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ACFEI Diplomate
Dr. Reuben VaismanTzachor Discusses the
Psychological Profiles
of Terrorists
2006 Editorial Advisory Board
ACFEI Executive Advisory Board
Chair of the Executive Board of Advisors:
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EXAMINER
The Official Peer-Reviewed Journal of The American College of Forensic Examiners
VOLUME 15 • NUMBER 2 • SUMMER 2006
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06 Psychological Profiles of Terrorists
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Summer 2006 THE FORENSIC EXAMINER Psychological Profiles of
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a key to these CE abbreviations and complete CE
approval statements.
By Reuben Vaisman-Tzachor, PhD,
DABPS, DAPA
Key Words: terrorism, psychological profile, terrorists, prevention protocol
Abstract
This article proposes a psychological framework for understanding the minds of terrorists
based on scientific analysis of actuarial data, psychological analysis of multiple sources,
and synthesis of existing reports from around the world. This study explores the likely
psychological makeup of terrorists and their motivations based on the evidence of their
actions, selection of means, selection of targets, public statements, and characteristic histories. The discussion of a psychological profile in this study is offered in the context of
its use in efforts aimed at greater security and terrorism prevention strategies. The framework is offered in conjunction with a thrust to develop a set of national terrorism prevention protocols, which will effectively address the challenges presented by the threats of
domestic and international terrorism on U.S. soil and in international arenas.
The Need for Psychological Profiling
of Terrorists
News media and professionals in the field
continue to report serious problems with
existing terrorism prevention efforts. Failure of police and intelligence agencies to
properly use tacit knowledge routinely
leads to ineffective technology use for
the task of terrorism prevention (Tenner,
2001; Vaisman-Tzachor, 2005). Gross
definition errors, particularly regarding the
likely means for a terrorist attack, inevitably lead to unsuccessful efforts in terrorism
prevention.
Existing preventive protocols have also
been plagued by designers’ failures to understand the difference between knowledge-based, scientifically derived preventive efforts and those that are guided by
heuristics (mental short-cuts). [For a complete discussion of this concept, please read
in Kahneman & Tversky (1972, 1973,
1979, 1982).] Those responsible for cre-
ating procedures for terrorism prevention
are unfortunately often guided by images
of horror movies and a general sense of vulnerability (Navarro, 2004). Furthermore,
those assigned to implement terrorism
prevention procedures often do not know
what types of people to look for. Instead,
they apply the same preventive efforts to
different situations in a cookie-cutter style,
which renders them ineffective, costly,
time consuming, and easily disrupted (Ripley, 2004; Crumley, 2003).
It has been noted and widely documented (Garfinkel, 2001; Hogan, 2001;
Vaisman-Tzachor, 1991; 1997; 2004) that
available technologies and procedures routinely used around the world by other prevention agencies are not put to use in the
United States where and when they should
be (e.g., pre-flight interviews, explosives
chemical detection kits, bomb-sniffing
dogs, depressurizing chambers, etc.), leaving large segments of the United States un-
necessarily exposed to terrorism (Allison,
2005; Thompson, 2005). Consequently,
current terrorism prevention efforts are
easily thwarted and overcome by relatively
simple and often primitive means (Vaisman-Tzachor, 2005). The paucity of effective terrorism prevention protocols should
come as no surprise given reported difficulties in effectively collecting, disseminating,
and responding to intelligence information (Hogan, 2001; Weldon, 2005). The
9/11 commission report issued by the congressional committee on terrorist attacks
on the United States has made that point
exceedingly clear (Kean et al., 2004). The
most sophisticated and the best-funded
intelligence-gathering technology in the
world (possessed by the United States) has
been designed to deal with Cold-War era
ballistic missile threats, neglecting the human-intelligence resources and infrastructures necessary to deal with the gathering
threat of terrorism (Tenner, 2001; Hogan;
Summer 2006 THE FORENSIC EXAMINER Weldon). In fact, it is evident that news
media reporters are better able to locate
and obtain interviews with the likes of
Osama bin Laden and other terrorists than
the CIA and the FBI have been over the
years (Ghosh, 2005).
Furthermore, terrorism prevention efforts continue to rely on faulty and erroneous assumptions that invariably result in
incorrect conclusions and poor administrative decisions (Portella, 2004; Sweet, 2003;
Jonietz, 2003). With that, the appointment
of newly established, self-anointed experts
in terrorism (the outcrop of which seems
to have multiplied in recent years) to decision-making positions, such as the Transportation Security Administration, add to
the growing fiasco of terrorism prevention
(Shah, 2003; Dittmann, 2003; VaismanTzachor, 2005).
The problems leading to prevention errors, failures to detect terrorists’ preparatory activities, and inappropriate use of
terrorism prevention resources have been
a result of the lack of systematic definitions of terrorists’ motives. The academic
community’s attempts to create such definitions were largely descriptive and parsimonious but fell short in their functional
significance and predictive validity (Seger,
1990; Edwards, 2003; Sageman, 2003),
rendering them useless for the development of a coherent terrorism prevention
strategy. Some proposed that terrorism was
primarily a rational and strategic political
vehicle for the attainment of political ends
(Crenshaw, 1997, Crenshaw & Pimlott,
1997; Navarro, 2004), citing terrorists’ desire to call the public’s attention to their
cause as the main motive, despite evidence
indicating that terrorism is highly effective
at inducing fear and worry and is invariably politically counterproductive (Merari,
1985). Others proposed that terrorism was
an expression of violent believers with uncompromising ideologies and creeds who
have a particular psychological makeup
(Meloy, 2004; Meloy, Mohandie, Hempel
& Shiva, 2001; Hoffer, 1951) who characteristically present with pathological narcissism or psychopathy (and other permutations of these psychological constructs)
without particular political intents (Post,
1987; Reich, 1990). However, these definitions (and many commonly used defini-
tions of terrorism) fail to view the world Internal Grading of Factors of Potential Terrorists
from the terrorists’ perspectives. These em- The internal grading for the age factor of a potential terrorism
perpetrator match would include the following:
pathic failures invariably lead to the incor- • 18–25 years old Great likelihood for a match
rect use of preventive efforts (Anonymous, • 16–18 years old and 25–30 years old Some likelihood for a match
• <16 years old and >30 years old
Small likelihood for a match
2003; DEBKAfile, 2004; Hass, 2004).
Empathic failures also prevail in the in- Similarly, the internal grading for the immigration factor in foreign-born
telligence community, in political arenas, domestic U.S. terrorism perpetrators would include the following:
Great likelihood for a match
and in the executive branches of govern- • Illegal/undocumented • Tourist/diplomatic status High likelihood for a match
ment when it comes to the general under- • Work/student visa Good likelihood for a match
standing of people from other cultures and, • Permanent resident
Some likelihood for a match
more specifically, in understanding terror- • Naturalized citizen
Slight likelihood for a match
ists from other cultures (Middle Eastern, • U.S. born citizen Arab, and Muslim). Nuances of language The internal grading for marital status as a factor in the match between
and meta-communications are frequently any person to the potential terrorism perpetrator include the following:
Great likelihood for a match
misinterpreted. Duplicity of meanings by • Single/bachelor • Steady relationship
High likelihood for a match
people from other origins usually escapes • Married/engaged Some likelihood for a match
those in the United States who are respon- • Married with children
sible for deciphering the global politics of
The internal grading for relevant religious, ethnic, or political
terrorism (Anonymous, 2003; Rubinstein, affiliation would be as follows:
2004; CNN, 2004; Zagorin, 2005).
• Membership in relevant organization (Arab, Muslim)
Greater likelihood for match
High likelihood for match
Similar complaints are prevalent in a • Membership in relevant social group (Arab, Muslim)
• Relevant sympathetic sentiments (to Arabs, to Muslims) Some likelihood for match
book published by congressman Curt Wel- • No clear affiliations (to Arabs, to Muslims)
Small likelihood for match
don, the vice chairman of the congressional Homeland Security Committee and The internal grading for the psychological makeup of terrorists
characters and interpersonal presentations would be as follows:
vice chairman of the House Armed Ser- • Pathological narcissism Great likelihood for a match
vices Committee (2005), regarding failures • Psychopathy (with or without criminality) High likelihood for a match
Some likelihood for a match
in the U.S. intelligence community. He • Narcissism Paranoia
points out that the CIA refused to adapt •
• General unhappiness Slight likelihood for a match
to the implicit changes in the terrorism
landscape, where Iran has become the primary sponsor and purveyor of terrorism The first conclusion that must be drawn challenges, not those that are heuristically
while creating closer ties to al-Qaeda and from this introduction is that the creation derived.
Osama bin Laden, as well as to other orga- of a reasonably appropriate set of sciennizations such as Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, tifically derived psychological profiles, What is a Profile?
and Ansar al Islam. This refusal is largely including variables such as psychological, The most common misconception regardpolitically based and is driven by explicit social, religious, and political motives, as ing profiling is that either race or nationinformation provided by Iranian leaders well as behavioral patterns that have been ality serve as the only criterion on which
who deny such connections (Frantz, 2005; acquired and collected over the years, will to generate a profile. Subsequent to this
Weldon, 2005). Unfortunately, these nu- allow for a more targeted, correctly guided, assumption comes the assertion in popuances are often overlooked or misinter- and efficient effort in terrorism prevention. lar media and political discussions that
preted by members of the U.S. intelligence Similarly, terrorism prevention efforts, us- formulating prevention strategies based
community who come from a Westernized ing available technology appropriately and on race or ethnicity alone is essentially unculture where what is stated is usually con- cost-effectively, will emerge as coherent constitutional. Contrary to popular belief,
sistent with what is intended and eventu- protocols for prevention. Better profile def- however, the terrorist population comprisally carried out. Consequently, decisions initions will engender the development of es numerous profiles that fit the various
made in the United States by the execu- new and more appropriate technology to terrorist organizations and their respective
tive branch and the preventive efforts that handle the likely threats. Therefore, better nationalities, ethnic and cultural backresult miss many critical changes in the definitions of terrorism, more awareness grounds, religious affiliations, and psytactics, strategic alliances, and maneuvers of the likely means and the likely targets chological makeups (Anonymous, 2003;
of the political organizations and countries used by terrorists, a more thorough under- Sageman, 2004; Zagorin & Duffy, 2005).
that support and supply terrorist organiza- standing of the political agendas that drive There is even evidence of intergroup varitions, ultimately misconstruing the actual terrorism, and clearer definitions of the ability within international terrorist orgameaning behind terrorist actions and in- psychological motives that lead to terrorist nizations that are known to span over most
tentions.
behaviors will result in applicable preven- continents, such as al-Qaeda, with terror
tive efforts targeted against real threats and ist cells recruited from many countries,
Summer 2006 THE FORENSIC EXAMINER different ethnic groups, and sometimes
divergent religious affiliations. For example, there is ample evidence that al-Qaeda
agents have infiltrated Iraq and have been
active in post-liberated Iraq. They have cooperated with Kurdish nationalist Ansar alIslam in Northern Iraq, the predominantly
Sunni Muslim Saddam loyalists who are
remnants of the former Ba’ath regime security apparatus in the North and around
Bagdad, other paid militia remnants, the
fedayeen of the old Saddam Hussein regime
who are Iraqi nationalists, various predominantly Shia Muslim mujahedin (or holy
warrior foreigners) including non-Arab
Iranian fundamentalists, and Arabs from
Yemen and Egypt, who include believers
in the Wahabi fundamentalist version of
Islam from neighboring Saudi Arabia and
Yemen (Bennet & Ware, 2003; Ratnesar &
Weisskopf, 2004; Bennet & Walt, 2004;
Sageman; Weldon, 2005).
Consequently, one must conclude that
there are probably numerous profiles for
numerous terrorist targets that vary along
ideological lines, technical capacities, and
group affiliations. The international flight/
domestic flight terrorist, the domestic
public-building attacker, the foreign U.S.
facility attacker, the domestic or foreign
chemical terrorist, the domestic or foreign
nuclear terrorist, and the attacker of national symbols and government agencies
each possess unique and distinct characteristics. Each target group requires the
development of a distinct profile of a likely
terrorist based on statistical analyses (not
heuristics, nor on purely race/nationality
factors) of existing historical data and credible known threats, both from archives and
from the intelligence community.
Note that some categories are construed
with overlapping boundaries; some members who belong to one category could
be included in another category. This is
because terrorists are not exclusive in the
methods or targets they select, and terrorists may change their orientations and
group affiliations. The overlap in the list
of profiles accommodates variations in the
working definitions of the categories offered by experts in the field. Ehud Sprinzak
(2001) for example, describes the megalomaniacal hyper-terrorist as an entirely
new category of terrorists, distinguished
by innovative, self-anointed individuals
with larger-than-life callings but little interest in political ends. Members in this
category could range from locals such as
David Koresh of the Branch Davidians or
Jose Padilla, the Dirty Bomber, to international terrorists such as Carlos the Jackal
or Osama bin Laden of Al Qaeda. Considering overlap between the categories for a
particular profile provides better coverage
of the entire gamut of terrorist activity and
allows for the introduction of changes as
new information is made available.
Each profile of a likely terrorist must
have as many determinants as possible to
“
. . . one must conclude that there are
probably numerous
profiles for numerous terrorist targets
that vary along ideological lines, technical capacities, and
group affiliations.
”
facilitate a better match with a real terrorist
in future preventive efforts. Possible factors
include age range, educational background,
ethnicity, socio-economic status, national
origin, psychological makeup, marital status, character type, current economic state,
criminal background, religious affiliation,
immigration status, and social affiliations.
Determinants extracted from historical
data, known threats, and other sources are
then rank-ordered according to their relative importance in the generation of a profile. Elements such as Arab ethnic or national background, for example, are found
to be repetitively present in the historical
data analysis of terrorism perpetrators and
are highly important in the list of determinant variables (Anonymous, 2003; Sageman, 2004). Similar in importance due to
its prevalence in the terrorist activity data is
a Muslim religious affiliation or membership in organizations sympathetic to funda-
10 THE FORENSIC EXAMINER Summer 2006
mental Islam (Anonymous, 2003; Meloy,
2004; Navarro, 2004; Sageman; Weldon,
2005). Age range is factored heavily in the
formulation of terrorism profiles based on
data indicating that perpetrators tended
to be between late adolescent to younger
adults. (Surviving older terrorists become
senior leaders and usually attempt to “graduate” into politics, thereby seeking greater
legitimacy.) Other distinct characteristics
of terrorism profiles were perpetrators who
had fewer social and emotional ties to the
communities in which they lived, tended to
be unmarried, and did not have families of
their own (Sageman; McDermott, 2005).
Social and psychological marginality with
a negative disposition toward society were
also elements common in the Americanborn and domestic terrorists (Lewis, 2004;
Meloy, 2004; Meloy, 2000). A psyhological profile consistent with Cluster B personality configuations (including antisocial, borderline, narcissistic, and histrionic
personalities), with pathological narcissism
scoring the highest (followed by psychopathy, narcissism, paranoia, and general unhappiness), is a very significant determinant of a likely terrorist (Ghosh, 2005;
McDermott; Meloy, 2004; Meloy, 2000).
Foreign-born terrorists who committed
acts of terrorism within the United States,
almost without exception, tended to have
immigration statuses that were more transitional and often illegal (e.g., visa overstay
violations or immigrated illegally into the
country) (Tempest, Krikorian, & Romney, 2005; McDermott; Weldon, 2005).
All too often, those groomed for future
terrorist activities lived a lifestyle beyond
what their socio-economic status could afford them prior to commission of their act.
This is because they were, to a large extent,
funded and financed by sources other than
their own incomes (Anonymous, 2003;
Navarro; McDermott). A few of the perpetrators had criminal backgrounds but were
of lower rank in the terrorist organizations,
presented a lesser menace, and posed a relatively lesser challenge to prevention efforts
(e.g.., Richard Reid and Jose Padilla) (Lewis, 2004; Navarro; Meloy, 2004; Meloy,
2000). Gender was pervasively male, with
few female exceptions, and group attacks
were more common with the exception of
suicide bombers, who usually carried out
their attacks alone (Sageman, 2003; Di- Using Profiles in Pre-flight Screenings
Using an accurate terrorist profile, screeners could simplify the flight pre-screening process and focus
etlind, 2005).
efforts on those most likely to commit terrorist acts. For example, security checks at domestic and
As can be surmised, each factor generates their
international flights include the following:
a set of internal grades for the likelihood of
No Risk No Security Check
a match to the likely terrorist. For example, • Passenger does not match the profile at all Minimal Risk Minimal Security Check
Silke found the median age of high-risk • Passenger matches the profile slightly • Passenger matches the profile somewhat
Some Risk
Some Security Check
male terrorism perpetrators was 23, while • Passenger matches the profile substantially Grave Risk Complete Security Check
Imminent Risk Refuse to Fly, Call PD
the median age of low-risk male terrorism • Passenger matches the profile perfectly perpetrators was 28 (1999).
The Social and Economic Factors
Contributing to Terrorism
The social and economic factors that contribute to the development of terrorists
cannot be overstated. The emotional needs
that terrorist organizations satisfy are welldocumented phenomena known to the
psychological community (McDermott,
2005; Sageman, 2004; Magnarelli, 2003;
Meloy, 2000; Post, 1987). Similarly, the
economic realities and necessities of distressed communities have been exploited
in the recruitment and ultimate launching
of many terrorist attacks (McGeary, 2003;
Smiles, 2003; Navarro, 2004). Likewise,
the psychology, history, religion, and mythology of terrorism cannot be overstated,
as they affect the social acceptance of the
terrorist organization or the terrorist individuals within a particular sheltering community (Anonymous, 2003; Navarro; McDermott; Ghosh, 2005). More often than
not, the terrorist is regarded as a mythical
figure who represents a messianic being
to members of those national groups and
social entities, who are disenfranchised
by political, religious, or ethnic circumstances. In many places where they are
entrenched, terrorist organizations employ
their financial tools and bureaucratic apparatus to establish schools, infirmaries, and
other institutions to benefit the societies in
which they are then protected. In doing so,
such organizations only act to strengthen
the existing identifications within the local
populace and the terrorists’ political messages (McDermott; Tempest et al., 2005).
These were the cases in the establishment
of madrassas (religious schools) in Afghanistan by the Taliban, the establishment of
schools and infirmaries in Lebanon by
Amal and Hezbollah, and the establishment of schools and infirmaries alongside
other municipal infrastructures in the Gaza
Strip by Hamas.
In many ways, the social psychology
models that have been developed to understand the social organization, group structures, and criminal and drug-smuggling
behaviors around the world parallel the
developments in terrorist social communities (Lichtenwald, 2003; Weldon, 2005;
Ghosh, 2005). The internal pyramidal hierarchies of terrorist organizations and the
respective levels of skills, knowledge, and
commitment to the terrorist tasks at each
level, as well as the behavioral characteristics and the behavioral manifestations at
each level, mimic those seen in drug-trafficking organizations (Lichtenwald; Sageman, 2004; McDermott, 2005). Oftentimes, the same strategies applied to drug
smuggling operations are used in terrorist
activities. In the case of drug smuggling,
cartels allow law enforcement to capture
lower-level drug “mules” to reinforce their
profile definitions of smugglers at that level
while leaving the more elusive cartel leaders
out of law enforcement sights. When these
principles are applied to terrorism, it takes
the form of maintaining a steady stream of
lower-level terrorism activity in Iraq in order to sufficiently distract Americans from
developing a more coherent and complete
domestic terrorism prevention protocol in
America, thereby buying al-Qaeda time to
regroup and launch another spectacular attack on U.S. soil (Weldon).
Essentially, in every place where people
are in a state of distress (e.g., economic,
national, or political) and their plight is
not sufficiently noticed, terrorism can get
them noticed. Likewise, in every place
where peoples’ subjective sense of powerlessness is palpable, terrorism will remain
a viable option for effective empowerment.
However, these same human factors that
define terrorists as people with motives and
purpose also reveal exploitable psychological weaknesses that create vulnerabilities
(Meloy, 2004; Navarro, 2004). This defi-
nition illustrates the multifaceted nature of
a terrorist who can have malevolent and/or
charismatic characteristics, be a follower
and/or a believer of a creed or ideology,
and who is an antisocial criminal and/or
a respected member of society (McDermott, 2005; Anonymous, 2003; Navarro;
Meloy, 2004; Meloy, 2000). These factors
also generate behaviors that identify, quantify, and qualify terrorist individuals and
groups.
Terrorists tend to also become mythological archetypes of their respective societies
and communities, particularly in the Third
World and the Middle East, where they become heroes of their peoples (Post, 1987;
Mishal & Sela, 2000; Anonymous, 2003).
This is, to a large extent, because of historical antecedents, which engendered motivations among many in Middle Eastern and
Muslim societies to find affinity with terrorism and to identify with Occidentalism
— a global hatred of the West in general
and anti-Semitism in particular (Gabriel,
2002; Juergensmeyer, 2000; Lewis, 2003;
Anonymous; Sageman, 2003). All too often, corrupt and illegitimate regimes in
such countries use the basic political principles proposed by Machiavelli — which
include scape-goating another group of
people (e.g., Jews, Americans) — in order
to distract the populace from the inaptitude and cynicism of their own leadership
(Weldon, 2005; McDermott, 2005). Thus,
a marriage of convenience often prevails
between countries, societies, criminals,
and terrorist organizations, while the local
people are compelled to passively join the
struggle in mute assent (Weldon; Ghosh,
2005).
So, the social mechanisms that give rise
to terrorism as a viable option and sustain
terrorism within certain communities are
also determinants of the terrorist threat.
This factor must be included in a definition of the terrorist as a member of a social
Summer 2006 THE FORENSIC EXAMINER 11
fabric and particular communities. Consequently, social behaviors, social and cultural affiliations, and political affinities define
the pieces of the puzzle of who is a likely
terrorist. For example, membership in a
nation with an illegitimate and corrupt regime that supports (overtly or covertly) or
tolerates terrorist organizations (e.g., Pakistan, North Korea, and Iran) may present
a potential for one to belong to a terrorist
group. Likewise, membership in disenfranchised societies and groups within nations,
such as Chechen nationals in Russia, Sunni
Muslims in Iraq, and Palestinians in Israel,
presents the potential for membership in or
sympathy toward terrorist organizations.
In conclusion, the more detailed the profiles are, the greater the likelihood of finding a reasonably good match between the
profile of the likely terrorist and the actual
terrorist. Consequently, this will create a
greater probability for success of preventive
efforts in generating coherent, meaningful,
and accurate preventive protocols. It is also
expected to put to rest the concerns regarding violations of civil liberties and the constitutionality of the use of profiles.
The Relationship Between the Profile
of a Terrorist and Prevention Efforts
The better the match between the person/item/threat at hand and the definition
of the likely terrorist, then the greater the
scrutiny and more complete the application of the preventive treatment will be.
Using the profile in this way would minimize how the public experiences preventative measures, streamlining prevention efforts while focusing on those most likely to
be terrorists.
A missing element in many of the existing analyses of terrorism behaviors and
the motivations for terrorism is the goal
of achieving notoriety. Recent sociological studies clearly indicate that Osama
bin Laden is the most popular person in
the world, particularly because his posters
decorate the walls of many major mosques
and street walls of Middle-Eastern cities (Anonymous, 2003; Navarro, 2004).
Achieving notoriety and drawing attention to a plight or cause are foremost in the
minds of terrorist organizations. Hence,
internationally known targets are always
preferred over less known ones (e.g., The
World Trade Center was preferable over
the Chrysler Tower, even though people
in both buildings were engaged in similar
types of international trade.). Also, because
groups want to achieve notoriety with a
particular audience, the likely targets are
those that are more culturally relevant to
the target audience (e.g., The Oklahoma
Federal Building was more culturally relevant to the Christian Identity group and
potential sympathizers than other targets
in the area but not necessarily so to the
American public at large.).
Hence, threat analyses focusing on the
United States’ perceived (or real) vulnerabilities in areas such as biological, chemi-
“
Achieving notoriety
and drawing attention to a plight or
cause are foremost
in the minds of terrorist organizations.
Hence, internationally known targets are
always preferred . . .
”
cal, or nuclear arenas appeal to the imagination of the American public, which has
been raised on a diet of Hollywood disaster
movies (Seger, 1990). However, in the rest
of the world, particularly in the Middle
East, there is a grave concern for the repercussions of such attacks, such as the ripple
effects that biological, chemical, or nuclear
contamination in America could have on
their own turf (Anonymous, 2003; DEBKAfile, 2004). Traditional cultures of the
Middle East emphasize the interdependence in the global community and have
an appreciation for the mutual connectivity
that exists between nations (Hass, 2004).
In contrast, the inherently individualistic
perspective prevalent in America seems to
routinely cause analysts to underestimate
these global concerns and seems to direct
preventive efforts into the wrong arenas.
When it comes to the selection of ter-
rorist targets, terrorist planners view things
differently than American analysts because
of the journalistic value and the type of
media coverage expected from any particular form of attack on any particular target
(Hass, 2004). Terrorist leadership painstakingly considers the visual and visceral
effects that media coverage would have,
and they time attacks to coincide with the
evening news broadcasts of relevant target
audiences. Consequently, an attack on an
American nuclear reactor would constitute a bad investment of terrorist resources
because the subsequent radioactive pollution would prevent optimal media exposure because media would not be allowed
to go into contaminated areas. Likewise,
contrary to threat analyses about the vulnerability of the U.S. water supply (Seger,
1990), a terrorist attack on water resources
will not receive the type of “good” media
coverage that a bombed skyscraper would
because there would be nothing to show
on television screens. Additionally, cultural context has to be considered in the
selection of terrorist targets. For instance,
the Muslim culture, with its rich tradition
based on a nomadic herdsman mentality
and desert tribal morality, would frown on
the destruction of such important natural
resources as water supplies.
Psychological Profile of a Terrorist
Disclaimer: Most active or retired terrorists
are not willing participants in psychological studies. Thus, the majority of the information in this study is based on conjectures from biographical material, media
reports, interviews by other professionals,
and the author’s field experience in terrorism prevention — not from controlled
psychological studies. A discussion of a
psychological profile of a terrorist in this
study is offered only in the context of its
use in prevention efforts. Hence, the rule
that is applied in this section is that the veracity of this psychological theory is only
in its consequences. Therefore, the psychological profile offered here is the result
of analysis of biographical commonalities,
established behavioral patterns, and recognized responses to existing preventive efforts and political maneuvers over decades
and across various conflict areas. Furthermore, it is proposed only for its use in pre-
The Psychological Motives for Terrorism
• A desire to be regarded as special is the most common and strong motive—the romantic view
of the terrorist as special and having a unique mission.
• The desire to be known to the target audience is a strong motive—having a poster of one’s
image as a martyr posted on the walls of one’s home town is titillating.
• The desire to be vicariously approved of by members of one’s own reference group—activated into terrorist actions by favorable sentiments in one’s own community.
• The desire to achieve personal congruence by aligning actions with ideological/religious
convictions—not an expression of hatred (Hoffer, 1951).
• A desire to affiliate and be with others of a like-mind; in recent cease-fire negotiations with
Israel, the Hamas faction demanded to stop the killings of its leadership in order to protect its
group integrity, instead of demanding other important political concessions over which they are
supposedly fighting.
• The experience of social and psychological isolation resulting in little interface with other
views—leading to preservation and hardening of opinions justifying terrorism.
• Vengeance for originally offended individuals who were perceived to have been unjustly
treated by members/representatives of the target group—Eamon Collins testified that he joined
the IRA in the mid-1970s following his brutal arrest and manhandling by British soldiers.
• Experience of an insult to the person’s grandiose sense of self, but not necessarily a serious
personal loss in the hands of the target group—Marwan Abu Ubeida lost his sense of national
dignity after American forces did not leave Iraq following the ousting of Saddam Hussein.
ventive work and to improve prediction
responses for preventive efforts.
Recent efforts by Post and Denny (2002),
Sageman (2003), and other colleagues include interviewing and testing terrorists
held in captivity in Israel and in other holding facilities across the world, which have
yielded some interesting results, albeit with
serious methodological constraints. For example, the captive population may be a
poor representative sample of the overall
terrorist population, particularly the terrorism leadership, which remains largely
unstudied. Furthermore, the effects of life
in captivity in Israeli and in American prisons cannot be underestimated in the overall
presentation of the psychological profiles
that emerge from such studies (Zimbardo,
1971; Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973;
Zagorin & Duffy, 2005). Nevertheless, the
commonalities with other sources and the
corroboration of observations made elsewhere in this study warrant our attention.
Hence, the psychological profile of a terrorist has to be taken in the context of all
other variables previously discussed and in
the context of cultural and national specifics. The conclusions are based on experiences and reviews by Silke (2003) and Sageman (2004) stating terrorists are essentially
normal individuals from a psychological
perspective. For those more familiar with
such technical definitions, terrorists display
a character organization embedded in the
Cluster B of personality disorder taxonomy as proposed in the American Psychiat-
ric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition
(1994). Variants of such typology include
individuals who either can move more fluidly along the theoretical continuum of
the cluster configuration and present with
other characteristics, or persons who affiliate themselves with terrorist organizations
because of their entrenched anti-social
character (Meloy, 2004).
The narcissistic character organization,
the most likely and the most widely accepted psychological configuration, starts
with the developmental history of a person,
which includes one’s psychological development into an emotionally self-sufficient
individual. This character development is
heralded by the subjective discovery at an
early age that one’s parents will not meet
one’s emotional needs (e.g., Arafat’s mother
died when he was 4 years old, and he was
raised by an uncle in Jerusalem; Zacarias
Moussaoui has had no contact with his father for years; Richard Reid’s father was in
prison for most of Reid’s childhood). Following that discovery, there is a period of
trial and error in which the child develops
an independent style of emotional gratification using one’s talents to fulfill emotional needs through alternative resources
(e.g., Richard Reid’s youth was marked by
petty theft and mugging; Arafat started his
career as a weapons smuggler; 18-year-old
Hussain Omar was declared a “vulnerable
young adult” by British social services).
Concurrently, the development of a
grandiose sense of oneself as special also
emerges, primarily as a psychological defense from a subjective feeling that one is
insignificant and unloved by one’s inadequate, insufficient, or unavailable parents.
In essence, this defensive reversal of reality,
in which a person who is otherwise normal
perceives him or herself as “better than the
rest,” serves to justify why one’s parents are
insufficiently loving. In fact, many of the
devastating acts of terror that have taken
place since the 1990s were masterminded
by innovative self-anointed individuals
with larger-than-life callings who perceived
themselves in historical terms and believed
they were personally responsible for bringing about change (Spirnzak, 2001; Sageman, 2004; Ghosh, 2005). Particularly
crucial colorations to the nascent grandiose sense of self and narcissistic entitlement
are the development of strong ideological,
nationalistic, and/or religious convictions
(e.g., Arafat’s conviction to free Palestine
from Israel; nationalistic aspirations such
as Gerry Adams’ multi-generational family affiliation with the Republican political
party, Sinn Fein, and the IRA; Mohamed
Atta’s fastidious life of austere self-denial,
leading to his ultimate role in commandeering an airplane that crashed into the
World Trade Center Towers).
Despite having the capacity for emotional self-sufficiency, people who are narcissistically organized are typically emotionally
starved and wanting. Hence, they seek out
social affiliation or require the approval
of alternative social groups (e.g., Arafat
started by leading the Palestinian Student
League in Cairo in his youth; Richard Reid
converted to Islam in Feltham Young Offender’s Institution in London).
The most common consequence of the
narcissistic character organization is difficulty with adult interpersonal relationships
when the emotionally self-sufficient have
to place themselves in the imperfect and
inexperienced hands of others to love. This
leads to typical intimacy compromises and
isolation such as selecting a mate who is
perceived as inferior or moving away from
one’s family of origin. Examples of such are
Mohamed Atta, who lived away from his
family and reportedly had great difficulty
in interpersonal relationships (McDermott, 2005), and Marwan Abu Ubeida,
Distinctions Between Terrorist Leaders and Foot Soldiers
The differential dimensions in the motives between leaders and foot soldiers suggest that the
types of terrorist group members have similar psychological motives but vary in their respective
importance. As has been observed by psychological studies of drug trafficking persons and international smugglers (Lichtenwald, 2003), there are significant psychological differences between
the various levels of terrorist involvement. It is important to not only study the terrorists who conduct
operations themselves but also the leaders who press and send these young people into committing terrorists acts (Shermer, 2006).
The Mastermind
• A career terrorist who remains comfortably in the background, engages in planning, tends to
be more inclined toward the exact sciences, has relatively strong ideological convictions and possesses relatively lesser notoriety desires.
• Considers terrorism consequences carefully, understands the political map, holds back some
important aspects of information about operational plans that are disconfirming or aversive, and is
not self-sacrificing (Sageman, 2004).
• Example: Ramzi Yousef, believed to have masterminded the 9/11 attacks. Also Sami al-Aryan,
a teacher at Southern Florida University who developed the most extensive terrorism financing
network and recruitment web in the United States for the Islamic Jihad in the Middle East (Gutman
& Melman, 2005).
The Ring Leader
• A field officer whose terrorism career is somewhat shorter by a few years, with stronger
notoriety needs and strong ideological convictions; tends to be more inclined toward the social
sciences; has good organizational and leadership characteristics.
• Interpersonal charisma is evident, can motivate others, and could be a teacher or preacher
(Sageman, 2003). People in this category tend to be best represented by the classic narcissistic
character organization, but are not necessarily pathologically organized.
• Example: the charismatic Abu Moussab al-Zarqawi, who has graduated to higher ranks by the
successes of his attacks on United-States led coalition forces in Iraq.
The Pilot/Suicide Bomber
• A terrorist who flies the airplane into a building, has a short terrorism career, has strong notoriety needs and zealous ideological or religious convictions, possesses some particular skill-set that
is desirable or developed by the terrorist organization (usually in the technical arena), and has the
greatest degree of social isolation, which enables this person to knowingly kill him or herself.
• Members in this category tend to the more pathological brand of narcissism and could also be
members of the antisocial configuration within Cluster B.
• Example: Jose Padilla, the Dirty Bomber; Mohamed Atta, who led the attacks on the World
Trade Centers (McDermott, 2005); the Belgian suicide bomber, Muriel Degauque, whose illustrious terrorist career was started by antisocial behaviors such as running away from home and
extensive drug use during her youth (Dietlind, 2005).
The Foot Soldier
• A terrorist who hijacks the airplane or is a suicide bomber, has a short terrorism career, has
strong notoriety needs and zealous ideological or religious convictions, has a greater degree of
social isolation, tends to be most easily recruitable, trusts others in the organization, and is easily
deceived—may not know he or she is flying to his or her death.
• Persons in this category may belong to the more insidious and less-than-stable borderline character organization within the Cluster B configuration.
• Example: Richard Reid, who was caught in his attempt at blowing up American Airlines Flight
63 from Paris to the United States; John Walker Lynd, the American Taliban; or Marwan Abu
Ubeida, the Iraqi insurgent suicide bomber.
who left his family to live with insurgents
until his eventual deployment in a suicide mission (Ghosh, 2005). Thus, the
person who is narcissistically organized is
generally easily recruited to join a group
with a cause and, specifically, is an excellent candidate for a suicide mission. This
is true, even if that person is married and
has children, by virtue of an inherent limited capacity for intimacy (making a wife
and children subjectively less important
to the would-be terrorist) and stronger af-
filiations towards other social groups, such
as a terrorist group, which is perceived as
subjectively more important. In fact, many
of the terrorists interviewed or studied
by experts have moved away from their
families of origin en route to becoming
members of terrorist organizations or as
part of their preparation for future attacks
(Post & Denny, 2002; Meloy, 2000; Sageman, 2003; Navarro, 2004; McDermott).
Such individuals seem to pursue notoriety
when recognition and admiration by oth-
ers supplants the more desirable but seemingly unattainable love and intimacy. This
plays well into the inherent terrorist group
agenda of gaining public awareness to their
cause by gaining notoriety. The psychological motives of the individual and the political motives of the terrorist group converge
on the common behaviors of outrageous
violence and glorified mayhem (Shermer,
2006).
Furthermore, narcissistic individuals tend
to exhibit a sense of grandiose entitlement,
which fits perfectly into the emerging terrorist group’s members’ belief that they are
special in some fundamental way (Ghosh,
2005; McDermott, 2005). The pride that
develops in such groups gives way to its individual narcissistic members seeing themselves as superior to others (i.e., their rights
and needs are more important than those
of others), and to them more readily taking
offense at others’ actions as wrongs against
them. Subsequently, narcissistically organized individuals with a grandiose sense of
entitlement are much less likely to forgive
others and much more likely to insist on
full repayment for past offenses. Thus they
personally exact such retribution from the
infidels, the imperialists, the Zionists, and
the Westerners. (Navarro, 2004; Meloy,
2004; McDermott; Shermer, 2006).
Plagued by persistent emotional hunger,
narcissists’ affiliation needs are intensified
and expressed as stronger bonds with their
social groups. Other social psychological
phenomena that are concurrently observed
are the developments of increased group
cohesion, alliance with the group mentality, groupthink (Janis, 1971), which results
in the exclusion of alternative perspectives,
and the risky shift (Doise, 1969; Wallach,
Kogan, & Bem, 1962), which involves
the tendency to assume greater personal
risks when operating within a group. The
emergence of high-achieving mentalities
and competitiveness, which are sustained
by unmitigated emotional hunger (i.e.,
the drive to accomplish more without ever
achieving satisfaction), has been observed
in members of terrorist organizations. This
was the case with Mohamed Atta, one of
the 9/11 leaders, whose young adult life
was marked by fierce competitiveness and
pursuit of scholastic excellence (McDermott, 2005). Additionally, it was observed
in others held in captivity (such as Mohammed al-Qahtani, believed to have been
the 20th hijacker in the 9/11 attacks), who
compete against other detainees for the
martyrdom title (Zagorin & Duffy, 2005).
This psychological adaptation has also
been supported by evolutionary psychology theories, which state that young men
in particular want to display their bravery,
are deeply offended by injustice, and may
risk their own lives even to the point of certain death (Colin, 2002).
Narcissistic individuals are also easily
recruitable based on the promises of specialness and immortality, which fit into the
sense of self-importance. For instance, recruiting someone to conduct a terrorist attack because of the person’s special talents
has been a routine approach for many terrorist organizations (Ghosh, 2005; Shermer, 2006). Crenshaw (2002) observed that
becoming a so-called martyr in the Middle
East brings fame to the recruits. Their acts
are framed as something extremely honorable and brave. Additionally, their place
in history is established by the numerous
posters that decorate the hometown walls
that are used to praise them. These practices do not escape potential recruits who
are seeking confirmation of their grandiosity and sense of self-importance.
Heads of terrorist organizations are
clearly notoriety- and fame-oriented, tending more toward the histrionic side of the
Cluster B spectrum. Their interests in the
ongoing struggle (process-oriented) are
greater than their interests in achieving
workable solutions to the problems of the
people and groups they claim to represent.
Hence, Osama bin Laden or Abu Mousab
al-Zarqawi appear in personal TV or radio
communiques that convey minimal impor-
tant information but promote them as idols
and as symbols of their causes. Osama bin
Laden and Abu Mousab al-Zarqawi also
insist on declaring to the world that they
exist and are willing to do so in defiance
of personal security considerations. Over
time, some members in this category who
are shrewd enough to survive capitalize
on their immense popularity within their
communities and reform into career politicians, forgoing terrorism for more promising and legitimate political processes.
Some in the Irish Republican Army leadership and some in the Palestinian Liberation Organization leadership have done so;
some in the surviving al-Qaeda leadership
are expected to make the shift to politics
with the passage of many years.
The roles of slight, hate, and other negative consequences of American activities
for motivating and recruiting terrorists
have been largely overstated by the media.
Research indicates that for the most part,
those initiating and leading terrorism activity have not been directly adversely affected by actions of the target society (e.g.,
they did not experience personal or familial loss) that could justify their actions
(Sageman, 2004; Shermer, 2006). Instead,
it’s quite the opposite. Terrorist leaders
often come from relatively privileged life
circumstances (e.g., Sami al-Aryan’s privileged upbringing in Kuwait; Yasser Arafat’s
middle-class upbringing in Jerusalem and
Cairo; and Abu Mousab al-Zarqawi’s middle-class family from Jordan). However, for
the most part, terrorist leaders had experienced slights, or blows to the ego, as well
as psychologically demeaning encounters
with the target society or its representatives
(e.g., Arafat was held by Israel in 1948 as a
prisoner of war and was later released with
thousands of others; Osama bin Laden was
rejected by U.S. intelligence as an ally in
the war in Afghanistan during the Soviet
invasion). In fact, research indicates that
the lower a person’s rank membership in
the terrorist organization, the greater the
likelihood that he or she was personally exposed to real personal losses (e.g., a family
members’ death, loss of property) and subsequently the easier he or she is to recruit
based on retaliatory convictions against the
target society. There is a greater propensity
to having some and often more serious
negative consequences from past encounters with members and representatives of
the target society among those actually involved in terrorism operations in the field
(e.g., suicide bombers, rock throwers).
In general, it appears from the research
evidence, contrary to assertions offered
in the popular media, that the narcissistic injuries (psychological injuries of one’s
sense of importance and invulnerability),
rather than personal losses, are those that
are more likely to motivate terrorist-organization memberships and eventual terrorist retaliatory actions. This is true because
narcissistic injuries resonate more intensely
than real injuries do with those whose psychological make-ups are narcissistically organized (Cluster B configurations). These
people are more easily triggered by such experiences into grandiose retaliatory actions
and, thus, are more easily exploitable by
recruiting efforts of the terrorist organizations (Perina, 2002; Meloy, 2004; Navarro,
2004; Gutman & Melman, 2005; Ghosh,
2005).
There is, however, an additional category of accidental terrorists. These are unwitting participants recruited to execute a crucial aspect of the attack without their prior
Comparing the Motives of Terrorist Foot Soldiers and Terrorist Leaders
The following is a schematic breakdown suggesting differences in psychological motives for terrorism between the leaders and the soldiers within terrorist organizations (Stern, 2003):
Foot Soldiers, Field Officers
* More easily recruitable—grandiosity, emotionally hungry
* More likely motivated by frustration/aggression
* Stronger religious/ideological convictions
* Sometimes repetitive criminals—petty crime background
* Greater isolation from family and own society
* Desire to be known—notoriety
* Target audience—own people
* Martyrdom wishes—wish to be special
* Short terrorism career—usually dies or gets captured
Leaders, Commanders
* Less easily recruitable—stubborn, less grandiose
* More likely motivated by power
* More practically oriented
* Better educated and socialized
* Greater connection to family and own society
* Stronger desire for notoriety
* Target audience—the world
* No martyrdom wishes
* Life-long terrorism career
Why Do Terrorists Target America?
By assuming an empathic therapeutic stance, it is possible to undersand the political landscape
and the declared political goals of terrorists. Following are some basic premises that underlie the
ideological and religious justifications for the members of the various terrorist organizations and
their political goals pertaining to the United States:
• Terrorists and their ideologues view the United States as the number one perpetrator of global
terrorism in creating and promoting economic inequality and exploitation in other countries
around the world (e.g., supporting exploitative regimes like Saudi Arabia; establishing a global
capitalist economy).
• Terrorists and their ideologues view the United States as the perpetrator of global terrorism in
military support of terrorist groups and regimes in other countries of the world (e.g., selling arms
to terrorist groups like the Taliban in the 1980s; supporting military regimes that terrorize their
own people, such as Chile’s Pinochet or Argentina’s military Juntas).
• Terrorists and their ideologues view the United States as exerting undue dominance and arrogant, imperialistic intervention strategies around the globe (intervening in countries without the
consensus of their populations, such as the 1980’s “Peace Keeping Mission in Lebanon;” intervening in countries without the consensus of the rest of the global community, as in the Iraq war).
• Terrorists and their ideologues view the United States as being at war with freedom fighters
(terrorists), with Arabs (theocratic anti-American countries and organizations), and with Islam
(extreme Islamists), which gives impetus for the terrorist campaign to continue (Murphy, 2005;
Elliott, 2003; Parenti, 2002).
knowledge or consent. In this category are
people who because of their psychological
weaknesses (e.g., lower intelligence, lesser
sophistication, and dependent characteristics) could become unwitting participants in terrorist activity following effective recruitment by sophisticated terrorists
(Taylor & Quayle, 1994). Any terrorist
psychological profile must also consider
this common but potentially deadly possibility and close this otherwise evident
loophole. One such example is the plot by
Nezar Hindawi, who tricked his pregnant
girlfriend into flying from London to Israel
to supposedly meet his family before their
eventual wedding. Unbeknownst to her, he
placed a bomb in her suitcase that was set
to detonate in mid-flight. A routine airport
security check by Israeli terrorism prevention agents discovered the hidden bomb,
and Nezar Hindawi was consequently arrested by London police and imprisoned.
The Role of Social Models and Group
Processes in Terrorist Recruitment
and Terrorist Activity
Individuals primarily associate with terrorist groups to satisfy their emotional needs
and to compensate for the loss of family
affiliation through socialization and group
cohesion. A clear indication of the importance of social benefits derived from such
membership in terrorist organizations
comes from the story of Nezar Hindawi.
When Hindawi was refused membership
in other Palestinian terrorist groups, he
formed his own terrorist group, the Jordanian Revolutionary Movement, with two
other family members. He later contacted
the Syrian intelligence services and convinced Syria to supply his tiny group with
weapons and funds to carry out attacks
against Israel (Taylor & Quayle, 1994).
His later exploits notwithstanding, he
clearly demonstrated the pull of such organizations and the attraction of belonging,
which terrorist groups enjoy worldwide.
Terrorist organizations, however, not
only enjoy popularity among the many
potential recruits but also experience characteristic changes resulting from external
pressures and social isolation culminating
in groupthink (Janis, 1960). Groupthink
involves pressure to tow the proverbial
party line and reject information that challenges the group’s beliefs. It also changes a
group’s goals over time from external goals
(political change through armed struggle)
to internal goals (maintenance of the
group). Finally, it changes a group’s time
reference from a short-term struggle to
long-term garnering of political power and
political legitimacy.
At the leadership level, all characteristic
sociological phenomena observed in the
genesis and maintenance of other bureaucracies comes into evidence. The groups
make clear and persistent efforts to maintain the terrorist organization, oftentimes
at the expense of the purpose of the organization itself. Efforts are made to maximize
the capacity of the bureaucratic institu-
tions, which are organized hierarchically in
a typical pyramid structure with command
and control mechanisms, and to maximize redundancy via the establishment of
franchises, cells, local networks, leaderless
networks, and individual operators (Stern,
2003; Sageman, 2003).
The Role of the Media in the
Psychology of Terrorism
The media coverage and the types of exposure become part of the thinking and
planning of terrorist attacks because of
media access to terrorist sites (e.g., site of
an attack and terrorist training camps) and
to terrorists (e.g., for interviews and photo
shoots). Unwittingly then, media reporting enhances the success of terrorist attacks
and becomes an instrument in the terrorist act (e.g., Al-Jazzerah’s broadcast of Abu
Mousab al-Zarqawi’s or Osama bin Laden’s
recorded messages). In essence, the media
had become the primary vehicle declaring
the terrorist message and recruiting new
terrorists. Paradoxically, our investment in
the democratic principles of media freedom
plays into the sentiments of the narcissistically organized potential terrorism recruits
every time we exercise our democratic freedoms around the globe.
Conversely, however, media reporters
have been able to gain access to terrorist
leaders, foot soldiers, their families, and
terrorist training camps, which provide insight into the minds of the terrorists that no
other scholars have been able to produce.
However, media information about terrorists has been largely excluded from any serious consideration by the intelligence and
academic communities so far (Shah, 2003).
Media reporters and those who have had
contacts with known terrorists or who have
gained access to terrorists are an invaluable
source of information about terrorists, and
their experience should be exploited.
The Role of Marginality in the
Psychology of Terrorism
The propensity of would-be terrorists to
initially be attracted to marginal groups,
which gives some expression to their personal sense of alienation, is well-documented (Merari, 2002; Meloy, 2004).
Some persons (e.g., Timothy McVeigh,
Terry Nichols, Jose Padilla, and John Walk-
er Lynd) started their illustrious terrorist
careers by joining marginal groups at the
fringes of societies, which provided a sense
of purpose and an acceptance by others of
like-minds. It was in the marginal groups
that ostracized persons began the psychological transformation into their future
identities as terrorists. As Hoffer (1951),
Shermer (2006), and others argued, the
phenomenon of suicide terrorism is not a
personal or individual phenomenon, it is
a group phenomenon and, therefore, it is
very much the product of group processes
and influences. Terrorist groups appeal to
recruits’ religious piety or patriotic sentiments, especially suicide terrorists, but
neither fanaticism nor nationalism alone
are necessary or sufficient to incite suicide
terrorists. The key ingredient may be the
individual susceptibility to indoctrination.
Indoctrination is the organizational process that prepares the suicide terrorist as a
martyr and makes sure he or she doesn’t
change his or her mind (Shermer; Ghosh,
2005; Dietlind, 2005).
Political and religious groups that are
marginal but legal are considered by many
experts as breeding grounds for terrorists
of the future (e.g., The Muslim Brotherhood in Arab countries and the Christian
Identity movement in the United States).
Although perhaps legal, their sermons and
messages, when activating a sense of being
wronged into behavioral changes, could
ultimately result in terrorist convictions
and behaviors. The general rule of thumb
is that the greater the degree of group marginality from societies’ norms (more different, more isolated, more distinct), and
the more militantly active the group (both
in proselytizing and in increasing internal
cohesion), then the greater the risk is for
potential terrorism. As has been previously established, as isolation increases,
critical thinking decreases. Without access
to alternative information sources, members encode new belief systems. Group
tenets are never challenged, only recited.
Platitude conditioning replaces reasoning
processes. Although the isolation process
itself is not pathological, the end result is,
because these actions create a closed belief
system where conspiratorial beliefs against
mainstream society can readily develop
(Gilmartin, 1996; McDermott, 2005).
Summary and Conclusion
As can be appreciated by this study, terrorists represent a complex phenomenon of
social, psychological, ideological, religious,
and political sets of motives and behaviors
intertwined. This report was an attempt to
create a picture consistent with state-ofthe-art information on the subject matter
and to illuminate some of the current flaws
in the narrow view(s) regarding terrorists.
Although a clearer picture should emerge
out of this study regarding the many motivations for terrorism (political, psychological, and social), the ways and directions in
which preventive efforts ought to be directed is lacking because it is based largely
on actuarial data and anecdotal information and is guided by theory. It can only
be tested against the realities, which will
unfold in the struggle with terrorism in the
years to come.
Consequently, this report is being offered with the earnest and urgent recommendation that existing terrorism prevention protocols for all domains be compared
against this data. Similarly, there is an
equally earnest recommendation to steer
clear of oversimplified thinking about terrorists as either-or (a political phenomena
or a psychological phenomena) in the creation of prevention protocols. Finally, this
study calls for better implementation of
psychological study and fundamental faceto-face empathic interviews, which are currently under-used in prevention efforts.
References
Due to space constraints, the complete list
of references for this article appears online
at www.acfei.com (Click “Online CE”).
Acknowledgments
This study was conceived with the generous financial support of grants from the
U.S. Department of Defense and U.S. Department of Energy in the years 2003 and
2004, sponsored by Sandia National Laboratories, SELDON Team, in Albuquerque,
New Mexico.
Editorial assistance was provided by Dr.
Alete Arom from Alliant International
University, California School of Professional Psychology in Los Angeles, California. Research and editorial assistance was
provided by Lee Smith, BS, from Cali-
fornia Lutheran University in Thousand
Oaks, California.
About the Author
Reuben VaismanTzachor, PhD, DABPS, DAPA, CHS-III,
was born in Israel and
served in the Israeli
military as a Navy captain, a weapons systems officer, and as a
gun-ship commanding officer. He has had
extensive anti-terrorism warfare experience
and direct involvement in many combat
military operations against terrorists in the
Middle East. He later served as a supervisor
in the Israeli government terrorism prevention agency based in the western United
States. In this role as a supervisor he authored, field-tested, and implemented numerous terrorism prevention protocols for
various theaters in the region. He obtained
his doctorate in clinical psychology from
Alliant International University, California
School of Professional Psychology in Los
Angeles, where he is currently an adjunct
professor. He has been a Diplomate of the
American College of Forensic Examiners
since 1998, and he is a Diplomate of the
American Board Psychological Specialties.
He is also a Diplomate of the American
Psychotherapy Association. He is Certified
in Homeland Security Specialty at LevelIII (CHS-III). He has conducted research
and published numerous articles on the
topic of terrorism prevention and participated as an expert consultant in a project
for the development of a national terrorism prevention strategy by Sandia National
Laboratories in Albuquerque, New Mexico. He currently owns a private practice in
Los Angeles, California.
Earn CE Credit
To earn CE credit, complete the exam for this
article on page 66 or complete the exam online at www.acfei.com (select “Online CE”).
Adult Perceptions of Children with Learning Disabilities:
Implications for the Forensic Psychologist
This article is eligible for
CE credit in the following categories: ACFEI,
APA, NBCC. See page 4
for a key to these CE abbreviations and complete
CE approval statements.
By Erica Ruegg, EdD
Abstract
Children have long been
perceived as less credible
witnesses, most likely due
to their lack of narrative
skills. For children with
learning disabilities, however, narratives in communication can be even more
challenging. This article
reviews the literature regarding a technique called
Narrative
Elaboration
Training (NET), which
was designed to support
children who find themselves in court, and it specifically addresses the use of
NET in helping children
with learning disabilities
recall more information and prepare them
for the witness stand. The role of the forensic psychologist in witness consultation
is emerging. NET can help a child increase
his or her narrative skills without increasing the errors and prepare the witness for
the stressors of the legal environment. This
technique can aid the forensic psychologist
in promoting competency, improving relations, and providing strategies to empower
the child with a learning disability to be
more accurate, complete, and honest.
Often in cases where there has been suspected child abuse or neglect, the child
victim is the only source of information
and evidence. However, children have long
been perceived as less credible witnesses,
most likely due to their lack of narrative
skills. The more accurately, clearly, and
fully a child can report his or her account
of an event, the more credible a jury will
perceive the recall.
For children with learning disabilities,
however, narratives in communication
can be a challenge. It has been estimated
that almost 90% of children who have
been labeled learning disabled have mild
to moderate language deficits (Gibbs &
Cooper, 1989). These
deficits can create problems when it comes to effectively communicating
during testimony. Many
have suggested that these
children need guidance to
help them build the skills
necessary to testify in court
and be perceived as more
credible witnesses. Specifically designed techniques
have been developed to
help support children who
find themselves in court.
Procedures, such as cognitive interviewing and narrative elaboration, assist
children in recalling more
details about an event.
These strategies are necessary considering the need
for preparing children to
testify in court and the
emerging consultation role
of the forensic psychologist. This article reviews
the literature addressing
the use of narrative elaboration in children who may
find themselves in court,
specifically the use of this
technique in children who
are learning disabled.
Forensic psychologists are often called to
aid attorneys by working with adults who
may have to testify. As consultants they
must be familiar with the litigation process
and may be required to review medical and
psychiatric records. Even in adults, anxiety
may increase in those who must wait all
day to testify, or if the testimony is interrupted and rescheduled for the following
day. Therefore, being aware of timing issues when testifying may also be of concern for the psychologist (Simon, 2001).
It is the forensic psychologist’s job to be
aware of the competency requirements to
testify and to help identify witness fears
and weaknesses. Powerful communication
techniques have been shown to increase
witness credibility. A forensic psychologist
may suggest strategies to stabilize a witness
and enable him or her to be more comfortable on the witness stand (O’Barr, 1986;
Slovenko, 1999). There are various resources available to help create better adult
witnesses, even adult witnesses with intellectual disabilities (Gudjisson, Murphy, &
Clare, 2000). However, little information
and few guidance programs are available
to help professionals attend to children. It
is often assumed that the preparation and
questioning techniques used with adults
can also be used with children (Wrightsman, 2001).
In addition, virtually no research has
been conducted involving the participation of children with disabilities in the legal process. Yet, it has been estimated that
children with disabilities are as much as
five times more vulnerable to abuse than
their non-disabled peers (Sobsey, 1992;
Tobin, 1992). A study conducted at the
Boys Town Center for Abused Children
with Disabilities in Omaha, Nebraska,
found that 33% of children with disabilities were abused compared to 9% of nondisabled children (Sullivan & Knutson,
2000). However, there has been research
that addresses the challenges for children
with learning disabilities who must testify.
Challenges in Testifying for Children
with Learning Disabilities
While identifying abuse in non-disabled
children and preparing them for court
are complex and difficult tasks, the child
who suffers a disability compounds these
challenges. In particular, language deficits exhibited by children with learning
disabilities are likely to present difficulties in communication, especially when a
child must communicate about an abusive
event. If children are not able to communicate effectively, they are often perceived
as less credible, leaving them more isolated
and more vulnerable. Jury members have
various preconceived notions about children as witnesses; these preconceptions affect how jurors view children’s credibility.
Factors such as how nervous a child is or
how confident his or her testimony appears
Figure 1. Reminder signs shown during Narrative Elaboration Training (NET). Each of the cards is
used as a cue to help the child elaborate when possible.
to be, added to the fact that the child may
exhibit a disability, may influence the jury
in both positive and negative ways (Ross,
Dunning, Toglia, & Ceci, 1989; Leippe
& Romanczyk, 1987; Saywitz, 1988; Simon, 2001). In addition, the legal issues
of an abuse case involving a victim with a
disability revolve around the capacity of
the victim to aid in the investigation and
to give sworn testimony (Borko, 1992).
Therefore, if a child with a learning disability has difficulty communicating about
the events, it may hamper the investigation
or prevent the use of the child’s testimony
(Gudjonsson, 1992; Perry & Wrightsman,
1991).
Children with learning disabilities do
possess the developmental attributes to
present a complete and useful narrative,
which can be enhanced with specific types
of support. Developmentally, they can answer focused and direct questions about a
story and arrange a coherent narrative as
long as the structure is provided. Yet, when
they must form a narrative on their own,
they tend to stray off topic and display
difficulties in organizing and monitoring
their language (Garnett, 1986; Ripich &
Griffith, 1988). Although children with
learning disabilities possess the language
strategies to process the information, they
often have trouble using these strategies
to regulate these activities and to spontaneously formulate responses adequate for
adult audiences (i.e., the jury) (Montague,
Maddox, & Dereshiwsky., 1990). However, when an adult provides guidance
and asks specific questions to elicit more
information, the desired result is usually
obtained when more accurate information
emerges (Flavell, 1985).
However, children do not necessarily
have difficulty remembering; it is the skeletal nature of their narratives that requires
them to receive guidance in expanding
their recall. This preparation is often left
Case Study: A Step-by-Step Method for Using NET
J
immy is an 11-year-old boy who
has been labeled learning disabled
by his school district. His teacher
rates his expressive language skills
a 1.4 on a scale of 1 to 5, five being the
highest. His teacher also rates his receptive language skills at 2.25 out of 5.
Last Monday, while working with
a group of students in the science lab,
Jimmy and the others in his group witnessed an incident between two teachers.
One teacher accused the other of taking her materials without asking. These
materials had already been distributed
to Jimmy and the others in the group,
forcing the students to be participants in
the disagreement. After a heated discussion that warranted mediation by a third
teacher, the altercation was reported to
the principal.
As part of the investigation and resolution of this matter, the principal decided
to bring each student who was a witness
into his office for an interview (testimony) about what took place between the
two teachers. Jimmy was the only student
in the group with learning disabilities and
poor language skills. With this in mind,
Jimmy’s resource room teacher decided to
try to prepare him for this interview. His
resource room teacher knew that his language skills might hinder his credibility,
even though he witnessed the same events
as the other children.
A week after the event took place, Jimmy’s resource room teacher started the
NET program with him during 4th hour.
Jimmy was taught that he could improve
his recall of past events by organizing
event information into four categories:
participants, settings, action, and conversation/affective states. A simple drawing on a card in the shape of a stop sign
represented each category; the cards were
called his “reminder signs.” The teacher
did not use his experience with the two
teachers as an example.
During the first session, Jimmy learned
to use these pictorial cues to trigger retrieval of information from each category. For example, the participant category
was represented by a drawing of a stick
figure and was called the “people” sign.
Jimmy was told, “When you talk about
things that have happened, you will need
to remember the people who were there,
what they looked like, and how they
were dressed. You can use this sign to
help you remember.” He was then asked
to practice using this cue by stating what
he would say to his mother later about
what he did that day at school, such as
who had been there and what they had
looked like. This procedure was followed
for each reminder sign.
Two days later Jimmy’s resource room
teacher brought him back during 4th
hour to watch a video vignette about a
girl named Meagan who broke her arm.
Before watching the video Jimmy was reminded of the purpose for each card. For
example the participant card was shown
again and Jimmy was told that this card
reminded him of the “people who were
there.” Then he was told to use the card
when watching different parts of the video. Jimmy then practiced describing the
characters and events of the video from
memory for each of the four categories.
His responses were elaborated by demonstrating that he could tell additional kinds
of information (e.g. hair, skin, and eye
color; body size; age; and glasses use). In
addition, Jimmy was given instructions
regarding accuracy and completeness:
“Tell me as much as you can about what
really happened, even the little things,
without guessing.”
The next day each student who witnessed the incident was called into the
principal’s office for an interview. The
principal asked each child a basic free recall question, “Tell me about everything
that happened the day you were in the science lab and you saw Mrs. Smith and Ms.
Jones talking.” This question was used to
elicit free and spontaneous recall of a past
event without coaching or suggestibility.
After the students had given their recall,
the principal prompted them one more
time with “Is there anything else you want
to tell me about that day?” The principal
then waited to see if the students added
more information.
Once the incident was resolved the
principal happened to stop by the resource room to speak with the teacher
about Jimmy. The principal commented
on how elaborate and detailed his comments were compared to the other student interviews. Each student reported
the same events taking place, but Jimmy’s
narrative was more complete and spontaneous. “I did not have to ask any followup questions with Jimmy,” the principal
said. Jimmy gave more details about the
setting in which the argument took place
and what each teacher had said. He also
talked about what they were wearing and
their emotional states. The principal felt
confident in believing that Jimmy was
there and had accurately recounted the
events.
to the attorney in charge, who is usually
not trained to deal with children, let alone
children who may have a disability. Testifying in court is a stressful experience for
children (Lipovsky & Stern, 1997). However, the concept of preparing children to
be witnesses has met opposition from those
who think such preplanning can taint the
information and compromise the rights of
the accused (Lipovsky & Stern). To combat
this belief, there has been a rise in the role
of the forensic psychologist. It has been
discussed that psychologists with forensic
training and experience may be helpful in
guiding attorneys to assist vulnerable witnesses (Simon, 2001). Children are inherently vulnerable to the legal system, especially those with a learning disability.
in assessing whether the child knows the
difference between the truth and a lie, or
whether the child understands the events
and can sufficiently describe them from
memory. The goal of court preparation
should be to improve the child’s skills in
answering questions with accuracy, completeness, and honesty (Lipovsky & Stern,
1997). Preparation does not mean that the
child is told what to say; rather it should
prime the child for the experience and enhance the communication skills that have
formerly been developed to create a more
credible and competent witness. A forensic psychologist will be able to increase the
effectiveness of a child witness by discussing and reviewing the procedures that take
place in a trial. The forensic psychologist
will seek to decrease anxiety and suggestibility. He or she may conduct mock trials
or use videotape to groom the child witness
to be more effective (Wrightsman, 2001).
The consultant may also be called to
analyze the strength of a child’s statements.
The criteria set forth by statement analysis
(Undeutsch, 1989), a method for evaluating the validity of children’s accounts of
abuse, may help guide the forensic psy-
chologist in judging the coherence and
spontaneity of a child’s narrative. Statement analysis consists of five criteria that
are considered necessary in giving an honest report: coherence, spontaneous reproduction, sufficient detail, and contextual
embedding. Most attorneys are aware of
the perceptions jurors bring to a trial. In an
effort to counteract the possible influences
of such perceptions, forensic psychologists
are often called in an attempt to help a vulnerable witness appear more credible. Even
the physical appearance of the witness has
been shown to affect the perceptions of the
jury (Nietzel & Dillehay, 1986; Simon,
2001; Wrightsman, 2001). Jurors tend to
trust witnesses who are appealing, or oftentimes they are instructed to consider
the witness’s demeanor before rendering a
verdict (Lipez, 1998). Consequently, the
consultant can aid the attorney in preparing a child for testifying in court.
pare them for the witness stand. It is called
Narrative Elaboration Training (NET). This
is a set of steps that help develop children’s
memory skills by teaching them strategies
for remembering the details that are expected during testimony (Saywitz et al., 1993;
Saywitz & Snyder, 1996). NET consists of
four organizational category cues that have
been studied as triggers for children’s event
knowledge (Saywitz & Snyder). The cues
are participants, settings, actions, and conversation/affective states. A simple drawing
on a flash card depicts each topic (see Figure 1). The cards are shown to children and
are used as cues to remind them to elaborate (Saywitz & Snyder; Saywitz, Snyder, &
Lamphear, 1996). This technique was first
developed and tested in 1996 by Karen Saywitz. Children were assigned randomly to
one of three conditions: (1) narrative elaboration intervention, (2) instruction-based,
or (3) control group. After the children participated in a staged event and were given
the training, or control, their memories
about this event were tested in an interview
with both free and cued recall questions
(see the article above for a step-by-step example). It was found that the completeness
of a child’s memory could be increased using NET without affecting the accuracy or
creating more errors in language (Saywitz &
Snyder).
Additional research has continued to
demonstrate that NET increases the accuracy and completeness of recall in nondisabled children (Comparo, Wagner, &
Saywitz, 2001; Dorado & Saywitz, 2001;
Saywitz et al., 1996). Comparo, Wagner,
and Saywitz revisited NET by investigating whether elementary children exposed
to NET would provide more information
about a staged event than those in the control group and whether NET would increase false reports about a fictitious event.
Results showed that the children who were
involved in NET did report increased
amounts of accurate and complete information about the staged event and did not
report more false information about the
fictitious event. Dorado and Saywitz investigated the use of NET with preschool
children of low and middle socioeconomic
status. Children from both levels recalled
more about the staged event than the control group, without increased errors.
In children with learning disabilities,
this elaboration technique has also proven
to be beneficial. Nathanson, Saywitz, and
Ruegg (1999) replicated these procedures
with thirty-nine 7–12-year-old children
with learning disabilities who participated
in a staged event and then were randomly
assigned to one of two treatment conditions (NET or control). The Nathanson et
al. results were similar to those of Saywitz
and Snyder (1996). Children with learning disabilities recalled more correct and
thorough items than the control group
without increasing the risk for suggestibility. Ruegg (2000) extended this research
by examining the effects of NET on jurors’
perceptions. Videotapes of the children’s
narrative accounts of a shared staged event
were shown to almost 200 adults eligible
for jury duty. These adults were asked to
rate the narrative skills of the students’
memory reports in the videos. Similar
to the reports from Nathanson et al. and
Saywitz and Snyder, the results revealed
that NET received higher ratings than the
control group for helping the children display a stronger narrative, which provides
evidence that NET creates more positive
perceptions of the children having better
The Emerging Role of Forensic
Psychologists
Witness consultation involves the forensic
psychologist providing the attorney with
information on thwarting conflicts, advancing competency, facilitating interactions, and providing performance and stress
management strategies (Simon, 2001).
The forensic psychologist may be involved
Methods to Support Witness
Preparation
There is a guidance procedure that has
proven to help children with learning disabilities recall more information and pre-
*This is a fictional example of a case in
which NET could be used effectively.
narrative skills than the control group. The
NET recall provided more spontaneous information about the setting in which the
event occurred and brought the listener
into the conversation by discussing such
details as who was there and what was said.
On the witness stand, this could translate
into more detailed memories about a specific event without increasing the need for
leading and potentially biased questions
from the attorney.
The Ruegg (2000) investigation findings
demonstrate that children who participated in NET were seen as more narrative,
which points to being perceived as more
believable. Believability relates directly to
credibility in the eyes of the jury (Bottoms
& Goodman, 1994; Leippe & Romanczyk, 1989; Ross et al., 1989).
The potential adult jurors perceived
the NET recall as more narrative, which
means that NET did succeed in increasing
the likelihood of children being perceived
as presenting more complete and spontaneous reports (Ruegg, 2000). In addition,
the results of this study indicated again
that this training technique does increase
the completeness and accuracy of the accounts of children with learning disabilities. These findings in themselves support
NET in increasing the amount of information that children with learning disabilities
correctly recall and can help these children
offer more complete and accurate testimony during the investigation and judicial
process in an alleged abuse or neglect case.
A preparation technique such as the NET
can support professionals, including forensic psychologists, in providing assistance to
attorneys who are involved in child abuse
or neglect cases. Helping a child increase
his or her narrative skills without increasing
the errors will prepare the child witness for
the stressors of the legal environment. This
technique can aid the forensic psychologist
in promoting competency, improving relations, and providing strategies to empower
the child with a learning disability to be
more accurate, complete, and honest.
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M. (1990). Story grammar and comprehension
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abilities of children with learning disabilities and
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Perspectives on children’s testimony (pp.37-56). New
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dissertation. Texas Tech University, Lubbock.
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About the Author
Erica Ruegg, EdD,
is an assistant professor of special
education at Oakland University in
Rochester, Michigan. Currently, Dr.
Ruegg is involved in
research addressing
abuse and neglect issues in children with disabilities. In particular, her interests include
child witness credibility during testimony
about an abusive event. Also, Dr. Ruegg is
interested in the communication and social
skills of children with disabilities and the effects they may have on adult perceptions.
Earn CE Credit
By Eugene R. Bertolli, OD, FACFEI,
DABCHS, CMI-V; Constantine Forkiotis,
OD, FCOVD, FAAO; Dominic R. Pannone,
OD, CMI-V, CHS-V; and Hazel Dawkins
Key words: law enforcement, visual
skills, vision science, vision therapy
This article is eligible for CE credit
in the following categories: CMI,
ACFEI. See page 4 for a key to these
CE abbreviations and complete CE
approval statements.
Self-Guided Visual Therapy for Law Enforcement Skill Enhancement
Abstract
Behavioral optometrists recognize that vision is much more than seeing 20/20; it also
includes eye posture, vision efficiency, hand-eye coordination, and peripheral awareness, which all influence posture, the autonomic nervous system, circadian rhythms,
pituitary functions, and much more, including behavior—a response to external stimuli. The behavioral optometrist provides examination not only to rule out and treat pathology, but also to aid an individual in improving deficits in his or her vision systems
and improving the performance of a normal system as demonstrated in sports vision
therapy. Law enforcement officers may benefit from vision therapy procedures, but
they may not have time for in-office sessions. The following describes some vision science and some vision therapy procedures that may be performed by the officer outside
the behavioral optometry office. This is a small sampling of vision science and vision
therapy, much of which we share with officers at the Connecticut Police Training Academy, where we present information on vision science.
Law enforcement
officers must have
excellent
visual
skills in order to be
observant and fulfill the demands of
their jobs, as they
often are required
to make rapid judgments to act physically and mentally.
Officers are routinely called on to
conduct low-light
Image 1: Vision is
searches, operate
more than sight.
vehicles at high
speeds, read moving license tags, and process crime and crash scenes. Paperwork and
computer work put further visual demands
on officers.
While the 20/20 factor is central to the
ability to see details clearly, vision is more
than accurately identifying letters on an
eye chart. (See image 1.) Vision is the most
efficient manner of receiving information
from the environment. Refractive error
(being nearsighted, farsighted, or having
an astigmatism), eye coordination, and
focusing all influence vision input. Vision
influences the entire organism, including
the motor system. For instance, relative to
1
3
4
Image 3: A phoropter is an instrument that is often
used to determine spectacle prescription and measure focusing, binocular vision, etc.
Image 4: Peripheral vision is restricted while driving though a tunnel.
eye-hand coordination, the poorer one’s
eyesight, the greater his or her finger tremor will be. Refractive error and eye coordination also influence posture, gait, timing,
and spatial relationships.
Spectacle lenses alter light to compensate, or alter physiological conditions, and
do not correct the vision error. (See image
3.) These changes also change one’s perception of the world, an automatic effect
throughout the brain. Lenses have prismatic effects such as objects appearing in a
different position relative to where they are
in actual space. Lenses alter the perception
of size and distort shapes and colors (in
addition to other effects). Lenses also de-
crease the peripheral input, which in turn
restricts strength.
Environmental conditions affect vision
adversely. The eye requires flexibility to sustain pupillary constriction to react to the
brightness of the sun or artificial lighting
while darkness with intermittent sources
of light produces pupil oscillations (movement back and forth), which are more pronounced in myopia (near-sightedness) and
result in stress and fatigue. Additionally,
fog creates “empty field” effects, interfering with proper focusing and obscuring
details.
Ideally, officers will have a minimal
amount of physiological distortion and deviation, which reduce their ability to render valid, efficient decisions under the additional stress that accompanies their jobs.
Officers’ internal coordinate systems must
match the coordinates in the real world;
tactile, proprioceptive, auditory, and vision coordinates must be integrated so they
are able to physically respond accurately in
time and space. Vision therapy and visual
hygiene help maintain and improve vision
skills that aid in many job-related tasks. A
behavioral optometrist may also aid officers
in providing balanced compensatory lenses
and reducing the amount of lens power for
good vision.
2
Images 5 and 6: Looking through the tube.
Peripheral Vision and Stress
While operating a motor vehicle, as one
travels faster he or she experiences a corresponding decrease in peripheral awareness. (See image 4.) This tunnel vision effect often occurs under increased stress in
high-adrenaline events such as high-speed
chases, domestic calls, and altercations; unImage 2: What is it? What do you see? Vision exists in the brain.
5
6
der the influence of substances; or even under multi-attention tasking. An exercise we
teach at the Connecticut State Police Training Academy to simulate tunnel vision involves standing with the feet together, closing one eye, and placing a paper-towel tube
over the other eye. (See images 5 and 6.) It
is difficult to determine the size and spatial location of objects viewed through the
tube; maintaining one’s posture becomes
difficult and body temperature begins to
rise. Individuals in good physical condition are better able to cope with the effects
of tunnel vision. We have also found that
tactical breathing during the incident as
well as during vision therapy reduces the
effects of tunnel vision.
Driving and Visually Directing the
Motor System
When directing an object to go into a particular direction, the motor system will
have the propensity to direct motion to
the position the visual system is targeting.
For example, imagine a vehicle has begun
to skid. The operator desperately attempts
7
8
Image 7: Direct the eyes where you wish the vehicle to travel, not where you wish to avoid.
Image 8: Visual attention is on the barrel sight,
while being aware of target and close sight.
to avoid crashing into a particular obstacle,
but despite a mighty effort, the vehicle
crashes directly into the barrier. (See image 7.) Ideally, the driver should not focus
on the obstacle, but should look toward an
area that is free of obstacles. This way the
motor system will align properly for a successful passage.
Another officer safety concern related
to driving is the phenomenon commonly referred to as the Moth Effect, where a
driver, usually fatigued, will often drift
into a parked cruiser at roadside. The
lights from a cruiser are thought to draw
an individual’s attention, which leads the
driver to direct the wheel towards the
cruiser. Research performed decades ago
revealed a phenomenon called latent heliotropism––light in a particular field of vision
changes the electrical muscle potentials so
as to act or respond into that direction.
Therefore, there is an unconscious physical change that enables the effect. Besides
safety precautions employed by the officer at the roadside, educating the public
to consciously become more alert when
emergency lighting is activated may have
value. Heliotropism and possible counter
measures continue to be studied. The visibility of an individual officer at the roadside was addressed in ANSI 107-1999 and
-2004. Wearing ANSI-approved reflective
clothing improves visibility, but some argued that such clothing makes an officer
more of a target in a hostile traffic stop.
one’s mind and body are brought to a calm
state, as the brain generates alpha waves.
In approaching this state, the subject may
roll his or her tongue up under the roof
of the mouth, allowing the sublingual salivary gland to keep the mouth moist. Humming softly aids in achieving alpha waves
by transferring low frequencies through
the hard palate to the brain. Gently rolling
one’s eyes into an upward gaze creates traction on the extra ocular muscles that move
the eyeball, activating the oculocardiac reflex, which slows the heart rate.
Oculocardiac Reflex and Meditation
With learning tasks such as boxing or martial arts, a period of meditation before the
activity prepares one to learn, and a period
of meditation after the activity helps calm
the body and mind. During meditation,
Physiological Nystagmus; Proprioceptive Shooting
In target shooting using optical sights,
which magnify the target, or in proprioceptive (acting upon stimuli produced by
the body) shooting, visual therapy creates
a more precise and efficient marksman.
The military is well aware of the eye/brain/
motor system relationship demonstrated
in the Pistol Marksmanship Guide. When
using open sights, one uses the front gun
sight, rather than the downrange or closesight targets. (See image 8.) While viewing through the front sight, the shooter
is aware of the target and the close sight.
This works with the nature of the physiological nystagmus, which is the rapid, involuntary oscillation of the eye during fixation. The eye is in constant micromotion
or oscillation to prevent the fatigue of the
retinal cells. The ideal is to have one’s hand
tremor match the motion of the physiological nystagmus. Having an arc of motion that mimics the eye’s motion allows
the system to work in unison. By bringing
the visual attention to the front site, the arc
of movement is smaller, and alignment to
the downrange target is easier to achieve.
9
10
Image 9: Flashlights.
Image 10: Breaking concrete slabs.
Being in good physical condition, practicing, breathing correctly, maintaining the
proper mental state, eating the right diet,
and not using alcohol, drugs, nicotine, or
medications are all factors that develop a
better marksman.
Proprioceptive shooting skills can be
enhanced by using two flashlights or two
laser pointers. (See image 9.) The shooter
begins with both eyes open and holds a
flashlight in each hand at his or her side.
The shooter should first point one light
on a wall, then match the position rapidly
with the momentary switch on the other
light. The shooter should switch target and
shooting hands periodically for symmetrical development of skill in case he or she
ever injures his or her strong arm in the
field and hasto depend on the weaker arm.
The United States Military Marksman
program is an excellent resource for further
study and training (see references).
the proper force must be achieved to prevent injury to the striker and deliver the
desired effect on the receiving end. (See
image 10.)
An advanced martial artist is capable
of performing the break or strike with
oblique viewing, or even blindfolded, using imagery and proprioception. The
individual’s internal coordinate system in
relation to space must have validity, and
the individual’s body coordinates, tactile
coordinates, vision space coordinates, and
even auditory positioning should be ideally
calibrated. Vision therapy along with practice integrates the system.
One variation on the art of breaking is to
strike two separate targets simultaneously.
An example is using both hands to strike
two solid objects. This demonstrates symmetry in timing, power, and focus. If either
hand delivers a difference in speed, power,
or focus, the result is that only one or neither target is broken. Visual therapy, in improving efficiency, also improves body balance/symmetry and enhances performance
when more than one physical operation is
required, and thus will apply to the double
break.
Tameshiwara
Tameshiwara is the art of breaking durable
materials such as wood and concrete, or
even using a strike from the hand or foot
to bend or deform metal. The greatest error in this art is placing the point of force
delivery at the surface of the object that
is to be breached. The deceleration of the
striking body part to the resistant material
will likely damage that body part and not
the object. By directing the eye z axis (focus) and triangulation of eye direction to
a point beyond the surface, the motor system will allow the acceleration of the hand,
foot, or body part used for the strike, thus
achieving the proper penetration through
the material. Whether striking an object
or a nerve center point on an opponent,
Night Vision
Our eyes operate differently in different
light settings. The eye has two major systems. One operates best under photopic
(lighted) conditions while the other becomes dominant in scotopic (darkened)
conditions. The mesopic interval (intermediate levels of illumination) describes
the lighting condition around twilight and
dusk. In World War II, the Navy had battle
stations manned during this mesopic interval for practical reasons, even if no threat
was apparent. The shape and color vision
idiosyncrasies under mesopic conditions
render a shorter detection time than under
scotopic or photopic conditions. Under
lighted conditions, the cones, which are
densest at the center of the retina, provide
the best color vision and acuity due to
their distribution. Under darkened conditions, the peripheral retina has the advantage with primarily a distribution of rods.
The central retina is not sending as much
information to the brain, so it appears
relatively as a blind spot. In extreme darkness, eccentric viewing is used to involve
the rods because such conditions yield
little visual information. Color depends
on what wavelengths an object can reflect
and absorb. As the lighting changes, the
reflected wavelengths (and consequently,
color perception) change. This is why it is
often believed that there is no color vision
in dim illumination. However, those who
work in darkened conditions can describe
colors fairly accurately by learning through
experience.
Better night vision can be accomplished
by increasing retinal blood flow. Many
pharmaceuticals and substances affect
retinal sensitivity. For example, tobacco
use greatly diminishes night vision and
increases dark adaptation times. Those
who quit smoking will typically improve
their night vision within 6–18 months.
Other substances have the opposite efImage 11: Press gently.
11
12
Image 12: A tachistoscope attachment for a projector.
fect. For example, World War II bombers
used the supplement bilberry to increase
retinal blood flow, thus improving their
night vision for bombing runs. Additionally, physical conditioning, good nutrition,
and avoiding certain substances will lead to
better night vision.
An additional technique to accelerate
dark adaptation is to close the eyes and
roll them upward, turn the raised palms
of both hands toward the eyes, and gently
press the heels of the palms on the lower
portion of the globes through the closed
lids. (See image 11.) This gentle pressure
should be maintained for approximately
10 seconds. A bilateral phosphene (sensation of light within the eye) will result
and will appear as a dim internal glow or
a less-dark appearance behind the closed
lids. Open the eyes now that the palms are
away from the face. Within a few seconds,
more detail will become apparent under
low illumination such as starlight.
Afterimage Home Therapy
Observation powers are essential to the law
enforcement officer. Tachistoscopic training was first successfully employed by Renshaw in World War II. Images of warplanes
were presented to sailors for a fraction of
a second to train them to rapidly identify
incoming aircraft as friend or foe and as
fighter or bomber. (See image 12.) Tachistoscopic training was also applied in the
curriculum for the California Peace Officers’ Training Series in 1968.
Some optometrists use the following as
a home version of tachistoscopic training
to develop the ability to “see and comprehend with a few looks what took many little looks to accomplish.” This exercise also
deals with perception of space and local-
ization, such as identifying where in space
someone or something is, especially when
dealing with variable lighting conditions.
The exercise takes place in a dim room
with a 100-watt light approximately 16
inches from the subject. Initially, for adaptation, the subject’s eyes are closed with the
light toward him or her for a few seconds.
The subject then opens his or her eyes for
15 seconds, staring directly into the bulb.
After, he or she will close his or her eyes
and keep them closed, studying what is
seen. Ask the subject “How much periphery exists surrounding the ‘blob’ of the afterimage?” Then the light is switched off,
and the eyes continue to be gently closed,
yet continue to look directly ahead toward
the light source. The subject will see a thin
blob of light on a black background, with
complementary colors typically flowering
centrally. Keeping the eyes closed, and relaxing the body, the subject should investigate the volume of blackness as the colors
diminish. The subject should ask him or
herself, “Do you see the blackness? Where
does it begin, and are there limits?” It is
expected that the subject will see the blackness beginning approximately 20 inches
from the eyes and expanding to the limits
of the room. “Do you know where the walls
are; does the blackness extend to the walls;
if not, what is between the walls and the
blackness?” It is expected that the subject
will begin to see objects around the light
source as an afterimage, with a silvery color
“silhouetted against blackness.” The objects
should be as “clear as a good dream.” Usually the whole area is seen equally clearly
at the same time, which is different than
the way we see with the eyes open. Later
in the training, the effects will extend into
situations with the eyes open. This yields
larger areas of space being clear. The field
application of this exercise is that the subject will develop a better comprehension of
a situation with less effort in looking.
Computer and Desk Work
Nearpoint work (within several inches) requires a great deal of effort. The brain uses
more oxygen, the prolonged posture required stresses the musculoskeletal system,
and artificial lighting is difficult to focus
under. Additionally, maintaining eye coordination and focusing is difficult with pa-
13
Image 13: An example of a slant board.
per work, but it is even more difficult with
computer work. The blink rate decreases
with close work and with computer work,
adding to further vision discomfort and
possibly a stress headache. Navy studies on
submariners have shown that the focusing
spasms from prolonged close work have
caused undesirable changes in vision such
as myopia (nearsightedness) and astigmia
(somewhat distorted focus).
Our Office Handout: Vision Hygiene
Proper vision habits are important to instill at an early age, and the benefits last
a lifetime. Proper care in this area has a
heavy influence on distance vision, overall posture, and overall health. This is one
area that promotes vision efficiency and
prevention.
Reading, writing, hobby work, and
drawing should not be performed on the
belly, in bed, or in some un-constructed
configuration of posture. The ideal situation is seated or standing, under good illumination (full-spectrum fluorescent or
100-watt frosted bulb in a student-style
adjustable lamp) with the material resting at Harmon’s distance (the anatomical
distance from the tip of the elbow to the
second fist knuckle). The material should
be at an approximate 22 degree incline to
create the proper viewing angle and to prevent the subject from crunching over, thus
compressing the rib cage (and inhibiting
breathing) and becoming excessively close
to the material. (See image 13.) The head
should be straight, with the eyes slightly
lowered to view the material. The workspace should face a window, allowing a distance rest view.
If reading spectacles are prescribed, they
should be employed per the doctor’s di-
14
What is Behavioral Optometry?
15
Image 15: An eye exam room.
Image 14: Keep the computer monitor low.
rections. Every 15–20 minutes, the subject should remove the reading spectacles,
stand, and look out the window at a stationary target such as a tree. With his or
her eyes fixed on the target, the subject
should become aware of space and objects
in the peripheral vision. This allows the focusing and triangulation of the eyes to relax, preventing fatigue and accommodative
spasms. These spasms may lead to adverse
changes in refractive error. The rest periods should last at least a minute. The blink
rate while viewing a computer is much less
than in other tasks. Therefore, the rest period aids dry eye symptoms, which people
often perceive as tiredness.
During computer tasks, the screen
should be positioned to minimize glare.
It should be placed below the horizontal
level for ease of convergence. At eye level
or higher, most individuals will have greater fatigue because it takes more effort to
maintain eye coordination in the higher
eye elevations. Neck problems also tend
to arise when the screen is higher. (See image 14.) Multi-focal spectacle lenses are
used properly when the screen is below the
horizontal level. The use of small handheld
computer games that are usually held close
to one’s face is discouraged.
Our Office Vision Therapy Homework Handout: Forkiotis Rotations
Eye rotations are one of our most powerful
and efficient home-based vision therapy
procedures.
Eye rotations are performed on a daily
basis—first on each eye separately and
then both together. The subject should
spend 1 minute for each eye separately and
1 minute with both eyes open three times
a week. No prescription lenses are worn.
The subject should be standing and facing
out a window with good posture. A plano
(non-powered) safety glass with a strip of
electrical tape down the center of one eye,
or a patch, may be used for occlusion. A
long shiny spoon is used and is held so the
convex (round) side is toward the eye. The
spoon is rotated in the vertical plane beginning approximately 5 inches from the eye,
outward and then back, then in the reverse
direction, making excursions out to the extent of the arm’s reach. Then the same large
circular movements are performed on the
horizontal plane, and then the two diagonal planes. The other eye is then used, and
finally both eyes. Use the right hand for the
right eye and the left hand for the left eye,
and alternate hands for both eyes. The subject should follow his or her face reflection
during the procedure as it recedes and approaches along the circular movements. As
the procedure becomes smoother, the subject will attend the face reflection target.
Then the subject will attend the face target
along with the surrounding reflection of
objects and space behind, which are also
reflected in the spoon. As proficiency pro-
Behavioral optometry goes beyond diagnosing and treating eye disease, performing eye surgeries, and prescribing spectacles
and contact lenses. Behavioral optometry
deals with the individual’s perception, or
brain processes, in handling light energy
in certain patterns. The behavioral optometrist uses vision therapy to guide the individual with to change those patterns indirectly by altering how the brain is helped
and guided in processing light energy. The
profession is unique in using lenses and
prisms in vision therapy to achieve these
changes. (See image 16.)
The practicing behavioral optometrist
understands the physiology of the neck,
vision, and vestibular system and the relations of the coordinate systems of these relative to the environment. This involves understanding the effects of prisms and lenses
on the postural reflexes and the center of
gravity induced via the superior colliculus,
gresses, the subject will attend his or her
face reflection and the rear space reflection
along with the forward space and objects.
As progress is achieved in smooth performance, ask the question: “Keeping your
eyes fixated on the spoon, how aware are
you of the peripheral vision details beyond
the spoon in the rest of the environment?”
The goal of this exercise is to build smooth
eye movement and increase conscious
awareness of peripheral vision details. Pe-
on the mind and body and the individual’s
time/space world, and on the influence on
the autonomic nervous system. Farsightedness, nearsightedness, astigmatism, and eye
posture all reflect the individual’s relationship with the environment, as well as the
person’s operating system.
The optometrist’s goal is to prevent vision problems, reduce refractive error, and
improve overall vision efficiency. Observing the individual’s breathing, posture,
speaking, and walking helps the behavioral
optometrist understand the individual and
his or her vision system. Measuring the
posture of the vision system and refractive
error allows the optometrist to quantify
the distortions of the individual’s operating system and understand how the person deals with space and time and how the
system may be improved. The optometrist
16
ultimately measures the vision system to
demonstrate the improvement in vision
values. Whether enhancing the vision system for sports performance or to improve
a person’s functioning from stroke, trauma,
and amblopia (lazy eye), vision therapy aids
in an individual’s overall vision efficiency.
(See image 17.)
Improving the way space and time perception match reality improves a person’s performance in sports, academia, and life. Optometrists who practice in this area initially work
with mentors, attend seminars, and receive
continuing education throughout their careers. They also continually experience vision
therapy for their own benefit. Behavioral
optometry internships are available through
many of the optometry schools.
17
Image 16: A small sampling of vision therapy
instruments––lenses and prisms are probably the
best tools for guiding changes.
Image 17: A Wayne Saccadic Fixator is often
used in conjunction with a balance platform. The
subject must touch buttons as they light for training
eye-hand coordination with balance.
ripheral vision function and performance
is important in body balance, movement
through space, operating a motor vehicle,
not losing your place while moving your
eyes from line to line while reading, and
avoiding accidents. This procedure also improves eye-hand coordination, the smooth
pursuit system, eye teaming, eye focusing,
peripheral awareness, and other important
vision skills that apply to everyone but are
very useful for the officer in the field.
In summary, vision skills are pervasive
throughout an officer’s entire work day.
Simple practices aid in maintaining and
improving vision efficiency, and knowledge of basic vision science aids in more
fully using, maintaining, and enhancing
such skills.
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Weisz, C. L. (1979). Clinical therapy for
accommodative responses: Transfer effects
on performance. Journal of the American
Optometric Association, 50(2), 209–214.
About the Authors
Eugene
Robert
Bertolli, OD, FACFEI,
DABCHS,
CMI-V, CHS-V,
practices
behavioral and advanced
optometry, diagnoses and treats eye
disease, and offers
vision therapy services for his patients.
Together with Dr. Forkiotis and Hazel
Dawkins, Dr. Bertolli wrote the book
Shields Against Terrorism: Guarding Against
Weapons of Mass Destruction and Other
Unconventional Threats. He is an adjunct
speaker at the Connecticut Police Training Academy, and he lectures on the visual
science behind horizontal gaze nystagmus
(HGN). Additionally, he developed an innovative set of guides for the rapid recognition and identification of unconventional
attacks (WMDs), primarily from victim
ocular findings. Dr. Bertolli is a Life Fellow in the American College of Forensic
Examiners, a Diplomate of the American
Board for Certification in Homeland Security, and a Certified Medical Investigator
(CMI-V), and he is Certified in Homeland
Security (CHS-V). He also serves on the
editorial advisory board for The Forensic
Examiner®.
Constantine
Forkiotis,
OD,
FCOVD, FAAO,
CHS-III, has spent
years working with
state and municipal
police departments
checking,
showing, and evaluating
HGN in the field.
He became an expert witness for contested DUI court cases in Connecticut, New
Hampshire, Delaware, New York, New
Jersey, and Florida. Dr. Forkiotis is a member of the American College of Forensic
Examiners (ACFEI) and is Certified in
Homeland Security (CHS-III).
Dominic R. Pannone, OD, CMIV, CHS-III, is a
behavioral optometrist who has been
practicing in Norwich, Connecticut,
since 1960. He is
a member of the
American Optometric Association and has been a member of the Optometric Extension Program
for 35 years. He established the vision care
and health section for the Haitian Health
Foundation in Jeremie, Haiti, in 1989 and
still serves as its consultant. In 1990 he became a Connecticut State Police Surgeon
and today is an adjunct lecturer at the Connecticut Police Academy on vision, drugs,
and alcohol and their effects on driving.
He is a member of the American College
of Forensic Examiners (ACFEI) and is a
Certified Medical Investigator (CMI-V).
He is also Certified in Homeland Security
(CHS-III).
Hazel Dawkins is
a veteran editor and
writer whose career
began in London’s
Fleet Street newspaper world, which
took her to Paris,
Geneva, and New
York City. An editor for major publishers, including Harper & Row and Columbia University Press, she has authored
several books on vision and behavioral optometry.
Earn CE Credit
The Cold Case of Carol Blades “The Missing Housewife”
By Barbara Kemm-Highton, BS
Carol Horton Blades
T
elevision, movies, and books
would lead us to believe that
cold case squads are forming
everywhere. However, hundreds of families in every state are still waiting for these
methodical, relentless, and talented experts
to come to their towns. These families hold
out hope that their loved ones’ killers will
be caught and made to pay for their crimes.
These families seek the truth and an end to
the haunting anxiety and restlessness that
comes from the “not knowing.”
One such story was gathering dust in
the heart of the Ozarks. In the small town
of Nixa, Missouri, a 1969 crime is still remembered.
On a cold day in December 1969, a
young wife traveled down a typical Main
Street lined with small businesses and
friendly faces to visit the local laundromat.
Once there she placed her laundry in the
washer and then mysteriously disappeared.
Seemingly without a sound or a trace,
Carol Horton Blades was missing.
The investigation into Carol’s disappearance was headed by Sheriff Buff Lamb. A
controversial figure in the small town, Sheriff Lamb ruled his county via intimidation
and a heavy oversized flashlight. Many of
his cronies revered him, but many women
in the small town found his chauvinism
threatening. Nonetheless, he would lead
the investigation into the “missing Nixa
housewife.”
From the very beginning, Lamb informed that the press, “She probably ran
off.” Carol’s husband was not convinced
that his rather shy young spouse would do
that. The couple, married just 2 years, were
planning to adopt a child. He couldn’t
imagine his wife would just leave in the
middle of the day with no warning.
Louis and Geraldine Horton, Carol’s
parents, immediately moved from Oklahoma back to the area. They consumed themselves with the details of December 15, the
day their daughter vanished, and they began to demand answers. Sheriff Lamb did
not take kindly to demands, and the family
and the law pitched enemy camps. A grand
jury was convened, a reward fund established, and dueling articles were published
in the local paper, the Springfield News &
Leader.
As time passed, rumors proliferated. Some
believed that a transient had kidnapped
Carol; others feared that a local had killed
her; still others were convinced that her
husband was to blame; and some even
thought that the sheriff had played a part
in the disappearance. The town was filled
with suspicions, hostility, and fear. Meanwhile, the case stalled.
One year later, a terrible discovery proved
that Carol had not “run off.” On Christmas Day, a man checking his herd of cattle
on a sprawling farm in Ponce de Leon, 13
miles southwest of Nixa, stumbled across a
woman’s skeletal remains; it was Carol. The
discovery of the bones revealed the young
woman’s fate. Her funeral was held, and
one by one suspects were polygraphed and
eliminated and witnesses were questioned
and re-questioned, but all leads turned to
dead ends.
In 2001, I began writing a book (A Body
On The Farm: The Disappearance and Murder of Carol Blades) about this decades-old
case. The book explores, among other
things, the use of psychics for unsolved cases, and it follows the trail of a serial killer
and suspect in Carol’s murder.
Following the publication of the book, a
retiring lawman in Missouri indicated that
he would form a cold case team and look
into any unsolved cases at the request of
the families. If you are interested in having
your case (in the Ozarks and surrounding
area of Missouri only) reinvestigated, or if
you are in law enforcement and would like
to contact this team to assist them, please
email me at barbarahighton@sbcglobal.
net. I have also begun research on three
major cases in the Ozarks: one in Cassville,
one in Clinton, and another in the Dogwood area. I would welcome more families to be included in this anthology. Their
loved ones should never be forgotten.
About the Author
Barbara Kemm-Highton, BS, has been
a language arts teacher for 29 years. Ten of
those years have been teaching adjudicated
teens. She holds a bachelor’s degree in education from Missouri State University and
is a certified reading, language arts, and
special education teacher. She previously
taught middle and high school in Joplin,
Missouri, and for 14 years was an English teacher for the Rogersville, Missouri,
schools. She has also been a Title I Reading
Specialist.
Highton’s first book, A Body On the
Farm: The Disappearance and Murder of
Carol Blades, is available through Barnes
& Noble, Amazon, and her website, www.
abodyonthefarm.com, through which she
can be emailed.
A
cold case just might get hot again
if a cold case squad is working on it. Old unsolved cases,
known as cold cases, are generating a buzz
as more police departments develop cold
case squads and as DNA testing advances
in technology.
With the popularity of TV shows such
as CBS’s Cold Case, general expectations of
a police department’s ability to solve these
cases have increased. Very rarely does a cold
case remain unsolved on television, yet figuring out whodunit in real life poses more
challenges such as limited staffing and financial resources. However, one benefit of
the popularity is that more people want to
work or even volunteer to help with these
cases (Hobbs, n.d.).
Formation of a Cold Case Squad
When an area has many unsolved homicides
or when new cases prevent investigators
from spending time on old cases, a cold case
squad might be formed (Turner and Kosa,
2003). For it to be most effective, a cold case
squad should consist of experienced and
persistent investigators (Regini, 1997).
The best candidates to work on a particular cold case are the investigators who
initially worked on the case. By involving
these investigators, the squad should save
time, as the original investigators are already familiar with the facts and details of
the case. Also, when a cold case is solved,
the original investigators will achieve a
sense of accomplishment and completion
for cases in which they have already invested so much time (Lord, 2005). Yet, enlisting help from the original investigator can
be difficult if that person is busy working
on new cases (Turner and Kosa, 2003).
Selection of Cases
Before beginning work on a cold case, a
squad needs to decide which case to pursue. By researching various factors in each
case and selecting the cases that are most
likely to be solved, a squad can increase its
chances for success (Lord, 2005). Factors
to consider include whether the victim has
been identified, whether suspects have already been identified, how much physical
evidence exists, and how willing witnesses
are to cooperate (Turner and Kosa, 2003).
Types of DNA Testing and Fingerprint
Analysis
DNA testing is not the only way to solve
cases; it is just the method that has received
the most attention recently because of technological advances. The use of DNA testing and increased fingerprint technology
has allowed decade-old cases to be re-examined (Hobbs, n.d.).
Although fingerprints have been used to
solve cases for years, recent developments
have broadened their use and detection.
Investigators can now find and lift prints
from materials as varied as leather and
cloth, which were previously considered
unprintable, by using cyanocrylate fingerprint systems. In addition, automated fingerprint identification systems and systems
that use lasers to lift prints aid investigators
(Turner and Kosa, 2003).
If evidence has been stored properly, testable DNA might exist (Using DNA, 2002).
Every person (except for identical twins)
has unique DNA, which is the basic building block of a person’s genetic makeup. The
same DNA found in one cell of a person’s
body is found in almost every cell of that
person’s body, regardless of whether the cell
is from skin, blood, or somewhere else (Using DNA).
In the early days of DNA testing, restriction fragment length polymorphism
(RFLP) was the main way to use DNA
evidence for forensic purposes. This technique allows analysis of variable lengths of
DNA fragments produced when a special
enzyme digests a DNA sample (DNA Forensics, n.d.). Now that advances have been
made, investigators do not use RFLP as
much, especially because it requires a DNA
sample that is about the size of a quarter
while newer methods can use a sample as
small as a few skin cells (DNA Forensics).
Today, more investigators use polymerase
chain reaction (PCR), short tandem repeat
(STR), or mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA)
analysis instead of RFLP. PCR allows investigators to make millions of copies of DNA
from one biological sample, with each
copy being identical to the first. Because so
many copies can be made, the sample from
which they are taken can be tiny. So, even
if a sample has degraded over time, the possibility of finding part of it that can still be
used to make copies is much greater than
with RFLP (DNA Forensics, n.d.). STR
technology examines specific regions of
nuclear DNA. Investigators can distinguish
between DNA profiles if STR regions vary
(Using DNA, 2002).
Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis differs from other methods because it
uses DNA from the mitochondrion in a
cell and not the nucleus. Evidence consisting of cells that do not have a nucleus and
therefore cannot be analyzed with other
techniques, such as hair shafts or bones, is
ideal for mtDNA analysis (DNA Forensics,
n.d.). Another benefit of mtDNA analysis
is that all maternal relatives share the same
mtDNA. Therefore, an mtDNA sample
from the remains of an unidentified victim
can be compared to those of a potential
maternal relative for possible identification, which is especially useful in missing
persons investigations (DNA Forensics).
Application of DNA Databases
Increased technology has allowed not only a
greater number of and more advanced ways
to test DNA evidence, but also better ways
to electronically store and compare the re-
sults of these tests. A computer software
program called CODIS (Combined DNA
Index System) currently uses a convicted
offender index and a forensic index to
search for matching profiles. The convicted
offender index contains DNA profiles of
criminals guilty of certain offenses, and the
forensic index has DNA profiles from crime
scene evidence. By January 2003, CODIS
contained more than a million DNA profiles in the convicted offender index and
roughly 48,000 in the crime scene index
(DNA Forensics, n.d.).
Usually, if CODIS generates a match, investigators can use the information as probable cause to get a new DNA sample from
the suspect before making an arrest (Using
DNA, 2002).
Preservation of Evidence
How well evidence from a case has been
preserved often influences whether a cold
case squad will reopen an investigation and
whether DNA testing can be done on the
evidence. Sometimes evidence might not
have been stored properly and might have
suffered from decay. Also, for cases that are
several years old, the evidence is often suited
to be tested by older technology and not
the technology that exists today. As a result,
investigators might not have all the necessary evidence to crack the cold case (Lord,
2005).
Methods of packaging evidence range
from plastic bags that are stapled shut to
open cardboard boxes. Even though neither of these methods is particularly good,
investigators should only change the way
evidence has been stored when it has not
been packaged at all. The goal of storing
evidence is to limit contamination, and altering the way evidence has been stored can
introduce new contaminants (Using DNA,
2002). Additionally, certain methods of
storage encourage more bacteria growth,
which can damage or degrade DNA samples (Using DNA).
Use of Witnesses
When opening a cold case investigation,
the squad must consider how willing witnesses will be to get involved with the case
again. Just locating witnesses presents a
challenge. Once found though, witnesses
might be more willing to cooperate now
than they were when the event happened.
Enough time may have has passed that they
no longer feel threatened by possible retaliation from the suspect, or their emotions
may have cooled or stabilized (Turner and
Kosa, 2003). Yet, investigators should be
prepared for dealing with witnesses who
might not want to revisit a traumatic memory (Regini, 1997).
Future of Cold Case Squads
As long as the resources exist to supply them,
cold case squads should continue to grow.
New technology has created opportunities
for solving more cases, but limited financial
and staffing resources often slow progress.
Also, even with the advantages of technology, the complete resolution of a case often
depends on the contributions of witnesses
or informants (Turner and Kosa, 2003).
Despite these challenges, the edge that technology gives cold case squads is undeniable.
Technology has changed how today’s investigators solve cases and will undoubtedly bring
more changes. Perhaps the result might even
be the elimination of the cold case.
References
U.S. Department of Energy Office of Science.
(n.d.). DNA forensics. Retrieved April 5, 2006, from
http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/Human-Genome
Hobbs, D. (n.d.). How to catch a killer. Retrieved
January 4, 2006, from http://www.newspress.com/
coldcases/catchkiller.com
Lord, V. B. (2005, Feb.). Implementing a cold
case homicide unit. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin. Retrieved January 12, 2006, from http://www.
fbi.gov/publications/leb/2005/feb2005/feb2005.
htm#page1
Regini, C. L. (1997). The cold case concept. FBI
Law Enforcement Bulletin. Retrieved January 9, 2006,
from
http://www.fbi.gov/publications/leb/1997/
aug971.htm
Sanders, T. (2005, Oct. 10). No glamour, no
fame for Alabama’s forensics team. Montgomery
Advertiser. Retrieved January 4, 2006, from http://
www.montgomeryadvertiser.com/apps/pbcs.dll/
article?AID=/20051010/NEWS/510100323/1001
Turner, R., and Kosa, R. (2003, July). Cold case
squads: Leaving no stone unturned. Bureau of Justice
Assistance Bulletin. Retrieved January 9, 2006, from
http://ncjrs.gov/html/bja/coldcasesquads/index.html
National Institute of Justice. (2002, July). Using
DNA to solve cold cases. Retrieved April 4, 2006, from
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/pubs-sum/194197.
htm
About the Author
Laura Kirsch, JD, MA, is a staff writer for
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hen former Yugoslavian
president Slobodan Milosevic was arrested and
brought to The Hague, I was employed
by the Tribunal to evaluate and teach
the prosecution staff what specific nonverbal messages revealed about the unconscious mind of Milosevic. For many
years I evaluated Milosevic and made
recommendations regarding his behavior and future actions [for NATO and
the UN].
The International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) attempted to provide a court-appointed
legal team to advise Milosevic; the team
consisted of former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark and British lawyer
John Livingston. This move would have
done much to throw out the idea that
Milosevic was “one man alone against
an unjust world court.” The ICTY move
would have also restricted the number
of people who would be able to hold
meetings with Milosevic without being
monitored. However, Milosevic rejected
the offer. Had he accepted the team assigned to him, it would have interfered
with his own legal defense. Moreover,
it would also suggest that he accepted
the court’s legitimacy. Finally, it would
have shown that he was not defending
himself alone.
Milosevic had other reasons to refuse
the Tribunal’s suggestion as well. First,
he was a bright and talented attorney
himself. Second, he also had two attorneys who were present every time
he was in the courtroom; they sat 5 or
6 feet from him, heard everything that
was said, and made eye contact regu-
larly. I know this because I sat next to
them so I could read Milosevic’s responses as they made eye contact. We
never talked. And, finally, when there
was a break in the proceedings Milosevic would be escorted to a small room
adjacent to the courtroom. The room
had three chairs gathered around a steel
table and a direct-line phone sitting in
the center. When lifted it connected
him instantly to a phalanx of attorneys
in Belgrade awaiting a briefing and assignment from their president and the
two lawyers on the scene.
The Methodological Tools Used to
Evaluate President Milosevic
Over the past 30-plus years I have been
developing a system of analyzing behavior based solely on what is observable
and testable. I call this the Goodfield
Method. President Milosevic was evaluated using his observable, nonverbal behavior. Here are the basic ideas associated with the method, and following this
overview are the results of Milosevic’s
evaluation.
To conduct this analysis, what I call
the nonverbal leak (NVL) must be established. It is a referential message reflecting the unconscious other-half of
the person’s message. The NVL is a repetitive, patterned movement from the
shoulders up that reflects unresolved,
perceived trauma manifesting old decisions or strategies from one’s past. It is
unconscious and visible to others; it is
testable. It is a way of looking at the unconscious strategies that the individual
presents in his or her total nonverbal
behavior.
The next step is to establish the symbolic meaning of the NVL. This means
decoding the nonverbal responses into
their unconscious symbolic meaning on
three levels: impact, primary emotion,
and primary coping strategy. This is the
sum total of an individual’s interaction
regarding the expression of basic emotional strategies.
Impact (Symbolic Level One, SL-1)
is a perceived traumatic event. It is real
in the sensory system of the person who
experiences it. It comes into the system
primarily through the eyes. A crisis occurs, and this shock to the system can be
recorded on a conscious or unconscious
level. The impact on a person is on an
intra-psychic, psycho-physiological, or
interpersonal level. In the Goodfield
Method there are six manifestations of
impact: shock (eyes large), fear (teariness), denial (eyes up, trance, white below eyes), disbelief (eyes closing), pain
(tearing, turn away from), and trance
(eyes that stare in an unfocused way).
The Primary Emotion (Symbolic
Level Two, SL-2) is the first reaction
a person has to the traumatic event; it
is what he or she really wants to do.
If the response in an SL-2 situation is
anger, then the person wants to express
At A Glance: Yugoslavia and Slobodan Milosevic
Timeline of Events from 1989–2006
1989
1990
1991
• 1991: Croatia and
Slovenia declare
independence from
Yugoslavia. Serbs
living in Croatia
look to Milosevic for
support.
• 1989: Slobodan
Milosevic becomes
president of Serbia
as the leader of
Serbia’s Communist
party and removes
autonomy from
Kosovo, a province
in Serbia.
2001
• April 1, 2001:
Milosevic is arrested
at his home in Belgrade, Yugoslavia,
by local authorities
after a 26-hour
standoff.
1992
1993
1994
• 1992: Bosnia-Herzegovina declares
independence from
Yugoslavia.
1995
1996
1997
• 1995: Massacre at Srebrenica in
Bosnia. See page 43 for details.
• Summer 1995: Croatia recovers
most of the land the Serbs had taken
from them by launching a violent
military campaign.
1998
1999
• July 1997: Milosevic is
selected as Yugoslav president by federal parliament,
which consists mainly of his
supporters. Only the republics
of Serbia and Montenegro
remain part of Yugoslavia.
• November 1995: The Bosnian War
formally ends with the Dayton Peace
Agreement, which Milosevic signs.
2002
2003
2004
2005
• February 12, 2002:
Trial against Milosevic
begins. Milosevic is
held at the Scheveningen detention center in
The Hague.
2006
• March 11, 2006: Milosevic is found dead in his
cell.
• March 14, 2006: Presiding Judge Patrick Robinson
announces that the case
against Milosevic is over
because of his death.
• April 5, 2006: An
independent inquest into
Milosevic’s death confirms
that his death was from
natural causes and not
foul play, which some had
speculated.
it clearly and directly with no holding
back. SL-2 can also be anger directed
outward or sadness.
The Primary Coping Strategy
(Symbolic Level Three, SL-3) is what
the person does; it is not what he or she
wants to do. It is the realization for the
person that when he or she gives in to
the feelings of what he or she wants to
do, it could make the situation even
worse. It is the compromise that works
for that person at that moment. With
time and similar perceptions of what his
or her world is like, the person develops
similar strategies for similar situations.
The SL-3 is the person’s basic strategy
for dealing with those feelings in his or
her life. SL-3 strategies include denial,
trance, anger turned inwards or outwards, control, biting down, distancing, and calculated emotional response
(CER).
What the Goodfield Method Revealed about Milosevic
After many hours of close observation
from May 30, 2002, to April 15, 2003,
I presented the prosecution staff with a
series of precise suggestions regarding
what they might do to obtain a convic-
tion against the former president.
In my opinion, Milosevic was not
crazy or evil. Milosevic was a person
who suffered from an extraordinarily
traumatic childhood and, as a consequence, made many basic decisions on
an unconscious level that led him to see
the world the way he did and to react to
the world of his perception. He also adopted some strategies that predisposed
events and actions to happen as they
did.
Milosevic’s NVL started with his
eyes open, then his tongue coming in
and out quickly. His top lip drew tight,
Yugoslavia
• Yugoslavia consisted of six republics: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia until Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, and Slovenia
seceded.
• As of February 4, 2003, Yugoslavia does not exist in name, but a federal government
retains ceremonial powers for the two remaining republics of Serbia and Montenegro.
2000
• May 1999: The UN International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia indicts Milosevic.
The indictment lists charges against Milosevic
regarding Kosovo, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. All three sets of charges are combined
into one trial. The charges include genocide,
crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the
Geneva Conventions, and violations of the laws
or customs of war. Charges relating to specific
republics are listed below.
• Bosnia-Herzegovina: for offenses between
1992 and 1995—charges include the
most serious charge, genocide. Milosevic is
accused of murdering thousands of Bosnian
Muslims and Bosnian Croats.
• Croatia: for offenses between 1991 and
1992—charges are for the murder of civilians and the forced removal of 170,000
non-Serbs from their homes.
• Kosovo: for offenses between January and June of 1999—charges are for
the forced removal of 800,000 Kosovo
Albanians and the murders of nearly 600
individually identified ethnic Albanians.
References
Associated Press. (2006, March 12). Chronology of Milosevic’s career.
The Boston Globe. Retrieved April 6, 2006, from http://www.boston.com/news/world/europe/articles/2006/03/12/chronology_of_milosevics_career/
The charges against Milosevic. (2006, March 11). BBC News. Retrieved April 6, 2006, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1402790.stm
Merriam-Webster Online. (2006). Kosovo. Retrieved April 6, 2006, from http://www.m-w.com/dictionary/kosovo
Milosevic ‘died of natural causes.’ (2006, April 5). CNN.com. Retrieved April 6, 2006, from http://www.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/europe/04/05/milosevic.death/index.html
Milosevic’s Yugoslavia. (n.d.). BBC News. Retrieved April 6, 2006, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/in_depth/europe/2000/milosevic_yugoslavia/default.stm
Tribunal closes Milosevic case. (2006, March 14). CNN.com. Retrieved April 6, 2006 from http://www.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/europe/03/14/milosevic.caseclosed.ap/index.html
Wikipedia.com. (2006). Yugoslavia. Retrieved April 6, 2006, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yugoslavia
causing it to thin as the lines on the
sides of his mouth became exaggerated.
He would then close his eyes and open
them quickly. There was a variation on
this when he was trying to control his
reactions.
On a symbolic level his message was
clear: “I am sad and angry, and I will let
my anger out or get revenge when I feel
it is right to let it out” (CER).
There are specific physical reactions
in his NVL that are quite rapid and revealing. They occurred in the following
sequence:
1) I am skeptical. Revealed by an elevated eyebrow.
2) I must control my anger. Revealed
by pulsing, bilateral jaw muscles during
questioning by prosecution attorneys.
During times like this he would often
place his right index finger into his masseter (a muscle that raises the lower jaw)
and put his middle finger across his top
lip. The message is, “I’m angry, and I’m
trying to control it.”
3) I’m letting my anger out. When
he interrogated witnesses or responded
quickly to judges from the Tribunal, his
anger was revealed by tongue out (particularly towards Judge Robert May).
His tongue would go in and out quickly,
indicating a direct expression of aggression. His message was, “I make a plan,
and when the time is right I will express
my anger” (CER).
4) I will control my feelings. This was
revealed by a controlled, tightened top
lip, giving a tight, thinning upper appearance.
5) I will deny what I see or hear. This
was revealed by closing the eyes.
6) I will restore my system’s balance
by internalizing my feelings and swallowing unexpressed emotions.
Milosevic’s NVLs are not pathological; they are, in fact, commonly seen
in many people. What makes his NVL
important to the prosecution is that it
gives them an ongoing “intelligence
briefing” in relation to their courtroom
tactics and strategies. Of course, we all
communicate with our complete body
on both conscious and unconscious levels, and Milosevic was no exception.
Comments about Milosevic’s Apparent Duality: There Are Two Realities
Governing Milosevic’s Behavior
When Milosevic was appearing before
the Tribunal, he sat at a table draped
with a curtain that obscured the view of
his legs. However, I sat at an angle that
revealed some interesting information.
Above the table Milosevic appeared
(not withstanding his NVL) to be relatively calm and composed, although
his face revealed the stress of the trial
as it proceeded to drag on day after day.
However, beneath the table and hidden
from sight of the court but not from
the prosecutors, he moved his legs and
feet. These movements indicated to the
prosecutors that they were on target
because he was agitated by certain specific questions. These reactions helped
to guide them. These were below-thetable unconscious actions of a person
trying to manage his deeper feelings
of rage, fear, and discomfort, which
were unacceptable to express. These leg
and feet movements provide a look at
Milosevic’s unconscious coping strategies. Again, these strategies are similar
to those used by many people who feel
prohibited from expressing their feelings
openly. What is unique, however, is the
window they provide into a man who
was accused of unspeakable atrocities in
Kosovo, Croatia, and Bosnia. They also
gave the prosecution attorneys a unique
opportunity to act on information revealed by his unconscious.
made him subject to manipulation.
• He kept very close count of the points
being scored in his waged war for his
country, position, and honor.
Milosevic’s unconscious movements
(NVL) revealed the following:
• He experienced pressure within his
system.
• He had a strong ego structure.
• He did not want to let others know
that he was experiencing any discomfort
with regard to the judicial proceedings.
• He was acutely aware of the fact that
his actions were being scrutinized during the judicial proceedings, a fact he
denied by acting as if it was not happening.
Where Did Milosevic Come From
and How Did He Fall From Power?
An individual’s early years are critical to
the development of his or her views and
values. They weave the unconscious fabric that covers one’s life from beginning
to end. How can it be that a person like
Milosevic can go from being president
to a prisoner referred to as the “Butcher
of the Balkans”? His life was quite a
success story until unconscious factors
overwhelmed his conscious judgment.
Milosevic was born on August 20,
1941, in the town of Pozarevac in the
Republic of Serbia. With a history of depression in his family, he suffered from
the malady through the Second World
War and during his entire life. His traumatic background included the suicide
of both of his parents. However, his life
changed and his depression lessened
when, at the age of 17, he met and married his wife, Mirjana Markovic. Mirjana had a similarly traumatic youth, including the loss of both of her parents.
She and Milosevic shared a deep connection, and many later referred to her
as the “Serbian Lady Macbeth.” In their
life together they had two children, a
daughter, Marija, and a son, Marko.
The old unresolved traumatic events
in Milosevic’s life influenced his behavior. As a child Milosevic would have
made the following decisions:
• I will hang on in the face of intolerable hardship.
• Pressure will strengthen my resolve.
• The views of others are not relevant,
as they do not understand the facts.
• Revenge is justified and appropriate
with all that I have experienced.
These decisions in and of themselves
are not pathological. In fact, they are
often seen as admirable qualities. These
decisions have probably led many admirable people to overcome hardship and
achieve success when others of weaker
“
How can it be
that a person
like Milosevic
can go from
being president
to a prisoner
referred to as
the ‘Butcher of
the Balkans’?
”
• He did not want to be perceived as
weak, fearful, embarrassed, foolish, or
in any way intimidated or out of control regarding the judicial proceedings.
• He was willing to show and be perceived as showing anger, controlled
rage, contempt, disdain, disbelief, curiosity, disregard, and superiority.
• He was untouched and unbroken
and was convinced and determined that
nothing would alter this presentation to
the court and the world that watched
via the gallery and television.
• His greatest weakness was his need to
be perceived as strong.
• The incongruence between his projected image and the underlying controlled or repressed emotional reality
character would have yielded to the
stress or pressure. Over time these decisions, made on an unconscious level,
became strategies Milosevic used for
survival in everything, large or small,
on a personal level and as president of
his country.
What these strategies produced was a
rigid person who erected a wall around
himself. The only person able to enter
his world was his soul mate from age
17, Mirjana Markovic. She supported
and guided him. She was more than a
wife and confidante; she was his link to
life itself. She was granted access to her
husband while he stood trial and this, I
believe deeply, is what kept him alive.
After their marriage, Mirjana received
a PhD and became a tenured professor at the University of Belgrade and
a member of the Russian Academy of
Social Sciences. In 1964, Milosevic received a law degree at the University
of Belgrade. Before entering politics,
Milosevic had an extensive career in
management and banking. For many
years he was the president and CEO of
Tehnogas in Belgrade, one of the largest
industrial companies in Serbia. Subsequently, he was the President and CEO
of Beobanka, the largest bank in Yugoslavia at the time. He conducted business regularly with organizations and
institutions within the United States.
Milosevic held some of the most
important political appointments and
elected offices in the City of Belgrade
and Republic of Serbia. He founded
and was the president of the Socialist
Party of Serbia. In 1990, in the first
democratic elections in Yugoslavia since
World War II, he was elected president
of Serbia by a landslide, and he was
again elected president of Serbia by an
overwhelming majority in the 1992
general elections.
Milosevic’s Death
On March 11, 2006, Milosevic was
found dead in his cell at The Hague.
Immediately controversy and conspiracy theories arose surrounding his
death. Some suggested that there was
foul play involved. His family and supporters contended that he was poisoned
or otherwise murdered. Additionally,
there was speculation that he committed suicide. However, I believe Milosevic, as stated in the autopsy, died naturally of a myocardial infarction (heart
attack) because I have had close contact
with all levels of the professional staff
at the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia. Moreover,
in September 1994, I trained the carefully selected, elite prison guards before
the detention center was finished and
received any alleged war criminals. I
am convinced that there was no plot or
foul play involved in the death of Mi-
losevic. Every effort was taken to keep
him alive and well in what was seen as
a case that would have likely resulted in
his conviction of the majority, if not all,
of the charges.
However, I do believe the loss of contact with his wife may have contributed
to Milosevic’s death. Near the end of
Milosevic’s life, charges were filed against
his wife in Belgrade, which required the
government of the Netherlands to arrest
and extradite her to Belgrade. If she had
been extradited it would have meant
that she would not be allowed to see her
soul mate ever again. With the end of
the incredible dependency or symbiosis between the two of them, I worried
that this broken bond would ultimately
result in Milosovic losing the will to
live. In that sense the legal officials in
the Belgrade courts gave President Slobodan Milosevic a death sentence that
his unconscious mind carried out in the
form of a heart that simply lost the will
to continue beating.
In a story that appeared in the L.A.
Times on March 18, 2006, datelined
The Hague, Vukasin Andric, a Serbian
ear doctor who examined Milosevic on
November 4, said, “I understood that he
was ill by listening to his voice. I heard
his voice tremble for the first time in my
life when the court told him he could
not go to Moscow. And that is when
Milosevic felt the beginning of the end
and started to be scared for his destiny
and his life.”
Patrick Barriot, a former French military doctor who examined Milosevic,
remarked, “Compounding his sense of
isolation was his ‘profound sadness’ over
being separated from his wife, who was
his high school sweetheart. She could
no longer visit him because of a pending arrest warrant issued by Belgrade.”
When last I saw Milosevic he looked
drawn and pale with deeper lines showing on his face. The stress was showing,
and his lack of contact with his wife
was taking a toll. Mirjana, their son
Marko, and Milsoevic’s brother, today
living in exile in Moscow (the charges
against Mirjana were dropped the day
after Milosevic’s death), were never to
see him again. With the lifeline to his
wife permanently cut and his emotional
support gone, he received a sentence
of death from his unconscious, one he
never could have received in any European court. The “Butcher of the Balkans” was dead of a broken heart and
finally alone.
References
Doder, D. & Branson, L. (1999). Milosevic: Portrait of a tyrant. New York:
The Free Press.
Goodfield, B. A. (1999). Insight and
action: The role of the unconscious from
personal to international levels. London:
University of Westminster Press.
Hartmann, F. (1999) Milosevic: La diagonale du fou. Paris: Editions Denoel.
Israel, J. & Varkevisser, N. (2003,
May 12). Ramsey Clark poses as Milosevic’s attorney and then smears the ‘client’
on nationwide U.S. television. [Television news broadcast]. Reuters/ABCNews.com.
Simons, M. & Rosenthal, E. (2006,
March 13). Dutch autopsy on Milosevic finds no evidence of unusual drugs.
New York Times.
About the Author
Barry
Austin
Goodfield,
PhD, is a
professor,
international lecturer, and
author. He
has advised
presidents,
prime ministers, and other top leaders on crisis
management and conflict resolution
and stress reduction. He helped negotiate the Baltic crisis and the conflict
between Chechnyan leaders and Presi-
dent Yeltsin. He continues to share his
methods and train other top professionals who specialize in the nonverbal language of the human mind. He has spent
30-plus years identifying and codifying
unconscious signals. His work is based
on the only patented psychotherapeutic process, which he developed in the
1970s using advanced video techniques.
Dr. Goodfield has helped senior corporate executives, attorneys, ranking international civil servants, and cabinet-level
officials on five continents. He has profiled war criminals for law enforcement,
prosecution staffs, and international
courts. He is a member of the American
Psychological Association, a Fellow of
the American Board of Forensic Examiners, a Diplomate of the American Board
of Forensic Medicine, and a member of
the California Association of Marriage
and Family Therapy and the American Academy of Experts in Traumatic
Stress. During his time as a visiting professor at the Diplomatic Academy of
London, University of Westminster, he
published Insight and Action: The Role
of the Unconscious in Crisis from Personal
to International Levels. He has been lecturing for the Foreign Service Program
of Oxford University in England. He
currently splits his time between his
institutes in Europe an France and his
professional training duties and clinical
practice in Glendale, Arizona. He may
be contacted via email at bgoodfield@
aol.com. For more information visit
www.goodfieldinstitute.com.
By Leann Long, BS
Grave Evidence of Genocide:
Using Forensic Palynology to Dig Up the Truth Behind the Srebrenica Massacre
I
n July of 1995, over 8,000 Muslim men, ranging from teenagers to the
elderly, were brutally murdered in the Srebrenica massacre, one of the most
horrific events in recent history. After their executions the victims were
buried in mass graves, only to be dug up and relocated to smaller graves 3
months later in an attempt to conceal evidence that would link the murders
to Bosnian-Serb troops. From 1997 to 2002 an intensive forensic investigation involving the exhumation of over 20 mass graves took place in an attempt to link the original
burial sites to the various secondary burial sites. One of the main forensic techniques
used to link the burial sites and bring justice to this tragedy was palynology, the study of pollen and spores.
A Country of Conflict and Controversy
Following the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after World War I, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croates, and Slovenes was
formed in 1918. In 1929, the country was renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but it soon fell apart during World War
II. After WWII Yugoslavia reunited as a communist state in Eastern Europe under the rule of Josip Broz Tito and consisted of six constituent republics: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia. Yugoslavia maintained peace during the 40 years Tito ruled, but when he died in 1980 following the Cold
War, nationalist and separatist ideologies began to arise and disrupt tranquility within the country
(Center for Balkan Development [CBD], 1996).
Slobodan Milosevic, formerly Serbia’s Communist Party leader, strategically adhered to nationalism and became the ruler of Serbia and the most authoritative dignitary in Yugoslavia by
1989. However, his forceful attempts to take over the federal government of Yugoslavia and unjust
decisions he made out of self-interest drove Croatia and Slovenia to seek independence in 1991, and
Bosnia-Herzegovina followed in 1992 (CBD, 1996).
Slobodan Milosevic Summer 2006 THE FORENSIC EXAMINER 43
Even though the European community and the
United States recognized Bosnia as an independent country, the
Muslim, Serb, and Croat groups within
Bosnia all began to fight for territory. Although many of the Muslims in Bosnia
originally thought the Yugoslav National
Army (YNA) would protect them, the
fourth largest army in Europe was under
the command of Milosevic, whose ultimate
goal, at the cost of many non-Serbs’ lives,
was to create a Greater Serbia. The YNA
launched many vicious attacks against nonSerb citizens in Bosnia with the help of the
Republicka Srpska’s (the leading Serb party in Bosnia) Drina Corps (VRS) (CBD,
1996).
An ugly war ensued, especially between
the Serbs and the Bosnians. Although the
international community tried to establish peace in the country, its efforts were
ineffective and failed. The UN Security
Counsel announced six safe areas in Bosnia
designated to be areas free from attack and
hostile acts, including Srebrenica, but both
the Serbs and the Bosnians violated the
agreement shortly after it was established
(Wikipedia, 2006).
The Serbs Siege “Safe” Srebrenica
By July of 1995 thousands of civilians had
taken refuge in the city of Srebrenica to
escape from Serb attacks in northeastern
Bosnia. The refugees were under the protection of only 600 Dutch peacekeeping
troops who were running low on all resources, including food, fuel, and medical
supplies. The VRS surrounded the city and
prohibited Dutch soldiers from entering or
leaving for supplies, making hostages out
of any soldiers who left the “safe” area of
Srebrenica (Wikipedia, 2006). Before long,
due to the increasing number of hostages,
the number of Dutch troops dwindled to
around 400.
On July 6, 1995, under the orders of
Radovan Karadzic, president of Republika
Srpska, the VRS began an offensive attack
on Srebrenica by firing mortal shells into
the city (Haverford, 2006; Wikipedia,
2006). Muslim fighters were denied access to the weapons they
had surrendered to the peacekeepers and were unable
to defend themselves. On July 9, Karadzic
issued an order that authorized the VRS
troops to capture Srebrenica. Dutch officials requested NATO air support on July
10, but NATO was hesitant. When they
finally acknowledged air support was critical, they had communication problems
that further delayed Srebrenica’s protection.
When planes were finally able to perform
air strikes, after dropping only two bombs
on VRS forces outside of Srebrenica the
VRS threatened to kill their Dutch hostages
and attack the refugees in an enclave in Srebrenica with mortar shells. NATO responded by immediately ordering a stop to the air
strikes (Danner, 1998a; Haverford).
Realizing the UN would not protect
them, around 25,000 refugees, mainly
consisting of women, children, and elderly
men, attempted to escape to the town of
Potocari in hopes of seeking protection in a
UN compound within the city. A column
of 15,000 weak and underfed Muslim men
fled toward Tulza, a Bosnian governmentheld territory nearly 40 miles away, leaving
behind their wives, daughters, young sons,
and elderly fathers.
The Serbs were prepared for the Muslim men to flee to Tulza, and were given
orders by Radislav Krstic, commander
of the VRS, to kill every single person in
the column. “You must kill everyone. We
don’t need anyone alive” (Danner, 1998b).
Even knowing their escape was a futile attempt, the Muslim men felt they had no
other choice but to flee. These men would
repeatedly fall under VRS attacks, with
about only half of them surviving. Many
who didn’t die while under the VRS’s offensive shell attacks either killed each other
in a panic or were captured and executed
later (Danner, 1998b).
By the evening of July 11, 1995, Srebrenica was void of a single living Muslim (Haverford, 2006). The VRS quickly
moved on to Potocari on July 12 and found
25,000 hungry, overheated, and panicked
Muslims. General Ratko Mladic, Karadzic’s
chief military commander, demanded the
Muslims surrender but promised that no
one would be harmed as he handed out
candy to starving children. However, late
that night, as many of the Serb soldiers
celebrated their triumph, they raped Muslim women and killed some of the Muslim
boys and men (Danner,
1998a; Haverford).
The next day, Bosnian-Serb
troops began separating women and
children from the remaining older boys
and elderly men. Around 23,000 women
and children were deported over an estimated period of 30 hours to safe Muslim
territories. The remaining males (around
1,700) were held in trucks and warehouses to be supposedly interrogated for war
crimes (Danner, 1998b; Gendercide Watch
[GW], 2002).
The Malicious Massacre of Muslim
Men
The executions that followed on July 13–
16, 1995, took place in various locations
and had various numbers of victims, including men from both the group that was
separated from the women and children
and the refugees from the column who had
been captured (Wikipedia, 2006). A few
men from each site managed to survive and
provide details of the horrific events they
bore witness to (Haverford, 2006). Their
accounts, as well as accounts from some
of the soldiers who carried out the horrific
acts, provide a glimpse into the events of
this tragedy.
In what was a well-planned succession
of events, the victims were transported
from building to building and held for
long periods of time without food or water before they were finally executed. The
VRS troops, out of what can only be understood as boredom and brutality, would
often barbarically torture individuals with
items such as crowbars, knives, and axes
before killing them during trips from one
holding site to another or during the nights
(Danner, 1998b). Those not physically
tormented were nonetheless emotionally
tortured as they heard the agonizing wails
of others and desperately prayed that their
own deaths would be quick and painless.
Throughout the entire elaborate plan of
“cleansing” the Muslims, the VRS did all
they could to keep their prisoners in the
dark about what was really happening,
repeatedly promising the Muslims
that they were working out negotiations with the UN and
that they would all soon be
free. The Bosnian Serbs
wanted to keep the Muslims’ hopes up to keep them
from revolting, something that
would have put a damper on their
plan (Danner, 1998b). However, the
cruel behavior of many of the VRS troops
and the horrific events the Muslims witnessed while in the hands of the VRS left
many of them with little hope.
Some men were killed individually or in small groups, but
the majority of the murders took
place in mass numbers. The soldiers performed executions by
taking the men into fields, lining
them up, and shooting them to
death. Most of the time the victims were blindfolded and had
their hands bound in order to
minimize their attempts to resist. Often the soldiers gave the
victims a slow and painful death,
dragging out their misery for as
long as possible before finally
taking their lives.
In one of the mass murders, between 1,000 and 1,500 men were
crammed into a pitch-black warehouse. Soldiers began throwing
grenades into the warehouse and
shooting their machine guns into
the building. Any men who tried
to escape from the building were
immediately gunned down by the
soldiers (Wikipedia, 2006).
Other gruesome killing sprees
took place at schools. On one occasion, the Muslim men were packed into
a school gym so tightly that they could not
even sit down without being on top of each
other. After sustaining these miserable conditions for 2 nights without any food or
water, soldiers began taking smaller groups
of men out to a farm and shooting them
in their backs, often beating and torturing
them before finally executing them (Wikipedia, 2006).
What many consider to be the worst of
the massacre took place at a soccer field
near Nova Kasaba. While at some sites
there was grave digging machinery, at the
soccer field selected men were forced
to dig graves and watch others be
shot into those graves. Eventually, these men dug and were
shot into their own graves. When a bulldozer finally did arrive, around 400 men
were thrown into a grave and buried alive
(Danner, 1998b; GW, 2002).
After all was said and done, between the
days of July 11–16, 1995, over 8,000 Muslim men were killed in Bosnia.
killed during combat
and denied the accusations that a massacre took
place. However, on October 29,
1995, reporters from the Christian
Science Monitor, during an unauthorized
visit, discovered a heap of clothing, shoes,
and eyeglasses next to what appeared to
be a freshly dug grave in the city
of Sahanici. There were no signs
that a battle took place, and a few
canes as well as a crutch were also
discovered—evidence that countered the Bosnian Serbs’ claims
that the graves contained Muslim
combat casualties (Rohde, 1995).
For as long as they could manage, Milosevic, commander of the
YNA, and Bosnian-Serb forces
would not allow war crime investigators access to any of the
mass graves. Without being able
to freely investigate the land, U.S.
spy planes were able to identify
additional possible mass grave
sites near Srebrenica. Amongst
these sites, reporters from the
Christian Science Monitor discovered “human remains, documents
from Srebrenica, Muslim identity
cards, personal photos with Muslim names on them, [and] civilian
clothing” (Rohde, 1995).
Finally, almost a year after the
massacre,
in July of 1996, forensic
Attack zones in Bosnia.
experts performed exhumations
of some of the mass grave sites
Cover-up Conspiracy: Concealing the without the permission of Serb authorities
Carnage
(CNN, 1996a, 1996b). Over the next few
Following the massacre, a handful of sur- months, more graves, and consequently
vivors from various massacre sites came human remains, were discovered in areas
forward and offered their testimonies, de- surrounding Srebrenica. However, much
scribing the brutal and horrific murders to the surprise of UN investigators, by Nothey witnessed.
vember of 1996, they had found less than
After hearing their stories, and based on 10% of the Muslim men who were misssatellite photos taken of a Serb-held area of ing. Each grave contained far fewer bodies
Bosnia, on August 10, 1995, the United than expected. With Milosevic successfully
States made public charges against Bosnian- denying access to the grave sites for almost
Serb forces. One set of photos displayed a a year, it was suspected that the Bosnian
soccer field crowded with prisoners; a sec- Serbs had taken the necessary actions
ond photo taken days later displayed an to cover up the massacre (Swain,
empty field with disturbed earth (Rohde, 1996).
1995).
As time drew on, more grave
The Bosnian Serbs maintained that the sites were discovered and exgraves were filled with Muslim soldiers humed, and more bodies
were accounted for. Investigators found many bodies
in smaller graves in areas farther
away from Srebrenica. The Bosnian Serb’s cover-up was slowly being
revealed, one grave at a time. The bodies
were easily linked to Srebrenica, as several
licenses and photographs of Muslims who
had been residing in Srebrenica were found
in the graves (Haverford, 2006). The Bosnian-Serb war criminals were suspected of
trying to hide the massacre by digging up
the primary burial sites and relocating the
bodies in many smaller graves to make it
seem as though the graves contained only
the victims of small battles (Wood, 2004).
Their findings led investigators to suspect that three types of graves existed: undisturbed primary sites, disturbed primary
sites, and secondary sites. The theory was
that the primary grave sites were sites where
Muslim victims had been buried immediately following their executions in July 1995.
Some of these graves had been undisturbed
while others displayed signs that bodies had
been removed and relocated. The secondary
sites were suspected as the burial sites containing bodies that were moved from the
disturbed primary grave sites in the fall of
1995 (Haverford, 2006).
Even in the large graves with fewer bodies, forensic investigations found significant
evidence suggesting that most of the victims
were not killed during combat. Hundreds
of blindfolds and ligatures were found in
the graves and many of the remains displayed evidence of execution-style deaths.
Also, prosthetic limbs, canes, and crutches
found in the graves suggested that many of
the victims were severely handicapped and
would not have been able to fight in combat
(Haverford, 2006).
Although it seemed as though there was
plenty of proof that the Bosnian Serbs were
responsible for the atrocious massacre, investigators still needed forensic evidence to
link the primary grave sites to the secondary
grave sites. Such evidence would prove that
the primary grave sites were originally mass
graves resulting from a massacre and reveal the organized efforts the Bosnian
Serbs took to conceal the evidence.
Exhuming the Evidence: Proof Grounded in Soil and Pollen
A team from the UN International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia used
pollen and soil to help bring justice to the
victims of the Srebrenica massacre and their
families. From 1997 through 2000, as part
of what is believed to be the first war crimes
investigation using environmental profiling
techniques, the forensic team performed exhumations of primary and secondary mass
grave sites to collect and analyze pollen and
soil sediments. By analyzing samples from
each grave site, investigators were hoping
to find conclusive evidence that would link
secondary grave sites to primary grave sites.
Over 24 different sites were examined with
over 240 samples collected and analyzed
(Brown, in press).
Each of the five primary grave sites examined contained distinctive soil, vegetation, and minerals. The investigations were
aimed to find traces of soil, pollen, and
minerals at each of the 19 secondary grave
sites that matched the primary grave sites,
proving that soil and pollen sediments were
transferred to the secondary grave sites with
the bodies (Brown, 2006). If the BosnianSerbs were telling the truth, all of the geological substances found within a secondary grave would have come from the area
around that grave. On the contrary, finding foreign geological substances within the
secondary graves and conclusively connecting those substances to one of the primary
graves would sink the defense of the Bosnian Serbs (The Science Show, 2004).
At each of the grave sites, samples from
the grave fills, grave walls, and the country
rock and soils surrounding the mass graves
were collected and analyzed. The grave-fill
samples were taken from areas away from
body parts, areas close to body parts, and
skeletal cavities (Brown, 2006; Wood,
2004). Vegetation surrounding the grave
sites was also noted (Brown).
The soil and pollen samples that were
collected and analyzed yielded results that
provided significant circumstantial evidence linking each secondary grave site to
one of the primary sites (Brown, 2006).
One example was distinctive wheat pollen
found in a secondary burial site that was
easily linked to one of the primary burial
sites (Wood, 2004). Results even provided
a link between an execution site and a primary grave
site, as hay and shell casings were
found in a grave that did not match
its environmental profile but rather
matched the environmental profile of one
of the reported execution sites (Brown).
The evidence provided by soil and pollen
samples supported other evidence such as
clothing, documents, and shell casings that
linked the primary and secondary grave
sites.
The evidence provided by the grave exhumations, in corroboration with other
evidence presented, gave investigators the
proof they needed to confirm that the Bosnian Serbs were guilty of a planned massacre. The Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia determined that “following the
take-over of Srebrenica in July 1995, thousands of Bosnian Muslim men from Srebrenica were killed in careful and methodical mass executions.”
Forensic Palynology: Proof in the Pollen
A crucial aspect of linking the burial sites
was forensic palynology, or the study of
pollen grains and spores to establish links
among people, places, and evidence (Dommeien, 2002). Forensic palynology can
provide valuable information and evidence
in cases but requires the special attention of
a forensic palynologist.
When analyzing a particular site, forensic
palynologists are responsible for knowing
the typical production and dispersal patterns of spores and pollen in that area so
that they are aware of the types of pollen
collections that should be found in samples
gathered from each particular location
(Bryant & Mildenhall, 1990). In addition
to determining if something is in a geographical area in which it doesn’t belong,
forensic palynologists are required to reveal
why something is out of place and where
the foreign substance originated. In order
to do this, they need to be familiar with
pollen dispersal and productivity.
There are four main ways that pollen is dispersed: water transport,
self-pollination, insect dispersion, and wind dispersion.
Pollen that is dispersed by
water usually yields little
forensic evidence, as the
pollen of plants depending on water for dispersal
usually oxidizes rapidly when
removed from water and cannot be
accurately tested. Pollen from self-pollinating plants is also rarely used because it
is scarce and not often distributed into the
atmosphere. However, pollen dispersed by
insects and wind is usually plentiful and is
often used in forensic investigations.
Pollen sinking speed, pollen degradation,
and pollen recycling are three additional
components of the dispersal patterns of
spores and pollen that palynologists have to
take into account. Sinking speed considers
how the weight of various types of pollen
affects how fast the pollen falls to the earth
and consequently how large of a dispersion
area is typical; degradation analyzes how
well different pollen types preserve in sediments; and pollen recycling involves recognizing pollen from older deposits that gets
mixed into younger samples.
Pollen can be found on or within various
sources (Bryant & Mildenhall, 1990; Institute of Geological and Nuclear Sciences
Limited [IGNSL], 2005; Van Dommeien,
2002):
• Dirt, mud, sand, grit, and/or dust
• Clothing and shoes
• Hair, fur, feathers, and/or skin
• Woven cloth, rugs, carpets, bags, baskets,
and ropes
• Vehicles, especially air filters, wheels,
wheel arches, and mud flaps
• Illegal drugs
• Certain edible substances, including
honey, coffee, sugar, tea, bread, and food
supplements
• Plants, including fruits and vegetables
• Packing materials
• Victims and human remains
• Imported and exported goods
• Antique furniture and paintings
• Coins and paper money
Collecting and analyzing pollen and
spores can help investigators find a crime
scene, link suspects to a crime scene, discover information about additional locations involved in a crime, etc.
Pollen and spore samples should
be collected by palynologists if possible, as it is easy to contaminate
samples if they are not properly
handled, thus minimizing their forensic
value. Often a palynologist will not be available, so crime scene investigators should
make sure that all collection tools are contamination-free, that control samples are
not collected from earth deeper than the
evidential material could have come from,
that materials are stored in clean plastic
bags, that no more than 15–30 grams of
material are collected, and that all materials are carefully labeled with the collection
time and method carefully described (IGNSL, 2005).
Although forensic palynology can provide valuable information and evidence in
cases, it is rarely used in most countries,
New Zealand being the exception. Bryant
and Mildenhall identify three major reasons why the use of forensic palynology is
limited (1998).
First, there are few forensic palynologists
available, and even fewer who are willing
to work on a forensic case. Individuals are
often intimidated and fearful of having
to present expert testimony in court, and
many would lack the available time it takes
to adequately research a case and perform
the necessary forensic testing (Bryant &
Mildenhall, 1998).
Secondly, as mentioned previously, pollen and spore samples can easily be contaminated during the collection process.
Forensic palynologists are often wary of
taking the time to test samples collected
by other people in fear that the samples
will not be usable as evidence. In addition,
palynologists are often not able to testify
in court with certainty that contamination
may have occurred before they received the
sample (Bryant & Mildenhall, 1998).
Finally, many forensic palynologists do
not have access to the necessary equipment,
time, money, and additional staff. Facilities
and the special machinery that is necessary
to process pollen samples are often hard to
come by. Even if individuals do have access
to the necessary equipment, many are not
employed by a government agency and will
not be able to conduct any testing free of
charge. Investigators usually do not have
money in their budgets to fund pollen
analysis. Additionally, with thousands of
potential pollen spores to analyze in some
forensic cases, accurate identification of
pollen types is often extremely time-con-
suming, and more
than one palynologist
is often needed to perform
the tests (Bryant & Mildenhall, 1998).
Even though it is not a widely used
method, forensic palynology helped provide valuable evidence to confirm that the
Bosnian Serbs carried out a well-planned
genocide. Unfortunately, even though the
crime of “ethnic cleansing” (i.e., mass murder) has been proved, many who have suffered and continue to suffer feel justice has
not yet been served.
Getting Away with Genocide
Four primary figures emerged as the main
conspirators responsible for the Srebrenica
massacre: Slobodan Milosevic, the former
Yugoslav president; Radovan Karadzic, the
former political leader of the Bosnian Serbs;
Ratko Mladic, Karadzic’s former chief military commander; and Radislav Krstic, former commander of the Drina Corps. The
UN court ruled the Srebrenica massacre a
genocide and eventually brought charges
against these four individuals, but so far
Krstic is the only one who has been convicted.
Krstic, the man who was in charge of
carrying out many of the mass executions,
was officially convicted of genocide by the
Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia on
August 22, 2001. Presiding Judge Almiro
Rodrigues gave Krstic’s sentencing: “. . .
You are guilty of the murder of thousands
of Bosnian Muslims . . . , whether these be
murders committed sporadically in Potocari or murders planned in the form of mass
executions. You are guilty of the incredible
suffering of the Bosnian Muslims whether
these be the ones in Potocari or survivors
of the executions. You are guilty of the persecution suffered by the Bosnian Muslims
of Srebrenica . . . . you are guilty of having
agreed to the plan to conduct mass executions of all the men of fighting age. You are
therefore guilty of genocide, General Krstic
. . . .” Krstic was sentenced to 46 years
in prison, but in April of 2004 his
sentence was reduced to 35 years
when courts decided he was not
directly responsible for carrying out the massacre.
On
April
28,
2000,
Karadzic,
the
man who ordered
the takeover of Srebrenica and the death
of as many Muslim Radovan Karadzic
men as possible, was indicted on charges
of genocide, crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war, and
grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions
of 1949. However, he disappeared in 2001
after Milosevic was arrested and was still at
large at the time this article was written.
On October 10, 2002, Mladic, the military leader in charge of the army that killed
over 8,000 men, was indicted on charges
of genocide, complicity in genocide, crimes
against humanity, and violations of the laws
or customs of war. He also disappeared after his indictments and was still at large at
the time this article was written.
Milosevic, who was believed to have
helped plan the attacks and executions and
provided Karadzic with political, military,
financial, and logistical support to make the
massacre possible, was arrested on April 1,
2001, for various war and domestic crimes.
In reference to the Srebrenica massacre, on
November 22, 2002, he was indicted on
charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, and violations of the laws or customs
of war. However, on March 11, 2006, just
3 months before his trial was scheduled to
end, Milosevic was found dead in his cell.
In addition to Krstic, five other men
have been convicted of charges in relation
to the Srebrenica massacre. Momir Nikolic,
Vidoje Blagojevic, Dragan Jokic, Dragan
Obrenivic, and Drazen Erdemovic are all
serving prison terms ranging from 5 to 18
years.
On April 4, 2006, six former Bosnian
Serb officers pled not guilty to charges of
homicide. The presiding judge, Judge Carmel Aguis, plans to start their combined
trial in August 2006. Two other former
Bosnian Serb officers have not been
charged with genocide, but have
been charged with crimes against
humanity and violations of
the laws or customs of wars
including murder, persecution, forcible
transfer, and deportation.
More Sorrow to Come
Over 8,000 Muslim men died during the
Srebrenica massacre, and so far, only six
men have been convicted. Thousands of
young men had their lives stripped away
from them; thousands of women were left
to mourn the deaths of their sons, husbands, brothers, and fathers; and thousands of children were left fatherless. Yet,
to the disbelief of many grieving survivors,
a miniscule number of those responsible
have been punished by merely losing a few
years of their freedom. “They killed my entire life and the only thing I want now is
to see the guilty ones pay for it,” a Muslim
woman said between sobs as she stood next
to her son’s coffin during a remembrance
ceremony. Her husband and 16-year-old
brother have not been found (Associated
Press, 2005).
Justice may have not yet been served, but
the victims of the 1995 Srebrenica massacre
have not been forgotten. On July 11, 2005,
the 10th anniversary of the tragedy, about
50,000 people attended a ceremony to
honor and remember the loved ones they
lost in the massacre. The ceremony consisted of a religious service, prayer, and the
reburial of 610 victims who had recently
been identified.
The horrific tragedy that took place in
Srebrenica will lay heavy on the hearts of
Bosnian Muslims and the world community far into the future. Hajrija Mujic, who
lost her father and husband, daily shares
that reality with friends and family (SitoSucic & Reuters, 2005). “Our pain continues. Every year we come to bury someone
else.”
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co.uk/1/hi/sci/tech/3640788.stm
By Katherine Ramsland, PhD, CMI-V
François Eugéne Vidocq:
WORLD’S FIRST UNDERCOVER DETECTIVE
W
hen a gang of Parisian criminals wondered who among them was the
informant that had lately triggered an increase in arrests, no one sus-
About the Author
Leann Long, BS, is the assistant editor of
pected the sailor with the month’s growth of beard, the red-headed pirate, or even the
A special thanks to Professor Tony Brown,
a member of the mortuary team that performed the grave exhumations in Bosnia, for providing his manuscript
(currently in press) about the exhumations as a valuable resource
for this article.
posed thieves or grifters was in fact a single person: François Eugène Vidocq, a master
scar-faced, dark-haired Gypsy. Yet they were wrong on all counts. Each of these sup-
of disguise and the very informant they sought to flush out. Supposedly he even
accompanied a group of assassins who planned to ambush and kill Vidocq. When
the target failed to show up, the group groused over their lost opportunity, entirely
unaware that the one who complained the loudest was Vidocq himself.
While
this
story may be
one of the
many myths
surrounding
Vidocq in his
time (due in
part to his own
efforts to blur
the details of
his life), such
Francois Eugene Vidocq
was the success of his series of disguises. He not only
changed the color of his hair and the outfits he might wear—including becoming a
woman—but he also advocated that to be
successful at duping others, one must become fully immersed in the character one
adopts. Supposedly, he once summed up
for the author Honoré de Balzac the secret
to passing as someone else: “Observe what
you would become, then act accordingly
and you will be transformed.” Vidocq’s
favorite personas were “Jean-Louis,” a 60year-old “fence” who paid high prices and
spoke like a Breton, and “Jules,” a bearded
burglar who preferred physical force and
was frequently seen with his blond mistress
(another informant).
It’s an irony that Vidocq became the
world’s first undercover detective, created the
first detective bureau, and innovated a number of techniques for forensic investigation
because he was also a former criminal. Yet he
would insist that his prison experience gave
him advantages that made him successful at
law enforcement. An examination of his life
proves that he was a resourceful visionary
who learned to use a chaotic politico-legal
system to achieve his ends. According to his
memoir, his primary functions were “to prevent crimes, to discover malefactors, and to
give them up to justice.” He did that and
more, seemingly better than any man in Europe during his time.
Born in Arras, France, on July 23, 1775,
Vidocq was the son of a baker, but from a
young age he sought out adventure. Toward
that end he ran away several times, including an attempt to reach America. However,
before he could board a ship, a clever prostitute robbed him, leaving him without the
means to go anywhere, so he sullenly returned home. He took out his frustration
in swordplay, and one day killed a man in a
duel. As punishment, he received a choice:
go to prison or join the military. King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette were
in need of men to help resist the movement
for a new republic, so Vidocq served in the
Bourbon Regiment. But he could not keep
himself out of trouble.
On leave in 1794, after Louis and his
queen had both lost their heads on the guillotine, Vidocq interrupted an execution
and was arrested. A high-placed official
intervened on his behalf, but Vidocq became too familiar with the man’s daughter
and found himself married and running a
grocery store. This was hardly to the liking
of a self-styled adventurer in the last breath
of his adolescence, so when the girl proved
unfaithful he jumped back on his career
path. In Brussels, he posed as a military officer and became a successful card shark before being arrested for supposed desertion.
He escaped and returned to Paris, where
he made a violent scene when he found
his mistress with another man. As a result
he was promptly arrested and received a 3month sentence.
During his first actual prison stint, Vidocq performed an act of kindness that was
to change his life, for both the worse and
the better. He met a farmer serving 6 years
for stealing grain to feed his family. Taking
pity on the man, Vidocq forged a pardon
for him. When prison officials discovered
the deception, they slapped Vidocq with a
harsh sentence of 8 years. Refusing to capitulate, he escaped, was caught, and escaped
again. He seemed to always find ways to
charm or elude officials, but eventually he
would make a mistake and end up back
in prison. At one point his reputation for
breaking out was so great among the jailers
that they forbade him from even leaving his
cell. To their surprise, he managed to rig a
disguise that got him past them. Yet for all
his escapes, he kept getting caught, and his
sentences increased in severity until he was
ultimately sent for life to a prison so brutal
that many men buckled and died.
While Vidocq was busy, Napoleon
Bonaparte had taken charge of the army
and declared himself the master of France.
He instituted a new code of laws, expanded
the empire, and granted the citizens greater
personal freedom. In 1804, he crowned
himself Emperor. Invading other countries with flourish, Napoleon made Paris
the capital of Europe and rebuilt it into a
magnificent new city of monuments and
boulevards. Yet these improvements also at-
tracted criminals, and since the police force
focused largely on political subversives, the
crime rate for theft, forgery, and murder
climbed.
In another part of France, Vidocq was
still attempting to regain his freedom, but
this time by appealing to reason. While romantic stories abound as to how he eventually managed to join law enforcement, the
truth appears to be more mundane. Still,
one tale has become so firmly a part of his
legend that it would be remiss not to tell it.
Supposedly, Vidocq asked the Prefecture of
Police (the specific official and city change
with different authors) for the chance to
prove his desire to go straight by becoming
an informer on the criminal element. He
knew these people, he pointed out, so who
better to go among them to learn their secrets? The Prefecture said he had no choice
but to send Vidocq to prison (because he
had not served out his sentence), so Vidocq
posed a deal: if he should succeed in escaping and returning to the Prefecture’s office,
that would sufficiently prove his sincerity.
That scenario seemed too improbable for
the Prefecture so he agreed, and then added
extra guards to escort Vidocq to prison.
However, Vidocq was soon back in his office, ready to begin his new occupation.
In a less imaginative account, Vidocq explained his plight to the head of the Lyons
police, Jean-Pierre Dubois. For one small
crime, he said, he was in prison for life. Dubois looked into it and realized that Vidocq
was actually guilty of only a minor misdeed
that had been committed based on pity, so
Dubois was the one who offered the deal to
become a police informer. Grateful to be
free of prison, Vidocq accepted.
No matter which tale is true, Vidocq
eventually went among criminals who knew
him as one of them, learned what he could
about planned criminal activities, and duly
reported them to Dubois. Vidocq succeeded quite well, and the arrest rate improved,
yet the criminals could not figure out how
the police knew so much.
Eventually Vidocq moved to Paris with
his mother and mistress, and in 1809 continued his activities as an informant for
the Criminal Division of the Prefecture of
Police. How that came about presents yet
another mythical narrative.
It seems that the Empress Josephine discovered that a priceless emerald necklace,
a gift from her husband, was missing. Napoleon ordered his director of police to
spare no effort to find the necklace. However, the police had no training in looking
for thieves and no network of informants,
so they did not know what to do. Vidocq
stepped in, donning a disguise to enter the
taverns where rogues gathered so he could
acquire information about such a theft.
Within three days, so the legend goes, Vidocq managed to locate the necklace and
deliver it safely as well as bring the thief to
justice. That gained him an audience with
Napoleon, who wanted Vidocq to continue
his work as an undercover informant.
In whatever manner he actually achieved
his new occupation, underground he went.
Officials “sent” him to La Force prison, where
he mingled among the prisoners, making reports twice a week about what new criminal
activities to expect on the streets. He even
solved some murders by listening to the
convicts brag about their deeds. One of his
first tasks was to get evidence against Coco,
a notorious burglar who had stolen from a
police official and who would shortly be up
for trial. Vidocq ingratiated himself with the
man, learned that the police had failed to
question the only witness, and delivered the
name of that person. To Coco’s surprise, he
was convicted.
After nearly 2 years, Vidocq, who wanted a street assignment, was taken out of
prison in irons and managed to “escape.”
He merged into the Parisian underworld,
a hero among the criminal element for his
ability to defy the authorities. Because these
men believed that Vidocq had actually escaped, he won their respect and their confidence, which he had no trouble betraying.
He was responsible for hundreds of arrests.
Vidocq’s growing success eventually won
him an audience with officials, to whom he
proposed forming a bureau of undercover
informants like himself. They would be
plainclothes agents who could move freely
across the city’s many jurisdictions rather
than being “turfed” like the gendarmes
(armed police) in specific districts. It seemed
like a good plan, so he received permission
to start with four men. They worked out
of a three-story building in which Vidocq
could store his innovative card files and police reports. The squad eventually expanded
to 8, then 12, including a few women. In
October 1812, Napoleon signed a decree
that made Vidocq’s Brigade de la Sûreté into
a national security force. (Just in time, as
the Emperor met a stunning defeat 2 years
later and was soon in exile.) Thus, Vidocq
created the world’s first undercover detective organization.
The Sûreté brought respect to law enforcement in Paris, and branches were soon
established in nearby towns. As per Vidocq’s
philosophy that a good job can transform
a criminal, the agents all had criminal records and only Vidocq knew their identities, which annoyed the uniformed police.
Despite doubts from officials about trusting these former cons, they quickly proved
themselves, making Vidocq proud.
Teaching his associates that “observation is the first rule of investigation,” Vidocq devised a system of clever techniques
for acquiring information. By this time,
the criminal underground had caught on
to who he was, making it harder for him
to move among them, so he used another
tactic: he exaggerated his reputation for
getting men to talk as a way to pressure
suspects into confessing. What they perceived about him, he knew, could be used
to his advantage. He also offered a form of
plea-bargaining, so he gained a reputation
for being fair. Yet he was not above using
tricks. When he went to search a location,
he might tell a suspect that he was being investigated for a different crime than the one
for which he was suspected. That person,
knowing he was innocent of that offense,
would allow Vidocq to search his rooms,
and Vidocq would then look for evidence
of the actual crime. (Back then no one worried about a criminal’s rights.)
Vidocq’s focus on a systematic approach
to crime helped him develop some of the
forensic techniques in use today, such as
keeping detailed written records, comparing spent bullets to weapons, preserving footprint impressions with plaster of
paris, comparing samples of handwriting
to forged notes, and suggesting that fingerprints might be a form of identification.
Vidocq also worked with area chemists to
create forge-proof paper and indelible ink,
and he took out patents on both.
In 1833 when he was 58, thanks to politics among petty officials, Vidocq submitted
his resignation from the Sureté, but he was
not ready to retire altogether. Early the following year, he established another first: Le
Bureau des Renseignements, the world’s first
private detective agency. (Alan Pinkerton
was inspired to start a similar agency in Chicago in 1850.) Given his reputation across
Europe by that time, Vidocq had no trouble
attracting clients who wished to locate confidence men who had stolen their money. His
agency took on more personnel, using the
methods and tools he had already perfected,
and he remained active until he was 80 years
old, finally dying 2 weeks after a stroke just
short of his 82nd birthday.
Despite the resistance among established
law enforcement to Vidocq’s new ways, he
made such an impression and was so successful that he inspired many crime novelists—and thus, became the archetype of
the forensic sleuth. Throughout his life
his exploits were legendary, and when he
submitted his memoir to a publisher a
ghostwriter beefed it up into a best-selling
sensation—albeit a largely exaggerated and
untrue one—in 1828. Vidocq was unhappy
with it, but he did not seem to mind how
his literary friends used his life and exploits.
He was the role model for Balzac’s clever
Vautrin, and he inspired characters in novels by Victor Hugo and Alexandre Dumas.
All three authors were Vidocq’s frequent
dinner companions, as were prominent
literary critics, social reformers, and poets
of his day. Several stage plays in England,
where Vidocq was highly regarded, were
based on his memoir.
Vidocq even penned a few novels himself
(or allowed his name to be used), thereby
giving the world yet another innovation,
the first detective story (beating Edgar Allan Poe by a few years). One of them, Les
Voleurs (The Thieves), laid out the Parisian
underworld in the way that Vidocq had
seen it for so many years.
In addition, Vidocq’s exploits inspired
the modern-day Vidocq Society, a group
of experienced forensic professionals who
regularly use their collective wit to brainstorm on past unsolved homicides. Founded
by William Fleisher (a former FBI Special
Agent), Frank Bender (a forensic sculptor),
and Richard Walter (a forensic psychologist), the Philadelphia-based organization
now has representatives across the country
and internationally. They meet monthly,
and while dining in a refined, wood-paneled
atmosphere that Vidocq would admire, they
listen to invited guests present the gruesome
details of a case, offering suggestions about
new leads or techniques. For example, in
the decade-old stabbing death of a fast food
restaurant night manager, someone asked
whether the knife handle had been checked
for DNA. The answer was no, since at the
time the technology had been expensive.
Now they could revisit that possibility. Another case resulted in the linking of a double
homicide with two other murders and a
conviction in all four.
The Society caps full membership at 82
people at any given time because that number represents the years of Vidocq’s life. According to their website, around 150 men
and woman so far have worn the unique
red, white, and blue Vidocq Society rosette,
but forensic professionals with something
to offer can achieve associate membership
and offer ideas and support.
While the Society has no law enforcement authority, the impressive array of expertise in this group (from U.S. marshals,
to former members of the FBI behavioral
science unit, to attorney generals) grants
them the force of perspective and experience. Their suggestions have assisted many
investigators to further a case, preserving
Vidocq’s legacy, not just in fiction and colorful stories but also in actual justice done.
Sources
Edwards, S. (1977). The Vidocq dossier: The story of the world’s first detective. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Co.
Hodgetts, E. A. (1928). Vidocq: A master of
crime. London: Selwyn & Blount.
Vidocq, F. E. (1859). Memoirs of Vidocq: Master
of crime. Philadelphia: T. B.Peterson, translated.
The Vidocq Society website. Available: www.
vidocq.org
About the Author
Katherine
Ramsland, PhD, CMIV, has published 25
books including The
Human Predator: A
Historical Chronicle
of Serial Murder and
Forensic Investigation.
Dr. Ramsland is an assistant professor of
forensic psychology at DeSales University
in Pennsylvania. She is a Certified Medical Investigator (CMI-V) and has been a
member of the American College of Forensic Examiners since 1998.
Diagnosis: DEATH
L
ying in a hospital bed before surgery is far from an enjoyable experience. Even if you are just undergoing a routine surgery and repeatedly reassure yourself that you’ll recover and go home in a day or so, as you wait for your
anesthesia, in the back of your mind you cannot dispel your fear that something will go wrong. But there is no reason to
be afraid; doctors always take good care of their patients. Right? Actually, every once in a while a doctor comes along and
murders patient, after patient, after patient.
These doctors represent isolated cases, but
taken together, they comprise a group of
serial killers that has become known as
the angels of death. The original “Angel
of Death” was Dr. Josef Mengele, a doctor
who performed atrocious operations and
experiments on people, especially children,
in concentration camps during the Holocaust. His deeds included freezing people
to death and castration (Angel of Death,
n.d.).
Dr. Harold Shipman and Dr. Michael
Swango are two doctors who, in more recent history, have committed multiple horrifying murders. Just the number of deaths
is disturbing; Shipman is responsible for
at least 250 murders (Stark, 2005), while
estimates for Swango range from 35 to 60
deaths (Stewart, 1998). How these murders, with a significant amount of warning signs, went undetected for so long is
incomprehensible.
Dr. Harold Shipman—Don’t Board
His Ship
In 1998 Shipman, with his own medical
practice in Hyde, England, and more than
3,000 patients, was a respected general
practitioner — until, that is, his arrest for
the murder of Kathleen Grundy. Grundy’s
death was the one that pointed to many
murders (Profile of a Killer Doctor, 2003).
Shipman was the last person to be with her
and signed her death certificate, just as he
had done for many of his victims before
her (Wikipedia, 2006).
Grundy’s daughter, Angela Woodruff,
found a new will supposedly made by her
mother that left Grundy’s entire estate of
£386,000 ($690,747 USD) to Shipman.
Confused, Woodruff went to the police,
who began an investigation (Wikipedia,
2006). Her mother’s death had been unexpected. Even though Grundy had been 81
at the time, Woodruff described her mom
as lively and noted that her mom had been
looking forward to taking a trip to Derby
(The Death That Led Shipman to the Dock,
2000).
Police soon discovered that Shipman
had forged Grundy’s will and found the
typewriter he used. Testimony at his trial
later revealed that Shipman had gone to
Grundy’s house to take a blood sample but
instead injected her with a lethal dose of
diamorphine (The Death That Led Shipman to the Dock, 2000).
Between 1975 and 1998, Shipman killed
an estimated 250 people, and a total of 459
people died while under his care. Many of
his victims were similar to Grundy, elderly
women who were in good health (Wikipedia, 2006). More than 20 years passed after the first killing before the world would
learn about the murders that occurred almost right in front of the town’s eyes.
Don’t Tango With Dr. Michael Swango
Although Shipman was able to fly under
the radar for years before being arrested,
Swango was not quite so secretive, and his
career was marked by numerous encounters with the law. Each time he was caught
in one city, Swango would leave and find
another hospital in a different town to hire
him.
His July 2000 grand jury indictment lists
Swango’s evil deeds from the 1980s to June
1997. His indictment states, “Swango engaged in a scheme to obtain and maintain
employment as a physician at hospitals in
the United States and abroad under fraudulent pretenses” and that he “murdered,
attempted to murder, and assaulted various patients entrusted to his care” (United
States v. Michael J. Swango). The details
range from giving patients injections that
would cause their death to putting ant
poison on food he gave to his co-workers
(United States v. Michael J. Swango).
A patient who survived foul play by
Swango described seeing Swango enter his
hospital room to give him an injection.
Moments later, the patient could feel his
body slowly grow numb, and he blacked
out. The patient, not sure how much time
had passed, realized he was alive but could
not see anything or move. After he regained his vision, body movement, and finally his voice, he told a nurse that Swango
had given him an injection, which Swango
coolly denied (Stewart, 1999). Other patients were not so lucky to escape alive.
Murder on the Mind
How these professionals could kill so many
times before receiving severe punishment
and what drove them to kill repeatedly is
difficult to answer but could potentially
prevent future deaths. Possible motives
include desire for attention, control, or
money (Ramsland, 2006).
After Shipman’s arrest, one goal of the
inquiry into his murders was to determine
his motivation. Despite having four psychiatrists as advisors, the inquiry did not
clearly establish a motivation. Observations
have been made that he chose to have a private practice, most likely to lessen scrutiny
into his behavior, and that he killed people
whose deaths were believable if not expected (Stark, 2005). Anger management
problems, a fascination with death, and a
disdain for others possibly caused him to
kill. Also, the death of Shipman’s mother
when he was a teenager could have led to
emotional instability (Stark).
Shipman’s behavior at the end of his
murder career relates to that of other serial killers with its cycle of loss, shorter
time between murders, mistakes that could
lead to arrest, and complete distress when
the evidence becomes inescapable (Stark,
2005).
A psychological profile of Swango has
not yet been completed, but certain traits
have been noted, including narcissistic tendencies. However, no one has been able to
explain the complete psychopathic picture
(Geringer, n.d.).
Warning: Angel of Death Ahead
Many warning signs existed in both cases
but were largely ignored, allowing the doctors to get away with murder for several
years. It seems unfathomable that neither
were caught earlier, but the facts now provide a clearer picture than the bits and
pieces of information that were available
during the times of the killings.
Swango’s behavior does not appear to
have ever been normal during his medical
career. His medical school classmates and
instructors noticed that he was different.
For example, he would drop and do a series
of pushups in anatomy class every time he
made a mistake (Geringer, n.d.).
After graduating from Southern Illinois
University’s medical school, Swango’s letter
from the dean, which each student received
after graduating, declared that Swango
was, at the very least, inept. Yet, the competitive internship program at Ohio State
University Medical Center offered him a
year-long position (Geringer, n.d.). While
at Ohio State, Swango’s bedside manner
further aroused suspicions. One doctor
even noted in his files that Swango seemed
overly interested in Nazi history and the
Jewish genocide (Geringer, n.d.).
After a death at the hospital, doctors suspected that Swango might have had some
involvement. Three doctors asked him if he
had given the patient any injections, and
his answer to each was always no, yet with
a different reason (Stewart, 1998). Also, a
nurse had saved the syringe that had been
found after the patient’s respiratory failure.
After 6 months without anyone collecting
it, the nurse threw it away.
A cursory hospital inquiry recommended that Swango return to work immediately but with more supervision (Stewart,
1998). Although employees at Ohio State
were suspicious of Swango, no one pressed
the matter for fear of the bad publicity it
could generate or the money it could cost
the school in legal fees (Geringer, n.d.).
Had the syringe been saved or had the
doctors acted more purposefully on their
suspicions, then perhaps Swango would’ve
been caught earlier.
Just like Swango, Shipman had had
problems with the law in the past, but his
offenses were not as serious and occurred
with less frequency. The first offense was
in 1975 when he was caught forging pre-
scriptions for a drug called pethidine that
he abused (Profile of a Killer Doctor, 2000).
Because he agreed to go to a treatment facility for his addiction, his punishment was
only a fine and the loss of his job. Some
speculate that his immediate acceptance of
treatment allowed him to avoid a deeper
investigation into his behavior (Profile of a
Killer Doctor).
Prompting Preventative Precautions
Both cases have led hospitals to reevaluate how they monitor their employees.
The inquiry into Shipman led authorities
in England to look at statistics for doctors
to make sure others were not behaving as
Shipman did (Mohammed et al., 2004).
Several doctors were found to have abnormally high patient death rates, but further
investigation found reasonable explanations (Mohammed et al.).
Soon after authorities caught Swango,
and quite possibly as a reaction to his case,
the Federation of State Medical Boards recommended new guidelines for state medical
boards to be more vigilant watching over
postgraduate training programs, specifically
asking that residents register for a 1-year
permit with their local state medical board
that would have to be reapplied for annually
for 3 years (Knapp, 1998). The state would
perform a full background check before issuing a permit. Program directors would report all disciplinary problems, even the ones
for which residents had successfully completed probation (Knapp). Critics called
the recommendations too burdensome for
program directors and said that the Swango
case was too rare to require sweeping changes in procedure (Knapp, 1998).
Doctors are in a unique position to improve and impact their patients’ lives. Yet,
doctors are human and have decidedly human weaknesses that can get in the way of
or even change their goals of helping patients. Although definite answers remain
elusive, care should be taken to prevent
future cases.
Update
Shipman committed suicide in 2004 by
hanging himself with his bed sheets while
serving multiple life terms in prison.
Swango was sentenced to life in prison
without parole.
References
Angel of death, Josef Mengele. (n.d.). Retrieved
March 31, 2006, from http://www.auschwitz.dk/
Mengele.htm
The death that led Shipman to the dock.
(2000, Jan. 31). BBC News. Retrieved March 31,
2006, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_depth/
uk/2000/the_shipman_murders/the_shipman_
files/609972.stm
Geringer, J. (n.d.). Michael Swango. The
Crime Library. Retrieved March 31, 2006, from
http://www.crimelibrary.com/serial_killers/weird/
swango/swango_2.html
Knapp, J. (1998, Oct.). New rules for regulating residents? ACP-ASIM Observer [Online].
Available: http://www.acponline.org/journals/news/
oct98/newrules.htm
Mohammed, M. A., Rathbone, A., Myers,
P., Patel, D., Onions, H., & Stevens, A. (2004).
An investigation into general practitioners associated with high patient mortality flagged up
through the shipman inquiry: Retrospective
analysis of routine data. BMJ [Online]. Available:
http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.
fcgi?artid=42851874-1477
Profile of a killer doctor. (2000, Jan. 31). BBC
News. Retrieved March 31, 2006, from http://
news.bbc.co.uk/1/low/in_depth/uk/2000/the_
shipman_murders/the_shipman_files/611013.
stm
Ramsland, K. (n.d.). Angels of death: the doctors. The Crime Library. Retrieved March, 31,
2006, from http://www.crimelibrary.com/serial_
killers/weird/doctors/index_1.html
Stark, C. (2005). To kill and kill again—
Dr. Shipman. BMJ [Online]. Available:
http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/content/
full/330/7490/544-a/DC1
Stewart, J. B. (1999). Blind Eye (pp.17–19).
New York: Simon & Schuster.
Stewart, J. B. (1998, March). Professional
courtesy. The Park Ridge Center Bulletin [Online]. Available: http://www.parkridgecenter.org/
Page146.html
United States v. Michael J. Swango, No.
99R00496 (U.S. filed July 11, 2000).
Wikipedia.com. (2006). Harold Shipman. Retrieved March 31, 2006, from http://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/Harold_Shipman
About the Author
Laura Kirsch, MA, JD, is a staff writer for
Deserving of
FREEDOM
By Megan Augustine
n America’s justice system, individuals are presumed “innocent until proven guilty.” But what is the definition of guilty in this sense? Who defines guilty? The twelve jurors? The judge? When the individual is found
guilty by a jury of his or her peers, what is “a reasonable doubt”? Who can honestly say with 100% certainty
that another individual is guilty of a crime? The answer is no one. No one but the guilty individual holds the
truth (and at times this is not even the case due to insanity, amnesia, etc.).
As a result, it is possible for an innocent individual to be found guilty of a crime he or she did not commit. In the
meantime, the guilty perpetrator is off the hook, knowing another individual is behind bars for his or her crime.
This is not justice. American’s justice system has taken numbers of guilty individuals off the streets; unfortunately, a
number of innocent individuals (even though a much smaller number) have been wrongly convicted, stripped of the
freedoms they deserve.
Enter the Innocence Project
Loosely defined, an innocence project is
a group of individuals who are dedicated
to the use of post-conviction DNA-testing to exonerate innocent people who
have been convicted of crimes they did
not commit. The largest and most wellknown project is that of “The Innocence
Project,” co-founded by Barry Scheck and
Peter Neufeld. In 1992, the two civil rights
attorneys established this non-profit legal
clinic at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School
of Law. Together their team of students, attorneys, and clinic staff take on cases where
post-conviction DNA evidence can yield
undeniable proof of innocence.
The Innocence Project has opened new
doors for its clients, who range in socioeconomic status and represent all ages, ethnicities, and races. This project also helped
form the Innocence Network, a group of
law schools, journalism schools, and public
defenders’ offices that work to assist individuals who are trying to prove their innocence (whether DNA evidence can aid
in their exoneration).
The Innocence Project describes its mission as the following:
• Achieve the exoneration and release of
factually innocent inmates through postconviction DNA testing.
• Create a network of schools, organizations, and citizens that will effectively address claims of actual innocence.
• Document and study the causes of
wrongful convictions.
• Suggest and implement policies, practices, and legislation that will prevent wrongful convictions.
• Train and educate future attorneys and
advocates.
• Provide information and educational
opportunities for the public.
One key component to The Innocence
Project is the study of the causes of wrongful convictions. The Project works to identify why innocent people are convicted of
crimes in hopes that the research can be
used to prevent such future convictions.
Barry Scheck has stated that mistaken eyewitness identification is likely the greatest
cause of wrongful conviction. In fact, 60
of the first 82 DNA exonerations involved
cases of mistaken eyewitness identification.
Other contributors to wrongful convictions include misconduct on the part of the
police or prosecutor in a case, fraudulent
forensic science, an inadequate or incompetent defense lawyer, use of a jailhouse
informant or snitch, and false confessions.
Barry Scheck will be speaking about
The Innocence Project at ACFEI’s National Conference in Orlando, Florida.
DATE: September 22, 2006
TIME: 8:30 a.m.
LOCATION: Buena Vista Palace in the
WALT DISNEY WORLD® Resort
Meet Barry
Scheck is most well-known for his role as
the DNA expert on O.J. Simpson’s “Dream
Team.” In his post-trial memoir, Journey
to Justice, fellow defense attorney on the
case Johnnie Cochran calls Scheck “smart,
tough, and honest” and calls his work on
the trial “the most brilliant courtroom performance I have ever witnessed.”
Shortly after the Simpson trial, Scheck
returned to the public eye as the defense
attorney in the Louise Woodward “Nanny
Murder” case. He has also served as counsel in other high-profile cases, including
the Abner Louima sexual assault case and
the Oklahoma City bombing case. He has
also provided expert assistance to law enforcement officials investigating unsolved
crimes, including the JonBenet Ramsey
murder.
However, it is quite obvious that Scheck
does not do it for the fame. His true passion is protecting constitutional rights and
freeing the wrongfully convicted.
Scheck was born in Queens in 1949 and
attended Yale in the 1960s. He received
his bachelor’s degree from Yale and his law
degree from UC Berkeley. After graduation, he became a legal-aid lawyer in the
Bronx and later joined the staff at Yeshiva
University’s Benjamin N. Cardozo School
of Law in Manhattan. It was here that he
met fellow law professor Peter Neufeld . . .
and the rest is history.
Let Freedom Ring
To date The Innocence Project has exonerated 175 innocent individuals, 14 of whom
had been on death row. Below, meet just a
few of the innocent individuals who have
regained the freedom they deserve due to
the work of The Innocence Project.
Luis Diaz
More than 25 women fell victim to sexual
assaults or attempted sexual assaults between 1977 and 1979 while driving in the
Bird Road-U.S. 1 area of Coral Gables,
Florida. The rapist would typically flash
his headlights and signal for the woman to
pull over. When she did, he would rape her
at gunpoint.
Luis Diaz was arrested after a victim
spotted him at a gas station 4 days after her
attack. Shortly after the attack, she provided police with a description of the rapist:
Latin male, approximately 6-feet tall and
200 pounds, fluent in English. In contrast,
Diaz stood only 5-foot 3-inches, weighed
approximately 130 pounds, and spoke little to no English. Additionally, he worked
as a fry cook and always smelled heavily of
onions. Not one victim made note of an
unusual odor.
Police relied on eyewitness identifications to build their case against Diaz, as
eight victims identified him as their attacker. Despite the lack of physical evidence, in
May 1980, Diaz went to trial. He was acquitted of one charge and found guilty of
the remaining seven. Diaz was convicted of
kidnapping, sexual battery, and aggravated
assault and was sentenced to multiple life
sentences. Thirteen years later, in 1993,
two victims recanted their identifications
of Diaz (their convictions were thrown
out). However, Diaz remained behind bars
on the other five counts.
The Florida Innocence Initiative took
notice of the Diaz case after receiving a let-
ter from Diaz’s son in 2003. Working together with attorneys from The Innocence
Project and Holland & Knight, a corporate law firm in Florida, the team filed a
post-conviction motion for DNA testing
in September of 2003. The prosecution
consented.
In June 2005, DNA evidence gathered
from two of the rape victims conclusively
excluded Diaz as the attacker. This new
evidence cast doubt on his guilt in the
remaining three cases, and on August 3,
2005, after 26 years in prison, Luis Diaz
walked free. The true perpetrator has not
yet been found.
Calvin Willis
In June 1981, an intruder entered a home
in Shreveport, Louisiana, and attacked a
10-year-old victim. Two other girls (ages
7 and 9) slept in the room where the attack began. The attacker choked the victim, but she was able to escape and ran into
the front yard of the house. The attacker
caught up to her there and beat her until
she lost consciousness.
Interviews with the two young eyewitnesses, the victim’s mother, and a neighbor
led police to suspect Calvin Willis in the
brutal attack. The suspect in the crime was
identified as wearing cowboy boots and a
cowboy hat, something that was common
for Willis, and the 7-year-old witness identified Willis’ voice as the attacker’s. Willis
had also previously been to the victim’s
home and was familiar with the neighborhood, as he used to live there and had several friends and family who lived there.
During the trial, the prosecution showed
that the rapist was a Type-O secretor. Willis was also identified as a Type-O secretor
(60% of the male population are O secretors). A secretor is someone who secretes
their blood-type antigens into body fluids,
while a non-secretor puts little to none of
their blood type into their body fluids.
Although his wife testified that he was
home before midnight on the night of the
crime, the jury did not believe his alibi.
The evidence against him and testimony
from the eyewitnesses and victim led the
jury to convict Willis of aggravated rape in
February 1982. The presiding judge sentenced Willis to life in prison without parole, forcing him to leave his son, daughter,
and pregnant wife behind.
In 1998 The Innocence Project took
Willis’ case. Evidence was collected and
retested. The DNA found from the boxer
shorts of the attacker and the victim’s fingernail scrapings did not match. Willis was
excluded from being a contributor to any
of the samples.
On September 19, 2003, after spending
22 years in a small, lonely jail cell, Calvin
Willis was released from the Louisiana
State Penitentiary at Angola.
Alan Crotzer
On July 8, 1981, in Tampa, Florida, three
men entered a home, threatened and
robbed the five people inside, and then
drove off with two of the female victims in
the trunk of their car. Victims remaining
at the home were able record the license
plate of the car as it sped away. The assailants drove the victims to a dark, wooded
area. One man stayed inside the car while
the other two raped a 38-year-old woman
and a 12-year-old girl, one at the front of
the car, the other at the back. Then, the
perpetrator who raped the 12-year-old also
raped the 38-year-old. After the rapes, the
three assailants fled the scene, leaving the
two victims behind, tied to a tree.
The car in question was licensed to a
St. Petersburg, Florida, resident. Police
showed the five victims photos of the car
owner and his friends. None of the victims
were positive that the car owner was one of
the assailants; police quickly discovered the
car owner had been in jail the day the crime
was committed. Douglas James, a friend of
the car owner, had borrowed the car that
day. Both he and Alan Crotzer were identified by the adult rape victim. Three of the
victims identified Colrenzo James, Douglas’ brother, as the third assailant.
Crotzer was identified as the assailant
who carried a shotgun and raped both
victims. Throughout the arrest and trial,
Crotzer maintained his innocence, claiming he knew nothing about the crimes. But
all five victims identified Crotzer in court,
and based on these IDs and serological evidence (evidence dealing with the properties
and reactions of bodily serums) Crotzer
was convicted of sexual battery, kidnapping, aggravated assault, burglary, robbery,
and attempted robbery. He was sentenced
to 130 years in prison.
Then, in 2003, Crotzer secured access to the evidence from his trial. DNA
testing confirmed that Crotzer could not
have been the man who raped the victims.
Douglas James also confessed that he and
his brother Colrenzo committed the crimes
with a childhood friend, not Crotzer. In
fact, prior to the trial, Crotzer did not even
know Douglas James.
On January 23, 2006, Alan Crotzer’s
conviction was overturned, and he was released after spending 24 years in prison.
David Allen Jones
From September to December of 1992,
the bodies of four women, all believed to
be prostitutes, were found strangled near
an elementary school in Los Angeles, California. There were no eyewitnesses to the
murders. In late December, David Allen
Jones was arrested for an unrelated crime.
Jones, a mentally-retarded part-time janitor
with an IQ of 62, lived close to the murder
scenes. After being questioned and driven
to the crime scenes, Jones confessed to all
four murders. (Research has shown that
the mentally impaired are often likely to
say what the police want to hear in order to
please them and are easily led in questioning; additionally, coercive police interrogations can also lead to false confessions.)
Rape kits from the victims contained biological material from a person with type
A blood. Jones has type O blood. However,
despite the contradictory physical evidence
and the lack of an eyewitness, Jones was
convicted of three of the four murders
based on his confession.
In prison, Jones professed his innocence.
Illustrating his mental capacity, he once
misspelled his own name when signing a
letter written by a fellow inmate to the FBI
that claimed his innocence.
After DNA testing was conducted on
two of the rape kits (the other two had
since been destroyed), it was found that
Jones was not the man who raped and
killed the four women. In fact, the DNA
evidence linked a suspected serial killer,
Chester D. Turner, who was already in
prison on a rape charge, to the crimes.
David Allen Jones was cleared from
all murders and released from prison on
March 4, 2004.
References
The Innocence Project. www.innocenceproject.
com
Associated Press. (2005). DNA exonerates Fla.
man After 26 years. Retrieved March 2006, from
www.foxnews.com
Associated Press. (2006). Man exonerated by
DNA is freed after 24 years. Retrieved March
2006, from www.msnbc.com
Bernstein, P. (2003, December). Wrongfully
convicted: Barry Scheck uses DNA to set the innocent free. Biography Magazine, 75-77.
Dolan, M. and Larrubia, E. (2004, October
30). Telling police what they want to hear, even if
it’s false. The Los Angeles Times.
Freeing the Innocent. Retrieved March 2006
from www.criminaljustice.org
Longley, J. (2000, May 15). Legal genes. Innocents on death row: DNA testing has freed eight;
expert Barry Scheck says that’s only the beginning.
People.
Lush, T. (2005, August 4). After 26 years, a free
man: Luis Diaz maintained his innocence during
all the years he sat behind bars, convicted of rape.
Tests support his claims. St.Petersburg Times.
Passero, K. (1997, October). Cold-booded Barry: Nobody can uncover DNA evidence like attorney Barry Scheck. Biography Magazine, 76–79.
Reckdahl, K. (2003). Calvin Willis is exonerated—and Janet Gregory has reason to celebrate.
Retrieved March 2006, from http://injusticebusters.com
Torricellas, T. (2005). Man cleared 12 years after falsely confessing as serial killer. Justice: Denied,
27, p. 16.
Weinstein, H. (1995, September 29). Scheck
moves from sidelines to center stage. The New
York Times.
About the Author
Megan Augustine holds a bachelor of
journalism degree from the University of
Missouri, and she is the former Chief Association Officer for the American College
of Forensic Examiners.
Global
SUICIDE
By Bruce Gross, PhD, JD, MBA,
FACFEI, DABFE, DABPS, DABFM,
DAPA
n 2002 the World Health Organization (WHO) released the first
World Report on Violence and
Health (Krug et al., 2002). Finding that acts of violence result in more than
1.6 million deaths per year, the WHO considers violence to be a global public health
problem of pandemic proportion. Unlike
other studies of violence, the WHO went
beyond obvious domains of violence (i.e.,
war and homicide) and included more pervasive sources of violence such as child and
elder abuse, domestic violence, sexual assault, and suicide.
The WHO found that worldwide suicide
is the 13th leading cause of death for all persons, with homicide ranked 22nd and war
ranked 30th. On average, approximately
1,425 people are murdered worldwide per
day, the equivalent of 1.4 murders every
minute. In contrast, global figures indicate
that one suicide occurs every 40 seconds.
Based on current trends, WHO predicts
that in 2020 one suicide will occur every
20 seconds, representing the deaths of 1.53
million people by fatal self-inflicted injury.
More global deaths per year result from suicide than from all wars and violent political,
religious, or territorial conflicts combined.
Demographics of Loss
Across history, attempted and completed
suicides have occurred in all countries, in
all age groups, and in both genders (Krug
et al., 2002). While there are notable variations between countries on these factors,
certain trends have emerged. Data reported
to the WHO indicates that, in general, the
highest rates of suicide are seen in Eastern
European countries and in Sri Lanka while
the lowest rates are found in Latin American
and Muslim countries as well as in Thailand and the Philippines (WHO, 2005a;
WHO, 2004a). While each country has its
exceptions, higher rates of self-inflicted violence are found in rural versus urban areas
or regions.
“
The WHO found
that worldwide
suicide is the
13th leading
cause of death for
all persons, with
homicide ranked
22nd and war
ranked 30th.
”
Over the entire 20th century, seven countries, Sweden, Finland, Norway, the Netherlands, Ireland, Scotland, and Spain, experienced a steady and significant increase in
the rate of suicide while five, Switzerland,
New Zealand, Wales, England, and Italy,
have shown a significant decrease (Lester &
Yang, 1998). Of note, Australia is the only
country whose suicide rate remained stable
during the last century. In looking at the
second half of the 20th century, rising suicide rates were seen in over 28 countries,
and declining rates were seen in only eight.
Per capita, suicides in China and India account for nearly 30% of suicides worldwide
(WHO, 2005a). In 2003, the most recent
year with the highest number of reporting
countries, Lithuania (with 74.3:100,000
men and 13.9:100,000 women) and Belarus
(with 63.3:100,000 men and 10.3:100,000
females) had the highest suicide rates globally (WHO, 2005a; WHO, 2004a). The
lowest rates in 2003 were found in Malta,
with 8.6:100,000 men and 1.5:100,000
women dying by self-inflicted injury.
Worldwide, the rate of suicide increases
steadily with age (Krug et al., 2002). Yet in
recent decades, a few countries, including
Canada and the United States, have shown
the steady development of a bimodal peak
with youth suicides edging out the rate of
suicides by the elderly (WHO, 2004a; Krug
et al., 2002). Focusing on youth and violence, the WHO found that each year approximately 4 million adolescents attempt
suicide, 90,000 of whom die from fatal selfinflicted violence (CAHD, 2001). Globally,
for persons between the ages of 15 and 44,
suicide is the sixth-leading cause of injury
and disability, but the fourth-leading cause
of death (Krug et al., 2002). In the United
States, suicide is the second-leading cause
of death for all persons between 25 and 34,
and the third-leading cause of death for all
children, adolescents, and young adults between the ages of 10 and 24 (NCICP, 2003;
Krug et al., 2002; CAHD, 2001). Uninten- self-inflicted violence is affected by a num- increase in suffocation, firearms remained
tional injury is the leading cause of death ber of variables including age, sex, culture, the predominant method and were used in
for all between the ages of 10 and 34, while region of residence, and seriousness of in- over 50% of suicides by children and adohomicide is ranked second for those 15–24 tention (Krug et al., 2002). Due to declin- lescents aged 10–19 (CDC, 2004a; CDC,
and third for those 25–34. In other words, ing health and vitality, the elderly, especial- 2004b; Anderson & Smith, 2003).
violence accounts for the first three leading ly in China and Singapore, tend to choose Annually, approximately 3 million people
causes of death for all persons between the less physically demanding methods such as worldwide intentionally poison themselves
ages of 10 and 34.
drowning, hanging, and intentional fall- with pesticides (WHO, 2004b). Of those
Internationally, women attempt suicide at ing or jumping. While men are more apt 3 million over 250,000 die, representing a
a rate three times that of men while men are to use more violent and potentially lethal significant percentage of the 900,000 global
four times more likely than women to com- methods, women tend to use more passive total of annual suicides. The WHO considmit suicide (CDC, 2004b; WHO, 2004a; or less violent methods such as overdosing. ers suicide by pesticide poisoning as a major
NCICP, 2003). The single exception to this A notable exception to this global trend is public health concern in agricultural regions
universal statistic is rural China, where sig- “suttee” or self-immolation (setting oneself of impoverished countries such as Sri Lannificantly more women than men attempt on fire), a common method choice of wom- ka, China, and India. In such countries pesand complete fatal self-inflicted violence. In en in India. Cultural influence on method ticide poisoning accounts for a significant
the United States, whites have the highest choice is epitomized by significant numbers percentage of all incidents of fatal self-harm,
suicide rates of all races, followed by Ameri- of Japanese men who continue to select the ranging from 30% in Andhra Pradesh, Incan Indian and Native Alaskan men (CDC, “honorable” ritual of “hara-kiri” or “sep- dia, to 71% in Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
2004b).
puku” — a ritual of self-disembowelment
Despite a persistent media correlation of suicide with the winter holidays, fa
tal self-inflicted violence actually peaks in the summer and fall . . . . Contrary
“
to the myth perpetuated by the media, the daily suicide rates for November
and December are the lowest for all months.
Despite a persistent media correlation of
suicide with the winter holidays, fatal selfinflicted violence actually peaks in the summer and fall (Romer et al., 2003). Contrary
to the myth perpetuated by the media, the
daily suicide rates for November and December are the lowest for all months. While
there is a slight and very brief increase in fatal self-inflicted injury just after New Year’s
Day, January is one of the lowest suiciderisk months in the United States.
In 2002 the WHO projected that by
2020 there will be one attempted suicide
every 1 to 2 seconds worldwide (Krug et
al., 2002). Globally, the ratio of fatal to
nonfatal self-inflicted violence is approximately 1:10–20. Nonfatal suicide attempts
are significantly more prevalent in youth
(those under age 25) than in the elderly
(those over age 65), with the ratio of fatal
to nonfatal self-inflicted violence estimated
at 1:100–200 for youth and 1:2–3 for the
elderly (WHO, 2004a; Krug et al., 2002).
More than 50% of persons who attempt
suicide will do so more than once, with
nearly half of those making the second attempt within one year after the first.
Worldwide, the choice of method for
with a sword or knife. Globally, for persons
intent on committing suicide, using pesticides, firearms, and medications (over-thecounter and/or prescription) are the most
common of all methods. For persons with
ambivalent intent, the method of choice is
poisoning, followed by “cutting” or selfinjury with a sharp implement (WHO,
2004b; Krug et al., 2002).
In the United States, for all persons between 21 and 65, in 2001 there were 39,038
violent deaths of which 59.225% were suicides; 11,914 of those suicides were by firearms, while firearms were used in 8,758 of
all homicides (Nahas, 2003). On average,
firearms are used in approximately 55–60%
of all suicides with the total percentage and
gender rate varying by year (CDC, 2004b).
Firearms are used in 73% of cases of fatal
self-inflicted violence committed by the
elderly (persons over age 65) and are used
in 54% of youth suicides (CDC, 2004a;
CDC, 2004b; Anderson & Smith, 2003).
Between 1992 and 2001, there was a relatively steady decrease in the use of firearms
by youth aged 10–19 and a corresponding increase in the use of suffocation as a
method of choice for suicide. Despite the
”
Unification of Intent
Japan is perhaps one of the only countries
in the world that views suicide as an honorable way to publicly atone for perceived
failure or disgrace. So inculcated is suicide in
Japanese culture that a 1993 book authored
by Wataru Tsurumi, The Complete Manual
of Suicide, not only maintained years of
bestseller and cult status, but was adapted
into the 2003 film, The Suicide Manual, by
Osamu Fukutani (Hasimoto, 2001; Tsurumi, 1993). Tsurumi’s book, which explicitly outlines the risks and benefits of every
conceivable method, was officially banned in
the late 1990s when it was considered a contributing (if not causal) factor in the steady
increase in and clustering of youth suicides.
Tsurumi himself vocally objected to the ban,
being of the mind that people who intend to
kill themselves will do so with or without his
“instruction” book.
Despite Tsurumi’s belief, numerous studies have demonstrated a positive correlation
between media reports of suicide and a subsequent increase in suicide rates (WHO,
2000a). Ironically, the first reported correlation dates back to 1774, when the suicide
of the main character in the novel The Sor-
rows of Young Werther resulted in numerous
imitation suicides. So notable was the correlation that the term “Werther effect” was
eventually coined to refer to imitation or
copycat suicides. The correlation between
media and suicide applies to nonfiction
television and to both fiction and nonfiction reports of fatal self-injury in all forms
of print. The correlation between music,
plays, and fictional television portrayals of
suicide are less well studied yet are assumed
to result in similar imitation effects. Media’s negative impact appears to be specifically related to the repeated publicizing of
a given suicide, the degree of detail regarding method choice, a celebrity victim, and
stylistic variables that condone or glamorize
self-inflicted violence.
As evidenced in other areas of emotional
disturbance and criminality, the Internet
has played a unique role in the occurrence
of self-inflicted violence (Litke, 2005; Harding, 2004; Huus, 2003). In the mid-to-late
1990s, a steady increase in online suicide
chat-rooms (known as “suicide clubs”) began
emerging in Japan and soon spread to other
countries. These sites provide a “safe” place
where youth experiencing suicidal ideation
can share their intentions, offer/receive advice on method choice, and even find suicide
“partners.” Initially strangers, partners who
have entered a “suicide pact” online meet
offline for companionship and moral support when, as a group, each commits suicide.
Suicide groups vary in size, and members
may use the same or different methods.
Between 1993 (when Japan’s first and
now largest Internet service provider was
established) and 2001, Japan ranked second among industrialized nations in the
percentage of the population with access
to the Internet (Delamar, 2002). Perhaps
not unrelated, in 2001 Japan witnessed a
notable increase in the number of Internetformed suicide groups found dead by selfinflicted violence (WHO, 2005a). While
comparatively small in number, Internetrelated suicides by Japan’s youth began to
represent a growing proportion of the nation’s total suicides (Harding, 2004). Also
in 2001, there was a dramatic increase in
fatal self-inflicted violence by middle-aged
professional Japanese men (WHO, 2005b;
Huus, 2003). The blatant rise in fatal selfinflicted violence in youth, presumably
due to alienation and pressures to perform
academically, and the middle-aged, due to
harsh economic conditions and occupational pressures, made it impossible for the
Japanese government to ignore the growing
problem. In response, certain environmental adaptations were put in place in an effort to prevent some of the more common
methods, such as roof extenders, barriers
along train tracks, and the installation of
“suicide mirrors” in train stations. In addition, the government provided funds to
Japan’s only suicide prevention hotline,
“Lifeline.”
In 2002, 12.8:100,000 Japanese women
and 35.2:100,000 Japanese men committed
suicide (WHO, 2005b). Fatal self-inflicted
violence by men aged 45–64 represented
approximately half of all Japanese male suicides (WHO, 2005b). The remarkable rise
in suicides by men in this age group was
largely responsible for Japan’s move from
23rd place in 1996 to 10th place in 2002
in the WHO’s ranking of suicide rates by
country. By 2003 suicide became the 6thleading cause of death in Japan with a per
capita rate twice that of the United States
(WHO, 2005a; WHO, 2005b).
powerful source of sexual arousal. His behavior escalated until early 1995, when he
was arrested for attempting to choke people
he randomly selected on the streets. He was
arrested for the same behavior in mid-2001,
and then again in spring of 2002. The result
of his third arrest was a 10-month prison
sentence. At some point prior to his arrest
in 2002, Maeue set up a personal website,
which has since been removed, on which
he posted a self-authored, purportedly fictional novel in which multiple murders by
choking and suffocation were elaborately
detailed. The approximately 20,000-word
manuscript chronicled the refinement of
what would later prove to be his actual modus operandi. Also on Maeue’s computer
was a folder in which he stored numerous
pictures taken during the murders of 10
people, each photograph clearly evidencing the individual victim’s terror and agony.
Maeue pled guilty in 2005 and, ultimately,
admitted to murdering at least 50 people
over the years. If Maeue’s prison experience
is typical of inmates in the United States,
there is a high probability that he, himself,
will become a victim of suicide.
Compassionate Murder
In 2003 over 32,000 Japanese people committed suicide while approximately 1,400
were victims of homicide (SRTI, 2003).
While suicide and homicide rates are generally thought to be unrelated, Japan’s Internet suicide clubs have provided a unique
opportunity for overlap. For example, Hiroshi Maeue, age 36, was arrested in Osaka, Japan, in the fall of 2005 for the murder
of three people, two males and one female,
who ranged in age from 14 to 25 (Cameron,
2005; “Man admits,” 2005; “Man held,”
2005; “Police find,” 2005; “Sexual deviant,” 2005). Maeue’s victims had only two
things in common: each had posted notes
on suicide “matchmaker” websites looking
for someone with whom to die, and they
each set-up “suicide pacts” with Hiroshi
Maeue. While it’s doubtful Maeue had a
conscience, when arrested he readily admitted to using existing Internet suicide clubs
to find vulnerable and uniquely “easy” victims; victims who willingly met with Maeue
with the intent to die, albeit by suicide,
not murder. By his own admission, Maeue
had been suffocating people since middle
school with the behavior soon becoming a
Violent Victims
In order, the three leading causes of death
in United States prisons are HIV/AIDSrelated disease complications, illness or
natural causes, and suicide (Freiden, 2005).
Worldwide, prison inmates are a unique
group at high risk for suicidal behavior
(WHO, 2000b). Nationally, as of 2005,
the suicide rate of prison inmates was nine
times higher than that of the general population, and 250 times higher for detainees
in holding facilities. Aside from the loss of
life, according to research conducted by the
Criminal Justice Mental Health Consensus
Project, in a single New York State county
approximately $315,000 is spent each year
on overtime for deputies assigned to inmate
suicide watch.
There are consistent and notable differences in the suicide rates of inmates in local
jails versus state prisons. In 2002, 65% of
suicides by jail inmates occurred during the
first month of detention (Mumola, 2005).
Forty-eight percent occurred during the first
week of detention, with one quarter occurring on either the first (13.7%) or second
(9.0%) day after arrival. In contrast, only
7% of all suicides in state prisons occurred
during the first month of detention. Sixtyfive percent occurred after the first year of
incarceration and 33% after 5 years. Unlike the United States, a 1999–2000 study
of prison inmates in Britain revealed that
of 172 suicides, approximately one third
occurred during the inmate’s first week of
incarceration (Arehart-Treichel, 2004).
In both United States prisons and local
jails, male inmates were 56% more likely
to commit suicide than were females (Mumola, 2005). However, on average, jailed
females committed suicide sooner after arrival than did males (4 days versus 10). The
time-to-suicide for female and male prison
inmates was 29 and 30 months respectively.
In terms of race, white males had the highest suicide rate in both local jails and state
prisons. Within jails, whites’ rate of suicide
was 6 times higher than that of AfricanAmericans and 3 times higher than Hispanics. By race, the average time-to-suicide for
inmates in local jails was 6 days for AfricanAmericans, 9 days for whites, and 23 days
for Hispanics. So while African-Americans
were less likely to commit suicide, they did
so sooner than jailed inmates of other races.
As for state prisons, on average, whites commit suicide within 21 months of arrival,
African-Americans within 40 months, and
Hispanics within 49.
Between 2000 and 2002, 43% of all suicides committed in state prisons occurred
in only four states: (in rank order) California, Texas, New York, and Illinois (Mumola,
2005). Of note, the 50 largest jurisdictions
had a suicide rate that was half that of all
other jurisdictions combined. In contrast, the
rate of jail suicides was inversely related to the
size of the facility with the lowest number of
suicides occurring in the largest jails.
Within local jails, the rate of violent offenders was 3 times that of nonviolent offenders (Mumola, 2005). Among violent
offenders, those charged/convicted of kidnapping had the highest rate, followed by
those detained for rape and then homicide.
Among nonviolent offenders, those held on
drug offenses in both local jails and state
prisons had the lowest rate of suicide; on average, drug offenders were 5 times less likely
to commit suicide than were violent offenders. In both types of facilities, suicides occurred soon after admission for public-order
offenders (3 days in jails; 9 days in prisons)
and were most delayed for violent offenders
(20 days in jails; 45 months in prisons).
In the United States, 87% of all suicides
occur in the inmate’s cell (Mumola, 2005).
In Britain, of those inmates who committed suicide, 92% hung themselves, typically
with sheets and blankets from window bars
in their cells (Arehart-Treichel, 2004). Seventy-two percent of those inmates in Britain who committed suicide were identified
with at least one major psychiatric disorder.
The most frequent diagnosis was one of the
substance abuse disorders (27%), followed
by affective disorders (18%), and then
schizophrenia (6%).
As with global suicide rates, the rate of jail
suicides increases with age (Mumola, 2005).
The sole exception to this rule is for those
inmates under the age of 18 housed in adult
jails and prisons. Specifically, the suicide rate
for juveniles held in local jails is 8 times the
rate for adolescents held in juvenile detention centers or facilities, and 5 times the rate
for youths who are not detained. Juveniles
housed in adult prisons have a suicide rate 8
times that of all adult prisoners who commit
suicide (Austin, 2000).
Causes and Cures
Over the last 40–50 years, numerous agencies, such as the United States Department
of Justice, the Office of Juvenile Justice
Delinquency Prevention, and the Office of
the Surgeon General of the United States
(OSG), have conducted extensive research
on the etiology of juvenile delinquency, in
particular, “chronic serious violent juvenile offenders.” Those same agencies have
researched those factors and traits underlying parasuicidality. Not surprisingly, the
risk and protective factors for violent delinquency and those for suicide show considerable overlap.
While not necessarily causal, certain individual, interpersonal, and environmental
factors have been shown to increase the likelihood of fatal self-inflicted violence or suicide. According to the OSG these risk factors
include the following (DHHHS, 1999):
• prior attempt(s) by the individual;
• family history of suicide;
• family history of alcohol and/or drug abuse;
• history of child abuse or maltreatment;
• history of mental disorders (in particular,
depression and schizophrenia);
• feelings of hopelessness;
• subjective sense of isolation;
• arguments, chronic stress, and breakdowns
in significant interpersonal relationships;
• history of or current alcohol and/or substance abuse;
• impulsive or aggressive tendencies;
• physical illness (in particular, epilepsy);
• financial or material loss;
• occupational problems and/or unemployment;
• barriers to accessing treatment services;
• unwillingness to seek help due to perceived stigma;
• cultural and/or religious beliefs supporting suicide;
• easy access to lethal methods; and
• local epidemics of suicide.
In addition to the above, the WHO has
identified poverty, social isolation, legal problems, mental retardation, and disabling pain
as significant contributors to suicidal behavior (WHO, 2004a; WHO, 2000a; WHO,
2000c). When individuals with some or all
of these risk factors are in an environment
characterized by high availability and easy
access to lethal methods, there is a predictable increase in suicide rates (CDC, 2004a).
Recent research has pointed to probable
biological or genetic influencers on suicidal
behavior. In particular, serotonergic system
abnormalities have been identified in both
those who attempt and those who commit
suicide (Mann et al., 2001).
The OSG and the WHO have also identified certain internal and external factors
that serve to minimize the risk of suicide
(WHO, 2004a; WHO, 2000a; WHO,
2000c; DHHS, 1999). Essentially, these
protective factors act as buffers, insulating
individuals from the negative effect of risk
factors. They include the following:
• high self-esteem as well as a sense of personal worth and importance to others;
• a sense of connectedness to family, friends,
community, and/or social institution(s);
• being in a stable relationship;
• family/social support;
• ready access to a range of mental health
services;
• effective treatment for any existing physical, psychological, and/or substance abuse
disorders;
• supportive relationships with professional
care providers;
• good skills in the areas of problem-solving and
nonviolent dispute/conflict resolution; and
• cultural and/or religious beliefs that prioritize life and discourage suicide.
Traditionally, efforts to prevent suicide
have focused on groups considered to be
at high risk (CDC, 2004). However, the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) contends that populationbased approaches may be more effective
at reducing the rate of suicide among all
groups. Environmental strategies that have
been met with success include redesigning
automobile exhaust pipes and installing
automatic idle shut-offs, limiting access to
roofs, fencing high bridges, and developing
new packaging designs for potentially lethal
over-the-counter and prescription medications (Krug et al., 2002).
Restricting access to highly lethal methods has clearly had positive results. However, those persons with serious intent to
commit suicide will continue to identify
alternative, equally lethal methods (CDC,
2004a; CDC, 2004b; Anderson & Smith,
2003). Unfortunately, some of the methods
showing a surge in use, such as suffocation,
pose increasingly difficult challenges to
prevention. As suffocation is completed in
private and results in rapid death, there is a
decreased likelihood of bystander intervention. Furthermore, a wide variety of materials can be used to commit suicide, all of
which are easily accessible in most environments. While continued refinement and
implementation of prevention programs
is essential, without remediation of the
underlying psychological vulnerabilities,
suicide will remain a leading global public
health problem.
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About the Author
Dr. Bruce Gross is a Fellow of the American College of Forensic Examiners (ACFEI)
and is an executive advisory board member
of the American Board of Forensic Examiners. Dr. Gross is also a Diplomate of the
American Board of Forensic Examiners, the
American Board of Forensic Medicine, and
the American Board Psychological Specialties. He has been an ACFEI member since
1996 and is also a Diplomate of the American Psychotherapy Association.
The Art of
F RENSICS
By Carissa Corson, BS
At the end of World War II, Allied troops found a Nazi storage facility in an Austrian
salt mine. Inside the mine they unveiled hidden works of art the Nazis had bought and
stolen from various countries and individuals. One of the paintings was an unrecognized work, later called Christ with the Adultress, by Johannes Vermeer, a Dutch painter
who died in 1675 and became famous in the 20th century. An investigation traced this
piece to Han van Meegeren, another Dutch painter.
V
an Meegeren spent his life aspiring to be a famous artist, but
he was not well received by the
critics. Embarrassed and bitter, he decided
to use his expertise in the painting techniques of the Dutch masters to produce
a fake Vermeer. His plan was to fool the
critics, letting them admire the piece, and
then expose his fake, confirming his artistic
abilities and the critics’ ignorance.
His plan to expose his fakery took a back
seat when the money started coming in.
He sold his first forged Veermer for today’s
calculated standards of several million dollars! He continued to produce more Vermeer fakes, including works by Frans Hals
and Pieter de Hooch.
When authorities finally found Christ
with the Adultress, they marked Van
Meegeren as a Nazi collaborator for selling
the “priceless work of art” to the enemy.
He was arrested and charged with treason,
which held the death penalty. Imprisoned
for 6 weeks, van Meegeren finally admitted
to forgery, but the police did not believe
him. He proposed to create a new fake to
prove his innocence. He was put under
house arrest and for the next 3 months
worked on The Young Christ Teaching in
the Temple. A commission was also put together to examine van Meegeren’s works.
How Did He Do It?
Although it took van Meegeren several years
to finalize his technique, his methodology
in creating a forged masterpiece was down
to a science. First, he would select an unknown 17th-century canvas. He partially
removed the initial painting using pumice
stone, being careful to preserve the original
cracks within the paint. Then he applied a
layer of base paint to form the foundation
of the final painting. Because conventional
oil paints could take years to dry and become hard, he had to select a paint that
would dry fast and harden quickly. He decided to mix his paints with phenolformaldehyde resin (also known as Albertol or
Ambertol). This solution causes a chemical
change when heated and hardens quickly
and permanently, becoming insoluble to
common solvents. After completing his
painting, van Meegeren baked his canvas
for approximately 1 hour in an oven at
105°F. Then he would distress it by rolling
it over a drum, giving it a “crackled” look.
Lastly, he used black ink to fill in the cracks
(Nunn, 1996).
The Commission Confirms It
While van Meegeren was under house arrest the commission was doing an investi-
gation of their own. Christ with the Adultress and other paintings by van Meegeren
were under scientific, forensic scrutiny.
With the use of microscopes, chemicals, xrays, and other processes, the commission
was able to uncover the truth. All of the
paintings showed traces of phenolformaldehyde resin and some of them had traces
of cobalt blue, an artificial pigment created and manufactured only in the 19thcentury. X-rays detected the scenes of the
original 17th-century paintings under van
Meegeren’s painting. Cross-sections taken
from the paintings revealed multiple layers
of paint. It was evident—van Meegeren’s
paintings were modern fakes!
Art Crimes Today
Although forensic art is typically thought
of as composite art, age progression, or
post-mortem reconstruction, forensics can
be used to catch an art forger or confirm
the authenticity of a work. Consider the
following examples:
• Many faithful Christains consider the
Shroud of Turin to be the cloth that covered Christ’s body after crucifixion, but scientific evidence says otherwise. Carbon-14
dating indicates that the cloth is actually
painted linen, crafted in the 14th century.
• One of Pablo Picasso’s alleged works, Absinthe Drinker, was thought to have come
from his blue period. After investigatory
x-rays revealed another abstract painting
beneath the picture (a historical impossibility), it was ruled a fake.
• Bernhard Strigel was believed to have
been the artist of Holy Antony Eremita
around 1460. A radiograph test exposed
a painting underneath the surface created
by an artist who lived 250 years after Strigel’s death.
It has been said that 25%-40% of all art
on the market is forged to some degree.
But modern technology and science have
helped minimize that number and continue to reduce art crimes.
For instance, Freemanart, a fine art consultancy business, uses up-to-the-minute
forensic techniques to help establish a
work’s credibility and authenticity. These
procedures include spectral, optical, and
chemical analysis; computer diagnostics;
and forensic handwriting analysis. Their
team has worked to identify true works of
art by famous painters such as Marc Chagall, Pablo Picasso, Vincent Van Gogh,
and Thomas Gainsborough. Freemanart
is dedicated to finding the answers to a
counterfeit market through intense research and science.
These analytical techniques and others
cannot prove whether someone actually
painted a work of art. Conversely, they can
verify that the materials used were unavailable when the work was allegedly created.
Establishing the work’s credibility and authenticity is harder to verify without the
integration of historical data, knowledge of
the artist’s techniques, and extensive research
into the canvas, preparatory paint layers,
and stretcher. Forensic Technique
Carbon dating
Spectroscopic examination
Use
Measures age
Detects the age of oil paints
Ultraviolet fluorescence
Finds repairs and fluorescent blue-green paint
(indicates that the work is from the 19th century)
Polarized light microscopy
Analyzes paint pigment
Infrared analysis
Discovers earlier painting on same backing
and reveals whether paint or ink was used
Conventional x-ray
Detects earlier work under the surface
X-ray diffraction (the object bends x-rays)
Explores crystalline components in pigments
X-ray fluorescence (bathing the object with
radiation causes it to emit x-rays)
Elemental analysis—determines the age of
precious metals and pigments in a painting
Neutron activation analysis
Determines the concentration of the elements
Although most forgery artists fear being
discovered, forensic art investigations saved
van Meegeren’s life. After 2 days on trial,
he was found guilty of forgery and his sentence was reduced from death to a 2-year
prison term. Once again, forensics proved
it had the power to find the truth and ensure that justice was served. Even though
van Meegeren was never noted as a famous
artist in his own right, he has become one
of the most notorious forgers of all time.
References
Nunn, T. (1996). The art forgeries of Han van
Meegeran. Retrieved April 3, 2006, from http://
www.tnunn.f2s.com/vm-main.htm
Han van Meegeren. (2006). Wikipedia.com. Retrieved April 3, 2006, from http://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/Han_van_Meegeren.
University of Wisconsin. (1999). Art attack.
Why Files.com. Retrieved March 31, 2006, from
http://whyfiles.org/081art_sci/
Freemanart Fine Art Consultants. (2004). Retrieved April 4, 2006, from http://www.freemanart.ca/authentication.htm
“
It has been said
that 25%-40% of
all art on the market is forged to
some degree. But
modern technology and science
have helped minimize that number
and continue to
reduce art crimes.
”
About the Author
Carissa Corson holds a bachelor of science degree from Missouri State University, and she is the chief association officer
for the American College of Forensic Examiners.
CE TEST PAGE: THREE TOTAL CREDITS AVAILABLE (WITH THE COMPLETION OF ALL 3 CE TESTS)
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Direct any questions, grievances, or comments to the ACFEI CE Department (phone 800-423-9737; fax 417-881-4702; email [email protected]).
Learning Objectives for “Psychological Profiles of Terrorists”
After studying this article, participants should be better able to do the following:
1.) Understand the psychological motives of terrorists.
2.) Recognize why current terrorism prevention efforts are flawed.
3.) Describe a better working profile of a terrorist.
Learning Objectives for “Adult Perceptions of Children with
Learning Disabilities . . .”
After studying this article, participants should be better able to do the following:
1.) Understand the difficulties children with learning disabilities face creating
narratives.
2.) Understand the nature of the witness preparation technique Narrative
Elaboration Training (NET).
3.) Understand how forensic psychologists can use NET to help prepare children
for testifying.
Article 1: CE test for “Psychological Profiles of Terrorists” (See
page 6 for article.)
Article 2: CE Test for “Adult Perceptions of Children with
Learning Disabilities . . .” (See page 18 for article.)
1.) What are the psychological motives the author ascribes to terrorists?
A. “Specialness” and notoriety
B. Strong group affiliations and social approval
C. Ideological and/or religious convictions
D. “Emotional hunger” and social isolation
E. All of the above
1.) About 90% of children with learning disabilities have deficits in:
A. Reading.
B. Language.
C. Writing.
D. Science.
2.) What does the author consider “empathic failures” when it comes to
terrorism-prevention efforts?
A. The failure to implement a coherent terrorism prevention strategy
B. The application of prevention means and resources that are
inadequate to the task of terrorism prevention
C. The failure to understand the terrorists’ perspectives and cultures
D. The gullibility of politicians when it comes to what terrorists proclaim
E. All of the above
3.) The author proposes that a “good profile” of terrorist must:
A. Focus on race or nationality.
B. Include a way to account for intergroup variability.
C. Be a “one-size-fits-all” approach to the profile.
D. Focus on Arab nationals and not American citizens.
E. All of the above.
4.) What is the most likely psychological profile of a terrorist?
A. Essentially normal individuals
B. Anti-social or psychopathic personalities
C. “Cluster B” of the personality disorders taxonomy
D. Narcissistic character organization
E. All of the above
Evaluation for Article 1: (1–3 rating section)
Please circle one (1=Poor 2=Satisfactory 3= Excellent)
1. The author presented material clearly. 1 2 3
2. The stated learning objectives were met. 1 2 3
3. New knowledge or technique was gained. 1 2 3
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article).
1.) When using the computer, it is typically less fatiguing if the monitor is set:
A. Above line of sight.
B. Directly at line of sight.
C. Below line of sight.
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and the corresponding CE test. Log on to www.
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2.) When reading, the surface you are reading should ideally be:
A. Flat.
B. At an incline of approximately 20 degrees.
C. At an incline of 45 degrees.
D. None of the above.
3.) Which is a method used to evaluate the validity of a child’s account of
abuse?
A. Narrative Elaboration Training (NET)
B. Witness preparation
C. Statement analysis
D. Suggestibility
4.) Spoon rotation exercises help improve:
A. Focusing.
B. Eye-hand coordination.
C. Peripheral awareness.
D. All of the above.
4.) In an effort to counteract the possible influences of a witness during
testimony, forensic psychologists are often called on to:
A. Tell a witness what to say.
B. Conduct mock trials.
C. Alter weak perceptions of a vulnerable witness.
D. Analyze the appearance of a witness.
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1.) The difference between vision and seeing.
2.) How vision relates to overall efficiency.
3.) How vision science maintains and improves good vision as it applies to law
enforcement skills: driving, combat, shooting, observation, night vision, and
computer skills.
3.) When performing visual tasks within arm’s length, what is the suggested interval for resting the eyes?
A. When they become fatigued
B. Every 2 hours, if the visual system is strong
C. Every 15 to 20 minutes
D. None of the above
(Identifying information: Please print legibly or type the following:)
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Learning Objectives for “Vision Science . . .”
2.) All of the following are common problems for children with learning
disabilities when creating narratives except:
A. Straying off topic.
B. Trouble organizing language.
C. Trouble reporting spontaneous details.
D. Nervousness.
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The American College of Forensic Examiners (ACFEI)
2006 Regional Certification Conference
Las Vegas, NV • MGM Grand • July 18-19, 2006
BURNS: The Medical and Forensic
Model
By Alan D. Clark, MD, DABFE,
DABFM, FACFEI
Don’t miss your only chance to earn a
new certification at a live course through
ACFEI in 2006!
Expand your knowledge, set yourself
apart from your peers, and earn a prestigious credential from the world’s largest forensic membership association.
Qualified professionals may choose from
any of the certification review courses
described here.
Call toll free (800) 423-9737,
ext. 156, visit www.acfei.com, or
email [email protected].
The Certified Medical Investigator , CMI, Course
“I would suggest that anyone prosecuting or investigating
crimes should consider this course. It makes for a better investigation and expands your knowledge base to understand what
can or cannot be determined from the information found.
Any forensic scientists, clinician with any connection to law
enforcement, or provider of expert testimony should consider
this course. Overall, the knowledge is indispensable.”
—E. Robert Bertolli, OD, CMI-V, CHS-V
®
E. Robert Bertolli
The Certified Forensic Nurse, CFN , Course
“There has been an overwhelming need in the forensic nursing community for a credential that covers all of the common
characteristics of forensic nurses who work with very diversified patient and non-patient populations. . . . Nurses skilled
in the forensic sciences have endless possibilities where their
nursing experience can be used.”
—Rusty Rooms, MSN, RN, CFN, CMI-III, DABFN
SM
Rusty Rooms
The Certified Forensic Consultant, CFC , Course
“Applying one’s professional expertise to issues of the law does
not come naturally . . . the CFC designation assures the client
that the professional has undergone additional forensic training and experience and understands how to apply their knowledge honestly and fairly to the forensic arena.”
—Jonathan J. Lipman, PhD, Neuropharmacologist, Diplomate of the American Board of Forensic Examiners
SM
Jonathan J. Lipman
The Certified Forensic Accountant, Cr. FA , Course
“The forensic accounting field has grown significantly over
the past couple of years and ACFEI provided a much-needed
certification for professionals who specialize in this particular
field.”
—Laurie Ann French, CPA, Cr.FA
®
Laurie Ann French
Alan D. Clark
Dr. Alan Clark, a long-time outstanding
member of ACFEI, passed away this past
February. This wonderful book was his final
professional legacy.
The totality of burn injury, both personal
and economic, is enormous. Whether resulting from a neighborhood house fire or
the collapse of the Twin Towers, burn injuries have continued to affect society, especially burn victims and their families. For
the medical, forensic, and legal professions
burn care continues to be viewed by many
as part science and part myth. The medical science of burn treatment and rehabilitation has progressed rapidly, dispelling
many myths and changing legal issues.
Alan D. Clark’s BURNS: The Medical
and Forensic Model provides a rapid, concise treatise on the ramifications of burn
injury from electrical injury to thermal and
blast injury. Clark consistently presents forensic considerations throughout the text,
both in the medical and forensic sections.
The medical sections provide essential
information on many facets of burn injury and care, from burn characteristics
to evaluation and treatment. Discussion
of treatment includes pre-hospitalization
care, critical care, rehabilitation, toxicology and physiology, hidden toxic dangers,
and planning for disasters in which many
people are injured, such as building explosions and terrorist attacks.
The forensic sections cover a variety of
topics including fire and arson investigation, identification of burn victims, fire
death investigation, and advanced forensic
considerations in electrothermal burns.
This book is essential for anyone in the
legal, law enforcement, or health care professions who work with burn cases.
Alan D. Clark, MD, began practicing
emergency medicine in 1976. In 1995,
convinced that forensic investigation and
analysis was missing in the acute evaluation of emergency medical and trauma
victims, Clark began to study and teach forensic evaluation for physicians and nurses
caring for these patients. Clark assisted in
medico-legal case evaluations, lectured at
national forensic conferences, and was the
medical editor for a monthly forensic continuing medical education series for forensic scientists and physicians.
The Human Predator: A Historical
Chronicle of Serial Murder and Forensic Investigation
By Katherine Ramsland, PhD, CMI-V
Katherine Ramsland
Many people think of the phenomenon of
serial killing as a perversion born of modern society or as the cynical consequence
of a cold, ineffectual contemporary culture. In The Human Predator: A Historical
Chronicle of Serial Murder and Forensic Investigation, best-selling author and forensics research expert Katherine Ramsland
makes a provocative case for the existence
of serial killers throughout time. From
bloodthirsty despots to today’s all-American girls and boys next door, Ramsland reveals the evolving social attitudes that have
affected serial murderers’ motives, methods, and criminal careers in the context of
the specific historical periods in which they
lived . . . and killed.
From this startling perspective, Ramsland
follows the criminal mind from ancient
Rome through the Dark Ages to the back
alleys and open highways of urban America.
She takes readers from the unconscionable
exploits of French religious zealot Gilles de
Rais to such American-made monsters as
John Wayne Gacy and Jeffrey Dahmer. In
The Human Predator, Ramsland discusses
the role of rigid class systems, ignorance and
fear, religion, and ancient superstition in
the breeding of serial killers including men,
women, and children. For the first time,
Ramsland offers a chronological record of
the serial-killer phenomenon and traces the
development of forensic science, psychology, and FBI profiling.
Spanning from ancient times to today’s
headlines, The Human Predator is a chilling reminder that the darkness that exists
in human nature is not, as some might
think, the product of modern society.
Katherine Ramsland, PhD, is the author of more than 20 books, including The
Criminal Mind: A Writer’s Guide to Forensic
Psychology, The Science of Cold Case Files,
and The Forensic Science of C.S.I., and has
written more than 300 articles on serial
killers. Ramsland currently writes forensic articles for Court TV’s Crime Library.
She teaches forensic psychology at DeSales
University in Pennsylvania.
Falsely Accused
State Supreme Court Overturns
Conviction
On July 28, 2003, the Missouri Supreme
Court ordered the release of Joseph Amrine
after DNA evidence did not implicate him in
the death of Gary Barber.
In 1985 Joseph Amrine was serving a
sentence at the state penitentiary in Jefferson City, Missouri, for robbery, burglary,
and forgery when he was accused of murdering fellow inmate Gary Barber. On October 18, 1985, Barber was found stabbed
to death, and witnesses reported different
accounts of his murder.
Officer John Noble, a prison guard, said
that he had seen Barber chasing inmate
Terry Russell in the recreation room of the
prison. Afterwards, Officer Noble said he
saw Barber pull a knife out of his back and
die. In addition, six inmates stood up for
Amrine and testified that he had been playing cards with them in a different area of
the recreation room when the stabbing occurred. Three of these inmates even named
Russell as the one who was being chased by
Barber.
Yet, after Russell was questioned about
his role in the death, he told authorities
that Amrine confessed to him about killing Barber, and two other inmates said that
they actually saw Amrine stab Barber. One
of those inmates said he saw Barber and
Amrine together before Amrine pulled out
a knife and stabbed Barber.
Although no physical evidence connected Amrine to the murder, and despite the
various conflicting stories, in 1986 a jury
convicted him of murder and sentenced
him to death.
Amrine’s conviction and sentence were
affirmed in 1987. He persisted, though,
and filed for post-conviction relief because
of ineffective legal representation. Two of
the three inmates who had testified against
him then recanted their testimony. Without a recant from the third inmate and
without the introduction of any new evidence to show his innocence, the United
States District Court for the Western District of Missouri denied Amrine’s petition.
Amrine’s situation began to look brighter after he paired up with defense attorney
Sean O’Brien in 1996. After finding the
third inmate who had testified against him
and getting an affidavit in which this inmate recanted his trial testimony, Amrine
was able to claim that the evidence in the
inmate’s affidavit contradicted the evidence that resulted in Amrine’s conviction.
The district court refused to consider all of
the evidence together and instead looked
only at this third inmate’s recanted statement and called it unreliable. The appellate court affirmed.
To have all the evidence considered as
a whole, Amrine petitioned the Missouri
Supreme Court, which was the first court
to examine all of the evidence in favor of
Amrine’s innocence and make a decision.
In a 4-3 decision, the Missouri Supreme
Court overturned his conviction and death
sentence in April 2003, making him the
third man in Missouri history to be cleared
of a death penalty conviction. Amrine’s
case was also the first time the Missouri
Supreme Court addressed whether it could
decide the sole issue of innocence without
additional claims for violations of rights as
grounds for overturning a conviction or
sentence. The opinion says that the case
“presents the rare circumstance in which
no credible evidence remains . . . to support the conviction.”
Following this ruling, Amrine had to
wait in a county jail while the prosecutor
considered a retrial. On July 28, 2003,
results of a DNA test on blood evidence
from the 1985 murder failed to link Amrine to Barber, and the prosecutor decided
against a new trial. In this case the DNA
evidence did not enter the picture until
after Amrine had received his discharge
from the Missouri Supreme Court; it was
not used to prove his innocence before the
court. Rather, it was used to convince the
prosecutor not to pursue a new murder
trial against him and to confirm his conditional release.
After 16 years on death row, Amrine was
a free man. Had he not been falsely convicted of murder, Amrine would have been
released from prison in 1992. He ended up
serving an extra 10 years for a crime he did
not commit.
Now that Amrine has been cleared of the
murder charges, Barber’s murderer remains
unknown. Several, including Amrine’s attorney O’Brien, have accused Russell, the
inmate who blamed Amrine of being behind the murder. When Barber was murdered, Russell was only a few months away
from his release. The prosecutor, though,
said that without physical evidence against
Russell, he would not be able to pursue
a case, especially because so many of the
witnesses in the Amrine case had recanted
their accounts.
References
Associated Press. (2003, Aug. 18). Former inmate Amrine opposes death penalty. Columbia
Daily Tribune. Retrieved April 3, 2006, from
http://archive.columbiatribune.com/2003/aug/
20030818news007.asp
Carlisle, N. (2003, July 30). Release leaves loose
ends. Columbia Daily Tribune. Retrieved April
3, 2006, from http://archive.columbiatribune.
com/2003/jul/20030730news005.asp
Joseph Amrine is released. (2003, July 28). Truth
in Justice. Retrieved April 3, 2006 from http://www.
truthinjustice.org/amrine-released.htm
State ex re. Joseph Amrine v. Donald P. Roper,
Superintendent, Potosi Correctional Center. No.
SC84656, slip op. (Mo. April 29, 2003).
Supreme Court overturns Kansas City man’s
conviction. (2003, April 29). Kansas City Star. Retrieved April 3, 2006, from http://www.truthinjustice.org/amrine.htm
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