie auch von den sämantas, ätavikas, tatkulinas
und aparuddhas.
D as hatte seinen guten G ru n d , d enn U nzufriedene suchten ihre Z u flu ch t oft im W ald
bzw . bei einer der genannten Personen. D o rt k o n n te n sie sich m it G leichgesinnten gegen
den K önig verbünden. So n en n t KA 1.18. 1-12 einen in U ngnade gefallenen P rin zen
(aparuddha), der, w enn er G ru n d hat, seinen Vater zu fürchten, bei einem N ach b ark ö n ig
(sämanta) Z uflucht suchen soll u n d d o rt H eiratsverbindungen m it den T ö ch te rn helden
hafter M änner eingehen sowie Bündnisse m it atavis (atavisambandham) schließen soll.
G efahr d ro h t ständig von sämanta, ätavika, tatkulina und aparuddha9.
D er envähnte apaniddha-P rinz kann sich auch das notw endige G eld durch Ü berfälle
auf K araw anen un d Schiffe (särthayänapäträni) sowie durch anderw eitigen D iebstahl
verschaffen (1.18.9). A uch das hat er m it den atavis gemein, die oft m it D ieben u n d
R äubern zusam m en genannt w erden.
/Itaw -T ru p p en (ätavibala) sind die am w enigsten geschätzte der sechs T ru p p en arten ;
sie sind, w ie die Feindestruppe (amitrabala) auf Beute aus. G ib t es keine Beute oder
besteht eine N o tsitu atio n , sind beide .gefährlich wie Schlangen“. Sie k ö n n en m it
W aldprodukten (kupya) en tlo h n t w erden. G efährlich ist ein atavibala auch dann, w enn
im K önigreich U n ru h e herrscht u n d ein A u fru h r (kopa) zu befürchten ist. A ta v is sind
potentielle V erbündete der U nzufriedenen im Reich (KA 9.2)10.
D ie angeführten Stellen sprechen dafür, daß man u n te r den atavis des KA den samghas
ähnliche A ristokratien zu verstehen hat. Sie unterscheiden sich von den samghas haupt8 KA 3.7.36f: tesäm svayonau vivähah, pürväparagämitvam vrttänuvrttam ca | 36 siulrasadharmäno vä anyatra candälebhyah | 37
9 Vgl. auch KA 12.1.20-21,' 9.6.71 etc.
10 Auf atavi könnte sich vielleicht auch folgende Feststellung des KA zu der schädlichen
W irkung von Glücksspielen beziehen: 8.3.64 heißt es: visesatas ca samghänäm samghadharminäm
ca räjakidcmäm dyütanimitto bhedas tannimitto vinäsa iti. .Besonders bei samghas und bei
Königsfamilien, die dem samghadharma folgen, wird durch Glücksspiele Uneinigkeit verursacht
und dadurch (wiederum) der Untergang.“
/In áry a-B e v o lk e ru n g im alten Indien
249
sächlich darin, daß sie eindeutig Anäryas sind, w obei ,A närya' in diesem Fall sow ohl die
ethnische als auch die sozio-kulturelle Besonderheit bezeichnet. Ein weiteres
C harak teristikum , das ihnen auch den N am en gab, ist ih r Leben in den W äldern.
Beide, samghas u n d atavis, unterscheiden sich v o n den M onarchien in ihrer sozialen
S tru k tu r. D ie M onarchien basieren auf der in vier varnas (Stände) gegliederten
G esellschaft, die samghas un d atavis offensichtlich nicht. Sie unterscheiden sich auch in
der S tru k tu r der H errschaft: In den M onarchien steht an der Spitze der M onarch,
ekaräjä; die Ksatriyas, der Kriegeradel, bilden den zw eiten Stand, w ährend die B rahm anen
den ersten, obersten Stand bilden. D ie Brahm anen sind w esentlich an der Prägung der
G esellschaft beteiligt un d haben auch teil an der R egierung, als M inister, als purohita u.a.
Bei samghas wie auch bei atavis finden w ir die herrschende G ru p p e der A dligen (räjäs
bzw . mukhyas; kann man vielleicht auch vorn herrschenden Stand der Ksatriyas
sprechen?). B rahm anen spielen hier keine oder n u r eine u n tergeordnete Rolle.
Es m uß hier ergänzt w erden, daß das KA sein Interesse v o r allem auf die h o ch en t
w ickelten atavis richtete, aus leicht verständlichen G ründen: sie w aren sow ohl als
V erbündete wie auch als G egner sehr w ichtig für jedes K önigreich. Es ist aber anzu
nehm en, daß der T erm inus a ta v i auch die w eniger entw ickelten Stäm me der AnäyyaB evölkerung bezeichnete, die im K A außer B etrachtung bleiben.
In d er alten E rzählliteratu r w erden atavis o ft erw ähnt. Meist w erden die G efahren
geschildert, die ein A ufstand oder ein Ü berfall der atavis m it sich bringt. P ancatantra
1,22" beginnt m it der Schilderung eines aiaw -A ufstandes in Kosala: Ein W aldhüter
(vanapäla) eilt zum K önig und meldet: sväm in, sarve vipratipanna-ätavikä räjänah | tesäm ca madhye vindhyako näm o ätavikah ... tasya vinayopadese deva eva pram änam |
,H err, alle ätavika-K önige sind ab trü n n ig gew orden, m itten u n te r ihnen ein ätavika m it
N am en V indhyaka. E ine A nw eisung zu dessen D isziplinierung sollte ergehen, o K ö n ig .1
A tavis w erden oft m it R äubern oder D ieben gleichgesetzt oder erscheinen als deren
V erbündete. A ber auch edle ätavikas w erden geschildert — Pulindaka, ein K önig (adhipa)
der Sabaras u nd F reu n d des V atsakönigs U dayana, spielt im K athäsaritsagara eine große
Rolle. Seine Freundschaft m it dem V atsakönig hin d ert P ulindaka aber keineswegs daran,
ab und zu eine K araw ane zu plündern, wie auch seine Sabaras als R äuber (taskara) tätig
sind. M an denke aber daran, daß Ü berfälle auf K araw anen u n d ähnliches auch dem aparucldha-P rinzen aus vorn eh m er Fam ilie em pfohlen w erden.
D ie E rw ähnung der $abaras leitet zu einem anderen A spekt der Beziehungen zw ischen
ärya- u n d dwi>ya-Bevölkerung über: M it der A usdehnung der M onarchien u n d ihrer vom
vam äsram adharm a geprägten Gesellschaft über weite G ebiete N ord in d ien s, begleitet von
der R odung der W älder in der 2. H älfte des 1. Jt. v. C h r., ergaben sich ständig neue
K ontakte m it den verschiedenen G ru p p en der ata-w-Bevölkerung. N u r ein T eil der atavis
w anderte in Rückzugsgebiete ab u n d verw eigerte jede K ontaktaufnahm e. In der Regel
kam es zum allm ählichen A ufbau gegenseitiger Beziehungen und z u r A ngliederung von
G ruppen oder Individuen der atavis an die w rw a-G esellschaft der M onarchien. F ü r die
brahm anischen T h eo retik er des vam äsram adharm a ergab sich n u n die N o tw endigkeit,
diese verschiedenen A näyya-G rappen in ih r Gesellschaftsm odell ein zuordnen. D a sie
noch n icht brahm anisiert w aren, galten sie als A ußenstehende.
11 Pancatantra, Book I: The Lion and the Bull, Tale XXII: King, minister and false monk.
Harvard Oriental Series 11, pp.102-103.
250
Eva R itschl
Niravasitahiti w erden sie v o n Patanjali (zu P änini 2.4.10) genannt, d.h. etw a ,vom
gleichen W ohnplatz ausgeschlossen1 im G egensatz zu den Südras, die als vierter Stand
bereits zu r brahm anischen Ständegesellschaft gehören u n d aniravasita .n ich t ausgeschlos
sen1 genannt w erden. Als niravasita w erden Candäla u n d Mrtapa erw äh n t. Sie gelten bei
Patanjali als eine niedere G ru p p e der Südras. Apapätra w erden sie in den D harm asütras
des Ä pastam ba u n d des B audhäyana genannt — d.h. ihre G efäße sind fü r die Äryas, die
M itglieder der Vier-i«rWi?-Gesellschaft, n icht zu gebrauchen, da rituell u nrein. Das
bedeutet, K ontakte m it ihnen sind w eitgehend einzuschränken. Äpastam ba erw äh n t
Candäla, Paulkasa un d Vaina, u n d er zählt sie offenbar nicht zu den Südras (Ä p.D hS.
II.1.2.6). B audhäyana n en n t Candäla (II.2.4.14) u n d Svapäka (IV.5.5.13). A ntyävasäyin
,am Ende der Siedlung w o h n en d 1 ist der T erm inus, der im D harm asütra des G autam a
fü r diese G ruppen verw endet w ird. Sie entsprechen hier den pratilomas der M isch-varnaT heorie, verm ehrt u m die anulom as von D vija-V ätem un d Südra-M ü ttern . D ie antyävasäyinah sind als pratilomas ,dbarm ahinah\ d.h. sie haben keinen dharm a (G aut.D hS
1.4.20). D er K om m en tato r H arad atta (zu 3.2.1) n en n t sieben N am en — Candäla, Svapäka, Ksatta, Süta, Vaidehaka, Mägadba, Ayogava. V on ihnen gilt der Candäla als
perm anent unrein u n d verunreinigend. In einer Liste von Personen, aus deren H änden
B rahm anen keinerlei Speise annehm en dürfen (2.18.17) w ird ein mrgayu-anisucäri
erw ähnt — ein Jäger, der keine Pfeile verw endet, sondern m it N e tz e n oder Schlingen
dem W ild nachstellt (H aradatta: vägurika). Ein vägurika w ird im K A neben Sabaras,
Pulindas und Candälas genannt (s.u.).
A ntävasäyin, der gleiche T erm inus wie im G aut.D hS, n u r gering verändert, w ird im
KA zur Bezeichnung der M isch-varnas verw endet. D ie pratiloma-M isch-varnas stehen
hier offensichtlich außerhalb der vier varnas. D arauf läßt KA 3.18.7 (väkpärusya)
schließen, w o antävasäyinah an fü n fter P o sitio n nach den vier varnas aufgezählt
w erden12. A ußer in der M isch-rarwa-Beschreibung w erden im KA Candälas u n d Svapäkas erw ähnt, und zw ar als un rein u n d sehr niedrig stehend (deutlich u n te r den Südras
— z.B. soll ein Südra als Strafe zum ,Svapäka-sein1 (svapäkatvam) veru rteilt w erden). KA
2.1.6 {janapadanivesa) sollen vägurika-sabara-pulinda-candäla-aranyacarä die G ebiete
zw ischen den G renzbefestigungen schützen. M öglicherweise w aren diese G ru p p en hier
noch unabhängig, standen aber bereits in K o n ta k t m it den M onarchien.
D iese G ruppen w urden also zu pratilomas erklärt, d.h. zu Misch.-varnas, entstanden
aus V erm ischungen zw ischen den varnas, bei denen die M ü tter einem h ö h eren Stand
angehörten als die V äter, was als besonders verw erflich galt. Sie w urden entw eder als
niedrige Südras oder als eine Schicht noch u n te r den Südras angesehen. W ährend die
Südras als regulärer Bestandteil der Vier-twrwa-Gesellschaft anerk an n t w aren, fü r die der
vam äsram adharm a galt, u n d die dam it, so im K A, zu r y -i^ -B ev ö lk eru n g eines solchen
Staates gezählt w urden, rechnete m an alle pratilomas zu den Mlecchas, Barbaren, die
außerhalb des vam äsram adharm a stehen (ebenso die anulomas von Südra-M üttern). H ie r
steh t n icht der ethnische G egensatz im V ordergrund (denn die Südras sind ja zum
größten Teil ebenfalls Anäryas im ethnischen Sinn), sondern der G egensatz liegt im
sozialen und kulturellen Bereich. D ie Südras sind bereits fest in die Gesellschaft der
K önigreiche integriert, ein Z ustand, den die neu H in zu k o m m en d en erst später erreich
12 Vgl. auch KA 4.13.34.
Anarya-Bevölkerung im alten Indien
251
ten, w obei viele von ihnen, die Candälas, Svapäkas, Paulkasas (die Pukkasas der bu d d h i
stischen Texte) u n d andere n u r den Status der U n b erü h rb aren erlangten. D as mag daran
gelegen haben, daß diese G ru p p en von einem besonders niedrigen E ntw icklungsniveau
her kam en. V ielleicht fehlte ihnen auch die Eignung zum K riegerhandw erk, d u rch die
sich andere G ru p p en (z.B. die Nisädas, die Bbillas) nachhaltigen R espekt zu verschaffen
w ußten.
D och die E rinnerung an die « iim -A risto k ratien , die einstm als w esentliche V ertreter
der A närya-B evölkerung w aren, schim m ert auch noch später in den T exten auf, als
bereits die K lassifizierung der A n ä tya -G ruppen als M isch-vam as im V ordergrund stand.
Liest m an die Misch-wrvM-Listen in den verschiedenen T exten, so fällt auf, daß viele
dieser M isch-vam as angeblich von Ksatriya-^lüxxe.vn. oder auch von Ksatriya-V'itern
abstam m en15. M anusm rti X, 43-44 erk lärt Paundrakas, Odras, Draviclas, Kämbojas,
Yavanas, Sakas, Päradas, Pablavas, Cinas, Kirätas, Daradas und Khasas für ehemalige
Ksatriyas (ksatriyajätayah ), die auf niedrigen Rang abgesunken sind (vrsalatvam gatäb)
infolge der allm ählichen V ernachlässigung der R iten und des m angelnden K o ntaktes m it
B rahm anen. D ies erinnert auch an die V erfluchung der fünfzig älteren Söhne V isvam itras
durch ih ren V ater im A itareya B rähm ana (33.6) — sie w urden zu Andhras, Pundras,
Sabaras, Pulindas und Mütibas — u n d h atten ebensolche N achkom m m en. Alle w erden
als dasyus bezeichnet — außerhalb des varnäsramadharma stehende niedrige G ruppen.
Dasyu n e n n t auch M anusm rti X.45 alle, die sich außerhalb der V ier-w r/w -G esellschaft
befinden ,ob sie Mleccha- oder ärya-Sprache sprechen.1
D er T erm in u s Mleccha bezeichnet, wie bereits erw ähnt, alle, die außerhalb der VierTOmM-Gesellschaft stehen bzw . den varnäsramadharma nicht k e n n en 14. Sie stehen im
G egensatz z u r brahm anischen Zivilisation und gelten als Barbaren. A ber im Laufe der
G eschichte verschoben sich die G renzen Aryävartas, neue V ölker kam en in Sicht, ältere
verschw anden oder w urden assim iliert — dam it änderte sich der Bestand an Mlecchas.
D eshalb ist es nötig, für jeden T ext den In h alt des Begriffes neu zu u ntersuchen, will
m an w issen, w elche V ölker bzw . G ru p p en in diesem als Barbaren angesehen w erden.
Eines jedoch scheint sicher zu sein: Mleccha bezeichnet in ethnischer H in sich t nicht
allein Anäryas, sondern auch Äryas, w enn diese der brahm anischen Z ivilisation fremd
gegenüberstanden. Mleccha bezeichnet in erster Linie eine soziale u n d kulturelle
V erschiedenheit: dies kann m it einer ethnischen V erschiedenheit verbunden sein, m uß
aber nicht. D am it hat der T erm inus Mleccha eine ganz ähnliche F u n k tio n wie der
T erm inus Ä rya — beide beziehen sich auf die Ferne oder auf die N ähe zu r brahm a
nischen V ier-ârna-G esellschaft, die auf der A nerk en n u n g des varnäsramadharma b eruht.
13 Einen Überblick über die entsprechenden Textstellen gibt P. V. Kane, History of Dharmasästra
1 (Poona 1968), 57 ff.
14 Vgl. die klassische Formulierung in der Visnusmrti: cäturvarnyavyavasthänam yasmin dese na
vidyate | sa mlecchadeso vijneya aryävartas tatah parah |[ 84.4 (Visnusmrti, ed. by /. Jolly,
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series 95, Varanasi 1962).
W ortregister
Sanskrit unbezeichnet ------ maith. M aithilï------nep. Nepalï
------pkt. P ra k rit------- râj. Râjasthânï ------tel. Telugu
aksaväpa 45
agrahära 72
añga 12, 220
atavi 245ff.
atavibala 248
adharma 102
anärya 245ff.
anujänämi (pâli) 58
anuloma 250
antyävasäyin 250
apapätra 250
aparuddha 247ff.
abhikrosa 45
abhisecaniya 39
amätya 116, 213, 240
amäni (tel.) 75
amitra 213
avaruddha 247ff.
avalokika 117
asvatantra (Frau) 203
ahamsrestha 38, 46
ätavika 245ff., 248
ätmaraksana, °raksa 233f.
ätharvängirasa 41
äyuktaka 112
ärya 36, 245ff.
— : südra 43
äväpa 225
istadevatä 89,
— als Familiengottheit 87
ugra 45, 47
udrañga 114f.
upanidhi 129f.
uparika 116
upädhyäya 167
ubhayakulälamkärabhütä (Frau) 204
rtá 59
e Abkürzung von etad 167
ekapätra 246
ekaräjan 46
kammavâcâ (pâli) 56
kara 231
karmavâcanâ 56
karsana 218, 222
kasubâ (tel.) 91
kàyavrata 3
kâyastha 91
kâru 46
kârpatika 3
kaiphïyat (tel.) 91
kumâraka 246
kumârâmâtya 115
kula 46
kotâru, kotâramu (tel.) 97
kottimcu (tel.) 71
kothâru (tel.) 87
kota (tel.) 91
kosa 213
krayapattra, “lekhya 184
ksattr 45
ksatriyavarna 247
ksatriyasreni 247
gana 22
ganasamgha 22
ganikà 206
gup Wzl. 219
grhinl 201
gotra 46
govikarttr 45
govyaccha 45
grâmanï 45f.
grâmin 39
caukadikâ 3
caturjàtaka 3
caritas 239
càta 113
câdya 165
câra 47
cïraka 183
coroddharanika 116
chandika 247
25 4
chámu citâu (tel.) 92
jana 46
janata 46
janapada 18, 20ff., 213, 227
jati 18
janapada 183
thânâ (tel.) 77
taksan 45
tatkulína 248
tantra 225
tap(p)á (maith.) 162
tâlükâ (tel.) 77
thânâ (tel.) 77
thullaccaya (pâli) 57
danda 12, 213, 217, 246
damdu (tel.) 71
dándapásika 113, 115
daña 125ff„ 217
dâvâpita 186
dásapattra 183
divirapati 118
diksita 39
dukkata (pâli) 57
durga 213
düta, dütaka 45, 117
deva
— : asura 43
devadàsï 205f.
desâcâra 184
dauvárika 3
drañga 114
dravyaprakrti 213, 221
dráñgika 113ff.
dhamma (pkt.) 7f.
dhammakamma (pâli) 61
dhammavinaya (pâli) 61
dharma 12, 97ff., 102, 226
— and différent dharmas 8f.
dharmarája 217
dharmàdhikâra 148
dhânuska 179
dhânya 115
dhruvasthâna 113f.
dhruvasthânâdhikaranika 113f.
dhruvâdhikaranika 114
nâtu (nâclu) (tamil) 11, 17
nikâya (pâli) 61
niksepa 125ff.
W o rtreg ister
paripanthin 235
pariskanda 45
páW zl. 219
pádi (ráj.) 2
palana 218
pálágala 45
páscáttya 169, 172
pisuna 45, 47
pídana 218, 221
purohita 45
pürvóttaramulu (tel.) 92
paikár (maith.) 174
pracára 172
pratiloma 250
pratisáraka 116
pratyenas 45
pravrájita 206
prasastis 83, 237ff.
phitürí (tel.) 77
phelana 166
bali 37, 46
brahmán 41
bhata 2, 113
bhattaputra 3
bharanapattra 176
bhartr/bhárya 37
bhagadugha 45
bhümicchidranyaya 118
bheda 217, 246ff.
bhedimpa céyu (tel.) 71
bhogoddharanika 116
bhrátrvya 46
makim (tel.) 77
mandala und mandala-Theorie 211 ff.
— Typen 215, 221
mandalacarita 214, 225
mandalídrañga 114f.
mamtrisámamtulu (tel.) 91
mamtrudu (tel.) 91
mahattara 113
mahákárttakrtika 240f.
maháksapatalika 241
mahájana 3
mahájanapada 20ff.
mahádandanáyaka 240f.
mahápátra (tel.) 91
mahámantri 241
mahásandhivigrahika 240f.
mányamu (tel.) 82
mukatapatra (nep., ^muktipatra) 136
mleccha 246ff.
mlecchades'a 245
W o rtreg ister
yajamána 39
yogaksema 219
raks Wzl. 219
raksátmabharana0 179
rathakára 45
rajakantaka 235
rájakíya 183
rajaguru 91
rájadharma 242
rajan (rija) 22, 31ff., 39, 247
rájaputra 116, 240
rájaprakrti 214, 229f.
rájamandala 213, 219 (bei Manu)
rájarájanaka 240
rájasabdin 247
rájasásana 99
rájasthánlya 115
raja
rajan
rájya 46
ránaka 3, 240
255
sivärika 174
sista 106
sistäcära 105
saulkika 116
sramanä 206
sri° als Präfix von Namen 179
sreni 247
sresthin 3
iekhaka 118
laukika 183
vamsavali 83
vanijjáraka 3
vartmadanda 117
vartmapala 117
vádaii (ráj.) 2
vádá (ráj.) 2
vasu (ráj.) 2
vijigisu 212ff., 217, 229
vinaya (pali) 61
viniyuktaka 112f.
viyohálasamatá 8
visayapati 116
visti 115
vesyá 205
vyavahára 6, 97ff.
vratya 43f.
sanihitä 41
samgrahltr 45
samgha 245ff.
sanrghamukhya 247
samghavrtta 245f.
sat° als Präfix von Namen 167
satl 201 ff.
sadupädhyäya 167
saptäriga(räjya) 213
sam Abkürzung von sambhüta 173
sambhujyamäna 169, 172
sammata, d.h. samvat 163
saväl (nep.) 137
savya paracu (tel.) 71
säma 217
sämanta 213, 235, 241, 246
sämamtudu (tel.) 91
simä (päli) 59ff.
siravähaka 182
süta 45
senäni 45
stridhana 207f.
sthapati 45
sthala mähätmiyulu (tel.) 92
sthiti 4
spas 47
sphetana 166
svadharma 100
svayamvara 200
svämin 213
sasana 183
sivakañka 174
hastyasvaroha 117
hiranya 115
Sachregister
Agni Vaisvänara als Kulturheros 38
Archaisierung
— Kleidung 41
— Ritualgerät 41
— Sprache 41 ff.
Arthasästra 22, 53, 211 ff., 245ff.
Aryas und Anäryas 245ff.
äsrama-System 103
Astädhyäyi 22
Asvamedha 37
Autonomie innerhalb des Staats lff., 15ff.
Beamte
— Hierarchie 240f.
Beamtenapparat 25, 91
Besteuerung 24f., 37
Bevölkerungsstruktur 245ff.
Brahmanen
— und ihre Dörfer 242
— Privilegien 241
Brauch 97ff.
Buddhismus: Ordensrecht 53ff.
Chroniken (vamsivalis) 65ff.
Deposita 125ff.
Dokumente
— Ausfertigungsgebühr 185
— Bestätigungsvermerk 185
— Datierung 184
— Typen 109, 183
— zu Schenkungen 125ff.
— Schreiber 184
— zu Sklaverei 159ff.
— Zeugen 187
Einwanderungslegenden 80, 83ff.
Formeln 77, 79, lllff., 117ff., 181
— für Schenkungen 126f.
Frau im klassischen Indien
— Idealbild in der Gupta-Zeit 196, 198f.
— ohne Besitzrecht an Land 207
— Rechte von Frauen 195ff.
— als Regentinnen 203f., 206
— Stellung in Indien
195ff., Forschungs
geschichte 195ff.
Genealogien 239
Gerichtsbarkeit 25
‘Halbstaaten’ -> semi-states
Harsacarita 239
Hauptstädte: Verlagerungen 90
Heiraten 87
— Witwenheirat 201
LIeld : Haushalter: Idealbild 198
Herrschaft
— Legitimierung 217, 240, durch Legenden
— rituelle gegen politische 238
s.a. Königsherrschaft
Hetären 205
Janamejaya Päriksita 48
jayapattras 109
Kämandaklyanltisära 221ff.
Kasten 36
Kaurava 3lff.
Khandhaka 56
‘Kleine’ Reiche 24f., 65ff.
König
— Epithete 171
Königreiche
— Zentrum und Randgebiete 237ff.
Königtum
— Legitimation 217
— Leitbilder 65ff.
— rituell inszeniert 18, 65f.
Kriege 37
Ksatriyas 249
Kuntäpa-Hymnen 33
Kupferplatten 237ff,
— Aufbau 239
— Formalismus lllff,, 237
— Formeln lllff., 117ff.
— Funktion 238
— Zeugen 240
Kuru 3lff.
— : Pancäla 44
Kuruksetra 32
Laksmana-Ara 159ff.
Landschenkungen 125ff.
-» Kupferplatten
Lekhapaddhati 186
Levirat 201
Likhanävali 159f., 181 f.
S achregister
Mahäbhärata 22, 150f.
Mänavadharmasästra 53, 130f., 148f., 217i.
Megasthenes 50
Mimämsaka 107
Mischkasten 250f.
Mutterschaft 203
Näradasmrti 99, 103, 130, 148ff.
Nisäda 33, 48
nltinibandhas 230
Nitisära 221
NItisästra 21 lff.
Nitiväkyämrta 225ff.
N onnen 206
Oligarchien 245ff.
Paläographie: sinnlose r 177
Pancäla 31 ff.
Pantheon: Entwicklungen 87, 89
Pariksit 33
Partikularrechte 16ff., 53ff.
Pätimokkha, Prätimoksa 55f.
Priestergruppen 38
Räjanltiratnäkara 23lf.
Räjatararigini 239
Rajputenstaaten 25
Rämacarita 239
Rechtsbücher
— apokryphe 97ff.
— Realität 97ff., 148
Rechtsquellen
— im Nepal des 18. Jh.
257
— Flucht von Sklaven 163
— in Tirhut 159ff.
smrtis 97ff., 104
Staat
— Außenpolitik 21 lff.
— Funktionen auf niedere Ebenen übertragen
lff.
— und Recht 12
‘Staatenkreis’ 21 lff.
Staatsgewalt 9f.
— und Autonome Einheiten lff. 15ff.
Staatslehre: Quellen 21 lff.
Staatsstruktur
— der Maitrakas von Valabhi 11 lff.
Staatssystem
— im indischen Mittelalter 67f.
Stämme 25, 245ff.
state society 1
Stiftungen 126ff.
— von Frauen 207
Stridharmapaddhati 206
¿üdras 36
Tekkali(patnam) 69ff.
— Geschichte 70ff.
— Herrscher 70ff.; deren Ursprungslegenden
70ff.
Tekkali-tälükä Jamimdärla Vamsävali 65ff.
— Stil 77
— Vokabular 75f.
Tribut 37, 46
Unreinheit nach Tod eines Verwandten 147
147
Sanskritisierung 27ff., 36ff., 51, 76, 102
Satl 202
segmentary state 17
semi-states 17
Siegel 132, 203
Siväjt 102
Sklaven
— Alter und Kaste 181
— Aufgaben und Funktionen 182
— Kinder von Sklaven 181
— Typen 148ff., 181f.
Sklaverei
— in Nepal 135ff.
— Nepalische Quellen: Übersicht 135ff.
— Entwicklung des nepalischen Rechts 135ff.
Vedische Literatur
— Dialekte 48
— Periodisierung 28ff.
Verbände 16ff., 245ff.
Verkauf von Kindern 141, 143
Verpfändung von Kindern 142
Verwaltung
— Dorfebene 4f.
Vikramänkadevacarita 239
Vinayapitaka 54ff.
Vinayavastu 56
Vinayavibhanga 55
Witwen 202
— Witwenheirat 201
Yäjnavalkyasmrti 220
Zentrum, rituelles 16ff.
Schriften des H istorischen Kollegs: Kolloquien
1 Heinrich Lutz. (Hrsg.): Das röm isch-deutsche Reich im politischen System
Karls V., 1982, XII, 288 S. ISBN 3-486-51371-0
2 Otto Pflanze (Hrsg.): Innenpolitische Probleme des Bismarck-Reiches, 1983, XII,
304 S.'ISB N 3-486-51481-4
3 H ans Conrad P eyer (Hrsg.): G astfreundschaft, Taverne und G asthaus im Mittelalter, 1983, XIV, 275 S. ISBN 3-486-51661 -2
vergriffen
4 Eberhard Weis (Hrsg.): Reform en im rheinbündischen Deutschland, 1984, XVI,
310 S. ISBN 3-486-51671 -X
5 H einz Angerm eier (Hrsg.): Säkulare Aspekte der Reform ationszeit, 1983, XII,
278 S. ISBN 3-486-51841-0
6 G erald D. Feldman (Hrsg.): Die Nachwirkungen der Inflation auf die deutsche
Geschichte 1924-1933, 1985, XII, 407 S.
vergriffen
7 Jürgen Kocka (Hrsg.): Arbeiter und Bürger im 19. Jahrhundert. Varianten ihres
Verhältnisses im europäischen Vergleich, 1986, XVI, 342 S.
vergriffen
8 K onradR epgen (Hrsg.): Krieg und Politik ] 61 8 -16 4 8 . Europäische Problem e und
Perspektiven, 1988, XII, 4 5 4 's. ISBN 3-486-53761-X
9 Antoni M gczak (Hrsg.): K lientelsystem e im Europa der Frühen Neuzeit, 1988, X,
386 S. ISBN 3-486-54021-1
10 Eberhard Kolb (Hrsg.): Europa vor dem Krieg von 1870. M ächtekonstellation K onfliktfelder- Kriegsausbruch, 1987, XII, 216 S. ISBN 3-486-54121-8
11 H elm ut Georg Koenigsherger (Hrsg.): Republiken und Republikanism us im
Europa der Frühen Neuzeit, 1988, XII, 323 S. ISBN 3-486-54341-5
12 Winfried Schulze (Hrsg.): Ständische G esellschaft und soziale M obilität, 1988, X,
416 S. ISBN 3-486-54351-2
13 Johanne Autenrieth (Hrsg.): Renaissance- und Humanistenhandschriften, 1988,
XII, 214 S. mit Abbildungen. ISBN 3-486-54511-6
14 Ernst Schulin (Hrsg.): D eutsche G eschichtsw issenschaft nach dem Zweiten W elt
krieg (1945-1965), 1989, XI, 303 S. ISBN 3-486-54831-X
15 Wilfried Barner (Hrsg.): Tradition, Norm, Innovation. Soziales und literarisches
Traditionsverhalten in der Frühzeit der deutschen Aufklärung, 1989, XXV, 370 S.
ISBN 3-486-54771-2
16 Hartmitt Boockmann (Hrsg.): Die Anfänge der ständischen Vertretungen in Preu
ßen und seinen N achbarländern, 1992, X^ 264 S. ISBN 3-486-55840-4
17 John C. G. Röhl (Hrsg.): Der Ort Kaiser W ilhelms II. in der deutschen Geschichte,
1991, XIII, 366 S. ISBN 3-486-55841-2
vergriffen
18 Gerhard A. R itter (Hrsg.): Der Aufstieg der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung. Sozial
dem okratie und Freie Gewerkschaften im Parteiensystem und Sozialm ilieu des
Kaiserreichs, 1990, XXI, 461 S. ISBN 3-486-55641-X
19 Roger D ufraisse (Hrsg.): Revolution und Gegenrevolution 1789-1830. Zur gei
stigen Auseinandersetzung in Frankreich und Deutschland, 1991, XVIII, 274 S.
ISBN 3-486-55844-7
20 Klaus .Schreiner (Hrsg.): Laienfröm m igkeit im späten Mittelalter. Formen, Funk
tionen, politisch-soziale Zusam m enhänge, 1992. XII, 411 S, ISBN 3-486-55902-8
21 Jürgen M iethke (Hrsg.): Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert,
1992, IX, 301 S. ISBN 3-486-55898-6
22 D ieter Simon (Hrsg.): Eherecht und Fam iliengut in Antike und Mittelalter, 1992,
IX, 168 S. ISBN 3-486-55885-4
23 Volker Press (Hrsg.): Alternativen zur Reichsverfassung in der Frühen Neuzeit?
(mit Beiträgen von H. Carl, H. Duchhardt, G. Hang-M oritz, A. Gotthard, H. Lan
ger, M, Lanzinner, P. Moraw, M. Mout, J. Pänek, A. Schindling, G. Schmidt,
P. Stadler, D. Stieverm ann, G. Vogler) 1995, XII, 254 S. ISBN 3-486-56035-2
24 K urt Raaflaub (Hrsg.): Anfänge politischen Denkens in der Antike. G riechenland
und die nahöstlichen Kulturen, 1993, XXIV. 454 S. ISBN 3-486-55993-1
25 Shulam it Volkov (Hrsg.): Deutsche Juden und die Moderne (mit Beiträgen von
A. Barkai, H.-P. Bayerdörfer, U. Frevert, A, Funkenstein, A. Herzig, M. A. Ka
plan, R. Katz, G. Schram m, D. Sorkin, S. Volkov, A. S. Zuckerm an) 1994, XXIV,
170 S. ISBN 3-486-56029-8
26 Heinrich A. Winkler (Hrsg.): Die deutsche Staatskrise 1930-1933. H andlungs
spielräum e und Alternativen, 1992, XIII, 296 S. ISBN 3-486-55943-5
27 Johannes Fried (Hrsg.): Dialektik und Rhetorik im früheren und hohen Mittelalter.
R ezeption, Ü berlieferung und gesellschaftliche W irkung antiker G elehrsamkeit
vornehm lich im 9. und 12. Jahrhundert (mit Beiträgen von J. Van Engen, J. Fried,
W. Hartmann, F. Kerff, L. Kuchenbuch, C. Leonardi, D. E, Luscombe, J. M aren
bon, P. von M oos, G .O tte, G .Schrim pf) 1997, XXI, 304 S. ISBN 3-486-56028-X
28 Paolo Prodi (Hrsg.): Glaube und Eid. Treueformeln, Glaubensbekenntnisse und
Sozialdisziplinierung zwischen M ittelalter und Neuzeit, 1993, XXX, 246 S.
ISBN 3-486-55994-X
29 Ludwig Schmugge (Hrsg.): Illegitim ität im Spätm ittelalter (mit Beiträgen von
K. Borchardt, N, Bulst, F. R. A znar Gil, M. Haren, C. Hesse, H.-J. HoffmannNowotny, P. Landau, F. Rapp, K. Schreiner, C. Schuchard, K. Schulz, B. Schwarz,
M. M. Sheehan, F. Tamburini, G. W ieland, D. W illoweit) 1994, X, 314 S.
ISBN 3-486-56069-1
30 Bernhard Kölver (Hrsg.): Recht, Staat und Verwaltung im klassischen Indien (mit
Beiträgen von H. Bechert, G. Berkemer, B. Chattopadhyaya, Ch. Gupta, B. Kölver,
H. Kulke, R. W. Lariviere, M. Njam m asch, B. R. Pant, M. R. Pant, E. Rischl,
M. Schetelich, B. Stein, M. Witzei) 1997, XIX, 257 S. ISBN 3-486-56193-6
31 Elisabeth Fehrenbach (Hrsg.): Adel und Bürgertum in Deutschland 1770-1848
(mit Beiträgen von H. Berghoff, H. Brandt, L. Gail, E. Keil, D. Langewiesche,
H. Möller, S. Paletschek, T. Pierenkemper, H. Reif, W. Siemann, E. Treichel,
H.-P. Ullmann, B. Wunder) 1994, XVI, 251 S. ISBN 3-486-56027-1
32 Robert E. L em er (Hrsg.): Neue Richtungen in der hoch- und spätm ittelalterlichen
Bibelexegese (mit Beiträgen von R. Berndt, D. Burr, G. Dahan, J. Van Engen, R. E.
Lemer, D. Luscombe, Chr. Meier, A. J. Minnis, G. L. Potestä, S. Schmolinsky,
L. Smith) 1996, 191 S. ISBN 3-486-56083-2
33 Klaus H ildebrand (Hrsg.): Das Deutsche Reich im Urteil der Großen Mächte und
europäischen Nachbarn (1871-1945) (mit Beiträgen von P. Alter, W. Altgeld,
H. Altrichter, J. Bariety, K. H ildebrand, E. Hösch, H. James, D. Junker, J. Koralka,
H. Lemberg, K. Pabst, H. Rumpler, N. Runeby, P. Stadler) 1995, X, 232 S.
ISBN 3-486-56084-0
34 Wolfgang J. M ommsen (Hrsg.): K ultur und Krieg. Die Rolle der Intellektuellen,
Künstler und Schriftsteller im Ersten Weltkrieg (mit Beiträgen von Th. Anz,
H. Börsch-Supan, Chr. Cornelißen, W. G ephart, G. Häntzschel, G. Hübinger,
H. Joas, E. Koester, G. Krumeich, F. Lenger, Chr. Lenz, St. Meineke, W. J. M om m
sen, P. Paret, D. Schubert, A. Schum ann, J. Segal, P. Watier) 1995, X, 282 S.
ISBN 3-486-56085-9
35 Peter Krüger (Hrsg.): Das europäische Staatensystem im Wandel. Strukturelle
Bedingungen und bewegende Kräfte seit der Frühen Neuzeit (mit Beiträgen von
J.B erenger, W. von Bredow, A. Doering-M anteuffel, H. Duchhardt, H. Th. Graf,
W. D. Grüner, H. H. Hahn, L. H erbst, P. Krüger, J. Kunisch, H. Lemberg,
K. Malettke, E. Nolte, H.-J. Rupieper, P. Schroeder, K. Zernack) 1996, XVI,
272 S. ISBN 3-486-56171-5
36 Peter Blickle (Hrsg.): Theorien kom m unaler Ordnung in Europa (mit Beiträgen
von A. Black, P. Blickle, L. Gail, H. Maier, H. Nader, W. Nippel, O. G. Oexle,
H. R. Schmidt, K. Schreiner, J. Tracy, M. Walther, J. W eitzel) 1996, 268 S.
ISBN 3-486-56192-8
37 Hans Eberhard M ayer (Hrsg.): Einw anderer und M inderheiten. Die K reuzfahrer
staaten als multikulturelle G esellschaft (mit Beiträgen von G. Dedeyan, P. W.
Edbury, M.-L. Favreau-Lilie, B. H am ilton, R. Hiestand, D. Jacoby, B. Z. Kedar,
N. Kenaan-Kedar, H. E. Mayer, J. Richard, J. Riley-Smith) 1997, X, ca. 175 S.
ISBN 3-486-56257-6
38 Manlio Bellomo (Hrsg.): Die Kunst der Disputation in der europäischen R echts
geschichte (13.-14. Jahrhundert) (in Vorbereitung)
39 Frantisek Sm ahel (Hrsg.): Häresie und vorzeitige Reformation im Spätm ittelalter
(in Vorbereitung)
40 Alfred Haverkamp (Hrsg.): Formen der Information, Kommunikation. Selbstdar
stellung in den mittelalterlichen G em einden D eutschlands und Italiens (in Vor
bereitung)
41 Knut Schulz (Hrsg.), Verflechtungen des europäischen Handwerks vom 14. bis
zum 16. Jahrhundert (in Vorbereitung)
42 Werner Eck (Hrsg.), Lokale A utonom ie und römische Ordnungsm acht in den kai
serzeitlichen Provinzen vom 1. bis 3. Jahrhundert (in Vorbereitung)
43 M anfred H ildermeier (Hrsg.), Stalinism us vor dem Zweiten W eltkrieg (in Vorbe
reitung)
Sonderpublikation
H orst Fuhrmann (Hrsg.): Die Kaulbach-Villa als Haus des Historischen Kollegs.
Reden und wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Eröffnung, 1989, XII, 232 S. ISBN
3-486-55611-8
Schriften des H istorischen Kollegs: Vorträge
1 Heinrich Lutz: Die deutsche Nation zu Beginn der Neuzeit. Fragen nach dem
Gelingen und Scheitern deutscher Einheit im 16. Jahrhundert, 1982, IV, 3 1 S.
vergriffen
2 Otto Pflanze: Bismarcks H errschaftstechnik als Problem der gegenw ärtigen
H istoriographie, 1982, IV, 39 S.
vergriffen
3 Hans Conrad Peyer: G astfreundschaft und komm erzielle Gastlichkeit im
Mittelalter, 1983' IV, 24 S.
vergriffen
4 Eberhard Weis: Bayern lind Frankreich in der Zeit des Konsulats und des ersten
Empire (1799-1815), 1984,41 S.
vergriffen
5 Heinz Angerm eier: Reichsreform und Reform ation, 1983, IV, 76 S.
vergriffen
6 G erald D. Feldman: Bayern und Sachsen in der Hyperinflation 1922/23, 1984,
IV, 41 S.
7 Erich Angerm ann: A braham Lincoln und die Erneuerung der nationalen Identität
der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, 1984, IV, 33 S.
8 Jürgen Kocka: Traditionsbindung und Klassenbildung. Zum sozialhistorischen
Ort der frühen deutschen A rbeiterbew egung, 1987, 48 S.
9 Konrad Repgen: K riegslegitim ationen in Alteuropa. E ntw urf einer historischen
Typologie, 1985, 27 sT
vergriffen
10 Antoni Mgczak: Der Staat als Unternehm en. Adel und Am tsträger in Polen und
Europa in der Frühen Neuzeit, 1989, 32 S.
11 Eberhard Kolb: Der schwierige Weg zum Frieden. Das Problem der K riegs
beendigung 1870/71. 1985, 33 S.
vergriffen
12 H elm ut Georg Koenigsberger: Fürst und G eneralstände. M aximilian I. in den
Niederlanden (1477-1493), 1987, 27 S.
vergriffen
13 Winfried Schulze: Vom G em einnutz zum Eigennutz. Ü ber den Norm enw andel in
der ständischen Gesellschaft der Frühen Neuzeit, 1987, 40 S.
vergriffen
14 Johanne Autenrieth: „Litterae V irgilianae“ . Vom Fortleben einer röm ischen
Schrift, 1988,51 S.
15 Tilemann Grimm: Blickpunkte auf Südostasien. Historische und kulturanthropo
logische Fragen zur Politik, 1988, 37 S.
16 Ernst Schulin: G eschichtsw issenschaft in unserem Jahrhundert. Problem e und
Umrisse einer Geschichte der Historie, 1988, 34 S.
17 Hartmut Boockmann: G eschäfte und Geschäftigkeit auf dem Reichstag im späten
Mittelalter, 1988, 33 S.
" vergriffen
18 Wilfried Barner: Literaturwissenschaft - eine G eschichtsw issenschaft? 1990,
42 S.
19 John C.G. Röhl: Kaiser W ilhelm II. Eine Studie Uber Cäsarenwahnsinn, 1989,
36 S.
vergriffen
20 Klaus Schreiner: M önchsein in der A delsgesellschaft des hohen und späten
M ittelalters. Klösterliche G em einschaftsbildung zwischen spiritueller Selbst
behauptung und sozialer Anpassung, 1989, 68 S.
21 Roger Dufraisse: Die Deutschen und Napoleon im 20. Jahrhundert, 1991, 43 S.
22 Gerhard A. R itter: Die Sozialdem okratie im Deutschen Kaiserreich in sozial
geschichtlicher Perspektive, 1989, 72 S.
23 Jürgen Mietlike: Die mittelalterlichen Universitäten und das gesprochene Wort,
1990, 48 S.
24 D ieter Simon: Lob des Eunuchen, 1994, 27 S.
25 Thomas Vogtherr: Der König und der Heilige. Heinrich IV., der heilige Remaklus
und die M önche des D oppelklosters Stablo-M almedy, 1990, 29 S.
26 Johannes Schilling: Gewesene M önche. Lebensgeschichten in der Reformation,
1990, 36 S.
27 Kurt Raaflaub: Politisches Denken und Krise der Polis. Athen im Verfassungs
konflikt des späten 5. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., 1992, 63 S.
28 Volker Press: Altes Reich und D eutscher Bund. Kontinuität in der Diskontinuität,
1995, 31 S.
29 Shulam it Volkov: Die Erfindung einer Tradition. Zur Entstehung des modernen
Judentum s in Deutschland, 1992, 30 S.
30 Franz Bauer: Gehalt und Gestalt in der M onum entalsymbolik. Zur Ikonologie des
Nationalstaats in Deutschland und Italien 1860-1914, 1992, 39 S.
3 1 Heinrich A. Winkler: Mußte Weimar scheitern? Das Ende der ersten Republik und
die Kontinuität der deutschen G eschichte, 1991, 32 S.
32 Johannes Fried: Kunst und Kommerz. Uber das Zusam m enwirken von W issen
schaft und W irtschaft im M ittelalter vornehm lich am Beispiel der Kaufleute und
Handelsm essen, 1992, 40 S.
33 Paolo Prodi: Der Eid in der europäischen Verfassungsgeschichte, 1992, 35 S.
34 Jean-M arie Moeglin: Dynastisches Bewußtsein und Geschichtsschreibung. Zum
Selbstverständnis der W ittelsbacher, Habsburger und Hohenzollern im Spätm ittel
alter, 1993, 47 S.
35 Bernhard Kölver: Ritual und historischer Raum. Zum indischen G eschichtsver
ständnis, 1993, 65 S.
36 Elisabeth Fehrenbach: Adel und Bürgertum im deutschen Vormärz, 1994, 31 S.
37 Ludwig Schmugge: Schleichwege zu Pfründe und Altar. Päpstliche Dispense vom
Geburtsm akel 1449-1533, 1994, 35 S.
38 Hans-W erner Hahn; Zwischen Fortschritt und Krisen. Die vierziger Jahre des
19. Jahrhunderts als D urchbruchsphase der deutschen Industrialisierung, 1995,
47 S.
39 Robert E. L em er: H im m elsvision oder Sinnendelirium ? Franziskaner und Pro
fessoren als Traum deuter im Paris des 13. Jahrhunderts, 1995, 35 S.
40 Andreas Schulz: W eltbürger und Geldaristokraten. Hanseatisches Bürgertum im
19. Jahrhundert, 1995, 38 S.
41 Wolfgang J. Mommsen: Die H erausforderung der bürgerlichen Kultur durch die
künstlerische Avantgarde. Zum Verhältnis von Kultur und Politik im W ilhelm ini
schen Deutschland, 1994, 30 S.
42 Klaus Hildebrand: Reich - G roßm acht - Nation. Betrachtungen zur G eschichte
der deutschen Außenpolitik 1871-1945, 1995, 25 S.
43 Hans Eberhard Mayer: H errschaft und Verwaltung im Kreuzfahrerkönigreich
Jerusalem , 1996, 38 S.
44 Peter Blickle: Reform ation und kom m unaler Geist. Die Antwort der Theologen
auf den Wandel der Verfassung im Spätm ittelalter, 1996, 42 S.
45 Peter Krüger: Wege und W idersprüche der europäischen Integration im 20. Jahr
hundert, 1995, 39 S.
46 Werner Greiling: „Intelligenzblätter“ und gesellschaftlicher Wandel in Thüringen.
Anzeigenwesen, N achrichtenverm ittlung, Räsonnement und Sozialdisziplinie
rung, 1995, 38 S.
Jahrbuch des Historischen Kollegs 1995
(Beiträge von M. Bellomo, A. Esch, A. Haverkamp, H.-Chr. Kraus, F. Sm ahel) 1996,
VIII, 180 S. ISBN 3-486-56176-6
Jahrbuch des H istorischen Kollegs 1996
(Vorträge anläßlich der Fünften Verleihung des Preises des Historischen Kollegs sowie
Beiträge von W. Eck, M. Hildermeier, W. Pyta, K. Schulz) 1997, ca. 180 S.
ISBN 3-486-56300-9
Schriften des Historischen Kollegs: Dokum entationen
1 Stiftung Historisches Kolleg im Stifterverband für die Deutsche W issenschaft:
Erste Verleihung des Preises des Historischen Kollegs. Aufgaben, Stipendiaten.
Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, 1984, VI, 70 S., mit Abbildungen vergriffen
2 Theodor-Schieder-G edächtnisvorlesung: Horst Fuhrmann, Das Interesse am
M ittelalter in heutiger Zeit. Beobachtungen und Vermutungen - Lothar Gail,
Theodor Schieder 1908 bis 1984, 1987, 65 S.
vergriffen
3 Leopold von Ranke: Vorträge anläßlich seines 100.Todestages. G edenkfeier der
Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der W issenschaften und
der Stiftung Historisches Kolleg im Stifterverband für die Deutsche W issenschaft
am 12. Mai 1986, 1987, 44 S.
4 Stiftung Historisches Kolleg im Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft:
Zweite Verleihung des Preises des Historischen Kollegs. Aufgaben, Stipendiaten,
Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, 1987, 98 S., mit Abbildungen
5 Theodor-Schieder-G edächtnisvorlesung: Thom as Nipperdey, Religion und G esell
schaft: Deutschland um 1900, 1988, 29 S.
vergriffen
6 Theodor-Schieder-G edächtnisvorlesung: Christian Meier, Die Rolle des Krieges
im klassischen Athen, 1991, 55 S.
Dritte Verleihung des Preises des Historischen Kollegs. Aufgaben, Stipendiaten,
Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, 1991, 122 S., mit Abbildungen
vergriffen
Historisches Kolleg 1980-1990. Vorträge anläßlich des zehnjährigen Bestehens
und zum Gedenken an Alfred Herrhausen, 1991, 63 S.
9 Theodor-Schieder-G edächtnisvorlesung: Karl Leyser, Am Vorabend der ersten
europäischen Revolution. Das 11. Jahrhundert als Umbruchszeit, 1994, 32 S.
10 Stiftung Historisches Kolleg im Stifterverband für die Deutsche W issenschaft:
Vierte Verleihung des Preises des Historischen Kollegs. Aufgaben, Stipendiaten,
Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, 1993, 98 S.. mit Abbildungen
11 Theodor-Schieder-G edächtnisvorlesung: Rudolf Smend, Mose als geschichtliche
Gestalt, 1995, 23 S.
Über die Offenheit der G eschichte. K olloquium der M itglieder des Historischen
Kollegs, 20. und 21. N ovem ber 1992, 1996, 84 S.
Die Vorträge und D okumentationen erscheinen nicht im Buchhandel;
sie können über die Geschäftsstelle des H istorischen Kollegs (Kaulbachstraße 15,
80539 M ünchen) bezogen werden.

Schriften des Historischen Kollegs

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